?• J-DKAK
THE HISTORY
CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE
HORACE HART. PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
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As it was placed in Hegges time, together ivith a specimen of Heggc's writing
From MS. 40 in the C. C, C. Library
OF
CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE
LISTS OF ITS MEMBERS
BY
THOMAS FOWLER, D.D., LL.D., F.S.A.
PRESIDENT OF THE COLLEGE
PRINTED FOR THE OXFORD HISTORICAL SOCIETY
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1893-
LIBRARY -'
MAR 1 3 1967
IN PIOUS MEMORY
OF
RICHARD FOXE
THE MUNIFICENT FOUNDER
OF
CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE
\Issued with vol. xxxi'.\
THE HISTORY
OF
CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE
BY THE PRESIDENT.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
P. 9, 1. 2 from bottom of page ; note to word ' generally '.
Moreover, as my friend Mr. E. Peacock says in a letter to me :
" A man in the high position of Foxe would assuredly only hear the
confessions of the great men about court, and there is abundant
evidence to prove that they had their own chaplains who acted as
their private confessors."
p. 20, 1. ii ; note to words " Perpetual Administrator ".
That Wolsey was never actually Bishop of Winchester is plain from
' Letters and Papers of Henry VIII ' (Rolls' Publications), Vol. IV,
Pt. 3, p. 2389, No. 5429, where, in a letter to Gardiner and others,
he " marvels that the bulls are only as in perpetuam administrationem,
and not in perpetuum titulum, as he has those of Durham," and wishes •* .
to know the cause; and again from p. 2390, No. 5432, where the writ
for the restoration of the temporalities is made out for Wolsey as^/
" perpetual administrator of that see."
p. 21, 1. 9. For 'the historian', substitute 'probably the father of the ^>#
historian'. ,/ ^ r-
p. 26, 1. 19. For 'chantrey ' substitute ' chantry '.
p. 35, 1. 3. For 1686 substitute 1586.
p. 35, 1. 24 ; note to words ' a lawyer' :
For further particulars of Pate, see Rudder's Hist, of Gloucester-
shire, p. i i 8.
ii THE HISTORY OF CORPUS CHRIST I COLLEGE.
p. 45, 1. 3. For 1504 substitute 1506. See correction of p. 79, &c.
p. 67, 1. 17; note to words ' St. John the Baptist ' :
See ' Evidences ' in the College Archives, Vol. I, pp. 50-52.
pp. 79-82. By way of explanation and justification of the numerous
corrections on these pages, I ought to state that, when they were being
written, I relied on the authority of Schepreve, Wood, and Fulman,
which was so accordant, and appeared to be so circumstantial, that it
did not occur to me (as, perhaps, it ought to have done) to examine,
for myself, the Magdalen Registers and Account Books. But, shortly
after my book appeared, I was informed by the Rev. W. D. Macray
(who has since commenced the publication of a Register of the
Members of Magdalen) that the dates of Claymond's birth and of his
admission to the Presidency did not correspond with those to be
gathered from the documentary evidence at Magdalen.
To begin with the inferred date of his birth. In the Ledger or
Register (on a rough fly-leaf at the end of Reg. A. fol. p6b) there is a list
of admissions, headed 'Anno Domini 1484. In Vigilia Sancti Jacobi '
(i.e. July 24), and, amongst them, occurs "Claymond xvi annorum
in festo Michaelis prox." (Not necessarily the exact birth-day. The
age was often reckoned from some great Church Festival occurring
about the time of the actual birth-day.) This entry determines the
birth-year as 1468. Wood and Fulman must both have been misled
by a couplet in Schepreve' s Epicedion :
"Viderat hie noster Claymundus lustra bis octo,
Quando suum tristis Parca resolvit opus."
Fulman writes in the margin of his MS. copy of the Epicedion,
" aetat. 80," thus converting what appear to be the very " round "
numbers of Schepreve into a definite statement. If, as there can
hardly be any doubt, the Magdalen entry is correct, Schepreve must
either have been ignorant of Claymond's real age, or have indulged
himself in an extraordinary stretch of poetical license. Unfortunately,
the inscription on the brass in the chapel affords no evidence, and
(see Wood's Colleges and Halls, sub C. C. C.) never seems to have
done, on Claymond's age at his death or the date of his birth.
Next, as to the date of Claymond's admission or election to the
Presidency of Magdalen. Both Wood and Fulman give the year
1504, the date of his predecessor Mayew's promotion to the See of
Hereford, but an inspection of the ' Computus ' for the financial year
1506-7 makes it plain that Mayew vacated the Presidency at the end
of 1506, having held it, up to that time, in conjunction with his
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. Hi
Bishopric, and that Claymond was admitted, or at least began to enjoy
the revenues, about the ioth of May, 1507. The entries in the
' Computus ' run as follows :
Porcio domini Presidentis.
Sol. d. Episcopo Harford pro porcione Presidentis primo termino
VK (the annual stipend of the President being £20).
Sol. d. Presid. (i. e. Claymond) pro porcione sua tercio termino
XLVi8 * * quarto termino VM.
It thus appears that the Presidency was vacant about one and
a half terms, i. e. quarters. At this time, the expression ' terms ' was
used, for financial purposes, as the equivalent of ' quarters/ and the
' Computi ' began with the Michaelmas Quarter, which counted as the
first quarter of the Financial Year.
In consequence of the fresh evidence here adduced, the following
corrections should be made in the text of my History :
p. 79, 1. 9. For 1483? substitute 1484.
1. 10. For 1504 substitute 1507.
For 'about 1457' substitute 'in 1468'.
1. ii. For 'nine years' substitute 'nineteen or twenty
years '.
1. 5 from bottom of page to bottom of page. Erase the
words from ' In Dr. BloxamY to ' re-elected.'
p. 8O, 11. 2-4. For the words ' if Foxe ' to ' school-boy ' substitute
the words ' Foxe may have made Claymond' s acquaintance on some
visit to Oxford.'
p. 82, 1. 24. For 'at the good old age of 80' substitute 'in his 7oth
year '.
Quitting this subject, I revert to other corrections or additions.
p. 81, 1. 2. To ' new learning' append the following foot-note :
1 From a letter of Linacre to Claymond (while the latter was still
President of Magdalen), it may be inferred that, though a patron of
the Greek learning, Claymond himself was, at least at that time, only
acquainted with the elements of the language. This letter is copied
twice in the Fulman MSS., sc. in Vol. VII, fol. 37, and Vol. IX, fol.
64, 65.
p. 1O8, note, 5th line from bottom. For 'conantur' substitute
' conatur '.
iv THE HISTORY OF CORPUS CHRIST I COLLEGE.
p. 114, note, 3rd line from bottom. For ' composed of ' substitute
1 containing '.
p. 160, last line. For ' but ' substitute ' as '.
p. 162, 1. 3 from bottom. For ' Then ' substitute ' There '.
p. 180, 1. 30. To word ' Martha ' append foot-note :
1 There is a note on Anyan in Wood's Life and Times (Ed. Clark),
Vol. I, p. 154, which I have not thought it necessary to notice in the
text. The word ' wencher,' as applied to Dr. Spencer, probably does
not mean more than that he had married a wife.
p. 181, 1. 10 from bottom. For 1517 substitute i6if.
p. 182, 1. 3. Insert comma after 'nos'.
1. 27. For ' was ' substitute ' had been '.
p. 220, 11. 27, 28. For 'is or was a stone over' substitute 'still exists
a stone covered with a brass over '.
1. 29. To 'rhyme' append the following foot-note:
I The brass is to be found at the foot of a pillar in the Chancel,
on which is painted a fresco of St. Blaise.
p. 237, 11. ii, 1 6. For N substitute M.
p. 245, 1. 13. For arupict. substitute acupict.
1. 34. To the words ' sectam etc.' append the following
foot-note :
I 1 have discovered, through the good offices of Sir F. Pollock, that,
in the Record Office, there is an unofficial document (( Coram Rege '
Roll, No. 1887, rot. 1109), agreeing almost word for word with the
above statement, but containing a good deal of additional matter
of a technical kind. Unfortunately, the judgment is not entered.
p. 249, 1. 4 from bottom. For 3rd substitute 4th.
p. 266, 1. 7. Erase '? pile or'. The word is 'piece.'
p. 271, 1. 29. After 'Hebrese' insert 'Edward Young, author of
the "Night Thoughts," subsequently Fellow of All Souls, whose
name occurs amongst the Gentlemen Commoners in 1704 (cp.
p. 440) ' ;
p. 271, n. 2, last line. After the word 'Fellowship' insert
'Theophilus Leigh was grand uncle of Jane Austen, the novelist,
who was also second cousin of George Leigh Cooke, noticed subse-
quently. See an article by Mr. Arthur Sidgwick in the Pelican
Record for March, 1895. Theophilus Leigh had a great and
apparently just reputation as a wit. See the Memoir of Miss Austen
by her nephew, the Rev. J. E. Austen Leigh, Ch. I.'
p. 284, 1. 8. After 'which' insert 'office'.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. v
p. 298, 1. 14. To the word 'Degrees' append foot-note:
1 Dr. W. Ogle informs me that, in 1849, he read an old school-
boy exercise on Livy as a dissertation for his B.A. Degree.
p. 303. To name of George Leigh Cooke, append note :
In the Memoir of Jane Austen by her nephew, the Rev. J. E. Austen
Leigh (already referred to in an added note to p. 271; see above),
there is an amusing and characteristic letter, dated April 21, 1805, in
which Miss Austen speaks kindly and favourably of ' cousin George/
then a young M.A. Giving an account of a somewhat stupid party,
she says : " All that bordered on wit or on sense came from cousin
George, whom altogether I like very well." For further notices of
G. L. Cooke, see pp. 306, 322—3.
p. 318, 1. 8. For 10, 1824, substitute 24, 1832, and for 'Cambridge'
substitute ' Cambridgeshire/
1. 17. For 'Divinity' substitute ' Greek'.
p. 381, note i, 1. 20 of note. After the word 'Annals/ insert the
following sentence :
Some confirmation, however, of the statement is afforded by the
fact, noticed in Berthe Vadier's short monograph of Vives (Geneva,
1892), that, during the residence in Oxford of the Princess Mary, to
whom Vives was preceptor, the King and Queen often came from
London to Oxford, to hear him lecture (see p. 36 of the monograph).
The next sentence should commence as a new paragraph : IT It is
possible &c.
p. 403, 1. 24. For 'Stoake {Matric. Book)' substitute (Stoake,
Matric. Book).
p. 4O5, 1. 19. Append note to Franc. Randolph :
1 Principal of St. Alban Hall. Founder of the University (' Ran-
dolph') Galleries.
p. 411, 1. 9. Erase 'Parr.' It has been pointed out to me by
Mr. Finch Smith of Lichfield that the insertion of this name in the
continuation of Hegge's Catalogue is a mistake, due, doubtless, to the
fact that it was borne by Mr. Greswell's father, the Rev. William Parr
Greswell. It does not occur in either of the entries made in the
Register, nor in the Oxford Calendars, nor in Mr. Foster's transcript
of the Matriculation entry.
p. 412. To name of Mr. Perry, on this page and also on p. 317,
append ' Archdeacon of Stow '.
p. 414. To name of Mr. Digby, append ' Subsequently Permanent
Under Secretary of the Home Office '.
vi THE HISTORY OF CORPUS CHRIST I COLLEGE.
p. 415. To name of Sir Charles Pearson, append ' P.C.'
To name of Dr. Sanday, append ' Subsequently Margaret Professor
of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church '.
To name of Mr. Hanbury, append ' Financial Secretary to the
Treasury; P.C.'
p. 416. To name of Mr. Gibson, append ' Subsequently Coadjutor
Bishop of Cape-Town '.
To name of Mr. Wm. Peterson, append ' Subsequently Principal of
the University of Me Gill College, Montreal '.
p. 417. To name of Mr. Cookson, append 'Fellow of Mag-
dalen'.
p. 420. To name of Mr. Robertson, append ' Q.C.'
p. 421. To name of Mr. Arthur Sidgwick, append 'University
Reader in Greek'.
p. 431, 1. 2. To Jeremiah Smith, append note:
2 High Master of Manchester Grammar School.
p. 433. Under 1889, in Mr. Johnston's name insert ' William ' after
'Selby'.
p. 436. Under name of Tho. Bond, affix 6to 1596 (i5966).
p. 440. To ' Young ' append the following note :
This must have been Edward Young, author of the ' Night
Thoughts.' See Johnson's Lives of the Poets. He was previously
a Gentleman Commoner of New College, and afterwards Fellow of
All Souls.
At end of the entry '1714. Jac. Oglethorpe' &c., add (pp. 275-6).
p. 443. Under 1802, there should be no gap between 'Henry' and
'Drummond'.
Under 1824, for 'Edwd. Simpson' substitute 'Valentine
Bennett Simpson', and transfer note 15 to 'Edwd. Simpson' on next
page, substituting for ' Cambridge ' ' Cambridgeshire '.
Under 1826, for 'Rob. Blagdon Hole' substitute 'Rob.
Blagden Hale ', and append note : M.P. for West Gloucestershire.
p. 444. Under 1832, append to 'Edwd. Simpson' the following
note : Assumed name of Hicks. M.P. for Cambridgeshire.
p. 445. In names of Mr. Welby, 1852, substitute Earle for Erie.
To name of Mr. Coxhead, 1855, prefix t
p. 446. To name of Mr. C. P. Scott, 1865, append ' M.P. for Leigh
Division of Lancashire '.
p. 448. In name of Mr. Buckland, 1877, for Hen. substitute
Harvey.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. vii
p. 451. Between the names of Robert Pursglove and Nicholas
Wadham insert the following entry :
William Hugh, author of ' The Troubled Man's Medicine ' and
other religious works, is said by A. Wood (Fasti) to have taken his
B.A. Degree from Corpus in April, 1539, and his M.A. on June 6,
J543; also (Ath. Ox. ed. Bliss, Vol. I, p. 182) to have died in Corpus
in 1549. See also Diet. Nat. Biog. sub nomine. — But cp. the doubtful
entry ('perhaps of Corpus') in Reg. Univ. Ox. (Oxf. Hist. Soc.), Vol.
I, p. 196. Possibly there has been the common confusion between
C. C. C. and Ch. Ch.
p. 453. To name of George Hughes, 1620, append the following
note:
One of the first Fellows of Pembroke College ; afterwards Vicar
of St. Andrew's, Plymouth, and a noted Presbyterian divine. See A.
Wood, Ath. Ox.
p. 460. In the list of ' Famuli Prsesidis ', transpose
Hen. Pilgrime, 159!, and Hen. Keepe, 1592.
Also re-arrange Stevens, Dewhurst, Wood, Cubb, and Bodyn in
the following order :
Hen. Cubb
Ed. Stevens
Joh. Dewhurst
Gul. Bodyn
Joh. Wood.
p. 463. Under Acts and Proceedings insert the following re-
ferences: 315-7, 319-26,
Under Bachelor Scholars, for 321-2 substitute 322.
p. 466. Under Coleraine, Lord, his death, substitute 272 for 302.
Under Cooke, John, add:
— his death, 302.
p. 467. Under Dudley, First Earl of, insert 305.
Under Early hours &c., for 41 substitute 40-1.
p. 482. Under Vives, Ludovicus, substitute for the references, there
given, the following: 58, 71, 87-8, 381.
Under — his bees, substitute for the references, there given,
the following: 71, 85, 370-1, 381.
viii THE HISTORY OF CORPUS CHRIST! COLLEGE.
FELLOWS ADMITTED SINCE THE PUBLICATION
OF THE HISTORY.
1893. Dec. 22. Robinson Ellis, M.A., Fellow of Trinity College,
Oxford, and University Reader in Latin, elected to the
Corpus Christi Professorship of Latin, vacated on July 10
by the death of Professor Nettleship. Professor Ellis was
admitted Fellow on the same day.
1894. Oct. 12. Leonard Trelawney Hobhouse, M.A., late
Fellow of Merton College, and formerly Scholar of C.C.C.
Admitted to an Official Fellowship in virtue of his appoint-
ment to an Assistant Tutorship.
HONORARY FELLOWS ADMITTED SINCE THE
PUBLICATION OF THE HISTORY.
1894. Nov. 3. Philip Lutley Sclater, M.A., F.R.S., Secretary of
the Zoological Society. Formerly Fellow. *
Frederick William Walker, M.A., High Master of
St. Paul's School. Formerly Fellow.
Rev. Edward Lee Hicks, M.A., Canon Residentiary
of Manchester. Formerly Fellow.
Robert Seymour Bridges, M.A., B.M. Formerly
Commoner.
C. C. C.
Sept. 25, 1895.
SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE.
p. 382, note 2, add: f . But, in a letter to the Times of Dec. 7,
1895, by Miss Mary F. S. Hervey, it seems to be proved that the
two figures in Holbein's picture are those of Jean de Dinteville.
Seigneur de Polisy, and George de Selve, Bishop of Lavaure. Mr.
Sidney Colvin, writing in the Times of Dec. 10 following, accepts,
without hesitation, Miss Hervey's proofs.
C. C. C.
Mar. 23, 1896.
PREFACE.
THROUGH the kindly and tolerant consideration of the
Oxford Historical Society, I am enabled to publish the
History of my College in as much detail as I could wish.
Soon after my election to the Presidency, I found that the
elaborate Statutes of the Founder, and some of the Manu-
script Books which were in my custody, possessed a singular
interest as illustrative of the domestic life of the Oxford
Colleges, as well as of the habits, sentiments, and usages of
their inmates, at different periods of academical history. But
it was not till I discovered much additional material, some
of it lying neglected in different parts of the College, in the
shape of account-books, orders, letters, appeals to and decrees
of Visitors, &c., that I formed the idea of putting together
such information as I could collect from all sources, printed
or manuscript, in the form of a continuous history. In
executing this task, I have endeavoured to give as faithful
a portraiture as has been in my power of the periods through
which I have passed, without, at least any conscious, exagge-
ration or extenuation. As in the case of all other institutions,
1 presume, which have existed for nearly four centuries, there
have been dark as well as bright spots in the history of the
College, and it would be to practise a fraud on the reader as
well as to defeat the object of a work such as this, were I to
attempt to glose over the charges or events which have come
to my knowledge. Hence, with the exception of here and
there softening a coarse expression, I have reproduced faith-
fully the language or the substance of the documents which
record or suggest these less gratifying incidents of College life.
viii PREFACE.
The social and domestic history of Corpus is probably
representative of that of many other Colleges, and it is
mainly the wealth of the materials, especially of those col-
lected by the careful antiquary, William Fulman, which has
probably induced the Committee of the Historical Society to
allow me so much space for producing what I may perhaps
call a typical example of College history. Should it resolve
to continue, at intervals, the series begun by the Warden of
Merton and myself, it will probably not be necessary that
the work should be executed on so extensive a scale as in
the pioneer volumes.
I may observe that the relation of my article in the volume
on ' The Colleges of Oxford,' edited by Mr. Andrew Clark
and published by Messrs. Methuen & Co., to the present
work is that of a short sketch of the more striking features
and events in the life of the College to a detailed and con-
tinuous history. The former was written for the general
public ; the latter is intended for the perusal of those who
take a special interest in academical history, or in the social
characteristics of the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth
centuries, or, more specifically, in the story of bygone days
in their own University or their own College.
I have now only to acknowledge my obligations to the
various authorities, whose printed or written works I have
laid under contribution, and the personal friends from whom
I have obtained information or assistance. These are, in the
first place, due to William Fulman (for an account of whom
see pp. 196-9 of this work); for, had it not been for the
stimulus of his example and the abundance of his collections,
so legibly and methodically written out, this book would
probably never have been undertaken. Fulman, though un-
doubtedly he entered into other men's labours, and specially
into those of Brian Twyne, himself also a Corpus man, was
the most accurate, and perhaps, saving Wood, the most in-
defatigable of Oxford antiquaries. Wood himself, of course,
I have abundantly consulted, but, though it may appear
ungrateful in one who has made so much use of his labours,
it is necessary to point out that he is by no means always
PREFACE. ix
a safe authority. He is often exceedingly careless in his
quotations from or references to other works, he relied too
much on his own vague recollections of chance gossip, and
he had the inveterate habit of embodying in his own writings,
without any or with very scant acknowledgment, long pas-
sages from other writers, thus lending the authority of his
own name to statements which really depended entirely on
the testimony of persons whose names were concealed from
the reader. Instances of what I mean are referred to on
pp. 101-2, 168, 173, 435 of this work. Hearne's MSS., for
the period which they cover, have been carefully examined.
There are, of course, many other writers of whose works I have
made use, but I hope that, in each case, I have rendered due
acknowledgment either in the Text or the Notes. Two, how-
ever, of my authorities demand specific mention in this place.
One is Mr. Joseph Foster, of whose Alumni Oxonienses I
have made free use throughout my work, and especially in
my annotations on the Lists at the end. This most laborious,
extensive, and, considering the space over which it travels,
surprisingly full and accurate collection of names will, hence-
forth, be absolutely indispensable to the student of academic
history1. The other is Mr. Chisholm Batten, whose Life
of Bishop Foxe, prefixed to his episcopal Register at Wells,
passed through the press simultaneously with my article on
Foxe in the Dictionary of National Biography. Though we
had exchanged information on certain points, the two lives
1 I may here notice that, had it not been for the facilities of reference afforded
by Mr. Foster's volumes, it would have been necessary for me to enter into much
greater detail than I have done with regard to the entries in the Lists. Thus,
I have generally omitted the age, the condition, and the parent's residence (which,
as distinguished from the birth-place, is what usually occurs in the Matriculation
Registers), but all these particulars, with additional information, can easily be
obtained from Mr. Foster's works.
It may be convenient here to state that the names of two of the early Fellows,
Robert Greenwent and John Fox, of some of the early Chaplains and Clerks, and
of several of the early Commoners (the last designated in my list by the letters n. i.)
do not occur in Mr. Foster's volumes. This omission is doubtless due to the fact
that he had not the opportunity of consulting the College documents in which
these names appear. The Choristers, during the early years of the College, do not
seem to have been members of the University, and would, therefore, have no right
to a place in his lists.
x PREFACE.
were perfectly independent of one another, and neither had
been seen by the author of the other. But, in re- writing
my biography of Foxe for the present work, there were
several minor details of the Bishop's life, noticed by Mr.
Batten, with which I was able to supplement the information
which I had myself collected, so that I trust everything of
any importance known about our Founder is now contained
in my first chapter. In our general views on the character,
career, and conduct of Foxe, on his relations with Wolsey,
and on all the more material facts of his life, I am
glad to find that Mr. Batten and myself are in perfect
accord.
Coming to the assistance and information which I have
derived from personal friends, I must, first of all, thank the
Fellows of my own College for their full permission to
publish, according to my own discretion, any extracts, which
might appear to me to be serviceable, from the College docu-
ments. Without this permission, it is plain that the work
could not have been carried out. My thanks, in the second
instance, are due to Mr. Falconer Madan, Sub-Librarian
of the Bodleian Library and a member of the Committee
of the Oxford Historical Society, who has revised my proofs,
patiently answered many tiresome questions, and made nu-
merous suggestions, of the most useful character, during the
progress of the work. I must also express my obligations
to many other friends and acquaintances, amongst whom are
the Rev. Andrew Clark, Fellow of Lincoln, who, besides other
services, most kindly placed at my disposal the proofs of his
volumes on Wood's Life and Times, as they were struck off
at the Press; the Rev. C. W. Boase, Fellow of Exeter, and
my cousin, the Rev. J. T. Fowler, Vice-Principal of Hatfield
Hall, Durham, both of whom, besides other good offices,
assisted me, in the earlier stages of my labours, in deciphering
old writing ; the Rev. W. D. Macray, Fellow of Magdalen,
the Rev. R. G. Livingstone, Fellow of Pembroke, Mr. C. H.
Firth and Mr. R. L. Poole, both of Balliol, the Warden and
Mr. R. B. Gardiner of Wadham College, Mr. T. W. Jackson,
Fellow of Worcester, the Rev. A. C. Radcliffe, late Rector of
PREFACE. xi
Stoke Charity, the Rev. E. J. Heriz Smith, Fellow of Pem-
broke College, Cambridge, Mr. J. T. Micklethwaite, F.S.A.,
Mr. George Parker, of the Bodleian Library, and Mr. F.
Adams, Reader for the Press at Messrs. Spottiswoode's, who
all, in various ways, either by drawing attention to particular
books or manuscripts, or by answering questions connected
with their own studies, have given me valuable assistance.
Nor ought I to omit to express my gratitude to the Bishop of
Winchester, who has given me permission to publish, to Mr.
Charles Wooldridge, Registrar of the Diocese of Winchester,
who afforded me access to, and to my old friend, the Dean,
who assisted me to decipher, the curious Manuscript, contained
in Bishop Home's Register, which gives so interesting an
account of the Visitation of Corpus in 1566. To Dr. Kitchin
I am indebted also for many answers, always cheerfully
given, to questions on the memorials of Bishop Foxe at
Winchester.
T. FOWLER,
c. c. c.,
NffV. 22, 1892.
It may here be mentioned that the College Registers of
Admissions of Fellows and Scholars, from which Hegge's
Catalogue, with its continuations, is abridged (though they do
not contain the earliest admissions of all), are complete from
the admission of John Widall on July 4, 1517, down to our
own time, with the exception of a period of ten years during
the present century. The names, dates, and other particulars
during this period have been recovered by myself. The
Registers also contain some, but by no means all, of the
admissions of Chaplains, Clerks, Choristers, and Famuli Col-
legii, down to 1660. Others have been recovered from the
Index in vol. xi of the Fulman MSS., the extant Buttery
Books (which begin with that for 1648-9), and various other
sources, as has also been the case with the names of Ex-
hibitioners, Gentlemen -Commoners, and Commoners. The
xii PREFACE.
names of several members of the College, not known to have
been included under any of these classes, have been supplied
from the University Matriculation Books, and a few from
other sources. See pp. 451-6.
As it is a necessary incident of an undertaking like the
present that the knowledge of the writer should be extended,
and his views of certain points undergo some modification, in
the course of the work, the reader, who takes an interest in
any special question of historical or antiquarian research, is
requested to consult all the passages bearing upon it which
are referred to in the Index. Thus, as it was only as the
work progressed that I became convinced that the College,
during a considerable period, received a class of students
not recognised in the Statutes, and corresponding either
with ordinary Commoners, or, more probably, with Battelers,
this fact is not distinctly stated till I arrive at the later pages
of my Book.
The Index, though it includes a large number of names of
persons, does not attempt to give a complete list of all those
which occur in the book, but only of those to which some
special interest attaches. The Lists of names, in the body
of the work, are themselves so short, that it is hoped that
any one, in search of a name, and acquainted with the
approximate date, will easily be able to discover it for him-
self; while Mr. Foster's two series of Alumni Oxonienses
supply, in alphabetical order, nearly every name (with the
exceptions noted on p. ix) which occurs in the College
books.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
RICHARD FOXE, THE FOUNDER ; HUGH OLDHAM, WILLIAM FROST,
AND OTHER BENEFACTORS I
CHAPTER II.
THE STATUTES AND THE ORIGINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE COLLEGE . 37
CHAPTER III.
SITE AND BUILDINGS OF THE COLLEGE (INCLUDING SOME ACCOUNT OF
THE FOUNDER'S EARLIER DESIGN FOR A MONASTIC COLLEGE) . 60
CHAPTER IV.
THE FIRST THREE PRESIDENCIES 79
CHAPTER V.
THE ELIZABETHAN ERA 106
CHAPTER VI.
THE END OF THE ELIZABETHAN AND THE EARI.IF.R STUART PERIOD . 157
CHAPTER VII.
THE PARLIAMENTARY VISITATION AND THE PERIOD OF THE COMMON-
WEALTH
CHAPTER VIII.
THE RESTORATION AND THE PERIOD OF THE LATER STUARTS . . 233
CHAPTER IX.
THE REVOLUTION AND THE PERIOD OF WILLIAM THE THIRD AND
ANNE 261
CHAPTER X.
THE GEORGIAN PERIOD 377
CHAPTER XI.
RECENT HISTORY OK THE COLLEGE 3'4
xiv CONTENTS.
PAGE
APPENDIX A.
ON FINES AND OTHER SOURCES OF REVENUE 331
APPENDIX B.
EXTRACTS FROM THE CHAPEL ACCOUNTS DURING THE TIMES OF
RELIGIOUS CHANGES 355
APPENDIX C.
EXTRACTS FROM THE 'REGISTERS OF PUNISHMENTS' .... 359
APPENDIX D.
LISTS OF GREEK AND LATIN READERS AND MEDICINE DEPUTATI . 369
APPENDIX E.
'A WICKED ITALIAN BOKE ' 373
LISTS.
PRESIDENTS 379
FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS ELECTED DOWN TO 1855 380
SCHOLARS ELECTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE STATUTES OF 1855 . 414
SCHOLARS ELECTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE STATUTES OF 1882 . 417
FELLOWS, PROFESSOR-FELLOWS, PROFESSORS, OR HONORARY FELLOWS,
ADMITTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE STATUTES OF 1855 • • 42°
FELLOWS OR HONORARY FELLOWS ADMITTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH
THE STATUTES OF 1882 421
BURSARS, NOT BEING FELLOWS- OF THE COLLEGE 422
CHAPLAINS 423
CLERKS 426
CHORISTERS 429
EXHIBITIONERS 431
EARLY COMMONERS OR 'GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS' .... 434
COMMONERS ADMITTED FROM 1851 (INCLUDING M.A.'s INCORPORATED) 445
STUDENTS NOT ALREADY NOTICED, BUT KNOWN TO HAVE BELONGED
TO C. C.C 451
THE FAMULI COLLEGII 457
NAMES IN THE INDEX TO FULMAN, VOL. xi, HAVING NO SPECIFIC
DESIGNATION 462
INDEX 463
ILLUSTRATIONS AND PLANS.
TURNBULL'S DIAL IN THE QUADRANGLE, AS IT WAS PLACED IN
HEGGE'S TIME (SEE p. 183) Frontispiece.
PLAN OF THE ORIGINAL SITE OF THE COLLEGE . . . . /. 69.
KRATZER'S DIAL IN THE GARDEN, AS IT WAS PLACED IN HEGGE'S
TIME To face p. 85.
LOGGAN'S PLAN OF THE COLLEGE BUILDINGS, AS THEY EXISTED IN
1675, ON A REDUCED SCALE At end of Volume .
HISTORY OF CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE.
CHAPTER I.
RICHARD FOXE, THE FOUNDER; HUGH OLDHAM,
WILLIAM FROST, AND OTHER BENEFACTORS.
THE Founder, Richard Fox or Foxe, as the name is
variously spelt, was born at Ropesley, a small village near
Grantham in Lincolnshire, in 1447 or I44^- In his ex-
amination touching the marriage of Henry VIII and Queen
Catherine by Dr. Wolman on April 5 and 6, 1537, he speaks
of himself as seventy-nine years old. The house in which he
was born (now the Peacock Inn), part of which is still stand-
ing, including the room pointed out as the place of his
birth, seems to have been known as Pullock's or Bullock's
Manor1. His parents, Thomas and Helena Foxe, probably
belonged to the class of respectable yeomen or smaller
gentry (classes which in Lincolnshire then as now passed
into each other), for, though it became afterwards common
to speak of his mean extraction, his earliest biographer,
Thomas Greneway (president of Corpus Christi College,
1562-8), describes him as 'honesto apud suos loco natus2.'
1 In order not to over-crowd the early pages of this biography with foot-notes,
I have appended a Note on the history of Pullock's Manor, so far as it can now be
recovered, at the end of the Life of Foxe. See pp. 27-29.
2 'Thomas Fox,' says Mr. Chisholm Batten (Life of Foxe), 'was a person of
position above a yeoman, though perhaps not entitled to wear coat armour.' The
usage of the word ' yeoman ' probably differs, or differed, in different parts of
England. When I was a boy, a person farming a small estate, of his own, worth
not more than £ 300 or ^400 a year, would generally, in Lincolnshire, have been
called a 'yeoman.' ' Thomas Fox's only sister, Elizabeth Fox,' Mr. Batten proceeds
to say, ' married John Bronneswell, and from this marriage many illustrious families
B
2 RICHARD FOXE.
According to Wood1, he was 'trained up in grammar in
Boston, till such time that he might prove capable of the
university.' ' He may have been,' says Mr. Batten, ' at a
grammar school at Boston, but the Corpus Christi guild there,
of which he became a member in 1492 whilst Bishop of Bath
and Wells (Harl. MSS., 4795), had no school attached to it, and
in the same year other courtiers were admitted to membership.'
According to another account (referred to, but without stating
the authority, in Ingram's Memorials of Oxford, C. C.C. p. 2),
he received his school education at Winchester, but there is no
early or documentary evidence of either statement. From
Greneway2 onwards, his biographers agree that he was a
student of Magdalen College, Oxford, though the careful anti-
quary Fulman (1632-1688) adds ' most probably ' 3 ; but the
explicit statement of Greneway, writing in 1566, appears
to derive striking confirmation from the large number of
Magdalen men who were imported by Foxe into his new
College of Corpus Christi. From Oxford he is said by Wood
to have been driven by the plague to Cambridge, with which
are descended.' And again, ' John Fox described as of Ropesley, and who probably
occupied the house where the bishop was born, received from Sir Christopher
Barker, Garter (28 Henry VIII, i.e. circa 1536), a grant of arms, in which the
pelican is introduced amongst the charges on a chief, but the charges on the field
are lions' heads.' In the Wood MSS, in the Bodleian Library, D n (i) pp. 93, 4,
there is a Pedigree evidently intended to connect Foxe with the Lincolnshire family
of Rouse. From 'the collections of Rob. Sanderson DD, Bp. of Lync, which
he collected out of certaine charters in the custody of Newton of Haydor Arm,
p. 345,' it appears that Nich. Roys of Grantham had a son John Roys, who mar-
ried a wife Juliana, by whom he had a son John Roys of Grantham (17 Ed. 3), who
had a daughter Juliana, married to one Fox (10 H. 4), having issue George Fox
of Roppesley (10 H. 4), who married a wife Rosa (10 H. 4). The pedigree is not
carried beyond this point.
1 Hist, and Antiq. of Colleges and Halls, sub C.C.C. The present Grammar
School at Boston was endowed by Queen Mary in 1554. But there appears to
have been an earlier grammar-school founded, in 1510, by the Guild of the Blessed
Mary. See History of the County of Lincoln, published at London and Lincoln
by John Saunders, Junr., 1834. Of course, there may have been a grammar-school
prior to this, or a school or schools attached to one or more of the religious houses.
But of such we have no record.
• 2 There are several copies, with slight variations, of Greneway's Life of Foxe in
the Corpus Library. See MS. 280. There is no documentary evidence at Magdalen
of Foxe ever having been a student there. "
3 Fulman MSS. in the C.C.C. Library, vol. ix. fol. 9b.
EARLY YEARS. 3
University he was subsequently connected as Chancellor, and,
at a still later period, as Master of Pembroke. He did not,
however, remain long in either of the English seats of learning.
' Long continuance in those places,' says William Harrison in
his Description of England (and ed., 1586), 'is either a sign
of lack of friends or of learning, or of good and upright life, as
bishop Fox sometimes noted, who thought it sacrilege for a
man to tarry any longer at Oxford than he had a desire to
profit.'
Impelled mainly, perhaps, by the love of learning ({ litera-
rum desiderio incensus,' according to Greneway), which,
owing to the respective political conditions of the two countries,
it was then far easier to gratify in France than in England, and
partly, perhaps, by the desire of adventure and advancement,
Foxe repaired to Paris, at that time a great centre of attrac-
tion to the curious and studious from all parts of Europe.
Here it was, in all probability, and not at either Oxford or
Cambridge (at neither of which Universities is there extant
any official record whatever of his admission or graduation),
that he took the degree of Bachelor, and subsequently of
Doctor of the Decrees or Canon Law.
* During his abode at Paris' (I am here following Fulman1),
' it happened that Henry, Earl of Richmond, the remaining
Head of the House of Lancaster, having, by the encourage-
ment and endeavours of his friends in England, entertained
some hopes of regaining the crown into his family, came with
the French King, Charles the Eighth, to Paris, soliciting his
assistance in his enterprise upon the English crown. Here
many English, both of such as daily fled out of their country
and such as were then students in that University, addressed
themselves to the Earl. Amongst which was Richard Foxe,
then a priest and Doctor of the Canon Law, whom the Earl
finding to be a man of good abilities and aptitude for the
managing of public business, took him into special favour and
familiarity, and presently employed him in matters of no mean
concernment. For the Earl's affairs were then in such a state
as required not only diligence but speed, lest any delay should
1 MSS. in C. C. C. Library, vol. ix. fol. 9 b.
B 2,
4 RICHARD FOXE.
discourage those that attended him in France or expected him
in England, so that he was forced to leave Paris, where things
went on but slowly, by reason of the many rulers in the King's
minority, and depart to Rouen, to hasten the preparations for
his voyage : whereupon he made choice of Doctor Foxe to
stay behind and pursue his negotiations in the French Court,
which he performed with such dexterity and success as gave
great satisfaction to the Earl.'
The first definite notice we have of Foxe, in any original
document, is in a letter of Richard III, dated 22 Jan. 1484-5
(preserved in Stow's London and Westminster, sub Step-
ney1), in which the king intervenes to prevent his institution
to the vicarage of Stepney, on the ground that he is with the
' great rebel, Henry ap Tuddor.' The king's nominee, how-
ever, was never instituted, and Foxe (who is described in the
Bishop's register as L. B.) had, in fact, without the king's
knowledge, been already instituted by proxy, on Oct. 30, 1484.
A story is told of Foxe 2, which, though probably perverted
or exaggerated by transmission, is eminently characteristic of
the ambition of the young ecclesiastics of the time : ' A very
old woman there (i. e. at Ropesley) told us that she had
heard it when she was young, that Richard Foxe went away
very meanely from his parents into France when he was young,
and, after some time spent there, returned to his parents
againe in very good sort ; and, when they would have had
him stay with them, he refused, saying he must over sea
again, and, if one thing hit out aright, all Ropesley should not
serve him for his Kitchen.' Mr. Chisholm Batten3 thinks
that this story may be referred to the spring or summer of
1484, when Foxe may have come over from France to Eng-
1 I was originally, in writing my article on Foxe in the Dictionary of National
Biography, indebted to a personal communication from Mr. Chisholm Batten for
my knowledge of these facts. His work, subsequently published, has enabled me
to correct the date and to state more accurately the circumstances mentioned in the
next sentence.
2 The original story (which I have given in the text) is told in Twine's Collec-
tanea, C. C. C. MSS., No. 280, f. 194 b. It is copied by Fulman, almost exactly, in
the Fulman MSS., vol. 9. fol. 26 a, and by Wood, Colleges and Halls, pp. 352, 3,
with some variations.
3 Life of Fox, p. 6.
EPISCOPAL PROMOTIONS. 5
land, previously to being presented to the vicarage of Stepney,
and that the ' one thing ' may have been the renewed invasion
of England by Richmond.
Mr. Batten also supposes that Foxe acted as Secretary to
Richmond from January, 1485, while they were still in France.
He was by Richmond's side when they landed at Milford Haven,
and while the Earl, beginning the Psalm, ' Judica me Deus et
decerne causam meam,' kissed the ground and signed himself
with the Cross. And, after the great victory of Bosworth
Field (22 Aug. 1485), he was the chief of the ecclesiastics who
lifted up their voices in prayer. Soon after this victory, the
Earl (now Henry VII) constituted a council in which were
included the two friends and fellow-fugitives, Morton, bishop
of Ely, and Richard Foxe, 'vigilant men and secret,' says
Bacon, 'and such as kept watch with him almost upon all
men else.' On Foxe were conferred in rapid succession,
besides various minor posts, the offices of principal secretary
of state (in which, however, he may, perhaps, be said to have
been continued rather than appointed), lord privy seal, and
bishop of Exeter. The temporalities of the see of Exeter
were restored on March 25, 1487, and the consecration took
place in Norwich Cathedral on April 8, following, Morton,
Courtenay, and James officiating1. As Lord Privy Seal, he
could, of course, spare little time for diocesan work, and he
at once appointed a vicar general and a suffragan bishop,
evidently reserving himself for affairs of state. ' In conferring
orders,' says Fulman, ' and such like episcopal administra-
tions, he made use of Thomas [Cornish, afterwards provost
of Oriel and precentor of Wells], titular bishop of Tine, as his
suffragan ; himself, for the most part, as it seems, being
detained by his public employments about the court.' On
28 Nov. of this same year was signed at Edinburgh a treaty2
between Henry VII and James III, which had been nego-
tiated, on the part of England, by Foxe and Sir Richard
Edgcombe, controller of the king's household. This treaty
provided for a truce and also for certain intermarriages, in-
1 Stubbs' Registrum Sacrum.
3 My authority for this, as for any subsequent treaties mentioned, is Rymer's
Fcedera.
6 RICHARD FOXE.
eluding that of the king of Scots to Queen Elizabeth, widow
of Edward IV, but the negotiations were afterwards broken
off, in consequence, it is said, of Henry's unwillingness to
cede Berwick. In the summer of 1491 Foxe was honoured
by being asked to baptise the king's second son, Prince
Henry, afterwards Henry VIII1. Shortly afterwards (by
papal bull dated 8 Feb. 1491-2) he was translated to the
see of Bath and Wells, the episcopal work being, as at Exeter,
delegated to the titular bishop of Tine (i.e. Tenos, a sinecure
bishopric in the yEgean Archipelago), who already combined
the duties of suffragan of this diocese with those of the
diocese of Exeter2. In the treaty of Estaples (3 Nov. 1492),
which terminated the siege of Boulogne and the war recently
commenced with Charles VIII of France, Foxe is mentioned
first of the English ambassadors, Giles, Lord Daubeney, being
second, and others following.
In 1494 (the temporalities were restored on 8 Dec.) Foxe
was translated to Durham, probably not merely for the sake
of advancement, but because his diplomatic talents were likely
to be useful to the king on the Scottish border. In this
diocese he seems to have been resident, and he left a per-
manent memorial of himself in the alterations which he made
in the buttery of the castle. It may be noticed that the
woodwork in these alterations, which bears the date of 1499,
already exhibits Foxe's device of the pelican in her piety, with
his usual motto, ' Est Deo gracia.' In April 1496 Foxe acted
as first commissioner in settling the important treaty called
'Intercursus Magnus' (see Bacon, ' Henry VII') with Philip,
archduke of Austria and Duke of Burgundy, regulating divers
matters concerning commerce, fishing, and the treatment of
rebels, as between England and Flanders. In the summer of
1 In Foxe's examination before \Volman he is reported as having distinctly
stated that he baptised (baptizavit) Prince Henry. This statement is fully con-
firmed by a document in the College of Arms, of which a copy may be found in
the Ashmolean MSS. vol. mcxv. fol. 92. The statement of Harpsfield (Hist. Angl.
Eccl.) and others that Foxe was godfather is founded, probably, on a perverted
tradition of the baptism.
2 Mr. Batten says that Foxe did not appoint Bishop Cornish to act definitely for
him as Suffragan, as he had done at Exeter, but that he received a special com-
mission from Dr. Nykke, the Vicar General, on each occasion.
DIPLOMATIC ENGAGEMENTS. 7
1497, during the troubles connected with Perkin Warbeck,
who was now a fugitive and under the protection of James IV
of Scotland, that king invaded England, and besieged the
castle of Norham. ' But,' says Bacon, ' Foxe, bishop of
Duresme, a wise man, and one that could see through the
present to the future, doubting as much before, had caused
his castle of Norham to be strongly fortified, and furnished
with all kind of munition, and had manned it likewise with
a very great number of tall soldiers more than for the pro-
portion of the castle, reckoning rather upon a sharp assault
than a long siege. And for the country, likewise, he had
caused the people to withdraw their cattle and goods into
fast places, that were not of easy approach; and sent in
post to the Earl of Surrey (who was not far off in York-
shire) to come in diligence to the succour. So as the Scot-
tish king both failed of doing good upon the castle, and
his men had but a catching harvest of their spoils. And
when he understood that the Earl of Surrey was coming
on with great forces, he returned back into Scotland.' This
fruitless siege was followed by certain negotiations with the
king of Scots carried on by Foxe with the assistance of
D'Ayala, the Spanish envoy of Ferdinand and Isabella, who
had been interested by Henry in his affairs. The result was
that, though James refused to surrender Perkin Warbeck to
the king of England, he contrived to facilitate his withdrawal
to Ireland, and in December 1497 a long truce was concluded
between the two kingdoms. In the following year (probably
in November 1498) the peace thus established was in great
danger of being again broken through the rough treatment
which some Scottish stragglers had received at the hands of
the English soldiery quartered at Norham Castle. James was
highly indignant at this outrage, but Foxe being appointed
by Henry to mediate, and obtaining an interview with the
Scottish king at Melrose Abbey, skilfully brought about a
reconciliation. The Scottish king appears to have taken
advantage of the occasion to propose, or rather revive (for as
early as 1495 a commission to treat in this matter had been
issued to Foxe and others), a project for a closer connexion
8 RICHARD FOXE.
between the two kingdoms by means of his own marriage with
the Princess Margaret, eldest daughter of Henry VII. The
offer was readily, if not greedily, accepted by Henry, though,
on Foxe's advice, he determined to move in the matter slowly.
It was not till n Sept. 1499 that the second, and more
effective, commission was issued to Foxe, as sole commissioner,
empowering him to arrange the preliminaries of this marriage
with the Scottish court. The marriage itself, which resulted
in the permanent union of the English and Scottish crowns
under James VI, did not take place till the 8th of August
1503. Another marriage, almost equally important in its
consequences, that between Prince Arthur, the king's eldest
son, and Catherine of Arragon, subsequently the divorced
wife of Henry VIII, had been solemnised on 14 Nov. 1501.
' The manner of her receiving,' says Bacon, 'the manner of her
entry into London, and the celebrity of her marriage, were per-
formed with great and true magnificence, in regard of cost, show,
and order. The chief man that took the care was Bp. Foxe,
who was not only a grave counsellor for war or peace, but
also a good surveyor of works1, and a good master of cere-
monies, and any thing else that was fit for the active part
belonging to the service of court or state of a great king.'
Shortly before this event Foxe had been translated from
Durham to Winchester, the temporalities of which see were
restored to him on 17 Oct. 1501. It is probable that, besides
his desire to reward Foxe still further (for Winchester at that
time was not only the highest in dignity of all the bishoprics,
but is said to have been the richest see in England), the king
was anxious to have him nearer the court, especially as the
differences with Scotland might now seem to have been per-
manently settled. In 1500 Foxe also held the dignity of
chancellor of the university of Cambridge, then an annual
office.
One of the first cares of Bp. Foxe, after his appointment to
Winchester, was probably the construction of the present roof
1 It appears that Foxe was skilled in engineering not only from the above
account of his defence of Norham Castle, but also from a letter of his dated April
30, 1522 (preserved in Ellis' Letters, 2nd Series, vol. ii), in which he speaks of
having improved the haven of Calais by the construction of sluices.
POLITICAL LIFE. 9
of the choir in the Cathedral. Mr. Chisholm Batten and the
present Dean (Dr. Kitchin) are of opinion that the internal
roof was completed and decorated by Foxe before the end of
1502, as, among the coats of arms which are to be found on
the bosses, are those of Arthur, Prince of Wales, and Catherine
of Arragon, and these, they think, would hardly have been
inserted, had not the roof been in substance completed before
Prince Arthur's untimely death. The flying buttresses, which
support the choir roof, and have Foxe's pelican carved on
them, are referred by Mr. Batten to the same period.
It is probably to 1504 that we may refer the story told of
Foxe by Erasmus (Ecclesiastes, bk. ii. ed. Klein, ch. 150 ; cp.
Holinshed, Chronicles), and communicated to him, as he says,
by Sir Thomas More. Foxe had been appointed chief com-
missioner for the purpose of raising a loan from the clergy.
Some came in splendid apparel and pleaded that their ex-
penses left them nothing to spare ; others came meanly clad,
as evidence of their poverty. The bishop retorted on the first
class that their dress showed their ability to pay; on the
second that, if they dressed so meanly, they must be hoarding
money, and therefore have something to spare for the king's
service. A similar story is told of Morton, as having occurred
at an earlier date, by Bacon (Hist. Henry VII), and the
dilemma is usually known as Morton's fork or Morton's crutch.
It is possible that it may be true of both prelates, but the
authority ascribing it to Foxe appears to be the earlier of the
two. It is curious that Bacon speaks only of ' a tradition '
of Morton's dilemma, whereas Erasmus professes to have
heard the story of Foxe directly from Sir Thomas More, while
still a young man, and, therefore, a junior contemporary of
Foxe.
The imputation cast on Morton and Foxe by Tyndale (The
Practice of Prelates, Parker Soc. ed. p. 305), that they revealed
to Henry VII ' the confessions of as many lords as his grace
lusted,' is one which it is now impossible to examine, but it
may be due merely to the ill-natured gossip of the enemies of
these prelates or of the catholic clergy generally. It is equally
impossible, with the materials at our disposal, to estimate the
10 RICHARD FOXE.
justice of the aspersion put in the mouth of Whitford, Foxe's
chaplain, while attempting to dissuade Sir Thomas More from
following the bishop's counsel (Roper, Life of More, ad init),
that ' my lord, to serve the king's turn, will not stick to agree
to his own father's death.'
In the year I5041, Abp. Warham and Bp. Foxe were named
by the Pope, Julius II, as commissioners to continue an
enquiry into the claims of Henry VI to canonization. This
enquiry had been begun many years before, and seems to
have lingered on indefinitely, or, as Bacon puts it, 'died under
the reference.' ' The general opinion was that Pope Julius was
too dear, and that the king would not come to his rates.' But
the more probable account of the matter, Bacon thinks, is
that the Pope, jealous of the reputation of his see, ' was
afraid it would but diminish the estimation of that kind of
honour, if there were not a distance kept between innocents
and saints 2.'
Notwithstanding his immersion in public business (the Dean
of Wells, who had business with him, on behalf of the Wells
Chapter, in 1506, says : ' ye wolde wonder what causes he hath
to do and therefore we must abide his leisure ' 3), he found
time to maintain the discipline of his diocese. According to
extracts made by Mr. Batten4 from Bp. Foxe's Register
at Winchester, he issued directions from Esher on July 6, 1505,
to his archdeacons to visit personally all the churches in their
respective archdeaconries and to insist upon the residence .of
all the parochial clergy; and he had not long before issued
an inhibition that no excommunicated person was to be
allowed to receive the Eucharist.
This, perhaps, is the best place in which to speak of Foxe's
relations to Colleges in Oxford other than that of his own
foundation. While Bishop of Exeter, he obtained a license
in mortmain for a benefaction not exceeding £100 a year,
1 See Mr. Batten's Life of Foxe, pp. 70, 71.
2 Bacon's Life of Henry VII, Ellis and Spedding's Edition of Bacon's Works,
vol. vi, pp. 233, 4.
3 Mr. Batten's Life of Foxe, p. 73.
* Life,' p. 75.
RELATIONS TO OXFORD COLLEGES. II
to the President and Fellows of Magdalen, in return for which
prayers were to be said for him daily, at mass, during his life-
time, and, after his death, a requiem mass and a yearly obit l.
This benefaction affords confirmatory evidence of Foxe's pre-
vious connexion with the College, though it may have been
simply due to his friendship with Claymond and other Fellows.
In 1506, being now, as Bishop of Winchester, Visitor of the
College, he held, through his commissary, an important
Visitation, which led to the removal of the President, Richard
Mayew, Bishop of Hereford, on the ground of the incompatibi-
lity of his other employments with the duties of the Presidency,
as well as to other changes, for which see Dr. Ingram's
Memorials of Oxford, ch. on C. C. C. pp. 5, 6, and Mr. H. A.
Wilson's Article on Magdalen College in The Colleges of
Oxford, p. 240. In the same year, letters were issued by
Pope Julius the Second to Foxe and Layborn or Leybourne,
Bishop of Carlisle, commissioning them, or either of them, to
draw up an amended form of statutes for Balliol College,
which had suffered much from misgovernment largely due, as
was asserted, to conflicting jurisdictions and conflicting codes
of statutes. Layborn, who was Foxe's immediate predecessor
as Master of Pembroke College, Cambridge, had fallen ill,
and, consequently, the work fell solely to Bishop Foxe, who
accomplished it so well that his statutes remained in full
vigour till they were replaced by the ordinances of i8552.
The language of these statutes has the literary ring of Foxe's
Statutes, ten years later, for his own College, and thus forms
a contrast with that of the more distinctively mediaeval codes.
In the Statute De Visitatore (p. 21), the Master and Fellows
are enjoined to elect a Visitor, possessing certain ecclesias-
tical, pecuniary and academical qualifications, and it is probable
that Bp. Foxe was himself the first Visitor elected under this
Statute. Any way, Foxe was Visitor of Balliol in 1511, as, on
1 See Old Statutes of Oxford Colleges, vol. ii. pp. 104-5. T^61"6 are also two
Decrees of Bp. Foxe printed in the Appendix to the Magdalen Statutes, pp. 108-9,
iio-n respectively.
8 For some account of these statutes, see Mr. R. L. Poole's admirable article on
Balliol College in The Colleges of Oxford, pp. 29-33. They are published at
length in the Old College Statutes, vol. i. pp. 1-22.
12 RICHARD FOXE.
October 18 in that year, the Fellows petition him to confirm
the election of Thomas Cisson, whom they had elected Master.
A like petition was presented, some years afterwards, in the
case of Richard Stubbys, who was confirmed as Master on
April 24, 151 8 J.
Of Foxe's connexion with St. John's, Pembroke, and King's
Colleges, Cambridge, I shall speak subsequently.
The year before the king's death (1508) Foxe with other
commissioners succeeded in completing at Calais a treaty of
marriage between the king's younger daughter, the Princess
Mary, and Charles, prince of Castile and archduke of Austria,
subsequently the Emperor Charles V. Though the marriage
itself never took place, the child-prince was betrothed, by
proxy, to the child-princess at Richmond on 17 Dec. of this
year (see Rymer, Foedera, xiii. 236-9), and the immediate
objects of the alliance were thus secured.
On 22 April 1509 Henry VII died. Foxe was one of his
executors, Fisher, bishop of Rochester, whose preferment had
been given to him solely on Foxe's recommendation2, being
another. It is said by Harpsfield that Henry had specially
commended his son to Foxe's care, and it is certain that he
was continued in all the places of trust which he had occupied
in the previous reign. According to Archbishop Parker (De
Antiquitate Britannicae Ecclesiae), Warham and Foxe, the two
first named on the new king's council, took different sides on
the first question of importance which was discussed within
it. Warham was averse to, while Foxe advised the marriage
with Catherine, who had remained in England ever since the
death of her first husband, Prince Arthur. The marriage was
solemnised almost immediately afterwards by the Archbishop
himself, and the new king and queen were crowned together
at Westminster a few weeks afterwards. It is insinuated by
1 The deeds of confirmation in the Balliol Archives are numbered respectively
D. 3. 3. and D. 3. 5. This information I have obtained through the kindness of
Mr. R. L. Poole. Ingram (Memorials of Oxford, C. C. C., p. 8) speaks of three
Masters admitted by Foxe between 1511 and 1525, but Mr. Poole informs me that
William Whyte, who became Master in 1525, was admitted by John Alyn, acting
under the legatine commission of Cardinal Wolsey.
2 See Fisher's dedication of his work on the Eucharist against CEcolampadius.
ACCESSION OF HENRY VIII. 13
Parker that Foxe's advice was dictated solely by reasons of
state, Warham's by religious scruples. Foxe had been pre-
sent, and presided, on 27 June 1505, when Henry, instigated,
or at least not opposed, by his father (see Ranke, History of
England, bk. ii. ch. 2), had solemnly protested, on the ground
of his youth, against the validity of the engagement with
Catherine ; but this conduct does not necessarily prove incon-
sistency, as the object of Henry and his father may have been
merely to keep the question open, and subsequent events
may have persuaded Foxe of the desirability of the marriage,
while he probably never doubted its legitimacy.
The king's coronation was speedily followed by the death
of his grandmother, the ' Lady Margaret,' as she is usually
called, countess of Richmond and Derby. This pious lady
named Foxe, in whom she appears to have reposed great
confidence, together with Fisher and others, as one of her
executors. He was thus concerned in what was probably the
congenial employment of settling the incomplete foundation
of St. John's College, Cambridge (that of Christ's had been
completed before the Lady Margaret's death), though the
principal merit of this work must be assigned to Fisher. In
1507 Foxe had been elected master of Pembroke College or
Hall, in the same University, and continued to hold the office
till 1519. Richard Parker (Leland, Collectanea, vol. v.), writing
in 1622, describes him as a former fellow of Pembroke, and
Doctor of Law of Paris. Like some of his predecessors and
successors in the same office, Foxe (who was, of course, non-
resident) seems to have been elected to the Mastership, rather
for the purpose of acting in the capacity of patron and de-
fender of the rights of the College, than of administering its
affairs1.
According to Polydore Vergil, the chief authority in Henry's
council soon fell into the hands of Foxe and Thomas Howard,
earl of Surrey. And according to the same writer (in whom,
1 The Rev. E. Heriz Smith, Fellow of Pembroke College, has kindly copied for
me the document in which the Fellows of the time petition Foxe to accept the
appointment. They have unanimously elected him, and protest that they know
not to whom else to turn. If he will consent, he will oblige sixteen priests, and
their successors, to pray for him daily.
14 RICHARD FOXE.
however, as Lord Herbert of Cherbury remarks, ' I have ob-
served not a little malignity'), mutual jealousies and differences
soon sprung up between these two powerful counsellors. One
cause at least assigned for these differences seems highly pro-
bable, namely, the propensity of Surrey to squander the wealth
which, under the previous reign, Foxe and his master had so
diligently collected and so carefully husbanded.
The influence of Foxe at Court at this time comes out
emphatically in a despatch of Badoer, the Venetian ambassa-
dor, dated May 24, 1510 (Calendar of State Papers, Venetian),
in which he says that the Bishop of Winchester is ' alter rex.'
The Spanish ambassador, writing five days afterwards (May 29,
Calendar of State Papers, Spanish), says : ' All business
affairs are in the hands of the Bp. of Durham (Ruthall) and
the Bp. of Winchester.' He then proceeds to state how he
endeavoured to gain the good-will of these two prelates by
stratagem, and how he promoted his objects by dangling
cardinals' hats in their eyes. It appears, however, even from
his own account, that the English bishops shewed their inde-
pendence by replying to his overtures that ' the English did
not solicit favours ; if they did so, they would, they thought,
be oftener made cardinals.' It may here be noticed that the
Venetian despatches shew throughout and fully recognise the
favourable disposition of Foxe towards the Republic. Indeed,
Giustinian (July 17, 1516) ascribes his withdrawal from office
to the succour given by the King to the Emperor against
France and Venice. But, though this may have been one
cause, I cannot doubt that the others, mentioned below,
largely co-operated.
The altercation between Warham and Foxe (1510-13) as
to the prerogatives of the Archbishop of Canterbury with
regard to the probate of wills and the administration of the
estates of intestates, is narrated at length by Archbishop
Parker in the work above cited, and is confirmed by docu-
mentary evidence. Foxe, supported by Bishops Fitzjames,
Smith, and Oldham, appealed to Rome, but, as the cause was
unduly spun out in the papal court, they finally procured its
reference to the king, who decided the points mainly in their
RELATIONS WITH WOLSEY. 15
favour. It was with reference to this dispute that Foxe, in
reply to a remark of the Archbishop, is said to have used the
expression that, if Canterbury had the higher rack, Winchester
had the deeper manger.
In 1510 Foxe was employed, in common with Ruthall,
bishop of Durham, and the Earl of Surrey, to conclude a
treaty of peace with Louis XII of France. But this peace
was not destined to last long, and the war with France, which
broke out in 1513, brought another and a younger counsellor
to the front. ' Wolsey's vast influence with the king,' says
J. S. Brewer (Reign of Henry VIII) 'dates from this event.
Though holding no higher rank than that of almoner, it is
clear that the management of the war, in all its multifarious
details, has fallen into his hands Well may Fox say,
" I pray God send us with speed, and soon deliver you out of
your outrageous charge and labour, else ye shall have a cold
stomach, little sleep, pale visage, and a thin belly, cum pari
egestione" ' This letter (No. 4103 in Letters and Papers of
Henry VIII) was written by Foxe on May ai, 1513, while he
was busy equipping and provisioning the fleet at Portsmouth
and Southampton. A little later in the year, Wolsey, Foxe,
and Ruthall all attended the army which invaded France, the
former with two hundred, the two latter with one hundred
men each ; but it does not follow that these ecclesiastics were
present at any engagement. On 7 Aug. 1514, a treaty of
peace and also a treaty of marriage between Louis XII and
the Princess Mary were concluded at London, Foxe being one
of the commissioners. At this time J. S. Brewer regards him
as still powerful in the council, though his influence was
inferior to that of Wolsey who now stood first, of Surrey (now
Duke of Norfolk), and of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.
Warham appears to have fallen almost altogether out of con-
sideration, a position which he may have owed to his rudeness
and moroseness, while Foxe's continued influence may have
been partly due to the gentleness and sweetness of his dis-
position. ' He was,' says Giustinian, the Venetian ambassa-
dor, ' a lord of extreme authority and goodness.' But ad-
vancing years, combined probably with weariness of political
1 6 RICHARD FOXE.
life, with a certain disinclination to the foreign policy, favour-
able to the empire and antagonistic to France, which now
prevailed, and, there can be no doubt from his extant letters,
with genuine compunction for the prolonged neglect of his
spiritual duties, made him anxious to retire from affairs of
state. At the beginning of 1516 he resigned the custody of
the privy seal, which was committed to Ruthall, and hence-
forth he seldom appeared at the council.
The traditional story of Wolsey's ingratitude to Foxe, of
the growing alienation between them, and of Foxe being
ultimately driven from the council board through the intrigues
of Wolsey, ' owes its parentage,' as Brewer says, ' to the spite
of Polydore Vergil, whom Wolsey had committed to prison.
The historian would have us believe that Wolsey paved the
way for his own advancement by supplanting Fox, and driving
him from the council . . . The insinuation is at variance with
the correspondence of the two ministers1. We see in their
letters not only the cordial friendship which existed between
them, but also the rooted disinclination of Fox to a life of
diplomacy. It is only with the strongest arguments that
Wolsey can prevail on him to give his attendance at the court
and occupy his seat at the council table. He was always
anxious to get away. He felt it inconsistent with his duties as
a bishop to be immersed in politics, and he laments it to
Wolsey in terms the sincerity of which cannot be mistaken . . .
It must also be remembered that Fox belonged to the old
order of things, when monastic seclusion to men of his devout
turn seemed the only life that deserved the name of religious.
Great was the fascination exercised by Henry VII, and still
more by Henry VIII, over the minds of such men ; but times
of compunction came when the total alienation of thought and
action from their duties as spiritual men became an intolerable
burthen. So far from driving Fox from the court, it is the
utmost that Wolsey can do to bring him there, and when he
1 If, however, Giustinian's account, (Despatch of Aug. 6, 1 5 1 7) of the conversation
between his son and Foxe be accurate, the Bishop had said, about this time, that
' Wolsey was not Cardinal, but King, and that no one in the realm durst attempt
anything prejudicial to his interests.' He (Foxe) had resigned the administration
of the See of Bath to him.
RELATIONS WITH WOLSEY. 17
succeeds it is evidently more out of compassion for Wolsey's
incredible labours than his own inclination V In a letter to
Wolsey, dated 23 April 1516 (Letters and Papers of the Reign
of Henry VIII, ii. pt. i. 515), Foxe protests that he never had
greater will to serve the king's father than the king himself,
especially since Wolsey's great charge, ' perceiving better,
straighter, and speedier ways of justice, and more diligence
and labour for the king's right, duties, and profits to be in you
than ever I see in times past in any other, and that I myself
had more ease in attendance upon you in the said matters
than ever I had before.' Had he not good impediment and
the king's license to be occupied in his cure, to make satisfac-
tion for twenty-eight years' negligence, he would be very
blameable and unkind not to accept the invitation to court,
considering Wolsey's goodness to him in times past. He
considers that Wolsey has as much labour of body, and
business of mind, as ever any man had, and with less help.
' And I require you, and heartily pray you, lay apart all such
business from six of the clock in the evening forward ; which,
if ye will use it, shall after your intolerable labours greatly
refresh you.' In a letter to Wolsey, written at a later date,
36 April 1522, Foxe speaks with still greater compunction of
his former neglect of his spiritual duties, and with a still more
fixed determination to take no further part in the affairs of
state, to which Wolsey was endeavouring to recall his attention :
' Truly, my singular good lord, since the king's grace licensed
me to remain in my church and thereabouts upon my cure,
wherein I have been almost by the space of thirty years so
negligent, that of four several cathedral churches that I have
successively had, there be two, scilicet, " Excestre and Wellys,"
that I never see ; and " innumerable sawles whereof I never
see the bodyes;" and specially since by his licence I left the
1 That Foxe was not driven from the court, but receded spontaneously, comes
out incidentally in Fisher's dedication to him of his work on the Real Presence
against CEcolampadius. Speaking of Foxe's influence with Henry VII, he adds,
' Quemadmodum et te, quamdiu per valetudinem aulam frequentare licuit, usus est
et illustrissimus atque florentissimus rex Henricus octavus.' Harpsfield (Hist. Angl.
Eccl. p. 644) speaks of 'obrepens senectus' as the cause of Foxe's renunciation of
political affairs.
C
1 8 RICHARD FOXE.
keeping of his privy seal, and most specially since my last
departing from your good lordship and the council, I have
determined, and, betwixt God and me, utterly renounced the
meddling with worldly matters ; specially concerning the war
[with France] or anything to it appertaining (whereof for the
many intolerable enormities that I have seen ensue by the
said war in time past, I have no little remorse in my con-
science), thinking that if I did continual penance for it all the
days of my life, though I shall live twenty years longer than
I may do, I could not yet make sufficient recompence there-
for.' The tone of this letter, though the bishop's determina-
tion is firm, is throughout most friendly to Wolsey. Foxe's
aversion to the French war had, it is plain from the passage
quoted, as well as from subsequent parts of the letter, some-
thing to do with his disinclination to quit his pastoral charge,
even for ever so brief a period, for the secular business of the
court. In fact, of the two parties into which the council and
the country were divided, the French and the German party,
Foxe, as appears plainly in the despatches of Giustinian,
favoured the former. This inclination to a French alliance,
or at least to friendly relations with France, had come out
strongly in a letter written to Wolsey, Oct. 30, 1518, on the
occasion of the conclusion of the marriage contract between
the Dauphin and the Princess Mary, daughter of the King
and Queen Catherine (subsequently Queen Mary) : ' It was
the best deed,' he says, ' that ever was done for England, and
next to the King the praise of it is due to you.' In the same
letter, it may be noticed, he thanks Wolsey for licence of non-
attendance on the court, ' wherein your Grace did no less for
me than if you had delivered me of an inevitable danger of
my life.'
The closing years of Foxe's life were spent in the quiet
discharge of his episcopal duties, in devotional exercises, and
the acts of liberality and munificence through which his
memory now mainly survives l. He was not, however, with-
1 Harpsfield (Hist. Eccl. Angl. p. 644), after saying that advancing age warned
him to forsake politics and apply himself more diligently to the affairs of his dio-
cese, proceeds : ' Wintoniam itaque venit et longa absentiae suae damna accurata
quadam exquisitaque omnis Episcopalis muneris diligentia famelicas animas
DIOCESAN CARES. 19
out trouble in his diocese. Writing to Wolsey 2 Jan. 1530-1,
he expresses satisfaction at Wolsey?s proposed reformation of
the clergy, the day of which he had desired to see, as Simeon
desired to see the Messiah. As for himself, though, within
his own small jurisdiction, he had given nearly all his study
to this work for nearly three years, yet, whenever he had to
correct and punish, he found the clergy, and particularly
(what he did not at first suspect) the monks, so depraved, so
licentious and corrupt, that he despaired of any proper refor-
mation till the work was undertaken on a more general scale,
and with a stronger arm. Once more we hear of him in a
public capacity in 1523. The enormous subsidy of that year
was energetically opposed in convocation, according to Poly-
dore Vergil, by Foxe and Fisher, though of course without
success. The charge on Foxe himself amounted to £2,000,
on the Archbishop of Canterbury to £1,000, on Wolsey to
£4,000. The largeness of the revenues of the great sees at
this time is strikingly illustrated by the fact that Foxe's
newly founded college of Corpus was rated only at £133 6s.%d.,
and the two richest colleges in Oxford, Magdalen and New
Colleges, only at £333 6s. 8d. each.
The story that shortly before his death Wolsey proposed to
Foxe that he should retire from his bishopric on a pension,
and that Foxe tartly replied that, though he could no longer
distinguish white from black, yet he could well discern the
malice of an ungrateful man, and bade him attend closer to
the king's business, leaving Winchester to the care of her
bishop, rests solely on the authority of Archbishop Parker.
It is inconsistent with what we know otherwise of Foxe's
relations with Wolsey, and has an apocryphal flavour.
Foxe, who appears to have been totally blind for several
years before his death1, died on Oct. 5, 1528, probably at his
sacris, per se et suos, concionibus, et tenuiores homines alimentis caeterisque rebus
vitae necessariis destitutes cibis, vestitu, pecuniis fovens resarcivit' After his
blindness came on, ' omni jam quasi impedimento abrapto, totns die noctuque
orationibus et sacris meditationibus affigitur.'
1 Mr. Batten thinks that Foxe became blind in 1521. The misfortune can
hardly have befallen him till this year, as he conferred Orders on Dec. 22, 1520.
In June, 1523, the Venetian Ambassador speaks of his blindness. Harpsfield dates
it from ten years before his death, but he may be speaking merely roughly.
C 2
20 RICHARD FOXE.
castle of Wolvesey in Winchester. According to a document
found in his coffin, from^which this date is taken, he was
buried on the very same day1, the place of sepulture being
the splendid Gothic chapel in Winchester Cathedral, which he
had previously constructed. The ecclesiastical historian,
Harpsfield, says that, being then a boy at Winchester School,
he was present at the funeral. This devout and gentle prelate
passed away at an opportune moment, when the troubles
connected with the divorce were only in their initial stage.
He was succeeded by Wolsey, who held the see of Winchester
in the capacity of Perpetual Administrator, a tenure which
was destined to have but a short duration.
Foxe's Will (the original of which, and at least two copies,
one in the Evidences, vol. i. p. 126, &c., the other in the Fulman
MSS., vol. x, fol. 135, &c., are in the possession of the College)
is dated Feb. 15, i5a|, two days after he subscribed the
additions to the College Statutes. It has been remarked as
curious that he makes no mention of the College in it, but
he had already executed two documents, one in I5i7> the
other in 1521, by which he attempted to secure the President
and Fellows in the enjoyment of all lands and other possessions
then in the hands of Feoffees (Evidences, vol. i. p. 279, &c.).
All the moveable goods which he designed for the use of his
society he had probably already given, so that, in fact, there
remained no occasion for any further bequests or directions.
The Will is largely occupied with precautions against suits
for dilapidations, though he states his firm belief that he has
left all the possessions of the see in sufficient repair and good
condition. He attempts to conciliate his successor by handsome
legacies to be made over to him in consideration of a full
release from all claims on his estate, and it is noteworthy
that, if Wolsey be his successor, these legacies are to be more
ample than in the case of any one else. He also bequeaths
presents to Henry Courtnay, Marquis of Exeter, William,
Lord Sands, and Sir William Paullett, Kt., ' praedilecto mihi.'
1 One of the provisions of his will was that, if he died either at his Palace of
Wolvesey or at the Hospital of St. Cross before nooii, he should be buried that
afternoon in his chantrey in the Cathedral.
HIS BENEFACTIONS. 21
Among the executors are Sir William Paullett and John
Claymond. The residue of his property, not already disposed
of in this Will or elsewhere, he directs to be sold and the
proceeds divided amongst the poorer tenants on his estates
in the County of Hants or the Bailiwick of Downton, Wilts.
At the close of the document, there is a touching mention
of his blindness, which prevented him from himself reading
the Will. Amongst the witnesses is Nicholas Harpsfield,
the historian, his Commissary. It was executed at Harwell,
his Manor-house near Winchester. The directions about his
burial have been noticed above.
The most permanent memorial of Foxe is his college of
Corpus Christi at Oxford, the foundation and settlement of
which attracted great attention at the time (1515-16). It had
been his original intention to establish a house in Oxford,
after the fashion of Durham and Canterbury Colleges, for the
reception of young monks of St. Swithin's monastery at
Winchester while pursuing academical studies ; but he was
persuaded by Bishop Oldham of Exeter1 (himself a great
benefactor to the college) to change his foundation into the
more common form of one for the secular clergy. ' What, my
lord,' Oldham is represented as saying by John Hooker, alias
Vowell, in Holinshed, 'shall we build houses and provide
livelihoods for a company of bussing 2 monks, whose end and
fall we ourselves may live to see ; no, no, it is more meet a
great deal that we should have care to provide for the increase
of learning, and for such as who by their learning shall do
good in the church and commonwealth.' The college (which
it may be noted was founded out of the private revenues of
Foxe and his friends, and not, as was the case with some other
1 Bp. Fisher had given similar advice to the ' Lady Margaret,' mother of Henry
VII, the Foundress of St. John's and Christ's Colleges at Cambridge, and of the
Divinity Professorships which bear her name at both Universities. See Hallstead's
Margaret Richmond, p. 226, as quoted in Stanley's Memorials of Westminster
Abbey.
3 This word may either have the meaning of 'kissing,' from the amatory
propensities of the monks, or may be only another way of writing ' buzzing,'
= mumbling, muttering, from the way in which they talked or performed the
services.
22 RICHARD FOXE.
foundations, out of ecclesiastical spoils)1 still possesses the
crosier, the gold chalice and paten, the rings, and many other
relics of its founder. In addition to this notable founda-
tion Foxe also built and endowed schools at Taunton and
Grantham 2 (the school of Sir Isaac Newton), besides making
extensive additions and alterations in Winchester Cathedral,
Farnham Castle, and the Hospital of St. Cross. His altera-
tions in Durham Castle and his fortifications at Norham have
been already noticed. At Winchester, besides the choir of
the Cathedral already mentioned, the great screen, the side
screens, the east window, and other works, he also executed,
or had executed, the exquisite Renaissance work at St. Cross,
in which the pelican is a prominent feature. He was a bene-
factor also to the abbeys of Glastonbury and Netley, to the
Guild and Chapel of the Holy Ghost at Basingstoke, to the
Church of St. Mary Overy, Southwark, to Magdalen College,
Oxford, and Pembroke College, Cambridge, and seems to
have contributed largely to what we should now call the
' restoration ' of St. Mary's Church, Oxford, as well as to the
reduction of the floods in Oxford in the year of pestilence,
1517 (Wood, Annals, sub ann.)3. Notwithstanding these
numerous benefactions, his household appointments seem to
have been on a magnificent scale. Harpsfield tells us that he
had no less than 220 serving-men4.
In 1499 a little book, entitled Contemplacyon of Synners,
was printed by Wynken de Worde, ' compyled and fynyshed
at the devoute and dylygent request of the ryght reverende
1 See Harpsfield, Hist. Angl. Eccl. p. 644, confirmed by what we know of Bp.
Foxe's purchases.
2 Grantham was only endowed three days before Foxe's death. Though Harps-
field says of Taunton, ' ludi-magistro de idoneo annuatim stipendio prospexit,' Mr.
Batten says no trace of any endowment can now be found.
3 It is pleasant to think that, amongst all these works of munificence, and amidst
all his grandeur, Foxe had riot forgotten his native village of Ropsley. The present
Rector, the Rev. G. S. Outram, informs me that ' it is supposed Foxe left his mark
on the beautiful church, as the elaborate south aisle windows and the fine south
porch are of the date when he was in the zenith of his glory.'
4 This I take to be the meaning of Harpsfield's expression ' Numerosam et am-
plissimam familiam ducentorum videlicet et viginti hominum aluit,' though Mr.
Batten thinks it might refer merely to the Episcopal open table.
RELATIONS WITH LEARNED MEN. 23
fader in God the lorde Rycharde bysshop of Dureham,' &c.
It is possible that Foxe himself may have had a hand in this
work. He also edited the Processional according to the
use of Sarum, which was printed at Rouen in 1508. At a
later period he translated the Rule of St. Benedict for the
benefit of the f devout, religious women ' of his diocese, ' unto
our moders tonge, comune playne rounde English easy and
redy to be understande by the sayde devoute religiouse
women.' The book was beautifully printed by Pynson on
22 Jan. 1516-17. From a letter to Wolsey, written on 18 Jan.
1527-28, it would appear that Foxe had at a subsequent
time much trouble with some of his nuns.
That Foxe, though not himself the author of any con-
siderable work, was thoroughly in sympathy with the learned
men of his time and a patron and favourer of the 'new
learning ' of the Renaissance is abundantly evident, not only
from the liberal and enlightened Statutes which he gave to
his College, and the distinguished scholars he introduced into
it, but also from the testimony of his contemporaries. Thus,
Thomas Linacre, the famous humanist and physician, presented
to him, as to Wolsey and other magnates, a copy of his trans-
lation of Galen, De Sanitate tuenda, printed by Rubeus at
Paris in 1517. In the MS. dedication to Foxe of this copy,
which is now in the possession of the College of Physicians,
after a highly flattering though somewhat elaborate com-
pliment on the foundation of his new College, he proceeds :
' Mitto igitur ad te hoc codice sex Galeni de tuenda Sanitate
libros, quos proxime ut potui Latinos feci. Optaremque
lectione tua dignos, nisi id omnino vota superaret. Nunc agi
mecum praeclare putabo, si a Doctorum, quos in contubernio
tecum habes, lectiones {sic. ? lectione) non abhorrebunt/ shew-
ing that Foxe's house was a well-known resort of learned men T.
In the same year (1517), Sir Thomas More, writing to
1 See the Life of Thomas Linacre, by J. N. Johnson, M.D., edited by R.
Graves, London, 1835, where the dedication of this presentation copy to Foxe is
printed in an Appendix, pp. 316-7. I am indebted to Mr. Chisholm Batten's Life
for my knowledge of this work, as well as of the letter of More to Erasmus, to which
I next refer.
34 RICHARD FOXE.
Erasmus on the I5th of December *, speaks of the enthusiastic
admiration accorded by Bishop Foxe to his edition of the
New Testament in Greek and Latin (the first edition which
had appeared in Greek, it must be recollected), published
in the preceding year. ' Wintoniensis Episcopus, vir ut scis
prudentissimus, in celeberrimo coetu magnatum, quum de te
ac tuis Lucubrationibus incidisset sermo, testatus est, omnibus
approbantibus, versionem tuam Novi Testament! vice esse sibi
commentariorum decem, tantum afferre lucis.' Considering
the ignorant clamour2 which was raised against this book,
this expression of opinion was to the credit of Foxe's courage
as well as candour. There are several other letters to or
from Erasmus, which leave no doubt of Foxe's general good
will towards him. Thus, Ammonius writing to Erasmus
Nov. 8, 1511, says: ' Tuas literas Domino Wintoniensi et
Dunelmensi (Ruthall) in manum reddidi ; ambo vultu sane
quam hilari excepere, ambo raras dotes tuas mirifice lauda-
runt. Wintoniensis te accusare videtur, quod exterum secum
agas, nee unquam ad se accedas.' But the two prelates were
so much engaged that, after reading Erasmus' letters, they
put the matter off to a more convenient season (the letters,
no doubt, soliciting material assistance in some form or
other)3. Ten days afterwards (Nov. 18), Ammonius writes
again : ' Episcopus Dunelmensis operam et studium suum
tibi pollicetur. Wintoniensis minus publica locutus est, sed
1 This letter is No. 221 in the Appendix to Erasmus' Letters in Le Clerc's Edi-
tion (vol. iii. pt. 2).
2 See Knight's Life of Erasmus, p. 137. There was one College in Cambridge
which had forbidden the book to be brought within its walls, ' qui gravi senatus-
consulto caverint, ne quis id volumen equis aut navibus ant plaustris aut bajulis
intra ejus collegii pomoeria inveheret.' Erasmi Ep. 148, ed. Le Clerc.
3 In the collection of Erasmus' correspondence there are two short letters of
Erasmus to Foxe, invoking his assistance against the violent attacks of Edward Lee,
Dean of Colchester. They are numbered in Le Clerc's edition as 423 and 506.
From the former of these it would appear that Erasmus had at some time appealed
in vain for material help, whether in the form of money or preferment we do not
know. ' Erasmus olim ambiit tuum favorem, non successit : nunc non orat ut sibi
faveas, sed ut Leo tuo.' Foxe probably, like many other episcopal dispensers of
patronage before and since, found it difficult to follow inclinations which might
embroil him with his clergy. In this letter Erasmus notes Foxe's characteristic
caution : ' Novi prudentiam tuam, quae non facile pronunciet, praesertim in malam
partcm.'
ARCHITECTURAL WORKS. 35
magis arnica : putabat sacerdotium te habere : respond!, spem
quidem sacerdotii tibi datam, sed sacerdotium nondum datum :
ille subridens interrogavit, num ilia spes alere te posset ?
Subrisi vicissim : atqui, inquam, auri et temporis dispendio
hanc spem Erasmus emit : tune ille jussit me hac de re secum
alias commodius loqui, quod mihi hactenus non est visum.
Sed gavisus vehementer sum Wintoniensem tarn de te amanter
sermonem habere V
In this connexion I may speak of the dedication by Bishop
Fisher (who, like Foxe, was a patron of the new learning, and
had shewn special kindness to Erasmus during his stay at
Cambridge) of his treatise De Veritate Corporis et Sanguis
Christi in Eucharistia adversus Johannem CEcolampadium in
1527. In his dedication of this work to Bishop Foxe, he says
there are two reasons why the book should be dedicated to
him : first and chiefly, ' Quum libuit, ob devotionem animi
quam peculiariter ad- Eucharistiae sacramentum habes et
habuisti semper, insignire Collegium ipsum titulo nominis
ejusdem' (of the College he had just spoken as 'satis magni-
ficum' and well furnished with teachers in Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin, and in whatever ministers to the true study of
Theology); secondly, his personal obligations, not only on
account of the Bishop's encouragement to study and integrity
of life, but for his good offices in obtaining for him the
Bishopric of Rochester from Henry VII, to which and not to
those of the Lady Margaret, as usually supposed, he says he
was really indebted.
It is not only highly probable that Foxe, as one of Henry
the Seventh's executors and specially skilled in architecture,
took a principal part in the completion of King's College
Chapel, according to the intentions and bequest of that
monarch, but there is positive evidence that the glazing of the
windows was executed in accordance with his direct orders.
In Willis and Clark's Architectural History of the University
of Cambridge, vol. i. pp. 498-9, there is a memorandum of a
1 These two letters are numbered respectively 127 and 128 in Le Clerc's
edition.
26 RICHARD FOXE.
payment of £100 to one Barnard Flower, the King's glazier,
on Nov. 30, 1515, in which it is stated that the money is paid
' in way of prest towards the glaising of the great Church
there in such forme and condition as my Lord of Winchester
shal devise and commande to be doon.' These words will,
perhaps, hardly bear the meaning that Bishop Foxe was
himself to design the windows, after the manner of an artist,
but they mean probably either that Flower's designs should
be submitted to him or, as suggested in Willis and Clark's
work, that the windows were to be executed, under Foxe's
supervision, according to designs already approved by Henry
VII. Flower died in 1525 or 6, but his successors were bound
to carry out exactly his undertakings, so that the windows, in
their present condition, probably represent the designs as
finally passed by Bishop Foxe1.
Foxe is also said to have been concerned in the building of
Henry VI I's Chapel at Westminster, the architecture of which,
though on a much larger scale, resembles that of his own
chantrey in Winchester Cathedral2.
There are seven portraits of Foxe at Corpus Christi College,
the principal of which is the one in the hall by 'Joannes
Corvus, Flandrus,' which represents him as blind, and was
1 It may here be remarked that, not only is there some confusion in Mr. Batten's
account of the relation of Bishop Foxe to these windows, but the statement in a
foot-note on p. 107 as to the Fellows of King's having requested Henry VIII to
appoint Bp. Foxe to the Provostship is founded on a misinterpretation of a letter
which appears in MS. 280, fol. 197 b in the Corpus Library. This letterwhich is date
12 Cal. Oct. {not 2), without a year, and addressed to Henry VIII, accepts Henry's
nomination of Dr. Foxe to the Provostship (which was not a Crown appointment,
but depended on the election of the Fellows), informs him that Dr. Foxe had been
unanimously elected, and delicately insinuates a hope that the rights of the College,
now constantly violated, will in future be maintained. But the Dr. Foxe here
mentioned is evidently not Richard Foxe, Bishop of Winchester, but Edward Foxe,
elected Provost in 1528.
2 I cannot now recover my authority for this statement. But, though Sir Reginald
Bray was the architect, it is very probable that Foxe was consulted. Speed (His-
tory of Great Britain, ed. of 1623, p. 763), speaking of Henry VII, says : ' Of his
building also was Richmond Pallace and that most beautiful place, the Chappell at
Westminster, the one the place of his death, and the other of his buriall : which
formes of more curious and exquisite building he and Bishop Foxe first (as is re-
ported) learned in France, and thence brought with them into England.
PORTRAITS AND ENGRAVINGS. 27
therefore probably painted after 1520 1. Three of these por-
traits are independent of the Corvus portrait (the others being
copies), and apparently independent of them all are one
at Lambeth Palace, painted probably while he was still
Lord Privy Seal, as the letters C. P. S. occur after his name,
and one, taken in 1522, at Sudeley Castle, Gloucestershire.
Among the engraved portraits are one by Vertue, 1723, and
one by Faber, circa 1713 ; the former of the picture by
Corvus, the latter of a picture, also in the possession of the
College, representing the bishop while still having his sight,
but clearly only adapted from the Corvus portrait. This
picture is in the Library, and bears the date 1604 2.
NOTE ON THE FOUNDER'S BIRTH-PLACE AT ROPESLEY.
IN the college Evidences, vol. 13 (D. i), p. 281, &c., it appears
that John Claymond, Clerk, bought of Edward Foxe, Gent., the
'manner of Bullockes' and all other lands, &c. belonging to him
in the parishes of Ropesley, Much Humby, Little Humby, and
Saperton in the county of Lincoln. The date of this Indenture is
Jan. 31, 153*. On p. 291, there is copied the Will of John Claymond
concerning these lands, to the effect that they shall revert to Edward
Fox, provided he repay the £200 purchase money to the President
and Scholars of C. C. C. for their use. The date of this document is
May 12, 1536. On p. 303, there is a deed of sale (dated Aug. 13,
1549) by Robert Morwent to Reginald Williams, Esq. of Burfeld
(elsewhere Burghefeld, i. e. Burghfield), Berks, of these same lands
for ^200. Lastly, on p. 309, there is a Letter of Attorney, dated
Oct. 9, 1567, executed by William Morwent, Gent., nephew and
heir of Robert Morwent, empowering Humphrey Morris of the
county of Oxon, Yeoman, to enter upon and take possession of these
lands, and, generally, to act in his behalf with respect to them.
1 Corvus (Jan Rave), fl. 1512-44, seems also, while in England, to have painted
Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VII, Princess (afterwards Queen) Mary, and Henry
Grey, Duke of Suffolk. See Diet. Nat. Biog. sub Corvus.
a There is a note on the Corpus portraits of Foxe by Mr. Scharf in the Archaeo-
logia, vol. xxxix, pp. 47-49.
28 PULLOCK'S MANOR AT ROPES LEY.
From this power of Attorney, it would appear that neither Edward
Fox nor Reginald Williams had completed the purchase, and that
the lands were still in possession of the Morwent family, either in
their own right or for the use of the College.
The next notice of Pullock's Manor is contained in Brian Twyne's
Collectanea (MS. 280 in College Library, f. 194 b), and probably
belongs to the early part of the seventeenth century : ' In Ropesley
parish 4 miles from Grantham there is an old house called by ye
name of Pullock's manner : part of it which remayneth is inhabited
nowe by one Elizabeth Linge an old widdowe, who lodgeth in an old
roome called ye parler, where she and ye antient of ye parish doe all
say our Founder Rich: Foxe was borne. There belongeth antiently
to that mannerhouse 26 £ lande by ye yeare' (estimated by Mr.
Batten at more than ^300 a year of our present money), 'which
whether it were once belonginge to ye Foxes we could not learne ;
but it was sometime in ye handes of Richard Kellham, father to
Ralfe Kelham, who was father to Edmund Kellham, by whom it is
nowe come to ye hands of one Mr. Rich : Hickson who hath built a
newe house uppon it, and ye old house where our Founder was
borne he hath sold to one Thomas Raskell of ye same towne.
There is a little grove by ye house where they told us that our
Founder purposed to erect a feyn schoole' (afterwards erected at
Grantham). Then follows the story of Foxe's visit to Ropesley,
already given.
After this time we lose sight of Pullock's Manor, till, in 1 705, we
find a letter \ addressed to Dr. Turner, then President, dated March
31, from which it appears that the house at that time belonged to
Lady Brownlow. There were attached to it 2 Cow Commons and
10 Sheep Commons, valued at TS. the year, the house and home-
stead (containing 20 perches), of which a plan is annexed, being
valued at 5 s. a year, i. e. the total rental was 1 2 s. The writer, John
Threaves, apparently an Agent, represents that one Mr. Thompson,
a person of considerable estate in Ropesley, ' will engage to remove'
all difficulties ' in the purchase, and will ' serve the College both with
his person and purse.' It is difficult to suppose that the College did
not close with this offer, but, if it did then purchase the house,
garden, and common-rights, it must afterwards have parted with
them. For in Dr. Randolph's time (see Annals under the year 1756),
1 The letter and plan are inserted between fols. 25 and 26 of vol. 9 of the Ful-
man MSS.
HUGH OLDHAM. 29
we find that the house then belonged to Lord William Manners,
and that his permission was asked for the insertion of a stone in the
external wall, commemorative of the Founder's birth. At present
this house (now the Peacock Inn), with about 37 acres of land, is
the property of the College. From correspondence still extant, it
is plain that it had already for some time belonged to the College,
when application was made to Parliament for the enclosure of
Ropesley in 1794.
HUGH OLDHAM.
Though the College owes its existence and far the larger
part of its revenues to the munificence of Bishop Foxe, yet
two of his friends, Hugh Oldham, Bishop of Exeter, and his
steward, William Frost, were no inconsiderable benefactors.
Of the former we have already heard in connexion with the
judicious advice which he gave to Bishop Foxe regarding the
character of his foundation. Hugh Oldham was undoubtedly
a Lancashire man, as is expressly stated in the Corpus Sta-
tutes, where one Fellowship and one Scholarship are appro-
priated to that county in his honour. Various statements
have been made respecting the place of his birth, but Mr.
Cooper (whose account in the Athenae Cantabrigienses, toge-
ther with that of Mr. Whatton in his History of Manchester
School, A. Wood in the Athenae Oxonienses, and Godwin
in his Catalogue of the Bishops of England, I shall mainly
follow) thinks the most probable is Crumpsell in the parish of
Manchester. The learned antiquary, Roger Dodsworth, how-
ever, maintains that his birth-place was Oldham. William
Oldham, Abbot of St. Werburgh, Chester, and Bishop of
Man, is said to have been his brother. He was educated
in the household of Thomas Stanley, Earl of Derby, of
whom Margaret of Richmond was the third wife, together
with James Stanley, afterwards Bishop of Ely, and William
Smith, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln, founder of Brasenose
and a great benefactor of Lincoln College, Oxford. With
William Smith, it is said, he maintained a life-long friendship1.
1 See Whatton's History of Manchester School, p. 5. Mr. Whatton also states
that Oldham was executor to Sir Reginald Bray, K.G., and the supervisor of the
will of Thomas, second Earl of Derby.
30 HUGH OLDHAM.
Oldham went first to Oxford, but subsequently moved to
Queen's College, Cambridge. He was chaplain to the ' Lady
Margaret,' Countess of Richmond and Derby (with whom,
perhaps, he first became acquainted while in the household of
Thomas Stanley), and was the recipient of a vast amount of
preferment, amongst which may be enumerated, though the list
is by no means exhaustive, the Rectory of St. Mildred, Bread
Street, the Deanery of Wimborne Minster, the Archdeaconry
of Exeter, the Rectories of Swineshead, Lincolnshire, Ches-
hunt, Hertfordshire, and Overton, Hampshire, the Master-
ships of the Hospitals of St. John, Lichfield, and St. Leonard,
Bedford, the Prebends of Newington in the Church of St.
Paul, of Leighton Buzzard in the Church of Lincoln, of South
Cave in the Church of York, &c. That, even before his ele-
vation to the Episcopate, he was an ecclesiastic of much con-
sideration, appears from the fact that on January 24, 1503
(see Holinshed's Chronicles), he was selected, together with
the Abbot Islip, Sir Reginald Bray the Architect, and others,
to lay the first stone of Henry VII's Chapel in Westminster
Abbey. Ultimately, by a Bull of Provision, Nov. 27, 1504,
he was promoted to the Bishopric of Exeter. Oldham, as we
have seen, had joined Foxe and other bishops in their dispute
with Warham (1510-13) as .to the prerogatives of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury with regard to the probate of wills and
the administration of the estates of intestates. The story
about the 'bussing' or 'buzzing' monks, and the handsome
contribution made by Oldham towards Foxe's new College on
the revised plan suggested by himself, show the intimate and
confidential terms on which the two prelates lived. For
Oldham, whom the Founder himself styles 'hujus nostri Col-
legii praecipuus benefactor,' besides other gifts, contributed
to the building and endowment of the College what was then
the large sum of 6,000 marks1. In return for these temporal
1 The following words, in the handwriting of Claymond, are prefixed to the
Charta Fundationis : ' Non mirentur hujus Collegii Posteri, quod Dominus Funda-
tor Reverendum in Christo Patrem ac Dominum Hugonem Oldam praecipuum ap-
pellat Benefactorem ; donavit enim praeter caetera in pecunia ad hujus Collegii
aedificationem et sustentationem senas millenas marcas.' — Jo. CLAYMONDUS, primus
Praesidens.
HIS CHARACTER. 31
gifts, a daily mass was to be said in the Chapel for Oldham,
at the altar of the Holy Trinity : during his lifetime, ' pro
bono et felici statu ' ; after his death, for his soul and those of
his parents and benefactors. The Bishop died several years
before his friend, June 25, 1519, being at that time, it is said,
under excommunication on account of a dispute concerning
jurisdiction in which he was involved with the Abbot of
Tavistock. He is buried in a chapel erected by himself
in Exeter Cathedral, where there is a monument bearing a
striking, though somewhat coarsely executed, recumbent figure,
recently restored by the College. Bishop Foxe was one of
the Executors of his Will, and he desired that, in case he died
out of his diocese, he should be buried at Corpus.
Francis Godwin, in his Catalogue of the Bishops of England,
says of Oldham : ' A man of more devotion than learning,
somewhat rough in speech, but in deed and action friendly.
He was careful in the saving and defending of his liberties,
for which continual suits were between him and the Abbot of
Tavistock . . . Albeit he were not very well learned, yet a great
favourer and a furtherer of learning he was.' Godwin says
that he could not be buried till an absolution was procured
from Rome. Possibly Oldham's ill opinion of the monks may
have been connected with the ' continual suits between him
and the Abbot of Tavistock.'
Oldham is now chiefly known as the Founder of the Man-
chester Grammar School, an institution which, especially
during the last half century, has conferred on the youth of that
populous city educational benefits of the extent of which the
good Bishop cannot have formed the most remote conception.
The various conveyances of the property which forms the
endowment of the School are dated respectively Aug. 20, 1515,
Oct. n, 1515, and April i, 1525, but the Statutes, which are
a Schedule to the Indenture of Feoffment, bear the last date.
In these Statutes, it is provided that Hugh Bexwik, Clerk,
and Joan Bexwik, widow, shall, during their lives or that of
the longer liver, nominate the High Master and the Usher,
and, after their deaths, the patronage shall be vested in the
President of C. C. C., Oxford. The President was deprived or
32 WILLIAM FROST.
relieved of this right by the new scheme drawn up by the
Charity Commissioners in 1877, according to which he simply
occupies the position of an ex officio Governor.
In the Hall of Corpus there is a very fine portrait, evidently
contemporary, of Bishop Oldham, which, though ascribed, in
the first edition of the Catalogue of the Tudor Exhibition
(1890), to Joannes Corvus (Jan Rave), is of unknown work-
manship. The error arose through a confusion of the portraits
of Foxe and Oldham. There is a good engraving of the
portrait in Corpus Hall by W. Holl. There is also another
engraving, but whether it was taken from the same original
or not is difficult to say, sketched and published by S. Harding.
No original is named on the print.
WILLIAM FROST.
The other benefactor, contemporary with the Founder, was
William Frost of Yavington or Avington, his Steward.
The office of Steward to a Bishop, especially to a sort of
Prince Bishop, like the Bishop of Winchester, was, at this
time, often a place of great importance and dignity. Thus,
another Steward of Foxe, William Paulet. whose good
fortunes were due to Foxe's recommendation of him to
Henry VIII, became, in Edward VI's time, Lord Treasurer
of England and first Marquis of Winchester, and was founder
of an illustrious family in the English Peerage. William
Frost had married Juliana Hampton, one of the family of
Hamptons of 'Old Stoke' (now called Stoke Charity), upon
which marriage Thomas Hampton settled upon them the
Manor of Tunstall in Staffordshire (see Shaw's Staffordshire).
Juliana died childless in 13 H. VIII, and William in 21 H. VIII
(July, 1529) l. William Frost served the office of High
Sheriff for the county of Hants in 1521 2, and his name
occurs in May, 1517, together with the names of Bishop
1 I am indebted for this information to the Rev. A. C. Radcliffe, Rector of Stoke
Charity, in whose church there are brasses to the memory of Thomas and Isabella
Hampton, the parents of Juliana, the wife of William Frost. Juliana was one of
six co-heiresses of Thomas Hampton.
3 Letters and papers of Henry VIII, vol. iii. pt. I, No. 1042.
HIS BENEFACTIONS. 33
Foxe, Sir Thomas More, William Paulet, and others, on a
Commission for enquiry into the arable land in Hampshire,
which had been converted into pasture since the Act 4
Henry VII, contrary to the Statute of that date1. When
Bishop Foxe himself was accused of having made enclosures
of arable land contrary to the Statute, he replied, in a letter
to Wolsey already quoted, that ' he has caused enquiries to
be made by his Stewards and others, and they have certified
that the Inquisitions found against the enclosures were
untrue.' His Steward, William Frost, he adds, ' is a sad,
substantial and faithful man, well learned in the law2/
According to Frost's directions in his Will3, he was to be
buried near his wife, Juliana, fin Monasterio Domus et Ecclesiae
Sancti Edvardi de Lettle,' that is, in Netley Abbey, and he
left many legacies to religious houses to pray for his soul.
The considerable Manor of Maplederwell in Hampshire had
been settled contingently, after his own and his wife Juliana's *
death, on Corpus Christi College, on condition that a Scholar
and Fellow of his kindred should be on the Foundation. But
the Scholar was only to be elected, if he satisfied the require-
ments demanded of the other Scholars5. In return, the
Founder provided that, after the death of William Frost
and Juliana his wife, there should be a daily mass celebrated
for the repose of their souls at the altar of the Holy Trinity,
which was to be called ' Frost's Altar 6.' The ' Frost's Kin '
Fellowship and Scholarship were subsequently a frequent
source of difficulty in the College, as it was not always
easy to determine the claims to descent. These were all, I be-
lieve, traced through Alice Frost, William Frost's sister, who
had married Robert Unwin of Horton, Wilts. It may be
noticed that the initials W. F. and the arms of Frost occur in
the cornice of the side screens in Winchester Cathedral; she wing
1 Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vol. ii. pt. 2, No. 3297.
a Ibid., vol. ii. pt. 2, No. 4540.
3 See Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 54 a.
* Frost seems to have had another wife, ' Martina Frost,' who survived him.
Fulman MSS., vol. ix, fol. 54 a".
5 C. C.C. Statutes, ch. 14.
6 C. C. C. Statutes, ch. 18.
D
34 CLAYMOND. MORWENT. PATE.
that Frost contributed to this work. The date of the screens
is 1525 l.
OTHER BENEFACTORS.
The material needs of the College were adequately pro-
vided for by Foxe and his friends, nor does it, like so many
of its sister foundations, trace its present revenues mainly,
or even largely, to the munificence of subsequent benefactors.
It would be ungrateful, however, to pass over in silence those
members of the College who, by gifts of land or money or
books, have shewn their affection for the place of their
education or abode. The more conspicuous of these will be
noticed under their several dates, or in the Chapter on the
Site and Buildings of the College, but it may be convenient
here to give a chronological list of what may be called the
principal benefactors of the College subsequent to its first
foundation. They are : —
(1) John Claymond, the First President (d. 1537), who
gave divers lands in Iffley, Headington, Cowley, Littlemore,
Sandford and Marston, besides books to the Library and
other presents.
(2) Robert Morwent, the Second President (d. 1558), who
gave lands in Cowley, Horsepath, and Duntesbourne Rouse,
together with the advowsons of Duntesbourne and Lower
Heyford. It is doubtful whether the lands in Rewley Meads2,
devised by Morwent, were purchased with his own money, or
that of Claymond entrusted to him for the purposes of the
College. An account of the plate bequeathed by him is
given under his Presidency.
(3) Richard Pate of Minsterworth in the county of Glou-
cester, Esq., who had been admitted Scholar in 1532, but
1 Mr. Chisholm Batten's Life of Bishop Foxe, p. 116.
a In Moment's Will (dated Aug. 20, 1552), touching Rewley Meads and his
other lands devised to the College, he imposes the condition that ' they and there
successours shall distribute or cause to be distributed weekly for ever XXVIII d
housold bread to poor people that have much need.' ' If it shoulde fortune the
sayd Colledge to bee suppressed, which thinge God forbid,' then he leaves Rewley
Meads to his cousin Thomas Morwent, on condition that he distribute XII d
weekly in like manner. See Evidences, vol. i. p. 368.
ST. PAUL. LADY WARWICK. 35
never became Fellow. In founding his Grammar School and
Hospital at Cheltenham, he, by an Indenture dated Oct. 6,
1686 (a copy of which exists in the College Lease Book, No.
3, fol. 156, &c.), covenants with the College that, in return for
undertaking the charge of his property and administering the
benefaction, they shall receive one-fourth part of the gross
revenue, ' according to the statutes of the said Colledge in this
case most providently provided.' (See C. C. C. Statutes, ch.
45.) 1 This property, which was situated in Cheltenham, 'The
Leigh,' and Gloucester, brought in, at the time of making the
Indenture, a gross sum of about ^54 a year. It now some-
times produces a net annual income of over .£2000. The
pecuniary interest of the College remains the same as formerly,
except that, by the last order of the Charity Commissioners,
it receives one-fourth of the net instead of the gross revenues.
But the appointment and removal of the Master and Usher,
and the general supervision of the School and Hospital,
instead of being vested in the President and Seven Senior
Fellows of Corpus, are now transferred to a Governing Body
on which the College has four representatives. Pate died on
October 29, 1588, aged 73, and was buried in the South
Transept of Gloucester Cathedral, where his monument was
renewed by the College in 1688. He is dressed in the habit
of a lawyer.
(4) Sir George St. Paul, Bart., who matriculated as a gentle-
man-commoner, under the name of George Sampole, in 1578,
and died in 1613. He devised to the College part of its
estate at Lissington in Lincolnshire, the rest being given by
his wife
(5) Frances, daughter of Sir Christopher Wray, Kt, Lord
Chief Justice of the King's Bench, who, after Sir George St.
Paul's death, was married to the Earl of Warwick, brother of
Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. She also gave her part of
the advowson of Bassingham Rectory.
1 Wood's account of this benefaction is inaccurate and misleading. The
account in the text is taken from the Indenture itself. I may here state that, in
my account of these minor benefactions, I have used the Fulman MSS., vol. ix,
fol. 54 b-55 b, Wood's Colleges and Halls, p. 393, &c., and, wherever possible,
original documents.
D 2
36 TURNER. OTHER BENEFACTORS.
(6) Dr. Thomas Turner, President from i68| to 1714, who
munificently erected, at his own expense, the Fellows' Build-
ings, and, in addition to other benefactions, bequeathed his
large and valuable Library to the College.
Benefactors on a smaller scale than those just enumerated
have been Robert Gale, Vintner, of London, who left £zo a year
to be divided amongst six poor Scholars ; Richard Cobb, B.D.,
Fellow, d. 1597, who bequeathed £20 a year to poor Scholars
and all his books to the Library; Lord Coleraine, d. 1749,
a munificent benefactor of the Library (of whose gifts some
account will be given under Dr. Turner's Presidency) ; and
Mrs. Mather, the widow of Dr. Mather, President, who be-
queathed a legacy of .£50 a year in augmentation of the
President's stipend. Amongst the benefactors to the Libraryj
in addition to the Founder, whose collection of MSS. and
early printed books is specially valuable, and those already
mentioned, namely, Claymond, Dr. Turner, Richard Cobb,
and Lord Coleraine, there should be commemorated Dr.
Reynolds, Henry Parry, Brian Twyne, William Fulman, John
Rosewell, Cuthbert Ellison, and General Oglethorpe.
Some account of contributions towards the repairs of old
or the erection of new buildings, gifts to the Chapel, &c., will
be given towards the close of Chapter III.
It should be remarked that considerable accessions to the
College property gradually accrued through the operation of
the Statute (ch. 43), which required the balance of each year
to be carried to the Tower Fund, and expended, so far as it
was not required for the prosecution or defence of law-suits,
in the acquisition of new property. This provision, as will
be seen in the Chapter on the Sources of Revenue, resulted in
the purchase of several advowsons as well as of additional
land and houses (' terras emptae ').
CHAPTER II.
THE STATUTES AND THE ORIGINAL SETTLEMENT
OF THE COLLEGE.
THE Statutes were given by the Founder in the year 1517,
and supplemented in 1527, the revised version being signed
by him, in an extremely trembling hand, on the i3th of
February, 1527-8, within eight months of his death, which
occurred, as we have seen, on the 5th of October, 1528.
These Statutes are of peculiar interest, both on account of
the vivid picture which they bring before us of the domestic
life of a mediaeval College, and the provision made for the in-
struction in the new learning introduced by the Renaissance.
Indeed Corpus and the subsequent foundations of Christ Church
at Oxford and Trinity at Cambridge constitute what may
be distinctively called the Renaissance group of Colleges.
The preamble and preface set forth, in touching words,
Bishop Foxe's twofold object, the advancement of knowledge,
and the maintenance of religion :
'Ad honorem pretiosissimi corporis Domini nostri Jesu Christi,
ejusque Matris integerrimse, casterorumque Sanctorum omnium,
ecclesiarum Wintoniensis, Dunelmensis, Bathoniensis et Wellensis,
necnon Exoniensis, cathedralium patronorum, nos Ricardus Fox,
divina vocatione Wintoniensis Episcopus, Collegii Corporis Christi
in Universitate Oxoniensi fundator, extructor et dotator, veneratis-
simo sanctissimse et individual Trinitatis nomine invocato, nostra
eidem collegio statuta condidimus, et in hoc originali libro, ad
perennem et perpetuam memoriam et stabilitatem, conscripsimus
et consignavimus ; ad hunc modum in ea prsefati.
Prcefatio de fundatione.
Non habemus hie civitatem manentem, ut ait Apostolus, sed
futuram inquirimus caelestem, ad quam facilius et celerius nos per-
38 ORIGINAL STATUTES.
venire speramus, si, dum in hac vita peregrinamur misera et mortali,
scalam erigamus, unde faciliorem paremus ascensum ; dextrum latus
scalae appellantes virtutem, sinistrum vero scientiam, gradibus inter-
positis qui utrisque serviant lateribus. Habent enim utraque latera
suos gradus, a quibus aut in alta levemur, aut in ima premamur.
Nos itaque, Richardus Fox, divina providentia Wintoniensis Epi-
scopus, hac scala et ipsi caelum ascendere et ingredi cupientes, ac
aliis ad ascensum et ingressum hujusmodi auxiliari et subvenire ex-
petentes, de opibus quas nobis Deus ex sua benignitate elargitus est,
unum alvearium in Universitate Oxonii, quod collegium Corporis
Christi appellavimus, fundavimus, ereximus et extruximus ; in quo
scholastici, veluti ingeniosas apes, dies noctesque ceram ad Dei
honorem et dulciflua mella confidant ad suam et universorum
Christianorum commoditatem : in quo alveario, Prsesidentem, qui
ca5teris prsesit, viginti scholares sive Socios, totidem discipulos, tres
lectores, qui intus operentur, unusquisque suo officio et ordine, in
omne sevum habitare constituimus et decernimus per praesentes. Ac,
prseterea, sex sacelli ministros, quorum duo sint sacerdotes, duo
clerici non sacerdotes, acoliti, aut saltern prima tonsura initiati,
reliqui vero duo choristse.'
The greatest novelty of the Corpus Statutes is the institution
of a public lecturer (' lector publicus ') in Greek, who was to
lecture to the en tire University, and was evidently designed to be
one of the principal officers of the College. This readership
appears to have been the first permanent office created in either
University for the purpose of giving instruction in the Greek
language; though, for some years before the close of the
fifteenth century, Grocyn, Linacre, and others, had taught
Greek at Oxford, in a private or semi-official capacity 1. On
Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, throughout the year,
the Greek reader was to give instruction in some portion of
the Grammar of Theodorus or other approved Greek gram-
marian, together with some part of Lucian, Philostratus, or the
orations of Isocrates. On Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Satur-
days, throughout the year, he was to lecture in Aristophanes,
Theocritus, Euripides, Sophocles, Pindar, or Hesiod, or some
other of the more ancient Greek poets, with some part of
1 See Professor Burrows' interesting account of this movement in his Memoir
of Grocyn, published in the Oxford Historical Society's Collectanea, Vol. II (1890).
THE THREE PUBLIC READERS. 39
Demosthenes, Thucydides, Aristotle, Theophrastus, or Plutarch.
It will be noticed that there is no express mention in this list
of Homer, ^schylus, Herodotus, or Plato. Thrice a week,
moreover, in vacations, he was to give private instruction in
Greek grammar or rhetoric, or some Greek author, to all
members of the College below the degree of Master of Arts.
Lastly, all Fellows and Scholars below the degree of Bachelor
in Divinity, including even Masters of Arts, were bound, on
pain of loss of commons, to attend the public lectures of both
the Greek and Latin reader ; and not only so, but to pass a
satisfactory examination in them to be conducted three
evenings in the week.
Similar regulations as to teaching are laid down with regard
to the Professor of Humanity or Latin (' Lector seu Professor
artium humanitatis '), whose special province it is carefully
to extirpate all 'barbarism' from our 'bee-hive,' the name
by which, throughout these Statutes, Foxe fondly calls
his College l. The lectures were to begin at eight in the
morning, and to be given all through the year, eithei in the
Hall of the College, or in some public place within the
University. The authors specified are Cicero, Sallust, Valerius
Maximus, Suetonius, Pliny's Natural History, Livy, Quintilian,
Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Juvenal, Terence, and Plautus. It will be
noticed that Horace and Tacitus are absent from the list 2.
Moreover, in vacations, the Professor is to lecture, three times
a week, to all inmates of the College below the degree of
Master of Arts, on the Elegantiae of Laurentius Valla, the
Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius, the Miscellanea of Politian, or
something of the like kind according to the discretion of the
President and Seniors.
The third reader was to be a Lecturer in Theology, 'the
1 Thus, in speaking of the three readers of Theology, Greek, and Latin, he
says : — ' Decernimus igitur intra nostrum alvearium tres herbarios peritissimos in
omne sevum constituere, qui stirpes, herbas, turn fructu turn usu praestantissimas,
in eo plantent et conserant, ut apes ingeniosse e toto gymnasio Oxoniensi con-
volantes ex eo exugere atque excerpere poterunt.' Even in the Preface, as we
have seen, he already begins to use this metaphor.
8 And yet there are, in the College Library, two copies of Horace, and one
each of Homer, Herodotus, and Plato (see above), all given by the Founder
himself. Cp. p. 93 and note i on that page.
40 ORIGINAL STATUTES.
science which we have always so highly esteemed, that this
our bee-hive has been constructed solely or mainly for its sake.'
But, even here, the spirit of the Renaissance is predominant.
The Professor is to lecture every working-day throughout the
year (excepting ten weeks), year by year in turn, on some
portion of the Old or New Testament. The authorities for
their interpretation, however, are no longer to be such
mediaeval authors as Nicolas de Lyra or Hugh of Vienne
(more commonly called Hugo de Sancto Charo or Hugh of
St. Cher), far posterior in time and inferior in learning 1, but
the holy and ancient Greek and Latin doctors, especially
Jerome, Augustine, Ambrose, Origen, Hilary, Chrysostom,
John of Damascus, and others of that kind. These theological
lectures were to be attended by all Fellows of the College
who had been assigned to the study of theology, except
Doctors. No special provision seems to be made in the
Statutes for the theological instruction of the junior members
of the College, such as the Scholars, Clerks, &c. ; but the
services in Chapel would furnish a constant reminder of the
principal events in Christian history and the essential doctrines
of the Christian Church. The Doctors, though exempt from
attendance at lectures, were, like all the other 'theologians,'
bound to take part in the weekly theological disputations.
Absence, in their case as in that of the others, was punishable
by subtraction of commons, and, if persisted in, it is curious
to find that the ultimate penalty was an injunction to preach
a sermon, during the next Lent, at St. Peter's in the East.
In addition to attendance at the theological lectures of the
public reader of their own College, ' theologians,' not being
Doctors, were required to attend two other lectures daily : one,
beginning at seven in the morning, in the School of Divinity ;
the other, at Magdalen, at nine. Bachelors of Arts, so far as
was consistent with attendance at the public lectures in their
own College, were to attend two lectures a day ' in philosophy '
(meaning, probably, metaphysics, morals, and natural philo-
sophy), at Magdalen, going and returning in a body ; one of
these courses of lectures, it may be noticed, appears from the
1 Ac cseteros, ut tempore, ita doctrina, longe posteriores.
OCCUPATIONS OF THE STUDENTS. 41
Magdalen Statutes to have been delivered at six in the
morning. Undergraduates (described as ' sophistse et logici ')
were to be lectured in logic, and assiduously practised in
arguments and the solution of sophisms by one or two of the
Fellows or probationers assigned for that purpose. These
lecturers in logic were diligently to explain Porphyry and
Aristotle, at first in Latin, afterwards in Greek. Moreover, all
undergraduates, who had devoted at least six months and not
more than thirty to the study of logic, were to frequent the
argumentative contest in the schools ('illud gloriosum in
Parviso certamen '), as often as it seemed good to the President.
Even on festivals and during holiday times, they were not to
be idle, but to compose verses and letters on literary subjects,
to be shown up to the Professor of Humanity. They were,
however, to be permitted occasional recreation in the afternoon
hours, both on festival and work days, provided they had the
consent of the Lecturer and Dean, and the President (or, in
his absence, the Vice-President) raised no objection. Equal
care was taken to prevent the Bachelors from falling into
slothful habits during the vacations. Three times a week at
least, during the Long Vacation, they were, each of them, to
expound some astronomical or mathematical work to be
assigned, from time to time, by the Dean of Philosophy, in
the hall or chapel, and all Fellows and probationers of the
College, not being graduates in theology, were bound to be
present at the exercises. In the shorter vacations, one of
them, selected by the Dean of Arts as often as he chose to
enjoin the task, was to explain some poet, orator, or historian,
to his fellow-bachelors and undergraduates.
Nor was attendance at the University and College lectures,
together with the private instruction, examinations, and exer-
cises connected with them, the only occupation of these
hard-worked students. They were also bound, according to
their various standings and faculties, to take part in or be
present at frequent disputations in logic, natural philosophy,
metaphysics, morals, and theology. The theological disputa-
tions, with the penalties attached to failure to take part in
them, have already been noticed. The Bachelors of Arts,
42 ORIGINAL STATUTES.
and, in certain cases, the ' necessary regents ' among the
Masters (that is, those Masters of Arts who had not yet com-
pleted two years from the date of that degree), were also
bound to dispute in the subjects of their faculty, namely,
logic, natural philosophy, metaphysics, and morals, for at
least two hours twice a week. Nor could any Fellow or
Scholar take his Bachelor's degree, till he had read and
explained some work or portion of a work of some Latin
poet, orator, or historian ; or his Master's degree, till he had
explained some book, or at least volume, of Greek logic or
philosophy. When ,we add to these requirements of the
College the disputations also imposed by the University, and
the numerous religious offices in the Chapel, we may easily
perceive that, in this busy hive of literary industry, there was
little leisure for the amusements which now absorb so large a
portion of the student's time and thoughts. Though, when
absent from the University, they were not forbidden to spend
a moderate amount of time in hunting or fowling, yet, when
actually in Oxford, they were restricted to games of ball in
the College garden. Nor had they, like the modern student,
prolonged vacations. Vacation to them was mainly a respite
from University exercises; the College work, though varied
in subject-matter, going on, in point of quantity, much as
usual. They were allowed indeed, for a reasonable cause, to
spend a portion of the vacation away from Oxford, but the
whole time of absence, in the case of a Fellow, was not, in the
aggregate, to exceed forty days in the year,' nor, in the case of
a Probationer or Scholar, twenty days ; nor were more than
six members of the foundation ever to be absent at a time,
except at certain periods, which we might call the depths of
the vacations, when the number might reach ten. The liberal
ideas of the Founder are, however, shown in the provision that
one Fellow or Scholar at a time might have leave of absence
for three years, in order to settle in Italy, or some other
country, for the purposes of study. He was to retain his full
allowance during absence, and, when he returned, he was to be
available for the office of a Reader, when next vacant.
This society of students would consist of between fifty and
DIFFERENT GRADES OF STUDENTS. 43
sixty persons, all of whom, we must recollect, were normally
bound to residence, and to take their part, each in his several
degree, in the literary activity of the College, or, according to
the language of the Founder, ' to make honey.' Besides the
President, there were twenty Fellows, twenty Scholars (called
'disciples'), two Chaplains, and two Clerks, who might be
called the constant elements of the College. In addition to
these, there might be some or even all of the three Readers,
in case they were not included among the Fellows ; four, or
at the most six, sons of nobles or lawyers ('jure regni peri-
torum')1, a kind of boarder afterwards called 'gentlemen-
commoners ' ; and some even of the servants. The last class
consisted of two servants for the President (one a groom, the
other a body-servant, who seems, in later times, to have acted
as a sort of secretary), the manciple, the butler, two cooks, the
porter (who was also barber), and the clerk of accompt. It
would appear from the Statutes that these servants, who
undoubtedly, at that time, were more on a level with the other
members of the College than has been the case during the
last century or more, might or might not2 pursue the studies
of the College, according to their discretion ; if they chose to
do so, they probably proceeded to their degrees 3. Lastly,
1 It is plain that the Founder foresaw the danger of admitting this class
of students from the precautions which he attaches to his permission. There
were only to be four, or at the most six, ' ad discretionem Prsesidentis,' and they
were only to remain ' quamdiu suit sub tutoribus et honeste se gerant in omnibus
exemplo et moribus, ut alii ex Collegio per eos fiant non deteriores ' (cap. 34).
* ' Ut intus operentur mellifici nee evocentur ad vilia, decernimus ut sint quidam
ab opere mellifico liberi et aliis obsequiis dediti. Verumtamen, si quispiam
eorum mellificos voluerit imitari, duplicem merebitur coronam'; Statut. cap. 17.
In cap. 37 the lecturers are required to admit the 'ministri Sacelli' and 'famuli
Collegii ' to their lectures, without charge.
3 There can be no doubt that, at this period and subsequently, the College
servants were often matriculated and proceeded to their degrees. And, as they
were entered in the College books not by their names but by their offices, this is
one reason why it is often so difficult to trace a student of those times to his
College. A notable instance is that of Dr. Fiddes, author of the Life of Wolsey,
&c., which will be noticed towards the close of the seventeenth century. He may,
however, possibly have been a servitor, not one of the ' famuli Collegii.' Servi-
tors, though not recognised in the Statutes, existed in the College in the seven-
teenth century, as, for instance, Samuel Ladiman, who was appointed Fellow by
the Parliamentary Visitors in 1648.
44 ORIGINAL STATUTES.
there were two inmates of the College, who were too young to
attend the lectures and disputations, but who were to be
taught grammar and instructed in good authors, either within
the College or at Magdalen School. These were the choristers,
who were to dine and sup with the servants, and to minister
in the Hall and Chapel ; but, as they grew older, were to have
a preference in the election to scholarships.
The qualifications of the various members of the College
are enumerated with some minuteness. To begin with the
President (cap. 2) :
'Statuimus ut Prsesidens sit probis moribus, integra vita, fama
inviolata, ordine sacerdotii constitutus, neque episcopus nee religiosus,
in sacra theologia doctus, et graduatus, ad minus Baccalaureus, aut
saltern ita edoctus ut intra quatuor menses post ejus prsefectionem
realiter accipiat gradum praedictum, omniaque facial, disputando et
praedicando, quae ex more ad dictum attinent gradum ; annos natus
triginta, cultui divino, virtuti et scientiae sacrarum literarum deditus,
in re familiari providus, in his quae ad proventus, redditus, sedificia,
locationes, conductiones et csetera hujusmodi pertinent, peritus et
expertus; ut, veluti rector vigilans, quid bene quidve male actum
fuerit facile discernat.'
The word ' religiosus,' like the phrase ' entered religion,' is
here used in a technical , sense of a monk. The Colleges
which existed solely or principally for the education of the
secular clergy, were so different in their aims, spirit, and
organization, from the monastic bodies, that, even where
this disqualification was not explicitly named in the case
of the Head or Fellows of a College, it seems to have been
implicitly understood. With Foxe's provision that the Head
of his College should not be a Bishop, his own practice
seems, at first sight, to be grossly inconsistent. For, as we
have already seen, even while occupying the large, important,
and lucrative see of Winchester, he was for no less than twelve
years (from 1507 to 1519), including the very year in which
he drew up these Statutes, Master of Pembroke College,
Cambridge. But this office appears, for a long time both
before and after Foxe's Mastership, to have been honorary,
and to have implied rather the functions of a patron, a ' friend
QUALIFICATIONS OF STUDENTS. 45
at court,' than the ordinary administrative duties of a Head1.
On an appeal to him, in the capacity of Visitor of Magdalen,
in the year 1504, as to the retention of the Presidency of that
College by Richard Mayew, after his consecration to the
Bishopric of Hereford, Foxe, as we have already seen, decided
against him2, though there was no such direct prohibition as
he himself subsequently inserted in the Statutes of Corpus ;
the decision being probably given on the ground of the
constant residence and attention to his duties which seems
to be exacted of the President in the Magdalen Statutes3.
Eligibility to the Presidentship was confined to those who
were at the time, or at least had been, Fellows of the College
(ch. 3).
Proceeding to the Scholars (' discipuli '), whom it is con-
venient to take next in order, the qualifications demanded
shew the scrupulous care of the Founder that his benefaction
should not be abused, and, as we read the literary require-
ments, we may well doubt whether, even in our own day, they
would invariably be satisfied by those who now win ' open '
scholarships.
'Sint hi' (sc. discipuli)4 'ex legitimo thoro nati ac prima tonsura
clerical! initiati, bonis moribus et bona indole perornati, in grammatica
Latina approbatisque Latinae linguae auctoribus ita eruditi, ut ex
tempore epistolas Latine dictare, et carmina saltern mediocriter com-
ponere sciant. . . . Ac, insuper, dialectica initiati, aut apti saltern et
idonei ac admodum parati ut ad dialecticam statim, nisi faciendis
carminibus et componendis epistolis ad tempus retineantur, promo-
veri, et in disciplinis liberalibus studere et proficere, valeant. Sint
prseterea, in eorum prima ad discipulatum in nostro Collegio admis-
sione, scholastici non graduati, in piano cantu aliquantulum eruditi,
1 See p. 1 3, above.
2 See p. u, above, and Mr. Wilson's article on Magdalen, in the Colleges
of Oxford, p. 240.
3 The chapters in the Magdalen Statutes are not numbered. Those I am
referring to will be found on pp. 46, 47 ; 58 of the Old Statutes of the Colleges of
Oxford. In the former Statute, the President is allowed to retain his office, not-
withstanding his obtaining ecclesiastical benefices or other revenues, ' dum tamen
in dicto Collegio resideat, et officium snum inibi juxta statutorum nostrorum exi-
gentiam gerat aut debite exequatur."
* Statutes, ch. 14.
46 ORIGINAL STATUTES.
duodecimum ad minus attigentes annum, nee nonum decimum com-
pletum excedentes.' (In a subsequent chapter, ch. 54, the age is
extended to twenty-one years, in the case of an ' extern ' (interpreted,
in Dr. Cole's time, as including a Clerk of the College) ' in Literis
Latinis aut Graecis egregie eruditus, et caeteris illius aetatis longe
prsestantior.') : ' Non habentes possessiones, redditus, pensiones, aut
alia certa salaria, ultra annuum valorem quadraginta solidorum : nee
praeterea aliquod impedimentum canonicum ad ordinem sacerdotii,
praster defectum aetatis, patientes.'
Of the twenty Scholars, ten were to be natives of the
dioceses of which Foxe had been Bishop : namely, five of the
diocese of Winchester, of which two were appropriated to the
county of Surrey, and three to the county of Southampton, in
which latter number was, however, to be included the Frost's
kin Scholar, in whatever county he might have been born ;
one of the diocese of Durham ; two of the diocese of Bath
and Wells ; and two of the diocese of Exeter. Two of the
remainder were to be natives of the county of Lincoln, as the
Founder's own birth-county l ; one of the county of Lancaster,
as the birth-county of Hugh Oldham, ' frater noster clarissimus,
hujus nostri Collegii praecipuus benefactor'; two of the county
of Gloucester, or, in failure of fit candidates, of the diocese of
Worcester ; one of the county of Wilts, or, in failure of fit
candidates, of the diocese of Sarum ; one of the county of
Bedford ; two of the county of Kent ; one of the county of
Oxford. The last seven seem to have been appropriated to
those counties or, failing the counties,' dioceses in which the
College had property. But the local restriction was not to
be absolute. If a favoured county or diocese failed, on any
occasion, to supply a fit candidate, the College might elect
from one of the other counties or dioceses, provided that no
one county or diocese should ever be thus represented by more
than one additional Scholar at the same time.
The Probationary Fellows (Scholares2) were to be 'boni
personae, casti, modesti, bonae famae, doctiores tarn in bonis
literis quam in logicis et philosophia, et in eisdem ad profici-
1 Cp. with ch. 14 the chapter (ch. 9) relating to the Scholares, or Probationary
Fellows. 2 Ch. 9.
QUALIFICATIONS OF STUDENTS. 47
endum magis idonei.' Though ' externs ' were not absolutely
excluded, the provisions of this Statute gave, in each con-
tingency, so marked a preference to the Scholars (' discipuli ')
that the case of an extern becoming a Probationary Fellow
was likely to be very rare, and, in the long experience of the
College, it seldom happened. The distribution of dioceses
and counties amongst the Fellows, including, for this purpose,
both actual Fellows and Probationers, corresponded with that
amongst the Scholars ; but any Scholars who had taken the
M.A. degree, of whatever county or diocese they might be,
had the right of succession, according to their seniority, in
preference to all who were not thus qualified, though there
might be no vacancy in their own particular diocese or
county.
After a probation of two years (a length of probation
which seems to have been peculiar to Corpus), a ' scholaris '
became a ' perpetuus socius ' or ' verus socius ' (what we now
call a ' full Fellow '), unless, either at the end of his first or
second year of probation, he had been declared to be ' non
habilis,' in which case he was to be ruthlessly removed from
the Society. '^Equum namque est extra alvearium voracem
et inutilem abigi fucum, ne mellificae et operatricis cibum
devoret apis1.'
The Chaplains and Clerks were grouped under the common
appellation of ' ministri sacelli.' ' Hi erunt,' says the Statute
(cap. 16), 'numero quatuor, ut praediximus, conductitii' {i.e.
' hired ' or ' engaged,' without acquiring any permanent rights,
whence the term ' conduct ' at Eton as an equivalent for
'chaplain'), 'omnes bona fama, probis moribus, studiis in
logica, philosophia, aut theologia dediti, et ut in eisdem
proficiant apti et assidui.' They were to be appointed by
the President or, in his absence, by the Vice-President and
one of the Bursars, and were removeable by the same authority,
with three months' notice, except in the case of contumacy
or bad conduct, in which case they might be summarily
dismissed. Though they were bound never to reveal College
secrets, and were to give information about any matter which
1 Cap. 12.
48 ORIGINAL STATUTES.
concerned the interests of the College; they were never to
intervene in its affairs or to encourage dissensions or dis-
obedience. The two chaplains were to be priests, 'unus
chori praecentor alter autem aedituus sive sacrista.' The ' use
of Sarum ' was to be followed by both. The two other
' ministri sacelli,' who are elsewhere called { clerks/ the name
by which, in subsequent times, they were usually known, were
to be 'accoliti aut saltern prima tonsura initiati, et in cantu
satis ut deserviant choro laudabiliter edocti ; quorum alter
erit organorum pulsator, alter vero erit subsacrista.' The
latter, besides assisting the 'sacrista/ was to ring the bells
for all the offices. The two choristers, who are to be appointed
by the President, ' erunt in omni genere cantus, ad minus
piano et intorto (pricked appellant), edocti antequam assu-
mantur, ut ita statim aut in Collegio, impensis amicorum,
aut ludo Magdalensi, grammaticam discant et bonos auctores.'
They may remain in the College ' usque ad primam vocis
permutationem/ if so it seem good to the President. They
are to have their food and clothing, but no ' stipendium '
('pocket-money'), a wise limitation probably in their own
interests. The other provisions with regard to them I have
already mentioned.
The names of the eight College-servants (who, it may
be noticed, are called ' famuli,' not ' send ' or ' servientes ')
sufficiently convey their own meaning. Their duties are
described in Ch. 17 of the Statutes. The only points
requiring further mention (I have already spoken of them)
are that the manciple (' mancipium ') was also called ' obso-
nator ' ; that the butler, subsequently called ' promus,' is
designated in the Statutes as ' panarius aut pincerna,' is to be
unmarried, and is, at certain times in the day, to minister ' ad
inhabitantium necessitates et studii minorem diminutionem/
the only indication, in the original Statutes, of any attendance,
on the part of servants, to the private wants of the students,
whether senior or junior ; that the porter, who was also to
act as barber and to make the College candles, was to be,
like the butler, unmarried, ' si hujusmodi commode haberi et
conduci possit ' ; lastly, that the Clerk of Accompts (' clericus
THE COLLEGE SERVANTS. 49
computi ') was only to be appointed ' quando et quoties
videatur commodum et expediens Praesidenti, Vice-praesidenti,
et majori parti septem seniorum,' and that his qualifications
and duties were rather like those of a solicitor and accountant
combined than those of what we should now call a servant,
for he is to be ' providus et in curiis tenendis ' (i. e. holding
manorial courts) ' et computis audiendis ' (i. e. auditing ac-
counts), 'et scribendis expertus et exercitatus.' That the
Clerk of Accompt was of more importance, and occupied
a higher position, than the other ' famuli Collegii ' is plain from
Chapters 31 and 33 of the Statutes, in the former of which
his allocation is fixed at the same amount as that of the
President, Fellows, Chaplains, and Readers, and in the latter
of which he is assigned a place at the same table in Hall
as the Bursars and the Fellow who acted as Steward of the
Hall. Though the Statutes seem to assume that he would
live inside the College, it is probable that, as he was not
required to be unmarried, the practice may soon have been
dispensed with ; for we find so early as 1566, the date of
Bishop Home's visitation, that Richard Joyner, Clerk of Ac-
compts, had a house in the town in which he had concealed
some of the vestments then in question. In and about the
parliamentary times he appears to have occupied much the
same sort of position as a modern Chapter Clerk. More
recently, his functions appear to have been divided between
the College Solicitor and the Bailiff, which latter officer is
now, to some extent, represented by the Bursar's Clerk.
The Statute De Famulis Collegii concludes with some
regulations about the laundresses (' lotrices '). It is curious,
nowadays, to read the regulation that no Fellow or Scholar is
' to take his own clothes or those of others to the wash,' but
the laundresses are to fetch them on Monday or Tuesday
from the Porter's Lodge, going no further into the College,
and to return them at the same place on the Saturday.
Passing to the domestic arrangements, the Fellows and
Scholars — there are curiously no directions with regard to the
other members of the College — were to sleep two and two
in a room, a Fellow and Scholar together, the Fellow in
E
50 DOMESTIC ARRANGEMENTS.
a high bed, and the Scholar in a truckle-bed. The Fellow
was to have the supervision of the Scholar who shared his
room, to set him a good example, to instruct him, to admonish
or punish him if he did wrong, and (if need were) to report
him to the disciplinal officers of the College. The limitation
of two to a room was a distinct advance on the existing
practice. At the most recently founded Colleges, Magdalen
and Brasenose, the number prescribed in the Statutes was
three or four. As no provision is made in the Statutes for
bed-makers, or attendants on the rooms, there can be little
doubt that the beds were made and the rooms kept in order
by the junior occupant, an office which, in those days when
the sons of men of quality served as pages in great houses,
implied no degradation. At a later period1 servitors were
introduced, that is, poor students, duly matriculated, who
performed much the same offices for the richer students as
are now performed by the scouts. After the Restoration, as we
shall see in Bishop Morley's remarks on Curtois's case, there
were female bed-makers2. Occasionally, too, at Corpus as
at other Colleges, noblemen or other gentlemen-commoners,
doubtless, brought their private servants with them from
home. This practice, in the University generally, probably
dated from a very early period, as also the analogous practice
of bringing a private tutor.
In the hall there were two meals in the day, dinner and
supper, the former at eleven a.m., the latter about five or
six p.m.3 At what we should now call the High Table, there
were to sit the President, the Vice-President, and Reader in
1 In the Buttery Book for 1648-9, there are some names which probably
represent servitors ; and in the University Matriculation Books, throughout the
seventeenth century, there are several matriculations from Corpus, to which are
attached the designation serv. or p. p. (i.e. pauper puer or pauper simply). I have
not found any of these latter names in the Buttery Books. Most of them probably
were servitors, others, perhaps, private servants, others ' famuli Collegii.'
2 ' Mrs. Moore,' who appears in the Buttery Book for 1648-9, is probably an
early instance of a female bedmaker.
3 In Thomas Lever's Sermon at St. Paul's Cross in 1550, the dinner hour at
Cambridge is given as 10, the supper hour as 5. I have placed the dinner hour
at C. C. C. at n, because (see Statutes, ch. 21) the Greek Lecture was to be given
at 10, ' or a little before,' which last words were probably added so as to leave
a short interval between the end of the lecture and the beginning of dinner.
MEALS IN HALL. 51
Theology, together with the Doctors and Bachelors in that
faculty; but even amongst them there was a distinction, as
there was an extra allowance for the dish of which the three
persons highest in dignity partook, providing one of the above
three officers were present. The Vice-President and Reader
in Theology, one or both of them, might be displaced, at the
President's discretion, by distinguished strangers. At the
upper side-table, on the right, were to sit the Masters of Arts
and Readers in Greek and Latin, in no prescribed order; at
that on the left, the remaining Fellows, the Probationers, and
the Chaplains. The Scholars and the two Clerks were to
occupy the remaining tables, except the table nearest the
buttery, which was to be occupied by the two Bursars, the
Steward of the Hall, and the Clerk of Accompts, for the
purpose, probably, of superintending the service. The Steward
of the Hall was one of the graduate-Fellows appointed, from
week to week, to assist the Bursars in the commissariat and
internal expenditure of the College. It was also his duty to
superintend the waiting at the upper tables, and, indeed, it
would seem as if he himself took part in it. The ordinary
waiters at these tables were the President's and other College
servants, the choristers, and, if necessary, the clerks ; but the
Steward had also the power of supplementing their service
from amongst the Scholars. At the Scholars' tables the
waiters were to be taken from amongst the Scholars and
Clerks themselves, two a week in turn. What has been said
above with regard to the absence, at that time, of any idea of
degradation in rendering services in the chambers would
equally apply here. Such services would then be no more
regarded as degrading than is fagging in a public school now1.
During dinner, a portion of the Bible was to be read by one
of the Fellows or Scholars under the degree of Master of Arts;
and, when dinner was finished, it was to be expounded by the
President or by one of the Fellows (being a theologian) who
was to be selected for the purpose by the President or Vice-
1 In the years 1649-52, there are several entries in the Register of Punish-
ments to the effect that Scholars or Clerks are ' put out of commons ' for refusing
to wait in hall. At that time, therefore, there must have been a feeling that the
practice was irksome or degrading.
E 3
52 CHAPEL SERVICES.
President, under pain of a month's deprivation of commons, if
he refused. While the Bible was not being read, the students
were to be allowed to converse at dinner, but only in Creek
or Latin, which languages were also to be employed exclusively,
except to those ignorant of them or for the purposes 'of the
College accounts, not only in the Chapel and hall but in the
chambers and all other places of the College. As soon as
dinner or supper was over, at least after grace and the loving-
cup, all the students, senior and junior, were to leave the hall.
The same rule was to apply to the bibesia, or biberia, then
customary in the University ; which were slight refections of
bread and beer1, in addition to the two regular meals. Ex-
ception, however, was made in favour of those festivals of Our
Lord, the Blessed Virgin, and the Saints, on which it was
customary to keep up the hall fire. For, on the latter
occasions, after refection and potation, the Fellows and Proba-
tioners might remain in the hall to sing or employ themselves
in any other innocent recreations such as became clerics, or to
recite and discuss poems, histories, the marvels of the world,
and like subjects.
The services in the Chapel, especially on Sundays and
festivals, it need hardly be said, were numerous, and the
penalties for absence severe. On non-festival days the first
mass was at five in the morning, and all Scholars of the
College and bachelor Fellows were bound to be present from
the beginning to the end, under pain of heavy punishments
for absence, lateness, or inattention. There were other masses
which were not1 equally obligatory, but the inmates of the
College were, of course, obliged to keep the canonical hours.
They were also charged, in conscience, to say certain prayers
on getting up in the morning and going to bed at night ; as
well as, once during the day, to pray for the Founder and
other his or their benefactors.
I have already spoken of the lectures, disputations, exami-
nations, and private instruction, as well as of the scanty
1 See the Statutes of Jesus College, Cambridge, chap, xx, where they are
limited to two in a day, and, on each occasion, to a pint of beer and a piece
of bread.
STRINGENT DISCIPLINE. 53
amusements, as compared with those of our own day, which
were then permitted. Something, however, still remains to
be said of the mode of life prescribed by the Founder, and of
the punishments inflicted for breach of rules. We have seen
that, when the Bachelors of Arts attended the lectures at
Magdalen, they were obliged to go and return in a body.
Even on ordinary occasions, the Fellows, Scholars, Chaplains
and Clerks were forbidden to go outside the College, unless
it were to the Schools, the library, or some other College or
Hall, unaccompanied by some other member of the College as
a ' witness of their honest conversation.' Those of them who
were undergraduates required, moreover, special leave from
the Dean or Reader of Logic, the only exemption in their
case being the Schools. If they went into the country, for
a walk or other relaxation, they must go in a company of not
less than three, keep together all the time, and return together.
The only weapons they were allowed to carry, except when
away for their short vacations, were the bow and arrow.
Whether within the University or away from it, they were
strictly prohibited from wearing any but the clerical dress.
Once a year, they were all to be provided, at the expense
of the College, with gowns (to be worn outside their other
habits) of the same colour, though of different sizes and
prices according to their position in College. It may be
noticed that these gowns were to be provided for the famuli
or servants no less than for the other members of the founda-
tion ; and that, for this purpose, the servants are divided
into two classes, one corresponding with the Chaplains and
probationary Fellows, the other with the Scholars, Clerks, and
choristers.
Besides being subjected to the supervision of the various
officers of the College, each Scholar was to be assigned by the
President to a tutor, namely, the same Fellow whose chamber
he shared. The tutor was to have the general charge of him ;
expend, on his behalf, the pension which he received from the
College, or any sums which came to him from other sources ;
watch his progress, and correct his defects. If he were neither
a graduate nor above twenty years of age, he was to be
54 PUNISHMENTS.
punished with stripes ; otherwise, in some other manner.
Corporal punishment might also be inflicted, in the case of
the juniors, for various other offences, such as absence from
Chapel, inattention at lectures, speaking English instead of
Latin or Greek ; and it was probably, for the ordinary faults
of undergraduates, the most common form of punishment.
The very absence of any mention of it from the Register of
Punishments seems to shew that it was too common to be
specially recorded ; and a preponderating number of the
entries in the Register seems to refer to Bachelors, who were
exempt from this punishment. Other punishments — short of
expulsion, which was the last resort — were confinement to the
library with the task of writing out or composing something
in the way of an imposition, to be shewn up whenever called
for ; sitting alone in the middle of the hall, while the rest were
dining, at a meal of dry bread and beer, or even bread and
water; and lastly, the punishment, so frequently mentioned
in the Statutes, deprivation of commons. This punishment
operated practically as a pecuniary fine, the offender having
to pay for his own commons instead of receiving them free
from the College. The payment had to be made to the
Bursars immediately, or, at latest, at the end of term. All
members of the College, except the President and probably
the Vice-President, were subject to this penalty, though, in
case of the seniors, it was simply a fine, whereas undergraduates
and Bachelors of Arts were obliged to take their commons
either alone or with others similarly punished. The offenders,
moreover, were compelled to write their names in a register,
partly as an additional punishment, partly for information to
the Bursars, stating their offence and the number of days for
which they were ' put out of commons.' Such registers still
exist ; but, as the names are almost exclusively those of
Bachelors and undergraduates, it is probable that the seniors,
by immediate payment or otherwise, escaped this more igno-
minious part of the punishment. It will be noticed that
rustication and gating, words so familiar to the undergraduates
of the present generation, do not occur in this enumeration.
Rustication, in those days when many of the students came
RESULTS OF THE SYSTEM. 55
from such distant homes, and the exercises in College were
so severe, would generally have been either too heavy or too
light a penalty. Gating, in our sense, could hardly exist, as
the undergraduates, at least, were not free to go outside the
walls, except for scholastic purposes, without special leave,
and that would, doubtless, have been refused in case of any
recent misconduct. Here it may be noticed that the College
gates were closed in the winter months at eight, and in the
summer months at nine, the keys being taken to the President
to prevent further ingress or egress.
Such were the studies, and such was the discipline, of an
Oxford College at the beginning of the sixteenth century; nor
is there any reason to suppose that, till the troubled times of
the Reformation, these stringent rules were not rigorously
enforced. They admirably served the purpose to which they
were adapted, the education of a learned clergy, trained to
habits of study, regularity, and piety, apt at dialectical fence,
and competent to press all the secular learning of the time into
the service of the Church. Never since that time probably
have the Universities or the Colleges so completely secured
the objects at which they aimed. But first, the Reformation ;
then, the Civil Wars; then, the Restoration of Charles II;
then, the Revolution of 1688 ; and lastly, the silent changes
gradually brought about by the increasing age of the students,
the increasing proportion of those destined for secular pursuits,
and the growth of luxurious habits in the country at large,
have left little surviving of this cunningly devised system.
The aims of modern times, and the materials with which we
have to deal, have necessarily become different ; but we may
well envy the zeal for religion and learning which animated
the ancient founders, the skill with which they adapted their
means to their end, and the system of instruction and dis-
cipline which converted a body of raw youths, gathered
probably, to a large extent, from the College estates, into
studious and accomplished ecclesiastics, combining the new
learning with the ancient traditions of the ecclesiastical life.
Hitherto, I have spoken only of the internal organization
of the College, and the relations of its various members to
56 FUNCTIONS OF THE VISITOR.
one another. But, like other founders, Bishop Foxe recognised
the desirability of providing some means, without involving
the members of his foundation in the expense, trouble, and
delay of appealing to the ordinary law-courts, of settling
dissensions which could not be composed within the College
itself as well as of securing the continued observation of his
Statutes. For the purpose of composing any implacable
strife between the President and one or more of the Fellows,
after all arbitration within the College had proved in vain,
a curious provision exists 1, which furnished a ready and
probably effective remedy. The contending parties were
each to nominate one Fellow, and these two Fellows were to
approach, with a statement of the case in writing, the Chan-
cellor of the University, if resident in the University, the
Warden of New College and the President of Magdalen, the
place of any one of these officers who was absent to be supplied
by his deputy ; and whatever decision might be given by any
two out of the three was to be implicitly accepted. But for
decisions affecting the more material interests of members of
the College and for ensuring the observation of the Statutes,
the Founder adopted the usual course of nominating a Visitor.
This was to be his successor, from time to time, in the see of
Winchester, — ' nostri Collegii Patronus et Visitator.' He was
to be the sole interpreter of the Statutes, and his decisions
were to be final. Moreover, every five years 2, either person-
ally or by his Commissary specially appointed for the purpose,
he might, of his own mere motion, or at the request of certain
officers of the College, or of a certain majority (two-thirds) of
the Fellows hold a special visitation within the Chapel of the
College, which all members of it were bound to attend. The
Visitor had full power himself to enquire, reform, and punish,
but the Commissary (from executing which office a long
string of persons, amongst them ' religiosi qualescunque,' is
excluded) could not proceed to the amotion of the President,
a Fellow, or Probationer, without the consent of three out of
the seven most senior Fellows then in the University, nor to
the amotion of the President, even with this consent, if he
1 Statutes, ch. 26. 2 Statutes, ch. 53.
SETTLEMENT OF THE SOCIETY. 57
chose to appeal to the Visitor himself. These quinquennial
Visitations do not appear to have been very frequent, nor do we
hear of any subsequently to Bishop Morley's second visitation
in 1674. Neither the College, the Visitor, nor any other
person or persons, 'cujuscunque dignitatis, auctoritatis, status,
gradus aut conditionis existant,' were allowed to make new
Statutes, nor any member of the College, under pain of per-
jury, to obey them. But, if any question arose with regard
to the meaning of a statute, which could not be settled by
the society itself within eight days, it was to be referred to
the Visitor, by whose interpretation every one was to be
bound, without further questioning. Nor was the prohibition
of new Statutes to prevent the President and Fellows, or
President, Seniors, and Officers, from issuing ordinances, from
time to time, provided they were not contrary to the Statutes,
and these ordinances were to be in full vigour till repealed
by themselves or their successors *.
The letters patent of Henry VIII2 having been issued on
Nov. 2,6, 1516, and the Charta Fundationis having been
signed by the Founder on March i, the first President and
Fellows were settled in their buildings, and put in possession
of the College and its appurtenances, by the Warden of New
College and the President of Magdalen, acting on behalf of
1 These provisions are contained in ch. 54 of the Statutes, headed ' Conclusio
omnium statutorum,' which, as the Founder himself says, contains his after-
thoughts. But this chapter must be distinguished from the Post-Statuta, begin-
ning at p. 112 of the printed copy issued by the Royal Commissioners in 1853,
which were not enacted by the Founder till within eight months of his death
(see above, p. 37).
2 By these letters patent the College was constituted a Corporation under the
style and title of the President and Scholars of Corpus Christi College in the
University of Oxford, and allowed to hold in mortmain lands to the clear value of
^35° a year. From the Valor Ecclesiasticus of 27 H. VIII. <i535>> it: appears
that the net annual revenue of the College at that time was £382 8s. §\d. Ten
years later it was four pounds less.
58 EARLY MEMBERS OF THE COLLEGE.
the Founder, on the 5th of March, 1516-1 7 J. There were as
many witnesses as filled two tables in the hall2; among them
being Reginald Pole (afterwards Cardinal and Archbishop of
Canterbury), then a B. A. of Magdalen, and subsequently
(February I4th, 1523-4) admitted, by special appointment
of the Founder, Fellow of Corpus. The first President, John
Claymond, an old friend of the Founder, and, like himself,
a Lincolnshire man, the first Vice-President, Robert Morwent,
and several of the early Fellows and Scholars were also origi-
nally members of Magdalen, so that Corpus was, in a certain
sense, a colony from what has usually been supposed, and on
strong grounds of probability, to have been Foxe's own
College. The first Professor of Humanity was Ludovicus
Vives, the celebrated Spanish humanist, who had previously
been lecturing in the South of Italy ; the first Professor of
Greek, expressly mentioned in the Register (not definitely
appointed, however, till Jan. 2nd, 1520-21), was Edward
Wotton, then a young Magdalen man, subsequently Physician
to Henry VIII, and author of a once well-known book, De
Differentiis Animalium 3. The Professorship of Theology
does not seem to have been filled up either on the original
constitution of the College or at any subsequent time. It is
possible that the functions of the Professor may have been
performed by the Vice-President, who was ex officio Dean of
Theology. In the very first list of admissions, however,
to the new society, we find the name of Nicholas Crutcher
(/. e. Kratzer) a Bavarian, a native of Munich, who was prob-
1 The Founder's care for his infant foundation is strikingly exemplified in a
letter written to Claymond a few days previously, Feb. 25. Amongst many
minute directions to the President, he says : ' The Barge departed from Westmin-
ster upon Fryday last with the Kechyn stuffe and other things, and with it com-
meth to you Robert Bayliff of Savoy, which shall deliver you one part of the
Indenture conteyninge the particulars of the said stuffe ; and at my commyng to
Winchester, which shall be about the later end of the next weke, I shall send you
more stuffe.' Fulman MSS., vol. X, fol. 130.
2 These particulars are given in a contemporary Memorandum at the end of
the ' Charta Fundationis.'
3 In a list of Greek Readers given by Fulman (Fulman MSS., vol. X), David
Edwards is mentioned as preceding WTotton, but, probably, he held the appoint-
ment only as locum tenens, while Wotton was availing himself of the Founder's
license to travel abroad. See more on this matter under the list of Greek Readers.
FELICITATIONS OF ERASMUS. 59
ably introduced into the College for the purpose of teaching
Mathematics1. The sagacity of Foxe is singularly exemplified
by his free admission of foreigners to his Readerships. While
the Fellowships and Scholarships were confined to certain
dioceses and counties, and, with almost insignificant excep-
tions, the only regular access to a Fellowship was through a
Scholarship, the Readers might be natives of any part of
England, or of Greece or Italy beyond the Po. It would
seem, however, as if even this specification of countries was
rather by way of exemplification than restriction, as the two
first appointments, made by the Founder himself, were of a
Spaniard and a Bavarian.
Erasmus, writing, shortly after the settlement of the society,
to John Claymond, the first President, in 1519, speaks (Epist.
lib. 4) 2 of the great interest which had been taken in Foxe's
foundation by Wolsey, Campeggio, and Henry VIII himself,
and predicts that the College will be ranked ' inter praecipua
decora Britanniae,' and that its 'trilinguis bibliotheca'3 will
attract more scholars to Oxford than were formerly attracted
to Rome. This language, though doubtless exaggerated,
shows the great expectations formed by the promoters of the
new learning of this new departure in academical institutions.
1 On Kratzer, see further under the list of eminent men during Claymond's
Presidency.
* No. 438 in Le Clerc's edition.
3 The three tongues were Latin, Greek and Hebrew.
CHAPTER III.
SITE AND BUILDINGS OF THE COLLEGE
(INCLUDING SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FOUNDER'S EARLIER DESIGN
FOR A MONASTIC COLLEGE).
BISHOP FOXE'S original design, as we have already seen, was
to found a College, after the pattern of Durham, Gloucester,
St. Mary's, and Canterbury Colleges, for the reception of
young monks from St. Swythun's Priory at Winchester, while
pursuing their studies in Oxford. A long indenture (dated
June 30, 5 Hen. VIII, i.e. 1513) still exists in the archives of
the College, made between Bishop Foxe, on the one part, and
the Prior (Thomas Silkstede) and Convent of St. Swythun's,
on the other part, covenanting that, in consideration of many
costly articles of plate and jewellery, besides vestments, books,
&c., granted to them by the Bishop, as well as of divers other
great benefits conferred on them, the Prior and Convent will
purchase ' to them and their successors for ever of the Master
and Fellowes of Merton College in Oxon certaine places and
parcells of grounde lying in Oxford aforesayd and of the
Abbas and Convent of Godstow certaine places and parcells
of ground lyinge in Oxford aforesayd and of the Prior and
Convent of St. Fridswith in Oxford aforesayd another parcell
of ground in Oxford aforesayd, upon which parcells of ground
the sayd Bishop by the assent of the sayd Master and Prior
of St. Frideswith hath begunne to build and levie one house
for a College.' From the remainder of this lengthy document1,
it appears: (i) that the College was to be established for
1 It is copied in full in the Evidences, vol. I, p. 7, &c., and partially in Fulman,
vol. X, fol. 1 1 8, &c.
DESIGN FOR A MONASTIC COLLEGE. 6 1
a Warden and a 'certaine number of Monks and secular
Schollers ' (the combination should be noted) ; (2) that it was
to be erected ' after the manner of a double platt made for
the over and the nether lodginge of the same buildings and
houses ' ; (3) that ' William Vertue free Mason and Humfry
Cooke Carpenter ' were ' Masters of the workes ' ; (4) that the
Bishop was 'in full purpose and minde' to purchase lands,
tenements, &c., to the yearly value of £160, to be appro-
priated to the Prior and Convent for the use of the College ;
(5) that he had already bought and given to the Convent
lands of the yearly value of £2,8, in virtue of a licence of
mortmain obtained from the King, to the amount of .£100
yearly in temporal and £ico yearly in spiritual possessions
above all charges and reprises ; (6) that, in case the Bishop's
intentions were not wholly carried out at the time of his death,
the plate, jewellery, and other costly articles enumerated at
the beginning of the document, or so much of them as was
necessary, were to be sold, within twelve months after that
event, and the proceeds forthwith devoted to the accom-
plishment of his objects ; (7 ) that the foundation was to
consist of:
(a) four monks, to be called the Bishop's Scholars, all of
them ' professed within the monastery of St. Swithun's,' and all
of them ' being of convenient age to learae and study in the
sciences and faculties ensuinge l, that is to say of the age of
eighteene years at the least.' Of these one was to be Warden,
and was to receive £10 yearly, the other three 10 marks each,
the payment, in either case, to be in lieu of all other allow-
ances, excepting those of the barber, lavender (laundress),
lecturers in Sophistry, Logic, and Philosophy, and (of course)
their rooms. [Here follow certain provisions with regard to
two Chantry Monks, who were to be paid ^d. a day each for
saying two masses (of course, one each) ' in the Chappell
where the sayd Bysshop hath ordained his sepulture to be
made within the Cathedrall Church of St. Swithin.']
(b) four other monks, brothers of the same monastery, one to
be called the Prior's Scholar, and the other three the Convent's
1 These are Sophistry, Logicke, Philosophy, and Divinity.
62 DESIGN FOR A MONASTIC COLLEGE.
Scholars, to be paid respectively, out of the revenues of the
Priory and the Convent, 10 marks each ; the other allowances
to be the same as in the case of the Bishop's Scholars.
(c) The following officers and servants, with the annexed
payments :
The reader of Sophistry and Logic, 40^.
The reader of Philosophy, 5 marks (£3 6s. &/.).
The Bible Clarke, which, after his lecture (reading) be
finished, shall serve at the table, 26s. $>d.
The Clarke of the Chappell, which shall be allso sacristine
and likewise serve at the table, 26s. 8d.
The Manciple of the College, 40^.
The cheife Cooke, 26s. %d.
The under Cook, 2os.
The Buttler, 2os.
The Panter (Panterer, the person, probably, who both
baked and dispensed the bread), zos.
The Lavender (laundress), 26s. 8d.
The Barber, 26s. %d.
A servant to serve them at the table, 13^. ^d.
The Warden's servant of the College, which shall allso
serve at the table, 13^. 4d.
There was also to be a Steward of the College (but whether
one of the young monks or not we are not told 1), to whom was
to be paid weekly 8d. for the commons of each of the fol-
lowing officers or servants : the Manciple, Chief Cook, Butler,
Panter, servant at the table, Warden's servant, Bible Clerk
and Sacristan. Each of the above-named was also to receive,
at the feast of Easter, ' one gowne cloth, all of one coulour,
for every gowne 4 broade yards, price every yard $s. 4^.'
1 Provided allways that the sayd buttler, panter, servant at
the table, Warden's servant, Bible Clarke and Sacristine (the
Manciple and chief cook, it will be noticed, are omitted) and
every of them be,' before their admission, 'substantially learned
in Grammar, and, after their admission, keepe thear study and
1 The expression 'the steward for the time being' seems to imply that it was
an office taken in turn, just as subsequently one of the Junior Fellows took in
turn the office of Senescallus aulse. See C. C. C. Statutes, ch. 32.
COMMENCEMENT OF BUILDING. 63
learnings in Sophistry and Logick and Philosophy, and be at
the Lectures, rehersals, and disputations in the same, after the
manner, and in the same wise, as any of the said monks shall
doe.' This provision is most interesting as showing not only
that servants, but also what servants, at this time were not
uncommonly students, and that they attended lectures, and,
generally, were on much the same footing as the other students1.
These servants and officers are possibly the ' secular scholars '
spoken of above, though the Founder may have intended to
found places for certain secular 'scholars,' in the stricter sense of
the term ' scholars,' to live side by side with his young monks2.
And this design seems not improbable, on account of the very
much larger proportion of servants to scholars than that which
obtained in the College, as subsequently founded.
The remainder of the document is not specially interesting
to the student of academical history, as it is mainly occupied
with provisions regarding the plate, vestments, &c., which
seem to have been a sort of bond or pledge for the per-
formance of the Bishop's intentions, and recoverable when
the intentions were fulfilled.
It may be remarked that this College, if the foundation had
actually taken place, would have been simply the property of
St. Swithin's, in fact a cell of that monastery, and not an
independent corporation. And this was, doubtless, the case
with the other monastic offshoots in Oxford.
It is notable that, in this Indenture, it is stated that the
Founder had already (i.e. June 30, 1513) begun to 'build and
levie one house for a College.' This statement is confirmed
by a curious circumstance, recorded in the University Archives,
1 Cp. chs. 17, 37 of the College Statutes.
2 The account of the ' secular ' students at Durham College, given by Mr.
Blakiston (Colleges of Oxford, pp. 325, 326) would seem to favour the former
alternative. Bishop Hatfield, on re-endowing the Durham Hall, established therein
a warden and seven other student monks, ' and also (which is a new departure)
eight secular students in Grammar and Philosophy at five marks each, from
Durham and North Yorkshire, on the nomination of the prior, who are to dine
and sleep apart from the monks, and perform any honesta ministeria that do not
interfere with their studies. These students are under no obligation to take orders
or vows ; but must take an oath to further the interests of the Church of Durham.'
64 HOSTILITY OF BRASENOSE MEN.
which I will give in the words1 of Mr. Ralph Churton, the
biographer of the Founders of Brasenose : 'And it is certain
that there were students at this time (i5J2) belonging to
Brasen Nose Hall ; though the evidence of the fact happens
to be no proof of their good behaviour. Fox, Bishop of
Winchester, had begun to build Corpus Christi College ; and,
whether it were owing to any invidious comparison between
the two rising fabrics2, or to what has already been noted,
the ferocious manners of the times ; so it was that there was
more than one affray between certain members of Brasen-
Nose Hall and the workmen employed about the other
College. An undergraduate of the Hall, named Hastings,
was committed to prison, at the suit of a servant of the
Bishop of Winchester, in August, 1512 3; and Formby him-
1 Lives of William Smyth, Bishop of Lincoln, and Sir Richard Sutton, Knight,
Founders of B. N. C., by Ralph Churton, 1800.
2 Though the foundation stone of B. N. C. was laid June i, 1509, the progress
of the building had been delayed.
3 University Archives, Register of the Chancellor's Court from 1506 to 1514,
'J (reversed F) fol. 1 65 a. Mr. Churton has here given a somewhat false impression
of the facts. It is literally true that Hastings was committed to prison in the
first instance, but the Principal and one of the Fellows of his Hall intervened, and
gave their recognisances that he should come up for judgment, when called on.
The original document runs as follows : (i5i2)*23 die augusti comparuit coram
nobis quid am scholaris anise aenese nomine Hastyngs ad instanciam servientis
domini episcopi Wynton, quern propter sua demerita mandavimus carceribus, sed
intercesserunt pro eo principalis aulse suse magister matthseus smyth et magister
rowlandus messenger ejus aulse ac fidejusserunt nobis pro eo in XL lib. sterling,
quod inducent prsedictum Hastyngs ad mandatum nostrum et hoc quocunque tern-
pore per nos limitando ad standum judicio nostro et ad recipiendum quicquid
justicia suadebit in hac parte.'
The record of the proceedings against Formby goes on to state that he and his
friend John Legh, also a Fellow of Brasenose, bind themselves, each in ,£20, that
Formby shall pay the surgeon's bill for Est's wounds; and, furthermore, that
Formby shall abide by the arbitration of the Commissary (Laurence Stubbes) and
Mr. Claymond, President of Magdalen, as to the amount of damages to be paid
to Est in consideration of his wounds, and the losses thereby occasioned to him.
It would appear from a subsequent paragraph that the wounds were not inflicted
by Formby himself, but by two men, named Henry Wright and William Barnes
(for whose conduct he was, doubtless, to some extent responsible). They had
been cast into Bokardo, and were detained there some time, till, Est's wounds
proving not to be mortal, they were, with his consent, released, on paying a fine
to the University and entering into their own recognisances to keep the peace.
Cooke took an oath not to prosecute Formby, outside the University, for his
threatening language towards himself or Vertue, and Est similarly engaged not to
NEGOTIATIONS WITH MERTON. 65
self, the late Principal, was bound in a recognisance, some
time after (Aug. 20, 1514), to keep the peace towards
William Vertu and William Est, freemasons, and Humfry
Coke, carpenter, masters of the works of the Bishop of
Winchester's new College near Merton V
Where it is stated in the Indenture that the building had
been already begun, it is added that this was done with
the assent of the Master (of Merton) and the Prior of
St. Frideswide, thus implying that Bishop Foxe had not
yet legally become possessed of the site. Nor was this the
case till two or three years afterwards. But possibly, before
the permission was granted, some money had already been
paid in advance. Any way, about six months before the
date of the Indenture, though subsequently to the affair of
Hastings the Brasenose student, we have, in the Corpus
archives, a record of the payment of the first instalment of
what was then the considerable sum of £120 to Walter
Morwent, a Fellow of Merton. Probably this payment was
made to him on behalf of his College, but, as he was or had
been also Principal of Corner Hall (see Brodrick's Memorials
of Merton, p. 246), it is just possible that it was an indemnifi-
cation of his interests in that capacity, or it may have been
paid to him on both accounts. The document runs as follows :
'This bill indented made the i6th day of January, the 4th
year of the raigne of kinge Henry the VHIth {i.e. i5i|),
berith witnes that 1 Mr. Walter Morwent of Marton College
have received the daie and yere above said of Maister John
Claymond, president of saincte Mary Magdalen College in the
universite of Oxford, twentie pound of parte of sixe score
pound lefte with the said Maistre John Claimond as depositum
for the performation of my Lord of Winchester his worke.
Item vicesimo die Februarii Recepi de eodem per manus
Ricardi Wynsmor XX".
Item recepi ab eodem 22° die Martii per manus Ricardi
Wynsmor XX11.
take any external action in the matter of his wounds, provided that Stubbes and
Claymond gave their award by All Saints Day. So the affair ended.
1 Register of Chancellor's Court, fol. 232 (mistake for 231), Aug. 20, 1514.
F
66 NEGOTIATIONS WITH MERTON.
Item recepi ab eodem 13° die Aprilis per manus Ricardi
Wynsmor XXXI"
Item recepi ultimo Aprilis per manus Magistri Ricardi
Wynsmor IX11.
Item recepi ab eodem 14° die Maii per manus proprias
XX11.'
If this was really a payment to Merton College (and the
largeness of the sum as well as the absence of any mention
of Corner Hall in Morwent's designation make me feel
tolerably certain that it was), it may be taken as an explana-
tion of the apparently small annual payment (£4 6s. 8d.)
accepted by Merton for the considerable plot of ground ceded
to the Founder of Corpus. Supposing the above payments,
and possibly others, to have been made to the Warden and
Fellows of Merton in advance of the annuity secured by the
Indenture of Oct. 20, 1515, the transaction would \>& prima facie
analogous to the practice of taking fines on leases, familiar to
all Colleges at this time, and hence the explanation appears
to me a highly probable one. But it differed in two respects :
(i) that the land was alienated for ever; (2) that it, or at
least a portion of it, the Bachelors' Garden, was part of the
homestead of the College. And, if a corporation were at
liberty to sell their estates, partly for a lump sum to be
divided .amongst the existing corporators, partly for a per-
petual rent charge, it is plain that there would be a growing
tendency to increase the former and diminish the latter por-
tion of the price, till the revenues gradually dwindled away.
Hence it is, probably, that the consent of Warden Rawlyns
to this alienation was subsequently viewed so severely by
Archbishop Warham, who is said to have regarded it as one
of the grounds of his deposition l from the Wardenship.
Thus my supposition, which is supported by the important
documentary evidence of the Indenture of 151 §, would, if
accepted, help to explain two difficulties connected with the
transfer of this site, namely (i) the smallness of the annual
payment, and (2) the severity with which the Warden's share
in it was subsequently viewed by the Visitor.
1 See Brodrick's Memorials of Merton, p. 312.
EXEMPTIONS FROM JURISDICTIONS. 67
The Indenture of Oct. 20, 1515, already referred to, be-
tween Bishop Foxe, on the one part, and the Warden and
' ffelyship ' of Merton College, on the other part, covenants
that they shall grant to the said Bishop ' a tenement nowe
decayed wyth a Garden thereto belongyng called Cornerhall
and another tenement now decayed wyth a Garden thereto
belongynge called Nevylls Inne, and another Garden called
Bachelers Garden,' while the Bishop, on his part, grants to
the Warden and ' felyshlp ' an annuity of £4 6s. &/., secured
for ever 'out of the Church of Witney,' of which he is Patron.
It may here be noticed that on Sept. 23, 1517, when the
Society was already established, a Composition was made
between Merton and Corpus, whereby, on an undertaking to
pay to Merton an annual sum of 6s. 8d., the President and
Fellows of Corpus were released from all parochial charges,
in respect of their being locally situated within the Merton
parish of St. John the Baptist.
The College had already been spiritually dissevered from
the parish and diocese in which it was locally situated. In a
document entitled ' Resignatio Jurisdictions,' and dated
June 7, 1517, the Bishop of Lincoln discharged the President,
Fellows, and other inhabitants of the College from the obliga-
tion of canonical obedience to the see of Lincoln, and trans-
ferred his jurisdiction from himself and his successors to the
Bishop of Winchester and his successors. The Bishop's
renunciation and translation of his jurisdiction was confirmed
by the Dean and Chapter on June 13, and, on June 20,
Bishop Foxe granted a licence to the President and Scholars
(the legal title of the Foundation) to celebrate Mass and other
divine offices, or cause them to be celebrated by their Chap-
lains, at any canonical hour, in the Chapel or oratories of
the College1.
A concession of Nun Hall was formally made to the
Founder by Isabella Brainton, the Abbess, and the convent of
1 These documents are copied at length in the first volume of the Evidences,
pp. 287-93, and abridged in the Fulman MSS., vol. x. fol. 132, 133. The Chapel
seems to have been dedicated on Oct. 19 following. See MS. 280 in the College
Library, fol. 216 a.
F 2
68 PURCHASES FROM GODSTOW AND ST. FRIDESWIDE.
Godstow on January 15, 151". The deed recites that the con-
cession is made 'ob singularem ejus benevolentiam et plurima
in hoc nostrum Monasterium beneficia collata/ and no other
consideration is named in the deed. The benefits may have
been of long standing, or, as in the case of Merton, if my
conjecture be right in that instance, there may have been a
large lump sum paid down. But the Abbey of Godstow
appears to have had some dispute with the Priory of
St. Frideswide in respect of a quit-rent, and, in an acquittance
given by the Founder, subsequently to the concession, he
undertakes that, if the Prior and Convent of St. Frideswide
can make out their claim, he will be responsible for the
payment, amounting to four shillings a year.
Lastly, two other old halls, Urban Hall and Beke's Inn,
with their gardens and appurtenances, were purchased of
the Prior (John Burton) and Convent of St. Frideswide on
Feb. 9, 15 1£, the consideration named being an annual rent-
charge of 2,6s. 8^., secured on the Rectory of Wroughton in
Wiltshire, of which the Bishop was Patron. As the buildings
had been already commenced, with the consent of the Prior,
more than three and a half years before (see p. 60), there can
be little doubt, as in the case of Merton, that a previous
consideration had passed, to which the annual rent-charge
was only supplementary.
The relative position of these three purchases, and of the old
halls which they include, will best be made out from the annexed
plan and explanation, which I have taken from the Fulman
MSS., vol. x. fol. 106, 107 a, b. The plan also occurs, in a
rougher and earlier form, in the Collectanea of Miles Windsor
and Brian Twine, MS. 280, fol. 196 a, and there is no reason
for doubting its accuracy. It may be noted that the site of the
Bachelors' Garden of Merton seems exactly, or almost exactly,
to have corresponded with that of the present College Garden.
The present President's Garden is plainly a portion of the
Garden of Nevill's Inn. The present Kitchen, though now
much altered, was probably the Refectory of Urban Hall. It
is interesting as being, probably, the only building, at least
above ground, older than the foundation of the College.
Orial Coll.
North
Corner Hall and
Garden
Urban Hall
and Garden
Nun Hall
Leaden Porch
Nevills Inne and Garden
Bekes Inne
and Garden
Bachelors Garden
Town Wall
South
Town Wall
The Site of the College, how narrow soever the Compasse may seem to be, did
heretofore conteine no lesse than Five several Halls, and as many Gardens :
1. Corner Hall and Garden I
2. Nunne Hall
3. Nevills Inne and Garden 2
4. Bekes Inne and Garden 3
5. Urban Hall and Garden 4.
Bachelers Garden 5.
Corner Hall stood in the Northwest Corner neer Canterbury College, where is now the
Butlers Chamber and adjoyning Lodgings.
Nunne Hall, called also Leaden Porch, stood on the South of that ; and belonged to the
Nunnes of Godstow, of whom the Founder bought it.
Nevills Inne stood on the South of Nunne Hall and the North of Bekes Inne, having a
Garden lying on the East of all three.
Bekes Inne stood on the South of Nevills Inne and the North of Bachelers Garden.
Bachelers Garden, belonging to Merton College, lay on the South of these, extending
by the Towne Wall from Merton on the East to the Street against Saint Frideswides
Church on the West, where now is the Masters and the Bachelers Garden of Corpus
Christi and perhaps part of the Cloysters.
Urban Hall stood in the Northeast between Merton and Corner Hall, joyning to the
street against Orial.
70 CONTINUATION OF BUILDING.
I cannot say with certainty what is meant by the dotted
lines on the Plan. Probably they express Fulman's con-
jectures as to the possible extent of the sites of Urban
Hall and Beke's Inn respectively. Nor am I certain as to
the interpretation of the words 'where is now the Butler's
Chamber and adjoyning Lodgings.' By the Butler's Chamber
may only be meant a room in which the Butler lived l (if this
were so, it would shew that, in Fulman's time, some of the
servants still lived inside the College2). The 'adjoyning
Lodgings ' may mean either the old Lodgings of the Presi-
dent (still, in Fulman's time, occupied concurrently with the
President's house), which were probably, in part, on the site of
Corner Hall, or simply College rooms.
Wood 3 speaks as if about a quarter of the College, as the
Founder originally designed it, had been completed before
he altered his mind with regard to the character of the
Foundation. What portion of the present College this was
I am not aware that we have any means of ascertaining.
After the design was changed, Wood continues, ' he pro-
ceeded in his buildings which he had begun ; the which, had
the foundation intended at first been equal to his second
thoughts, it had been larger, but, being begun, it could not
well be altered, which in all probability was the reason why
he enlarged it afterward by building the Cloister Chambers/
Some of the building accounts, relating to the later period of
the construction of the fabric, are still extant in MS. 435 of
the College Library. They begin on March 2, 8 Hen. VIII,
i.e. 1 5 IT, two days before the Society was inducted into the
College, and end on Nov. 21, 10 Hen. VIII, i.e. 1518, but
some leaves at the end seem to be lost. The Cloister
appears to have been begun in May, I5r7> as» m the ac-
count (often in this MS. called 'boke') for May 24-31, there
1 On the site of the Battery, see further on, pp. 75, 6.
2 A College inventory, taken in 1610, shews that it then certainly was so. In
' the manciple and butler's chamber,' there are two beds, one in the outer room
and the other in the study. In 1622 the bed has disappeared from the study, but
remains in the outer room.
3 Wood's History of the Colleges and Halls, p. 389;
ORIGINAL BUILDINGS, AS COMPLETED. 71
is a charge of los. 6d. for ' digging of the foundation of the
cloister.'
We do not know, with any precision, when the College
buildings were completed. But, as there were large ad-
missions of members of the foundation in July, August, and
October of the year 1517, we may conjecture, with some
probability, that new rooms were then ready for their recep-
tion, and, perhaps, that the principal part of the College, the
front quadrangle, then became wholly or mainly occupied.
In 1518 and 1519 there were only four admissions of Scholars
and Fellows, whereas in 1520 there were no less than ten.
From these facts it seems a natural inference that new rooms
were available in that year, and these would probably be the
' Cloister Chambers l ' of which Wood speaks.
When the buildings and appurtenances of the College were
completed according to the Founder's design, they must
have consisted of the Chapel, the Hall, the Library, the
gateway and the chambers in the front quadrangle, the
cloisters and cloister chambers, the kitchen and other offices,
1 There was a tradition in the College that Ludovicus Vives had lived in one of
these cloister chambers ; and over this chamber the story ran that, from the first
foundation of the College to the Parliamentary Visitation in 1648, there had, with
a short interval of three years, always been a swarm of bees settled between the
ceiling and the leads.
I transcribe the following curious note from Wood's Colleges and Halls, p. 393 :
' Master Twyne, the Antiquary, hath affirmed, that he had often heard Dr. Benefeild,
sometime Fellow of this House, (who then had the Chamber and Study of Jo. Lud.
Vives, at the west end of the Cloister) as also Dr. Cole, sometime President of the
College, affirm, that those bees were called Vives his bees.
' In the year 1630, the leads over Vives his study being pluckt up, their stall was
taken, (Carol. Butler, in his Hist, of Bees, num. 59) and with it an incredible mass
of honey : But the bees, as presaging their intended and imminent destruction,
(whereas they were never known to have swarmed before) did that spring (to
preserve their famous kind) send down a fair swarm into the President's garden :
the which in the year 1633 yielded two swarms ; one whereof pitched in the garden
for the President, the other they sent up as a new colony into their old habitation,
there to continue the memory of this mellifluous Doctor (Vives) as the University
stiled him in a letter to Card. Wolsey.
'They continued there (as 'tis said) till an. 1648, at what time the generality of
the members of this Coll. were expelled by the Parliament-Visitors, and then they
removed themselves ; but no further than the east end of the Cloister, where con-
tinuing for sometime, came shortly after to nothing.
' This is in Fuller's Worthies in com. Ox. 326, and Dr. Plot follows him without
acknowledgment.'
72 THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSE.
the garden or gardens, and the wood-yard, which, from the
reference to it on the first page of the building accounts
mentioned above, must have been conterminous, or nearly
so, with the present yard, which lies between the College
buildings and Merton, and is entered now as then by a
separate gate.
The President's House was, of course, a subsequent ad-
dition, for the President's Lodgings at Corpus, as at most of
the older Colleges, were originally in rooms over and about
the gateway. Wood l, in a passage which I have elsewhere
quoted at length, speaks of the discontent produced amongst
the Fellows of Corpus by the introduction into the College
of the wife and children of Cole, the first married President.
But the arrangement which brought a married President, with
a wife and young family, into College rooms, without a garden
or yard or offices, must have been more disagreeable to them,
even if it were less vexatious, than to the Fellows. In Agas'
map of the date 1578, ten years after Cole was imposed on the
College, there is still no indication of a President's house. In
the Libri Magni, as well as the Tower Book, down to the
financial year 1598-9, there is no charge which we can connect
with a President's house, but in the Liber Magnus for that
year, there is a sum of £134 9-y. io\d. charged under the head
* Charges of timber and building of Mr. President's studie
gallarie and other romes and repairing the thecke (thatch, or
possibly roof. Cp. German Decke or Dach), Anno Domini
1599.' In the following year (1599-1600), there is a further
sum of ;£i44 is. 6\d. set down to ' Charges of Building from
Oct. 2,6 to Sept. 19,' in obvious continuation of the former
work, and in the next year (1600-1), there is a charge,
extending over the four terms, of £41 zs. \\d., under the
head of ' Deposita pro nova structural This last charge
includes various items of matting, &c., for the President's
chamber, gallery, study, and kitchen. The occurrence of
the last word seems to leave little doubt that the charges
were for a separate house, not for College rooms. Indeed
the sums total, the time taken over the work, and the indi-
1 Annals, sub 1568.
HIS ROOMS IN COLLEGE. 73
vidual items alike make it difficult to suppose that these
charges refer to the lodgings in the front quadrangle, and
hence I conclude that we have here the first indication of
a President's house distinct from the College 1. If this sup-
position be true, ' repairing the thecke ' must refer to other
buildings. In a College inventory taken in 1613, there is
mention of a chamber ' next to Mr. President's garden,'
which seems to imply a President's house. And in an
inventory of the President's furniture, plate, books, &c., or
rather so much of them as belonged to the College, which
may probably be dated between 1660 and 1677 2, 'the house
behind the President's Garden ' is specified in addition to the
rooms which constituted the old Lodgings, — namely, ' the low
room or parlour' (adjoining and at that time communicating
with the Hall), 'the bed-room,' 'the chamber over the College
gate,' and ' the chambers over the Steward and Porter ' (that
is, the two rooms on the other side of the gateway, com-
municating with that last named). It would thus appear, from
the evidence of this document, if it be an inventory taken
by Fulman, or when Fulman was Fellow, that, even after the
Restoration, the President retained the old lodgings, but also
occupied in addition the new house, which I suppose to have
1 In the Liber Magnus for 1601-2, there are no special charges for building or
furniture, shewing that the work begun in 1599 had come to an end. In the years
1602-3, 1603-4, there are charges of ^94 125. $d. and ^128 i6.r. ^d. respectively,
' pro nova structura,' but as they include work done to the Chapel, they are
evidently for new building, not for a new building, and cover repairs. Of
course, part of these sums, as well as of the large disbursement of over ^295 in
1607-8, may have been employed for enlarging or improving the President's
house.
1 have searched carefully through the Libri Magni and the Tower Book from
1599 to 1675 (the date.of Loggan's map, in which, it may be noticed, the house
appears), and can find no charges which can be connected with the building of a
President's house, so that I take it there is no doubt that a separate President's
house was first built in 1599.
2 The original inventory seems to be in the hand- writing of Fulman, and, there-
fore, unless it be merely a copy of some pre-existing inventory (which I do not
think is the case), it cannot be earlier than the date of his restoration to his
Fellowship (1660). And it cannot be later than 1677, as there are some additional
entries, headed 'New, 1677.' Even if the older part be only a copy, the original
inventory cannot have been earlier than 1640, as it includes ' the little box' for the
rings, bequeathed by Dr. Jackson who died in that year.
74 THE PRESIDENT'S HOUSE AND ROOMS.
been built in 1599. But an inspection of the Libri Magni
leaves no doubt on the subject. From the Liber Magnus for
1660-1 to that for 1681-2 inclusive, the allowances for candles,
furniture, repairs, &c., made to the President, are entered
under the heading ' In Camera et Domo Praesidentis/ and
there are distinct charges for the ' house ' and the ' lodgings.'
Thus, there is an entry in the Book for 1661-3, which alone
proves that both were occupied simultaneously: 'Paid to
John Carter the Mason for work done at the President's
Lodgings and House1.' In 1682-3, ^e heading is ( Impens :
Dom : Praes : '. The next year it reverts to ' Dom : et Cam : '
and then, in 1684-5, becomes again 'in Dom: Prass:' so
continuing ever after, while these payments were made. We
may then infer that it was not till some time between 1682
and 1685 that the President ceased to retain his rooms in the
large quadrangle. 'The house behind the garden' would
naturally be used for his family, if he were married, and for
guests ; the rooms in the quadrangle probably for official
purposes. In Loggan's Plan (1675) the house seems to
occupy much its present site, excepting the wing resting on
columns, and, of course, the College rooms which have been
added comparatively recently. It has mullioned windows
throughout, a porch abutting on the Christ Church wall,
and what is apparently an entrance hall with high pitched
roof. This hall is succeeded by four gables, and these by
offices.
On Dec. 30, 1689, there is an entry in the Tower Book, shew-
ing that ^300 was at that time spent ' towards the building
and repairing of the President's house.' The word ' towards '
implies that the President (Dr. Turner) also contributed himself,
and, as he was a rich and liberal man, he probably contributed
handsomely. I take it as almost certain that these sums were
partly expended on the wing which is carried out, at right
angles to the President's house, into the garden. Apparently
1 In November, 1671, a fine of £12 was paid to the City of Oxford for a lease
'of the President's house,' i.e. a portion of the site on which it was built.
Ultimately, these fines on renewal became so exorbitant, that the College en-
franchised the strip of land by an exchange of some pastures in Rewley Meads.
NEW BUILDINGS. 75
it was originally a sort of summer-house or 'temple,' sur-
rounded with Doric columns supporting a room at the top,
and was afterwards filled in so as to give an additional room
at the bottom. It is not in Loggan's engraving (1675), but is
in the engraving of Skelton reproduced from the Oxford
almanac of 1726, and evidently belongs to the architecture of
the close of the seventeenth or beginning of the eighteenth
century. Moreover, there is no other entry in the ac-
counts, except this of 1689, which could fitly be connected
with it.
When Dr. Cooke succeeded to the Presidency in 1783, the
portion of the President's Lodgings facing Oriel Street was in
a ruinous condition, and the College, though then involved in
much other expenditure, resolved to spend about .£450 on
repairs and improvements. The present dining-room, drawing-
room, and front staircase are the main result, and unfortunately
supply a typical example of the slight and unsubstantial
building of the period. The addition to the Lodgings of the
two sets of Chaplains' rooms, occupying almost the whole of
the ground floor of the south side of the great quadrangle,
was probably made in the years 1804, 5, when about £180
was paid for 'the improvement of the President's house'
(Tower Book). At this time the Chaplains had become
usually married men, or were attached also to other founda-
tions, and thus they probably did not care to occupy rooms
in College. The long conservatory, which runs along the
east side of the house, and forms so pleasant a feature of it,
was erected at the private expense of Dr. Norris. The
older portion of the house has, doubtless, undergone many
alterations, and possibly no part of the original structure
now remains.
In the Liber Magnus for 1595-6, there is a charge of
£97 its. *]d. for what is variously described as making a new
cellar or a new buttery. The work was begun on the ist of
March, 159!, and lasted twenty-one weeks. There can be little
doubt that the cellar is that under the present buttery, but in
the buttery itself, which is thoroughly of the eighteenth century
type, there is nothing, in either the stone-work or the wood-
76 COMMON ROOM. ALTERATIONS IN CHAPEL.
work, to remind us of the year 1596, though it may, of course,
be the same room, or, at least, on the same site l.
Battlements seem to have been first erected in or about the
year 1624. Under Dec. 14 of that year there is the following
entry in the Tower Book : ' Taken out of the great chest for
the battlements of the College, untill it shall be repayed by
Mr. Edmund Rainolde, whose promises caused the worke to
be begun, the sume of ^"195 ijs. \\d'
In or about the year 1667, the present Common Room seems
to have been built 2, together with some chambers which were
afterwards taken down and replaced by the { Gentlemen
Commoners' Buildings.' Sums of money were voted, for this
purpose, out of the Tower Fund from Jan. 14, i66f to Feb. 9,
i66f, and were supplemented by subscriptions, but, in the
Liber Benefactorum, these are mixed up, without any dis-
tinction, with the subscriptions for the alterations in the
Chapel ten years later.
In or about the years 1675-76, the interior of the Chapel
was much altered, probably for the worse, and trie old vestry
probably taken down. An account of these alterations, or,
as they would now be called, 'restorations,' will be found
under Dr. Newlyn's second Presidency. It was at this time,
probably, that the curious brass of Claymond,the first President,
representing him as a skeleton, enveloped in a shroud, was
moved, together with other monuments, from the inner to the
outer Chapel. The epitaph at the foot of Claymond's brass was
broken in the removal, and a copy substituted. It is only within
the last few years that, through the kindness of the Rev. Charles
Collier, Vicar of Andover, who picked it up in an old curiosity
shop, the original epitaph has been restored to the Chapel.
It is now in a frame on the south wall of the ante-Chapel.
Loggan's Plan, the date of which is 1675, shews the front
of the College with double dormer windows, and without
battlements, though the tower and the rest of the large
quadrangle has them; a President's house, with mullioned
1 It appears from the Tower Book that the panelling, &c., of the present Buttery
dates from 1759.
a Wood's Colleges and Halls, p. 299.
ALTERATIONS IN HALL. NEW BUILDINGS. 77
windows, and without the wing resting on columns, as
described above ; a vestry joining the Chapel on the north-
east side, and leaving only one of the Chapel windows visible
on the north side ; the Cloister Chambers, with mullioned
windows, where Dr. Turner's buildings now are ; several
small buildings to the east of the large quadrangle ; a
summer or music-house 1, approached by a flight of steps,
at the west end of the garden terrace, on which there is
already a row of trees planted 2 ; and, lastly, a fox chained in
the wood-yard.
The alterations in the Hall, including the re-panelling,
in or about the year 1700, and the erection of the present
cloister and the Fellows' buildings on the site of the old
Cloister Chambers, through the munificence of Dr. Turner,
between 1706 and 1712, are described under the Presidency of
Dr. Turner. Probably several coats of arms, in the windows
of the Hall, were at this time removed or destroyed.
The erection of the building for the Gentlemen Commoners,
containing six handsome sets of rooms, and the addition of
a story to the north and west sides of the great quadrangle,
were carried out about 1737, and the work probably lasted
some years. There is a notice of it under Dr. Mather's
Presidency. In 1890 the 'Gentlemen Commoners' Building'
was refaced.
On Dec. 18, 1741, there is an entry in the Tower Book,
which shews that hitherto there had been no chimney in the
Hall, the building of a chimney being one of the objects to
which a sum of money was to be devoted. Before this time,
the Hall accounts in the Libri Magni shew large payments
for charcoal, which must have been burnt in a brasier.
The Garden-gate was given by the Hon. Edward Bouverie
(a cousin, once removed, of the late Dr. Pusey), in 1782.
For the gift of the Rubens, which forms the altar-piece of
the Chapel, see the account of Sir Richard Worsley under
1 This summer house still appears in the Oxford Almanac for 1758, reproduced
by Skelton.
8 In Agas' map of 1578, there are also indications of a row of trees on a terrace,
but the delineation is much less exact than in Loggan's engraving.
78 FURTHER ALTERATIONS AND ADDITIONS.
Dr. Randolph's Presidency. The fine pair of altar candle-
sticks had been presented at an earlier period, 1726, by
Sir William Morice, Bart., of Werrington. The beautiful
brass eagle, which was probably the gift of Claymond (if not
a gift, it must have been a ' memorial '-), is mentioned under
Claymond's Presidency.
The Rubens replaced a copy of Guido's Annunciation by
Battoni, presented by Sir Christopher Willoughby of Baldon,
in the year 1796, and it is said by Ingram1 (who lived so near
the time that he can hardly have been mistaken) that the
east window of the Chapel was actually blocked up in order
that it might receive this copy.
In 1801, it was resolved, at a College Meeting, 'to substitute
a facing of stone to the Walls, instead of following the late
practice of Rough Cast,' and to start a Building Fund for
that purpose. In 1804, it was resolved 'to new face the
inner walls of the College, which are much decayed, with
Windrush or Barrington Stone,' and, for that purpose, to
start a subscription, in aid of the Tower Fund. This appeal
was liberally responded to by the present and past members
of the College, and a sum of over ^"2000 (including the
subvention from the Tower Fund) was collected. As the
sum was in excess of the expenditure, the balance was carried
to a Building Fund. The statue of the Founder seems to
have been put up about 1817, when an order was made at
a College Meeting that the arms of the See of Winchester
should be placed on the right hand of the statue, and, on the
left hand, the arms of the See of Winchester impaling those of
the Founder. In Loggan's engraving (1675), there is a statue of
the Founder occupying the same position as the present one,
having no arms on either side, but surmounted by the figure
of a pelican.
For the new building erected, opposite to the College in
Merton Street, by Mr. T. G. Jackson in 1884-5, see under the
A.nnals,of those years.
1 Memorials of Oxford, C. C. C., p. 12.
CHAPTER IV.
THE FIRST THREE PRESIDENCIES.
THE first President of the new Society was John Claymond
or Claymund1, a native of Frampton, a small village in
Lincolnshire, not far from Boston. His parents are described
by Antony Wood as ' sufficient inhabitants of Frampton,' and,
after apparently receiving the first rudiments of education in
or near his native village, he was moved to Oxford, where,
according to Wood, he completed his 'grammar learning' at
Magdalen College School2, thence proceeding to Magdalen
College, of which he was successively Demy (1483 ?), Fellow
(1488), and President (1504). Born about 1457, ne would
be some nine years junior to Foxe, but, notwithstanding
1 The principal authority for Claymond's life is a long Latin poem, in elegiac
verse, by John Shepreve, who was admitted Probationary Fellow of C. C. C. in
1528, was Greek Reader in the College, and subsequently became Professor of
Hebrew in the University. A. Wood ( Ath. Ox.) says of him : ' He was one of the
skilfnllest linguists (his age being considered) that ever was in Oxon before his
time, and was thought to surpass Origen in memory. So excellent a poet also he
was, that his equal scarce could be found, it having been an ordinary matter with
him to compose 100 very good verses every day at vacant hours, some of which
are extant.' He died prematurely, aged about 33. The poem on Claymond is
entitled ' Vita et Epicedion Joh. Claymondi Prsesidis C. C. C.' Two MS. copies
exist in the Bodleian, and one in the Corpus Library. It is very diffuse, and
written, after the manner of the time, in a strain of extravagant eulogy, but,
making the necessary deductions on this account, it seems to be veracious, and
certainly expresses genuine feeling on the part of the writer.
2 In the 'Compositio Claymundi' (1532) printed at the end of the Magdalen
Statutes {Statutes of the Colleges of Oxford, vol. ii. p. 123), Claymond speaks
of himself as 'in Coll. Magd. a teneris unguiculis educatus,' but whether this
allusion is to the School or the College it is impossible to say. In Dr. Bloxam's
Register, the list of Choristers does not begin till 1485, nor that of Demies till
1482. Claymond's name occurs as a Demy in 1483 (no day or month given), but
this is almost undoubtedly the date of his re-eleclion on attaining the age of 25,
when the Demies were superannuated, but might be re-elected.
8o PRESIDENCY OF CLAYMOND.
the disparity of age, their acquaintance may have gone back
to their Lincolnshire days, or, if Foxe was really a Magdalen
man, the young student may have known something of the
school-boy. Any way, in the ' Charta Fundationis ' (dated
March i, 15 if) Foxe speaks of Claymond as having been
on terms of intimacy with him for over thirty years (nobiscum
supra triginta annos familiarissimam consuetudinem habentem,
virumque a nobis apprime probatum), and, while still Fellow of
Magdalen, he was already so much trusted and esteemed by
Foxe as to be invited by him to take charge of a school in
his then diocese of Durham \ Like Foxe himself, Claymond
was deeply interested in the revival of classical learning, and
was acquainted with many of the leaders of the movement,
but, from a literary point of view, he had the advantage over
his patron, the statesman-bishop, of being himself a diligent
student and a laborious annotator of the Classics. Schepreve,
who affords a measure at once of his admiration and his
accuracy by telling us that Claymond was, in prose, another
Cicero, and, in verse, another Naso, says, with evident exag-
geration, that he had read all authors, meaning, of course,
classical authors. But, notwithstanding this extravagant praise,
there can be no doubt that Claymond was recognised as one
of the band of the illustrious scholars of that time2, that he
1 Jamque Dunelmensis felici sydere Prsesul
Hunc ad se Foxus nobilis ille vocat,
Promissaque statim magna mercede Magistrum
Prasfecit pueris quos ea terra tenet;
Scilicet ut teneras Romano flumine linguas
Tingeret, et Scythicos pelleret inde sonos. — Schepreve's Poem.
The present Grammar School at Durham is coeval with the foundation of the
Cathedral by Henry VIII in 1541. But there was probably some provision for
education within the city before that time. Claymond may, however, have been
appointed to some school elsewhere in the Bishopric. He was made by Bishop
Foxe Master of Staindrop College in 1 500, but this was a hospital not an educa-
tional institution.
2 See Erasmus, Ep. 438, the same letter in which he speaks with such enthusiasm
of the foundation of the College. Erasmus' edition of Chrysostom's ' Sex con-
ciunculse de fato et providentia Dei,' Basle, 1526, is dedicated to Claymond, who
is described as 'Theologo, Collegii apum Prsesidi.' The dedication begins, 'Flores
apibus congruunt,' and the metaphor is maintained throughout. (This dedication
is noticed in Hearne's diary, ed. Doble, vol. i. p. 256). Leland celebrates Clay-
mond's skill in versification in an Ode entitled ' Ad Calliopem de Jo. Claimundo.
HIS CHARACTER AND GENEROSITY. 8l
was a diligent student, and a generous patron of the new
learning. His liberality, his piety, and his moral qualities are
celebrated by Schepreve in terms no less enthusiastic, and
probably more nearly in accordance with facts, than his style
and learning. Holding, in addition to his academical prefer-
ment, a large number of ecclesiastical dignities and benefices,
of which the Mastership of St. Cross, near Winchester, was
one, he could afford to be free with his money, and certainly,
according to Schepreve's account, dispensed it with a rare
generosity. Thus, he constructed a covered market at Carfax
for the sellers of barley, repaired the West gate, made or
repaired roads through the South and East gates, and, what,
at that time, must have been one of the greatest boons he
could have bestowed on the inhabitants of Oxford and the
neighbourhood, constructed or re-constructed three bridges
over the Botley meadows (what we now call the Seven-bridge
road)1. He was unstinting, during his life-time, in his liberality
to individual men of letters, and in his gifts, for various pur-
poses, to Corpus and Balliol, while, after death, he devised
considerable benefactions in land to Magdalen, Corpus, and
Brasenose. Nor was he less generous to the poor. The poor
friars of various orders, as well as the felons and debtors in
Oxford gaol, were the constant recipients of his charity2, no
See Encomia, Trophsea, &c., London, 1589, p. 43. Schepreve gives us to under-
stand that he specially devoted his attention to maintaining the purity of the Latin,
language, presumably both in composition and conversation, within the College :
' Barbara de nostris adeo procnl agmina castris
Expulit, ut nunquam posse redire putem.'
This, according to the original Statutes, was to be the special duty of the Reader
in Humanity.
1 ' Quis nescit longo constructos ordine pontes
In prati medio (Botlia parva) tni :
Quas prius hie populo quam sic reparasset egenti
Invia terrigradis hsec via prorsus erat?
2 O quoties inopes de quolibet ordine Fratres
Non parvo juvit munere larga manus;
O quoties erga positos in carcere fures
Anxia fervebat sollicitudo viri ;
O quoties illos (quos, postquam Judicis horror
Desierat misero discruciare metu,
Gustos detinuit, reddi sibi jura reposcens)
Ipse dato pretio jussit abire statim.'
G
82 JOHtf CLA YMOND.
less than the needy inhabitants of Oxford and of the parishes
in which he held livings. In these various ways, he is said to
have disbursed, during his life-time, no less than what was
then the large sum of thirty or forty pounds a year. In all
the duties and virtues of the priestly office, he appears to
have set a faultless example at a time when they were by no
means universally observed. Schepreve celebrates his industry,
austerity, vigils, fasts, and temperance. During his frugal
meals, he was accustomed to read, pray, or attend to the
various duties of his office. Except when he was incapacitated
by illness, not a single day elapsed, after he became a priest,
in which he did not celebrate the sacred mysteries ; a state-
ment which accords with the designation by which he was
wont to subscribe himself, f Eucharistiae servus V
Such was the man, no ordinary combination of piety, virtue,
learning and prudence2, whom Foxe was fortunate enough to
secure as the head of his new College. He resigned the
Presidentship of Magdalen on December 2, 1516", and was, in
common with the newly-appointed Fellows, placed in pos-
session of the College and its appurtenances on the 5th of
March, 151$. The difference in value of the two Headships
was made up to him by his institution to the rich Rectory
of Cleeve or Bishop's Cleeve in Gloucestershire. He was
President for over 20 years, dying at the good old age of 80,
on Nov. 19, 1537, having offered Mass that very morning3.
1 See a document thus signed by him, in Turner's Selections from the Records
of the City of Oxford, p. 115. Antony Wood also says that Claymond 'used to
write himself " Eucharistias servus," because he frequently received the blessed
sacrament.'
2 ' Quanta viri fuerit prudentia, scire licebit,
Si spectes quanta rexerit arte suos.'
A higher testimony to Claymond's reputation for prudence and integrity could
hardly be given than the fact that Wolsey, in his instructions to Robert Cartar
and others, touching his College, orders that ' the money devoted to the College
shall, during the residence of the Canons at Pokley, be delivered to Master Clay-
mont, president of Corpus Christi.' Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic,
Henry VIII, vol. iv. pt. i. (17 Henry VIII), pp. 672, 3.
3 The following couplet affords a good instance of the curious mixture of
Christian and Pagan phraseology, which was not uncommon at the time of the
Renaissance. Speaking of Claymond's soul as soaring up to heaven, and there
joining the angelic choirs, Schepreve adds :
HIS ADMINISTRATION OF THE COLLEGE. 83
He was buried in the middle of the choir in the College
Chapel, c under the very place,' says Wood, c where the rectors
of the choir sing the Venite Exultemus,' and on the marble
slab which covered the grave, now transferred to the ante-
chapel, was placed a curious brass effigy displaying a skeleton
in a shroud. There were two inscriptions, one under the
effigy (the original of which has lately been recovered l) in
Latin verse, the other giving the ordinary particulars, ' Hie
jacet,' &c., but leaving the date of the death to be filled up,
a light duty which curiously his executors never performed.
There is no reason to doubt the substantial accuracy of
Schepreve's lines already quoted in a foot-note : —
' Quanta viri fuerit prudentia, scire licebit,
Si spectes quanta rexerit arte suos/
And the very extravagance of Schepreve's eulogy, in other
parts of his poem, is itself at least a testimony to the respect
and affection entertained for Claymond by the members of
his own College. But the most conclusive proof of the
excellence and success of Claymond's administration is to
be found in the high reputation and satisfactory condition of
the College at the time of Jewel's election to his scholarship,
exactly a year and three-quarters after Claymond's death 2.
At some time during this Presidency, but we do not know
when, there seem to have been some serious dissensions in
the College, as appears from the following interesting letter
from the Founder to the President, given in the Collectanea
of Windsor and Twine (MS. 280), fol. 2oaa :
' Broder Mr. President, I commend me hartily to you, and
to exhort you to take patiently ye great Tempest that hath
' Hnnc tamen ipse dolet Phoebus, Phcebique sorores,
Hone Mariaque satus, Diique Deseque dolent.'
Cp. some lines farther on in the poem, in which the extravagance of Schepreve's
eulogy seems to reach its climax :
' Qui raro veterum juvisset munere vitam,
Protenus hoc ipso nomine numen erat:
Quorum si nobis imitari gesta licebit,
Te quoque fecissent jam tua facta Deum.'
1 See p. 76, above.
2 See p. 92, below,
G 2
84 CLAYMOND'S BENEFACTIONS.
lately been amongst your company. I can no better say than
to desire you to take it as I have ever used to take such
thinges myselfe, viz. speravi semper me felicem habiturum
exitum, ubi durum et grave erat principium. And also I
would you should thinke that in this case God provyth you,
et tune Beatus vir qui suffert temptationem &c.'
The twenty years of Claymond's presidency were re-
markable rather for political and ecclesiastical than for
academical changes. In the Fulman MSS.1, there are the
significant entries: 1534-5. Mar. The College visited by
Archbishop Cranmer, which the President and Scholars
submitted to, but with protestation. Mar. 9. They swear
and make submission to the King. 1635. Sept. 6. They
submit to the King's visitation. Sept. 9. Another submission.
These notices seem to imply that, though the President
and Fellows were not ready to risk the chances of mar-
tyrdom, their submission was not peculiarly spontaneous or
cordial.
Claymond gave to the College lands in Iffley, Headington,
Cowley, Littlemore, Sandford, and Marston, near Oxford,
besides probably a sum of money with which Morwent after-
wards bought the land in Rewley Meads. In his Will, he
bequeathed, for the use of successive Presidents, the fine
sapphire ring, which still remains in the President's custody.
He thus describes it : ' Excepto quodam annulo cui impactus
est Lapis Saphyrus quern dono Magistro Morwent, qui mihi
successurus est, et successoribus ejusdem in officium Praesi-
dentis istius Collegii, in monumentum sui officii, quippe quern
mihi donavit Fundator nostri Collegii Episcopus Foxe, ut sui
perpetuo memor essem.' The beautiful brass eagle, from
which the lessons are now read in the College Chapel, seems
also to have been Claymond's gift. It bears no date, but
simply the words, ' Joannes Claymond Primus Prseses.'
During Claymond's tenure of the Presidency, Reginald Pole,
subsequently Archbishop of Canterbury and Cardinal, and
John Foxe, then or subsequently Archdeacon of Surrey2, were
1 Vol. ix. fol. 61 b.
2 There was a John Fox, Archdeacon of Surrey in the first third of the sixteenth
7
**&*<***£*
'* *** Ifa* tus^"1
Kraizer's Dial in the Garden
Front Hegge^s MS. on Dials, C. C. C. Library, MS. 430
Hannibal Baskerville, writing about 1668, speaks of this dial as still ' at this day in C. C. C. garden
Rawlinson Miscell. MSS. D 810
ADMISSIONS DURING HIS PRESIDENCY. 85
admitted on the same day (Feb. 14, 152!) as actual Fellows
('socii veri') by direct appointment of the Founder. Foxe
indeed exercised his right of appointment to both Fellowships
and Scholarships down to and including that of Thomas
Goyge on July 2, 1524, besides a solitary instance in the
following year. Besides Pole, the admissions to Fellowships
Scholarships, and Readerships, during Claymond's presidency,
include many men remarkable for their learning or other
eminent qualities — Ludovicus Vives1, the celebrated Spanish
humanist, who was brought over by Foxe from the South of
Italy to be his first Reader of Latin, Nicholas Crutcher2
(i. e. Kratzer), a native of Munich, who was probably intro-
duced into the College for the purpose of teaching Mathematics,
David Edwards3, who appears to have been the first person
who gave lectures on Greek within the College, though
whether his appointment was a temporary or permanent one
seems to be doubtful, and Robert Morwent, 'sociis compar'4
century, though the exact date is undetermined, and a John Fox, Archdeacon of
"Winchester (nearly related to Bishop Foxe, according to Wood's Fasti) in 1519.
It seems not unlikely that they were the same person. If so, both Pole and Fox
held high ecclesiastical preferment at the time of their admission to their Fellow-
ships, which were probably very much of an honorary character. ^'
1 Though the names of both Vives and Kratzer occur in Hegge's Catalogue,
there is no contemporary documentary evidence that either of them was ever either
socius or sociis compar, but there is a high degree of probability that both of them
lodged and lectured in Corpus. See my note at the beginning of the transcript of
Hegge's Catalogue.
2 Kratzer was astronomer to Henry VIII. He left memorials of himself in
Oxford, in the shape of dials, in St. Mary's Churchyard and in Corpus Garden,
both of which have now disappeared, but he still survives in the fine portraits of
him by Holbein. The large and very curious dial now in Corpus quadrangle was
constructed by Charles Turnbull, a native of Lincolnshire, in 1581, the later date 1605
being probably that of some tables painted subsequently on the cylinder. On both
Kratzer's dial and Turnbull's, see a subsequent note appended to my account of
Robert Hegge, under Anyan's Presidency.
3 In a Catalogue in Fulman's hand-writing, inserted in vol. x of his MSS-,
D. Edwards is given as Greek Reader, the name occurring before that of Edward
Wotton (see below), who is the first designated by that title in Hegge's Catalogue.
There is probably some confusion in the matter, and Edwards, who must have
been very young for the office, even if he did not enter on it till he became Pro-
bationary Fellow, may have acted temporarily for Wotton, while on his leave of
absence abroad. Harpsfield (Hist. Eccl. Angl. p. 644) confirms the order given
in fc ulman, naming Edwards before Wotton.
4 By the Statutes of Magdalen, a Fellow had to make oath, on admission, that
86 ADMISSIONS DURING CLA YMOND'S PRESIDENC Y.
and perpetual Vice-President, who was Claymond's immediate
successor in the Presidency, all nominated in the year 1517;
Nicholas Udall or Owdall, Head Master of Eton, and a cele-
brated writer of verses and plays, and Edward Wotton, at
least the second, if not the first Greek Reader, celebrated both
as a classical scholar and as a physician, the author of a work
entitled De differentiis animalium, both admitted in 1530 l ;
Richard Pates, a diplomatist in the time of Henry VIII, and
Bishop of Worcester in the reign of Queen Mary, admitted
in 1533 ; John Schepreve, the eulogist of Claymond (see p. 79,
n. i), admitted in 1528, as were also James Brookes, Master
of Balliol, a zealous Roman Catholic, consecrated Bishop of
Gloucester in the beginning of Mary's reign, one of the judges
of the Protestant martyrs, and a commissioner, under Pole,
for the visitation of the University, and, lastly, William
Chedsey or Cheadsey, another zealous Romanist, who became
third President ; Richard Martial, Dean of Christ Church,
James Curthopp, Canon of Christ Church and Dean of
Peterborough, and Richard Pate, Founder of the Cheltenham
Grammar School, all admitted in 1532 ; Richard Bartew or
Bertie, who married Katherine, Baroness Willoughby d'Eresby
in her own right, the widow of Charles Brandon Duke of
Suffolk, and who was father of Peregrine Bertie, and ancestor,
through him, of the Earls of Lindsey, Dukes of Ancaster, and
Barons Willoughby d'Eresby and Rockingham, as well as
the Earls of Abingdon, admitted in 1533 ; William Butcher,
Bocher, or Boucher, fourth President, George Ederich, Regius
Professor of Greek, and John Morwen (Morenus), a celebrated
theologian and classic, all admitted in 15342; and, lastly,
Thomas Greenway or Greneway, fifth President, our oldest
he would not accept a Fellowship in any other College. Bishop Foxe surmounted
a similar difficulty in the case of E. Wotton, in the same manner.
1 In the first volume of the College Register, there is a copy of a very interesting
letter from the Founder to E. Wotton, constituting him ' socio compar,' and per-
mitting him to travel in Italy for three years, mainly for the purpose of studying
Greek, after which time he was to return to the College and lecture in Greek,
Latin, or both, as might seem most convenient to the President and Seniors.
There are some interesting details about Wotton in Wood's Athense.
2 In these dates, I follow the ecclesiastical or civil year, which, up to Jan. I,
1752, began on the 25th of March.
PUBLIC LECTURERS AT CORPUS. 87
authority on the life of Bishop Foxe. To this list of eminent
men on the foundation we may add the name of Robert
Pursglove, last Prior of Guisborough, and afterwards Arch-
deacon of Nottingham and Suffragan Bishop of Hull, the
inscription on whose tomb at Tideswell bears witness to his
connection with Corpus, and, perhaps, also that of Nicholas
Heath, Archbishop of York and Lord Chancellor to Queen
Mary, whose connection with Corpus, however, is very
doubtful1.
Connected with Corpus, though whether living within its
walls we do not know, were Thomas Lupset, the celebrated
humanist, and Thomas Moscroff or Musgrave, Wolsey's
Reader in Physic and afterwards Commissary of the Uni-
versity (for whom see Wood's Fasti, Pt. I. cols. 56, 7).
Their names do not occur in any contemporary record of the
College (as neither indeed do those of Vives or Kratzer,
though these are included in Hegge's Catalogue (circa 1628
or earlier)), but we have the early evidence of Brian Twyne
that they were both of them lecturers of Corpus or that they
lectured within its walls. In the Collectanea of Miles Windsor
and Brian Twyne (MS. 380 in the College Library, fol. 215 a),
there is the following entry : —
' Quatuor publici lectores Cardinalitii "\ Ludovicus Vives
I Tho. Lupsett
Simul in Collegio Corp. Christi f Nich. Cratcherus
J Tho. MoscroffeV
As Wolsey's College was not yet built, or even founded, the
Lectures must have been given in Corpus, an inference which
agrees with the tradition, and may be the direct meaning of
Twyne's words. Fulman, in the Bodleian MS. Wood D, 9,
criticising Wood's account of C. C. C, says ' for my part, I
think they ' (i. e. the C. C. C. lectures) ' were the same ' as the
Wolsey lectures ; ' for Wolsey's readers were there lodged, till
he had built his Coll., and Lud. Vives was one of them.'
1 See Bliss' ed. of Wood's Athense, vol. ii. col. 817, Baker's note.
8 There are several entries with reference to these four lecturers, relating to
supplications for Degrees, &c., in the Twyne MSS. in the University Archives,
vol. xxiv. pp. 405-413. Moscroffe is said (p. 412) to have given public lectures in
Medicine ' infra Coll. Corp. Christi.'
88 PUBLIC LECTURERS AT CORPUS.
The connection of Lupset with the College is attested by
a still earlier authority than Twyne, namely by Harpsfield
(Hist. Eccl. Angl. p. 644), who, in 1528, being then a school-
boy at Winchester College, attended the Founder's funeral.
He enumerates amongst the persons 'in hanc societatem
allecti,' Thomas Lupset, Richard Pates, subsequently Bishop
of Worcester, and Cardinal Pole, and, though Lupset was
certainly not a Fellow, like the last two, Harpsfield's testimony
to his connexion with the College, in some capacity or other,
may be regarded as almost decisive1. He also mentions,
'among the Greek readers at Corpus, Clemens, or John Clement,
' Clemens meus' of Sir Thomas More, and tutor to his daughter
Margaret, celebrated alike as a humanist and a physician.
Lupset succeeded Clement in 1520, and seems to have lectured
in both tongues 2, as Clement may have done also. Of the
four lecturers mentioned by Twyne, Kratzer no doubt lectured
in Mathematics, and Moscroffe or Musgrave in Medicine,
while Vives probably lectured in Rhetoric or Humanity (i. e.
Latin), and Lupset in Greek or in both tongues. The subject
of these early Lecturers has always been obscure, but much
of the difficulty is disposed of, if we regard them as lecturing
both for Foxe and Wolsey. Possibly the supply of a lecture-
room (doubtless the Hall), and, perhaps also, of board and
lodging, may have been regarded as Foxe's contribution to
their support ; for in the Libri Magni (the earliest extant of
1 The passage in Harpsfield is so important in respect to the history of the early
lectures and lecturers, that I give it in full : ' Et ne deessent, qui in hoc quasi
opimo quodam et fecundo bonarum artium agro optima semina sererent, celebrem
ilium Ludovicum Vivem Hispanum hue advocavit, qui Theologiam' {probably
Harpsfield is here mistaken, Vives having probably lectured in Humanity, and
Morwent, as Vice-President, in default of any special Professor, in Theology)
' magna cum laude magnoque totius Academise fructu professus est ; ob res vero
mathematicas insignem ilium Nicolaum Crucherum ' (i. e. Kratzer) ; ' prima vero
linguse Grsecse semina jacta sunt per Clementem, Davidem Edwardes, et Nicolaum
(really Edvardum) Utton (i. e. Wotton) medicos. Cujus ibi luculenter egit pro-
fessorem, cum ego primum ad Academiam adventabam, Nicolaus (really Johannes)
Scheprevus. In hanc societatem, praeter alios, allecti sunt Thomas Lupsetus egregie
eruditus, Richardus Paceus,' &c. Harpsfield himself became Regius Professor of
Greek in 1546.
2 See a passage quoted from Sir Thomas More, in Wood's Annals, vol. ii. pt. 2.
p. 838.
MORWENT S PRESIDENCY. 89
which is that for 1521-2) we find no mention of these names,
though they contain lists of payments made to other teachers,
such as Wotton, Edwards, Udall, &c., who may have under-
taken the more elementary part of the instruction.
Lupset is brought into an interesting relation with the
College and the President in respect of the purchase from
Linacre of some of Grocyn's books. In Professor Burrows'
edition of Linacre's Catalogue of the books belongingto William
Grocyn (Oxf. Hist. Soc. 1890, Collectanea, pp. 328, 9), there
is this entry: 'Libri' (including works of Plotinus, Proclus,
Simplicius, Ptolemy, &c.) ' traditi Magistro Thomae Lupset
pro Collegio Corporis Christi in Oxonia, pro quibus solvet
Praesidens pretium quod Magister W. Latimer prescribed'
These books were bought by Claymond for the College, and the
entry, if it does not show that Lupset was a member of Corpus,
at least proves that he was on friendly terms with Claymond
and a persona grata to the other members of the society.
Claymond was succeeded by Robert Morwent, also a
Magdalen man, who had, soon after the foundation of the
College, been constituted ' sociis compar' (being, by his oath,
incapable of becoming a Fellow of any other College than
Magdalen) and perpetual Vice-President by the Founder
himself. In the Supplementary Statutes of 1527, Bishop Foxe
nominated Morwent ' cujus industriam, fidem, diligentiam et
summum in Collegium studium et amorem jam multos annos
experti sumus ' to be Claymond's successor, taking the pre-
caution to provide that this act should not be drawn into a
precedent. Morwent was born at Harpery near Gloucester,
in what year we do not know, became a Fellow of Magdalen
in 1510, there filled various offices, such as Bursar, Junior
Dean, &c., and was sworn President of Corpus, Nov. 26, 1537.
His practical capacity seems to be placed beyond doubt, but
he appears to have been rather a patron of learned men
than a learned man himself. Laurence Humfrey, in his Life
of Jewel ' (p. 22), says of him : ' Propter fidem et prudentiam
in rebus gerendis ad hujus domus gubernacula ascitus est :
90 ROBERT MORWENT.
Homo non tarn ipse doctrinse laudibus abundans, quam doc-
torum fautor et maecenas.' It was in this character, doubtless,
that, in a sermon preached before the University, according to
A. Wood J, he was styled ' pater patriae literatae Oxoniensis.5
Morwent must have possessed the gift of pliancy as well as
prudence, for he retained the Presidency all through the
troubled times that intervened between 1537 and 1558, covering
the latter part of Henry VIII's reign, and the reigns of Edward
VI and Mary, so that, besides minor compliances, he must,
twice at least, have avowedly changed his religion. What he
would have done, when Elizabeth ascended the throne, we
do not know, for he died opportunely on August 16, 1558,
three months before the death of Queen Mary. I have not
been able to recover many personal notices of him. One
there is, recorded in Mr. Macray's most interesting Annals of
the Bodleian Library (and ed. p. 13), which, though at first
sight not creditable to the ' pater patriae literatse Oxoniensis,'
is not really to his discredit but to that of Edward VI's Com-
missioners in 155°? °f whose acts the work of Morwent and
his colleagues was almost the necessary sequel.
' One solitary entry there is,' says Mr. Macray, ' in the University
Register (i. fol. i57a), which, while it records the completion of
the catastrophe (i. e. the destruction of the University Library),
sufficiently thereby corroborates the story of all that preceded,
namely, the entry which tells that in Convocation on Jan. 25, 155^,
"electi sunt hii venerabiles viri Vice-Cancellarius et Procuratores,
Magister Morwent, Praeses Corporis Christi, et Magister Wright, ad
vendenda subsellia librorum in publica Academiae bibliotheca,
ipsius Universitatis nomine." The books of the public library had
all disappeared; what need then to retain the shelves and stalls,
when no one thought of replacing their contents, and when the
University could turn an honest penny by their sale ? And so the
venerabiles viri made a timber-yard of Duke Humphrey's treasure-
house.'
Morwent, we know, was, like Brookes, Bishop of Gloucester,
also a Corpus man, nominated on Pole's Commission for
visiting the University in 1556. One of the matters which
1 Colleges and Halls, p. 395.
NTS CHARACTER AND ADMINISTRATION. 91
occupied this Commission was the disinterment of Catherine,
the wife of Peter Martyr, who had been buried in the Cathedral,
near the reliques of St. Frideswide. Fulman quotes, from the
' Hist. Exhumationis et Restitutions Catharinae Uxoris. Pet.
Mart.' fol. 197 b, printed at the end of Conrad Hubert's Life
of Bucer and Fagius, the following graphic character of
Morwent : ' Fuit Morwennus satis annosus pater, et parcus
senex, ad rem tuendam paterfamilias bonus : ad doctrinae et
religionis controversias vindicandas judex parum aptus,
acerrimus tamen vetustatis suse defensor1.' Of Morwent's
committal to the Fleet I shall speak hereafter2.
There is a pleasant story told by Laurence Humfrey of
Jewel (p. 22), which may be taken as illustrating the friendly
feelings subsisting between the President and his Under-
graduates in Jewel's earlier days at Corpus: 'Hie' (Morwentus)
' cum insignem canem haberet, quo valde se oblectabat senex,
Juellus in laudem ejus scripsit versus novo anno ineunte, ita
ut omnes et carminis venustatem, et ordinis concinnitatem, et
in re tantilla ingenii ubertatem, rerum et verborum gratiam
et copiam admirarentur.'
We are peculiarly fortunate in obtaining a glimpse of the
interior life of the College soon after the commencement
of Morwent's Presidency. Laurence Humfrey, President
of Magdalen and Regius Professor of Divinity, in his Life of
Jewel, has given us a graphic and tolerably full account of
Jewel's academical life, and especially of that portion of it
which was spent within the walls of Corpus. John Jewel, subse-
quently Bishop of Salisbury, the most illustrious theologian,
next to Richard Hooker, ever connected with Corpus, and one
of the most distinguished divines of the Church of England since
the Reformation, came up, when 13 years of age, to Merton,
where he held a Postmastership. The endowment of a Post-
mastership was, at that time, apparently slender, nor did it,
like a Scholarship at Corpus, lead to a Fellowship. Hence,
1 Wood (Annals, sub 1556) tells the whole story of the exhnmation and two
re-burials of Peter Martyr's wife, and reproduces, though hi a much feebler form,
the character of Morwent given in the text.
2 See p. 97.
92 CONDITION OF THE COLLEGE IN JEWEL'S TIME.
for his pecuniary, as well as his educational advancement, his
Merton Tutors were anxious to place him at Corpus. But it
is best to tell the story in the quaint words of Humfrey
himself (Life, p. 31, &c.) :
' Quadriennio pene integro hie confecto, aliam disetam sortitus est :
ab hac enim tenui portiuncula Mertonensium ad aliam mensam paulo
lautiorem vocatur. Siquidem anno Domini 1539, Augusti 19, ipse
jam annum agens decimum septimum, hinc, velut optima? spei
novella et generosa plantula, desumptus Collegio quod a Corpore
Christi nomen habet inseritur, Slatero, Bumeo et Parkhursto id enixe
petentibus, quo adhuc indolis et naturae prasstantiam magis ornaret,
et ampliorem ingenii cultum capesseret. Quippe
' Debile principium melior fortuna sequuta est,'
The lectures, disputations, exercises, and examinations pre-
scribed by the Founder seem still to have been retained in
their full vigour 1, though it is curious to find that the author
with whom young Jewel was most familiar was Horace,
1 And yet there is extant a copy of a curious document of 1540, being a Decree
signed by the President, Officers, and Seven Seniors, from which it might be
inferred that there were already signs that the pristine discipline was beginning to
decay, and specially that the Bachelors were beginning to ' shirk ' the Greek
repetitions, and the Prselectors to leave this part of their work* to their deputies.
The Decree partly embodies the provisions of the old Statutes, partly adds new
provisions, such as the f expositions ' and ' narrations ' at meals. First, the
[Bachelors were bound to be present at the Greek ' repetitions ' (which appear to
have been examinations in the work gone through in Lectures), and the Readers,
both in Latin and Greek, were bound to conduct these repetitions themselves, each,
in turn, three times a week, beginning at eight in the evening and going on for at
least half an hour. A student who was absent, or showed contempt for the
examination, if a graduate, was to be deprived of commons, if an undergraduate, to
be punished with stripes. Moreover, lest the undergraduates should follow the bad
example of the bachelors, it is enjoined that the ' laudabiles ac diu observatse con-
suetudines Claimundi (qui primus eas instituit, idemque lectores publicos suis
impensis et aluit hactenus, et hodie alit) ' shall henceforth be strictly observed at
meals by all undergraduate members of the College, whether ' discipuli* (scholars),
' scholares ' (probationary fellows) , if undergraduates, or ' convictores ' (com-
moners). These are to be prepared in turn, or as they are called on, to expound
(exponere, i. e. translate and explain) some Latin passage at dinner, and some
Greek passage at supper, out of the books lectured on during the past year. ' Et
ut iidein iisdem temporibus historiam aliquam, fabulam, apologiam, aut aliud
simile, quod lector humanitatis .... assignaverit, narrent In pnedictis vero si
quis deliquerit, idem subeat supplicium quod delinquentes in repetitionibus praedictis.'
These provisions, which were headed ' De Grsecis et Latinis repetitionibus et de
narrationibus decreta/ were to apply both in Oxford and the country (Witney).
JEWELS STUDIES AND HABITS. 93
whose works, as we have seen, were strangely omitted from
the list of Latin books recommended in the original statutes1.
Jewel, on entering the College, was at once placed in the first
Logic class, where he made rapid progress, soon outstripping
his class-mates, though they were senior to him in age. At
dinner, he attracted attention by his recitations and declama-
tions, and his exercises, generally, were such as to earn the
warm approbation of the President and other authorities of
the College. His industry was unintermitting. He rose at
four in the morning (one hour before the first Mass), went to
bed 'late' (at ten o'clock), and often spent whole days in the
Library. Under these incessant labours his health broke
down, for his body was feeble and his food was too simple and
'scholastic2.' Plain living, I may remark in passing, hard
work and early rising, were the order of the day in the English
Universities during the first half of the sixteenth century,
before they became a common resort of rich men's sons, and
while strict discipline was still maintained in the Colleges.
During an attack of the plague, when the ' Somatochristiani '
(as the members of Corpus were then commonly called) had
retired to their sanatorium at Witney, he suffered so much from
the cold, probably from want of a bedroom, as to contract a
1 And yet, as already mentioned, there are in the College Library, presented by
the Founder, two copies of Horace, as well as copies of Homer, Herodotus and
Plato, which are also not in the list of prescribed books. The Homer is the
Florentine edition of 1488, the Herodotus the Aldine of 1502, the Plato the Aldine
of 1513, and one of the Horaces a Pannartz published at Rome in 1476.
2 Cp. Sir Thomas More's address to his children after the resignation of his
Chancellorship : ' By my counsel it shall be best for us not to falle to the lowest
fare at first. So we will not descend to Oxford fare, nor to the fare of New inn,
but we will begin with Lincoln's inn diet, where manie right worshipful of good
years doo live full well. Which, if we the first year find not ourselves able to
maintaine, then will we the next yeare stepp one foote lower to New inn fare, with
which manie an honest man is contented. If that also exceed our abilitie, then we
will the next yeare after fall to Oxford fare, where manie grave and ancient fathers
be continuellie conversante ; which if our power stretch not to maintaine, then may
we, like poore schollers of Oxforde, goe a begging with our bags and wallets, and
sing Salve Regina at rich men's doors.'
I have quoted this passage from the old Life given in Wordsworth's Ecclesiastical
Biography, vol. ii, where it occurs on p. 82. Wordsworth adduces, in illustration
of the Oxford fare, an often-quoted passage from a sermon preached by Thomas
Lever at St. Paul's Cross in 1550, describing the fare and the mode of life of the
students, at that time, in Cambridge.
94 JEWEL AS A TEACHER AND LECTURER.
lameness in one foot which caused him to limp for the rest
of his life. Truly, we may exclaim, in those days, the approach
to learning was by no easy or luxurious path !
Jewel, at a due interval after proceeding to his B.A. Degree,
began to take pupils both in his chambers and in the public
rooms of the College, a position not quite the same as that of a
modern College Tutor, but analogous to it. The ardent student
was no less assiduous in the discharge of his duties towards
his pupils than towards himself. They not only attended
lectures or received private lessons, but they were examined
at night in what they had been taught in the morning, and
every week they wrote a declamation, while they were con-
stantly writing or reciting something in prose or in poetry.
The discipline was stern, and doubtless effective. 'Ad pce-
nam iratus raro aut nunquam accedebat, sed cum Philosopho
minitans, Caederem te si non essem commotior : Vacuus ira et
liber affectibus, lenius aut asperius, levius aut durius, pro delicti
ratione quos dilexit castigabat.' His ideas of ' recreation' were
very different from ours, and, perhaps, erred as much in defect
as ours in excess : ' Nunquam vero se magnopere recreabat,
nisi ambulando, set et turn vel secum meditans, vel pueros
docens, vel cum aliis Aristotelice disputans.'
At length (1548) he was made Reader in Latin or Humanity1
(or, as it is styled by Humfrey, Humanity and Rhetoric), an
office which he held during the remainder of his residence at
Corpus, and Humfrey's account is interesting as showing that
the office was still, as the Founder intended it to be, of the
nature of a University Professorship rather than a College
Lectureship. For members of other Colleges attended his
lectures, which were partly on the Orators, partly on the Poets.
Amongst the auditors were Humfrey himself, and even his
old Merton Tutor, John Parkhurst, who came up from his
country rectory purposely to hear him. When Jewel's lecture
was over, Parkhurst, after a hearty greeting, broke out into
the distich :
' Olim discipulus mihi, care Juelle, fuisti,
Nunc ero discipulus, te renuente, tuus.'
1 Fulman MSS., vol. xi, in alphabetical list of names.
DEC A Y OF LEARNING IN EDWARD'S TIME. 95
Parkhurst was now Rector of Cleeve, the living formerly
held by Claymond, and, as its revenues were considerable, he
was in a position to show generosity to his friends. Jewel
and several others used to visit him once or twice a year, and
never came back empty-handed. The following anecdote
gives us at once a vivid idea of Parkhurst's liberality and
of the narrow circumstances of the recipients : ' Jam illis
discessionem parantibus, Parkhurstus in cubiculum eorum in-
gressus, inspectis crumenis, Ecquid nummorum, inquit, habent
isti miselli et mendicissimi Oxonienses? quas cum inanes
et pene vacuas invenisset, pecunia largiter ingesta et injecta,
eas paulo turgidiores reddidit.'
That the College shared in the general decay of learning *,
which accompanied the religious troubles of Edward VI's
reign, is apparent from two orations delivered by Jewel : one on
Dec. 33, 1552, in commemoration of the Founder2; the other3
probably a little earlier, being a sort of declamation against
rhetoric, in his capacity of Reader of Latin. In the latter
oration, he contrasts unfavourably the present with the former
state of the University, referring its degeneracy, its diminished
influence, and its waning numbers, to the excessive cultivation
of rhetoric, and especially of the works of Cicero, 'who has ex-
tinguished the light and glory of the whole University.' In the
former, and probably later, oration, he deals more specifically
with the College, and admonishes its members to wash out, by
their industry and application to study, the stain on their once
fair name, to throw off their lethargy, to recover their ancient
dignity, and to take for their watchword ' Studeamus.'
On the death of Edward VI (July 6, 1553), and the
undisputed succession, some days afterwards, of Queen Mary,
it was plain that the position of Protestants and Catholics
was likely to be reversed. Nor was this expectation long in
being fulfilled. In the autumn of 1553, Stephen Gardiner,
Bishop of Winchester, issued a commission to visit New
1 For which see Wood's Annals from 1547 to 1552, both years inclusive.
2 The substance of this oration is given in Humfrey's Life of Jewel, pp. 45-49,
and also in the Parker Society's edition of Jewel's Works, 4th Portion, p. 1 304.
3 This oration is printed in the Parker Society's edition of Jewel's Works, 4th
Portion, p. 1283, &c.
96 JEWEL DRIVEN FROM OXFORD.
College, Magdalen, and Corpus, the Colleges which were
under his visitation, and, of course, the Mass, and the old
order of things, generally, were re-established. Jewel bent to
the storm, according to Wood1, but Humfrey speaks as if
he waited to be expelled (' Collegio et victu suo deturbatus/
'quod Magdalenenses domi suae perpessi sunt, id ei per suos
inflictum est '). Any way, he was permitted to make a
valedictory address to his class, by which, according to
Humfrey, he extorted tears even from his adversaries. The
concluding words of this oration are given both in Humfrey's
Life (pp. 74-5), and in the Parker Society's Edition of Jewel's
Works, 4th Portion, p. 1 292. It must have been an affecting
scene, when Jewel pronounced the last words of all : c Hei
mihi, quando, ut cum dolore meo dicturus sim, ut dicendum
est, valeant studia, valeant hsec tecta, valeat sedes cultissima
literarum, valeat jucundissimus conspectus vestri, valete ju-
venes, valete pueri, valete socii, valete fratres, valete oculi mei,
valete omnes, valete.' Jewel took refuge in Broadgates Hall,
now Pembroke College, the head of which was a friend of his,
and there continued to lecture many of his former pupils,
though now in a private, no longer in a public, capacity. He
did not, however, long remain there, but had to take refuge
on the Continent, at which point in his history the story of
his life ceases to be pertinent to our present object. It may
be mentioned, to Morwent's credit, that he is said to have
regretted Jewel's departure and the share which he had
himself been instigated to take in his expulsion.
Several members of the College besides Jewel seem to
have been expelled, or to have anticipated expulsion by
resignation. To the junior members of the College who
refused to conform to the Catholic ritual, or shewed, in any
way, their adhesion to Protestantism, minor punishments
were also dealt out. Thus Edward Anne, a Scholar (in his
nineteenth year), had written a copy of verses against the
Mass, of which twenty-four lines are given, as a specimen, by
Humfrey. The act was undoubtedly a bold one, for they
were written after the Mass had been already re-established.
1 Wood's Annals, su^ 1553.
RELIGIOUS CHANGES IN EDWARD'S TIME. 97
But the youthful poet and zealot was made to smart for having
the courage of his opinions. Mr. Walshe, the Dean of the
College, inflicted a public flogging on him in the College Hall,
laying on a stripe for every line, and as the lines were probably
numerous, and Mr. Walshe was a zealous Catholic, the youth's
fortitude must have been sorely tried *. He afterwards left the
College without becoming a Fellow, but whether voluntarily
or by compulsion we do not know.
One of the most interesting circumstances connected with
Morwent's Presidency is the fact that he and a large number,
probably a majority, of the Fellows were, all through Edward's
reign, secret adherents of the Roman Catholic religion. Not-
withstanding that he had been even forward to embrace the
profession of the Reformed Faith on the accession of Edward 2,
he was summoned before the Council, together with two of
the Fellows, Walshe and Allen, on May 31, 1552, 'for using
upon Corpus Christi day other service than was appointed by
the "Book of Service."' On June 15, they were committed
to the Fleet. 'And a letter was sent to the College, to
appoint Jewel to govern the College during the imprisonment
of the President.' 'July 17, the Warden of the Fleet was
ordered to release the President of Corpus Christi, upon his
being bound in a bond of ^200 to appear next term before
the Council. Allen, upon his conforming to the King's
orders, was restored to his Fellowship 3.'
Shortly after the accession of Mary, when Bp. Gardiner's
commission visited the College, the President and Walshe
boasted that, throughout the time of King Edward, they had
carefully secreted and preserved all the Ornaments, Vessels,
Copes, Cushions, Plate, Candlesticks, &c., which, in the reign
of Henry the Eighth, had been used for the Catholic service.
'In what condition/ says Wood4, 'they found that College
was such as if no Reformation at all had been there. So
1 It is somewhat ridiculous, however, to find this boy's whipping, for an act
which was undoubtedly a wilful and gratuitous provocation to the College
authorities, included in Foxe's Acts of Martyrs.
2 See Wood's Annals, sub 1547.
3 Strype's Memorials, Bk. ii. ch. 18.
* Annals, sub 1553.
H
98 CONCEALMENT OF VESSELS AND VESTMENTS.
zealous were many of the Catholics (of whom Mr. Robert
Harrison was one) to promote and re-establish their religion,
that they omitted nothing that might seem favourable to the
Visitors' eyes. Those yesterday that had visibly nothing, the
next wanted nothing for the celebration of the Mass, all
utensils required for it being ready at hand. JTis said that
when Pet. Martyr, who was now leaving Oxford, heard the
little bell ring to Mass *, he sighed and said that ' that bell
would destroy all the doctrine in that College, which he
before had through his and Jewel's labours planted therein '
{or, as it is put more tersely by Humfrey, ' Haec una Nolula
omnem meam doctrinam evertit '). It was on the occasion of
the visitation of this commission, as Wood says, or on some
more private occasion when Walshe was boasting of the
vessels and vestments which had been so cunningly concealed,
as Humfrey seems to imply, that Wright, Archdeacon of
Oxford, one of the Commissioners, referring to Jewel, who
had been recently expelled, said that, though they had suc-
ceeded in preserving all this treasure, they had thrown away
a jewel more precious than it all.
There is perhaps some exaggeration in the account given
by Wood (after Humfrey) of the amount of sacred furniture,
vessels, and vestments preserved in Corpus during Edward's
reign, but that the stock of them was very large there can be
no doubt. And there is good evidence that much of it was
in the possession of the College, not only, as we shall see
presently, in the eighth year of Elizabeth, but at a much later
period.
In a work entitled Desiderata Curiosa2 by Francis Peck,
London, 1735 (Vol. II. p. 33), a document, dated Jan. 19,
1646, is reproduced in which Capt. James Wadsworth, for-
merly a Roman Catholic, gives information to the House of
Lords : ' i. that there are divers Reliques of Superstition
and Popery of a very considerable value in the power and
custody of the Presidents and Fellows (sic) of Christ Church
1 To ' evening prayers ' (vespers), Humfrey.
2 I am indebted to Mr. C. H. Firth, of Balliol College, for directing my attention
to Peck's work.
SECRET ROMANISM IN THE COLLEGE. 99
and Corpus Christi Colleges in Oxford. And in many other
places in the Kingdom. 2. Therefore it is humbly desired
that a Warrant may be signed for the seizing upon and
securing all Popish Priests and Jesuits, and all such Popish
Reliques and Massinge Stuffe to bee disposed of as to this
Honourable House shall seeme meete.' What the result of
this 'information' may have been I do not know, but the
large stock of vestments, at least, if not some of the vessels
and other furniture, must have been sold or made away with
during the Parliamentary period or the Protectorate ; for, soon
after the Restoration (but I will reserve the account of this
matter till we come to that time), we hear of an almost
incredible amount of vestments as having then belonged to
the College. At present, a few fragments, representing
pelicans, pieced together in the cover for a Puritan Com-
munion Table, are the only representatives of this large
collection. The only articles of sacred plate that still exist
are the exquisite crosier of Bishop Foxe. and his matchless
chalice and paten of pure gold. For there is good reason to
suppose that all the remaining plate of the pre-Reformation
period (besides the beautiful Renaissance salt of Queen Mary's
time) was designed for secular uses.
The leaven of secret Romanism continued to work in the
College long after the Reformation was definitely settled, —
certainly throughout the reign of Elizabeth and not im-
probably throughout the whole or the greater part of the two
earlier Stuart reigns.
Returning to the general history of the College, it would
seem that the visitation of Edward VI's Commissioners in
1549 and following years passed more lightly over Corpus
than many of its neighbours. At least they did not make the
same havoc with the library as at New College, Merton, and
several other Colleges, and the plate and vestments escaped
them, though, as we shall see presently, by skilful, if not
fraudulent, concealment. Nor does there seem to have been
much change in the personnel of the College, though, owing
to the influence, according to Wood, of Dr. Cox, who was the
leading Commissioner, one Cartwright, a Nottinghamshire
H 2
100 MORWENT'S BENEFACTIONS.
man, and, therefore, not eligible, was intruded into a
Scholarship.
In or about the year 1551, an important interpretation of
the Statutes was given by John Poynet, Bishop of Winchester
and Visitor, which was afterwards (1562) repeated by Bishop
Home, and remained in full vigour till the abolition of the
old Statutes in 1855. As the Mass had been abolished,
a question was raised whether it was any longer, necessary
for the Fellows to assume Holy Orders. Bishop Poynet
regarded the matter as ' most plain/ and decided that the
words of the Statute ' evidently shew that it is your Founder's
mind to have all the Fellows of your House, saving the student
in physic, after certain years, to prepare themselves ad minis-
terium Dominicum, which is, as you know, pr<zdicatio verbi et
ministratio sacramentorum Domini '; which ministry remain,
though massing be gone ; so that, though ye be discharged of
massing, yet ye be not discharged a ministerio Dominico'
Morwent, as we have seen, died on August 16, 1558. He
devised to the College lands in Cowley and Horsepath (Oxon),
and Duntesbourne Rouse in Gloucestershire, besides the ad-
vowsons of Duntesbourne Rouse and of Lower Heyford, or
Heyford ad Pontem, in Oxfordshire. He also devised certain
lands in Rewley Meads, on condition of a perpetual weekly
dole, but it was said that these lands had been purchased
with money entrusted to him by Claymond for the purposes
of the College. From Morwent are derived the beautiful
silver-gilt ale-cup with cover (1533) and Renaissance salt
(I555)« He also bequeathed a ' dozen spoons with slypps.'
Are these the spoons usually included in the Founder's plate,
six of which, with owls, bear the hall-mark of 1506, and six,
with balls, that of 1516? Even if these are identical with
those bequeathed by Morwent, they may still have belonged
to the Founder and either have been given to Morwent or
bought by him.
With the notable exception of Jewel, the roll of eminent
men admitted into Corpus during Morwent's Presidency is
not a distinguished one. The following, given in chrono-
logical order, may be enumerated : Giles Lawrence, Regius
i .7
NICHOLAS WADHAM. IOI
Professor of Greek (1539), admitted on the same day as
Jewel ; Richard Edwards, a poet, musician, and comedian
(1540) 1; William Cole, afterwards President and subsequently
Dean of Lincoln, of whom we shall presently have much to
say (1545); and Miles Windsor, one of the earliest of the
Oxford antiquaries (1556-7).
Nicholas Wadham, the founder of Wadham, is said by
Antony Wood, in his account of that College given in the
History and Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls, to have
been sometime a Commoner of C. C. C. or Ch. Ch., and
Fulman, Vol. X. fol. 45 b, puts the query, 'An nostri
Collegii Commensalis aliquando fuerit?' The prominence
given to the Pelican on the College buildings, and the
similarity of the Wadham Statutes to those of Corpus
would seem to favour the alternative that he belonged to
Corpus. And it might appear as if the question were
definitely settled by the circumstance that in a copy of the
Wadham Statutes, for the use of the Subwarden, but now
in the custody of the Warden, there is a short life of
Nicholas Wadham, composed or copied, but any way
signed, by one Nathaniel Whally (Subwarden in 1668-9),
in which the following sentence occurs : ' Nicholaus Wad-
ham ... in literis educatus Oxonii Coll. C. C. ad tempus
Commensalis; unde discessit et vitam aulicam {i.e. court-
life) aliquantisper ingressus est.' Whally matriculated in
1654, and Dorothy Wadham died in 1618, so that he
must have had good opportunity of learning the facts of
Nicholas Wadham's life from contemporaries of him and his
wife. But, in Wood's Life and Times, recently edited by
Mr. Andrew Clark, Vol. II. p. 256, there is the following
counter-evidence: 'Dr. (William) Boswell (scholar of Wad-
ham at its foundation) told me that Nicholas Wadham was
of Ch. Ch., and lodged in those lodgings that are now
Dr. (Edward) Pocock's (but then I believe Dr. (John)
1 A play by Edwards, Palsemon and Arcyte, was acted before Queen Elizabeth
in Christ Church Hall, on her visit to Oxford in 1566. She gave the author great
thanks for his pains, as also on another evening, when the remainder of the play
was acted. Edwards' name occurs frequently in Wood's account of Queen Eliza-
beth's visit (Annals, sub 1566).
102 PRESIDENCY OF WILLIAM CHEADSEY.
Kennall's), but, the said Dr. Kennall refusing to take any-
rent, Wadham gave him a parsonage, as 'tis said, in Somer-
setshire.' As regards negative evidence, Wadham's name
does not occur on the books of either Ch. Ch. or Corpus,
but the record of gentlemen-commoners at Corpus in the
middle of the sixteenth century has perished, whereas Mr.
Vere Bayne informs me that a complete list of the names
of the gentlemen-commoners and commoners at Ch. Ch.
at this period, is still to be found in the College books. I
incline, therefore, to the opinion that young Wadham simply
lodged in Dr. Kennall's house, with possibly his tutor and
servant, a practice not uncommon in those days, but did not
become a member of the College, and that he afterwards
entered Corpus as a gentleman-commoner. If this supposition
be right, he was probably an Undergraduate during Morwent's
Presidency. For, though there seems to be no record of the
date of his birth, we know that his widow, Dorothy, died in
1618, act. 84, so that, if he was about the same age as his wife,
he would probably commence his University life about 1550.
Morwent was succeeded by William Cheadsey, Chedsey,
or Chadsey, who was born in 1510, and was elected Somerset-
shire Scholar of Corpus, March 16, 152!, and Probationary
Fellow, Oct. 13, 1531. About 1542, he was appointed
Chaplain to Bonner, Bishop of London, who seems, hence-
forth, to have become his constant friend and patron. In
1549, he took part, together with Tresham and Morgan, in the
famous disputation with Peter Martyr, on the doctrine of the
Eucharist, held, in the presence of certain Royal Commissioners,
in the Oxford Divinity Schools. After Somerset's disgrace,
the Romanists, according to Strype {Memorials of Abp.
Cranmer, Bk. II. Ch. 21), grew very bold :
' To stay these men, the Council, as they had proceeded before
against some Popish Bishops, so they thought fit to use some rigours
towards others noted to be the forwardest men. One of these was
Dr. Chedsey, who was one of the Disputants against P. Martyr, the
King's Professor. He took now upon him to preach openly at
HIS FAME AS A DISPUTANT AND PREACHER. 103
Oxford against the steps of the Reformation that were made and
making. Whereupon, March 16 <i55f), he was committed to the
Marshalsea for seditious preaching. Where he lay till November
the nth. 1551. And then he was ordered to be brought to the
Bishop of Ely's, where he enjoyed his table, and an easier restraint.'
In the beginning of Mary's reign, he was made Canon of
Windsor, and, at various periods, through the patronage,
apparently, direct or indirect, of Bonner, he was preferred to the
Archdeaconry of Middlesex, a Prebend of St. Paul's, a Canonry
at Christ Church, the Rectory of All Hallows, Bread St., and
the Vicarage of Shottesbrooke in the Diocese of Salisbury.
He also at one time held the College Living of West Hendred.
Cheadsey had a great reputation as a disputant in the
Schools. Leland (Cygnea Cantio) speaks of ' Cheadsegus
resonse scholae columna.' Besides, as we have seen, being
pitted against Peter Martyr, he also occupied the position
of first opponent in the disputations with Cranmer at Oxford
in 1554, disputed, in 1553 anc^ I555> against Philpot, Arch-
deacon of Winchester, and was amongst the representatives
selected to do battle for the old faith at the beginning of the
reign of Elizabeth. He was also a preacher. Wood mentions
a sermon on Matthew xxii. 15, preached by him at Paul's
Cross, and printed in 1545. But probably the most notable
sermon which Cheadsey ever preached was that of which we
read in Stow's Annals, sub 1554 l :
'The 28 of November, the Lord Mayor of London, with the
aldermen in scarlet, and the commons in their liveries, assembled
in Paule's churche, at nine of the clocke in the forenoon, where
Doctoure Chadsey, one of the Prebendes, preached in the quire, in
presence of the Bishoppe of London, and nine other Bishoppes, and
read a letter sent from the Queene's Counsell, the tenour whereof
was, that the Byshoppe of London should cause Te Deum to
be sung in all the Churches of hys Diocesse, wyth continuall
prayers for the Queene's Majestie, whiche was conceyved and quicke
with chylde : the letter being read, he beganne his Sermon with this
Antitheme : Ne ttmeas, Maria, invenisti enim gratiam apud Deum.
1 I am indebted for my knowledge of this reference to the article in the Dic-
tionary of National Biography. The rest of my account of Cheadsey was written
before that article appeared.
104 CHEADSEY' S EJECTION.
His sermon being ended, Te Deum was sung, and solemne procession
was made of Salve festa dies, all the circuit of the churche.'
On Sept 8, 1558, Cheadsey was elected, and on Sept. 15
admitted, to the Presidency of Corpus. But, as had been the
case with Edward VI and Queen Mary, Elizabeth had not
been long on the throne, before she issued a Royal Com-
mission to enquire into and reform the state of the University.
The Commission was issued about the end of June i559> and
Cheadsey's successor was admitted on Dec. 15, so that it was
probably in the latter part of the autumn that he was ejected
from the Headship. George Etheridge, Regius Professor of
Greek, and then or formerly Fellow of C. C. C., was ejected
the same year, and, apparently in the next year, two other
Fellows of the College of less note, William Shepreve and
James Fenn. As the proceedings of this Commission are
described as very moderate, the ground of ejection must have
been the refusal to take the Oath of Supremacy.
Cheadsey was stripped of his Canonry at Ch. Ch. as well
as of his Headship, and indeed of all his many preferments.
He was thrown into the Fleet, where, according to Fulman
as well as Wood (in the Annals and Antiquities of the Colleges
and Halls), he died soon afterwards. But, according to Wood's
account given in his Life of Cheadsey in the Athenae Oxoni-
enses, he was still alive in 1574. 'In my searches into obscure
writings1, I find that one John Jones, a priest, living at, or
near, Thame in Oxfordshire, did by his last will dated 27 of
Aug. and proved the i6th of Oct. following, .an. 1574,
bequeath to Dr. Cheadsey twenty shillings. By which it
appears that he was then living, but where I find not, nor
when he died.'
In a decree of the Visitor (John White, Bishop of Win-
chester), dated Feb. 23, 155!, three doubtful points in the
Statutes were resolved by enacting (i) that, wherever the
words 'Prior and Convent' occur in the Statutes, they shall
be taken as applying to the new Dean and Chapter of Win-
chester ; (2) that the ' Medicinae deputatus ' shall be elected,
like the College officers, by the President and seven seniors ;
1 In this instance, a book of Wills ia the Oxford registry.
VISITOR'S DECREES.
105
(3) that the President, when preaching at St. Paul's, St. Mary
Spital, or Westminster, shall have the same privilege of ten
days' absence which is, under like circumstances, conceded
to a Fellow.
The only person, in any way noteworthy, admitted on the
Foundation during Cheadsey's Presidentship, was Simon
Tripp, of whose letters I shall have to speak presently, when
I come to the time of Dr. Cole.
CHAPTER V.
THE ELIZABETHAN ERA.
ON Dec. 15, 1559, William Butcher, Bocher, or Boucher
was nominally elected to the Presidentship, but really appointed
by the Commissioners. His admission is formally recorded in
the Register, and sets forth that he was admitted by Dr.
Wright, Archdeacon of Oxford, one of the Royal Commissioners
(who, it may be noticed, had, only six years before, visited
the College in the capacity of one of Queen Mary's Com-
missioners), after he had been duly elected by the Fellows in
virtue of letters sent by Richard Cox, Bishop elect of Ely,
and Sir John Mason, Knight.
Boucher was, like Cheadsey, a Somersetshire man, was born
about Christmas Day, 1516, was admitted Scholar on Nov. n,
1534, and Probationary Fellow on March 26, 1539. The
choice of the Commissioners was not a happy one. He seems
to have been an entirely undistinguished man, and, in that
respect, was a great contrast to the first three Presidents,
especially the first and third. And he seems to have yielded
to the natural temptation of inferior men, who have no higher
interest or ambition than self-aggrandizement, by attempting
to enrich himself at the expense of the College. According
to Fulman, a Visitation of the College was held by Robert
Home, Bp. of Winchester, in 1561, and Boucher was then
impeached for not delivering the Fines of Copyholds, which
he sought to appropriate to himself, there being no statutable
justification for such a course. A few months after this
Visitation, Dec. 13, 1561, he resigned, for reasons doubtless
connected with it, though of the special circumstances which
PRESIDENCY OF WILLIAM BOUCHER. 107
moved him to retire we are ignorant1. Soon after his appoint-
ment to the Presidency, he was promised (Jan. 3, 15^0)
the next presentation to the Rectory of Heyford, which,
however, he relinquished on accepting the Rectory of Duntes-
bourne Rouse, May 20, 1560. To this living he retired on
his cession of the Presidentship, and there lived in great
obscurity till his death in 1585. ' Recessit autem,' says
Fulman, 'ad pauperculam Rectoriam de Dunsburn Militis
juxta Corinium in agro Glocestrensi, ubi et obscurus con-
senuit. Mortuus tandem Octobri exeunte, Anno MDLXXXV.
Ibidem sepultus, Novembris primo.'
We happen to obtain a curious insight into Boucher's life at
Duntesbourne through an amusing, though over-elaborated,
dialogue written by a young Fellow of Corpus, named Nicholas
Morice, some time between 1577 and I5852. The dialogue
is entitled ' Dialogus de lustratione Geitonica, qui inscribitur
Nuttus,' Nutt being the name of one of his friends among
the Fellows, for whose amusement the account of the journey
professes to be written. The writer is animated with a strong
antipathy to Cole, the existing President, with whom he and
others were travelling, for the purpose of holding manorial
courts. Moreover, the description of Boucher is doubtless
tainted with a certain amount of scornfulness and youthful
insolence, but it affords so vivid a picture of .the manners of
the times and of Collegiate relations, though hardly of the
pleasantest side of them, that I have not hesitated to in-
corporate it in full3:
1 There is an almost illegible paper, written in faded ink, inserted in Windsor
and Twyne's Collectanea, fol. 214 b (MS. 280 in Coll. Library), in which Miles
Windsor says that Boucher was impeached for not delivering over such fines as
might come unto his hands, and that afterwards ' hee did voluntarilie yield upp
his office and departed from the house.'
2 The Dialogue must have been written some time between March 15, 15 7^,
when Morice became an Actual Fellow (for he could hardly have gone on ' Pro-
gress' before), and the end of October, 1585, the date of Boucher's death. When
I come to speak of it more at length, under Cole's Presidency, I shall give reasons
for confining its composition within still narrower limits, namely, 1582 and 1585.
3 It occupies four pages of the Dialogue, 25b-2? b. The passage about the
' Copies ' {Copy-holds), and the burning interest taken in the question, may be
illustrated by some sentences which occur a little before the passage extracted, on
25 a : ' Docebant enim ' (namely, some letters which Cole had placed in his hands
108 BOUCHER IN RETIREMENT AT DUNTESBOURNE.
' Boucherum enim paululum progressi tripodem ex aedibus
proreptantem, seque a nobis amolientem observamus : magna
voce Sherbonus Boucherum inclamat, et Boucherus ingeminat
usque eo, quoad pene irraucesceret : retorquet tandem oculos.
Oculos dico : imo caput universum, quo nihil unquam humano
corpori dedit ipsa natura ponderosius. Appropinquamus.
Consalutavimus. Ingredimur. Imponitur mensae ingens
butyri globus, et panis niger colliculus. Ille voce magna
sudastram aniculam surdus compellat : vicinitas personuit ;
imperat ut scyathum nobis promat, nobilis, pugnacissimae
cervisiae, diluculae suae potionis : ilia respondet voce inten-
sissima et splendida. Suspicabatur Sherbonus inter illos
parietes mures non quievisse, quippe qui, mutui illius sermonis
vicissitudine semper perterriti, extorres ex illis laribus profu-
gissent. Mensam relinquimus. Inchoamus sermonem de
sententia Praesidis literarum quibus Boucherus sententiam
suam ascripsisset. Respondit teterrime. ^Estuabam equidem
non solum turpitudine sed etiam contumacia responsi. Habita
est a me ratio non illius improbitatis, quae senis digitos im-
pulerat ut nomen subscriberet, sed adolescentiae meae et illius
senectutis. Senem igitur ex alterius ore omnia loquentem
per testamentum Fundatoris sum vehementer obtestatus ut
desineret in sua occidente aetate matrem suam magno scelere
laceratam ipsa jam Copiarum spe extrema pendentem pati
corruere. Ingemuit igitur : immo omnia de novae juventutis
fervore et animorum impotentium effraenatione Colo plenissimus
eructavit. Tantum enim apud ilium valuit aetatis conjunctio
et dignitatis pristine aequalitas, ut Praesidis causa, a quo illo
odio capitali dissidet, adversus nos flecteret judicium suum,
non quin in nostram sententiam discedendum putaret, sed
quoniam a juvenibus'senem, Praesidem a sociis nollet superari.
on the journey) ' me Boucherum semel concessu Hyeronimi Raynoldi aliorumque
seniorum fructum omnium Copiarum percepisse : iterum, cum illi unanimi consensu
renuissent, eodem caruisse. Ex quo cognoscere potestis esse divinitus datum huic
gymnasio Raynoldorum nomen quorum virtus nunc iterum experrecta statum hujus
Collegii semel in Barfotiana dictatura, iterum in Coli hianti avaritia conantur
redimere, et in libertatem statutis sancitam vindicare.' I am indebted to the Rev.
W. D. Macray for kindly directing my attention to this interesting and illustrative
jeu <T esprit, which is indexed as Rawl. D. 463 amongst the MSS. in the Bodleian
Library.
PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS GREENWAY. 109
Jam turn vidi, quod semper antea habui persuasum, in humana
societate nullum esse genus hominum detestabilius, conscientia
inquinatius, quam eorum, qui vitae suae cursum non ex amore
religionis simplici sed ex temporum inclinationibus solent
moderari. Nam qui semel fidei suse arcana fronte falsissima
texerit, is, ut tantarum rerum simulationem perpetuo tueatur,
facile ad omne facinus stimulatur. Papistam equidem ingenuum
diligo ; pro honesto Protestante emori possum. Neutrum
seniculum, ita villam, abhominor. Ego discessi. Boucherus
iste, cujus truncum tredecem tuniculi et unum amiculum gau-
supinum ; tibias triginta caligae et crassum par ocrearum
contexerat ; cum voces indignas Praeside, indignas sene, in-
dignas homine emisisset, in domicilium suum remigravit.
Dunsbornam, quam uno jentaculo exinaniuimus, deserimus.
Geitoniam porreximus.'
The only name among the admissions during Boucher's
Presidentship which need be mentioned is that of Thomas
Twine, a famous writer, in his day, of books on medicine,
astrology, and other subjects. He was father of the still more
celebrated Brian Twyne, the Oxford antiquary.
Thomas Greenway or Greneway, the fifth President, seems
to have been freely elected by the Society, and was sworn on
Jan. 3, 156^. He was a native of Hampshire, was born in
1520, admitted Scholar on Jan. 26, 153!, and Probationary
Fellow, Aug. 19, 1541. Like his predecessor, he was a man
of little, if any, distinction, and, like him, he soon found him-
self in trouble by the attempt to appropriate to himself, in
whole or in part, the Copyhold Fines. ' He, standing upon
his Predecessor's terms,' says Fulman, ' was complained of to
the Visitor for not making a true accompt of Copyhold Fines.'
Like his Predecessor, too, he retired from the Presidency,
though whether his resignation was specially connected with
the question of the Copyhold Fines, or due to the unpleasant
relations generally which subsisted between him and the
Fellows, to be described presently, or whether it was purely
spontaneous, we have no means of knowing. His resignation
110 VISITATION OF THE COLLEGE IN 1566.
probably took effect in the summer of 1568, when he retired
to his Living of Lower Heyford, where, having built a Parsonage
House, he was buried Aug. 14, 1571-
In the Fulman MSS., there is no mention of any personal
Visitation of the College during Greenway's Presidency, but
in Bp. Home's Register, preserved in the episcopal archives
at Winchester, there is a long and very curious account,
extending over 17 closely and crabbedly written folio pages,
of a Visitation held in the College Chapel, in the year
1566, by Dr. George Acworth, the Bishop's Chancellor and
Commissary. The document is headed, ' Acta habita gesta et
expedita in Capella infra Coll. C. C. in Univ. Oxon. 17 Oct.,
1566, coram ven. viro Mro Georgio Acworth Legum doctore ....
ad dictum Coll. visitandum Commissario specialiter deputato.'
It deals mainly with the mutual recriminations of the Presi-
dent and the Fellows, beginning with the charges brought by
the President, supported, doubtless, by some of the Fellows,
against" Hieronymus Reynolds (Fellow), George Atkinson
(Chaplain), and Richard Joyner, Clerk of Accompts. The
transactions referred to in the charges are not altogether clear,
but there seems to be no doubt that these three persons had
conspired to conceal Church plate, vestments, and other
furniture of the Chapel, in the first year of Elizabeth, with-
drawing them from the place where they had usually been
kept, the object, of course, being to preserve them from con-
fiscation ; moreover, they or some of them are charged with
having conspired, about the same time, to forge an Indenture,
to which the College seal was surreptitiously affixed, pur-
porting to have been made on the 3ist of March in the first
year of Edward the Vlth (1548) between the then President
and the Fellows, on the one part, and Thomas Windesor, Esq.
of Bewic Coombe in the County of Surrey, on the other part,
with regard to certain ' goods, chattals, and Jewells ' said to
be entrusted to the care of the College by the said Windsor,
as well as an obligation (or bond) in ^300 (elsewhere stated
as £200) to deliver up the same to him when called on. If the
fraudulent transaction here charged really occurred, it was
CHARGES AGAINST HIEROME RAINOLDS. Ill
evidently a device enabling Windsor to claim the property,
should any attempt be made to confiscate it, and, meanwhile,
to retain it in the College for future use, should there be a
turn in affairs and a favourable opportunity present itself.
The Indenture is given among the pieces justificatives towards
the end of the document, but the charge against the persons
incriminated, the evidence, and, generally, the judicial pro-
ceedings against them, in the earlier portion. The most
interesting parts to extract are the accusations against Hierome
Reynolds, the evidence of Richard Joyner, and the Schedule
of the Church goods in question, which I proceed to give in
the order here specified.
'Detecta contra mag. Hieron. Raynolds1.
Imprimis, that Mr Hierome Rainolds hath taken the Church
Jewells and other ornaments oute of the Vestrye againste all
order of Statute. And kept theme there VIII yeres together
{i.e. from the commencement of Elizabeth's reign) in his
owne privye custodye, part under grounde, part above grounde,
And hathe denied the having of it, being asked by Mr Presi-
dent in the last scrutiny. Item, he consented to an unlawfull
alienation of the Colledge church goodes, and eyther forged or
privily conveyed the Colledge common scale to be set to the
said alienation and for recovery of the same again (i.e. to
enable Windsor, who was the nominal owner, to claim them
should circumstances render such a course desirable) bound
the Colledge under there common seale to the paymente of
iicU (£200) to be paid by a day. Item, he hath lost his
right of the Colledge for refusinge to name {i.e. vote) diffini-
tivelye in Mr Belly's matter beinge requested to give his
meaning of the statute. Item he committed perjury {i.e.
broke the statutes, which he had sworn to observe) for taking
his commons in his chamber without leave. Item, he hath a
1 Wood (Ath. Ox. sub William Rainolds) says of this Hierome Reynolds that
' continuing in the Roman Catholic religion, he practised physic in the beginning
of Queen Elizabeth's reign ; but soon after left the University {probably in conse-
quence of his expulsion, subsequent on these proceedings), and whether he went
beyond the seas, and was doctorated there, I cannot tell.' Hierome Reynolds was
of the same family and a native of the same place (Pinhoe near Exeter) as the
famous John Reynolds, President 1598-1607.
112 EVIDENCE OF RICHARD JOYNER.
secular fee, whereby at the least he ought to have taken no
wages {i.e. stipend) but to be content with meat and drinke
onely. Item he ys a devine ; and was before he was appointed
to Phisike, Whereupon he ought to have bin Bachelor of
divinity for ii yeares past, or ells to avoyde the Colledge {i.e.
resign his Fellowship). Item, he punisheth none but certaine
of the schollers. Item, he harde {i.e. heard) no sophisme {i.e.
did not attend the disputations of the Bachelors, as all Fellows
were bound to do, according to Ch. 23 of the Statutes), as he
ys bounde twise or thrice a weke, thes iii yeres. Item, he with-
stode the President against punishing of a Bachelor for making
a noyse at dinner. Item, where one Browne had a copy given
to him in the Colledge oute of Courte in the Lordship of
Suthbrent (South Brent), he bought the same copy by and
by for x11 taken oute of the Colledge coffers, beinge then
bowser (bursar), And sold yt at the next corte for xxxu,
withoute anye fine or heriot allowed for the Colledge. Item,
he gave voyce to him selfe in the graunte of lease to him selfe,
for the which lease he gave no fine at all.' Reynolds appears
to have propounded no answers to these c detecta,' and, on fol.
22 b of the Register, we find that he was expelled. These
allegations against Reynolds were, doubtless, made by the
President, as appears plainly in the document itself.
The next extract is the evidence of Richard Joyner, Clerk
of Accompts, with reference to the Chapel vessels and vest-
ments : ' Respondit, That where he was charged with the
forging of a paiere of Indentures in parchement written by his
owne hand whereof the one parte with an obligation for the
performance thereof, in three hundred poundes, was sealed
with the said Colledge seale with the knowledge and consent
of the President (probably Cheadsey) and fellowes of the
Colledge then benige (sic), The treuthe ys that, abowte the
beginning of this Queenes Raigne, he this Respondent and
Mr Hierome Rainoldes rid together, but the yere certainly
he remembrethe not ut dicit, unto Brickhill unto an assise
where they met with Mr Thomas Windsor with whom the
said Mr Hierome had much secret confidence, but what they
talked and whereof the Respondent knewe not, for that he
EXPULSIONS FROM THE COLLEGE. 113
wayted then as a servaunte upon the said Mr Hierome.
Et ulterius respondit, that, after that time but when this
respondent remembrethe not, the said Mr Hierome delivered
unto this Respondent a copye of ane Indenture in papire con-
cerning the alienation of the said goods whereby, by com-
mandement of the said Mr Hierome and others of the seven
seniors then beinge, This Respondent wrote ii of the like
sorte Indentures in parchement the yeare after this Queenes
Raigne as far as he remembrethe with a scedule specifieing
certaine goodes of the said Colledge, sed quoad sigillationem
alicujus partis Indenturarum praedictarum aut obligationis
praedictae, in vim Juramenti sui alias per eum praestiti, nihil
omnino novit et respondere nescit aliter quam prius respon-
debat. Tune dictus Joyner exhibuit quandam papiri scedulam
manu sua propria scriptam coppos et vestimenta pretiosa
dicti Collegii in manibus suis extra Collegium praedictum
(implying, probably, that the Clerk of Accompts lived outside
the College) ad tune existentia continentem, quam penes
Registrarium dimisit Qua examinatione peracta, dictus
Dominus Commissarius commisit custodiam dicti Richardi
Joyner Domino Praesidenti, ne forte aliquid secret! rationem
amotionis et spoliationis praedictae concernens divulgaretur,
usque in horas praedictas diei crastini/
Joyner's evidence clearly involved a confession of the
forgery. Reynolds and Atkinson were expelled from the
College by the Commissary, and I think Joyner as well, but
I am here only trusting to my recollection of the document.
Several other members of the College were included in the
sentence.
The inventory of Church goods is likely to be interesting to
the ecclesiologist, if not to others, and, hence, I subjoin it at
length.
'Schedulae indentatae Jocalium subtractorum copia sequitur
et est talis :
Imprimis, iii chalices, one of gold1, with the Patesies ; Item,
1 This is probably the beautiful gold chalice (date 1507-8), supposed to have
belonged to the Founder, which is still in use in the College Chapel. The corre-
sponding paten, of exquisite workmanship, has now (1892) become so thin that it
I
114 INVENTORY OF SECRETED CHURCH GOODS.
ii crewets of gold, one lacking a Cover ; Item, ii crewets of
silver with kivirs (covers) the one in the box ; Item, one whole
senser of silver ; Item, a bell of silver ; Item, ii paxes set with
perles silver and guilt ; Item, a holly water sticke of silver ;
Item, vii olde sensers of silver guilte, one lacking the fote ; Item,
ii great elapses silver and guilte with ii other payer (pair)
of smaler elapses silver and guilte, with other smale peces of
silver to the value of half an ounce, all in a little box ; Item,
one challice of silver and guilt with a patent also silver and
guilt ; Item, one other challice of silver and guilt with one
Mr Wotton had with a patent silver and guilt and a corporis
case and ii corporis clothes. The Colledge gOOdeS
brought in by Joyner. One payer of hangings of the best
blewe and vestements with Decon and Subdecon of the same,
And a canapye for the sacrament of the same and two hangings
of cloth of tissue for the highe Aulter ; Item, the best red of
purple velvet for Prest, Decon and Subdecon, And all other
necessaries savinge one told lackinge ; Item, one payer (i.e. set)
of vestements more being the second best red velvet spanged
with golde and perle, decon and subdecon, lackinge a stole ;
Item, one payer of vestements of cloth of golde wrought with
grene velvet with decon and subdecon of the same ; Item, ii
best white hangings for the high aulter called bodkin; Item,
one payer of vestements of blew silke with crownes and miters,
decon and subdecon for the same, lackinge a stole ; Item, one
canapye for the sepulchre of red silke braunched with golde ;
Item, a sepulchre clothe of red and blew braunched with
golde ; Item, ii payer of grene copes, one with spanges of gold ;
Item, ii other copes of blew silke with miters and crownes ;
Item, ii other copes of purple velvet with braunches having
the pellicanes l of golde ; Three corporas cases, viz, ii of
clothe of golde and one of blewe velvet with a percullis
is used only on Trinity Sunday, as being the Sunday nearest to Corpus Christi day.
It is said that these are the only chalice and paten of pure gold, dating from pre-
Reformation times, still existing in England.
1 The College is still, as already noticed, in possession of a cloth for a small
communion table, composed of fragments of copes ornamented with pelicans
wrought in gold tissue. The pelicans are mediaeval, but the cloth might be of
Elizabeth's time, or, perhaps, later.
CHARGES AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 115
{i.e. ornamented with the figure of the portcullis) and iii
clothes.'
In the statement of charge against Reynolds, Atkinson, and
Joyner, given on fol. 20 a. of the MS., it is said that, besides
the articles specified in the schedule, there were 'praeterea
alia multa et diversimoda bona et catalla,' a statement which
we shall find amply confirmed by the extraordinary revela-
tions, found in a document of the early part of Charles the
Second's reign, touching certain copes and vestments formerly
in the possession of the College.
Reynolds, supported doubtless by his friends, brought
counter charges against the President. Both the charges and
the answers give us a curious insight into the manners and
sentiments of the time, and certainly do not present the
interior of an Elizabethan College in a favourable light.
While reading them, however, we must recollect the ex-
cessive freedom of language, the bitter feeling of partisanship,
and the tendency to impute to an enemy every kind of enor-
mity of which there might be the very slightest grounds
of suspicion, that characterise almost the whole controversial
literature of the Renaissance and Reformation periods, and
which would naturally be imported into the pleadings of an
informal law-court, such as was that of a College Visitor. It
is also most important to bear in mind that charges, of which
no proof is forthcoming, ought, not only in 'charity but in
equity, to count nothing against the accused. Their only
value historically is to shew what offences were regarded at
the time as capable of credence.
The use of the first person singular in the charges against
the President shews that they were the work of one person,
and that one person must have been Hieronymus Reynolds.
Thus, the proceedings partake much of the nature of a single
combat between him and the President. I shall now extract
at length both the accusation and the defence.
' Detecta contra Presidentem. Imprimis, he toke thirty
poundes to by advowson of Dr Warner oute of the Colledge
mony and neyther brought the vowson to the Colledge nor
I 2
Il6 CHARGES AGAINST THE PRESIDENT.
anye acquittance for the same, so that we suppose he hath
utterly defrauded the Colledge of the same mony. Item,
he toke ii sheets and a half of lede (lead) from the Colledge
without consent. He, havinge ii or iii perch of seasoned
timber graunted, toke seasoned and unseasoned, all that was
in the Colledge. Item, he received of Mr Laurence xs to pay
expenses in progress. He toke that mony to himself. And
so deceaved the Colledge' of x8. Item, he received of Hurst
xiii8 iiiid and brought into the coffer but xs. Item, in lettinge
of leases he taketh the greatest parte of the monye vnto him-
seffe, as y* appereth by taking vi11 xiii8 iiiid of James Bell to
his owne use, the Colledge having but iiii11. Allso he received
of Mr Butler of Suthton (Southampton) for a fine iiii11 xs,
whereof the Colledge had but xx8. Allso he had of Lan-
caster's widow dwellinge in Overton iiii11. And the Colledge
,had but iii11 xvi8 viiid. Item, he spoyleth the Colledge wodes *
( ) as the common report is, and maketh in every sale a
part of mony unto himself. Item, allso he giveth the Colledge
tres to himself and his servaunts. Item, he is noted of many
men to have had (connexion) 2 with viii Infamous women, ii at
Heyford (of which parish he was Rector), whereof one he
brought from Warminster, another from London, one at
Exeter called ( ) host, one in St Allbones an olde ac-
quaintance of his when he dwelte there, and fower at London,
as Barbara his Ostes at the Cock 3, Margaret Burton, Johane
Townsende and Alice of the Cock, of which the last are such
women that no honest man may be assumed to be acquainted
withall. Item, it was certainly reported by his (? men) Joyner
and Butcher that he lay with Sheres wife in London and
allso it is commonly reported that he had (connexion)4 with
her at Mother Bedells. Item, he resorted to her house in
1 When I have been unable to decipher any word or words in the MS., I have
left a blank space within two angular brackets, thus : ( ).
2 The word within round brackets, as also in a similar place below, is a
softened equivalent for the phrase which occurs in the original document.
3 This was probably the Cock Tavern situated at 72 Tothill St., Westminster,
now demolished. The history of the Cock Tavern in Fleet St. does not seem to
go back beyond the early part of the seventeenth century. See Wheatley and
Cunningham's London.
* See note 2 above.
CHARGES AGAINST THE PRESIDENT. 117
Oxford usque ad obloquium populi et scandalum Ecclesiae,
sometimes untill x or xi of the clock at night. Item, he was
sene to kyss the said Sheres wife in her garden as it had
been a wanton boy, in so muche that he who did see them
said, fye upon all such spirituall men. Item, he forsoke our
farme at Heyford at x o'clock in the night, and went to lye
at Sheres house. Item, he was taken behind his parlour
dore in the darke night with his Ede of Warminster, with
other manifest signes of adultery which I am ashamed to
write. Item, he rode downe from London in the company
of Johanne Townesend and Sheres wiffe, women notoriously
suspected of whoredome. Item, at St Albones he layed his
purse before his acquainted *, and bad her take what she
wolde to obey his carnall desire. Item, at Exeter he left
his Inne and lay at the house of Mrs how a woman infamous,
and was, as may be proved, notoriously drunk there. Item,
he is accompted a Whoremonger, a common drunkard, a
mutable papist and an unpreching prelate and one of an
Italian faith. Item, he bad in the Colledge to dinner Alice
of the Cock, Ede of Warminster and Sheres Wife, infamous
women. Item, that going in progress, as I have hard 2, <
} minstrels and women to the infamy of the Colledge
and diminution of our goodes. Item, he resorteth to bull-
beytinge and bearebeyting in London and commandeth his
man to put yt on another score. Item, in Christmas last
past he, comming drunk from the Towne, sat in the Hall
amonge the Schollers until i of the clock, totering with his
legge, tipling with his mouth, and hering bawdy songes with
his eares as, My Lady hath a prety thinge, and such like.
In the ende, drabbinge to bed, cold not be persworded that
yt was yet ix of the clock {the College gates were by
Statute finally closed at 8 in winter and 9 in summer, so
that 9 was presumably 'bed-time'}, when indeede yt was
past ii. And in like sorte, at Candlemas last, he was noto-
1 The reader should notice this peculiar use of the word ' acquainted,' for
paramour. It does not occur in Dr. Murray's Dictionary.
2 This expression shews that the accusations came from a single person, who
must have been Hierome Reynolds.
Il8 CHARGES AGAINST THE PRESIDENT.
riously drunk. Item, yt ys reported that he prayed for the
dede in his Sermon at Paules cross, whereupon yt was written
to one of the fellows of his house, that Exultamus coram
papistrie, and my L. Wenford called him purgatory snake.
Item, he hath willfully incurred perjury (i. e. broken the Col-
lege Statutes which he had sworn to observe) in those ii
statutes, where the number of commoners are appointed.
Item, for taking mony and bribes for the admitting of
schollers, as, namely, of Lane vi tres worth iiii marks, for
Tye half a kersy, for Pottell a gowne clothe, for Sir Napper
(i.e. Napier B.A.) iiii nobles, for Mathewe x11, for Kere (i.e.
Kyre) x11. Item, he entereth matters in Lawe without con-
sent of the fellowes. Item, he kepeth vi horse continually
in the stable, whereas the Colledge nedeth and alloweth but
five. Item, the expenses of the stable riseth to xu more
yearly then ever before his time. Item, he hath given away
to his kindred and his familiar acquainted frowses the Col-
ledge Landes for small fines or none, suplanting a nomber of
old tenauntes, as, namely, amonge all other he hath given
to a woman that he is muche suspected to have liked incon-
tinently withall a copy for xiiis iiiid, whereas for the same
there wilbe (i. e. will be) given xxu. And here note, good
Mr Chauncellor, that he hath suplanted by this wicked deede
iii or iiii pore children, whose father builte the tenement oute
of the ground. Item, he ys a faithfull frende to all the
papistes and a mortall enemy to all the protestants in this
house, a very aOeos, a right (Pmache villion1). And there-
fore ys reported to study Jacke (Pmaicher2, or maither, or
mouther, or moucher) a wicked boke written in the italian
tonge. Item, he calleth prestes sonnes prestes Brattes. Item,
1 ' Machiavellian ' has been suggested by Mr. Parker of the Bodleian. There
can be little doubt, I think, that this suggestion is right, though probably the
scribe, not understanding the reference, took down the word or words from
the sound, or miscopied the Articles of Charge.
2 Jacke might stand for either Jacopo or Giovanni, James or John. Part of
the second word is very difficult to decipher. There is no doubt about the first
letter or the three last. The intermediate letters might be aic or ait or out or cue,
A learned correspondent (Mr. F. Adams, Reader for the Press at Messrs. Spottis-
woode's) has adduced strong reasons for reading mouther or moucher and identi-
fying the reference with Boccaccio (Giovanni Boccacci). See Appendix E.
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER. 119
he admitted Mr Belly without ane othe. Item, he hath lefte
in our fine Box but iis vid. In which, at his cumming, he
found ccccc11. Item, where he mought have gotten cn to the
Colledge by gadged plate (i.e. plate left in pawn) of Mr Dr
Lougher, he restored it againe without consent of the seven,
contrarye to his othe and order of the statute.'
The answere of the President to the detections. ' First,
I say that all the articles are criminall and therefore suche
as I am not bounde to answere, and all in manner generall,
withoute noting of fact time or place, so that there canne be
made no direct answere unto them. And suche as be onely
made to slaunder me, the slaunderers never mening to prove
one of them.' He then proceeds to deny them seriatim,
in some cases giving specific explanations. There is an
elaborate explanation of the xxxu connected with the pur-
chase of the advowson of Heyford, shewing how very com-
plicated the whole business was. . . . 'Touchinge taking the
Colledge fines to my owne use ys most untrewe. But yt ys
trewe that I have given me for my good will sometimes mony
of the tenants, and so have everye one of the fellowes to.
But let yt be proved that ever I toke penny of the Colledge
fine. And let me be punished accordingly therefore' (ignor-
ing the fact that these presents or ' douceurs ' for good-will
all acted, just like ' commissions ' to servants nowadays, in
the way of diminishing the sum that came to the College).
As to the charge with regard to the woods, he says, among
other things, ' It ys trewe that in progress I do now and then
give a tre to every of the servants towards the byinge of there
botes and weringe there apparrell, as my predecessors were
used to do.' ' Touching the women whereof I am most
slaunderously defamed withall,' he denies the facts alleged,
speaks of ' this conspiracye that ys nowe made against me,'
and enters on explanations, which do not appear altogether
satisfactory. Sheres seems to have been a book-binder who
dwelt in Pater-noster Row near Doctors' Commons. ' While
I dwelled with the Busshop of Elye, I lay sick in Ely place
in Holborne a quarter of a yere, at what time the said
Sheres beinge a younge man and unmarried did watche with
120 THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER.
me and kepe me in my sickness, for acquaintance I had
with him, in that he had before used to binde my bokes.
After I was president, I did give him a reversion of a copy-
hold in Heyford, whereof was there a life of a maide to ronne,
which mayde died shortly after. And the coppye fell to the
same Sheres, who dwelleth there nowe. And, where yt ys
sayde that I lefte the farmer's house and lay there one night,
yt ys trewe I did so. And the occasion was this, as my
accuser cannot denye, yt was upon the Wake day at night,
at what time the farmers house was full of strangers that
came from places abowte thither and lay there. And, because
there was no chamber but where divers other shuld have lien
and disquieted me, I wente that night to the other house.
And I never lay but that one night out of the farmers house
(where he seems to have lodged, when he went over to Hey-
ford for parish or college purposes). Yet I have been there
forty times sithens that and before. Other ii women that
they name were wives to ii pore men that were my servauntes
to whom I have given two small thinges.' And so on
' Where yt ys objected that I am a common drunkard, yf yt
may appeare by the testimony of anye honest man that I
was ever sene drunk, then I yeld to this accusation. I be-
seche your worship let the worshipfull of this universitie
report of this point how impudent a slander yt ys.' Touching
the Sermon at St. Paul's, he refers to my Lord of London
(Grindal), who examined the matter, and found that he was
' mistaken' (i.e. misunderstood). As to the number of com-
moners, the extension was in favour of Lord Sondes, and the
Founder gives the President. some discretion in this matter.
(It is noticeable that he was 'taken in with his Scholemaster
and brethren1'). ... * I never condicioned for penny nor reward
for the admitting of anye Scholler. I never entered matter
in lawe without consent.' . . . ' Touching papistry, yf any facte
1 ' And that I might do well to take him in and his Scholemaster and Brethren,
because he was a nobleman and might pleasure the Colledge. And allso wolde
pay for all he toke.' This is an instance of a practice which appears not to have
been uncommon about this time, namely, for two or more young members of a
family to lodge in a College under the superintendence of a private tutor. For the
practice, generally, of bringing up private tutors, cp. pp. 50, 103.
EVIDENCE OF WITNESSES. 12,1
canne be proved or objected against me, let me have the
haine (i. e. odium) of it to the uttermost. They that object
papistry to me nowe did object * at my comminge into the
Colledge that I coulde not be President because I was ex-
pelled in Queen Maries dayes for religion .... As to the
sermon in which he spoke of the marriage of priests, at St
Peter's, let them testify who heard him. The accuser speaks
only by hearsay. . . . And suche {sc. accusations) as I cannot
frame any direct answers, my request ys that, yf yt may appere
to you that there is a conspiracye to undoe me and defame
me, that my enemies that so conspire may be no witnesses
against me, but that I may be reported by the worshipfull and
best sorte of the Towne and University what my conversacion
ys and whate fame I have bin of and am of in the Towne.'
Then follows the evidence of witnesses. Hieronymus Rey-
nolds says, inter alia, that ' Lancaster's widow of Overton paid
unto Mr President iiii11 for his good-will and for a fine to
the Colledge iii11 xvi8 viiid.' He adds similar cases, and then
proceeds to give evidence on the charge of corruptly receiving
gifts. ' Mr President had of John Lane, to admit him a
scholler, vi tres which were worthe fower markes, of Tye half
a kersy worth xxx8, which he knoweth by reason the boye's
father came into the house and toulde him of yt.' Simon
Tripp B.A. confirms Reynolds' testimony as to the gifts of
the scholars Lane and Tye (both on hearsay evidence).
Johannes Lane dicit ' that he gave the mony to bye the
trees to Mr Hopkins of Broadgates, viz iiii marks, which Mr
President received of Mr Hopkins to admit this deponent
to be a Scholler.' Similar testimony is given by other
Scholars. One testifies that ' Mr President wolde not admit
him under x11 or xxtie markes.' The Vice-President Mr
Laurens (Laurence} gives evidence as to taking inordinately
small fines on the renewal of copies, especially to Shears.
On a general review of this evidence, it seems as if the case
1 Shewing that Greenway's was a contested election. The objection on the
ground of ' papistry' was exceedingly uncandid on the part of Hierome Reynolds,
who, according to Wood, himself 'continued in the Roman Catholic religion.'
See above, p. in, n. i.
122 REVIEW OF THE EVIDENCE.
against Greenway was made out with regard to accepting
bribes (or ? presents) on the admission of Scholars, and
also with regard to receiving inordinately large sums for
'good-will' on the renewal of copies and leases, to the un-
doubted detriment of the general College revenues. But no
evidence is even tendered with regard to the charges of
drunkenness and incontinency, so that the presumption seems
to be that they were either false or incapable of proof1.
After the evidence follows the Copy of a testimonial to
Greenway 's character, signed by John Kennell D.C.L., Vice-
Chancellor, and other principal residents in the University,
denouncing the graver charges made against him, and stating
unambiguously their own entire disbelief in them. Next
come certain ' exceptions ' of Greenway to the witnesses
against him.
The document contains no evidence of any judicial action
taken against Greenway, though several of the Fellows and
other members of the College were summarily expelled, some
possibly for not accepting the Articles of Religion, which,
in an abbreviated form, were tendered to the whole College.
Possibly Greenway may have claimed that his case should
be referred to the Visitor himself (as permitted in the Sta-
tutes, Ch. 53), or, as there was no definite evidence of the
graver charges, and corruption in the bestowal of offices and
extortionate or colourable practices in the management of
1 And yet the charge of incontinency derives a certain amount of independent
support from a bitter attack on Greenway by Simon Tripp, a Fellow of the
College, of whom we shall twice hear again in the course of this history. This
attack is contained in a very rhetorical effusion (preserved in the Collectanea of
Miles Windsor and Brian Twine, MS. 280 in the Corpus Library, fol. 239, 240),
entitled ' Fatalis oratio Simonis Trippi,' which professes (though I think this must
be a figment) to have been delivered in the presence of Greenway. The charges of
incontinence (including adultery), impiety, hypocrisy, vindictiveness and tyranny
are made or insinuated repeatedly throughout the Oration. But there is no im-
putation of drunkenness, — negative testimony from a declared enemy, which affords
some presumption that the charges under this head at the Visitation were false
or grossly exaggerated. Some slight confirmation of the charges against Greenway
with regard to women, or it may possibly be an explanation of them, is afforded
by a passage in Morice's Dialogue, in which, speaking of the characteristics of
former Presidents, with reference to Cole's card-playing, in order to while away
his time on 'Progress,' he says of Greenway: 'Morwenus cum villico, Grenwaius
fortasse cum villica sermones contulisset.'
ISSUE OF THE VISITATION. 123
corporate estates were so common in those days as to elicit
but slight censure, Dr. Acworth may have thought that there
was no sufficient ground for proceeding to extremities with
the President. Moreover, notwithstanding the charges of
Papistry, brought against him by his adversaries, his religious
convictions were probably in sympathy with the winning side,
and party zeal at this time ran too high not to take some
account of this fact. Any way, he seems to have remained
in office at least a year and a half longer, when, as already
recorded, he retired to his Living of Heyford.
There is one debt which the College owes to Greenway.
He wrote a short life of the Founder, of which there are
several manuscript copies, with slight variations, in the Col-
lege Library (MS. C. C. C. 280). Though ill composed, it is
our oldest authority for some of the events of Foxe's Life,
and, as Foxe had been dead little more than eight years when
Greenway came to the College, he must have had ample op-
portunity of hearing particulars about the Founder's history
from persons acquainted with him or at least with the facts
of his life, who were still resident in College.
It may be noted that the Visitor, Robert Home, in giving
(July 6, 1562) an interpretation of the Statutes, in relation to
a doubt that had arisen whether the usual oath should be
tendered to a Reader, who was elected not from within, but
from outside the College, which he resolved affirmatively,
took occasion to remark on the repeated violation of the
Statute concerning assuming Holy Orders. ' Et quoniam
complures reverendos et honestos viros audimus conqueri de
violate a vobis statute altero concernente sacerdotum apud
vos creationem ; quam etiam querelam ipse nuper Praesidens
vester Willielmus Bocherus lamentans exhibuit nobis in visi-
tatione nostra ultima apud vos,' &c. He then proceeds to
lay down emphatically and judicially, and with a stern warn-
ing to all and singular to conform themselves in future to his
decision, the same position as that assumed by Bp. Poynet,
eleven years before, namely, that, notwithstanding the changes
effected by the Reformation, the Fellows were still under the
124 PRESIDENCY OF WILLIAM COLE.
obligation of entering the Ministry. As for the subtle dis-
tinction (peracutum) between the priesthood and the ministry,
' significamus vobis, quod malo animo et inscienter distingua-
tis, interponentes discrimen inter vocabula, quorum sensus
nullum omnino discrimen habeant.' It would seem as if the
Fellows of Colleges were beginning to chafe under this re-
striction, some because they would have preferred to follow
lay professions, others, perhaps, because they were disinclined
to pledge themselves to the Reformed doctrine and discipline
to such an extent as the entrance into the ministry seemed to
imply.
The notable admissions during Greenway's Presidency were
those of John Barfoot or Barefoot. Archdeacon of Lincoln,
who took a very prominent part in the affairs of the College
at a subsequent period, admitted 156! ; and John Remolds,
Rainolds, or Reynolds, one of the most famous theologians
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and, perhaps, the
most distinguished of all the Presidents of Corpus, admitted
in 1563.
William Cole, a Lincolnshire man, born probably at Grant-
ham1, in 1537, who, without passing through a Scholarship,
had been elected to a Probationary Fellowship on July 28, 1545,
was sworn, as Greenway's successor, July 19, 1568. The story
of his election, or rather appointment, is best told in the
quaint words of Antony Wood 2, whose account, though
somewhat rambling, is not without its interest even in respect
to incidental matters. There are three points in it specially
which claim our attention : (i) the strength and numbers
of the Roman Catholic party still holding its ground in
Corpus 3 ; (2) the freedom with which the Crown, at that time,
1 The name of the birth-place does not occur in the College Register, further
than ' natus in com. Lincoln.' But in Burn's History of Parish Registers in
England, p. 285, there is the following extract from the Livre des Anglois at
Geneva: Anno 1557. William Cole of Grantham in the County of Lincoln and
Jane Agar, daughter of Ales {Alice} Agar, widdow. Probably, therefore, Grant-
ham was his birth-place.
8 Annals, vol. ii. pp. 164-6.
3 There is extant (MS. C. C. C. 280, fol. 238, and also Fulman MSS., vol. x. fol.
WOOD'S ACCOUNT OF THE ELECTION. 125
intermeddled in College elections ; (3) the arbitrary and un-
constitutional power then exercised by the Visitor of the
College.
'As there arose therefore a commotion in Merton Coll. some
years since1, partly upon account of Religion, so the like almost now
in Corpus Christi, which, partly from tradition and partly from
record, appears to be thus. Thomas Greenway of that College
resigning his Presidentship, a Citation was stuck for the election
of another to succeed him. In the vacancy the Queen commended
to the choice of the Society one William Cole, sometime Fellow of
that College, afterwards an exile in Queen Mary's Reign, suffering
then very great hardships at Zurich. But, when the prefixed time
of Election came, the Fellows, who were most inclined to the
R. Catholic persuasion, made choice of one Rob. Harrison, Master
of Arts, not long since removed from the College by the Visitor for
his (as 'twas pretended) Religion, not at all taking notice of the said
Cole, being very unwilling to have him, his wife, and children, and
his Zurichian Discipline introduced among them. The Queen here-
upon annulled the Election, and sent word to the Fellows again that
they should elect Cole, for what they had already done was, as she
alledged, against the Statutes. They submissively give answer to
the contrary, and add that what they had done was according to
their consciences and oaths.
147, 8) a Latin letter, addressed by thirteen of the Fellows, including Simon
Tripp, Thomas Twine, and John Barfoot, to Dr. Acworth, Vicar-General of the
Diocese of Winchester, which was evidently written during the vacancy of the
Presidentship, after the retirement of Greenway. Bp. Home apparently was ill or
otherwise incapacitated, and Acworth, who was acting on his behalf, had appar-
ently come to the College. The object of the letter is to bespeak the good offices
of Acworth, in order to prevent the election (which rested with the seven seniors)
of some person of Romish proclivities (probably Robert Harrison) : ' Fruere
igitur ista vel natura, vel moribus, vel virtute tua ; et, quoniam ad judicium exer-
cendum et leges conservandas venisti, noli quseso committere ut ita te misericordem
prsebeas, ut justitise tuse te oblivio capiat : ne per te fiat ut in nomen et fortunas
nostras homo cum multis sceleribus turn papistria contaminatus invadat.' As Cole
•was admitted by the Visitor himself in the Chapel of the College, according to the
account which I shall presently extract from Wood, which is confirmed by the
College Register, this visit of Acworth was probably made previously, at the time
of the futile election of Harrison. The document shews that there was in the
College a strong party which dissented from the election of Harrison, and which
probably, during the early years of his Presidency, would be favourable to Cole.
1 See Wood's Annals, vol. ii. pp. 148-151, and the Memorials of Merton
College by the present Warden (The Hon. G. C. Erodrick), published by the
Oxford Historical Society, 1885.
126 COLE FORCED ON THE COLLEGE.
'The Queen not content with their answer sends Dr. Home,
Bishop of Winchester, Visitor of the College, to admit him ; but
when he and his retinew came, they found the College gate shut
against them. At length after he had made his way in, he repaired
to the Chapel, where, after the senior Fellows were gathered to-
gether, told them his business not unknown (as he said) to them,
and then asked each person by seniority whether they would admit
Mr. Cole ; but they all denying, as not in a possibility of receding
from what they had done, pronounced them non Socii, and then
with the consent of the next Fellows admitted him. About the
same time (viz. 21 July), a Commission was sent down from the
Queen, directed to the Chancellor of the University, the said Bishop
of Winchester, Sir William Cecyll Principal Secretary, Thomas
Cooper, Lawr. Humphrey, Doctors of Divinity, and George Acworth,
Doctor of the Laws, to visit the said College, and to correct and
amend whatsoever they found amiss, and expel those which were
noted to be delinquents. The sum of all was that, after a strict
enquiry and examination of several persons, they expelled some as
Roman Catholics, curbed those that were suspected to encline that
way, and gave encouragement to the Protestants.
'Three of those so ejected were Edmund Rainolds, Miles Windsore,
and George Napier. The first, who was elder brother to John
Rainolds, receded to Gloucester Hall (a place to which lovers of
the Catholic Religion retired for their quiet) where, living in great
retiredness, arrived to the age of 92, and died a wealthy man. The
second lived afterwards for the most part in Oxford, and became not
a little eminent for his Learning in that way he professed, " Antiquae
Historic artifex peritus (as one hath) et ornatissimus Trilinguium
meorum 1 Alumnus." He was Author of a Book entitled "Academi-
arum, quae aliquando fuere et hodie sunt in Europa, catalogus et
enumeratio brevis." He wrote also a little book of the Antiquity of
the University of Oxford, but Mr. Twyne's coming out, before he
was willing to publish it, stopped the Author from going any farther
in that matter. Several Collections of his Antiquities I have seen,
but savour too much of credulity and dotage. He died a moderate
Catholic, or such as we call a Church Papist, an. 1624, aged 86 or
thereabouts, and was buried in Corp. Ch. Coll. Chapel, to which
College he left money and Books. As for the third, George Napier,
he went afterwards beyond the seas, where spending some time in
1 I. e. members of C. C. C. See p. 59.
COMPLAINTS OF HIS CONDUCT. 127
one of the English Colleges, that was about these times erected,
came again into England and lived as a seminary Priest among his
relations, sometimes in Halywell near Oxford, and sometimes in the
country near adjoining, among those of his profession. At length,
being taken at Kertlington, and examined by one Chamberlaine
Esq. a Justice of the Peace, was sent Prisoner to the Castle of
Oxford, and, the next Sessions after, being convicted of Treason,
was on the 9 Nov. 1610 hanged, drawn, and quartered in the Castle
yard. The next day his head and quarters were set upon the 4 Gates
of the City, and upon that great one belonging to Ch. Ch. next
to St. Aldate's Church, to the great terror of the Catholics that were
then in and near Oxford. He was much pitied for that his grey
hairs should come to such an end, and lamented by many that such
rigour should be shewn on an innocent and harmless person. No
great danger in him (God wot) and therefore not to be feared, but
being a Seminary, and the Laws against them now strictly observed,
an example to the rest must be shewed. Some, if not all, of his
quarters were afterwards conveyed away by stealth, and buried at
Sandford near Oxford, in the old Chapel there, joining to the Manor
House, sometime belonging to the Knight Templars.
'As for Mr. Cole (who was the first married President that Corp.
Ch. Coll. ever had), being setled in his place, acted so fouly by
defrauding the College, and bringing it into debt (not to be re-
cruited till Dr. Rainolds became President) that divers complaints
were put up against him to the Bishop of Winchester, Visitor of
that College. At length the said Bishop, in one of his quinquennial
Visitations, took Mr. Cole to task, and, after long discourses on
both sides, the Bishop plainly told him, — "Well well, Mr. President,
seeing it is so, you and the College must part without any more ado,
and therefore see that you provide for yourself." Mr. Cole there-
fore, being not able to say any more, fetcht a deep sigh and said —
"What, my good Lord, must I then eat mice at Zurich again?"
meaning that must he endure the same misery again that he did
at Zurich, when he was an exile in Queen Mary's reign, where he
was forced to eat carrain to keep life and soul together. At which
words the Bishop being much terrified1, for they worked with him
more than all his former oratory had done, said no more, but bid him
1 We must recollect that Bishop Home had been in exile with Cole at Zurich,
and was probably (see pp. 129, 30) in the same house with him, where they may
have ' eaten mice ' together.
128 STRYPE'S ACCOUNT.
be at rest and deal honestly with the College. So that though an end
was for that time put to the business, yet means were afterwards found
that he should resign his Presidentship for the Deanery of Lincoln.'
Wood proceeds to state that the principal instrument in
bringing about the Visitation of the College was Robert
Dudley, Earl of Leicester, then Chancellor of the University,
'a great favourer of the Calvinistical Party ' ; his favourites
in the University having reported to him the religious con-
dition of the College. Cole's name, it is not improbable, may
have been suggested for the Presidency by Home to Leicester,
and by Leicester to the Queen.
Two accounts of these same events are given by Strype,
one in his Life of Abp. Parker, Bk. Ill, Ch. 20, the other in
his Life of Abp. Grindal, Bk. I, Ch. 13. The latter, as giving
some particulars not contained in Wood's account, I subjoin :
' Complaints came up this year concerning the prevalency
of Popery in Oxford ; and particularly in Corpus Christi,
and the New College, and that of Winchester appertaining
to it. Wherein were strong parties of such as inclined that
way. As for Corpus Christi, the Queen appointed one Cole,
a learned and a good man, once an exile, to be President
there. But the college would not admit him, and elected
another, named Harrison, who had before left the college
out of an affectation to the Popish religion. Insomuch that
the Bishop of Winchester, the Visitor of that college, was
fain to institute a visitation, and placed the said Cole by force
in the said presidentship, breaking open the gates of the
house which they had shut against him. And when the
said Bishop had made some progress in visiting the house,
in order to the purging it of some of the worst affected
Fellows, they were so refractory and abusive, that the visiting
Bishop sent a letter to Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury,
shewing that it was his judgment that the irregularities of
this college, as likewise of New College and Winchester,
would be better remedied by the Ecclesiastical Commission
than his private visitation. The Archbishop signified this to
the Bishop of London, and withal sent him Winchester's
letter. He, considering the stubbornness of these University
COLE'S LIFE IN EXILE. 139
men, approved of the counsel of bringing them before the
Commission, perceiving well what seminaries of irreligion
and disobedience they might prove: and sending the letter
back again, he wrote his mind at the bottom briefly in these
words, " My Lords, I like this letter very well, and think, as
the writer, if by some extraordinary ready [means ; or ? does
it = remedy] that house and school be not purged, those godly
foundations shall be but a nursery of adder's brood, to poison
the Church of Christ.
" Edm. London." '
The actual measure taken, however, was to issue the special
Commission mentioned by Wood.
The intervention of Hooker and his pupil George Cranmer,
mentioned by Strype in the passage above referred to in the
Life of Abp. Parker, cannot have taken place at this time,
it being simply an impossibility from the comparison of dates,
but it may have occurred at some subsequent period during
Cole's Presidency.
The appointment of Cole was, in one respect, a return to
the better traditions of the College ; for, like its first three
Presidents, he was at least a man of eminence and learning,
and had sympathies with learned men. Expelled from the
College, or taking refuge in flight, soon after the accession of
Queen Mary, in 1553 or early in 1554, he is spoken of by
Humfrey J as forming one of the band of English Protestants
who composed a sort of literary society (' in hoc literatissimo
Collegio ') round Peter Martyr, at Strasburg. But he, with
others, soon moved to Zurich, where he, Robert Home, after-
wards Bp. of Winchester (with whom he was destined, here-
after, to be brought into very different relations, the two being
respectively President and Visitor of Corpus), Margery, Home's
wife, Pilkington, afterwards Bp. of Durham, Thomas Lever,
Master of St. John's College, Cambridge, Laurence Humfrey,
and others, twelve in all, petitioned the Magistrates of Zurich,
that they might be permitted to sojourn in their most famous
city, ' relying upon and supported by your sanction, decree,
1 Life of Jewel, p. 87.
K
130 COLE'S RETURN TO ENGLAND.
and protection against the violence of those, should any such
be found, who would oppose and molest us V These, in all
probability, were the twelve persons spoken of in Humfrey's
Life of Jewel, p. 89, who lived in common in Froschover's
House. ' Accessimus hue ante Petri Martyris adventum,
Angli aliquot circiter duodecim : in domo Christophori Fros-
choveri, Typographi diligentissimi et honestissimi, simul fra-
terne et jucunde viximus, et ordinaria pensa, quasi in Gymnasio
quopiam, persolvimus.' From Zurich Cole, possibly having
first spent some time at Basle 2, must have removed to Geneva,
arriving there in the summer of 1557. In Burn's History of
Parish Registers (2nd Ed., p. 281) the names are given 'of all
such persons as have been received into the English Church
and Congregation at Geneva.' On June 5, J557> were received
Ales (Alice) Agar, other members of the Agar family and
William Cole. During his residence at Geneva, he took part
in the translation of the Scriptures, which is known as the
' Geneva Bible.' Whether he returned to England at once
on Q. Elizabeth's accession3, and, whenever he did return,
where he lived, or how he occupied himself, we do not know.
He certainly was not ' restored to his Fellowship,' or, at least,
if so, he cannot have held it sufficiently long to ' exchange it
for the Presidentship,' which is the ' conclusion ' of the writer
of Cole's life in the Dictionary of National Biography; for,
as we have seen, one of the objections to Cole's election as
President was ' his wife and children,' and the institution of
married Fellows had not then been invented.
It is curious, and especially in that age, that a man so
learned and well known as Cole should, if we except his
1 Zurich Letters (Parker Society), 1537-1558. The date of this letter is 1554,
but no day or month is given. It is numbered 356.
2 Several of the letters to or from Cole which are copied in vol. ix of the
Fulman MSS. (see p. 132, n. 3) are addressed to or by him at Basle. He may
have been there on two occasions, but, if on one only, it was probably during an
interval between his stay at Zurich and that at Geneva.
3 The reference to Strype's Annals I. i. 343 (Clarendon Press Ed.), i. e. Ch. 19,
sub 1560, where it is said that he took part in the Geneva translation, certainly
does not bear out the assertion in the Diet. Nat. Biog. that ' Cole was among those
that at once came back to England.' He may have been among the ' one or two
more ' who ' stayed behind ' with Whittingham.
HIS CONDUCT AS PRESIDENT. 131
share in the Geneva Bible, have left behind him no published
works. The only printed matter ascribed to him are a few
epistles included in the Zurich Letters, Second Series,
1558—1602, and these mostly deal with private topics. Some
of his earlier letters, of which there are copies in the Fulman
MSS., vol. IX, are somewhat more interesting, as illustrating
the great privations suffered by the Marian exiles, but they
are of no great importance.
William Higford, who was admitted Commoner of C.C.C.
in 1596, during Cole's Presidency, says, in The Institution
of a Gentleman, that his ' father had for his tutor doctor
Cole, an excellent governour1.' And this direct testimony
is indirectly supported by such circumstances as Bishop
Jewel's commendation to him of Hooker and by the sums
of money frequently entrusted to him for distribution amongst
poor students, for which see The Spending of the Money of
Robert Nowell, edited by Mr. Grosart in 1877, a work to
which I shall presently refer again in connexion with Hooker.
But there can be no doubt that in his relations to the
Fellows he was less happy than in his relations to the
Students. Making all allowance for over-statement and for
religious and personal prejudice, he was evidently not a man
of conciliatory disposition or one who was likely to work in
harmony with colleagues. Moreover his avarice and self-
seeking seem to be established beyond doubt. Antony
Wood, in a passage already quoted, says that ' being settled
in his place, he acted so foully by defrauding the College and
bringing it into debt (not to be recruited till Dr. Rainolds
became President) that divers complaints were put in against
him to the Bishop of Winchester, Visitor of that College.'
The repeated appeals to the Visitor 2 during his Presidency,
1 See Park's additions to Wood's notice of W. Higford in Ath. Ox., ed. Bliss,
vol. iii. 429, 30. The author of the article on Cole in the Diet. Nat. Biog. trans-
fers this testimony from Higford to Wood, who does not even report it.
- It is curious that in Bp. Home's Register in the Episcopal Archives at Win-
chester, though, as we have seen, it contains a very long account of a Visitation in
Green way's time (1566), there is absolutely no mention of Cole or of anything
referring to him. It looks as if Home did not wish to perpetuate the recollection
of either the unconstitutional proceedings of 1568 or of his friend's shortcomings
K 2
132 DISPUTES REGARDING FINES OF COPYHOLDS.
the reported conversation between them, the substantial truth
of which there is no reason to doubt, and the incidental
notices which we obtain of the affairs of the College at this
time, all point in the same direction. The old question of
the fines of copyholds, with which the resignation of the
two previous Presidents was not improbably connected, still
troubled the College in Cole's time l.
For the claim put forward by these three Presidents there
seems to be no statutable authority. But it not unnaturally
came about from their presiding in the manorial courts and
from the fines being, probably, paid to them personally on
the spot2. And then the old allowances, — the commons, the
servants, the horses, the vests, and the modest stipend of ten
pounds yearly, which had been amply sufficient for the wants
of a dignified ecclesiastic fifty years before, were, with the
increased cost of all articles of consumption, and, probably,
the more ambitious style of living, becoming inadequate even
for a single man, while to a married man like Cole, with an
increasing family, and associating with other married Heads,
the temptation to endeavour to augment his income must
have been exceedingly strong. Moreover, men who have
known privations in early life, and he must often have
fared hardly during his exile3, are usually just those who
in his office. The only entry, during Cole's Presidency, is a notice that a Personal
Visitation of C. C. C. was begun on July 31, 1576.
1 See the passage quoted above from Morice's Dialogue ' Nuttus,' with the
note, pp. 107, 108.
2 In the decision given by Bp. Bilson (MS. 437 in College Library, almost ad
init.) on October i, 1599, in reply to a letter from Dr. Reynolds, it is stated that
the President is 'the perpetual governor of such Tenants and Tenures ' (Copy-
holds), and hence it is argued by the Visitor that there is ' great reason that the
President alone should have the choice of the persons to whom such grants should
be made.' But, in those days, it would have been strange indeed, if he had the
exclusive choice of the tenant, that he should not have exacted a personal gratifi-
cation for the favour. The subject, however, of fines on College copyholds and
leases, at this time, requires a separate treatment, and I have attempted a brief
summary of it in Appendix A.
8 In the Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 88-ni, there are copies of several letters to
and from Cole during his exile. They are not particularly remarkable in any
other way, but they illustrate the extreme indigence to which he was reduced.
Thus, in a letter written during the early part of his exile, while he was still
at Strasburg, he writes : ' Ego, mi Morwente, cogor Argentinam reliuquere inagno
NICHOLAS MO RICE'S DIALOGUE.
set the greatest value upon money. But, though these con-
siderations may be pleaded in extenuation of Cole's grasping
and probably illegal acts, they do not, of course, excuse them.
There are two Manuscript documents which incidentally
throw much light on the relations of Cole with the Fellows
and other matters connected with the College during his
Presidency. The earlier in date of these is a Collection of
Letters, Speeches and Verses now in the British Museum,
numbered Add. MSS. 6251, by one Simon Tripp, a Fellow
of C. C. C., to which my attention was kindly directed by
Mr. T. W. Jackson of Worcester College. The later, from
which I have already quoted, is the ' Dialogus de lustratione
Geitonica, qui inscribitur Nuttus,' kindly pointed out to me
by the Rev. W. D. Macray. It describes a journey taken
with the President and others for the purpose of holding
manorial courts at Heyford and Temple Guiting, together
with a detour which they made to Duntesbourne Rouse, in
order to have an interview with the former President, Boucher.
Its date cannot be placed earlier than 1577, as its author,
Nicholas Morice, did not become actual Fellow till March 15,
157?, but, as one of his friends, Richard Cobb, who seems
to have been well acquainted with the College business, did
not become actual Fellow till 1581, that may probably be
taken as the earlier limit1. The later limit is fixed by
Boucher's death at the end of October, 1585, as the interview
with him at Duntesbourne, already described, took place on
the journey. Both these writers are evidently bitter enemies
of Cole, and both display incidentally the consciousness that
meo malo. Nihil enim suppetit unde vivam hac hyeme : quippre deseror a Cham-
bero, inopise mese rationem nullam habet. Quse cum ita se habeant, veniendum
puto ad vos, non ut de vestro suppeditetis mihi, sed ut auxilio vestro possit impe-
trari aliquid, quo hyems ista exigatur sub tecto ab inclementia cceli.' fol. 105 b.
Cole, as appears from these letters, was exceedingly unwilling to act as a corrector
of the press, an employment which seems to have been common among the exiles.
1 One Englefield is also mentioned in the Dialogue. If this is the same Engle-
field who is mentioned in the alphabetical list of members of the College, given in
Fulman MSS., vol. xi, as having become Clerk of Accompts (' Clericus Computi ')
in 1582, and if he already held that office, the limits of the date of the Dialogue
are reduced to some time between 1582 and 1585. The 'clericus computi,' if
there was one, was to ride with the President on progresses. See Statutes, ch. 40.
134 SIMON TRIPP'S LETTERS.
they are regarded by the opposite party as inclined to the
Roman Catholic religion, a circumstance which vitiates their
evidence against Cole and their other opponents.
It may be interesting, if I give a few extracts from these
two writings, as illustrating the state of parties and the condition
of the College at the time. I shall begin with Tripp's Letters
and Speeches, though he usually writes in a tone of such
evident exaggeration that his letters must be taken rather
as an index of the state of feeling in one of the parties in
the College than of the real condition of things. In a letter
to Jewel (p. 5> without date), addressed to him probably as a
former Fellow of the College, he says, with much other
rhetorical matter to the same purport : ' Videor mihi videre
prsesentem ante oculos ruinam, incensa tecta, flagrantes aedes,
collapsas domos, flentes pueros, ingemiscentes viros, et penitus
sparsos fraterna caede penates Est no'va rerum facies
in tuis, Foxe, sedibus. Jacent universae leges, subversa jura,
perversa statuta, conversa omnia. Nimirum Paris cum nescio
qua Italica Helena perdite omnia perturbavit. Somniavit
facem Hecuba, Utinam enixa esset, modo Paris nunquam
extitisset Vident fore, brevissimo tempore decurso,
ut habeamus non septem seniores. sed septem juniores, verius
septem pueros, quorum levissimis ingeniis res gravissimae
collabantur.' The allusions made by both Tripp and Morice
to the fact that Cole was supported by the Junior Fellows
are really a high tribute to his influence in the College, and
afford an indication that the old party of concealed Romanists
was beginning to be replaced by a younger generation more
loyal to the established faith of the University and the nation.
Writing to one Roger Jhonson in 1569 (pp. 18, 19), he
presents us with a graphic picture of the relations which
must then have subsisted between the two religious parties
in the College : ' Magna est hodie apud Oxonienses veteris
disciplines perturbatio, et accurata admodum papisticae, sic
enim appellant, pravitatis disquisitio. Ante paucos dies sub
mediam noctem excitati fuimus, ut omnes cubiculorum nos-
trorum anguli excuterentur.'
In a letter to Robert Home, Bp. of Winchester, dated
COLLEGE LIFE AT THIS TIME. 135
7 Cal. Mali, 1572, he writes most bitterly about Cole (' carbo')
who is lighting torches to burn down our house. ' Accusamur
ego et Ruddus suspectae religionis.' 'Tres e nostris infesti
hoc tempore nobis infensique sunt, Colus Prasses, Rainoldus
et Charnockus.' (It may be remarked that there is a strong
presumption in favour of the party with which John Reynolds
was allied.) ' Praesidi non probamur, quia saepe jam restitimus,
ne Collegii bona, quae sitienter appetit, per fraudem averteret,
et quidem restitissemus semper.'
It appears from a letter written to Woolley (p. 54) in 1572,
that Tripp had been delated to Leicester as suspected of
Popery. There can, indeed, be no doubt that he formed
one of the faction in College which sympathised with
Romanism.
In this Collection, there are two interesting orations throwing
some light on the College life of the times. One of these
(p. 31), delivered October 12, 1571, dilates on the advantages
of the life at Witney (the College sanatorium) over that at
Oxford ; the other (p. 42), delivered Jan. 15, i57f, naively
compares the luxuries of the academic life with the sordid
life of the rustic from which he and his fellows had been
rescued. It by no means follows from this comparison that
the life was what we should now regard as luxurious, or even
comfortable, at least if the life of the University student
continued to be at all like that described by Thomas Lever,
twenty-two years before this time, in the Sermon at St. Paul's
Cross already alluded to, on p. 93 n. 2. These two orations
may have been delivered in the capacity of Latin Reader, to
which office he was elected in 1568.
Tripp's character appears, even if we form our judgment
only on his own letters, in no favourable light. While he was
indulging in the grossest abuse of Cole, he writes a letter to
him (p. 39), dated Dec. 31, 1571, couched in the most friendly
terms, congratulating him on the birth of a son, and sending a
present of rose-water to Mrs. Cole (the 'nescio quae Italica
Helena' of a former letter), who, it appears, had just been
confined. In an English letter to Leicester (p. 57), he ac-
knowledges his intervention with Cole (which it seems was
136 TRIPP AND MO RICE'S HATRED OF COLE.
unavailing) for a Physician's place (''medicines deputatus')
in the College, so that he was by no means unwilling to
receive favours from the man he was constantly maligning.
But it is not only Tripp's duplicity in his religious, Col-
legiate, and social relations which is revealed in these letters.
The Collection contains several communications with a pupil,
which are nothing short of love letters, alluding to his personal
appearance and indulging in gross flattery of his social and
mental gifts. They are certainly not such letters as would be
written by any man of self-respect or of a healthy mind
to a boy, and his own consciousness of their impropriety is
betrayed in the request that, in order to prevent any sinister
interpretation of his expressions of affection, they may be
destroyed as soon as read.
The other book, the Dialogue by Morice, has already been
quoted at some length. I will now extract a few other
passages which, for one cause or another, are interesting in
their bearing on the history of the College. The whole of
the Dialogue is pervaded with a bitter feeling of hatred for
Cole. He dwells specially and repeatedly on Cole's avarice.
At Heyford, his country living, he had (fol. i b) instituted
a market or perhaps a sort of shop (' omnium rerum mercatum
domesticum Heifordise instituerat '), which may have been
quite as much for the convenience of the inhabitants as for
his own gain. On their return journey from Temple Guiting
to Heyford (fol. 41 b), they catch a hare. The President
pockets it. ' Leporem capimus. Praeses asportavit : bellum
spectaculum ! ' Morice describes his object in joining the
progress as being the consideration and alleviation of the
miserable condition of the tenants, his friends Nutt and Cobb
having urged him to undertake the journey ' ut aliquas cogita-
tionum mearum partes ad villicorum nostrorum fortunas
pessime constitutas derivarem.' This object brought him
into constant and inevitable conflict with the President. ' In
illo temporis mei decursu omnia feci quam lenissime ad villi-
corum miseriam levandam, quam vehementissime ad consilia
Praesidis perfringenda.' After the holding of the Court at
Heyford, two persons named Northworth and Bethel (the
INCIDENTS ON * PROGRESS.' 137
latter apparently a dismissed Curate of Cole) open their minds
to Morice (fol. lib): ' Interea Northworthus, Bethelus longum
sermonem de foenore, fastu, asrario Carboniano rhecum con-
tulerunt. Nemo putabatur in usuris grandibus intolerabilior,
in fratrum suorum despicientia superbior, pecunia de sanguine
nostro detracta abundantior.'
Precisian as Cole was, he does not seem to have objected
to card-playing. On their last night out, which was spent at
Temple Guiting, the President calls for cards, and so the
opportunity is given to the writer to compare his habits with
those of former Presidents (fol. 41 b) : ' Mensa tollitur. Praeses
chartas, chartas inclamat. Lusitamus, nee oculi nostri usque
ad duodecimam somnum vident. Joculariter, scimus; honeste.
Quis negat? Verumtamen illo spacio Claimundus flexis
genibus orasset, Chedsseus studuisset, Boucherus stertisset,
Morwenus cum villico, Grenwaius fortasse cum villica sermones
contulisset.'
That Cole had a strong party amongst the Fellows is
plain from this Dialogue as well as from Tripp's Letters.
It is curious to find them still described contemptuously as
' pueri ' (fol. 3 b), though a considerable interval must have
elapsed between the composition of the two writings. It
would. seem as if Cole had the knack of attaching the younger
men, and then, by intercourse with the other Fellows, they
were absorbed into the ranks of his opponents.
John Reynolds, the famous theologian who was Cole's
successor, is spoken of, throughout this Dialogue, with respect
and even reverence. Thus, on the morning after Morice's
return, when he is giving an account of his journey to his
friends, Nutt and Cobb, it is proposed (fol. 4 b) to call in
Reynolds, through whose influence it is said that he had
been appointed by the Seniors as the College representative,
to hear the story, but Morice protests : ' Communicabo cum
illo rerum capita prsecipua, singula vero narratione putida illo
audiente consectari pudor non sinit. Certum est enim illud
solemne meum institutum servare, ut quomodo ille Scaevolam,
sic ego Rainoldum, cum ineptus esse velim, a me demittam.'
On fol. ii a there are some interesting personal traits of
138 PERSONAL TRAITS OF HOOKER AND REYNOLDS.
John Reynolds, Richard Hooker 1, and a less-known Fellow of
that time, Leonard Tayler. After what we should now call a
somewhat "trying' speech at the Court at Heyford from one
' Vaghanus,' who was probably Steward of the Manor, Morice
pictures to himself what would have been the attitude of some
of the Fellows, had they been there to hear it : ' Huic oratori,
si audientiam fecisset, Raynoldus pluribus in locis oculos aver-
tisset, si Hookerus, demisso capite2 subrisisset, si Tailerus,
frontem dextra velasset, risum diu tenuisset, tandem tamen
invitus edidisset.'
In 1572, Cole became Rector of the College Living of
Heyford ad Pontem or Lower Heyford, the same living which
had been held by Greenway. This preferment he continued
to hold till his death in 1600, being then succeeded by his
son Thomas, who seems to have been a very eccentric
person, and eleven times entered himself in the list of
burials in the Parish Register. At Heyford he appears
partly to have resided, there being several entries con-
nected with his family in the Register, and Morice speaking
(fol. 42 a) of a ' Heifordiana villula ' at which he left the rest
of the party, when returning from the Progress. He also, at
various times, though some of his preferments were resigned
on accepting others, held two other livings, and was Canon
of Salisbury, Winchester, and Lincoln, as well as Archdeacon
of Lincoln 3, of which diocese, as we shall see presently, he
ultimately became Dean. In 1577, and in that year only,
1 Richard Hooker, though more than three years junior to the author of the
Dialogue, as a scholar, was about a year senior to him in age. He became an
actual Fellow on Sept. 16, 1579, so that the allusion to him in the Dialogue
is perfectly natural. Zachary Hooker did not become even Probationary Fellow
till Dec. 23, 1587 ; consequently the allusion must necessarily be to Richard Hooker.
He appears (see Paget's Hooker, vol. i. p. 25) to have resided till the end of 1584.
3 It is interesting to compare with this description that of John Spenser, in his
address ' to the Reader,' prefixed to his edition of the first five books of the
Ecclesiastical Polity : ' whose eyes, in the humility of his heart, were always cast
down to the ground.'
8 See Foster's Alumni Oxonienses, Early Series, vol. i. I take this opportunity
of expressing the great obligations under which all students of University history,
as well as many others, are placed to Mr. Foster for his most pains-taking exer-
tions in compiling this and similar lists.
EXPECTED VACANCY IN THE HEADSHIP. 139
he was Vice-Chancellor of the University, being the first
President of Corpus who acted in that capacity. We find,
in the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, under the date
of Nov. 24, 1577, the entry : 'Dr Wm. Cole, Vice-Chancellor
of Oxford to the Council. Additional Information as to
recusants in the University and town of Oxford. Inclosed,
Certificate of the recusants within the University and town
of Oxford.'
In the year 1579, there was a general expectation that
Cole was about to resign, and the friends of Barefoot and
Reynolds respectively began to exert themselves in their
favour with persons likely to have influence with Leicester.
For it seems to have been taken for granted that a recom-
mendation would be made by the Chancellor to the Electors.
The expected vacancy appears to have excited great interest
in the University, and, when it was supposed that Barefoot,
who was Chaplain to Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick,
Leicester's elder brother, was likely to be preferred, several
Heads of Houses and no less than eighty Masters of Arts
addressed a letter to Warwick, acknowledging that Barefoot
was ' a man in whom there are some good parts of learning,'
' but to be governor of that learned Society, we think him in
our consciences not to be fit.' This letter was dated Nov. 26,
and, according to Fulman (vol. IX. fol. 182 b), was written in
1579 1. About the same time probably, or shortly afterwards,
1 There is also a long letter in English from Reynolds to Warwick, (fol. 1780-
1 79 b), in which he says nothing about his own claims, but states, with modera-
tion, the objections to Barefoot, who is acknowledged to have good parts, and
particularly to be ' well exercised in preaching and well read in divinity,' but ' is
fitter to make some other kynd of instrument for the warres of the Lord than the
President of a College, of Corpus Christi College chiefly.' In this letter, Reynolds
speaks of ' the towardly spring of our youth, which never flourishd more, I thinke,
than it doth presently.' The extract from this letter is undated. In two letters to
Walsingham (fol. 174 b-i76 a), Reynolds' language against Barefoot is almost
unbecomingly violent. Thus he compares his candidature for the Presidentship
with that of Catiline for the Consulship. He has always resisted his nefarious
endeavours to compass the object of his ambition : ' Atque utinam vel sanguine
meo potuissem omnem illi prorsus aditum intercludere : ne collegii nostri spoliis
expleret suam et suorum cupiditatem et libidinem.'
It appears incidentally from this letter that the Vice-President acted as Mode-
rator in the Divinity disputations. Barefoot is acknowledged to be ' well read in
140 EXPULSION AND RESTITUTION OF FELLOWS.
letters were written by some members of the University
(including Humfrey and James) to Leicester and Walsingham
commending Reynolds by name as ' a paynfull preacher and
a man universallie learned in the Tongs and in all other good
knowleges and such an ornament unto the Church of God as
that foundation hath not yelded any one more singular
sythence the Reverende Father (of good memorie) Bishoppe
Jewell.' To these letters a reply was sent by the two
Secretaries, Walsingham and Wilson, stating that they had
dealt to such effect with Leicester that, notwithstanding he
had already recommended another, he was content that the
Fellows, without respect thereof, should use their liberties and
freedom in their choice, and had promised not to be displeased
in case they should elect Mr. Reynolds. In their own behalf,
the Secretaries wish their correspondents to give what
furtherance they can to the election of Mr. Reynolds after
Mr. Cole shall have resigned. The date of this letter is
March 20, i5|£. On the Qth of April following, they write
to Cole actually desiring him ' to advance the preferment of
Mr. Reynolds as much as may be, not only by such reasons
as you know and think best to persuade them withal, but
also in relinquishing your room at such time as you shall
find the said fellows resolved and willing to accept of him
in your stead.' However Cole thought better of his intended
resignation, or the difficulties occasioned by the friends of the
two rival candidates induced him to delay it, and the Fellows
had then no opportunity of electing a successor. On the
9th of October, 1580, Reynolds writes to Sir Francis Knollys
(fol. 1 80 a) complaining 'of the unrighteous dealing of one of
our College ' (Barefoot) ' who hath taken upon him, against
all law and reason, to expell out of our house both mee and
Mr. Hooker, and three other of our fellowes, for doing that
which by othe we were bound to doo.' The matter must go
before the Visitor, but he asks Knollys to desire the Bishop,
by letter, to let them have justice — a curious request, as it
seems to us, which significantly marks the difference between
divinitie, and therefore chosen our vicepresident, to be the moderatour of divinitie
disputations.'
NEGOTIATIONS FOR COLE'S REMOVAL. 141
the conception of a judicial court obtaining in those days and
these l. The Visitor (Bp. Watson), as we learn from a letter
written by Reynolds to Mr. Secretary Wilson, Nov. 4 (Fulman,
fol. 177), restored the expelled Fellows, but we are not
acquainted with the exact charge brought against them or
with any other special circumstances of the case 2.
In 1592, Aylmer, Bp. of London, made an attempt to
obtain the Bishopric of Oxford, first for the then Bishop
of Gloucester, to hold in commendam^ or, if Burghley did not
approve of that arrangement, for Cole, but neither application
was acceded to 3. By the Statutes of Corpus, the President
could not be a Bishop, and, consequently, the Presidency
would have been vacated, had Cole's name been accepted.
* This man,' adds Strype, ' our Bishop not long before recom-
mended to something else, but succeeded not.'
On Nov. 17, 1593, Reynolds had the Queen's Mandate
for the Deanery of Lincoln, which was executed on Dec. 10,
following, though he was not installed in person till Sept. 10,
1598. In writing to the Countess of Warwick, to thank
her for her good offices (Fulman, fol. 183), he expresses
a strong preference for the Presidency of C. C. C., as giving
him more opportunity both for writing and for 'the edu-
cation and training up of youth, some for the ministerie
of the Church of God, some for charge of government in
the Commonwealth.' But it seems that the Queen had refused
to grant the Deanery to Cole, whether from a prejudice
against him or because she was not at that time inclined to
facilitate Reynolds' succession to the Presidency does not
1 A Latin letter, to the* same effect, was also written on the same day by Rey-
nolds to Walsingham. Fulman, vol. ix. fol. 174.
2 In the Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 182 b, there is an interesting entry about the
date of the expulsion : ' And it should seem that afterward, in October 1580, J B
took occasion to expell J R and others, though I once thought it to be in 1579,
and so told Mr. Walton, who thereupon added the yere, which was not in the
copie, but in the margin.'
In Fulman, fol. 216, there is a copy of a petition to Bp. Watson, which appears
as if it were composed by Reynolds, dated Dec. 5, 1580, soon after these troubles,
imploring him to visit the College ; the main reason assigned being ' the ambi-
tious actions and counsels of Barefoot,' which were bringing ruin on the Society.
The signatures are not given.
3 Strype's Life of Aylmer, pp. no, in (Clarendon Press Ed.).
143 COLE APPOINTED DEAN OF LINCOLN.
appear. In a letter written to the same lady, April n, 1594
(fol. 184), Reynolds seems to have good hopes that he may yet
attain his object, as he had heard that the Queen 'had so
good words of comfort for anything in the Universitie, if I
accepted Lincoln first.' This and other letters of the same
period are written from Queen's, where he now occupied
rooms, having resigned his Fellowship at Corpus, as we shall
see presently, in 1586. From a letter to Barefoot, who was
now Archdeacon of Lincoln, dated July 29, 1594, it appears
that Sunday prayers in the Cathedral had been suspended,
on account of the controversies and dissensions in the Chapter,
which, according to Barefoot, needed the Dean to end them.
Reynolds exclaims, as well he might, ' Good Lorde, that such
a dutie in such a place should be omitted at such a time by
such persons and on such occasion' (namely of their dis-
sensions) ; 'yea, when the Canaanites and the Pherezites
dwelt in the land (to use Moses' woords), the Papistes and
the Martinists.' He adds pathetically : ' Some marvelled at
me, that I left a certaintie for an uncertaintie, when I resigned
my fellowship in Corpus Christi College. But indeede dis-
sensions and factions there did make me so weery of the
place, that a woorse uncertaintie than so noble and woorthy
a Knighte as Syr Francis Walsingham would have woon me
from it. What ? And must. I come againe into a company
so pitifully distempered with the same humours, that the
blisters breaking out thence are more loathsome than ever
any broke out in Corpus Christi College ? '
In 1598, Elizabeth's scruples, from whatever cause they
may have originated, seem to have beeij removed1, and, in
November or December of that year (according to Fulman,
vol. IX. fol. 85 b), Cole resigned, a step which, from what we
know of his character, he certainly would not have taken, had
he not seen his way clearly to some other preferment. On
Dec. u, 1598, Reynolds was elected President, and sworn on
1 Two of the principal actors in the controversies about Cole's successor, when
he thought of resigning in 1579 and 1580, were dead when his resignation actually
took place. Barefoot died in August, 1595, and Leicester on Sept. 4, 1588.
Warwick did not die till Feb. 20, 15!$.
FREQUENT APPEALS TO THE VISITOR. 143
Dec. 14. Cole was collated to the Deanery of Lincoln
(according to Le Neve's Fasti) on Dec. 30 of the same year,
and installed 2nd June, 1599. He died about Michaelmas
1600, and was buried in the Cathedral. A monument was
erected to him by his eldest daughter, Abigail, but is now
destroyed.
Cole's Presidency was notoriously memorable for the number
of Visitations and appeals to the Visitor. Of the former I
have already spoken. Of the latter, there is only one which
is now of sufficient interest to merit notice, and this is inter-
esting on account of the two or three points of contrast which
it brings out between the practice and ideas of those times
and of our own.
In the year 1578 (June 9) the College generally seems to
have been startled by the President and Seniors electing to
the office of Greek Reader a young man, who, though a
member of the College, was neither Fellow, Probationer, nor
even Scholar. This was John Spenser, who, nearly thirty
years afterwards, became President, as Reynolds' successor.
He had not yet attained his nineteenth year, and, according
to Fulman (fol. 229), was a Clerk, according to Reynolds, a
Famulus Collegii l. Such an appointment, if there were,
among the older and more dignified members of the College,
1 See Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. i88a. This appeal to the Visitor, though in
the name of certain Fellows, is said by Fulman to have been in Reynolds' hand-
writing. The copies of the various documents addressed to the Visitor on this
subject occupy from fol. 188 a to 191 b in the Fulman MS. ' Famulus Collegii '
may be used in a loose sense, so as to include the Clerks. But, if used in a strict
sense, Spenser was probably one of the two ' Famuli Prsesidis,' namely that one
(the other being the ' equiso ' or groom) who, by this time, had probably come to
act as a sort of Secretary. See the original Statutes, ch. 17.
That Reynolds, who had created the vacancy in the Readership, took a pro-
minent part in the Appeal I do not doubt, but I cannot suppose with Mr. Keble
(Editor's Preface to Hooker's Works) that Reynolds was, in any way, actuated by
theological hostility to Spenser, who was, indeed, almost too young to have
excited any such feeling. There is not a word in the various documents, now
extant, which supports any such view, nor any evidence what opinions Spenser
entertained, while the appointment of so mere a youth to so important an office
would, in any College at any time, have been almost certain to excite similar
opposition.
144 DISPUTE REGARDING THE GREEK READERSHIP.
others equally fitted for the office, or, as the protesting Fellows
assert, much better fitted, was certainly a grave scandal.
And the appointment was probably not rendered more accept-
able to a large number of the Fellows by the fact that young
Spenser was Mrs. Cole's brother (fol. 189 a), even though the
President had not actually proposed him, but, as he said, only
acquiesced in the nomination. There are no less than four
letters in the Fulman MSS., addressed to the Visitor on this
subject, in which it is maintained that, in the capacity of a
member of the College, Spenser was ineligible on the ground
that he was neither a Fellow nor a Probationer, as required
by the Statutes, and that, if he were to be regarded as an
extern, he was not a person of that eminence which the
Founder contemplated. Moreover, much stress is laid on
his youth. The Visitor had only to see him, in order to
recognise his inadequacy. 'Non dubito quin ipse non dico
si nosses penitus, sed si videres modo, futurum minus parem
oneri judicares' (fol. 191 b). Then, there was the indignity
cast on other members of the College. ' Istae causae nos com-
moverunt, Pater in Christo nobis colendissime, ut adolescen-
tulum quern semper amavimus, et quantum potuimus in
studiis promovimus, Lectorem tamen esse publicum, qui loco
tarn celebri tantum onus sustineat, qui censor sit multorum
se superiorum, corrector seniorum, magister doctiorum, moder-
ator puerorum, nee ipsi nee Collegio commodum putemus '
(fol. 189 a). The Visitor, quite rightly, confined himself
entirely to the interpretation of the Statutes, without entering
on the more general questions of personal fitness, and decided
that the President and Seniors, in their election of Spenser,
had not exceeded their statutable authority ; for ' under the
word " alius " the Founder alloweth a mere stranger to be
elected ; and, therefore, one of his own foundation, although
neither Fellow nor Scholar, may well be comprehended as
"alius"1.' Had he, as a modern judge would do, looked to
the intent of the Statute, as well as to its mere grammatical
construction, he might have arrived at a different conclusion.
1 There are usually one or more copies, and not infrequently the original, of the
Visitors' decisions still existing in the College archives.
DEPRIVATION OF NICHOLAS MO RICE. 145
In reply to a private letter from Dr. Cole, and without any
formal appeal on the matter brought under his notice, though
it was undoubtedly one with which he would have been
statutably empowered to deal at a quinquennial visitation, the
Visitor (Thomas Cooper), in 1588, addressed a letter to the
President touching one about whom we have already heard
a good deal, Nicholas Morice, who, though the time for taking
the step had long since arrived, had not yet assumed Holy
Orders l. The Letter exhibits so curious a view of the duties
of a Visitor (an office which is really judicial, and, therefore,
implies the obligation, at least, of acquaintance with the law
to be administered, and of not concerting measures beforehand
with a possible party to a suit) that I subjoin it in full :
To The Right Worshipful, my loving friend, Mr Dr Cole,
President of Corp. Ch. Coll. in Oxford.
Mr President
After commendations, I have received
your letters touching Mr Morrice, and for my parte I do not
mislike that he should be called to the Ministry, especially if
the Statute and Custome of the House do not warrant one in
that office 2 to be clear from the Ministry : and I do think
rather some slackness that he hath not bin called unto it
sooner, being a man so long a time and so greatly suspected,
as you know. Your Statute in that case I remember not,
neither have time to peruse it, but this I remember that Dr
Belley, having that office many years together, was never
called to the Ministry. If so be you think this your action
fully warranted by the Statute, and he may by that means be
removed, I will not deal any further touching him : If not,
I will call unto me the hearing of the matter, and send both
for them that be best able to charge him, and also for himself
1 In the Dialogue (fol. nb, 12 a), it appears that Morice was not in Holy
Orders : ' Petunt ' (i. e. Northworth and Bethel) ' ergo a me ut ego verbi si non
officiosus minister, at acerrimus defensor, ministrum verbi, verbi ministro, id est
Colum Bethelo reconciliarem.'
2 The office was that of Latin or Humanity Reader. There seems to be no
doubt that, if a Reader became a Fellow and was not ' Medicinse deputatus,'
he was under the obligation to assume Holy Orders.
L
146 POWERS OF THE SEVEN SENIORS.
to make answer to that he shall be charged withall ; which I
think not to be the worst course for the better satisfying of
his Uncle, my very honourable and good friend. And yet
I assure you neither his friendship nor any subject in England
shall move me to deal hollowly in the course, or any way to
seek the hinderance of the true meaning of your statute. Let
me have answer from you with as much speed as you can.
Thus fare you heartily well, the 4th of July, 1588. Your
Worship's loving friend
Thomas Winton.
We have no positive information as to the issue of this cor-
respondence, but, as a Somersetshire Fellowship was filled up
within the next seven months, there is a presumption that
Morice was, some way or other, got rid of. That he was sus-
pected of Romish proclivities, of which there were some
indications in the Dialogue, is abundantly evident from this
letter.
In an interpretation of the Statute (Ch. 6) ' De Vice-Praesi-
dentis electione,' which is no longer of any interest, Bishop
Cooper (March 13, 159^) makes some disparaging remarks
on the present as compared with the past condition of the
College : ' Could he ' (the Founder) ' have conceived such an
alteration as we in our days do see, I think in my conscience
it would have added some limitation to the election made by
five' (i. e. by five out of seven seniors, without the consent of
the President). ' I may remember the first President that
ever was there, and the residue that have followed. I re-
member also well the state of the house for the space of these
fifty years and upwards, in the most part of which time I have
always known in that house eight or nine fellows, for years
and degree, for gravity, learning and discretion very sufficient
to have been President of the house. And therefore I mer-
vail not that your founder did attribute so much unto them,
but how far it is now otherwise by great change fallen to that
University the world seeth and I need not to declare it.'
While compelled to decide in favour of the contention of the
five out of seven seniors, the Visitor lays great stress on the
many and serious inconveniences which may result ' if four or
PROPORTIONATE WEALTH OF THE COLLEGES. 147
five young men of small experience, under colour of the Statute,
shall draw unto themselves the election and government of
the whole house,' and ' the head shall be made a subject, and
a ruler a person over-ruled.'
In the year 1592, the Colleges were all taxed for the enter-
tainment of Queen Elizabeth, on the occasion of her visit to
Oxford in that year. Corpus was taxed on the basis of a
rental of ^500 a year, All Souls the same, Ch. Ch. ,£2000,
Magdalen £1200, New College £1000, Merton and St. John's
^"400 each, University and Balliol .£100 each. These being
described as ' Old Rents ' (Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa, vol. I.
pp. 190, i), the actual revenues were, of course, a good deal
higher, but it is interesting to note the proportionate wealth
of the different Colleges.
By far the most distinguished member of the College
admitted during Cole's Presidency, and perhaps the most
distinguished admitted at any time during its history, was
Richard Hooker. According to Izaak Walton's account,
' about the fifteenth year of his age, which was anno 1567,
he was by the bishop ' (John Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, to
whom Hooker's uncle, John Hooker1, alias Vowell, Cham-
berlain of Exeter, and a contributor to and continuator of
Holinshed's Chronicles, had introduced him) 'appointed to
remove to Oxford, and there to attend Dr. Cole, then presi-
dent of Corpus Christi college ; which he did ; and Doctor
Cole had (according to a promise made to the bishop) pro-
vided for him both a tutor (which was said to be the learned
Doctor John Reynolds) and a clerk's place in that College :
which place, though it were not a full maintenance, yet with
the contribution of his uncle, and the continued pension of his
patron, the good bishop, gave him a comfortable subsistence.'
The year of Hooker's entrance at Oxford, as given by Walton,
1 This John Hooker, alias Vowell, is said by Wood (Ath. Oxon. sub nomine) to
have been ' educated in grammar and logic for a time in this university, either in
Exeter or C. C. Coll., but whether he took a degree, our registers, which are in the
time of K. Edw. 6 very imperfect, shew not.' There is no mention of him in
either A. Clark's University Register or (at least in connexion with that College) in
Boase's Exeter Coll. Register.
L 2
14-8 COLLEGE LIFE OF RICHARD HOOKER.
must be too early, as Cole did not become President till July
19, 1568. The age may, however, be correct, as, according to
the entry in the College Register, made when he was admitted
' Discipulus ' (Scholar), he must have been born about Easter
1554. There is no entry in the Register of his appointment
as Clerk (an office which was in the gift of the President),
but, in the earlier years of the College, the entries, except
those of Fellows and Scholars, though they do sometimes
occur, are very sporadic. If Hooker really matriculated at
this early age, he was probably first appointed Chorister (a
place also in the gift of the President) and promoted to be
Clerk afterwards. Any way, he was not admitted ' Disciple '
(or, according to the present designation, Scholar) till Dec. 24,
1573, though, as no other native of the county of Devon had
been elected since Feb. 7, 156^, we cannot, from this fact,
draw any inference as to his having entered Corpus at a later
age than that assigned by Walton. In his admission as
Disciple, he is described as ' quendam Ricardum Hooker
viginti annorum aetatis circiter festum paschae proxime futu-
rum l natum in comitatu Devoniensi, electum pro comitatu
Southamptonensi.' The election of a Scholar, who was a
native of one county, on the foundation of another was not
uncommon, a readjustment taking place when an opportunity
offered. It is more important to notice that the statutable
limitation of age at the time of election to a Scholarship was
nineteen, though, in the Supplementary Statutes, it was, in
case of extraordinary and pre-eminent excellence (' egregie
eruditus, et caeteris illius aetatis longe praestantior'), extended
to one and twenty. Hooker's was one of the very rare cases
in which the Electors availed themselves of this liberty. On
Sept. 16, J5775 he became Probationary Fellow (' Scholaris'),
and, in due course, after the lapse of the statutable period of
two years, full Fellow (' verus et perpetuus socius '). The
record of admission as Probationary Fellow gives no new
information, except that he was now Master of Arts.
Hooker seems to have been emphatically a ' poor student,'
1 In J574. Easter Day fell on April n ; in 1554, tne year of Hooker's birth, on
March 25.
HIS NEED OF PECUNIARY ASSISTANCE. 149
and we happen to possess some peculiarly interesting records
of the assistance tendered to him. Robert Novvell (brother of
Alexander Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's) left to trustees a con-
siderable sum of money to be distributed amongst poor
scholars in Oxford, possibly a less pleasant and flattering, but
certainly a more efficacious, mode of affording assistance to
those really in need of it than the present system of competi-
tive scholarships. The account of the distribution, under the
title of ' The Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell,' was
edited from one of the Towneley Hall MSS., and printed for
private circulation only, by the Rev. A. B. Grosart, in 1877.
Hooker was assisted out of this benefaction on no less than
five occasions, and it is curious that, in these five entries, his
name is spelt in no less than three different ways. They run
as follows :
p. 206 Rychard hoocker XXs. (This entry occurs in a long
list of names. The date of the actual distribution,
in each case, is not appended, but the memorandum
that the sums had all been duly paid is signed by
the distributors on July 29, 1570. See p. 214.
Cole was one of the persons to whom the dis-
tribution of the benefaction was entrusted.)
p. 220 To Mr Doctor Cole, presydente of Corpus Christe
Colledge in Oxforde, to the use of tow poor
schollers the one ys Named Thomas Cole, the
other Rychard hooker the xxxth of Januarye A°
1571 <i. e. 157!) and Thomas Coole hade xxx8
of theys and thother Xs, as appeareth by Mr
Coole bill. {This entry is in the Autograph of
Dean Alexander Nowell.}
p. 220 To Richard hooker of Corpus Christie colledge the
XIIth of februarye Anno 1571 (i.e. i57i) to bringe
hym to Oxforde ii vi"1.1
1 This date is probably that of Hooker's return to Oxford after a visit to his
parents at Exeter on recovering from a serious illness, the circumstances of which,
including his affecting interview with Jewel at Salisbury, are so feelingly told
in Walton's Life.
1 50 COLLEGE LIFE OF RICHARD HOOKER.
p. 224 To one Rycharde hooker scholler of corpus-chrlstie
Colledge in Oxforde the VIII0 of Marthe A° 1573
(i. e. 157!) iiis iiiid.
p. 226 Too Sr huker (i. e. B.A.) of Corpus christie college
in Oxforde, the XXVIIIth of Aprell 1575. v8.
It may be noticed that, on p. 212, Mylles Smythe, after-
wards Bp. of Gloucester, one of the translators of our
Authorized English Bible and author of the dedication
and preface ' To the Reader,' is also mentioned as one
of the Corpus recipients, or ' Reteyners at Corpus
christie colledge,' of the Nowell benefaction.
The dates of the actual distribution of this sum, as I have
said before, are not given, but the memorandum that the
sums in a very long list had all been duly paid is signed
by the distributors on July 29, 1570, a date which tallies
very well with Antony Wood's statement that Smythe
was a student at Corpus, about 1568.
I owe to Dean Paget of Ch. Ch., who, together with the
late Dean Church, has earned the gratitude of all interested
in Hooker by their revision of Keble's edition of his Life and
Works, my knowledge of another record of the same kind.
Dr. George Oliver of Exeter, some years ago, made a copy,
which he contributed to a local paper (the Exeter Flying
Post), of the following Resolution passed by the Mayor and
Chamber of the city of Exeter, Sept. 21, 1582 : ' Agreed, that
Richard Hoker, the sonne of Roger Hoker deceased, and now
a student of Corporis (sic) Christi College yn Oxford, shall
have the yearly pencion or annuytie of foure poundes to be
paid quarterly 2os, and the sayd payment to contynewe as
long as it shall playse this house, and the first payment to
begyne at Michaelmas next.' Dr. Oliver notices that Hooker
became M.A. and a Fellow of his College in 1577, and Deputy
Professor of Hebrew in 1579, nad several distinguished pupils
under his charge, and in 1581 was appointed to preach at St.
Paul's Cross. ' How to reconcile these dates with the reso-
lution we are at a loss to decide.5 ' Had the resolution passed
ten years earlier, all difficulty would be cleared away.' It is
BENEFACTIONS GRANTED TO HIM. 151
not impossible, however, that Hooker may have been glad of
an augmentation of £4 a year to his income even in 1582, and
the word ' student ' was not then confined to young men in
statu pupillari. The Fellows had, at that time, hot disputes
with the President on the division of the revenues, and it is
possible that the value of a Fellowship may have been very
small. Moreover, books were then a heavy item of expenditure,
and, though the College Library was a good one, the Public
Library had long ceased to exist and was only restored by the
munificence of Sir Thomas Bodley at the beginning of the
next century. There are two very curious entries in the
' Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell ' :
p. 230 : ' Too Mr Barfoot Mr of Art, of Corpus christie Col-
ledge, the XIth of Maye 1576. x8.'
' Too one Mr Barefoote of Corpus christie Colledge
the XXVIIth of Martch 1579. iiiu vi8 viiid.'
Now Barefoot was, on both occasions, Vice-President of the
College, was, on the second occasion, over thirty-two years of
age, and had been elected Fellow as long ago as 1566. It is
true that Reynolds says of him, in a letter already quoted
(Fulman MSS., vol. 9. fol. 178, b), that he was 'no great good
husband of his owne estate,' but how do we know that Hooker
was a better ?
Hooker's expulsion from his Fellowship, in 1579, and his
speedy restoration have already been mentioned (pp. 140, 141).
It is to be observed that the expulsion was pronounced by
Barefoot, then Vice-president, not by Cole, with whom there
is no reason to suppose he was ever at enmity, and, as Cole
was his early patron, we may trust that this was never the case.
The personal traits, his bended head and his smile, ' demisso
capite subrisisset,' have too already been noticed in connexion
with Morice's Dialogue 1.
1 There is a letter to Reynolds from George Bysshop, dated Dec. 4, 1584, in
Vol. IX of the Fnlman MSS., fol. 214, in which the name of ' Mr Hooker' occurs
in connexion with, apparently, some work by Reynolds, a copy of which had been
sent to Whitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, at Hooker's urgent request and to
Bishop's regret ; for the Archbishop refused to ' alow it, because of somme glaun-
singe at matters in this tyme.' Can this work have been the ' Sum of a Conference
between John Rainolds and John Hart, touching the Head and the Faith of the
Church,' &c., first published at London in 1584?
153 COLLEGE LIFE OF RICHARD HOOKER.
Hooker does not seem to have ever held the office of Greek
or Latin Reader, but Antony Wood (Ath. Ox.), in his account
of John Reynolds, says: 'As Jewell's fame grew from the
rhetoric ' (i. e. the Latin) ' lecture, which he read with singular
applause, and Hooker's from the Logic, so Rainolds from the
Greek, in C. C. coll/
It would be futile to extract, from a work which is in every
one's hands, and presumptuous to re-cast the graphic account
of Hooker's College life as delineated by his quaint and
venerable biographer, and hence, in the few brief notices
which I have given above, I have confined myself mainly to
facts which were either inaccessible to Walton or omitted or
imperfectly described by him. Hooker finally left the College
at the end of 1584, when he was presented, according to
Walton, to the Vicarage of Drayton Beauchamp near Ayles-
bury, then in the diocese of Lincoln, by John Cherry, Esq.
(Dec. 9, 1584). Then, or shortly before, or shortly afterwards,
he must have married. Thus Hooker resided in Corpus pro-
bably for about sixteen years 1, and must there have laid in
that varied and extensive stock of knowledge and formed that
1 When I entered the College, there was a tradition (how old I do not know —
probably not older than the time of Mr. Vaughan Thomas) that Hooker's rooms
were the rooms 2 Pair Right on the Library Staircase in the Front Quadrangle,
and that an Inventory of his Furniture still existed. There are, in ' the President's
Cupboard,' two interesting and curious ' Inventory Books ' of the College, one
dated 1610-14, the other 1622 or 3, tied up with some other documents of the
same kind, such as an Inventory of the President's Plate and Furniture (1677 and
earlier). By comparing the two Inventory Books, it is plain that the room of
which the inventory is given in the later book, as ' late Mr Hooker's,' was that of
Peter Hooker, who signs the same inventory in the former book, and not that of
Richard Hooker. Mr. Vaughan Thomas, a well-known Fellow of the College in
the early part of this century, who docketed these papers, jumps at once to the
conclusion that the ' Mr Hooker ' of the later Inventory Book is the famous
Richard Hooker, having never probably taken the trouble to consult the earlier
book. With the false ascription of the Inventory, goes, of course, the ' tradition '
as to the locality of Hooker's rooms. — In the Inventory of the President's Plate
and Furniture, there occur a ' Mazir with silver brims/ now lost, ' a grate for sea-
coals,' an ' iron chafing dish.' Even when this inventory was made, it appears
that the President still occupied his lodgings over and near the gateway (see ch. iii.
PP- 73> 74)> as well as ' the house behind the Presidents garden,' the nucleus of the
present Lodgings. This inventory seems to be in the hand-writing of Fulman, in
which case it could not be earlier than 1660. There are some later entries with
the date 1677.
OTHER NOTABLE ADMISSIONS. 153
sound judgment and stately style which raised him to the
highest rank, not only amongst English divines, but amongst
English writers. * From that garden of piety, of pleasure, of
peace, and a sweet conversation,' he passed ' into the thorny
wilderness of a busy world, into those corroding cares that
attend a married priest and a country parsonage ' ; and, most
bitter and least tolerable of all the elements in his lot, into
the exacting and uncongenial society of his termagant wife.
Corpus, at that time, is described by Walton as ' noted for an
eminent library, strict students, and remarkable scholars.'
Indeed, a College which, within a period of sixty years,
admitted and educated John Jewel, John Reynolds, Richard
Hooker, and Thomas Jackson, four of the greatest divines and
most distinguished writers who have ever adorned the Church
of England, might, especially in an age when theology was
the most absorbing interest of the day, vie, small as it was in
numbers, with the largest and most illustrious Colleges in,
either University.
During the long Presidency of Cole, there were, besides the
pre-eminent name of Richard Hooker, many other notable
men admitted into the College. To begin with the Scholars
and Fellows. In 1570, was admitted Nicholas Morice, who,
though hardly notable, is interesting to us, as the author of
the Dialogue, so often referred to above ; in 1572, Stephen
Gossons (erroneously assigned by Wood to Ch. Ch.), cele-
brated, in his time, as a writer of pastorals ; in 1573, within a
few days of Hooker, Charles Turnbull, a Lincolnshire man,
who constructed the very curious pillar, with dials, still in the
middle of the quadrangle, and wrote a Treatise on the use of
the Celestial Globe ; in 1576, Henry Parry, a celebrated
preacher, Bishop successively of Gloucester and Worcester ;
in 1577, Edwin Sandys 1J afterwards Sir Edwin Sandys, son
of Edwin Sandys, Archbishop of York, a favourite pupil of
Hooker, a traveller, and author of a book entitled Europaa
Speculum, or a View or Survey of the State of Religion in
the Western part of the World ; in 157!, George Cranmer l,
1 Edwin Sandys and George Cranmer have been immortalised in Walton's
154 EDWIN SANDYS AND GEORGE CRANMER.
grand-nephew of the Archbishop, also a favourite pupil of
Hooker and said to have given him assistance in the composi-
tion of the Ecclesiastical Polity, in after years secretary to
several public men ; in 1578, John Spenser, subsequently
President, one of the Translators of the Bible, and a theo-
logian of considerable repute, of whose disputed election
to the Greek Readership I have already spoken (he was
admitted this year as Greek Reader, having been previously
Clerk or possibly ' Famulus Praesidis,' and, in the following
year, Fellow) ; in 1583, Alexander Gill, High Master of St.
Paul's, Milton's Master ; in 1586, Sebastian Benfield or Bene-
field, Margaret Professor of Divinity and a theological writer ;
in 158^, Robert Burhill or Burghill, a theologian, Hebrew
scholar, and Latin poet, who is said by Wood to have assisted
Sir Walter Raleigh in the composition of the History of the
World ; in 1588, John Barcham, Dean of Bocking, distin-
guished for his knowledge and writings in history, heraldry,
and numismatics, collector of what A. Wood says was ' the
charming Life of Hooker, and particularly in the pathetic account of their visit to
their old tutor in his country living, a year after his unfortunate marriage. Cranmer
was only 12 years 3 months old, when elected to his scholarship. Sandys, as
pointed out in a note to Church and Paget's revision of Keble's edition of Hooker,
pp. 14, 15, can only have been n or 12, Cranmer only 7 or 8, when put under
Hooker's tuition. It is doubtful whether they were, at that time, entered as
members of the College or not. Probably it was not unusual, in those days
when there were few schools, for quite young boys to read, as private pupils, with
Fellows of Colleges. Neither name occurs in the University Matriculation
Register, but Cranmer took his B.A. Degree May 29, 1583, Sandys Oct. 16, 1579
(see A. Clark's Register, vol. ii. pt. 3), so that the latter was probably matriculated
as a commoner about two years before his election as a scholar. Strype's account
of the intervention of Hooker and George Cranmer (Life of Archbishop Parker,
bk. iii. ch. 20) in the affairs of the College in 1568, after Cole had been forced on
the electors, must either be altogether apocryphal or misplaced, as Hooker, if
a member of the College at all at that time, had only just entered, and Cranmer
cannot have been much more than three years of age. If the following statement,
quoted by Dr. Bliss, in his edition of Wood's Athense, from Lloyd's State Worthies,
be true, it much enhances our ideas of Cranmer's importance and abilities : ' Queen
Elizabeth, confiding in her own princely judgment and opinion, had formed so
favourable an opinion of Cranmer's worth and conduct, that she would have him
and none other to finish and bring the Irish war to a propitious end, which, not
deceiving her good conceit of him, he nobly atchieved, though with much pains
and carefulness.' He joined Lord Mountjoy in the capacity of Secretary, and
remained in Ireland till he was unfortunately killed in the battle of Carlingford,
Nov. 13, 1600, only eleven days after Hooker's death.
NOTABLE ADMISSIONS UNDER COLE. 155
best collection of coins of any clergyman in England,' after-
wards given to Laud, and by him presented to the Bodleian
Library, thus becoming the nucleus of the large collection
now there ; in 1594, Brian Twyne, the celebrated and inde-
fatigable antiquary, to whom it is supposed that Antony Wood
is indebted for much of his information, and whose assistance
was invoked by Laud in collecting the material on which the
Laudian statutes were based (a work for which Twyne was
afterwards rewarded by being made first Keeper of the
Archives 1), as also, on the same day, Daniel Fertlough,
Fairclough, Fairclowe, or Featley (for the name is spelt in all
four ways), admitted scholar, it may be noticed, before he
was twelve years of age, who became chaplain to Archbishop
Abbot, as well as third provost of Chelsea College, besides
holding many other appointments, and was one of the most
noted theological writers and controversialists of his time ; in
1596, Thomas Jackson, subsequently President and Dean of
Peterborough, a learned and voluminous theological writer,
styled by Antony Wood ' the ornament of the university in
his time'; and, lastly, in 1597, elected at 13, the ' ever-memor-
able ' John Hales, Fellow of Eton, Regius Professor of Greek,
the intimate friend of Savile, and one of the most charming
characters as well as famous scholars of the period during
which he lived.
To these distinguished sons of Corpus, who were admitted
as Scholars or Fellows during the Presidency of Cole, we may
1 Wood (sub nomine) says that 'about 1623 he left that' (namely, the Greek
Readership) ' and the house to avoid his being engaged in a faction then between
the president' (Anyan) 'and fellows; knowing very well that, if he favoufed
either side, expulsion would follow, because he had entered into a wrong county
place.' This remark can hardly refer to his being elected for one of the other
statutable counties, for this was a common practice, as in the case of Hooker, and
a re-adjustment always took place afterwards. And Wood goes on to say that
' afterwards he became Vicar of Rye in Sussex, in which county, at Lewes, as 'tis
supposed by some, he was born.' It is curious that, in his admission as scholar,
while he is described as born in the County of Surrey, a blank is left for the
diocese, though, of course, it was notorious that Surrey was in the diocese of
Winchester ; and again, in his admission as Probationary Fellow, he is described
as of the County of Surrey and diocese of Winchester (' com. Surrie et dioces.
Winton') and not as born in them, which is the usual, though not invariable,
form in other cases.
156 NOTABLE ADMISSIONS UNDER COLE.
add the names of Miles Smith or Smythe, Bp. of Gloucester
and one of the Translators, probably the most industrious
amongst them, of the authorized version of the Scriptures,
whose name has already been mentioned (p. 150) in connexion
with the Nowell benefaction, and who is said by Antony Wood
to have been a student in C C. Coll. about 1568, before moving
to Brasenose, though in what capacity he was a member of
Corpus I have not been able to ascertain ; Edward Somerset,
K.G., fourth Earl of Worcester, Master of the Horse 1601-15,
Lord Privy Seal 1614-27, d. 1628, who is spoken of, in a
petition of R. Allyn and D. Featley, copied in vol. ix. of the
Fulman MSS., fol. 238, as ' sometymes of that Colledge ' ;
George Sampole, stated in the Index given in the Fulman
MSS., vol. xi., to be of Lincolnshire, who matriculated as a
Commoner in 1578, and who, in all probability, is the Sir
George St. Paul who devised to the College the estate at
Lissington in Lincolnshire (see List of Benefactors of Corpus
in Wood's Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls and in Ch. I.
of the Introduction to this work) ; and William Higford, who
matriculated as a Commoner in 1596, whose father and grand-
father had been at Corpus before him, having been succes-
sively the pupils of Jewel, Cole, and Sebastian Benefield, this
Higford being the author of a work entitled The Institution
of a Gentleman, or Virtus verus Honos 1.
1 See A. Wood, Ath. Ox. sub nomine. Higford's testimony to Cole has been
already quoted.
CHAPTER VI.
THE END OF THE ELIZABETHAN AND THE EARLIER
STUART PERIOD.
JOHN REYNOLDS or Rainolds (the name in A. Clark's Index
to the University Register is spelt in no less than fourteen
different ways ; he himself seems to have spelt it Rainoldes or
Rainolds) was, as we have seen already, elected President on
Dec. n, 1598, and sworn on Dec. 14. Like Jewel and Hooker
he was a Devonshire man, being a native of Pinhoe near
Exeter, where he was born about Michaelmas Day1, 1549.
He seems to have entered originally at Merton, where his
uncle, Thomas Reynolds, had been Warden. But he cannot
have' remained there long, for, when he was only 13 years
7 months old, he was elected to a Scholarship at Corpus
(April 29, 1563). At what was even then the very early age
of seventeen, he became Probationary Fellow (Oct. n, 1566),
so that, at the age of nineteen, the age at which young men
now usually come up to the University, he was already full
Fellow. Reynolds' was a thoroughly academical family. His
uncle, Thomas Reynolds, had been Warden of Merton. Two
of his brothers had been elected before him to Scholarships
at Corpus, Hierome in 1548, and Edmund, who, having been
elected in 1557, was one of the three Fellows ejected for
Romish sympathies in 1568 2. A third brother, William, was
a Fellow of New College 3. Of the many other persons of the
1 At the time of Reynolds' admission to his Scholarship, and long afterwards,
the dates of admissions were usually given not according to the day of the month,
but as on or near some Saint's Day.
2 Wood's Annals, vol. ii. pp. 165, 6.
3 See Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 120. Both Edmund and William seceded to
the Church of Rome.
158 PRESIDENCY OF JOHN REYNOLDS.
name of Reynolds, who appear at this time in University lists,
some were probably relatives.
Reynolds must have begun to take pupils early, if he was
really (see p. 147) the tutor provided by Dr. Cole for young
Hooker. He would probably be under 20 years of age, and
have recently taken his B.A. degree, which he did on Oct. 15,
1568. But it is plain, from all that we know of these times,
that young men were then much more forward in life than they
now are at the same age, and began much earlier to be self-
reliant and self-supporting. He became Greek Reader in
157!, and, according to a passage already quoted from
Wood, in my account of Hooker, his ' fame grew ' from this
lecture as Jewel's had done from the Latin lecture, and
Hooker's subsequently did from the Logic lecture. 'The
author that he read,' says Wood, ' was Aristotle, whose three
incomparable books of Rhetoric he illustrated with so excel-
lent a commentary so richly fraught with all polite literature
that, as well in the commentary as in the text, a man may
find a golden river of things and words, which the prince of
orators tells us of.' There still exists in the Bodleian Library
the copy of the Rhetoric (Morel, Paris, 1562) from which
Reynolds lectured. It is interleaved, and contains an Intro-
duction, Synopsis, Index, and copious notes, all written out in
a clear, round, and print-like hand. On one of the interpolated
leaves, immediately after the Index, occurs the following
beautiful prayer, whether original or not, I cannot say : 'Om-
nipotens Deus, pater nostri Domini Jesu Christi, qui nos ad
pietatis satus accipiendos in artium gymnasio voluit erudiri,
dignetur nobis adjicere, ad cseteras facultates quas concessit,
auxilium singulare suae gratiae. Conformet nostras volun-
tates, ut addiscamus quae debemus ; ingenia, ut percipiamus
quae discimus ; memorias, ut teneamus quae percipimus : ut
cuncta nostra studia semper referantur non ad pestem ambi-
tionis aut sordes avaritiae, sed ad ipsius gloriam ac salutem
nostram ; quo Deus ab omnibus et cognoscatur melius et ar-
dentius colatur. Amen.' In 1578, he resigned this office, and
thus, probably to his great surprise, was the unwilling author of
the troubles brought about by Spenser's election on June 10 in
PUBLIC DISPUTATION WITH HIS BROTHER. 159
that year. Of the various other troubles and events of his
life at Corpus, up to the time of his election as President, I
have already spoken under Dr. Cole's Presidency.
In Wood's Annals, there are some interesting notices of him
in his relations to the wider world of the University during
the same period. Thus, under the year 1576, when he was not
yet twenty-seven, we find him addressing a strong letter of
remonstrance to Dr. Humfrey, then Vice-Chancellor of the
University, on the proposal of the Chancellor that one
Anthony Corrano, a Spanish preacher in London, should be
allowed to proceed Doctor in Divinity, with a view, as it was
supposed, to his appointment as a theological reader in the
University. Though recommended by Leicester, Corrano was
suspected of still harbouring the Popish leaven, in the form of
Pelagianism, 'his obscure speeches giving just suspicion of
very great heresies about predestination and justification by
faith, two the chiefest points of Christian religion.' This
business of Corrano excited great opposition amongst what
we may call the Calvinistical party, and it was not till 1579
that, after a conference with certain doctors and masters, in
which his answers gave satisfactory evidence of what was then
reputed orthodoxy, he was permitted to give public lectures,
though not, apparently, to proceed to his Degree.
In 1584, when Leicester passed some time in Oxford on his
way to Cornbury, ' that he might solace himself with Scholas-
tical Exercises and other matters which the sportive muses
could afford,' a curious theological disputation was enacted
before him at St. Mary's. It was between the two brothers
'John and Edmond Rainolds, the one a zealous Protestant,
the other a moderate Romanist, but not as 'tis reported to
the conversion of each other. They both so quitted them-
selves like able disputants, that it was difficult to judge which
of them carried the bell away. John we know was famous in
his time for the admirable writings which he published to the
world, but Edmond ' (whom his brother must have seen ex-
pelled from the College by Elizabeth's commissioners in
I5681), 'being of a modest and quiet disposition, would not
1 See Wood's Annals, under that year, as already referred to.
160 REYNOLDS AS PUBLIC THEOLOGICAL LECTURER.
shew his parts that way, choosing rather to live obscurely and
enjoy his opinion, than hazard his person by publishing
matters savoring of the Church of Rome.'
In 1586, Sir Francis Walsingham founded what was appar-
ently a temporary Lectureship of controversial theology, for
the confutation of distinctively Romish tenets, and desired
that Reynolds might be chosen to give it Convocation at
once approved both of the .foundation of the Lectureship and
of the choice of the Reader. It is said by Fulman (MSS.,
vol. ix. fol. 1 1 6) that the Lectureship was endowed with ^20
a year, and that Reynolds took occasion, on this augmentation
of income, to resign his Fellowship, and retired to Queen's,
where he lived many years. No doubt he was glad enough to
escape from the worries and quarrels from which, during Cole's
presidency, the more quiet and studious of the Fellows must
often have suffered so bitterly. According to Wood, ' he read
this lecture in the Divinity School thrice a week in full term,
had constantly a great auditory, and was held by those of his
party to have done great good.' ' How long this Lecture
lasted, whether till Walsingham's death only, which was an.
1590, I cannot tell, yet certain I am that all the Lectures, or
at least some of them, were published after the Author's death,
to the great profit of Theologists.' Fulman (vol. ix. fol. 117)
says : ' Sir Francis Walsingham dying, Apr. 13, 1590, the Earl
of Essex, who had married his only daughter, continued the
lecture, which, accordingly, Reynolds resumed, May 5, 159°-'
When Queen Elizabeth visited the University in 1592, she
sent for the Heads of Houses and others on the morning of
the day of her departure, and ' spake to them her mind in
the Latin Tongue. And among others there present she
schooled Dr John Rainolds for his obstinate preciseness,
willing him to follow her laws, and not run before them.'
Reynolds is now generally known, not so much as a learned
academician, or even as a writer of learned books or a skilled
controversialist (for the subjects on which he wrote and the
controversies in which he took part have now little interest
for the generality of men), but for the prominent position he
HAMPTON COURT CONFERENCE. 161
occupied in the Hampton Court conference and his share
in the translation of the Bible. James had not long come
to the throne, before he began to make preparations for
convening an assembly of divines, to attempt to settle the
religious and ecclesiastical differences which, during the latter
part of Elizabeth's time, had become formidable to the peace
of the Church. This assembly, called the Hampton Court
conference, from the place of its meeting, first met on
Jan. 14, i6of, and continued for three days. The King
and the Lords of the Council were present. A large number
of divines represented what we may call the ecclesiastical
party, or those who maintained the established order of things,
while the Puritan or dissentient party (though, in using these
terms, we must recollect that this was then a party within
the Church, not without it) was represented by only four
persons, selected not by the party itself but by the King1.
He had thought it best, he said, to send for some, whom he
understood to be the most grave, learned and modest of the
aggrieved sort, whom, being then present, he was ready to
hear at large. Of these, Dr. Reynolds was, in character,
learning and position, far the most eminent, and it is plain
that, throughout the proceedings, he took the lead on his
own side ; indeed he is expressly called their ' foreman V
His supporters were Dr. Sparkes, Mr. Knewstubbs, and
Mr. Chaderton. The conference passed off, so far at least as
the King was concerned, in the most amicable manner.
According to the narrative of Dr. James Montague, then
dean of the chapel royal, 'the ministers were called in,
Dr. Reynolds and the rest, and acquainted with what the
king had concluded on. They were all exceedingly well
satisfied V That may have appeared to be the case at the
time, but we know that, in the issue, their party, if not
themselves, were vastly dissatisfied with the few concessions
made to their scruples. But, however that may be, the
conference seems, at the time, to have been unruffled by any
serious dissensions, and the parting to have been a pleasant
1 See Cardwell's Conferences, 3rd Ed., p. 1 78-
* Ibid., pp. 140, i.
M
1 62 AUTHORISED VERSION OF THE BIBLE.
one. The King even condescended to make a good-humoured
joke to Reynolds, with whom he was throughout peculiarly
gracious. ' Dr Reynolds took exceptions at those words in
the Common Prayer Book, of matrimony, "With my body
I thee worship." His Majesty looking upon the place ;
I was made believe (saith he) that the phrase did import no
lesse than divine worship and adoration, but by the exami-
nation I find that it is an usual English tearm, as a gentleman
of worship, &c., and the sense agreeable unto scriptures,
" giving honour to the wife," &c. But turning to Dr Reynolds
(with smiling saith his majesty), Many a man speakes of Robin
Hood who never shot in his bow : if you had a good wife
yourself you would think that all the honour and worship you
could do to her were well bestowed V
The Hampton Court conference, though it did not result
in any large concessions to the Puritans with regard to
alterations in the book of Common Prayer, led directly
to the translation and publication of what is called the
Authorised Version of the Scriptures ; and Dr. Reynolds,
though, of course, he stated also the opinion of his colleagues,
may be said to have initiated the project. ' After that, he
moved his majesty that there might be a new translation of
the Bible, because those which were allowed in the reign of
king Henry the Eight and Edward the Sixt were corrupt, and
not answerable to the truth of the original Whereupon,
his highness wished that some special pains should be taken
in that behalf for one uniform translation (professing that he
could never yet see a Bible well translated in English, but the
worst of all his Majesty thought the Geneva to be), and this
to be done by the best learned in both the Universities ; after
then to be reviewed by the bishops and the chief learned of the
church ; from them to be presented to the privy council ; and,
lastly, to be ratified by his royal authority. And so this whole
church to be bound unto it, and none other V Then was a
general agreement that this work should be carried on with
all speed, and, after the lapse of a few months, the translators
1 Dr. Barlow's tract, printed in Cardwell's Conferences, p. 200.
2 Ibid., pp. 187, 8.
REYNOLDS' LAST ILLNESS. 163
were selected and at work. By the year 1611, four years
after Reynolds' death, it was completed. The selection of
names was singularly impartial, and Reynolds occupied a
leading position among the translators. He, as well as a
former member of Corpus, Miles Smith, Bishop of Gloucester
(who wrote the Dedication and Preface), was on the company
for translating the Prophets. Perhaps another member of
Corpus, Daniel Featley or Fairclough, was on the same
company, but there seems some doubt whether the Fairclough
mentioned be Daniel of Corpus, or Richard of New College *.
Wood (Annals, sub 1 604) tells us that ' the said Translators
had recourse, once a week, to Dr Raynolds his Lodgings in
Corpus Christi College, and there as 'tis said perfected the
work, notwithstanding the said Doctor, who had the chief
hand in it, was all the while sorely afflicted with the gout/
Reynolds indeed was dying. But was it of gout or con-
sumption ? Fulman tells us he was cast upon his last bed by
a lingering consumption, and he quotes Bagshaw's Life of
R. Bolton (p. 25), to the effect that 'his last sicknesse was
contracted merely by exceeding paines in study, by which he
brought his withered body to a very ovce'A.eroi;. When the
Doctors of the University, coming to visit him, earnestly
persuaded him that he would not perdere substantiam propter
accidentia, he smiling answered out of the Poet
Nee propter vitam vivendi perdere causas.'
There being some ill-natured reports about him, set afloat
by certain ' well-wishers to the Romish Church,' his friends,
1 The original ' Order for the translating of the Bible by King James,' given in
vol. ii. pt. 2, pp. 504, 5, of Buraet's History of the Reformation (Clarendon Press
Edition, 1816), does not assign any Christian names or, in the majority of cases
any office. Hence, to some extent, it is a matter of conjecture who the persons
named may be. Wood (Annals, sub 1604) replaces ' Mr. Fairclough,' in the
' Order,' by ' Richard Fairclough, sometime of New,' and he is followed by some
subsequent writers. But of this Richard Fairclough we know nothing qualifying
him for such a work, whereas Daniel Fairclough, though young, was already
noted for his theological attainments, and not unlikely to have been recommended
by Reynolds. There can be little doubt that the ' Dr Spencer,' who was on the
Westminster Company for translating the Epistles, was John Spencer, Reynolds'
successor in the Presidentship. Dr. Spencer, Master of C. C. C, Cambridge, who
is sometimes assigned this honour, was not born till 1630.
M 2
1 64 REYNOLDS' CONFESSION OF FAITH.
including the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Airay, and Daniel Fair-
clough, persuaded him to sign a confession of faith in these
words * :
' These are to witnesse unto all the world that, now in this
my weakness wherein I look for my dissolution, and hope
shortly to be with my Christ, I dye in a constant beliefe,
perswasion and profession of that holy truth of God, in
defense whereof I have stood both by writing and speaking
against the Church of Rome and whatsoever other enemies of
God's truth.
' And for mine own resolution touching mine own state of
salvation after this life, I assure myself thereof by the merits
of Christ Jesus onely, into whose hands I commend my spirit
as unto my faithful Redeemer.'
He died May 21, 1607, when he was not yet fifty-eight.
He was buried in the choir of the College Chape1!, after three
orations had been pronounced over him, two at St. Mary's
and one in the quadrangle of Corpus, the chapel not being
spacious enough for the company. The monument now
in the chapel was erected by his successor, John Spenser,
'Virtutum et Sanctitatis admirator, amoris ergo2/ It is
pleasant to think that the young man whose premature
promotion he had opposed, nearly thirty years before, was, in
later life, one of his warmest admirers and that he should
have given this touching and graceful expression of his
reverence and affection.
There are two portraits of Reynolds in the President's
Lodgings at Corpus, but one is a copy of the other, or both
of the same original. On one of them, but not the other, are
the words ' melior an doctior/
From his Will (dated April i, 1606) it is plain that he did
1 Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 118.
2 The Inscription, in full, runs as follows :
Virtuti Sacrum
Jo. Rainoldo S. Theol. D. Eruditione Pietate
Integritate Incomparabili, Hujus Coll. Prres.
Qui obiit Maii 20° An0 1607, JEtat. Suse 58°.
Jo. Spenser Auditor, Successor, Virtutum et Sanctitatis
Admirator H. M. Amoris ergo Posuit.
HIS DISPOSITION OF HIS BOOKS. 165
not possess many of this world's goods. The largest money
legacy that he leaves is to his ' servant ' John Dewhurst \
twenty marks, the next largest, five pounds each, to his
brother Nicolas and his sister Alice. But of books he
seems to have had great store. He leaves a hundred to the
Corpus Library, and forty to the ' publike librarie of our
University, first of all to be chosen by Syr Thomas Bodley, if
I have so many fitt for that excellent woorke of his, wherewith
it is not furnished already by him or some other.' To Queen's,
Merton, New College, University, and Oriel (' in all the which
I have either abode as student or had some part of mine
education ') he leaves, specifically, a valuable work each. To
Queen's he bequeaths thirty works more, to be selected by
the Provost. Exeter, Trinity, and Brasenose, as well as
private friends, like Sir Henry Savile, the Bishop of Carlisle
(Henry Robinson, formerly Provost of Queen's), Dr. Airay,
and others, are also remembered. The residue of his books
he bequeaths to be distributed by his executors 'among
scholars of our University, such as for religion, honesty,
studiousness, and towardness in learning (want of means and
ability to furnish themselves being withal considered) they
shall think meetest,' regard being first had to his own kindred,
and then to the students of Corpus Christi, Queen's, Exeter,
Brasenose, Trinity, the rest, in order. In a note to Wood's
Annals, sub 1607, the names of the recipients are given with
the number of volumes assigned to each. Many of these, we
are told, ' were his admirers, and had sate at his feet.' There
is a predominance of Corpus, Queen's, and Brasenose men in
the list. But, with the exception of Jesus, which, perhaps,
was hardly yet settled, or had very few students, there is no
college which is not fairly represented.
There can be no doubt of the eminence of Dr. Reynolds,
of his rare abilities, of his pure and high character, or of the
depth and extent of his learning. With the exception of the
open or secret adherents of the Romish Church, these qualities
1 Dewhurst was appointed 'famulus Praesidis,' Oct. 15, 1603. He became
Chaplain in 1610. For the 'famuli Prsesidis,' see the note on John Spenser, p. 143.
A secretary was, at this time, commonly styled a servant.
1 66 TESTIMONIES TO REYNOLDS' ABILITY,
were ungrudgingly acknowledged by his contemporaries on all
sides. Crakanthorpe, who stoutly defends his loyalty to the
Church of England l against Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop
of Spalato (Defensio Ecclesiae Anglicanae, cap. 69), says of
him, in a passage, which, though long, I think it better to
quote in full, because it is the testimony of one who had known
him personally, when himself an Undergraduate at Queen's,
and is the source from which, often without acknowledg-
ment, the subsequent accounts of Reynolds are often taken :
'Scisne qui vir Rainoldus fuit? Doctrinae et omne genus
eruditionis Gazophylacium dixeris. Scriptores opinor omnes,
prophanos, ecclesiasticos, sacros, concilia, patres, historias evol-
verat. Linguarum, quaecunque Theologo vel adjumento sunt
vel ornamento, callentissimus. Ingenio acer agilisque, judicio
gravis et maturus : labore magis quam Adamantius ipse (i. e.
Origen) indefatigabilis, memoria vero tarn mirabili ut in
eum verissime quadret illud apud Eunapium, Bibliotheca ille
viva et Musaeum ambulans, sic in omni disciplinarum genere
versatus, quasi in singulis operam suam omnem posuisset.
Virtute insuper, probitate, integritate, et, quod palmam tenet,
pietate ac vitae sanctimonia tarn illustris ut, sicut de Athanasio
ait Nazianzenus, Rainoldum nominasse virtutem ipsam lau-
dasse sit. Tanta demum modestia, comitate atque urbanitate,
ut licet summis anteponendus esset, pene infimis tamen se
aequaret. Eo nos juvenes, dum in Collegio nostro (Queen's)
permultis annis versaretur, tam familiariter tantoque cum
fructu usi sumus, ut quid, quoties, quantumque in ullo doc-
trinae genere discere cuperemus, ex illo, velut inexhausto
1 Thus, he shews that he approved of Episcopal government both from his
works and from his attitude at the Hampton Court conference, he states that he
used the square cap and the surplice, that he knelt at the reception of the
Eucharist, that he was constant in his attendance at Church ordinances, that
he both listened to and read chapters taken from the Apocrypha, and that he
himself conducted, in the College chapel, the commemoration of Founders and
Benefactors ; lastly he has in his hands, at that moment, a letter written by
Reynolds to Bancroft in which he professes himself ' huic Ecclesise Anglicanae
conformis libenter et ex animo,' ' his conscience moving him to make this pro-
fession.' Crakanthorpe adds that, in his last moments, he desired to receive
absolution, according to the form in the liturgy, and, having received it, kissed,
in token of gratitude, the hand of Dr. Holland, the Regius Professor of Divinity,
through whose ministry his request had been gratified.
MODESTY, CHARACTER, AND LEARNING. 167
puteo, assidue hauriremus.' Bp. Hall, writing to a friend,
soon after Reynolds' death l, says : ' Since your departure
from us, Reynolds is departed from the world. Alas! how
many worthy lights have our eyes seen shining and ex-
tinguished ! . . . . Doctor Reynolds is the last ; not in worth,
but in the time of his loss. He alone was a well-furnished
library, full of all faculties, of all studies, of all learning ;
the memory, the reading of that man were near to a miracle.'
Fuller (Church History of Britain, sub 1607), for the most
part, follows Crakanthorpe, but there are one or two extracts
from his account which may be made with advantage.
Speaking of Jewel, Reynolds, and Hooker, he says : ' No one
county in England bare three such men (contemporary at
large) in what College soever they were bred, no College in
England bred such three men, in what county soever they
were born.' 'This John Reynolds at the first was a zealous
Papist, whilst William his brother was as earnest a Protestant,
and afterwards Providence so ordered it that, by their mutual
disputation, John Reynolds turned an eminent Protestant, and
William an inveterate Papist, in which persuasion he died.
This gave the occasion to an excellent copy of Verses,
concluding with this Distich,
Quod genus hoc pugnae est? ubi victus gaudet uterque,
Et simul alteruter se superasse dolet.
What war is this? when conquered both are glad,
And either to have conquered other sad.'
There is a certain confirmation of the story of the mutual
conversion in the mere existence of the verses, but it has
a very apocryphal ring, and, if Reynolds ever was ' a zealous
Papist,' it must have been as a mere boy, for, had he been
even suspected of Romish proclivities, Cole would certainly
never have entrusted to him the tuition of Hooker, and it
is difficult to conceive that, if he had been a 'zealous
Papist,' he would have been allowed, under the vigilant rule
of Cole, to have even remained in the College.
1 Epistles, Decade I, Ep. 7 (Dr. Wynter's Edition of Works, vol. vi. pp.
M9, 150)-
1 68 CONTROVERSY ON STAGE-PLAYS.
To come lastly to Antony Wood, even he, abominating, as
he did, Calvinism and Puritanism in all their forms, breaks out,
in both the Athenae and the Annals, into enthusiastic praises
of Reynolds. It is true that, after his manner, he appro-
priates the language of Crakanthorpe and others, as if it
were perfectly original and spontaneous (' as I conceive,' &c.),
but still his adoption of it is, especially considering how
strongly partisan were his opinions, sufficient evidence that he
believed it to be truthful. Possibly there is one sentence in
the Annals which he may have taken from tradition and not
from books. 'At times of leisure he delighted much to talk
with young towardly scholars, communicating his wisdom to
and encouraging them in their studies, even to the last.' In
the Athenae, Wood tells us that, 'so temperate were his
affections,' that he declined a bishopric, which was offered to
him by Queen Elizabeth.
Reynolds was a voluminous and, at one time, much-read
author, but, as the theological controversies on which his pen
was mainly employed were on a different plane from those
which interest us, his works have now passed out of vogue.
Some of his translations and orations (delivered in the capacity
of Greek reader) have also been published. His MS. notes
on Aristotle's Rhetoric I have already referred to. There
was a curious controversy in 1592 and 1593 between him and
one Dr. Gager of Ch. Ch., on the lawfulness of stage-plays,
which Reynolds condemned, even when acted by students.
Antony Wood, however, is entirely wrong in ascribing * the
occasion of this controversy to the plague with which Oxford
was visited in July and August, 1593, in consequence, as it
was supposed, of the overcrowding of the town by the access
of visitors, about the time of the Act, to witness the Plays and
Interludes brought from London. The two letters written
by Reynolds, which were subsequently published in a small
volume, entitled ' The Over-throw of Stage Plays,' are dated
respectively July 10, 1592, and May 30, 1593.
The College may be said to have had rest during the
1 See Annals, sub 1593.
APPEALS AND COLLEGE ORDERS. 169
Presidentships of Reynolds and his successor, a period of
calm between two troublous storms. At the beginning of
Reynolds' Presidency, there was, indeed, a dispute between him
and the Fellows, as we shall see in Appendix A, on the subject
of Fines, but, as the President's contention was based solely
on what he conceived to be the rights of the inferior members
of the Foundation, and was in opposition to his own pecuniary
interests, it can hardly have been attended with the bitterness
which had marked the differences on this subject with previous
Presidents. Any way, the dispute was speedily settled, though
not entirely in his sense, and we hear no more of it, till it broke
out again in the Presidency of Anyan. Apart, however, from
the settlement of specific matters of dispute, the improved
relations generally between the members of the Foundation,
were, doubtless, largely due to the personal character and
influence of the two Presidents.
In 1603, in consequence of an appeal, there was a very
lengthy injunction issued by Bp. Bilson, which, while settling
certain points of a more or less technical character with
regard to the taking of Degrees, laid down the broad principle
that the College cannot arbitrarily refuse a grace, but must
base the refusal on some defect which, after mature con-
sideration, is, in their judgment, an impediment to proceeding
to the Degree.
In 1605, the President, Seven Seniors, and Officers made an
order that on the first or second Sunday of every month, at
the time of the celebration of the Holy Communion, all
persons within the College being in Holy Orders (' ministri
verbi ') shall be bound, on pain of a fine of ten shillings, to
preach, in their turn, beginning with the Junior, in the College
Chapel. This order might, at first sight, be taken to imply
that the Communion was now only celebrated monthly, but
the language does not necessitate any such conclusion.
The more noted Scholars admitted during Reynolds'
Presidency were George Webb, Bishop of Limerick, a
famous preacher and a writer of books on practical religion,
and John Holt, subsequently President, admitted in 1599 ;
170 PRESIDENCY OF JOHN SPENSER.
Thomas Anyan, subsequently President, admitted in
and Henry Jackson, admitted in I6O21, an industrious
collector and annotator of the works of others rather than
himself an author, whose collections seem to have been plun-
dered during the troubles of the Great Rebellion.
John Spenser or Spencer, who appears to have been
a learned, capable, and peaceable man, was an appropriate
successor to Reynolds. We have already heard of him,
in connexion with his premature promotion to the Greek
Readership, during the stormy Presidency of Cole, of whom
he was brother-in-law. As he was admitted, May 7, 1579,
full fellow, in virtue of his previous election to the Greek
Readership on June 9, 1578, his age is not mentioned in the
Register, but, from Reynolds' assertion (see above, p. 143) that,
when elected to the Greek Readership, he had not yet attained
his nineteenth year, we may infer that he was born in 1559-
In the record of his taking the oaths, the day after his election,
he is described as a native of the county of Suffolk, and, as the
natives of this county were not included amongst the favoured
dioceses and counties from which alone the Fellows and
Scholars could be elected, one reason for pressing his election
as Greek Reader may have been to retain him in the College.
If so, the event justified the calculations of the electors,
though hardly the unusual course which they took. It may
be noticed that, with the exception of Spenser, no President
as yet has been taken from any diocese or county outside the
list prescribed by the Founder. The particular parish in
which Spenser was born is not specified in the Register, nor,
so far as I know, recoverable from any other source. He
1 More will be said about H. Jackson under the Presidency of Spenser, with
whom he was closely connected in the endeavour to recover and restore the
lost books of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, as well as to bring out editions of
some of his minor works. There is much interesting information with regard
to Jackson's labours on Hooker in Keble's Preface to his own edition, and the
suggestion that the long missing Seventh Book of the Ecclesiastical Polity may
have been one of the MSS. carried off or sold by the Parliamentary plunderers
at Meysey Hampton seems to me a very probable conjecture.
HIS DISTINCTIONS AND PREVIOUS CAREER. 171
must have come up to Oxford as the merest boy, if Reynolds'
assertion about his age at the time of his election to the
Greek Readership be true ; for he took his B.A. Degree,
Oct. 29, 1577, when, if that statement be accurate, he cannot
have been much over eighteen. As noticed above, he was
originally a clerk, or, possibly, a ' Famulus Praesidis.' The
Greek Readership he resigned in 1588, after holding it for
ten years, the period prescribed in the Statutes as that for
which an ' extern ' (that is, a Reader who had not been
previously a Fellow or Probationer) must serve, before he
had the right of retaining his Fellowship free from the duty
of lecturing. It may be mentioned that the foundation on
which he had been placed was that of the Diocese of Sarum
(commonly filled up by a Wiltshire scholar). Soon after
resigning his Readership, Spenser probably left Oxford, if, at
least, he be the same John Spenser who, on June 5, 1589, was
instituted to the Vicarage of Alveley, Essex, and who, on
resigning it on Sept. 16, 1592, was instituted to the Vicarage
of Broxbourne, Herts. There is no doubt, any way, that he
is the same person who was instituted, June 12, 1599, to the
Vicarage of St. Sepulchre's, Newgate, and it is under this de-
signation that he is described on taking the oaths as President
on June 9, 1607, the anniversary day, curiously, of his election
to the Greek Readership. As he is there also described as
'diocesis Londonensis,' he must have been residing in London
at the time of his admission. Indeed, he was a noted preacher
in London, chaplain to King James the First, and, there can
be little doubt, one of the Westminster company appointed
for the translation of the Epistles in King James' scheme
for the production of what is now called the Authorized
Version of the Bible. This honour is sometimes assigned
to Dr. John Spenser, Master of Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge, but he was not born till 1630, and, while there is
no other ' Dr Spencer ' of the time who seems to have been
fitted for the task, the subject of this notice, as a Royal
Chaplain, a London Incumbent, a noted preacher and divine,
the friend of Hooker and Reynolds, and a former Reader of
Greek, in a public capacity, in one of the foremost colleges of
172 CORPUS TRANSLATORS OF THE BIBLE.
Oxford, seems to be just the person who would naturally be
selected. The circumstance that, like Dr. Reynolds, he is
portrayed, on the monument erected to his memory Jn the
College Chapel, as holding a book, probably the Bible1, in
his hand, is confirmatory of the supposition. We are thus
justified in claiming for the honour of Corpus, two certainly
of the Translators of the Authorized Version, a third in all
probability, and a fourth (Daniel Featley) probably.
But Spenser's name is now chiefly known in his relation to
the works of Hooker, and that in two connexions. A certain
Hamlett Marshall, who seems to have been his curate, pub-
lished, in 1615, 'a learned and gracious sermon, preached at
Paul's Cross by that famous and judicious divine, John
Spenser, late President of Corpus Christi College in Oxford,'
on God's Love to his Vineyard, which he dedicated to John
King, then Bishop of London. In the dedication to this
sermon (which, it may be remarked, is the only writing by
Spenser which we possess, except the Address 'To the Reader,'
prefixed to his editions of the first Five Books of the Ec-
clesiastical Polity), he makes this statement: 'This of mine
own knowledge I dare affirm, that such was his humility and
modesty in that kind ' (namely, in withholding his works from
publication), 'that, when he had taken extraordinary pains,
together with a most judicious and complete Divine in our
Church, about the compiling of a learned and profitable work
now extant, yet would he not be moved to put his hand to it,
though he had a special hand in it, and, therefore it fell out
that tulit alter honores? It is very probable that Spenser,
being apparently an intimate friend, and sharing generally,
as it would seem both from the Sermon and the Address, in
the same theological opinions, would often communicate with
Hooker on the work which the latter writer was preparing,
possibly make suggestions, or have special points of difficulty
referred to him for advice or information. But that he made
any substantial contribution to the composition of the book,
1 In Dr. Reynolds' case, the book is closed, in Spenser's open. Possibly the
difference may have a meaning, as Reynolds translated a portion of the Old Testa-
ment, Spenser of the New.
SPENSEJfS CONNEXION WITH HOOKER'S WORKS. 173
without receiving due acknowledgment from the author, is a
supposition as wholly repugnant to the character of Hooker
as it is contradictory of the entire tone and spirit of the
address in which Spenser introduces his friend's work. More-
over, an insinuation of this kind, which is unsubstantiated by
any reference to confirmatory facts, has really no claim to
consideration. And, in this case, probably, we can detect
the origin of the somewhat malicious story. Henry Jackson,
a young Fellow of Corpus, was employed by Spenser to put
together the various fragments of Hooker's works, which
could still be found, with a view to a complete edition which
he was hoping to bring out, much as young scholars are being
constantly employed now by older men, in the same manner
and with similar objects. But Jackson seems to have been
a young man of a somewhat jealous and cynical temperament,
and, writing to a friend in 1612, he says, ' Puto Praesidem
nostrum emissurum sub suo nomine D. Hookeri librum octa-
vum a me plane vitae restitutum. Tulit alter honores V It
is curious, if my supposition be true, that a quotation, thus
used in disparagement of Spenser, should, after passing
through the confused mind of Marshall, have been turned
to the glory of Spenser and the disparagement of Hooker.
It would hardly have been worth while to dwell on this
matter, had not the story obtained a wide currency through
its repetition in Wood's Athenae2, where, after his manner,
it is told on his own account, and as if he were himself
responsible for its accuracy, instead of being given on the
authority of Marshall, an obscure person, whose gossip would
have probably attracted no attention.
The second point of connexion is that the first posthumous
edition of any part of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity was
brought out by Spenser3, who, in 1604, published an edition
of the first Five Books, ' without any addition or diminution
whatsoever,' with a brief, but graceful and pregnant, address
1 Fulmau MSS., vol. x. fol. 86 b.
* In the notice of John Spenser.
5 First, the first four books, and then the fifth by itself, had appeared during
Hooker's life-time.
174 SPENSER'S SYMPATHY WITH HOOKER.
'To the Reader.' One sentence in this Address may be
selected for reproduction, as shewing how completely Spenser
had imbibed the spirit of Hooker, and illustrating, possibly,
also his own manner of life and conversation : ' So much
better were it, in these our dwellings of peace, to endure any
inconvenience whatsoever in the outward form, than, in desire
of alteration, thus to set the whole house on fire.' He also
took great pains to recover, in a form fit for publication, the
remaining three books, in which effort, so far as regards the
eighth book, he seems to have been largely successful, no
doubt owing much to the co-operation of Jackson. The sixth
and eighth books were not published till 1648, the seventh
book, for the recovery of which all endeavours had hitherto
proved fruitless, not till its appearance in Gauden's edition of
1662. But Jackson's indefatigable industry was rewarded by
his being enabled to publish, from time to time, several of
Hooker's Sermons, of which that on Justification was so
rapidly sold that a new edition was almost at once called for,
as well as Travers' Supplication and Hooker's reply. Jackson's
suspicion of Spenser was by no means justified by the results.
Spenser set him on the work, supplied the materials, and
allowed him to reap the glory.
The life of the College seems to have been so perfectly
peaceful and so entirely uneventful during the brief period of
Spenser's Presidency, that there is nothing to record, except
the institution of a Hebrew Lectureship in 1607 or 8 1, but
whether it was temporary or -intended to be permanent, and
whether it was founded by the President at his own charges
or out of the College revenues, we cannot say.
Spenser died on April 3, 1614, aged fifty-five. He was
married to George Cranmer's sister, which must have been
an additional stimulus to the interest he felt in all that apper-
tained to Hooker and his works. There are some expressions
1 Fnlman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 229, a, b. '1607.8. Instituit' (sc. Spenserus)
* Prselectionem Hebraicam;' and, on the opposite side of the leaf, '1607.8.
H. Jacks. Epist. Nova hie nulla, nisi Hebraicam institutam apud nos Lectionem.'
PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS ANY AN. 175
in Marshall's dedication of the Sermon to Bishop King which
seem to imply that the widow and children were not left
in good circumstances. Spenser was buried in the College
Chapel, and his monument is appropriately placed opposite
to that of Dr. Reynolds,, each being attired in his doctor's
habits, and each holding a book, Reynolds a closed one,
Spenser an open one1.
None of the students known to have been admitted during
Spenser's Presidency seem to merit notice, unless it be
Walter, eldest son of Sir Walter Ralegh (for an account of
whom see a note to the names of the Commoners admitted in
1607), and Richard James, of Newport, in the Isle of Wight,
who, according to Wood, was "a great traveller, ' a very good
Grecian, a poet an excellent critic, antiquary, divine, and ad-
mirably well skilled in the Saxon and Gothic languages.' He
assisted Selden in the composition of the Marmora Arundeliana
and Sir Robert Cotton in the settling of his library. Thomas
Carew, the poet and song-writer, if, as Wood tells us, he was
a member of Corpus, was probably matriculated during
this Presidency. But I think it almost certain that he is
identical with the Thomas Carew who was matriculated at
Merton, June 10, 1608. See A. Clark's Register, Vol. ii. Pt 2,
p. 301, and Foster's Alumni Oxonienses, Early Series, Vol. i.
The peace of the College which had prevailed during the
Presidencies of Reynolds and Spenser was almost immediately
broken by the Presidential election which followed Spenser's
death. When the day fixed for the election (April 1 2) arrived,
a preliminary objection was raised by one of the seven seniors
(with whom the election lay) to the votes of three of the
1 The Inscription runs as follows :
Johannes Spenser
Prseses Hujus Collegii, S. Theol. Doctor, Sereniss.
Jacobo Regi A Sacris, Verse Pietatis, Eruditionis, Virtutis,
Exemplar, Omnibus Probis Sni Desiderium Relinquens,
Prseivit 3° Aprilis An. Dom. 1614.
176 DISPUTED PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.
others, but, in spite of this objection, the scrutators proceeded
to a scrutiny. According to Fulman, ' three were named :
Henry Hooke ; Thomas Anian ; Robert Burghill ; but,
none of these having a major part, they went to another
scrutiny ; and, likewise, twice after dinner, with like success :
so they adjourned. The next day, they had likewise two
scrutinies. In the last, which ended about twelve at midday,
Dr Benefield declared that
Henry Hooke had one voice,
Thomas Anian three,
and Robert Burghill three :
but, it seems, refused to pronounce who was chosen, as having
the Vice-President's suffrage.' The original statutes, which
contain elaborate regulations with regard to the election of
a President, ordain that, in the last resort, even though there
be not an absolute majority for any one name, and even
though no one name heads the list, that Candidate, amongst
those who have an equal number of votes, for whom the Vice-
President, or, in his absence, the Senior Fellow present, has
recorded his vote, shall be held to be elected. The question
as to the three disputed votes was then brought before the
Visitor (and it is to be noted that the Visitor heard Counsel
as well as the parties themselves), and was, in each case,
decided in favour of the elector, the exceptions being pro-
nounced 'false, frivolous, and devoid of all truth.' The
scrutators were then ordered to publish the scrutiny, especially
the last, stating for whom the Vice-President had voted in it.
On May 26, 'this order being read, Dr Benefield declared
(saving his duty to the King l) that, of the persons named in
the several scrutinies,
Henry Hooke had one vote, sc. Christ Membry
Robert Burghill three, sc. Sebastian Benefield
Peter Hooker
Gilbert Hawthorne
1 Fulman remarks, in a marginal note, ' It seems by this and the Visitor's Order
that there was a letter recommendatory from the King (Qu. for whom ?).' If for
any of the three persons voted for, it was, in all probability, for Anyan, who was
Chaplain to Lord Chancellor Egerton (Lord Ellesmere), at that time Lord High
Chancellor of England and Chancellor of the University.
ANY AN' S PREVIOUS CAREER. 177
Thomas Anyan three, sc. William Beely, Vice-President
Gabriel Honyfold
Brian Twyne ;
and that, in the last scrutiny, Thomas Anyan was named and
elected President by the Vice-President and the other two;
and then Christopher Membry, the other scrutator, pro-
nounced that Thomas Anyan was elected President.' The
seal was, next day, set to a certificate of these proceedings.
Anyan was duly presented to the Visitor, and, on June i,
was sworn President, this curious example of a hotly contested
election being thus finally settled.
Thomas Anian, or Anyan, was born at Sandwich in
Kent, about the 25th of February, i58f , was matriculated at
Lincoln College in June 1597, admitted Scholar of Corpus,
March 9, i6c£, aged 18, and Probationary Fellow, Nov. 21,
1608. He was thus, on his election to the Presidentship, in
the early summer of 1614, but little over thirty-one years of
age. He had preached the Act Sermon at St. Mary's on
July 12, 1612, and, the same year, proceeded to the Degree
of B.D. Though so young, he must have already become
a man of some mark in the Church, for, in 1612, he was made
Prebendary of Gloucester, and was, at the time of his election
to the Presidency, Chaplain to the Lord Chancellor Egerton,
and either then, or very shortly afterwards, Prebendary of
Canterbury. Two of his sermons were published, the Act
Sermon, mentioned above, and a Spital Sermon, preached on
April 10, 1615 l. But there seems to have been, or at least
to have been supposed to have been, some dark stain on his
character. Dr. Sebastian Benefield (a man whose testimony
we have no reason to doubt), speaking of his conduct as
scrutator, says that he 'could not pronounce Mr. Anian
1 These two Sermons, which are studded with Latin and Greek terms and
quotations, seem to be rigidly orthodox, according to the standard of the time,
and may be described as moderately Calvinistic, but without any leaning to
Puritanism. In both he expressly teaches the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration.
In the later Sermon, he quotes passages from Calvin with approval, though without
any epithet of admiration for the author ; in the earlier, he dwells on the inde-
fectibility of grace and the final salvation of the elect, as if they were familiar
truths which might be taken for granted.
N
178 PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS ANY AN.
elected for two reasons,' one of them being ' because it was in
writing exhibited unto me, under a public Notary's hand,
that Mr. Anian by reason of the infamy, wherewith he then
stood burthened, was ineligible to that place.' There is, in
the Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 233, a very plain-spoken letter,
written by Peter Hooker, acknowledging the receipt of advice
from Anian, on his appointment to the Mastership of the
Charterhouse, and intimating that he had better look at
home. Some portions of this letter do not admit of repro-
duction, but it may be mentioned that ' bribery and corruption
both in elections and offices, places, leases and copie holdes,'
drunkenness, dissoluteness, and even adultery, are not the
worst crimes which, with studied ambiguity, it is insinuated
that Anyan either commits himself or tolerates in others.
Such offences will not be tolerated, or, if they spring up, they
will be rooted out, in the writer's own society, ' and so wish-
ing you to take the like course in the College, I leave you to
God's holy protection. Sutton's hospitall. Jan. 10, 1616.
Yours as you use me, Peter Hooker.' On Oct. 10, 1618,
Henry Jackson, writing to the Visitor, Bishop Andrewes,
implores him ' ut afflictissimo Collegio succurrere velis, nosque
ab eo Praeside liberare, qui omnium sermonibus vapulat, et in
quo plurima esse audivisti, quae non solum condemnes, sed
detesteris.' It is plain from several documents preserved by
Fulman that the charges against Dr. Anyan fell under two
heads, corruption with respect to fines and elections, and
personal immorality. At length, in 1624, Drs. Richard Allyn
and Daniel Featly (Fulman MSS., vol. ix. fol. 238) petitioned
the King for a full enquiry, by means of a Royal Commission,
into the 'enormous offences' wherewith the President stood
charged, complaining, at the same time, of the injurious
manner in which he had oppressed the witnesses produced
against him, and of the vexations to which the supplicants
themselves had been subjected by means of 'arrests and
threats of suits.' On May 28 of this year, the House of
Commons, amongst the grievances enumerated in their address
to the King, complained : '(12) Wheras complaints have been
made to your Majesty's Commons, now assembled in Parlia-
HIS EVIL REPUTATION. 179
ment, against Dr Anian, President of Corpus Christi College
in Oxford, of sundrie misdemeanours in the government of
the same col ledge, and other enormous and scandalous of-
fences unworthy of his calling, degree, and place, which, upon
examination before them, have appeared, in the greatest part,
to be true : Forasmuch, as nothing can be more agreeable to
your Majesty's great knowledge and wisdom than to have
particular care of the advancement, &c your most
dutiful Commons in all humbleness beseech your most excel-
lent Majesty that some course may be taken, according to
your princely justice and wisdom, for removing the same
Dr Anian from the place of President in that colledge1.'
The next day (May 29) the King replied with respect to this
matter: 'You all took the oath of supremacy whereby you
acknowledge me to be supreme judge in ecclesiastical matters.
I have referred the matter to the Bishop of Winchester'
(Andrewes), 'who is visitor of that College, upon whose
learning, gravity, and (as I may saye) Holyness I may well
rely in that cause.' On June 12, Locke, writing to Carleton,
says : ' Many of the grievances that were complayned of by
the House of Commons do now come to be scanned at the
Council Table, amongst which one was against Dr Anian,
President of Corpus Christi in Oxford. Dr Featley, Dr
Allen, and Dr Barcroft, with others, that complained against
him, and not without a cause, are bound over to appear
before the Lords, but it is thought the King will have the
hearing of it himself2.' James I died on March 27, 1625,
1 Extracted from the State Papers (Domestic) in the Record Office, Vol. 165,
May 28, 1624. 53. The King's Reply immediately follows on the statement of
grievances. The letter of Sir Francis Nethersole to Carleton (Vol. 167, June 2.10)
evidently refers to the same matter, and gives no further information. Rushworth
(Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 147, mispaged in some copies as 151), Jac. 22
(1624), gives a somewhat different version of the King's words: 'That the form
of proceedings used by the Commons in this Parliament is also a grievance unto
His Majesty, for that they did not call the Commissioners (Are these the Com-
missioners asked for in the petition of Allyn and Featley ?), whom they complained
of, before them, touching their complaint against Dr Aynan (sic) ; His Majesty
said their oath of supremacy forbids them to meddle with Church matters : besides
they complain against him, and never heard him.' The ' him ' (bis) most
probably refers to Dr. Anyan, not the King.
a Extracted from the State Papers (Domestic), vol. 167, June 12, 1624. 50.
N 2
i8o ANY AN' S RESIGNATION.
and this same year, in the first Parliament of Charles I, the
Commons renewed their complaints against Dr. Anyan <or
' Onion '), to which the King replied that, ' if they of the
College do complain unto his Majesty of him, he will take a
course in it1.' On August 3 of this year, according to Fulman,
vol. ix. fol. 235 b, ' A Fast was kept by the Parliament at
Oxford, and a sermon at St. Marie's, which should have been
preached by Dr Anian, Pr. of C. C. C., had he not been silenced
by some of the Lower House the day before.' In June, 1626,
according to a very brief note in Fulman, he was ' citatus,*
but whether before the Visitor or a Commission or the Privy
Council we know not, nor how the proceedings were con-
ducted, nor what was the issue. Any way, in April, 1629, he
retired from his office (' cessit '). It is a remarkable circum-
stance that, in Bishop Neile's Episcopal Register at Winches-
ter, we find that, on April 14, 1629, the very month in which
Anyan resigned the Presidency, he was instituted to the
Rectory of Cranley, Surrey, on the resignation of John Holt,
his successor in the Presidency, the patron of the living being
William Holt of London. This transaction seems to suggest
some arrangement between Holt, Anyan, and the College,
but, unless Bishop Neile was singularly indifferent to the
morals of his clergy, it affords a presumption that the Visitor,
being willing to institute Anyan to a rectory in his own
diocese, did not himself give credence to the more scandalous
charges against him. The only other fact we know about
Anyan is that recorded by Fulman (MSS., vol. ix. fol. 235 b)
at the end of his notes : ' Obiit Cantuariae, ubi Prsebendarius
erat, (a yere or two after2 (his resignation)) of the small
Pockes, buryed ignominiously by his wife Martha.'
Whether Anyan was or was not guilty, and, if guilty, in
what degree, of the scandalous charges insinuated against him,
it is impossible at this distance of time, and with no direct
evidence before us, to' determine. We must recollect that,
Locke to Carleton. The complaint of Dr. Featley, &c., must be the same as
the one mentioned above. Whether it preceded or succeeded the statement of
grievances by the Commons, we do not know.
1 Heylin's Bibliotheca Regia, pt. ii. p. 277.
2 According to Le Neve's Fasti, in January 163!.
THE MONTAGUE VEST, 181
at this particular period and for some time before and after,
charges of this kind were wildly and recklessly brought
against theological, political, and even literary opponents, and
one party in a College, when College feuds ran high, would
probably have little scruple in calumniating another. The
foregoing extracts will shew that the opinion of contemporaries
seems to have been divided on the matter, at least as between
doubt and conviction, though the adverse interpretation was
plainly preponderant. On the less serious charges, those
connected with the administration of the College, namely,
corruption in elections and extortion and misappropriation
in respect to fines, Anyan, like Greenway, was probably
guilty ; and, indeed, from Bocher's Presidency to Anyan's,
there seems to have been an evil tradition amongst the
Presidents of the College, with respect to the fines, excepting
only Reynolds and Spenser, whose high character and nobler
interests saved them from giving way to this mean temptation.
The appeal to the Visitor (Bishop Bilson) in reference to
the disputes arising out of Anyan's election, with his decision,
has already been mentioned. In i6if, Bishop Montague
decided, in conformity with Ch. 26 of the Statutes, that, in
all University Elections, members of the foundation, having
votes in Convocation, should ' certify their unanimity at home
by their unanimity abroad,' and 'conform themselves to the
inclination and disposition of the President.' One wonders
how far, during the subsequent disputes between the President
and Fellows, this interpretation was regarded. Perhaps the
dissentients took refuge in neutrality.
About the same time (Feb. 5, i5if) was made the im-
portant order, shortly afterwards sanctioned by the Visitor,
with reference to the increase of the allowance for Vests,
Gowns, or Liveries, as they were indifferently called. This
additional allowance was subsequently called, in honour of
the Visitor who sanctioned it, the Montague Vest, but it is
more convenient to reserve the account of this change and its
results till I come to treat of the financial history of the
College in Appendix A. Soon after according this very con-
siderable boon, Bishop Montague appears to have become the
I Sz CELEBRATION OF THE CENTENARY.
guest of the College at the celebration of its Centenary, which
probably occurred on or about March 5, i6i£. On his
arrival, the youth of the College (' nos tenuior juvente(ae)
soboles, qui manum ferulae dudum subduximus') presented
him with a collection of Latin epigrams *, which are of much
the same character and quality as other compositions of that
kind at this period. They are characterized by the frequent
playing upon the Bishop's name (' Jacobus de Monte Acuto '),
for the inevitable conjunction of him with his name-sake, the
King, and for the expressions of gratitude to him as a second
founder (' Qui Foxi domui, Foxus ut alter, ades ') on account
of his recent concession with respect to the ' Montague Vests.'
Amongst the contributors are Robert Hegge (the compiler
of the Catalogue of Fellows and Scholars) and Edmund
Staunton, subsequently President.
In i6i|, the President and Fellows, with the consent and
approbation of the Visitor, order that, besides the stipends
allotted by the Founder, the Vice-President shall have, for
the care of the Library and Divines, £4 per annum ; the two
Deans, for the care of the Bachelors, £2 each per annum ; the
two Lecturers 8j. ^d. each per quarter ; the two Bursars, pro
cura Braccatorum (the servants or, perhaps, those servants
who were not students) £4 per annum between them ; the
Logic Lecturer $s. per quarter : which allowances are to take
place only in case 100 Marks are carried into the Tower2.
On June i, 1615, a decree of the President, Seniors and
Officers was issued requiring, on pain of a fine of 13^. 4d. for
each omission, all those Masters of Arts on the Foundation,
who were between the standing of one year and four years
from their inception (when they became subject to the obliga-
tion of preaching before the University), to preach, in turn,
in the College Chapel, as a kind of exercise, for the space of
1 This collection is preserved in the Bodleian Library, MS. Rawl. Poetry, 171,
fol. 100, &c. It was kindly pointed out to me by Mr. F. Madan.
3 It appears from the Register that Thomas White, who was admitted Chaplain
in 1623, had agreed, in 1621, to perform the duties of that office, provisionally,
for his living and clothing and 6s. Sd. per term. The money payment was exactly
double that of Thomas Newman, who was engaged provisionally as Butler
in 1627.
ROBERT HEGGE AND EDWARD POCOCK. 183
half an hour, on certain Saturdays at the time of morning
prayers. The document is signed by Thomas Anyan, President,
Peter Hooker, Vice-President, Sebastian Benefield, Thomas
Jackson, George Sellar, and Robert Barcroft.
The members of the College, most worthy of mention,
admitted during Anyan's Presidency, were, amongst the
scholars: Robert Hegge, admitted 1614, 'a. prodigy of his
time for forward and good natural parts,' according to Wood,
who died when only thirty, and was buried in the College
chapel, leaving behind him several MS. works, which included
the ' Legend of St Cuthbert with the Antiquities of the
Church of Durham ' (afterwards published), a ' Treatise of
Dials and Dialling,' still in the College Library, containing
drawings and descriptions of Kratzer's dial in the Garden,
and Turnbull's in the Quadrangle1, and the MS. 'Catalogus'
of Fellows and Scholars of C. C. C., invaluable for reference,
which, with its continuations down to the present time, is in
the custody of the President ; Robert Nulin, Newlin, or Newlyn,
also admitted in 1614, elected President in 1640, and, after
expulsion by the Parliamentary Visitors, restored in 1660 ;
Edmund Staunton, the Parliamentary President, admitted in
1615 ; Edward Pocock, a native of the parish of St. Peter in
the East, Oxford, admitted Scholar Dec. n, 1620, having
been previously a member of Magdalen Hall, for some time
Chaplain at Aleppo, subsequently Laudian Professor of Arabic,
1 Kratzer's dial in the Garden has unfortunately disappeared, without a trace of
it being left. Turnbull's dial in the quadrangle bears two dates, 1581 and 1605,
the former of which is the probable date of its construction, the later date being
probably that of some tables painted subsequently on the cylinder, which do not
appear in the drawing given in Hegge's Treatise. It should be noticed that,
in Hegge's drawing of this dial, the structure terminates with the octagonal base
of the cylinder, resting on a platform, approached by four steps, and surrounded
with rails. The present square pedestal, which is much defaced, owing to the
softness of the stone, and seems older than the cylinder, is not figured in Hegge's
drawing. It cannot have been part of Kratzer's dial, which was differently
shaped, and where it came from we cannot now say. There are two copies of
Hegge's MS. Treatise on Dials in the Corpus Library : one a small quarto
(perfect) ; the other a folio (imperfect), bound up with much miscellaneous matter.
The figures in the latter copy are better executed than in the former, though,
in the case of the cylindrical dial, we miss the view of the quadrangle which
we have in the quarto. The drawings were probably executed between 1625
and 1630.
184 BRIEF PRESIDENCY OF JOHN HOLT.
Rector of the College living of Childrey, Berks, Regius Pro-
fessor of Hebrew and Canon of Ch. Ch., one of the greatest
Oriental scholars whom England has ever produced, and
hardly less remarkable for his pure, blameless, and exalted
character (see Locke's letter to Mr. Smith of Dartmouth,
July 23, 1703, quoted in Twells' Life and Bliss' Edition of
Wood's Athenae Oxonienses); and Edmund Vaughan, admitted
Scholar 1627, author of the Life of Dr. Thomas Jackson, to
which I shall presently refer. The only other member of the
College, worthy of mention, who entered during Anyan's
Presidency, seems to be Edward Rainbow, subsequently
Bishop of Carlisle, who is said by Antony Wood (Ath. Ox.)
to have entered C. C. C. in July 1623, and, two years after-
wards, to have migrated to Magdalen College, Cambridge,
of which, in 1642, he became Master.
On Anian's cession, John Holt was elected to the Presi-
dency (Apr. 24, 1629) and sworn on the first of May following.
All that we know of him, in addition, is that he was born at
Chertsey, in Surrey, about the Feast of the Purification
(Feb. 2), i58f, admitted Scholar Jan. 3, if ££, Probationary
Fellow, Oct. 19, 1611, installed Prebendary of Westminster
on Nov. 29, 1619, died at London, Jan. 10, 163^, when
he had been President little more than a year and eight
months, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. During his
brief Presidency, only three Scholars were admitted, one of
whom was Richard Samwaies, a man of some note in his time,
who was ejected from his Fellowship by the parliamentary
commissioners in 1648, and, after suffering great misery, re-
stored at the Restoration.
The next President, Thomas Jackson 1, was a man of great
1 I may be excused, perhaps, for explaining that certain points of identity
between this notice of Jackson and that in the Diet. Nat. Biog. are due, not to my
having borrowed from that article, but to my having supplied corrections and
suggestions to the Editor, as it was passing through the Press.
PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS JACKSON. 185
note both as a scholar and a theologian. He was born at
Witton super Were in the Bishopric of Durham, about the
feast of St. Thomas the Apostle (Dec. 31), 1579. According
to Vaughan's Life, prefixed to Jackson's Works, he was orig-
inally designed for a mercantile life at Newcastle, where
many of his friends lived in great wealth and prosperity, but,
at the instance of Lord Eure, as we learn from his own dedica-
tion of his Commentaries on the Creed, his parents consented
to send him up to Oxford. He was matriculated as a mem-
ber of Queen's, June 25, 1596, and there was under the tuition
of Crackanthorpe, the famous theologian and logician, of whom
I have already spoken in connexion with Dr. Reynolds. Nine
months afterwards, March 24, 159^, he was elected to a
Scholarship at Corpus, 'where,' according to his biographer,
' although he had no notice of the vacancy of the place till
the day before the election, yet he answered with so much
readiness and applause, that he gained the admiration as
well as the suffrages of the electors, and was chosen with full
consent, although they had received letters of favour from
great men for another scholar.' ' A sure and honourable
argument/ he adds, 'of the incorruptedness of that place,
where the peremptory mandamus of the pious founder, nee
prece> nee pretio, presented with the merits of a young man
and a stranger, shall prevail more than all other solicitations
and partialities whatsoever.' Soon after his migration to
Corpus, he narrowly escaped being drowned in the river,
though he had not gone out for the purpose of boating, as
would be the case in our own time, but ' with others of the
younger company to wash himself.' When he was taken out
of the water, he was supposed to be dead, and was ' lapped up
in the gowns of his fellow-students, the best shroud that love
or necessity could provide.' Under the skilful care of the
' medicinae deputatus,' Dr. Chennell, he at length recovered,
and the event seems to have made a deep impression both
upon himself and others, who ' concluded him to be reserved
for high and admirable purposes.' ' His grateful acknow-
ledgments towards the fisherman and his servants that took
him up knew no bounds, being a constant revenue to them
1 86 JACKSON'S PREVIOUS CAREER.
whilst he lived.' As the succession had now become slow,
he was not admitted Probationary Fellow till May 10, 1606.
It must be of about this time that his biographer speaks,
when he says that ' he was furnished with all the learned lan-
guages, arts and sciences, as the previous dispositions or
beautiful gate which led him into the temple ; but especially
metaphysics, as the next in attendance, and most necessary
handmaid to divinity, which was the mistress where all his
thoughts were fixed. The reading to younger scholars, and
some employments imposed by the Founder, were rather
recreations and assistances than diversions from that intended
work.' After he became actual Fellow, ' the offices which he
undertook (out of duty, not desire) were never the most
profitable, but the more ingenuous ; not such as might fill his
purse, but increase his knowledge.' Two sons of Lord
Spencer of Wormleighton, Edward and Richard, who matri-
culated in the autumn of 1609, were commended to histharge.
' He read a lecture of divinity in the college every Sunday
morning, and another day of the week at Pembroke College
(then newly erected), by the instance of the Master and
Fellows there. He was chosen Vice-President many years
together, who by his place was to moderate the disputations
in Divinity. In all these he demeaned himself with great
depth of learning, far from that knowledge which puffeth up,
but accompanied with all gentleness, courtesy, humility, and
moderation.' In 1622, he proceeded to the Degree of D.D.,
and, shortly afterwards1, though in what order it is difficult
to say nor is the matter now of any importance, he was pre-
sented to the two livings of Newcastle on Tyne and Winston,
both in the Bishopric of Durham, which he seems to have
held together till his election to the Presidency. About the
same time that he moved to the North, he became Chaplain
1 In Rymer's Foedera, XVIII. 660, quoted from Baker in Bliss' Ed. of Wood's
Athense, the Dispensation to hold Winston together with Newcastle is dated
May 12, 1625. Fulman has the entry 'Collegio cessit (i. e. he resigned his
Fellowship) Jan. 3, 162^.' In the Register there is a curious document, dated
April 16, 1616, in which the President and Fellows engage to present Jackson
to the College Living of Trent in Somersetshire, when next vacant. But no
vacancy occurred till after his promotion in the North.
HIS WORK AS A PARISH PRIEST. 187
to Bp. Neile of Durham, who, according to Wood, ' took him
off from his precise way,' that is from Puritanism. At New-
castle, again to quote Wood, 'he was much followed and
admired for his excellent way of preaching, which was then
{i.e. at first) puritanical.' 'This,' says Vaughan, 'was the
place where he was first appointed by his friends to be a
merchant ; but he chose rather to be a factor for heaven 1.
One precious soul refined, polished, and fitted for his Master's
use, presented by him, was of more value to him than all
other purchases whatsoever.' When he went out into the
streets, we are told, he usually gave what money he had to
the poor, £ who, at length, flocked so unto him, that his ser-
vant took care that he had not too much in his pocket.' To
proceed with Vaughan's account, ' After some years of his
continuance in this town, he was invited back again to the
University by the death of the President of the same College,
being chosen in his absence at so great a distance, so un-
expectedly, without any suit or petition upon his part, that
he knew nothing of the vacancy of the place, but by the same
letters that informed him that it was conferred upon himself:
a preferment of so good account, that it hath been much
desired and eagerly sought after by many eminent men, but
never before went so far to be accepted of. Upon his return
to Oxford, and admission to his government, they found no
alteration by his long absence and more converse with the
world, but that he appeared yet more humble in his elder
times.' ' He ruled in a most obliging manner the fellows,
scholars, servants, tenants, nemo ab eo tristis discessit, no man
departed from him with a sad heart, excepting in this par-
ticular, that by some misdemeanour or willing error they had
created trouble or given any offence unto him. He used
the friends as well as the memory of his predecessors fairly.
He was prxsidens pacificus, a lover and maker of peace.
He silenced and composed all differences, displeasures, and
1 Thomas Fuller (Worthies of England, 1662), from whom this epigrammatic
sentence is sometimes quoted, simply follows Vaughan, whose Life of Jackson
first appeared in 1653, being prefixed to the first three Books of the Commentary
on the Creed.
1 88 JACKSON'S CONDUCT AS PRESIDENT.
animosities by a prudent impartiality, and the example of his
own sweet disposition. All men taking notice that nothing
was more hateful unto him than hatred itself, nothing more
offensive to his body and mind ; it was a shame and cruelty
(as well as presumption) to afflict his peaceable spirit. It is
a new and peculiar art of discipline, but successfully practised
by him, that those under his authority were kept within
bounds and order, not so much out of fear of the penalty,
as out of love to the governor. He took notice of that which
was good in the worst men, and made that an occasion to
commend them for the good's sake ; and living himself tan-
guam nemini ignosceret, as if he were so severe that he could
forgive no man, yet he reserved large pardons for the imper-
fections of others.' ' I can truly avouch this testimony con-
cerning him, that, living in the same college with him more
than twenty years (partly when he was Fellow, and partly
when he returned President), I never heard, to my best re-
membrance, one word of anger or dislike against him.' Fuller
(Worthies of England) sums up Jackson's work as President
in the following pithy and alliterative sentence : ' Here he
lived piously, ruled peaceably, wrote profoundly, preached
painfully.'
Still speaking of his conduct in the Presidency, Vaughan
continues : ' His devotions towards God were assiduous and
exemplary, both in public and private. He was a diligent
frequenter of the public service in the chapel very early in
the morning, and at evening, except some urgent occasions
of infirmity did excuse him. His private conferences with
God by prayer and meditation were never omitted upon any
occasion whatsoever. When he went the yearly progress to
view the college-lands, and came into the tenant's house,
it was his constant custom (before any other business, dis-
course, or care of himself, were he never so wet or weary)
to call for a retiring room to pour out his soul unto God, who
led him safely in his journey. And this he did not out of
any specious pretence of holiness, to devour a widow's house
with more facility, rack their rents, or enhance their fines.
For, excepting the constant revenue to the founder (to whom
HIS REPUTED ARMINIAN1SM. 189
he was a strict accomptant), no man ever did more for them
or less for himself.'
Jackson was sworn as President, Feb. 17, 163^. The entry
in Fulman runs : ' Mortuo Holto, eligitur absens, nee quidquam
minus cogitans, Thomas Jackson.' Wood says that he was
' elected partly with the helps of Neile, Bishop of Durham '
(now of Winchester), 'but more by the endeavours of Dr
Laud.' As a matter of fact, he was recommended by the King,
to whom he was already Chaplain (see Calendar of State Papers,
Domestic, sub Jan. 12, 163^), though very likely at the instance
of Laud. It was probably due to the same influence that he
was made Vicar of Witney (to which office he was instituted
in 1632, on the King's presentation during the vacancy of
the see of Winchester, and which he resigned in 1637), Pre-
bendary of Winchester (in 1635) and Dean of Peterborough
(Oct. 29, 1638). The Headship, Deanery, and Canonry l
he held together till his death ; the important living of
Newcastle he resigned, shortly after his election at Corpus 2.
There is no doubt that, during the latter part of his life,
Jackson was closely identified with Laud, Neile, and, generally,
with the Arminian party in the Church. In the Epistle
Dedicatory to Lord Pembroke (1627), prefixed to the Sixth
Book of the Comments on the Creed 3, he all but accepts
the imputation of Arminianism (that is, anti-calvinism), though
he appears to think that the rival doctrines admit of recon-
ciliation. As a consequence of this attitude, he was violently
attacked by the Puritan writers, such as Prynne and Burton,
and appears to have attracted the attention of Parliament
and Convocation. In his Anti-Arminianism (ed. of 1630,
p. 270), Prynne, who may be taken as a sufficient representa-
tive of his party, says, speaking of Jackson : ' The last of
these, a man otherwise of good abilities, and of a plausible,
1 But, according to Vaughan, he was very anxious to resign the Canonry, and
only prevented by the Bishop refusing to accept his resignation.
2 See Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Nov. 28, 1631. Bp. Howson of
Durham to Bp. Laud. Received, Nov. 14, letters from His Majesty requiring
him to give restitution to Mr. Alvey into Dr. Jackson's Vicarage at Newcastle,
which was done before those letters came.
3 Works, vol. v. pp. 4, 5.
190 JACKSON ATTACKED BY THE PURITANS.
affable, courteous deportment till of late ; being transported
beyond himselfe with metaphysicall contemplations, to his
owne infamy, and his renowned Mother's shame (I meane
the famous University of Oxford, who grieves for his defec-
tion, from whose duggs he never suckt his poisonous doc-
trines), as his evidence is intricate and obscure beyond the
reach or discovery of ordinary capacities, so it hath bin
blanched and blasted by a Parliamentary Examination, ex-
cepted against by the Convocation House, answered by some,
disavowed by most of our Divines.' The Parliamentary
Examination must have been before the ' Committee of
Religion,' of whose proceedings we have no account, though
the result of them is contained in a report, which is entered
in the Journal of the House of Commons (vol. I. p. 924). It
runs thus : Jan. 29, i62-|. Mr Prynne reporteth to the House
a Frame of a Declaration agreed upon by the Committee
of Religion; and followeth in these words. 'That we, the
Commons, assembled in Parliament, do claim, profess, and
avow, for Truth, that sense of the Articles of Religion, which
were established in Parliament, in the 1 3th year of the Reign
of Queen Elisabeth, which, by the public acts of the Church
of England, and by the general and current expositions of
the writers of our Church, hath been delivered unto us ; and
we reject the sense of the Jesuits, Arminians, and of all other,
wherein they differ from us.' This, upon Question, agreed.
It is probably to these transactions that Barnabas Oley refers
in the Life of George Herbert, prefixed to his Remains which
were published in 1652, where he relates that Dr. Jackson
' had like to have been sore shent by the Parliament in the
year 1628 for Tenets in Divinity, I cannot say so far driven
by him as by some men now they are with great applause.
His approach to Unity was very near,' &c. Of any excep-
tions taken to Jackson's doctrines in Convocation, there is,
so far as I am aware, now no record. Cardwell's Synodalia
does not contain any account of proceedings in Convocation
at this period, and I am not acquainted with any other men-
tion of any action or discussion on Jackson's works except
this allusion to them by Prynne.
REVIVAL OF INTEREST IN HIS WORKS. 191
That Jackson's views had ceased, In later life, to be Cal-
vinistic and had become what were then called Arminian,
has already been stated. On Church authority, the nature
and efficacy of the Sacraments, and kindred questions, he
was in accord with the school of Laud. Hence the revived
interest in his works amongst the divines of what is com-
monly called the High Church Party in the middle of the
present century l. They were re-published, at Oxford, by the
Delegates of the Clarendon Press in 1844, in 13 vols. octavo,
the previous edition of the entire works having been published
in London, in 1673, under the superintendence of Barnabas
Oley. There are several sermons and smaller treatises, but
far the most important of his works is the Commentary on
the Creed in twelve Books, the first two of which were printed
in 1613, and the rest at various times during his life and after
his death.
During the latter part of his life, Jackson, according to his
biographer, ' seemed to be very prophetical of the ensuing
times of trouble,' and, ' as he was always a reconciler of dif-
ferences in his private government, so he seriously lamented
the public breaches of the kingdom.' ' At the first entrance
of the Scots into England, he had much compassion for his
countrymen, although that were but the beginning of their
sorrows.' ' One drop of Christian blood (though never so
cheaply spilt by others, like water upon the ground) was
a deep corrosive to his tender heart.' ' His body grew weak,
the cheerful hue of his countenance was impaled and dis-
coloured, and he walked like a dying mourner in the streets.
1 This, however, was not the first revival of interest in Jackson's Works.
William Jones of Nayland, in his Life of Bp. Home (1799), speaks of Dr. Jackson
as ' a magazine of theological knowledge, everywhere penned with great elegance
and dignity, so that his style is a pattern of perfection. His writings, once
thought inestimable by every-body but the Calvinists, had been greatly neglected,
and would probably have continued so, but for the praises bestowed upon them by
the celebrated Mr Merrick of Trinity College, Oxford <fl. 1765), who brought
them once more into repute with many learned readers. The early extracts of
Mr Home, which are now remaining, shew how much information he derived from
this excellent writer, who deserves to be numbered with the English fathers of the
church.' I have borrowed this quotation from Bliss' ed. of Wood's Athens
Oxonienses.
192 JACKSON'S ILLNESS, DEATH, AND WILL.
But God took him from the evil to come ; it was a sufficient
degree of punishment for him to foresee it ; it had been more
than a thousand deaths unto him to have beheld it with his
eyes.' Vaughan, with many others, was in his chamber when
he died, and describes his pious ejaculations, couched in the
ever appropriate language of the Psalmist. He died in Col-
lege, Sept. 31, 1640, and was buried in the inner chapel, but,
as Wood says, ' hath no memory at all over his grave.'
Jackson's Will, and the inventory of his effects, obtained
from the Archives of the University, are printed in the intro-
ductory matter to the Clarendon Press edition of his Works.
They are both of them interesting documents, as shewing
how little he thought of this world's goods, and how much in
his mind were his College and his friends. He bequeaths to
the College fifteen or sixteen volumes of books, some of which
are still in the College Library, together with a little gold
box, still in the custody of the President, ' wherein I have
usuallie kept the Founder's ring' (or, more strictly rings, as
there are two, the episcopal ring, in which a sapphire is set,
and the signet ring on which a pelican, in its piety, is en-
graved)1. Christopher Downes was appointed sole executor,
and Dr. Sheldon, Warden of All Souls (subsequently Arch-
bishop of Canterbury), and Robert Newlyn, his successor in
the Presidency, the former described as his ' deare and loving
brother,' the latter as his ' loving friend,' the overseers, of his
Will. To the overseers was commended ' the care and cus-
tody of all my papers and manuscripts, to be perused and
published as they thinke fitt/ These papers and manuscripts,
1 The same box now contains a third ring, of later and inferior workmanship,
on which is engraved a waxing moon, with the motto ' Non sistor latratu.' There
used to be in the College a tradition that this device was adopted by the Founder
as a defiance of Wolsey, but there is no evidence, or, as it seems to me, much
probability, that it was the Founder's ring, and, moreover, as we have seen, friendly
relations, at least in appearance and probably in reality, subsisted between the
Founder and Wolsey, to the end of Foxe's life. In Claymond's Will, after be-
queathing the sapphire ring to Morwent and his successors, he adds : ' privatim
autem magistro Morwent annulum meum obsignatorium.' Can this be the ring
with the device of the waxing moon ? Or, possibly, it might be the ring with
the pelican. But, even in that case, the latter may have originally belonged to
the Founder. Any way, in Jan Rave's portrait in the Hall, Bp. Foxe appears
to be wearing this ring together with the sapphire ring.
ADMISSIONS DURING HIS PRESIDENCY. 193
Vaughan tells us, the ' Bishop of Armagh,' that is Archbishop
Usher, 'being at his funerals, much desired might be care-
fully preserved.' The total amount of property, included
in the Inventory, is valued at .£270 iSs. od., of which, how-
ever, £69 8s. qd. is set down as ' desperate debts.' The value
of the books amounts to .£109 us. od., of the 'little gold
boxe ' to £2 los. od., so that the personal property, exclusive
of books, and deducting the bad debts, was, even for those
times and at the then value of money, remarkably small.
He may, however, have devised real estate in a separate
document.
As the stormy Presidency of Cole was followed by the
quiet times of Reynolds and Spenser, so the still more stormy
period of Anyan's Presidency was followed, after the brief
interval of Holt's, by the profound peace of Jackson's rule.
There is no trace, in the College Records, of any Visitation,
or Appeal, nor indeed is there any College event to record,
an indication, probably, that the time of the Society was
devoted to study and the offices of religion.
Of the more eminent men admitted during Jackson's
Presidency may be mentioned James Hyde, Regius Professor
of Medicine and Principal of Magdalen Hall, admitted Scholar
in 1632 ; Robert Carey, Archdeacon of Exeter, author of
a chronological work, entitled Palaeologia chronica, admitted
Scholar, 1634 ; Samuel Crumlum or Crumblehome, High
Master of St. Paul's, matriculated (but in what capacity we
do not know) in 1635 ; Robert Frampton, matriculated in
1637, in the capacity, according to Wood, of a chorister, for
a long time chaplain at Aleppo, afterwards successively Dean
and Bishop of Gloucester, in which office, after refusing to
take the oaths to William and Mary, he was succeeded
by another Corpus man, Dr. Edward Fowler ; and John
Lenthall, matriculated as a commoner or what was sub-
sequently called a 'Gentleman Commoner' on Sept. 12,
1640, the only or only surviving son of the Speaker of the
Long Parliament, subsequently knighted both by Cromwell
J94 FIRST PRESIDENCY OF ROBERT NEWLYN.
and Charles II, of whom Antony Wood says, with the
characteristic bitterness of a political partisan, that he was
' the grand braggadocio and Iyer of the age he lived in V It
may be noticed that, during Jackson's Presidency, the number
of admissions of gentlemen commoners was abnormally large,
including many young men of rank. Among the entries in the
University Matriculation Book, under the head of Corpus, are :
Oct. 10. 1634. ' Georgius Chandois. Oxon. fil. Nobilissimi
Domini Gray Chandois de Castro Shudley (Sude-
ley) Baronis in com. Glocestr: ipse jam Baro (6th
Baron) ejusdem loci. 14.'
Mar. 16. i638<9>. ' Gul. Bridges. Gloc. fil. 2U8 de Gray
Bridges Baronis de Sudley in com. prd. 17.'
On the death of Jackson, Robert Newlin, Newlyn, Newling,
Neulin, or Nulin, was elected President, and was sworn Oc-
tober 9, 1640. He was born at Priors-deane, Hampshire2,
1 Wood's Athense Oxonienses, sub William Lenthall. The entry in the University
Matriculation Book is ' 1640. Sept. 12. Johes Lenthall Oxon fil Johis Lenthall de
Burford Arm. 15.' The Speaker then had a house at Burford, his son John was
born in i62|, a date which would well correspond with the date of his matricula-
tion, and Mr. E. K. Lenthall of Bessels Leigh, who has obligingly examined into the
matter, informs me that he has no doubt that this is the son of the Speaker
mentioned by A. Wood, and that Johis in the matriculation book is a mistake for
Gulielmi, the Christian name of the Speaker.
A previous Lenthall, 'Joh. Leynthall e C. C. C. Generos. 1603,' appears in
the Alphabetical List, given at the end of Vol. XI of the Fulman MSS., and, if
not identical (which I think possible) with the ' Joh. Leynthall Oxon. Arm. fil. 15,'
who matriculated at St. John's on Dec. 4, 1601 (see A. Clark's Register of
Matriculations) and may have migrated to Corpus, was probably a cousin of the
Speaker. The St. John's Lenthall, Mr. E. K. Lenthall believes to have been the
Speaker's elder brother.
2 Wood's Diary (Life and Times, ed. Clark, vol. iii. p. 258) supplies some
additional information about Newlyn. The place of his birth, we are told, was
Goldley or Goldleigh in the parish of Prior's Deane, and his father's name was
Richard. ' He took to wife, about an yeare before his majesty Charles II's restaura-
tion, Jane the daughter of Dr Daniel Collins prebendarie of Windsor, widow of
William Dring, a clergie man ; but had no issue by her. The said Dring left her
a joynture of £40 per annum, which was all that maintained them, till the said
Dr Newlin was restored to his Presidentship.' There is no mention of any
former wife, and, any way, I was in error in assuming, in my article on C. C. C. in
the ' Colleges of Oxford,' that some of the numerous Newlyns, who enjoyed the
endowments of Corpus, were sons or grandsons of the President. From Mr.
HIS CHARACTER AND PREVIOUS CAREER, 195
about the end of December, 1597. He was admitted to his
Scholarship, aged nearly seventeen, on Nov. 7, 1614, and was
matriculated in the University, the College at that time not
being specified, on the following 9th of December. Previously
to his election at Corpus, he had probably been a chorister at
Magdalen, one ' Newling ' being mentioned by Dr. Bloxam,
in his Register of Magdalen, as a chorister from 1 609 to 1614.
Fulman, moreover, in his brief memoranda of Newlyn, has
' Magd. ColL' without any date. On July 15, 1622, he was
admitted Probationer. He took his M.A. Degree in 1620,
his B.D. in 1628, and his D.D. in 1641, after his election to
the Presidency. Though Jackson speaks of him as his 'loving
friend/ he does not seem to have been a man remarkable in
any way1. After his restoration in 1660, he developed, to an
inordinate degree, the quality of nepotism, and was frequently
embroiled in quarrels with the Fellows. But, during the
period of his Presidency preceding his expulsion, he appears
to have led a quiet life, and there are no signs, at least in the
College records 2, of any disturbances in the College till the
advent of the Parliamentary Visitors in 1648. Amongst the
persons expelled by the Visitors, however, on Oct. 2, 1648,
was one 'Mr. Newlyn, Steward (i.e. Clerk of Accompt),
Foster's invaluable work Alumni Oxonienses, Early Series, it seems that all those
who were appointed to Clerkships or Choristerships or elected to Scholarships
during Newlyn's Presidency were sons of either Robert Newlyn of Oxford, Steward
of the College, or Thomas Newlyn, ' Minister ' of Bix, both of whom, as appears
from the President's will, preserved in the University Archives, were his nephews.
1 Wood, however (Annals, sub 1633). speaking of the controversy then going
on in Oxford between the Calvinists and Arminians, says : ' I have heard that
some young Divines, at this time students in Oxford, had their meetings once in a
fortnight, wherein were handled controversies relating to Arminianism, not for,
but chiefly against it ; one of which was lately Archbishop of Canterbury '
{namely, Gilbert Sheldon), ' and others whose minds changed became Bishops
and Deans ; and the person at whose chambers they usually met ' (Robert Newlin)
' had the honor to be called Boger-mannus, at this time President of Corp. Ch. Coll.'
2 In an Appendix, however, to the Life and Death of Edmund Staunton, D.D.,
by Richard Mayow (p. 69), there is a statement that ' the House, before his ' (Staun-
ton's) ' time, had been much troubled with divisions.' It is difficult, however, to
know what value to attach to such a statement coming from a theological partisan,
and there are no documentary or independent confirmations of this charge. From
the beginning of the Civil War, there would, of course, be political divisions
in the Society, but I am here alluding, not to theological or political, but
domestic broils.
O 2
196 NEWLYN'S SUBSEQUENT NEPOTISM.
for Non-appearance.' The name suggests a relative of the
President, and may, therefore, be regarded as a presage of the
gross nepotism which marked the second period of his Presi-
dency. Indeed it was that of a nephew, whose four sons, like
the four sons of his brother Thomas, were afterwards provided
for out of the endowments of Corpus. The only College docu-
ment, excepting the records of punishments, relating to this
period of Newlyn's Presidency is an Order of the Seniority,
dated January 4, 164!, 'That no man after this Quarter shall
receive bread, beer, or any other provision out of the College
Buttery, unless he put in caution to the Butler.' But the Order
is only temporary, while 'the debts to the Brewers and Bakers
for this present Quarter remain unsatisfied,' and till certain
other dues are discharged. The first Register of Punishments
begins with the year 1641, the previous ones having been
lost. It has already been stated that the culprit was obliged
to write a record of his punishment in his own hand, which
was preserved in a register and delivered over at the end of
every term by the Deans to the Bursars ; the punishments
recorded being chiefly deprivations of commons, involving
a money payment or subtraction of stipend at the end of
term. Extracts from these registers will be given in an
Appendix.
There were only two persons admitted l between Newlyn's
entering on the Presidency and his ejection by the Parlia-
mentary Visitors, who need be mentioned : John Betts, an
eminent physician, admitted Scholar 164! ; and William
Fulman, the last scholar he admitted during the first period
of his Presidency, Jan. 28, 164^. With Fulman were admitted
eleven others. It would be ungrateful to pass over, with a mere
allusion, one to whom this book is so much indebted, and who
laboured so assiduously in the cause of the archives and
antiquities of the College. William Fulman was born at
Penshurst in Kent, in November, 1632, and was, according
1 On Nov. 4, 1642 (on occasion of the admission of Thomas Drury to be
Scholar), the date of birth is, for the last time, given approximately on some
Church Festival. For some years before this time, the practice had been dropping
out, but, in the earlier years of the Register, it was almost universal.
WILLIAM FULMAN. 197
to Wood, the son of a ' sufficient carpenter ' of that place.
' Being a youth of pregnant parts while the most learned
Dr Hammond was parson there, he took him into his
protection, carried him with him to Oxon in the time of
the troubles, procured him a chorister's place in Magd. Coll.
and caused him to be carefully educated in grammar learning
in the school joyning to that house, under the tuition of
Mr William White the vigilant master thereof. And being
there well grounded in school learning, that worthy doctor
put him upon standing for a scholar's place in Corp. Ch.
Coll. where, shewing himself an exact proficient in classical
learning, was forthwith elected in 164^; and put under the
tuition of an excellent tutor but zealous puritan, named
Zach. Bogan.' On July 23 following, he was expelled. The
circumstances of his expulsion I shall give in detail on
a later page. In 1660 he was restored. Meanwhile, he
acted, first, as amanuensis to Dr. Hammond, in which capacity
he may have acquired the beautiful, clear, and perfectly legible
hand, which it is such a pleasure to read, and. next, as ' tutor
to the son and heir of the ancient and genteel family of Peto
of Chesterton in Warwickshire, where he found a comfortable
harbour during the time of the Church of England's discon-
solate condition.' After his return to College, he ' continued
several years a severe student in various sorts of learning/
In 1669, he was presented to the College Living of Meysey
Hampton, Gloucestershire, succeeding Richard Samwaies,
who himself had succeeded Henry Jackson. There he died
June 28, 1688, and was buried in the church-yard. Wood
says of him that ' he was a most zealous son of the Church of
England, and a grand enemy to popery and fanaticism. He
was a most excellent theologist, admirably well versed in
ecclesiastical and profane history and chronology, and had
a great insight in English history and antiquities ; but, being
totally averse from making himself known, his great learning
did in a manner dye with him.' He had, however, a repu-
tation for a bad temper, and ' had not in him a complaisant
humour, unless soothed up, flattered, and admired.' These
drawbacks, together with his retiring disposition and want of
198 FULMAN'S COLLECTIONS.
self-assertion, stood in the way of his obtaining the preferment
which he had merited both by his learning and his sufferings
for the royal cause. ' He wrote much, and was a great
collector, but published little.'
Fulman was, indeed, a great collector. There are no less
than twenty-five volumes of his Collectanea in the Corpus
Library, three of which relate to the history of the College
and its members ; and the rest to a great variety of subjects,
including theology, history, both secular and ecclesiastical,
antiquities, biography, and academical lore. Antony Wood,
who, it may be remarked, seems to have been a great friend
of Fulman, complains that he was not allowed to consult these
volumes. Fulman, he says, left ' behind him a great heap of
collections, neatly written with his own hand, but nothing of
them perfect. All which being afterwards conveyed to
C.C.coll. to be, according to his desire, put into the archives
of the library of that house, what had it been for those that
had the care, to have permitted the author of this work the
perusal of them, when they could not otherwise but know
that they would have been serviceable to him in the pro-
motion of this work, then almost ready for the press ? '
Besides these large literary collections, Fulman also arranged
and catalogued the various 'muniments,1 i.e. title-deeds or
' evidences ' relating to the College property, which are now
in the Tower, together with the ancient documents bearing
on the origin or early history of the College, which are now
in the iron safe, and superintended the transcription of these
numerous papers in the thirty large folio Volumes of
Evidences which are now in the College Library, making
marginal annotations and references in his own hand-writing.
Besides these prodigious labours, there are a few other
MSS. of Fulman in the Rawlinsonian Collection in the
Bodleian Library; and he also published certain works,
namely the Academiae Oxoniensis Notitia, the first Volume
of Rerum Anglicarum scriptorum veterum, an edition of
Hammond's Works in 4 vols., and an Appendix to the Life
of Edmund Staunton, D.D., 'wherein some passages are
further cleared, which were not so fully held forth by the
HIS PRODIGIOUS INDUSTRY. 199
former authors,' a smart but bitter answer to Mayow's partial
biography. Moreover, he collected and prepared for publi-
cation the so-called works of Charles the First, the credit
of which edition, however, fell to Dr. Richard Perrinchiefe,
who, Fulman being then laid up with small-pox, had written
the Life prefixed 1 ; and lastly he contributed largely to the
greater accuracy and completeness of Burnet's History of
the Reformation. The studious and laborious life of many
of the College Fellows and country Clergymen of that time,
though it was by no means the universal or even general
mode of life in either class, could find few better illustra-
tions than in Fulman.
1 There is a copy of this work in the C. C. C. Library, with this inscription,
in Fulman's own beautiful hand-writing :
Liber Coll. Corp. Christ. Oxon.
Ex dono Guilhelmi Fulman A M ejusd. Coll Socii qui Sacrosanctas hasce Patrice
Patris Reliquias jam denuo collegit, digessit et absolutissimse huic earundem
editioni summa diligentia solus prsefuit. Jan xxx., MDCLXII.
CHAPTER VII.
THE PARLIAMENTARY VISITATION AND THE
PERIOD OF THE COMMONWEALTH.
THE actual commencement of the Civil War is usually
dated from the raising of the Royal Standard at Nottingham
on August 25, 1642. On Jan. 10, 164!, we read in Wood's
Annals, ' The King's letters came to all Colleges and Halls
for their plate to be brought to the Mint, and turned into
money. Whereupon all sent, except New Inn, and soon after
most house-keepers and private persons.' Corpus, therefore,
must have been one of the Colleges which surrendered its
plate. But in the document entitled ' Abstract of the Plate
presented to the King's Majesty by the several Colleges of
Oxford and the gentry of the County, the 2oth of January,
1642,' which is preserved in the Tanner MSS., vol. 338. p. 101
(fol. 65), and printed in Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa, vol. I.
p. 227, there is no entry with regard to Corpus. Twelve
Colleges only are named, Christ Church, Jesus, Oriel, Queen's,
Lincoln, University, Brasenose, Magdalen, All Souls, Balliol,
Merton, and Trinity. The rest were possibly less forward,
though they must ultimately have followed the example of the
others. And Corpus, according to Mr. Clark (Wood's Life and
Times, vol. I. p. 94, note), sent in their plate shortly after the
list was made, although the exact quantity nowhere appears.
How the College contrived to retain its splendid pre-Reform-
ation and Elizabethan plate is a question often asked, which
cannot be definitely answered. Certain mythical stories are
told, as of the discovery in a cellar or drain of the skeleton of
a butler grasping the plate, but the probability is that it was
redeemed by a money-payment, which, as the King wanted
THE PARLIAMENTARY VISITATION. 2Or
bullion and not artistically wrought metal, would be attended
with no difficulty.
The first siege of Oxford began May 22, 1645, and ended
June 5. Fairfax appeared before the City again on May i,
1646, and on June 24 it was surrendered to the Parliament,
it being stipulated that the University, Colleges, and Halls
should ' enjoy their ancient form of Government, subordinate
to the immediate authority and power of Parliament/ and
that all the public buildings, whether belonging to the City, the
University, or the Colleges and Halls, should.' be preserved from
defacing or spoil.' During this critical period in the history of
the University and City we hear nothing specially of Corpus.
One of the provisos contained in the Treaty was to the
effect that 'this/ namely a certain grace as to time allowed
to any one who might be removed from his place or office
by Parliament, 'shall not extend to retard any reformation
there intended by the Parliament nor give them any liberty
to inter-meddle in the Government' of the University and
Colleges. But it was not till May i, 1647 l> tnat an ordinance
was passed by the Lords and Commons, assembled in
Parliament, ' for the Visitation and Reformation of the Univer-
sity of Oxford and the several Colleges and Halls therein/
the object being more definitely stated to be ' the due
correction of offences, abuses, and disorders, especially of
late times, committed there.' The Visitors were successfully
kept at bay by Dr. Fell and other dignitaries of the University
and Colleges for several months, and it was not till March 1 7,
164!, that they were able actually to commence operations.
Meanwhile, on Sept. 30, 1647, tne date at which their Register
begins, Mr. Sparkes and Mr. Hillersden of Corpus (both of
them Fellows) were included amongst ' the names of divers
worthy gentlemen who are appoynted delegates to the
Visitors,' this list consisting of representatives of most of
the Colleges and Halls, designed, doubtless, to afford local
1 From this point onwards, throughout the period of the Parliamentary Visitation
and the Commonwealth, I must express my obligations to Professor Burrows'
excellently edited Register of the Visitors of the University of Oxford from A. D.
1647 to A.D. 1658, printed for the Camden Society, 1881.
202 METFORLfS LETTER TO JOSHUA REYNOLDS.
information with reference to the other inmates and the affairs,
generally, of their respective societies. On Jan. 28, 164!,
a batch of no less than twelve new Scholars was admitted,
very few vacancies, probably, having been filled up in recent
years, owing to the war and the siege, as indeed may be
gathered from the sparse entries in the Register between
1643 and this time1. One of the Scholars then elected,
James Metford, a native of Crewkerne in Somersetshire, and,
after the Restoration, Rector of Bassingham, a College living
in Lincolnshire, has left us a very interesting account of this
election, in a letter to his friend Mr. Joshua Reynolds, Fellow
of Corpus, uncle of ' Sir Joshua,' dated from Bassingham,
July 3, 1704. This letter, kindly pointed out to me by Mr.
F. Madan, from which I shall presently quote other ex-
tracts, relates chiefly to the events which took place in
the College in connexion with the troubles of the Civil War.
It is contained in the Collections for Walker's Sufferings of
the Clergy, and is numbered in the Bodleian Catalogue as
MS. J. Walker, c. 8, fol. 247. The passage I allude to is the
following : ' The Scholars expelled were the Cuttings of many
Schools of the best note in England, after the opening of
the University, that gave way to Armes for severall yeers.
The Candidates for eleven {really twelve) places vacant in
that time were the first day 97 the second day 84 the third
day dropt off a few more : yet upon the day of declaring the
Election they were numbred to 62 Competitors. It hath
been often thought, the scattering such men all over the
Nation did more to the pulling downe of that Party than
all the warlike Provisions made against them. Their inclina-
tions could not easily be discerned, because they were awed
1 On July 2, 1646, it had been ordered that no further admissions should take
place to any emolument in the University or Colleges, or any lease of lands
be granted, ' till the pleasure of the Parliament should be made known therein.'
' Which order,' says Wood, ' being received by the Vice-Chancellor and every
Head, and read in Convocation, the University desired in their letter to Sir Thomas
Fairfax (penned by Hammond the Orator) that he would be an instrument, so far
as concerned them, of recalling that order, repugning the articles of the surrender
of the Garrison ; but what remedy they found appears not : yet sure I am that
several Colleges made elections and leases of lands till the general rout of them in
an. 1648.'
DR. NEWLYN'S LODGINGS SEARCHED. 203
by the Ferula, not living above two yeares together (really
for not more than a few months. Metford was now an old
man, and his recollection of dates is confused) before the
dispersion came, and so no character can be given.'
The first notice we have of any event connected with
Corpus, after the Visitors or Commissioners (as they are
indifferently called) set about their work in earnest, is the
issue (April 4, 1648) and execution of the 'Warrant givinge
power to Jo. Langley, Mandatory, Andrew Burrough, Provost
Marshall to the Garison of Oxon, and such as they shall
thinke fitt to take with them, to breake open and serche the
lodgings of Dor Newlin, President of Corpus Christi, for the
Bedle Staves, and other Insignia of the Universitie of Oxon.'
Dr. Fell, the Royalist Vice-Chancellor, was now and had for
some time been imprisoned in London, and Newlin, as his
Pro-Vicechancellor, was suspected to have the staves, books,
keys, seals, and other articles, pertaining to the office of
Vice-Chancellor, in his custody. The Visitors, we are told by
Wood, went themselves, with their officers, to the President's
Lodgings, ' the doors of which being fast shut and none within
to unlock them,' they, i.e. the officers, 'brake them open,
made a search for the books, staves, &c., but, missing them,
took away a brace of pistols and a sword which they there
found.' On the yth of April, the orders for the ejectment
of the Vice-Chancellor, Pro-Vicechancellors and Proctors,
which had already taken place, were publicly read in Con-
vocation, and the Insignia were formally ordered to be given
up. ' As for the Bedells Staves,' says Wood in his account of
a subsequent Convocation held by the Earl of Pembroke, as
Chancellor, on April 1 2, ' there were none now to be found,
neither could they get them without trouble, till above two
years after. The Goods,' i.e. books, keys, seals, &c., 'also
belonging to the Vicechancellor they could not obtain till about
the latter end of 1650.' On Sept. 18, 1649, we ^nc^ an Order
of the Visitors with regard to these ' Bedells Staves/ or rather
the want of them : ' The Visitors, taking into consideration
the great dishonor of this Universitie of Oxon in want of
Bedell staves, doe order that every Colledg be desired to lend
204 ANSWERS OF MEMBERS OF CORPUS
what sum of monies they shall think fitt to the purchasing
thereof, and that such summes of money be ready against the
beginning of the next tearm.'
On May 9, 1648, the members of Corpus were cited to
appear before the Visitors, and the answers are reported as
follows 1 : —
'The Answeres of Corpus Christi Colledge, May 9th, 1648.
George Stratford : To the Question, whether I doe submitt
to the Authority of Parliament in this Visitation, I Answere :
I referre my selfe to the Answeres which the Delegates for
the Universitie [have] given in Answere to this Quere (which,
like the answer of Dr. Newlin, referred to immediately,
amounted to a repudiation of the authority of the Visitors.
See Wood's Annals, sub June i, Nov. 4, 5, 1647, and, for
Dr. Newlyn's answer, the Order of the Committee of Lords
and Commons on May 22, 1648, extracted on p. 211 of this
work).
Tho: Drury : As I am a Member of the Universitie, doe
referre my selfe to the Answere given in by the Delegates :
As I am a member of Corpus Christi Colledge, doe referre
my selfe to the Answere given in by our President, as relatinge
to this question concerninge Visitation.
Geo. Halsted : As concerninge the Question of the power of
Parliament in this Visitation and my submission thereunto, I
referre my selfe unto the Answere given by the Delegates of
this Universitie, chosen for that purpose.
James Jackson : I doe referre my selfe to the Answere
given in by the Delegates concerninge the Visitation of the
Universitie of Oxon.
Henry Dutton : I Henry Dutton as a Member of this
Universitie (concerninge the Question of Visitinge the Univer-
sitie), I referre my selfe to the Answere of the Delegates.
And concerninge the Visitation of our private Colledge, I
referre my selfe to the Answere of our President, formerly
given in to this Question.
William Chidley : I William Chidley, concerninge this
1 See Burrows' Edition of the Visitors' Register, pp. 61-4.
TO THE PARLIAMENTARY VISITORS. 205
Visitation, doe referre my selfe to the Answere given in by
the Delegates of the Universitie, and by our Colledge of
Corpus Christi.
Edward Eales : As concerninge the power of Parliament in
this present Visitation, I referre my selfe to the Answere
formerly given in by the Delegates of the Universitie.
Tho: Jennyngs : Whereas it clearly appeares by the Privi-
ledges of this Universitie. that the Visitation of it is soly in
the Kinges power, or in the power of those who imediately
dirive their authority from him soe to do, this beinge con-
sidered, I cannot submitt to these Visitors appoynted by the
Parliament : As I am a Member of C: C: Colledge, I cannot
without perjury acknowledge any Visitors but the Bishop of
Winchester. This is my Answere to which I subscribe.
THO: JENNYNGS.
Zachary Began : When I shal be satisfied in conscience that
I may lawfully doe it, I will readily submitt.
William Lydall : I give in the same Answere as our President
has already given in to the same Question, and to that I
subscribe.
Henry Glover : As I have noe voyce in the Convocation, I
conceive myselfe not obliged to Answere to this Question :
As I am a Member of the Universitie I referre myselfe to the
Answere of the Delegates : As a Member of Corpus Christi
Colledge to the Answere of our owne President.
Timothy Parker : I doe referre myselfe solely to the Answere
which was given in by our President.
Tim: Shute : I referre my selfe to the Answere given in by
our President.
William Coldham : I referre myselfe to the Answere formerly
given in by our President.
Rich: Ward : As touchinge the Visitation of the Universitie
in generall I referre my selfe to the Answere of the Delegates :
As for the perticuler Visitation of our Colledges, I referre
myselfe to the Answere of our President.
Hen: Stapleton : I Henry Stapleton doe hereby referre my-
selfe to the Answere of the Delegates.
James Metford : Havinge Questions propounded to mee I
206 ANSWERS TO THE VISITORS.
give in this by way of Answere : That, forasmuch as I am a
Member of this Universitie, I referre my selfe to the Answere
of the Delegates : and as beinge a scholler of Corpus Christi
I referre my selfe to the Answere of Dr. Robert Newlin,
President thereof. And soe much I Answere.
Tho: Johnson : In generall for the Visitation of the Uni-
versitie, I referre my selfe to the Delegates : In perticuler for
the Visitation of our Colledge, I referre my selfe to the
Answere of our President.
Jo: Betts : My Answere as I am a Universitie man is the
same with the Delegates : As I am of Corpus Christi Colledge
it's that of the President.
Will Stampe : I William Stampe for submission to your
authoritie in Visitinge the Universitie doe referre myselfe to
the Answere given by the Delegates: And in perticuler in
Visitinge our Colledge doe referre my selfe to the Answere
of our President.
Jo: Fountaine : This is my Answere : I cannot submitt.
Gamaliell Clarson : I beinge a member of this Universite,
and of the aforesaid Colledge, doe referre myselfe to the
Answere of the Delegates and the Answere of Dr. Newlin in
behalfe of the Colledge.
Will: Tonstall : I referre my selfe to the Answere given in
by the President.
Samuell Ladiman, Ba: Arts : Submitts.
Thomas Sanderson : Concerninge the poynt of Visitation,
my Answere is breifely this : First that as I am a publique
Member of the Universitie I am not satisfied how I can with-
out manifest perjury submitt to this present Visitation, or any
other whatsoever, whereunto the Kinge hath either given a
denyall, or, at least, not given his consent. And this is the
sence of the Delegates Answere formerly presented to you.
Secondly, that, as I am a private Member of Corpus Christi
Colledge, I know not how I shall acquitt my selfe of the same
horride cryme of perjury if I submitt to any other person
as my lawfull Visitor then whom the Founder hath expresly
appoynted in his Statutes, which everie Member of the Foun-
dation is bound by oath to observe and mentayne. And this
< MET FORD SUFFERED FOR ORIGINAL SIN.' 207
I take to be the sence of the President's Answere formerly
delivered to you in the name of the Colledge. To both
which Answeres beinge more full and satisfactory I referre
and subscribe.
Present of the Visitors :
The Vice-Chancellor (now Edward
Reynolds, Dean of Ch. Ch.}.
Dr. Wilkinson. Dr. Rogers.
Mr. Wilkinson.
Mr. Chennell. [Cheynell.] '
James Metford, one of the respondents, records a graphic
incident of the interview with the Visitors on this occasion :
' Dr Reynolds l, a man learned and not immorall, but as
covetous, and so fearfull he could not stand by the best cause
in the world, was Chairman of the Committee (as Vice-
Chancellor). His Co-assessors were Dr Cheynell, hot and
furious, who, when Reynolds urged the Committee to excuse
me from answering as too young (he is entered as 15 on
admission) to understand the case before us, said Let him
answere, He hath Originall Sin in him as well as the rest,
wch occasioned a saying in the University, that Metford
suffered for Original Sin. The other two that sat that day
were Dr Langley and Dr Cornish 2, men looked on as insipid
and dull both in Preaching and Conversation ; only they shewd
their Religion by a mode of sighing, and oft exposed them-
selves in Preaching to the smiles of the Auditory, and were
tedious even when shortest.'
In the list of persons expelled the University, on May 15,
1648, by the ' Committee of Lords and Commons for regulating
the University of Oxford,' which, of course, sat in London,
and to which constant reference was made by the Visitors
1 Just before this extract, Metford, speaking of the Visitors, says : ' The Visitors
of Oxon were Philip, Earle of Pembroke and Montgomery, our Chancellor, noted
for much swearing, he led the dance.'
2 Their names, however, do not occur in the List of Visitors present at the
sitting of May 9, as given in the Register. And still it is difficult to understand
to what other sitting Metford can refer. He can hardly have been examined
twice, and this is the only record in the Register of any examination undergone
by him.
208 NAMES OF CORPUS MEN EXPELLED.
sitting in Oxford, occur the following Corpus names : Thomas
Drury, Henry Button, William Godley, William Lydall, Henry
Glover, Timothy Parker, William Coldham, Richard Warre,
John Betts, Thomas Teakle, William Fulman, James Metford,
Thomas Johnson, Thomas Sanderson, Gamaliel Clarkson,
William Tonstall, Timothy Shute, John Fountaine, George
Stratford, George Halsted, James Jackson, Edward Eales,
Henry Glover (? repeated), Richard Warryn (? same as
Richard Warre above), John Stapleton, commoner, John
Bettes (repeated), William Stampe, John Jackson, Thomas
Sanderson (repeated), George Kind, Thomas Immings,
Zachary Bogan1. It is worth remarking that all the twelve
scholars admitted on Jan. 28, 164!, are included in this list,
with the sole exception of Norton Bold, who can only have
escaped by his non-appearance on the 9th of May, as he
was subsequently expelled on Oct. 2, the ground assigned
being that he, in common with some others expelled at the
same time, had been unlawfully elected to his Scholarship.
The Order of the Committee, which extended to no less than
334 persons, was, however, left to be put in execution by the
Visitors in Oxford, who, to use Wood's words, 'did not expel
them all, but most by parcels, as anon shall be shewed.'
On May 29, there occurs in the Register the following
entry : John Clark, Art. Bac. C. C. C. I am not as yet satis-
fied in conscience that I may lawfully submitt to the present
Visitation, or to any other authority which is not derived as
well from the Kinge as from both Houses of Parliament.
On June 6, Josiah Lane answers : I humbly conceive the
authority wherby this present Visitation is carried on to be
lawfull, and therefore submitt to it. On June 14, John Clark,
mentioned above, was expelled. On June 29, Mr. Stratford,
Mr. Sanderson, Tymothy Shute and Gamaliell Clarkeson were
ordered forthwith to remove themselves. On July 5, Dr.
Staunton was placed on ' the Committee for the examination
of all such as are Candidates for any Fellowship, Scholarship,
Burrows' Ed. of the Register, pp. 90-93. Bogan escaped expulsion, and is
recognised in the Register as a Fellow twice during 1649, and again in 1651.
Metford, in his letter to Reynolds, speaks also of Warre as having escaped.
STUDENTS DRIVEN OUT OF COLLEGE. 209
or other place in this University.' He had already, as we
shall see presently, been appointed President of Corpus. On
July 7, the following answers from Corpus men were given
in either orally or by writing : by Thomas Sutton, It is not
any guilty feare of an enquiry to be made into my actions by
the established law of the land, but only a conscientiouse
regard to those Colledge Statutes which by solemne oath
I stand engaged inviolably to observe, that necessitates my
refusall of submission to this your present Visitation ; by
Joseph Barber (? Barker), The severall Statutes of our house
(to an inviolable observation of which I am bound by oath)
expressly forbiddinge me, I cannot comply with this visita-
tion without open violence to my judgment and conscience ;
by Thomas Johnson, I beinge fully resolved doe willingely
submitt to the authority of Parliament in this Visitation, and
doe humbly acknowledge my former error in denyinge to
submitt hereunto ; by James Hayes, I doe hartily submitt to
this present Visitation ; by William Windham, I submitt
to this Visitation. On the same day, the following Corpus
men, who had previously been deprived by the Parliamentary
Committee in London, but whose actual expulsion had been
deferred by the Visitors in Oxford, were required to remove
forthwith : Mr. Thomas Drury, Mr. John Betts, Mr. George
Halsted, Mr. George Kind, Mr. Jackson, Mr. John Clarke,
Mr. Thomas Teakle, Mr. James Metford, Mr. William Stampe,
Mr. John Stapleton, Mr. Henry Glover. On the following
Tuesday (July n), the same day on which, as we shall see
presently, Dr. Newlyn's name was dashed out from the But-
tery Book, ' a Drum, with a guard of musqueteers,' according
to Wood, ' were sent to every College, where, after a call had
been beaten by the Drummer,' the order for expulsion was
read. James Metford, one of the victims, in the letter already
quoted, gives the following graphic account of the Visitors'
proceedings : ' The Civility shewed us in our Expulsion was,
a foot company at their Arms in the Quadrangle : beating
a Drum for silence, and proclaiming (while an Agent fastened
their Visitors Orders on the College Gates, with the names
proscribed) That whosoever, named in the Order, should
P
310 ORDER FOR EXPULSION OF NEWLYN.
remaine in Oxon or within five miles of it, after Sun sett,
He should be taken and prosecuted as a Spy in the Parliamte
Quarters : wch we understood to be hanging ; tho' many knew
not whither to go on such short warning : nor could they
have time to dispose their Books, and such Goods as they
had. And some were searched for Let's only to pick their
Pockets. And a little before the Doome, every weeke,
Alarms and Plots were talked of among the Citizens to in-
timidate them, and render us hatefull. Crackbrain Dr Chey-
nell one of the Visitors traversd the streets in slippers crying
out of plots against their lives in the night.'
We must now retrace our steps, by some six weeks, to the
22nd of May, in order to give some account of the depriva-
tion of Dr. Newlyn and the substitution of Dr. Staunton as
President of the College. In the Register of the College
during the times of the Parliamentary President and Fellows1,
there are copied two orders (not to be found in Professor
Burrows' edition of the Visitors' Register), which were issued
by the ' Committee of Lords and Commons for Reformation
of the University of Oxford' on May 22, 1648, one depriving
Dr. Robert Newlyn of the Presidentship, the other constituting
Dr. Edmund Staunton President in his stead. As these
documents have probably never hitherto been published,
it seems worth while to extract them in full.
' May 22, 1648. At the Committee of &c.
Whereas severall answers of Dr Fell, Dean of Christ Church
and pretended Vice Chancellor, Heads of Houses, Doctors,
Proctors, and others of the Universitie of Oxford, refusing to
submitt to the authority of Parliament for visiting the said
University, were referred to this Committee by speciall order
of both Houses of Parliament, to heare and determine, and to
apply effectuall remedyes as the cases should require upon
full hearing and debate thereof, it being resolved that the
matter of the said answers was a high contempt and denyall
1 This is really the Second Register, though that beginning with the Restoration
is entituled Liber Sccundus Admissionum, ignoring the Register kept during the
Commonwealth, which, however, was, fortunately, not destroyed.
ORDER FOR SUBSTITUTION OF STAUNTON. 211
of authority of Parliament : It is now resolved upon reading
of the answer of Doctor Newlyn, President of Corpus Christi
College (who saith, first, he is bound by severall oathes to
answer before none as a Visitor but the Bishop of Winchester,
secondly, he finds nothing in the Delegates answer (that is
the Delegates appointed, on behalf of the University, in Con-
vocation, on June i, 1647, for which see Wood's Annals) that
he can disapprove, besides many other contempts since com-
mitted against the authority of Parliament in the visitation),
that the said Dr Newlyn is guilty of high contempt and
denyall of authority of Parliament, and it is also resolved
that, for an effectuall remedy thereof, the said Dr Newlyn
be removed being President of Corpus Christi Colledge afore-
said, and accordingly the said Dr Newlyn is required to yield
obedyence hereunto, and to remove from the said Colledge,
and quitt the said place and all emoluments, rights, and
appurtenances thereto belonging and depending, and he who
supplies the Vice-President or Senior Fellow's place in the
said Colledge is hereby required to publish this Order to
the whole society and such others as are concerned herein.
Francis Rons.'
' May 22, 1648. At the Committee &c.
Whereas it appeared to this Committee and accordingly
was resolved that Dr Robert Newlyn was guilty of high
contempt and denyall of authority of Parliament, and, for an
effectuall remedy thereof, it was also resolved that the said
Dr Newlin be removed from being President of Corpus Christi
Colledge in the University of Oxon, and that Edmund
Staunton Doctor in Divinity be President of the said Colledge :
It is therefore ordered that the said Dr Staunton be and
hereby he is constituted and established President of the said
Colledge to all intents and purposes, and shall enjoy and
have all the power, rights, emoluments, roomes and lodgings
by any Statute, Custome, or Right belonging to the President
of the said Colledge. And the Senior Fellow in the said
Colledge is hereby required to publish this order to the fel-
lowes, schollers, and others of the said Colledge who are
P 2
212 A UDACIO US CONDUCT OF FULMAN AND PARKER.
or may be concerned in the knowledge hereof. And the
fellowes, schollers, and others of the said Colledge are hereby
required to receive, respect, obey, and submit to the said Dr
Staunton as President of that Colledge, as they will answer
the contrary att their perills. And that the former order
of this Committee for removing Dr Newlin and this Order
for establishing Dr Staunton President of the said Colledge
be entered into the Register of the said Colledge.
Francis Rous.'
On May 27, according to Wood, the Visitors caused a
paper to be stuck on the College gate, deposing Dr. Newlyn
from being President, and commanding the Vice-President
to signify to the House ' that no obedience should, for the
future, be given to him, nor he be acknowledged President ;
but the paper was soon after torn down with indignation and
scorn.' It seems to us a singular example of forbearance,
but there are not wanting many others of the same kind
(for the Oxford Visitors, we must recollect, were dealing with
old colleagues and, in some instances perhaps, even old
friends), that, after such contumelious treatment, no further
steps were taken till more than six weeks afterwards. On
July u, however, the Visitors, headed by Dr. Reynolds, now
Dean of Ch. Ch. and Vice-Chancellor, came to the College,
' dashed out Dr Newlin's name from the Buttery, and put in
that of Dr Stanton, formerly voted into the place : but their
backs were no sooner turned but his name was blotted out with
a pen by Will. Fulman and then torn out by Tim. Parker,
Scholars of that House. At the same time, if I (i.e. A. Wood)
mistake not, they <i. e. the Visitors) brake open the Treasury,
but found nothing.' After this audacious feat (which would
supply no bad subject for a historical picture) we shall hardly
feel surprised, when we read presently that Will. Fulman and
Tim. Parker were expelled on the 22nd of July following.
Recurring to the general course of events, so far as it
affects Corpus, on July 13, several of the College servants
(whose position, at that time, was at once more important
and more on an equality with that of other members of the
EXPULSION OF SERVANTS. 213
College than it now is 1) appeared before the Visitors. The
answers given were as follows :
' The Answere of Jo: Hill, Senior Cooke of C. C. C. :
Sirs, if it please you I shall acknowledge Dr. Staunton as
President put in by the authoritie of both Houses of Parlia-
ment, but, under favor, I cannot acknowledge him as President
accordinge to the Statutes of the Colledge, for that I am
altogether ignorant of them.
The Answere of Henry Price, Junior Cooke of C. C. C. :
Sirs, If it please you I shall acknowledge Dr. Staunton as
President put in by the authority of both Houses of Parlia-
ment : But, under favor, I cannot acknowledge him as Presi-
dent accordinge to the Statutes of the Colledge, for that
I am altogether ignorant of them.
The same Answere, verbatim, is given by John Parne,
Butlor of C. C. C.
And by Tho: Seymor, Manciple C. C. C.
And by Tho: Booden, Portor of C. C. C.
And by William Harrison, Groome of C. C. C.'
All these persons, as well as Thomas Sutton and John Barker,
were ordered, by the Committee of Lords and Commons,
sitting on Aug i, to be deprived of their places and expelled
the University. At the same time, the same order was made
by the same authority with regard to the following members
of the College, on the ground of non-appearance before the
Visitors, either through having absented themselves from the
University or refusing to answer the summons, though resident :
Dr. Hide, Mr. Wrench, Mr. Sparke ('a long tyme sike"(i.e.
sick)), Mr. Newell, Mr. Greaves, Mr. Hillersden, Mr. Haywood,
Mr. Samwayes, Mr. Speedinge, Holloway, Bould (for whom see
1 Some of the junior servants, as already remarked, were students and attended
lectures. Besides the Stewards and Clerks of Accompt (who were, perhaps,
something like our modern Chapter Clerks), the Manciples and Butlers were
occasionally Masters of Arts, as, for instance, William Taylonr, Butler of St. John's,
mentioned in Wood's Annals, sub April 27, and Latimer Crosse, Manciple of
Magdalen Hall, mentioned by Wood, sub May 16, 1648. Service, at that time,
did not necessarily imply social inferiority, and the word servant was applied
to secretaries, chaplains, and pages, the last of whom were often of gentle, and
even noble birth.
214 SENTENCES OF EXPULSION CARRIED OUT.
above, p. 208), Home, The Steward (Mr. Newlyn 1). It is re-
markable that in this list are Noel Sparke and John Hillersden
(who, after the Restoration, became Archdeacon of Bucks),
two of the ' worthy gentlemen,' who, on Sept. 30, 1647, were
appointed Delegates to the Visitors. The Revolution that
was proceeding had probably outrun their sympathy and
zeal. As usual, some time elapsed before the Oxford Visitors
executed the order of the Parliamentary Committee, and it
was not till October 2 (the same day on which they resolved
that 'all elections since July 2nd, 1646, according to an order
of the Committee of Lords and Commons, be voyd and of
none effect') that the following persons, being members of
C. C. C, were ' removed from their places ' :
Mr. (Robert. See MS. J. Walker, c. 8, fol. 240) Newlyn,
Steward, for Non-appearance.
Jo: Hill, Senior Cooke
Jo: Fames, Butler
Tho: Seamer, Manciple
(-Non-submission.
Hen: Price, Junior Cooke
Tho: Bowden, Porter2 ;
Mr. Wrench, Fell:
Mr. Speedinge, Fell:
Mr. Thos: Sutton, Fell:
Mr. Barker, Fell:
Bolde I Johnson; Home3; ) Sch:
Warr [ Scho: Elections null. - Tonstall ; Lawrence ; [ Elec:
Fountaine) (Holloway J null.
Mr. Samwaies, Fell: \ Upon the Order of the
Mr. Haywood, Fell: I Committee of Lords and
Sr. Lydall, Sch: Commons,
Sr. Eales, Chaplin: Oct: the nth.
Mr. Hen. Button, Fell:
Coldham, Sch.
1 This Mr. Newlyn (Robert Newlyn) was (as already stated, p. 196) nephew of
the President.
2 The ' Equiso,' William Harrison, had been ordered to be expelled on Aug. i.
In Metford's second letter to Joshua Reynolds (MS. J. Walker, c. 8, fol. 252), one
Izhard, famulus prsesidis, is referred to as expelled ; but his name does not seem
to occur in the Visitors' Register.
3 Home and Lawrence were Choristers, Holloway a Clerk.
NEW APPOINTMENTS BY THE VISITORS 2J5
J- Fell:
Meanwhile, the following persons had been ' chosen ' by the
Visitors into the College :
Ed: Hawes, Jun: Cooke.
Nath: Wells, Butler.
John Langley, Manciple.
Jo: Milward, Fell: Vice-President.
Stephens, Fell:
Tho: Gilston, Fell:
Elisha Bourne, Fell:
Ilsley, Schol:
Whettham, Schol:
Ed: Disney, Schol:
Sam: Ashurst.
Thorneton.
Tho: Maulthouse.
Wandricke.
Anderson.
Roe, Fell:
Ford, Fell:
Sanderson, Fell:
Raynor, Schol:
Tidcombe, Fell:
Wight, Schol:
Sam: Byfeildj
Rich: Byfeild, Schol:
Will: Gardner )
Burgesse
Beniamyn Way, Schol:
Whitehorne, Fell: Deane
Ezek: Webb, Schol:
Will: Ford, Schol:
Ladiman, Fell:
Josia Lane, Schol:
Jo: Lisley, Schol:
Jo: Sayer, Schol:
Josia Ballard.
Nath: Vincent, Quer:
Nelson, Schol:
Jo: Prous, Fell:
Rich: Abbotts, Fell:
Jo: Dod, Fell:
Jo: How, Steward.
Will: Adams, Sen: Cooke.
This list must, however, be posterior to the actual admis-
sion of several Fellows and Scholars, as the College Register
begins with the admission, on July 14, 1648, of three Scholars,
nominated by the Visitors, nor is there more than a rough
correspondence between the dates attached to the names in
any part of this list and those attached to the same names in
the Register.
On July 22, occurred the expulsion of Parker and Fulman,
already mentioned, together with that of Thomas Jennings,
B.A. and Scholar. Fulman and Jennings were restored in
1660.
Though not directly referring to Corpus, there is an entry
in Wood's Annals, under December 1648, which must be
interesting to members of the College, as connected with
Beam Hall (now the residence of Professor Case), a house
21 6 THE COMMON PRAYER SAID IN BEAM HALL.
which has been in possession of the College almost since its
foundation : ' In the same month (December) Latin prayers
according to the Liturgy were taken away at Ch. Ch., having
continued there till the Nativity in spite of the Visitors.
Afterwards certain divines of that House, namely, Mr John
Fell, Mr John Dolbin, Mr Richard Allestrey, &c., all lately
expelled, set up the Common Prayer in the house of
Mr Thomas Willis, a Physician, against Merton College
Church (being the same house where lately had been an
Independent Meeting), to which place admitting none but
their confidents were Prayers and Surplices used on all
Lord's Days, Holy Days, and their Vigils, as also the
Sacrament according to the Church of England administered,
continuing so till the Restoration of K. Ch. II.' Almost all
Oxford men must be acquainted with the fine picture in
Ch. Ch. Hall l, representing these three Divines in the act of
reading the Liturgy.
Having now arrived at the end of the year 1648, as then
reckoned, we may consider the general result of the changes as
they affected Corpus, and also give some account of the new
President, Dr. Staunton. With reference to the first point,
besides the substitution of the Presbyterian for the Anglican
form of worship, and the introduction, probably, of a much
more severe discipline than the students had been accustomed
to for the last few years, almost the whole personnel of the
College appears to have been changed. Metford, whose
narrative is, in this respect, very valuable as supplementing
our other authorities, gives us the following account of this
change, the substantial accuracy of which there is no reason
to doubt : —
As to the College of C. C. C., it was generally ruined in 1649.
There was not one Fellow left but Mr Noel Sparks the Greek
Lecturer who was bed rid, and could not answere the Rump Visitors
at their visitation, and after his recovery was grievously harrassed by
the Intruders, as he often complained to Mr William Tonstall now
vicar of Heckington in Linconshire one of the ejected Scholars.
This picture, I am told by Mr. Vere Bayne, is not an original, but a copy of
one by Lely in the Deanery.
ACCOUNT OF CHANGES IN THE PERSONNEL. 217
Mr Zachary Bogan was a Probationer and consumptive and his
death daily expected, he also was left by their Charity, so that
iS1 very worthy and learned men were thrown off with Dr
Newlin the President and none saved, but what twas plain in-
humanity to drive out. So of the Scholars, all were ejected but
Mr Warre (as far as I can remember) and Mr Parsons 2, provoked
by being refusd Probationership at the time he expected, and so
chose to be perjured, for they were sworn to the locall statutes
as well as the rest. The number of Scholars must be 18
ejected. There returnd at the Restoration but two actuall Fellows
Dr James Hyde and Mr Richard Samwayes, and Scholars Will:
Coldham (who was very sickly and dyed in a week or two after
Restoration), Norton Bold afterward Squire Beedle, Will: Fulman,
Tho. Immings and myselfe, one Chaplain Mr Eeles, and no Clerk
no Chorister 3 who were all outed except Mr Lane 4 a Clarke 5.
The Intruders I had little opportunity to know. Dr Staunton the
President among them was reckond by themselves a man that had
parts but idle, and would instruct but not study for what he did, but
was verbose. His son Francis, a Scholar thrust in, to excuse him,
used to say would he take paines, he could produce elaborate dis-
courses, but none appeard. He labourd not to augment Learning,
nor urged any other Authors but the Assemblers Catechisme : w0*1
was an ungratefull taske put on the Scholars. The Bulls (jokes or,
perhaps, frauds or rather tricks. See Murray's Dictionary) he was
1 Including, according to a subsequent letter from Metford to Joshua Reynolds,
of date Oct. 17, preserved in the same volume, fol. 252, one John Sweete, who had
' slipt out of Town,' and into whose place Parsons, an M.A. Scholar, mentioned
below, was anxious to be elected.
a In the letter quoted in the last note, Parsons and Warre are said to have
'revolted'; Johnson was 'outed,' but, afterwards, restored at the instance of
powerful relations.
3 The name of Lawrence, however, one of the Choristers, son of Dr. Lawrence,
Master of Balliol and Margaret Professor of Divinity, who had resigned both these
offices, occurs on the books for a considerable time after his appointment was
annulled, and probably till he took his degree.
* Josiah Lane, Clerk, submitted to the Visitors on June 6, 1648, subsequently
became a Fellow, and was ejected at the Restoration.
5 With regard to the Chaplains, Metford says, in his second letter : ' Allen
resigned his Chaplain's place in the beginning of 1648, and Edward Eales was
advanced from Trinity Coll. into his place. So the Visitation ejected Chidley and
Eales. Chidley died, Eales was restored, and one Coppock brought in to Chidley's
place.' But Chidley seems ultimately to have conformed. See an order of the
Visitors, June 6, 1649, addressed to the President and Fellows.
21 8 PROPORTION OF THOSE EXPELLED.
charged withall are not worth mentioning. They were noted by
observers to serve the College most in letting Lands, being acquainted
with husbandry. MrRoe (Rowe) was thought an enthusiast, MrWey
one of the Chaplaines was an Independent. Mr Fowler now B. G.
(Bishop of Gloucester) another of the Chaplains a Presbyterian,
the rest were also seemingly the same way. But of the Intruded
Scholars x Peter Glub, John Lisle, William Ford and Francis Staunton
declared themselves Episcopally inclined.
For the charactrs of the Fellows expeld, they were esteemd the
Ornament of the University, and carryed on Religion and Preaching
in the Episcopall Assembly, till they were banished the Citty, as the
Visitors and their Party did at S Maries, wcb drew such vaste Crowds
of people toget[her] in S Magdalen Parish Church (if my memory
faile me not in the name) that nothing but their utter Extirpation
could satisfie the Visitor's rage. They were men, whose wits and
Morals vyed wcl1 should exceed. As for two of them, Dr Tho:
Sanderson son of renowned Rob* BP of Lincoln, Grantham will
speake his worth where he practisd Physick till his death : and
Dr Geo: Halsted Manchester is too gratefull to forget him. And
the present most pious and learned BP of Chester (Nicholas
Stratford) formerly Warden of Manchester can say enough in his
behalfe. The rest were Divines and well knowne to the world, and
particularly my good Tutor Dr Barker, being sometime Chaplaine to
the house of Commons. As for the Intruders, tho' I hate Rebellion,
Robbery, and unconscionable Invasions as much as others, yet
chuse to forget what may serve to provoke.
The remainder of this portion of Metford's letter, which is
on the expelled Scholars, has been already given (pp. 203-3),
in connexion with the large election of Scholars in 164^.
It will be seen that a very large majority of the Society
refused to subscribe, and was consequently sentenced to
expulsion. Some, however, came in afterwards, and either
saved their places or were restored to them. Including these,
it may be said, on a rough calculation, that the proportion of
those who finally disappeared from the College to those who
1 The names of John Lisle, William Ford, and Peter Glub, constantly appear
in the Record of Punishments. Whether their Episcopal inclinations were causally
connected with this circumstance, either as causing them to chafe at the College
regulations, or their superiors to take the more note of their aberrations, we do
not know.
EARLY LIFE OF DR. STAUNTON. 319
remained was probably about four to one. See the table
given in Burrows' ed. of the Visitors' Register, pp. 494-6.
This table, it may be remarked, being based exclusively on
the Visitors' Register, without comparison with College docu-
ments, does not always give the true designation of a student.
And to those expelled should probably be added one Izhard,
famulus Praesidis (see p.
Whatever may have been the failings or shortcomings, real
or imputed, of the new President, Dr. Staunton, there can be
little question that he was the most eminent of the newly
appointed, or, as they were called by their antagonists, 'in-
truded' members of the College. Edmund Staunton1, or
Stanton, was born at Woburn, Bedfordshire, being one of the
younger sons of Sir Francis Staunton, Knight, on Oct. 30,
1600 or 1601, the age being differently stated in the records
of his admission as Scholar and Probationary Fellow. He
was admitted Scholar of Corpus on Oct. 4, 1615, and, being
the only Bedfordshire Scholar and a vacancy occurring in the
only Bedfordshire Fellowship, was admitted, while still an
Undergraduate, to a Probationary Fellowship, on March Z2,
i6i£. After a dangerous illness, when he was about eighteen,
and a narrow escape from drowning in the river, whither he
had repaired ' alone, to wash himself,' he had, about the year
1620, to use his own words, ' many sad and serious thoughts
concerning my spiritual and eternal estate/ leading to a rigid
self-examination, which resulted, first, in his 'laying about
two months under a spirit of bondage,' during which time he
' durst not close his eyes in the night lest he should awake in
Hell, thinking every night the Devil would come for him and
1 Our principal authorities for Staunton's Life are The Life and Death of Edmund
Staunton, D.D., published by Richard Mayo (or Mayow) of Kingston, Minister of
the Gospel, London, 1673, to which is added A brief relation (chiefly) of his great
care to promote religion and learning in the College of which he was President,
by Mr. J. M. (? John Mil ward or John Martin) ; and A Short Appendix to the
Life of Edmund Staunton, D.D., London, 1673, published anonymously, but
written by Fulman, being a series of sarcastic strictures on the former book. As
Mayo seems to have known little or nothing of University or College ways, he
falls, wherever they are concerned, an easy victim to Fulman.
220 S TAUNT ON AS A PREACHER AND MINISTER.
fetch him away/ and then, in answer to his prayers, m his
being c filled with a strong persuasion of the love of God to
his soul, and with joys unspeakable and full of glory.' After
taking his M.A. degree, he selected the ministry as his
profession, and commenced his clerical life as afternoon lec-
turer at Witney, where he was very acceptable to the people,
who flocked in crowds to hear him, but not so, by any
means, to the Rector of the parish, who, after reading the
prayers, was accustomed, accompanied by his clerk, to quit
the Church. These strained relations, it may be remarked,
were very common at that time between the Puritan lecturers,
who, being on special foundations, were entitled to occupy the
pulpits in the afternoons, and the old-fashioned incumbents
in whose churches they were planted. But he soon quitted
his lectureship at Witney for the valuable living of Bushey in
Hertfordshire, procured for him by his father, and this living,
not long afterwards, he exchanged for that of Kingston on
Thames in Surrey. At Kingston he remained for about
twenty years. ' There he preached twice on the Lord's Day '
(it may be noted that he went by the name of the ' searching
preacher '), ' and catechized the younger and ignorant sort of
people ; and he did not satisfy himself in teaching them
publicly, but (though the place was large and populous) he
taught them also from house to house. There also he set up
a weekly lecture, which was supplied, in their turns, by as
eminent preachers as that part of England did afford.1 Ten
of his children lie buried in Kingston Church, where there is
or was a stone over their grave commemorating the fact in
somewhat doggrel rhyme. While at Kingston, he took his
D.D. degree at Oxford, his exercises, according to his bio-
grapher, being 'wonderfully applauded by all that were
present,' and he was not only chosen to be one of the
Assembly of Divines which met at Westminster, but also one
of the six preachers in the Abbey.
Being thus a leading Puritan minister, it is no wonder that,
when Dr. Newlyn was ejected from the Presidentship, the
Committee of Lords and Commons should have selected
Staunton, being a former Fellow of the College, to fill his
HIS REFORMS IN THE COLLEGE. 221
place. His nomination, as we have seen, bears date May 22,
1648, but he probably did not actually come into residence
till after Dr. Newlyn's ejection on July n. There seems
little doubt that, both as respects religion and discipline,
if not learning, though even as to that we have no evidence
to the contrary, the College gained by the accession of the
new President.
' At his first coming to the College,' writes an admiring colleague,
quoted by his biographer, ' he put in execution, and that vigorously,
all such statutes as tended most to the advancement of Learning and
Religion, and was frequently himself present at all Lectures and other
Exercises, to encourage the studious and reprehend the negligent.
He set up a Divinity Lecture every Lord's Day early in the morning
in the Colledge Chappel, for the initiating and exercising the elder
students in order to the work of the Ministry. He constantly
catechized the younger sort publiquely in the Chappel every Saturday '
(of this catechizing we have already heard, p. 2 1 7, from the other side,
in Metford's letter to Reynolds). ' He preacht once or twice every
Lord's Day, to the edification and comfort of many1; besides his
constant course in the University Church2 and Colledge Chapel,
and several lectures in the Country, wehreunto he was alwayes most
1 It would seem from Wood's Annals, sub 1651, that the Sermon at Corpus on
a Sunday morning, which was preached at the 8 o'clock service, was part of a
' public Exercise,' open to all members of the University. He adds, ' Stanton also
the President of that Coll. did set up a Presbyterian meeting in his Lodgings there
every Thursday in the afternoon, and lasted till 4 of the clock, at which time they
were called away to Ch. Ch. Sermon.'
2 The contrast appears a violent one, but this seems to be the most convenient
place for introducing the macaronic verses in which Staunton's preaching is
described by an unfriendly hand, John Allibone, D.D., formerly Head-Master of
the Magdalen College School, in his Rustica Academise Oxoniensis nuper Refor-
matse Descriptio, the laments of a country-parson on his return to Oxford after the
Visitors had begun their work of Reformation, first published, anonymously, in
1648, and since frequently reprinted :
' Suggestum conscendebat Fungus
Insulsa quseque fundens
So dull a fool was never among us
Pulvinar qui contundens.
In Buccam quicquid ebullivit
Minaci usus dextra
Boatn magno effutivit
Nee unquam erat "Extra.'
Defessus hac Dulmannitate
Decrevi venerandos
Non adhuc pulsos civitate
Amicos salutandos.'
In Antony Wood's copy of these verses, now in the Bodleian, there is attached
to 'fungus,' the note ' Dr Staunton Pr. C. C. C.'; and to ' Extra' the note ' A bald
222 FREQUENT SERMONS AND CATECHIZINGS.
ready, rather seeking opportunities than declining them. He had
every week a meeting at his own lodgings for prayer and spiritual
conference, as well of the members of the Colledge as others, wherein
himself alwayes bore the principal part, bringing forth out of his store
of experimental knowledg things new and old. He was constantly
present in publique duties of worship in the Chappel morning and
evening, observing all, and reproving any that were negligent and
remiss. He took great care to introduce and elect into the Colledge
such as he either saw or heard to have some appearances of grace,
at least such as were docible and inclineable towards that which is
good. Spiritual discourse was his meat and drink ; and, when he
sat at meals in the Colledge Hall, his constant course was, either
from the chapter then read or from some occasion or other, to speak
that which might tend to the instruction of those who were present,
and to call up their minds to some heavenly contemplation.'
From the author of the Brief Relation, we have the further in-
formation that 'every Lord's day in the Evening, he examined the
younger sort, calling them to account about what they had heard
that day ; which was a likely means to engage them to the greater
attention in hearing, and to make the truths, by their pondering
them, sink the deeper into their hearts.'
Admirable as might be, and probably was, the spirit of Dr.
Staunton's ministrations, and the zeal which animated him,
one cannot but suspect that this constant succession of sermons,
prayers, conferences, reflexions, expositions, catechizings, ad-
monitions, reproofs, must have produced such utter weariness
in the minds of many of the students as to prove a hindrance
rather than an incitement to religious thoughts and a godly
life. To others, however, who were already of a devout dis-
position, they may have furnished just the spiritual nutriment
which they needed. And it was not Staunton's fault, if the
scholars and other members of the foundation were not thus
inclined. For by the author of the Brief Relation we are
phrase is good enough for a bald Sermon.' 'Nee unquam erat "Extra" ' probably
means ' Was never out ' sc. of the pulpit.
When the country parson comes to Corpus, in the course of his perambulation
of the University, he thus describes its condition :
'Ad Corpus Christi flecto gressum
Qua brevitate possum
Jurares novis probris pressum
Et furibus confossum.'
STAUNTON' S RIGOROUS RULE. 223
informed that, so far as his influence extended, he ' always let
Piety have the honour to turn the scale.' We can only hope
that he had insight enough to discern when the piety was
real, and when assumed.
On June 15, 1652, Staunton, who, it may be remarked,
unlike Dr. Reynolds, Dean of Ch. Ch., had already submitted
to the ' Engagement/ was nominated by the Committee of
Parliament to be on the new Board of Visitors, which was
limited to ten. But, as no effectual order was taken by Par-
liament on the matter, Cromwell, as Lord General, on his own
responsibility, appointed them to act for a limited period only.
On the third Board of Visitors, nominated by the Lord Pro-
tector about two years afterwards, Staunton's name does not
occur. The former, which was the second Board, had been
nominated under the influence of Dr. John Owen, Reynolds'
successor in the Deanery of Ch. Ch. ; the latter was nominated
under the influence of Dr. Thomas Goodwin, President of
Magdalen Coll., who, though also an Independent, was now a
rival of Owen.
Dr. Staunton seems, if we may judge from the College
records still extant, to have been a good man of business, and
to have ruled the College rigorously and wisely, though, very
early in his Presidentship, there are signs of dissensions among
the Fellows, due, possibly, to differences between the rival
factions of Presbyterians and Independents. Any way, he
knew how to maintain his authority. In the record of punish-
ments, made in the handwriting of the culprits themselves, we
find that, in 1651, four of the scholars were put out of com-
mons ' usque ad dignam emendationem,' ' till they had learnt
to mend their ways,' for sitting in the President's presence
with their caps on. The discipline appears to have been
almost exceptionally stringent at this time. Amongst other
curious entries, we find that Edward Fowler, one of the clerks
(subsequently Bishop of Gloucester), was similarly deprived of
his commons for throwing bread at the opposite windows of
the students of Ch. Ch. (' eo quod alumnos Aedis Christi pane
projecto in tumultum provocavi '). Two scholars who had
been found walking in the town, without their gowns, about
224 STAUNTON'S LIFE AFTER HIS DEPRIVATION.
ten o'clock at night, were put out of commons for a week, and
ordered, one to write out, in Greek, all the more notable parts
of Aristotle's Ethics, the other to write out, and commit to
memory, all the definitions and divisions of Burgersdyk's
Logic. Another scholar, for having in his room some out-
college men without leave and then joining with them in
creating a disturbance, was sentenced to be kept hard at work
in the library, from morning to evening prayers, for a month,
a severe form of punishment which seems not to have been
uncommon at this time. Under the Puritan regime there was
certainly no danger of the retrogression of discipline.
As a result of the Restoration, Staunton was, in his turn,
ejected from the President's Lodgings on August 3, 1660,
Newlyn having been restored to his former position by the
Royal Commissioners, sitting in the Convocation House, only
three days before, on July 31. To the great grief of his
friends, as we are told by his biographer, he thought it ad-
visable to withdraw from Oxford altogether, and he retired, in
the first instance, to Rickmansworth, a small town in Hert-
fordshire, from which, as a centre, he ministered in various
parishes around. On St. Bartholomew's Day, 1662, however,
he was silenced, like other Nonconformists, and seems, after
remaining at Rickmansworth about two years longer, to have
made frequent moves from place to place, living in private
families, and exercising his ministerial functions in a private,
it being no longer legal to exercise them in a public, manner.
Or possibly he may have been led by his religious zeal and
his love of preaching to outstep the law ; for ' his great suf-
ferings and often imprisonments,' to which the author of the
Brief Relation alludes, may with most probability be referred
to this period of his life. It is satisfactory to find that his
misfortunes were not aggravated by pecuniary difficulties, as
his biographer tells us that ' God lent him a competent estate,
and (which is better) gave him a heart to lend it back again
unto Him.' His last remove was to a place called Bovingdon,
where and at the neighbouring towns, such as St. Alban's,
' seeing he could not preach in a Church to many, he would
preach in a Chamber to a few.' Here he died on the I4th of
COMPLAINTS OF THE JUNIOR FELLOWS. 225
July, 1671 l, and was buried in the parish church, where there
is or was ' a fair stone ' bearing an inscription to his memory.
Though so constant a preacher, and occupying so prominent
a position amongst those of his own beliefs, he has left no
literary remains behind him, except a few occasional sermons
and two tracts, entitled ' A Dialogue between a Minister and
a Stranger ' and * A Treatise of Christian Conference/ These
contain much the same matter, and are written in much the
same manner, as other Puritan compositions of the period.
The College records, though tolerably full during the period
of Dr. Staunton's Presidency, are mainly occupied with orders,
of little general interest, concerning the College property, to
which considerable attention seems to have been given, with
admissions, punishments, of which a list will be given in an
Appendix, and the ordinary leaves of absence. The few
events on record, of more general interest, which have not
already been mentioned or which have been merely alluded
to, may be enumerated as follows :
There is extant a curious document addressed to Staunton
as President, who was then apparently absent from Oxford,
signed by seven of the newly made Fellows, and dated
January 2, 164!, only a few months after the new regime
began. The subscribers, who were all Bachelors of Arts,
complain bitterly of the 'unhappy breaches,' which they
' groan under/ of the ' exasperation ' of the Masters (i. e.
M. A. Fellows), and of the ' rigid government of the College '
as ' a burden insupportable.' But, they add, ' we were and
are contented to bear what we can, until the Visitors, with
the assistance of your Worship's favour, shall ease us/ It is
notable that they seem, throughout, to assume Staunton's
sympathy with them, and that, in his absence, they had
consulted their ' noble and worthily honoured friend, Mr.
Wilkinson' (that is, Mr. Henry Wilkinson, one of the Visitors).
This probably was merely a revolt, on the part of the Junior
1 In Wood's Diary, sub June 1671 (ed. Clark, vol. ii. p. 224), there is the
entry : ' Dr Edmund Stanton died this month under a hedg, suddenly in a
journey — qusere.'
Q
226 THE COLLEGE AS RE-CONSTITUTED.
Fellows, having no reference to religious or political differences,
against the over-severe discipline of their Seniors, aggravated
by a dispute then raging in the College about the admission
to actuality of one William Parsons, a scholar who had sub-
mitted to the Visitation, and whose claims to seniority collided
with those of the recently created Junior Fellows. So high
sometimes did personal disputes of this kind rise in a College,
that, alluding to this matter of Mr. Parsons, they write : ' This
is the reason that the Masters are soe much displeased with
and act soe vigorously against us in the Colledg, with the
honourable Visitours and souldery (soldiery), that they may
render us the more odious in the eyes of them, and, conse-
quently, more invalid to proceed against him.'
The number of Fellows and Scholars admitted by order of
the Visitors amounted altogether to forty, the exact number
prescribed by the Statutes x, and the admissions range from
July 14, 1648, to June 26, 1651, though the last entry in
Hegge's Catalogue, that of William Long, Scholar, is difficult
to account for, as it does not occur either in the Visitors'
Register or in the College Register of Admissions 2. The
list includes certain old members of the College, namely
Samuel Ladyman, formerly Servitor, now Fellow, Josiah
Lane, formerly Clerk, now Scholar, Thomas Johnson, formerly
Scholar, re-admitted Oct. 13, 1648, William Parsons, formerly
Scholar, now Fellow, Zachary Bogan, formerly Fellow, re-
admitted Nov. 2, 1648, and Richard Warre, formerly Scholar,
whose election had been annulled by the Visitors, but who
was re-admitted Dec. 18, 1648. The Buttery Book, on Jan.
26, 164!, shews that Noel Sparkes retained his Fellowship,
and that there were then 18 Fellows and 20 Scholars. All
these, with the exception of Sparkes, occur in Hegge's Cata-
logue, as having been appointed or re-appointed by the
Visitors, so that at this time the College may be regarded as
1 But they are distributed as 23 Scholars and 17 Fellows, and the coincidence
seems to be accidental.
2 His name occurs, amongst the Scholars, in the Buttery Book of 1651, and he
first battels on June 27, the day after the date of his admission as recorded in
Hegge's Catalogue. But there is nothing there to shew whether he was freely
elected by the College or appointed by the Visitors.
CONSERVATIVE ACTION OF THE VISITORS. 227
re-constituted, two Fellowships only remaining vacant. The
new Fellows and Scholars were imported largely from Cam-
bridge and New Inn Hall l.
On January 10, i6||, begins the list of Fellows and Scholars
elected by the College, in accordance with the Statutes, one
of the earliest being Francis Staunton, the President's son.
If William Long, already mentioned, be included in the list
nominated by the Visitors, the dates of the two lists overlap,
but not otherwise. Fifty names occur altogether in the second
list, the last admission being dated July 16, 1660, shortly
before Staunton's ejection. The number in proportion to the
time is so abnormally large, that, though there is no positive
evidence, it seems reasonable to conjecture that the ascendency
of the Independents must have displaced some of the Fellows
and Scholars nominated during the Presbyterian rule.
After the right of election was restored to the College, the
vacancies were all filled up, as formerly, from the Counties
and Dioceses favoured by the Founder's Statutes. It had
been impossible for the Visitors, as they themselves say in a
document dated July 29, 1649, 'to find fit persons born in
statutable counties to succeed such as were ejected from the
several Colleges by authority of Parliament,' but, with the
law-abiding habits of Englishmen, they were anxious that,
for the future, the Statutes of all the Colleges should be
punctually observed in this respect. Hence, according to a
scheme propounded to them by the College, the existing
Fellows and Scholars, most of whom had been nominated by
themselves without regard to the local restrictions, were as-
signed to the different dioceses and counties designated in the
Statutes, and then, as vacancies occurred, the reputed places
could be rilled by persons actually possessing the statutable
qualification.
On Aug. 13 of this year, the President, Mr. Milward, who
had been nominated by the Visitors Fellow and Vice-Pre-
sident, and Mr. John Ford, who had been nominated Fellow
and Junior Dean, were included amongst seventeen persons,
who were desired ' to be assistant to the number of Delegates
1 See Burrows' Ed. of the Visitors' Register, pp. 497-8.
Q 2
228 COLLEGE LO YALTY OF THE EXPELLED MEMBERS.
formerly chosen by the Visitors,' thus shewing the influence
exercised by the College, at that time, in the settlement of
the University.
In a book of College Orders, &c., kept during Dr. Staunton's
Presidency, there is the following order, with reference to
the Clerks or 'acolytes,' as they are called in the original
Statutes, which is worth noticing as characteristic of the
times :
Aug. n, 1653. 'Wheras, by the Statutes1, the Clarkes had
constant employment, the one as Pulsator Campanae, the
other as Modulator Organorum, there being now no use of one
part of their employment, it is now ordered that they shall,
in lieu thereof, take care for to beginne in the singing of the
Psalme.' The 'part of their employment,' for which there
was ' now no use,' was, of course, the playing the organ.
In the same book, there are two memoranda, dated Oct. 21,
1653, which reflect credit on the expelled Royalists, one of
whom is nameless, the other Mr. Robert Newlyn, the ejected
Steward, even though the spirit of College loyalty may
possibly have been reinforced by the fear of a prosecution :
'Memorandum, that a basket mal'd up with Cords and stuffed
with strawe wherein was two silver flaggons, two Cupps with Covers,
Cista sigilli in which were two Comon Seales, the Charta ffundacionis
and Mortmain Henr. Oct. and originalis Charta "Ricardi ffox ffun-
dator, with a Napkin key and purse 2, was left by a messenger (that
sayd hee broughte it from the wharfe) in Mr. Rowney's* Malt-
house with his Maltman and from thence brought by Tom Wall
to the College, and there the Basket was opened. The Basket was
thus directed — leave these with Mr Rowney for Dr Staunton at
C. C. C. in Oxon.'
1 For the duties of the Clerks, see p. 48 of this Work.
a All these objects, with the exception of the napkin, and, perhaps, the key, are
still in the possession of the College. The two silver (gilt) flagons are of the
date 1598-9, the'cups with covers, one of 1515, the other of 1533. The College
possesses a disused great seal, in addition to the one now in use, besides the
smaller seal used for testimonials.
3 One Mr. Thomas Rowney was made Clerk of Accompts (or Steward, the
same office which Robert Newlyn had held) on Dec. 1 2 of this year. He may
have been the same person as this Mr. Rowney, or at least of the same family.
The Rowneys were at one time a leading family in Oxford.
DISPOSITION OF INCREASED REVENUES. 229
'Memorandum, that there was delivered into the Coll. by Mr.
Rob. Newlin, late Steward, 2 lease-books, 2 Court-bookes, Bailives
book, book of Rentalls, the Admission-book, grant-book, divers
yearly books of the Bursary, 6 Mappes or Descriptions of Lands, a
Survey of the Manour of North-grove, debt-books, many counter-
parts of leases, a Ring1; upon receipt whereof it was agreed the
proceedings against Dr Newlin, the said Rob* Newlin, Mr Eeles
<i. e. Eales, an ejected Chaplain) should be stopped untill Hilary
Terme next, and that no proceedings afterwards should be made,
unless the Company shall conceive speciall cause for the same,
and, if they find any such cause, then they, before any further
proceedings, will give notice thereof at the now-dwelling-house of
the said Dr Newlin.'
'Memorandum likewise, that at the same time the Company,
considering Mr. Newlin's ingenuous dealing and pains in bringing
in the said Colledge goods afore mentioned (he also promising to
further assist), gave him the sum of five pounds.'
We have already had abundant evidence, in the course of
this history, of the troubles and disputes occasioned by the
increasing revenues of the College and the rise in the value
of money. The revenues now far exceeded the sums needed
for satisfying the allowances prescribed by the Founder,
whereas these allowances themselves had been rendered
totally inadequate, partly by the lower purchasing power of
the precious metals, and partly by the improved style of
living. The question then was what to do with the money
which remained over and above, after the statutable allocations
had been satisfied. The dictate of common sense was surely
that, taking into account all the allowances together, — for
lodging, food, raiment, pension, or whatever it might be, —
the surplus revenue should be distributed amongst the various
members of the foundation in the same proportion as the ag-
gregate sum to which these allowances in each case amounted.
And this principle which, had it been recognised at an earlier
period, would have saved the College from many bitter feuds,
1 Can this be the Founder's Ring, handed on from President to President,
described on p. 84 ?
230 THE NEW ORDER GIVES PLACE TO THE OLD.
was, apparently1, so far as we can judge from the brief order
which follows, the one adopted by the Visitors :
May 10, 1655. 'Whereas, since the Foundation of Corpus Christi
Colledge, Oxon: there hath beene severall additionall revenues,
which is conceived should (according to the letter or reason of the
Statutes) be divided proportionably to each one's Statutable allow-
ance : It is now ordered by the Visitors of the University : That
the President of the said Colledge, or in his absence the Vice-
President, with any three of the seven Seniors, doe consider what
the revenues of the said Colledge are, and how they ought to be
divided in their proportions according to the equity of the Statutes.'
Here it may be noticed that when, in 1649, the Visitors
asked for an account of the value of the various Headships
which needed augmentation, Corpus was one of the six Col-
leges not included, its Headship being regarded as one of the
most valuable in the University.
On October 9, 1656, the Visitors make an order that the
exposition of the Bible in the College Hall, prescribed in the
Founder's Statutes, shall be intermitted every other week, and
its place taken by a Sermon, 'about an houre long,' in the
College Chapel on the Sunday morning of the week in which
the exposition is intermitted. It would seem, from this order,
as if the Sunday Morning Sermons, already spoken of in
connexion with Dr. Staunton, had fallen into abeyance.
The last entry in the Order Book of the Parliamentary Presi-
dent and Fellows was made on July 4, 1660, the last admis-
sion on July 1 6, and, as we have seen, Newlyn was restored
to the Presidentship on July 31, and Staunton ejected from
the President's Lodgings on August 3. Reversing the usual
order, the new state of things had given place to the old, and
the interval of academical government by the Parliamentary
Visitors soon seemed as if it had never been.
Of the ninety members of the Foundation appointed or
elected during Staunton's Presidency, but few attained to
subsequent eminence. The following may be enumerated :
1 I say ' apparently,' because the word ' allowance,' in the Visitors' order, might
be confined to the ' Pensions ' only, for which see Statutes, ch. 37.
ADMISSIONS DURING THIS PERIOD. 231
John Rowe, an eminent Presbyterian Minister, and voluminous
author, one of the preachers at Westminster Abbey, admitted
in 1648 ; Joseph Allen or Allein, also a noted Puritan
writer, whose life was written by Baxter, admitted in 1651 ;
and John Roswel or Rosewell, the excellent Tutor of whom
we shall hear presently *, and subsequently Head Master of
Eton, a liberal donor to the C. C. C. Library, admitted in
1653. Outside the list of Fellows and Scholars may be men-
tioned Edward Fowler, admitted Clerk in 1650 and Chaplain
in 1653, subsequently, as Bishop of Gloucester, one of the
leading prelates in William the Third's time, and a principal
representative of what was called the Latitudinarian School
of Divinity.
1 See p. 234.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE RESTORATION AND THE PERIOD OF THE LATER STUARTS.
NEWLYN had not long been restored to the Presidentship,
before an order of the Royal Commissioners, dated Aug. 22,
was served upon him for the ejection of certain of the ' in-
truded ' and the restoration of certain of the ejected fellows,
the parts being now completely reversed. According to the
official document, still extant in the College archives, the now
ejected Fellows were Samuel By field, John Sayer, Josiah
Lane, William Gardner, Thomas Malthus, and Thomas Wight;
the restored Fellows, or rather Scholars who were now to be
placed in the Fellowships which they would have otherwise
occupied, had it not been for their ejection, were William
Fulman, William Coldham, Norton Bold, James Metford, and
Thomas Yeomans (or Immings). But a List, drawn up by
Mr. Joshua Reynolds (Metford's Correspondent, already re-
ferred to), now in MSS. J. Walker, c. 8, fol. 245, adds to the
list of restored Fellows Dr. James Hyde and Mr. Richard
Samwayes, agreeing therein with the list given at the begin-
ning of the College Register for 1660 and following years,
and substitutes for Thomas Wight, the now ejected Fellow,
the name of John Peachell. Both Wight and Peachell must
have been ejected, as their names are affixed to College
Orders on the very eve of the Restoration, but do not occur
in the list of Fellows given at the beginning of the Restoration
Register, just mentioned. The number of ejected Fellows
(seven) is thus equated with the number of restored Fellows.
At the same time, Edward Eales, according to Joshua Rey-
nolds, was restored to his Chaplaincy, one of the then
Chaplains, but we do not know which, being ejected to make
SECOND PRESIDENCY OF ROBERT NEWLYN. 233
room for him. According to the same authority, Mr. Robert
Newlyn again became Steward (Clericus Computi), Henry
Price, Cook, and Thomas Bowden, formerly Porter, became
Butler1. These seem to have been all the alterations made in
the personnel of the College. Joshua Reynolds remarks that
' all the rest of our ejected members were either dead, marryed,
or preferred, except Jo. Betts, who turned Papist.'
What became of Dr. Newlyn during the twelve years he
was c outed ' from the Presidentship, we do not know, except
that, as we are informed by Wood (Life and Times, ed.
Clark, vol. iii. p. 258), he and his wife had nothing to
maintain them but a jointure of £40 a year, bequeathed to
her by her former husband. The years of adversity through
which he passed certainly do not appear to have improved his
character. Nor does the College seem to have gained in
learning, discipline, or quiet, by the change of government.
The constant appeals to, or intervention of, the Visitor reveal-
ing to us-, as they do, the internal dissensions of the Society
itself, recall the troubled days of Cole's presidency. And
Newlyn himself seems to have been largely to blame for this
disorganized condition of the College. His government appears
to have been lax, and his nepotism, even for those days, was
remarkable. During the first fourteen years after his return,
no less than four Newlyns are found in the list of scholars,
while, in the list of clerks and choristers (places exclusively in
the gift of the President), the name Newlyn, for many years
after his return, occurs more frequently than all other names
taken together2. It would appear as if there had been
a perennial supply of grand-nephews 3, to stop the avenues of
preferment to less favoured students.
1 This statement is incorrect, as it appears from the College Register (vol. i.)
that James Man was appointed by the Royal Commissioners, Aug. n, 1660.
8 James Parkinson, a Scholar (admitted 167 £), was ejected ' for abusing some
of the relations of Dr R. Neulin, the President, and for saying that it was a
scandalous matter to be a Neulin,' &c. Afterwards, he became a Fellow and well-
known Tutor of Lincoln. See Wood's Ath. Ox. One of the Newlins (Robert,
elected Scholar 1674), together with another Scholar, John Bradshaw, broke into
the room of one of the Senior Fellows, robbed him, and attempted to murder him
in his sleep. See further on, p. 254, under the year 1677.
3 See above, under Newlyn's first Presidency, pp. 194-5, note 2.
334 JOHN POTENGE&S ELECTION AS SCHOLAR.
Before undertaking the task of recording the dissensions in
the College and its unsatisfactory relations with its Visitor,
I will turn to a more pleasing topic — a contemporary account1
of his studies and intercourse with his tutor, left by one of
the scholars of this period, John Potenger, elected to a
Hampshire Scholarship in 1664. From the account of his
candidature, it appears that, even then, there was an effective
examination for the scholarships, though it only lasted a day
and seems to have been entirely vivd voce. It is curious
to find Potenger largely attributing his success to his age,
' being some years younger ' than his rivals 2, ' a circumstance
much considered by the electors.' Can the well-known
preference of the Corpus electors for boyish candidates in the
days of Arnold and Keble, and even to a date within the
memory of living members of the College, have been a
tradition from the seventeenth century? It appears that the
tutor was then selected by the student's friends. ' I had the
good fortune,' says Potenger, ' to be put to Mr. John Roswell '
(afterwards Head Master of Eton and a great benefactor of the
Corpus library), ' a man eminent for learning and piety, whose
care and diligence ought gratefully to be remembered by me as
long as I live. I think he preserved me from ruin at my first
setting out into the world. He did not only endeavour to make
his pupils good scholars, but good men. He narrowly watched
my conversation' (i.e. behaviour), 'knowing I had too many
acquaintance in the University that I was fond of, though they
were not fit for me. Those he disliked he would not let me
converse with, which I regretted much, thinking that, now I
was come from school, I was to manage myself as I pleased,
which occasioned many differences between us for the first
1 My attention was directed to the rare book, which contains this account, by
Mr. C. H. Firth of Balliol College. It is entitled The Private Memoirs of John
Potenger, Esq., edited by C. W. Bingham, and was published by Hamilton,
Adams & Co. in 1841. Since I wrote this portion of my work, extracts from this
and many other ' Reminiscences of Oxford ' have been published by the Oxford
Historical Society (1892).
3 And yet, at the date of his admission, he was more than 16 years old. Even
in the early part of the present century, there were many admissions of scholars
younger than Potenger, as I shall point out, when I arrive at that period.
ACCOUNT OF HIS COLLEGE LIFE. 235
two years, which ended in an entire friendship on both sides.'
Potenger ' did not immediately enter upon logick and philo-
sophy, but was kept for a full year to the reading of classical
authors, and making of theams in prose and verse/ The
students still spoke Latin at dinner and supper ; and con-
sequently, at first, 'his words were few.' There were still
disputations in the hall, requiring a knowledge of logic and
philosophy; but Potenger's taste was mainly for the com-
position of Latin and English verse and for declamations.
His poetical efforts were so successful, that his tutor gave
him several books 'for an encouragement.' For his Bachelor's
degree he had to perform not only public exercises in the
schools, but private exercises in the College, a custom which
survived long after this time. One of these was a reading in
the College Hall upon Horace. ' I opened my lectures with
a speech which I thought pleased the auditors as well as
myself.' After taking his degree he fell into vicious habits
which, though commenced in Oxford, were completed by
his frequent visits to London. ' Though I was so highly
criminal, yet I was not so notorious as to incur the censure
of the Governors of the College or the University, but for
sleeping out morning prayer, for which I was frequently
punished.' 'The two last years I stayed in the University,
I was Bachelour of Arts, and I spent most of my time in
reading books which were not very common, as Milton's
works, Hobbs his Leviathan ; but they never had the power
to subvert the principles which I had received of a good
Christian and a good subject.' The exercises for his Master
of Arts degree he speaks of, as if they were difficult and
laborious.
In the summer of 1663, there arose a hot dispute in the
College with respect to the allegation that Fulman had
forfeited his Fellowship by not entering Priest's orders within
the period, dating from his Regency as Master of Arts,
which was prescribed by the Statutes. The Vice-President
(Immings), taking advantage of the absence of the President,
had, at the urgent instance of Daniel Agas, the Junior Dean,
336" A GENERAL VISITATION OF THE COLLEGE.
actually gone to the length of expelling him. Whatever
might be the interpretation of the Statute on assuming
Holy Orders, which was disputed, there could be no doubt
that the Vice-President had largely exceeded his powers by
expelling a Fellow with the consent of only a single officer
of the College. The case, as a doubtful one, was referred by
the President and a large majority of the Fellows to the de-
cision of the Visitor, George Morley, formerly Canon and lately
Dean of Ch. Ch,, now Bp. of Winchester. Morley, deferring the
more general question of the interpretation of the Statute, for
a definitive judgment, gave an ad interim decision, on the
particular case, that, if Fulman entered Deacon's orders and
then Priest's orders within certain prescribed times, he should
be left in undisturbed possession of his Fellowship. But
many of the Fellows, for this and other reasons, were anxious
for a general visitation of the College, and, on the 6th of
July, 1663, five of the Senior Fellows, and two College
officers, including Benjamin Parry, William Fulman, and
John Rosewell (the President, it will be noticed, not joining),
petitioned the Visitor ' to visit the College in such manner as
his Lordship in his wisedome shall judge most agreeable to
the Statutes.' Accordingly, in the following year (June 22,
1664), Morley, who had only recently come to his see, cited
all persons on the foundation of the College to appear, for
visitation, in the Chapel on July 25 following. On July 19,
the Bishop, who, according to Wood x, came also to visit the
other Colleges under his jurisdiction, arrived in Oxford late in
the evening, and took up his lodging at Christ Church, his old
College, probably as the guest of the Dean. On July 20,
' he went to Magdalen College, about nine in the morning ' ;
on July 21, to New College ; on July 22, he dined at Ch. Ch.,
and went in the afternoon to (?St. John's2); on July 24,
1 Ath. Oxon. sub George Morley. My information about the Visitation of
Corpus is derived from a MS. Paper in the hand-writing of Fulman, who was, of
course, a contemporary witness, still preserved amongst the President's papers.
The Bundle, in which it is contained, is numbered in my MS. Catalogue as No. 16.
I have given a full account of this Visitation, thinking that such an account,
derived from a contemporary source, would be of interest to many of my readers.
2 Here there is a blank space in the MS.
ACCOUNT OF THE PROCEEDINGS. 237
which, it may be noticed, was a Sunday, he went to Trinity.
On July 25, 'about nine in the morning, he came to C.C.C.,
accompanied by the Bishop of Gloucester' (William Nicholson),
' the Deane of Worcester ' (Thomas Warmestry), ' Sir William
Turner, and Sir Modiford Bramston.'
* In the Gatehouse was a chaire, set for the Visitor, where, being
sate, a Speech was made by Mr. Benjamin Parry, STB, one of
the Senior Fellowes. The speech being ended, he went to the
President's Lodging, and, after a short stay, to the Chapell to
Prayers. Where he sat in the President's seat, and, at a distance
on that side, Sir Will. Turner and Sir N. Bramston. In the Vice-
President's seat sat the President, and near him the Bp. of Gloc,
and then the Deane of Wore. After Prayers, they returned to the
Lodging, and soon after the Visitor went into the Hall and, placing
himself at the side table, with Sir William Turner at his right hand
and Sir N. B. at the left, both sitting bare, the names of the whole
Society were called over, every one answering. Then, the Statute
concerning Visitation being read, the Visitor declared that he was
come to that purpose, and did take those two Knights for his
Assessors and Counsellors, who thereupon likewise put on their hats.
Then were proposed and read by the Bishop's Secretary the Articles
to be enquired. Then was proposed the forme of an Oath, first
shewed to the President, and then read aloud to the rest1. The
President, at first, moved some scruple against the taking a new
oath, but at length it was taken by him and all the Fellowes and
Scholars. Which done, the Visitor made a speech in Latine to this
purpose : That we read in Scripture, when the cry of Sodome and
Gomorrah was ascended unto heaven, God said, I will2 (go down
now, and see whether they have done altogether according to the
cry of it, which is come unto me ; and if not, I will know. Gen. xviii.
21). That this, being the first visitation we read of, was to be the
rule and measure of all that should follow. For God being himself
would not need any inquiry into the {facts of the case,
1 The ' Formula Juramenti ' ran as follows : ' Tu jurabis, quod dices et denun-
tiabis plenam et meram veritatem, An scilicet Ordinationes et Statuta Fundatoris
vestri, quantum ad quemlibet e Collegio vestro pertinent, fuerint debite executa
et observata : Et quod (exceptis occultis) denuntiabis etiam qusecunque noveris vel
credideris reformanda, statum, commodum, et honorem Collegii vestri quomodo-
cunque concernentia. Ita Deus te adjuvet.'
2 Here, as also a few lines further on, there is a space left blank, evidently not
to suppress anything, but for the purpose of being filled up afterwards.
338 MURDER OF ONE STUDENT BY ANOTHER.
or something to that effect). But intended by His example to shew
how others were to (act under such circumstances, or something to
that effect). That he should (nof omitted) make any inquiry or
use any severity more than was meet, nay than was necessary. And,
being to give an account to the King of the state of the College,
he wished he might doe it p.era xap<*s- Lastly, he adjourned his
Visitation to the morrow between the houres of foure and seven
afternoon. Then, dismissing the Company, his Lordship went about
to see the College, and, returning to the President's Lodging, saw
the Mitre and Crosier Staffe.' (It will be noticed that the College
then possessed the Mitre (doubtless of the Founder)1 as well as the
Crosier.) 'At Dinner his Lordship sat at the end of the High
Table in the Hall, the Bishop of Gloucester on the inside and the
President at his other hand ; then the rest of the company.'
Then follow, in Fulman's MS., the following entries : —
' That night a Scholar was killed in the Street about eleven of
the clock neere the Starre Inn' (now the Clarendon) 'in the North
Street : for whose death a son of Sir William Turners ' (just
mentioned as one of the Visitor's Assessors), 'of Wadham College,
was suspected and seised upon. Afterwards, a servant of Sir
William took it upon him, and was tryed for it, and acquitted.'
(A tolerably evident case, I fear, of a collusion for the purpose
of defeating the ends of justice, the probable criminal being the son
of a powerful man and a member of the University2).
'July 26. The next day, about foure afternoone, the first stone
of the Theatre ' (the Sheldonian Theatre, erected by the munificence
of Archbishop Sheldon) 'was layd; the Vice-Chan cellor with the
Doctors and Masters being present in their formalities, the Bishops
1 The remains of this mitre, then decayed, were actually sold in 1736 and 1737 !
See under Dr. Mather's Presidency.
a The condonation of offences (even murders), in the case of powerful men or
their sons, was not uncommon at this time. Thus, in 1671, the Duke of Monmouth
received the Royal pardon for his share in the wanton murder of a street watch-
man. For the instance of Crabtree of Balliol, who, having stabbed a fellow-
undergraduate so that he died, pleaded benefit of clergy, was condemned to
burning in the hand, and then received the Royal pardon in 1624, see Mr. R. Lane
Poole's article on Balliol, in the Oxford Colleges, p. 47. We shall find a some-
what similar instance at Corpus in 1677. Wood (Diary, July 25, 1664) speaks as
if Sir Wm. Turner's son were himself tried at the Assizes : ' He held up his hand
at the next assizes and downe upon his knees for his life. By means of his father
Sir William Turner, Dr., his life was saved.' See Wood's Life and Times, ed.
Clark, vol. ii. p. 18.
ARTICLES OF ENQUIRY AND ANSWERS. 239
of Wint. Gloc. and Oxon likewise there. Doctor South made a
Speech.'
' Afterward, the Visitor came to C. C. C., and went immediately
into the Hall, where he sat as before with Sir M. Br. at his left hand
(Sir W. Turner absent). The names were againe called over. Which
done, the President presented an answer to the Articles.'
These articles took the form of questions on the observation
of the Statutes, much like the questions on the Ten Com-
mandments used in the Confessional, together with a general
invitation and requirement that the several members of the
Foundation should denounce any other breach of the Statutes
or Visitors' Injunctions, not specified in the particular ques-
tions, and, moreover, should point out any reforms of existing
practices which might conduce to the advantage or honour of
the College. To these articles the answers handed in are very
brief, and are mostly to the effect that the Statutes are ob-
served, without any further remark. To the question whether
the Bible is still read in Hall daily at dinner, and a portion
of the passage read expounded by one of the Fellows after
dinner ; and whether the conversation at table is still confined
to Latin and Greek, the answer is : ' Biblia quotidie leguntur
et fiunt partis lectae expositiones, latino sermone ordinarie
(sic ; word erased) magna ex parte utuntur sedentes in
mensa.' It thus appears that the custom of reading the
Bible at dinner, and expounding a portion of it afterwards,
was still retained, but that the custom of speaking Latin (of
Greek there is no mention) was often infringed, or imperfectly
observed, English words probably being freely inserted in the
Latin (or dog-Latin) sentences. To the question whether
the lectures in the public schools of the University and at
Magdalen are still frequented, the answer is that the practice
of attending lectures at Magdalen has fallen into desuetude
for at least fifty years, and has been dispensed with, while as
to attendance at public lectures in the University ' non liquide
constat,' a very suggestive and eminently unsatisfactory an-
swer. To several of the questions and to the general invita-
tions or requirements at the end of the Articles it is answered :
'Quod non sit aliquis excessus, inordinatio, crimen, aut de-
240 ANSWERS TO ARTICLES OF ENQUIRY.
lictum de quo in his articulis inquiritur aut contra quod in
statutis Collegii nostri aut per se planis aut per interpretationes
Visitatorum nostrorum declaratis providetur, quod non sit
punitum vel emendatum, aut domesticis remediis et ordinario
procedendi modo, quern statuta alias postulant, non corrigi et
reformari possit.' From a marginal note, written by Fulman,
it appears that the following sentence had been erased : ' In-
super Praesidens, Seniores et Officiarii, ubi res exigit, modo et
methodo praedictis se processuros, caeteri se correctionem de-
bitam subituros, omnes se pietati, paci, et charitati, studiis, et
observation i Statutorum sedulo operam daturos pollicentur
et spondent.' As to the ' Scrutiny ' prescribed in Cap. 53 of
the Statutes, i.e. the annual inquiry not only into the observa-
tion of the Statutes, but into the life, conversation, manners,
studies, and proficiency of the several members of the College,
as well as into all matters which might require reformation or
correction, the answer is : { Necnon scrutinium quod longa
jam desuetudine exolevit iterum in usum et vigorem pristinum,
si Domino Visitatori visum fuerit, restitui potest.'
The answers are signed by the President, fifteen actual
Fellows, including Benjamin Parry and the Vice-President
(Francklin), by one Probationer, and by sixteen Scholars
(' Discipuli '). Fulman, John Paris, and Benjamin Parry (who,
alone of the three, had signed the general answer) returned a
separate answer to the following effect : ' Nos etiam supra-
scriptae Responsioni (excepto quod Magister Agas pacem
Collegii turbat, nee Domini Visitatoris Determinationi acqui-
escit) manus apponimus.' ' Mr. Rosewell,' it is added, ' pre-
sented an Answer by himself ; but declared that he did not
dissent from the rest, but only was not so well satisfied in
some particulars. Mr. Agas presented another. And at
length Mr. Imings.'
This is the close of the account, written partly in the hand-
writing of Fulman, partly in that of another. Whether the
Visitation was followed by any general Injunctions of the
Visitor we do not know. The only result that we learn from
the College documents was the sentence passed by the Visitor
on Daniel Agas, who, as Junior Dean, had so vehemently in-
SENTENCE ON DANIEL AGAS. 241
sisted on the expulsion of Fulman. According to Wood's
account1, however, the main offence for which Agas was
sentenced was his violent bearing towards the Visitor him-
self; for he 'accused the bishop of injustice before his face,
for granting and sending letters to the College in behalf of
Thomas Turner ' (subsequently President), 'son of Dr Tnomas
Turner' (Dean of Canterbury), 'to come in scholar, for which
his impudence he was put out of commons for three weeks '
(months)2. The material part of the Visitor's sentence3,
which is a somewhat curious document, runs as follows :
' That, whereas the said Mr Agas standeth presented by some of
the Fellows, and accused by others, for being a person of a turbulent
spirit and a sower of discord in the said Colledge, And having wrote
an audacious and scandalous paper which he formerly delivered
with his own hands unto the said Lord Bishop his Visitor, and
seemed again (when he had been pardoned upon his submission) to
Justine the same at the publike meeting of the Visitation of the said
Colledge, The said Mr Agas should be immediately suspended
from the Communes and all the profits of his Fellowship (of what
nature soever) for the space of three whole months, and untill such
time as he shall acknowledge his Crimes and publikly confesse his
sorrow for the same and promise Reformation in some publike
manner Whereupon his Lordship, the said Visitor, hath
since been pleased to declare his sense and meaning more par-
ticularly in this businesse, and doth decree and injoyne, viz. That
the said Mr Agas shall appeare before the President of the said
Colledge and the Fellowes in the Chapell, Hall, or such other publike
place as the President shall appoynt, and there acknowledge, That
he hath pertinaciously and contumeltously carried himself against the
said Lord Bishop, especially for writing and delivering that Paper
before named, which was openly read in the Hall in the time of the
Visitation aforesaid, and for any other disturbance he hath made in
the Colledge : And shall promise, for the time to come, that he will
live more peaceably amongst them, and more submissively and
obediently towards his Governors and Superiours, more especially
1 Wood's Ath. Ox. sub George Morley.
2 In Wood's Diary, it is added ' And Mr Yeamons is suspended,' i. e. Thomas
Yeomans or Immings, who, as Vice-President, had unstatutably expelled Fulman.
3 Numbered in my MS. Catalogue, 20 d.
R
242 VACILLATION OF THE PRESIDENT.
towards his Visitor for the time being, And farther shall solemnely
amongst them receive the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper
upon the next day appointed, and so constantly for the time to come.'
He was to obtain a certificate of his 'conformity and promises'
from the College, and, upon the bringing in of such a certificate,
' to be .absolved in diem, and relaxed from his suspension for six
months as upon Probation, and if, in the meane time, no just
complaint be made and proved against him, then to be clearley
absolved, and restored in integrum, upon his personal submission
also unto the Lord Bishop the Visitor himself.'
To these conditions, sufficiently degrading and humiliating,
for a clergyman and Fellow of a College of some standing,
Agas submitted, and received a certificate both of his public
apology in the form prescribed and of his reception, on
October 2, of the Holy Communion in the College Chapel.
This last requirement is probably to be regarded, not so much
in the light of a punishment as of a test of conformity ; for
Wood, in the Athenae as above referred to, speaks of Agas as
' educated there under the presbyterians,' implying thereby,
of course, that he had himself presbyterian proclivities.
Before dismissing the subject of this Visitation, and the
preceding events connected with Fulman, there are two points
worthy of notice : (i) that the President seems to have been
guilty of a good deal of vacillation, if not of double dealing,
in the matter of Fulman, for in an address, presented to him
by seven of the Fellows J, it is requested that ' you will be
pleased to let us know plainly and directly, whether you have
allready made any kind of application to our Honorable
Visitor in the differences before mentioned, wherein wee
desire you to deale plainly and clearly with us, as wee shall
doe with you ' ; (2) in a paper on the Fulman business 2, with
no name attached but conjectured on the endorsement to be
by Agas, it is said that John Paris, one of the Senior Fellows,
who supported Fulman, had never received episcopal orders,
and, therefore, by an Act of 12 C. 2, passed at the Restoration,
had forfeited his Fellowship. But it would appear, from the
, 1 Contained in the bundle of papers, marked in my MS. Catalogue, No. 16.
2 20 f in my MS. Catalogue.
PARLIAMENT MEETS IN OXFORD. 243
silence of all the contemporary documents extant, as if his
orders had never been called in question within the College.
In the autumn of 1665, the Parliament, owing to an out-
break of the plague in London, met in Oxford, and their
presence involved that of the Court. On September 12, the
College addressed a letter 1 to Bishop Morley, signed by the
President, Seniors, and Officers, in which they state that,
understanding ' that our College is designed to lodge some of
Her Majesties Attendants, and a great part of it is allready
taken up for that purpose, we are necessitated to think of
some speedy course for the disposing of those persons which
must be removed upon this occasion, which, though we cannot
doe any better, or indeed any other way, than by dismissing
them, especially the younger sort, into the countrey,' yet, as
the number of absentees would be greater than the Statutes
ordinarily permitted, the time of absence longer, and there
was no statutable allowance of Commons to the absent, they
thought it their duty to have recourse to the Visitor's direction
in ' a case extraordinary, and such as our statutes take no
notice of.' The Visitor, replying on the 14th, from Farnham,
dispenses with the various statutes in question, ' which, being
for the special service of His Majesty, who is our Supreme
Visitor, and may dispose of us all as He pleases, I conceive
very fit to be done, and therefore doe hereby dispense with
the said particulars during His Majesties stay at Oxon and no
longer, unlesse any infection there shall hinder their returne.'
From the Buttery Book for this year, we find that about ten
or twelve of the B. A. and Undergraduate Scholars dis-
appeared from the College for some time.
At this point I may introduce the connexion with the
College of James, the unhappy Duke of Monmouth, the
reputed natural son, and at this time the supreme favourite
of Charles the Second. Wood tells us, in the Fasti 2, that ' in
the plague year, 1665, when the king and queen were at Oxon,
he was entred as a member in C. C. coll. there.' And, in the
1 20 e in my MS. Catalogue.
2 Sub Sept. 28, 1663, when Monmouth was incorporated M.A. from Cambridge.
R 2
244 DUKE OF MO N MOUTH ENTERED AT CORPUS.
Diary1, there is the entry: 'Sept. 25, 1665, the king and
duke of Monmouth came from Salisbury to Oxon
The king lodged himself in Xt Ch and the duke of
Monmouth and his dutchess at C. C. Coll.' They probably
continued in Corpus till Jan. 27 following, when ' the king
with his retinue went from Oxon to Hampton V Monmouth's
name, however, does not occur in the buttery-books till the
week beginning May n, 1666, when it is inserted between the
names of the President and Vice- President. Whether, after
this time, he ever resided in the College, or indeed in Oxford,
is uncertain ; but the name remains on the books till July 1 2th,
1683, when it was erased after the discovery of Monmouth's
conspiracy and flight 3. The erasures are carried back as far
as the week beginning June i.
The next event to be recorded is an action brought at the
Oxford Assizes, Michaelmas, 1666, against three persons at
Burford for being in unlawful possession of sixty Copes, no
less than 400 other vestments, two carpets, &c., belonging to
the College, the value, when the items are enumerated separ-
ately, being estimated at ^3200, though the damages, at the
end of the Declaration, are laid only at ^"3000. The exact cir-
cumstances under which this Declaration was filed are not
altogether easy to conjecture. Probably these vestments had
been deposited, during the Civil War, with some person or
persons at Burford, had been reclaimed at the Restoration, had,
somehow or other, been casually lost or lost sight of, and had
been found by the defendants, who refused to give them up and
converted them to their own uses, by sale or otherwise. I have
thought it best to reproduce the document 4, which is endorsed
1 Wood MSS. D. 19 (3), for reference to which I am indebted to the Rev.
Andrew Clark. (The passage is now published in Wood's Life and Times, vol. ii.
p. 58.)
2 The Liber Benefactornm records that Monmouth, on leaving the College,
presented a tankard, weighing 35 ounces : ' Jacobus Dux de Monmouth &c.,
cum anno 1665, peste per Angliam grassante, ad istius Collegii perfugium se
reciperet, unum cantharum eidem abeuns reliquit.' This tankard, which does not
now exist, was probably melted down after Monmouth's rebellion.
3 The dates in Wood's Life and Times, vol. iii. p. 64, it will be seen from
these statements, are not accurately given.
* Numbered as 2 2 e in my MS. Catalogue.
TRIAL REGARDING THE LOST COPES. 245
'Copes,' as exactly as possible, merely rendering the contractions
in full. The following are the precise words of the Declaration :
'Mich: 1 8° Car: 2^. R. &c.
Oxon. Scilicet. Praesidens Collegij Corporis Christi in Vniuersitate
Oxoniensi et Scholares eiusdem Collegij queruntur de Tho: Maslin
Will. Streete Sen. W. Streete Jun: in Custodia Mareschalli etc. pro
eo viz. quod cum ijdem Praesidens et Scholares i° die Julij Anno
regni Domini Car: 2^. nunc Regis Anglie etc. 12°. apud Burford in
Comitatu prasdicto possessionati fuissent de quibusdam bonis et
Catallis, viz. Sexaginta vestibus Sacerdotalibus vocatis Copes auro
acupictis ad valentiam mille et quingentarum librarum quadringentis
virgatis Serici auro acupicti praeantea parcella aliarum vestium Sacer-
dotalium vocatarum Copes Serici, auro arupict(?i or arum), ad
valentiam mille et quingentarum librarum et duobus Instratis anglice
Carpetts de Serico acupictis ad valentiam ducentarum librarum vt de
bonis et Catallis suis proprijs. Et sic inde possessionati existentes
ijdem Praesidens et Scholares bona et Cattalla ilia extra eorum pos-
sessionem casualiter perdiderunt et amiserunt. quae quidem bona et
Cattalla postea videlict praedicto i°. die Julij anno 12° supradicto
apud Burford praedictum Comitatu praedicto ad manus et posses-
sionem praedictorum T. W. et W. per inuentionem deuenerunt prae-
dicti tamen T. W. et W. scientes bona et Cattalla praedicta fore
bona et Cattalla ipsorum Praesidentis et Scholarium propria et ad
eosdem Praesidentem et Scholares de iure spectare et pertinere
machinantes tamen et fraudulenter intendentes eosdem Praesidentem
et Scholares in hac parte callide et subdole dicipere et defraudare
bona et cattalla praedicta licet sepius requisiti etc. eisdem Praesidenti
et Scholaribus non deliberauerunt sed bona et Cattalla praedicta
postea videlicet vltimo die Decembris Anno Regni dicti Domini
Regis nunc 17°. apud Burford praedictum in Comitatu praedicto ad
vsum ipsorum Thomae, Willelmi et Willelmi proprium conuerterunt
et disposuerunt vnde ijdem Praesidens et Scholares dicunt quod ipsi
deteriorati sunt et dampnum habent ad valentiam trium Mille
librarum et inde producunt sectam etc.'
Mr. J. L. Mathews, Clerk of Assize on the Oxford Circuit,
has kindly made search for me among the records in his
custody, but informs me that there are no records extant of
Civil proceedings at or anywhere about this time. There is,
however, a curious confirmation of the trial in the Fulman
246 DISPUTE ABOUT THE PRESIDENT'S HORSES.
MSS., vol. 10, fol. 192, where there occurs the following entry :
1 Triall at Oxford Assises for the Copes, Jul. 29, 1667. 400".
60 Copes 2 Carpets 54 Pieces.' It would appear as if
damages were found for £400, the verdict being for the
misappropriation of 60 Copes, 2 Carpets, and 54 Pieces {? of
Copes). There is no mention of this trial in Wood's Diary;
but in the Tower Book of the College, there is an entry, under
Feb. 9, i66f, to the effect that £3 i6s. od., taken out of the
Tower Fund, was ' laid out in the business of the Copes.'
Of these Copes and other vestments we have heard a good
deal in the early history of the College. There is a curious
connecting link in an entry, in the Liber Magnus, under
May 2, 1640, shortly before the end of Jackson's President-
ship : ' Paid to Richard Hall for mending the Copes ut valet
per Bill, igs. 9^.' There can be little doubt, if they were
ordered to be mended, that they were worn l.
Passing by an unimportant Visitor's decision, in 1667, which
had already been anticipated in practice as well as by an
order of the Parliamentary Visitors, allowing the College to
elect a Proctor, the next circumstance, worthy of mention, is
a curious dispute about the President's horses, which occurred
in 1672. The Statutes allowed the President, not only on
College progresses, but for his own private affairs, when
absent, the use of four or five horses, with their saddlery and
trappings. Concerning this Statute a question had been
raised between the President and the Senior Bursar's Deputy,
whether ' it is equitable and reasonable that the President
may, of the four or five horses mentioned, have two such as
may be serviceable both for coach and sadles.' Some of the
President's reasons, which alone we have, are curiously redolent
1 Professor Rogers (History of Prices, vol. v. p. 33) says that he has found only
two Colleges which submitted to Laud's instructions, Corpus in Oxford and
St. John's in Cambridge. ' In these two, and in these two only, for a few years
an ornate ritual was adopted— Copes, wax candles, and other furnitures.' Possibly
Corpus was the only College in Oxford which adopted the Copes, because it was
the only College which possessed them.
There is a previous entry in one of the Libri Magni, on Aug. 19, 1637 (for
which see extracts from the Chapel accounts, in Appendix B), most probably
relating to a Cope-box purchased for the College.
THE CHANNEL ISLANDS CLAIM A SCHOLARSHIP. 247
of old times: i. 'Two such he hath had for six years, and
they might have lasted much longer, had they not died of an
infectious disease ' ; a. ' Relyinge on the continuance thereof
he hath not long since bought a new coach ' ; 3. ' His age and
infirmitie of body require it. Phisitians will attest that its not
safe for him to ride a journey on horseback '54.' This way
hee and one of his servants are provided, and in severall
progresses his Coach hath carried one Fellow allso, some
times two'; 5- 'This way expenses for bridles and saddles
have beene and may be saved, which appeare to be con-
siderable by our annuall account.' It may be hoped that the
good sense of the parties concerned prevented this appeal
from reaching the Visitor, of whom no decision is extant.
In the spring of 1674 an attempt was made to procure one
of the Hampshire Scholarships for natives of Jersey and
Guernsey, under the mistaken idea that there were three
Scholarships confined to natives of this County1. A Royal
letter, dated April i, reinforced by a letter from the Visitor,
was sent to the College, signifying the King's ' express will
and pleasure ' that this appropriation should be made. But
the College put in a document, signed by the Mayor of
Winchester and the High Sheriff of the County of Southampton,
testifying that these Islands had never done any suit or
service at the Assizes or Sessions of the County, nor hath the
Sheriff of the said County any authority in these Islands.
And, protesting that they believed obedience to the King's
command would be a violation of their statutes, they begged
that this matter might be referred to the Judges. What the
precise issue was, we do not know, but, as no Fellowship or
Scholarship ever was appropriated or even thrown open to
these Islands, we may presume that either the matter was
dropped altogether or the answer of the Judges was un-
favourable.
1 Any one reading the Statutes, simply for reference, might easily be pardoned
for making this mistake. For in cap. 9, where the qualifications of Probationary
Fellows are enumerated, the Statute says simply : ' tres in comitatu Southamptonice.'
But in cap. 14, though the same words occur with regard to the Scholars, it is
added : ' de cujus numero ternario erit ille qui ex compositione Magistri Willelmi
Frost erit prsesentatus, quamvis fortasse non erit de eodem comitatu natus.'
248 ANOTHER GENERAL VISITATION.
In the summer of this year, Bishop Morley held another
Visitation of the College, beginning on July 24, but this time
through his Commissaries. There is no record, as in the
previous case, of the forms of procedure, and the original
articles of enquiry are almost precisely the same as those of
1664. Appended, however, to the long list of questions,
mainly founded on the Statutes, which it appears to have
been usual to ask at these Visitations, there is a very signi-
ficant interrogatory, ' added to the rest by the Visitor's special
command by letter, and to be particularly answered by all
the Fellows and Scholars : Whether they know or believe any
resignations of Fellowships or Scholarships to have beene
made for money, and by whome and to whome, and for how
much, either lately or since my last visitation.' This question
refers to the practice known as that of ' corrupt resignations '
which appears to have been very prevalent about this time *,
and specially, according to Wood, at Magdalen, New College,
and All Souls. At Corpus, however, if we may trust the
answer given by the College, the practice was unknown :
'nee audivimus nee credimus,' &c.2 To the question about
the daily reading of the Bible in Hall, the subsequent ex-
position of a portion of the passage read, and the speaking
only Latin or Greek at table, the answer is in the affirma-
tive as to the first two clauses of the question, but, as to the
last, it is confessed that ' in mensa sedentes colloquio Latino
vel Graeco non utuntur secundum exactam mentem Statu-
torum,' i.e. they had ceased to observe the statute, except,
probably, by occasional excursions into dog-Latin. To the
question about attending lectures at Magdalen or in the
University Schools, the same answer exactly is given as in
1 Wood's Annals, sub 1657. See particularly, on this practice, Professor
Burrows' Worthies of All Souls, chs. 13-15, and his edition of the Parliamentary
Visitors' Register, pp. 419-25. He says, in a note on p. 421 of the latter work,
that ' a passage in Bp. Lowth's Life of Wykeham, p. 193 (2nd ed. 1759), refers to
the abuse, as far from extinct in his time at New College.' The practice appears
to have existed at a very early period at Oriel. See Mr. Shadwell's article on
Oriel in The Colleges of Oxford, p. 107, and, on the subject generally, cp. pp.
116-7 and Mr. Oman's article on All Souls.
2 The number of cessions by resignation, however, at this time are considerable,
a circumstance which has a suspicious appearance.
ADDITIONAL QUESTIONS. 249
1664, except that 60 years is substituted for 50, as the period
during which attendance at Magdalen has fallen into de-
suetude. To the question about the closing of the gates,
there is the somewhat unsatisfactory answer that they are
closed at 9, and the keys taken to the Vice-President, but,
for any cause approved by him, they can be unlocked again
at any time. The Scrutiny is described as having become
obsolete, so that evidently there was no attempt to revive it
after the last Visitation. Comparing the two Visitations of
1664 and 1674, we cannot but observe that, not only the
questions, but also the answers, at these stated visitations
had a tendency to degenerate into common forms.
Bp. Morley, however, sent some additional questions, which
must have arrived on the very eve of the Visitation, even if
they were in time for its commencement, partly prompted
thereto, doubtless, by an appeal, from outside, which he had
just received on the subject of the Durham Scholarship. In
this document, the Commissaries are instructed particularly
to enquire of the President and some of the Fellows concerning
the manner of their elections, and whether at the last election
the Statutes had been duly observed. Moreover, at all the
Colleges which they were to visit, they were to enquire
diligently and particularly how often, in every of them, the
holy sacrament is administered, and whether all of the foun-
dation, especially the Priests, do duly frequent it; as also to
enquire and take notice of those of the foundation that wear
Periwigs or long hair, especially being Priests. To these
questions the President and Fellows of Corpus replied as
follows: 'To the ist, In generall, that we proceede in the
Elections according to the forme prescribed in the Statutes.
Particularly, that the last election of an Oxfordshire youth
into the Durham place was agreeable thereunto ; To the 3rd,
that the holy sacrament is duly administered upon the cheife
Festivall days of the yeare, and generally frequented by the
Preists and other members of the Colledge ; to the 3rd, that
some of the Foundation doe weare Periwigs, and none doth
weare his hayre otherwise than is common, decent, and agree-
able to the practice of others of the same condition.'
250 THE RITCHELL CASE.
The first of these enquiries had reference to a disputed
election to a Scholarship, which was destined to give the
College a great deal of trouble during this and the next year.
A mass of documents relating to it is still extant, including a
letter to a friend from the celebrated Dr. Edward Pocock,
distinctly adopting the view of the College. It appears that
one George Ritchell of St. Edmund Hall, a native of New-
castle on Tyne, and son of the ' minister ' of Hexham 1, was
the only candidate for a vacant Scholarship confined to the
Bishopric of Durham. But he was rejected on three grounds :
(i) that, though he asseverated that he was a native of the
Bishopric, he did not produce satisfactory proofs ; (2) that he
stammered, and was therefore disqualified by the Statutes ;
(3) that he was 'non habilis,' specially on account of his
verses (a copy of which, included among the papers, abun-
dantly justifies the assertion), moderate skill in Latin versifi-
cation being one of the statutable requirements. The College,
instead of filling up the Durham vacancy, elected one ad-
ditional Oxfordshire scholar, one John Hungerford (it has an
unfortunate appearance that the name of the other Oxfordshire
Scholar, elected just before, was Robert Newlin), to be reputed
as a Durham Scholar, and transferred to the Oxfordshire
foundation on the next vacancy. Ritchell's case was warmly
taken up by the clergy and gentry of the district, and petitions
were drawn up to the Visitor from the Dean and Chapter of
Durham and the inhabitants of the County Palatine, headed
by the High Sheriff. The Visitor took cognisance of the
appeal, and a statement of the case was given on each side
to the Commissaries at the quinquennial Visitation. But
they made no order with regard to it, and hence the College
maintained that the Visitor's power of interference, the appeal
being from an extern, even if it existed at all, had lapsed
till the next general Visitation came round. Then came a
1 There is a long account of this George Ritchell or Ritschel the elder in
Wood's Ath. Ox. sub nomine. He was a Bohemian by birth, and, being a
protestant, had fled from his native country and taken refuge in Oxford, where he
studied in the Bodleian, and became a member of Trinity. He was afterwards
appointed Head Master of the Grammar School at Newcastle on Tyne, where his
son was born.
THE VISITOR'S WRATH AGAINST THE COLLEGE. 251
controversy between the Visitor and the College, which pro-
cured a large number of opinions in its favour from eminent
lawyers, with the result that the Visitor had not the courage
himself to take any definite action \ But the matter was
brought before the King in Council, on the petition of the
rejected candidate, George Ritchell, June n, 1675, and was
remitted to the Duke of Ormond, Chancellor of the University,
who was to call to his assistance Sir Francis North, Lord
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir William Jones,
Attorney General, Sir Leoline Jenkins, Judge of the Ad-
miralty and Prerogative Courts, and Sir Robert Wyseman,
His Majesty's Advocate 2, who were to inspect and examine
the Statutes, the Visitor, President, and some of the Fellows,
as well as the Petitioner, being present at the meeting. The
meeting was to be on the i9th instant, and the Duke was to
make a report to the Privy Council, together with his opinion.
What was the precise issue of the business we do not know,
but, as Hungerford retained his Scholarship and Ritchell's
name never appears on the books, and as the case seems
never to have come again before the Privy Council 3, we may
presume that the petition was withdrawn.
That the Visitor's wrath was now rising against the College,
and his prejudices beginning to be enlisted against it, appears
incidentally in a postscript to a letter from Hungerford's
father to Dr. Newlyn, dated July 8, 1675, while the Chan-
cellor's report was being daily expected. It is to this effect :
' The Bishop of Winton did lately say, you would be undone
by Government, and instanced that wearing of Periwigs,
whereof he had given you an admonition to be a breach of
1 In the order of reference to the Duke of Ormond, in the transactions of the
Privy Council on June 1 1, it is stated : ' Wherefore the Petitioner did appeale
to the Lord Bishop of Winchester, Visitor of the said Colledge, for redress,
but the President and Fellows, denying his authority, did refuse to submit thereto.'
3 It is curious that, of these four legal assessors, three, namely North (while
Attorney General), Jones (while Solicitor General) and Wyseman, had already
given opinions in favour of the College.
3 There is no entry with regard to Ritschell's case on June 19, and I have
searched through the transactions of the Privy Council for more than six months
after that date, without finding any further mention of it, though, during that
period, the Council often met two or three times a week.
THE CURTOIS CASE.
Statute/ Did he mean that this heinous crime of wearing
Periwigs was to be visited by the dissolution of the College
or merely by the expulsion of the offending Fellows ?
A new ground of offence to the Visitor, and a new occasion
for his interference, occurred in 1677. Matthew Curtois, a
Probationer Fellow, just on the point of admission to actuality,
being at the time a Master of Arts and in Holy Orders, seems
to have been guilty of an act of sexual immorality within the
College walls. The Fellows, or a majority of them, very
properly refused to admit him to an actual Fellowship, and
thereby his Probationary Fellowship lapsed, and he lost the
rights of the College. He appealed direct to the King,
whether it was that there was some doubt as to his right of
appeal to the Visitor, or that Morley, defeated in Ritchell's
case, had counselled this mode of procedure. The King re-
ferred the matter to the Visitor, who reported that 'the
proceedings were not agreeable to the Statutes of the College,
but that many irregularities had been committed, which, if
permitted or connived at, might tend to the violation of the
discipline and government settled in the College.' Hereupon,
the appeal was remitted to the Bishop's absolute determina-
tion, as ' the sole Visitor of the College, and the proper judge
of any differences that might arise in it.' Morley, armed with
this plenary authority, proceeded to make the utmost use of
it for the humiliation of the College. In a long decision,
dated Feb. 8, 167^, and copied, by his orders, together with
the other documents, into the College Register, he decrees
Curtois' restoration to his probationership, and, immediately
afterwards, his admission to actuality, together with a full
pecuniary indemnity for any losses he might have sustained
during the period of his expulsion, on the sole condition that
he should make an abject apology for his offence, and implore
the Divine forgiveness, on his knees, publicly, at dinner time,
in the Hall. But with this humiliation of Curtois he couples
an almost equally humiliating requirement addressed to the
Fellows who had taken part in his expulsion, commanding
them to sign a paper ' acknowledging their fault and offence,'
in not previously consulting the Visitor on the meaning of the
MORLEY' S ARROGANCE AND SELF-ASSERTION. 253
statute under which they acted, and begging his pardon in the
most humble form of words which persons in their position
could be asked to subscribe. Those that were absent were to
repair to the College for the purpose, and the document was
to be signed by those who were present within two days of
its reception. The tone both of this document and of the one
to be noticed presently is as insolent and overbearing as the
pride and arrogance of office could inspire. We are glad to
find that the form sent was never subscribed at all, and no
form till several days after the prescribed limit, during which
time probably negotiations were going on between the Visitor
and the Fellows. Curtois, of course, made his acknowledg-
ment in the form in which it was sent.
The formal determination, by which Curtois was re-instated,
was followed, on the aoth of June, by another document,
equally insolent and self-asserting, in which certain injunc-
tions were promulgated by Morley in his visitatorial capacity.
The injunctions were to the following effect : ist, that, when-
ever there was any difference of opinion as to the meaning of
a statute, even if there were only one dissentient, recourse
should be had to the Visitor, for his decision ; and, that, in
future, no Fellow, Probationer, or Scholar should be expelled
unless for one of the crimina majora1 enumerated in the
statute, or, in case he were guilty of one of the crimina
minora, after three admonitions and three punishments, in an
ascending scale, with the intimation that, otherwise, even if
the President and Fellows were unanimous in their sentence,
the Visitor would, on appeal, restore him ; 3rd, that, hence-
forth, all female bed-makers should be immediately and for
ever discontinued 2, and males alone employed (a wise provi-
sion of the Founder, with regard to the common servants,
1 Notorious incontinency is, however, one of the ' crimina majora ' enumerated
in cap. 49. Of course, a question might be raised as to the exact meaning of the
word ' notorious.'
2 Morley speaks of young women, ' illaeque infimse conditionis nee semper bonse
famse et indolis,' as often employed on these duties, and that as attendants not
only on the senior but on the junior members of the College, and on commoners
as well as members of the foundation. This practice was probably in use, at that
time, in other Colleges as well as Corpus.
254 LOW STATE OF MORALITY AND HONOUR.
which he would doubtless have extended to the bed-makers,
had they existed in his time). Lastly, he orders that all
these injunctions shall be read aloud in the presence of the
Fellows and Scholars assembled in the Hall or Chapel for the
purpose (a curious incentive to youthful virtue and discipline),
and entered in the Register by a Notary Public. The record
remains in an enduring form and probably will remain for
centuries — but not to Morley's credit or that of the times in
which he lived.
This whole affair is curiously characteristic of the Restora-
tion period. Curtois must have smiled, as he referred his
cause to the King. And His Sacred Majesty, if he became
personally cognisant of it, must have been glad to devolve
such a business on the Visitor, while the Bishop would hardly
be extreme to mark amiss vices ratified by so high a sanction
and so much in vogue in fashionable society l.
Curtois' case was soon followed by a plentiful crop of appeals
or references to the Visitor, a result which seems indeed to
have been invited by his strictures on the conduct of the Fellows
in that matter. But the enumeration of the cases would be so
tedious to the reader, and the subjects of dispute, such as the
proper time of taking the B.A. Degree, the mode of reckoning
seniority, the question whether a Prebend can be held with a
Fellowship, &c., are now of so little interest, that I shall make
1 An offence even more disgraceful than that of Curtois occurred in the College
this same year, the two, when taken together, revealing the low state of morality
and honour to which the College had now sunk. Two scholars, according to
Wood (Ath. Ox. sub John Bradshaw), John Bradshaw and Robert Newlin, the
latter a nephew of the President, broke into the chamber of one of the Senior
Fellows, John Wickes, early in the morning of July 13, robbed him, and even
endeavoured to murder him in bed, while asleep. ' For which fact,' says Wood,
' being both apprehended, were secured in the college for one night : in which
time Neulin, by the connivance of the same President, made his escape ; but Brad-
shaw, being committed prisoner to the Castle at Oxon, and afterwards found
guilty for what he had done, at an assize held in the town hall there, was con-
demned to dye for the same on the 27th of the same month of July. Afterwards,
being remitted to his prison, continued a whole year there, and then was reprieved.'
Wood gives an account of the same event in his Diary, under July 13, 1677. The
only material circumstances which he adds are that the two students were
' atheists ' and that the instrument was a hammer, the head of which fell off, ' and
so he was saved.' Bradshaw 'afterwards taught school in Kent.'
OFFENCE OF WEARING PERIWIGS. 255
no attempt to describe them. Bp. Morley seems to have
positively revelled in these nice questions of statutable inter-
pretation, and he discusses them with evident gusto and at
inordinate length. One case alone, the Cox and Hellier case,
on the proper time of a Scholar's taking his B.A. degree,
with various excursions into other subjects, occupies twenty-
four large quarto pages in the volume l containing a fair copy
of the principal Visitatorial decisions, and considerably more
than a third of this whole volume is appropriated to Morley's
compositions. In the decision, to which I have just alluded,
he sometimes assumes a bantering, almost a rollicking, tone,
as where he tells the Fellows that, ' although it had been
better for them and for himself and for the credit of their
Society, if they would or could have agreed amongst them-
selves, yet, seeing they would not or could not, they have
done well, by coming to him, to take that course which must
make them agree, whether they will or not.' He speaks, in
this document, of the President as one whom ' I know to be
a right good man, and apter to forgive injuries than to do
any,' but, in another place, adroitly quotes the expression
' the President and his party ' used in one of the communi-
cations addressed to him, remarking ' for I see you are divided
into parties.' At the end, he returns, in a Postcript, to his
old abominations, the ' Periwigs.' Considering that the pas-
sage was written so late as 1680 2, it is curious enough to be
worth transcription.
' As for the clause alleged out of the Statute De Vestitu et Ornatu,
though I confess it to be foreign to the business properly and
principally referred unto me, yet I did think it worth the stepping
a little out of my way to give you my sense of your Founder's
intention and meaning in it, which was no doubt to forbid the
1 No. 25 in my Catalogue.
2 Under the date of May, 1679, Wood, in his Diary (ed. Clark, vol. ii. p. 451)
has this entry : ' Is it not a shame that a Bac. of Div. of C. C. C., Henry Hill,
should ride in his coloured velvet coat and perwig tied up with black ribbon
about 16 May?' In a subsequent entry he says, ' 'Twas a hair coat, look'd like
velvet.' This affectation of a lay mode of dress on the part of clerics no doubt
gave much scandal to sober-minded persons, and it probably betokened, in many
cases, a free way of living.
256 SLOWNESS OF THE SUCCESSION.
wearing of hair of an exorbitant length, whether it were their own
hair or a perriwig, and he would no doubt have forbid the latter by
name much more than the former, had it then been in fashion,
as now it is, because thereby the Clergy do much more <rv<rxnpaTi£ft*
cavTovs TW alS>vi rovra, as St Paul calls it, conform themselves to the
world, and the extravagant fashions of the world, by assimilating
themselves to the Laity (which your Founder would not have them
to do), than by wearing too long hair of their own, though he would
not have them to do that neither. And certain it is that where
the lesser transgression of a law is forbidden, there the greater
transgression of the same law must be understood to be forbidden
also. Lay your hands therefore upon your hearts, and seriously
consider what you are to do in this particular. Ego animam meam
liberavi. And yet I am not so severe as to enjoin those that wear
perriwigs presently to cast them off, before their own hair is grown
to a decent length, or to forbid those that are aged or sickly to
wear a border of hair with a black cap, and what they will under it,
to keep their heads and their necks warm, so the border of the hair
be not (to use the words of the Founder) in collo vel in fronte nimis
protensa, with which limitation I declare the wearing of such a
border of hair to be no breach of the Statute.'
So attenuated had the College become at this period, and
so slow was the succession on the foundation, that we read, in
the University Matriculation Book, under the name of the
College in the year 1678, ' Nemo hoc anno hinc matriculatus
est,' there having been only two matriculations the year
before, and there being only two the year after ; while, in the
College Buttery Book for the academical year 1680-1, during
the greater part of the time, there occur the names of only
two Undergraduate Scholars, and nine Undergraduates alto-
gether, even one of these being out of residence. On the
other hand, by far the greater part of the Fellows, in addition
to the President and the two Chaplains, habitually resided
within the College, so that, including M.A. Scholars, there
seem, at this period, to have been about 25 or 26 Doctors or
Masters of Arts generally resident at a time, about 10 B.A.'s,
and 8 Undergraduates. One cannot help wondering how the
Senior members of the College occupied their time ! Few of
them probably were Students, and, some of the other Colleges
PARLIAMENT AGAIN MEETS IN OXFORD. 257
being much in the same condition, the supply of clerical and
tutorial work must have been as nothing amongst so many.
In this calculation I have taken no account of any Under-
graduates whose names do not occur in the Buttery books,
though, from comparing with them the University Matricula-
tion books, it would seem as if there were three or four such
about this time.
In the spring of 168^, the Parliament met in Oxford, which
involved the presence of the Court with its attendant courtiers
and their followers. Adequate accommodation could only be
procured by making requisitions on some of the Colleges,
and in Wood's Diary (ed. Clark, vol. ii. p. 522) we read, under
Jan. 27, that king's letters were read in Convocation ' signify-
ing that he had ordered his parliament to sit at Oxon, M.
21 March ; that he would have Ch. Ch., Corp. Xti, and Merton
Coll. for the use of him and his court ; other colleges for his
privie counsill and parliament men. And that there might
be full roome made, he commands that the junior scholars
depart to their homes and that the time of absence go for
their degrees, as if present.1 On Feb. 1 1 ' some of the Lord
Chamberlaine's servants came to view Ch. Ch., Corp. Xti, and
Merton Coll. for those in the court to lodge in.' On March
14, the king and queen came to Oxford, where they were
received with boisterous enthusiasm. The houses of Parlia-
ment were opened on the 2ist, but, on the 28th, the king,
from alarm at the vigorous action of the House of Commons,
' sending for the Speaker and Commons dissolved (without
ceremony of attendance, as heralds, &c.) the parliament, to
the amazement of all.' The king departed that very day,
the queen the next day, and the nobility gradually disap-
peared during the next few days. But the ' junior scholars '
of Corpus, i. e. the Bachelors and Undergraduates, who had
made room for the courtiers, took advantage, as we learn
from the Buttery Book, of the indulgence granted by the
king's letters and prolonged their holiday for about a month
after their chambers were vacated. The names of the tem-
porary occupants do not appear in the Book.
Morley died Oct. 29, 1684, not many months before the
S
258 DEATH OF MORLEY AND NEWLYN*
king, and was succeeded by Peter Mews or Meaux, formerly
President of St. John's, and then Bishop of Bath and Wells —
a militant prelate, who, having taken up arms for Charles
the First, while a Fellow of St. John's, appeared, after he
became Bishop of Winchester, and when he was over 65 years
of age, in actual service for James the Second during Mon-
mouth's rebellion. With the exception of his sanctioning a
determination of the President and Fellows with regard to
the mode of settling the value of a living tenable with a
Fellowship, there is no record of his having intervened in the
affairs of the College during Newlyn's Presidency.
The old President died, over 90 years of age, and more
than 47 years from his first election to the Presidency, on
March 6, I68I1. He is buried in the ante-chapel, and in the
chapel there is a monument to his memory, with the fine
epitaph which follows :
Annis fere xn expulsus,
Tandem Redeunte Rege,
Et Restaurata Ecclesia,
Collegio sibi reddito
restitutus,
Ad annum usque nonagesimum,
Et mensem insuper tertium
Vitam produxit.
Mortem obiit Mart. vi° ciDiocLXXXVii.
M.S.
Viri Reverend!
ROBERTI NEWLIN, S.T.P.
Et Hujns Collegii
Annos ultra XLVII
Prsesidis :
Qui ob fidem
Regi, Ecclesise, Collegio
Servatam
In or about the years 1675 and 6, the present screen and
stalls were erected in the chapel, the present pavement laid
down, and, at the same time, probably some alterations made
for the worse, such as the removal of brasses and other monu-
ments from the chapel, and the effacement of some of the
more ancient features of the building2. The vestry, frequently
1 Wood (Life and Times, ed. Clark, vol. iii. p. 258) says his death ' hapned
from a soare foot which caused the toes to rot off.'
2 The alterations enumerated by Wood (Hist, and Antiq. of the Colleges and
Halls, Account of Corpus) are : ' the floor paved with black and white marble,
the walls lined with wainscot, the roof painted and gilded, new stalls, and a
screen of cedar wood set up, the inner chapel lengthened towards the west, and
more room made in the outer, by taking short the east end of the Library that
looked into it.' Till these changes were made, ' the inside of the chapel,' accord-
ing to Wood, 'continued in that condition as the Founder left it,' a remark which
ALTERATIONS IN THE CHAPEL. 259
mentioned in the early accounts of the College, which seems
to have been attached to the north-east side of the Chapel,
may have been removed about this time. A large subscription
was raised for these alterations, to which Mr. Davies, one of
the Chaplains, who had originally suggested the work, con-
tributed no less than £220.
The most noted of the fellows and scholars admitted
during the second portion of Newlyn's Presidency were :
Benjamin Parry, formerly of Trinity College, Dublin, and
Jesus College, Oxford, appointed Greek Reader and elected
Fellow in 1660, afterwards Dean of St. Patrick's and Bishop
of Ossory ; Thomas Turner, admitted Scholar, 1663, Newlyn's
successor in the Presidency; John Pottinger, from whose
interesting autobiography I quoted some pages back, ad-
mitted Scholar in 1664 ; and William Hallifax, admitted
Scholar in 1674, Chaplain at Aleppo, who presented to the
College the beautiful silver bowl inlaid with ancient coins.
To this meagre, and not very distinguished list of Fellows
and Scholars, I can find only one other name of sufficient
mark, to be added from the other members of the College.
This is that of Richard Fiddis or Fiddes, author of a Life
of Wolsey and many other works, who is entered in the
University Matriculation Book as having matriculated from
C. C. C. on Oct. 21, 1687. His case, being possibly typical
of several others at this and earlier periods, deserves special
notice. The name nowhere occurs in the Corpus books,
though not only are the Buttery Books at this period com-
plete, but there happens to be extant a Battel-book for 1687-8,
in which there is no trace of his name. Yet both from the
makes us deplore this seventeenth century ' restoration,' however necessary it may
have been to effect repairs.
It might be inferred from the list of subscriptions given in the Liber Bene-
factorum, that the date of these alterations was 1666, the subscriptions for the
Common room, which was built in or about 1666 or 7, being mixed up with those
for the alterations in the chapel. But two letters in Fulman's hand-writing, dated
respectively May 20 and July 20, 1675, make it certain that they must have been
carried out about ten years later. See MS. 428 in the College Library. The date
in Wood's Antiquities of the Colleges and Halls (sub C. C. C.) is, therefore,
approximately right.
S 2
260 POOR STUDENTS AT CORPUS.
University Matriculation Register and from the entry in the
books of University College, whither he migrated (probably
on account of the advantages there offered to Yorkshiremen)
on March 19, i6f|-, it is certain that he was once at Corpus.
I conclude, therefore, that he must have been either one of
the ' famuli Collegii,' who were entered in the books officially
and not by name, or, more probably, a servitor, of which
class neither the extant Buttery books, with the possible
exception of that for 1648-9, nor the Battel-books take any
cognisance l.
1 One of these Battel-books, that for 1723-4, confirms a conclusion at which we
should otherwise arrive from a comparison of the University Matriculation books
with the College Buttery books, namely, that, during the period from the Restora-
tion to 1 736, after which year the entries in the Matriculation and Buttery books
coincide, the College occasionally filled vacant rooms with ordinary Commoners,
or possibly Battelers, a class of students who, though not Servitors, were able to
live more cheaply than ordinary Commoners, and whose names usually appeared
only in the Battel-books. Many of the students whose names occur in the
Matriculation books but not in the Buttery books, matriculated as cler. fil. or
gen. fil. (cf. p. 279, n. 2), and even one or two as arm. fil., and, hence, we can.
hardly suppose that they were Servitors, at a time when this title implied the
actual performance of menial work. Yet that some of the students at Corpus were
Servitors, there can be no doubt. Several who, like Fiddes, matriculated as
pleb. fil., and whose names do not occur in the Buttery books, were probably
either Servitors or ' famuli Collegii.' Some actually matriculated as 'Servi,' and
those who matriculated as ' pauper ' or ' pauperis filius ' (which, and not ' pauper,'
I may here remark, in correction of my note on p. 50, was the usual designation
of a poor student in the Matriculation books of the seventeenth century) must,
I imagine, have almost invariably belonged to one of these classes. Between 1643
and 1693, a period of fifty years, we may count the names of twenty-two persons
who were matriculated under one of these three designations. Of these> it seems
from Foster's Al. Ox. that thirteen took Degrees, and that, of the remaining nine,
three became clergymen, and two were probably members of Gray's Inn. Four
failures out of the whole number would not be a large proportion, and, therefore,
we should probably not be wrong in supposing that all these persons availed
themselves of the privileges of an academical education. At this time, most of
the ' famuli Collegii ' had probably come to be persons of mature age, and hence
we may fairly conclude that a large majority of these students were servitors.
CHAPTER IX.
THE REVOLUTION AND THE PERIOD OF WILLIAM
THE THIRD AND ANNE.
WITH the next Presidency, that of Dr. Thomas Turner,
begins what may be called the modern period of the College
history. The materials, however, for the next hundred years,
are, curiously enough, slighter than for the previous hundred
and seventy, our two guides, Fulman and Wood, failing us
at about the same time. The last date, bearing on the general
history of the College, in the Fulman MSS. is 1678 ; Wood's
Annals end in 1660, and his Athenae Oxonienses are brought
down, in Bliss' edition, only to 1695, the year of his death.
Wood's Diaries and other autobiographical notices, now being
so carefully and fully edited by Mr. Andrew Clark, under
the title of Wood's Life and Times, to which Mr. Clark has
kindly given me access, reach the same year. Moreover the
hundred years intervening between the abdication of James II
and the French Revolution are an eminently quiescent, and
even dull, period in English history, and the history of the
English Universities and Colleges, which at no period has
been less distinguished or less fruitful in results, shared in the
quiescence and even more than shared in the dulness.
The time of Dr. Newlyn's death was opportune in relation
to the events which had been recently agitating the Uni-
versity. The stubborn resistance of the Fellows of Magdalen,
the sympathy felt with them throughout the country, and
the growing discontent with the Government, did not en-
courage the King or his Council to intervene in another
College election, and Dr. Turner seems to have been freely
elected by the Fellows without any interference from outside.
362 PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS TURNER.
Thomas Turner came of a family of ecclesiastical dignitaries.
His father, who bore the same name, had suffered much for
the Royal cause during the Civil War, being forced at one
time to take refuge in Wales1, and, immediately after the
Restoration, he entered into possession of the Deanery of
Canterbury to which he had already been appointed, Jan. 3,
164!, by Charles the First. His elder brother, Francis
Turner, formerly Fellow of New College, was Bishop of Ely,
and, within three months of Dr. Thomas Turner's election to
the Presidentship, had been one of the Seven Bishops committed
to the Tower. The portraits, in oil, of the Seven Bishops,
left by Dr. Turner to the President's Lodgings, are, doubtless,
a memento of this event. Subsequently, Dr. Francis Turner
refused to take the oaths to William the Third, and, according
to Wood (Ath. Ox. sub nomine), on ' a pretended discovery
of a pretended plot of the Jacobites or non-jurors,' ' withdrew
and absconded.' The mother of the Turners was Margaret,
daughter of Sir Francis Windebank, principal Secretary of
State to Charles the First. The new president, who was a
native of Bristol, born on Sept. 20 2, 1645, had been admitted
to a Gloucestershire Scholarship, at the instance, as we have
already seen, of Bishop Morley, on Oct. 6, 1663. He became
Probationary Fellow on Dec. 24, 1672, and was elected Presi-
dent on March 13, i68|, exactly a week after Newlyn's death.
Possibly the election was hurried on, to diminish the chance
of any interference from the Court. Turner had already
taken his D.D. Degree, and had, for some years, been Arch-
deacon of Essex. He was also Canon of Ely. These pre-
ferments he resigned soon after his election to the Presidency,
but, about the same time, he became Canon and Precentor
of St. Paul's, which offices he retained till his death, as
well as sinecure Rector of Fulham. Unlike his brother, he
did not refuse to take the oaths to William the Third, but,
1 See a paper by Joshua Reynolds in the Corpus portion of the MS. J. Walker,
c. 8, in the Bodleian. Dr. Turner's 'study and all his goods were plundered,
never restored, nor any satisfaction made him.' Some of the books found their
way to Dr. Staunton, then Vicar of Kingston on Thames. A few of these he
afterwards restored to Dr. Francis Turner, when a young Fellow of New College.
2 So stated in the College Register. On his monument it is given as Sept. 19.
PRECAUTIONS AGAINST CONCEALED ROMANISTS. 263
in the Register of Admissions, there are two curious indi-
cations of his political sentiments, which he probably shared
with the Fellows, or at least a majority of them. On the
very day of James the Second's abdication, Dec. n, 1688, a
Scholar, Edmund Brickenden, was admitted, as if the day
had been specially selected for the purpose, ' Anno Regni
Domini nostri Jacobi Secundi nunc Regis Angliae &c. Quarto.'
The word 'nunc' had not been previously inserted in this
formula, and must have been designedly introduced. This
circumstance is rendered the more significant, because in the
next admission (July 18, 1689) the regnal year is omitted
altogether, as it is from that time forward. Thus, a practice
which had been uniformly observed down to the time of
William the Third, and which was then, doubtless, discon-
tinued from a feeling of loyalty to the exiled monarch and
his family, ultimately dropped out altogether from mere de-
suetude. These indications are confirmed, so as to leave us
in no doubt, by an entry in Hearne's Diary l under May 7,
1 708, where he classes Dr. Turner with the Bishop of London
(Henry Compton), Dr. Smalridge, and other 'honest men,'
meaning, thereby, of course, persons with Jacobite proclivities.
On the other hand, that the College, or at least a majority of
it, had, at this time, no Romish proclivities is evidenced by a
curious document, in which Charles Audley, a probationer
fellow of two years' standing, just on the point of his admission
to actuality, enters into a bond of £100 that he will not 'in
his own person pursue, obtain or impetrate, or cause to be
pursued, obtained or impetrated, privily or openly, directly
or indirectly, from the Pope, the Court of Rome, or from any
other person or place, any dispensation, interpretation or
license contrary to the oaths made by him at the time of his
admission to be scholar or fellow, or to any part of the same
oaths, or contrary to the ordinances or statutes of the same
College, or any one of them.' This bond is dated July i,
1689, 'Anno regni Wilhelmi et Mariae primo/ and seems to
1 Ed. Doble, vol. ii. p. 106. A longer notice of Turner, by Hearne, on the
occasion of his death, will be quoted presently.
2,64 SUCCESS OF TURNER'S ADMINISTRATION.
afford proof that Audley was suspected of secret Romanism,
against which the College wished to protect itself.
Turner seems to have ruled the College well, wisely, and
peaceably1. We hear of no scandals during his Presidency,
nor have we any evidence of any internal dissensions, such as
were so common in the days of Newlyn. There are several
appeals or references to the Visitor, but they are not on
points which need have produced, or seem to have produced,
any ill feeling in the College, and the friendly and considerate
tone of the new Visitor, Mews, contrasts most favourably
with the arrogant and blustering style of Morley. Except
from these appeals or references to the Visitor, and the altera-
tions in or additions to the College buildings, we seem to know
hardly anything of the general history of the College during
Turner's Presidency. We are deserted by our old authorities,
Wood and Fulman, Hearne's gossip deals with books and
individuals rather than with events, and it is not till the year
1748 that we have the advantage of official records in the
Act-books of the Presidents.
In the year 1700 a subscription was started for the purpose
of re-panelling and otherwise altering the internal arrange-
ments of the Hall. Handsome sums, for those days, varying
from three guineas to forty pounds, were subscribed by
members of the College, past and present, and the President,
though his name does not appear in the list, doubtless
contributed liberally. The alterations were probably not all
improvements, and that was certainly the case, if the ' under-
drawing ' of the roof, as it existed in the early years of many
persons now in middle life, was executed at that time. Now,
happily, the fine mediaeval roof has been opened up again,
and displayed in its full proportions.
In 1706, Dr. Turner, with rare munificence and much taste,
set about the erection, on the site of an old cloister south
1 In Hearne's Diary (ed. Doble, vol. i. p. 310, sub Dec. 4) there is an incidental
testimony to the educational efficiency of the College in Turner's time. ' Hearne
to F Cherry. Mr Hayes has entered his son (as a Gentleman-Commoner) at
C. C. C. " than which, I think, he could not have pick'd out a better in the whole
University."'
HIS MUNIFICENCE. TURNERS BUILDINGS. 265
of the chapel, of what were once called Turner's and are now
called the Fellows' buildings, including the present cloister.
In point of comfort and convenience, these rooms, most of
them with a study as well as bed-room annexed, and looking
out on the College Garden and Christ Church Meadow, are
a great advance on the older chambers in the large Quad-
rangle. They were completed in 1712, and Hearne, as we
shall see presently, says they cost about £4000, a sum which,
in the altered value of the precious metals, would, of course,
now be represented by a much larger amount. It is said
that they were designed by Dean Aldrich, and they certainly
bear a very close resemblance to the Anatomy School at
Christ Church erected about the same period.
Turner died April 29, 1714, and his death is thus recorded
and his character described by Hearne 1 :
'On Thursday, April 2g\h, 1714, died Dr Thomas Turner STP,
President of Corpus Christi in Oxford, Prebendary of Ely and
Chauntor of St Paul's. He died after two o'clock in the afternoon,
and left about 14.000 libs behind him, a great deal of which he left
to charitable uses. He was about 67 years of age' (really in his
69th year), 'and was looked upon as a prudent Man and a good
Scholar. He is said never to have taken the Oaths ' (in the margin,
there is this note made subsequently : 'Tis a mistake. He took
all the Oaths2, as appears since his Death) 'to King William and
Queen Mary and the present Queen Anne, which if so, it makes
me have a much better opinion of him. I am apt to think he did
not take them, because of his being brother to Dr Francis Turner,
Bishop of Ely, who was deprived for refusing the oaths, and because
of his declining offices in the University' (including, probably,
1 Vol. 50. p. 97, &c.
2 This statement in Hearne's marginal note, so far at least as concerns the Oath
of Allegiance, which, of course, must be distinguished from the subsequent Oath of
Abjuration, receives some confirmation from an entry in Wood's Diary, tinder
Aug. 9, 1689 (Wood's Life and Times, ed. Clark, vol. iii. p. 307). ' The oath of
allegiance to King William was to be taken by the first of Aug. Those in Oxon
that refused it were ' &c. In this list Turner's name does not occur. Of course, it
is possible that, as was apparently the case with some other ecclesiastics and
academics, he was allowed further time for consideration ; but his refusal would
certainly have been notorious and could hardly have escaped the lynx-eyed curiosity
of Wood.
266 TURNER ACCUSED OF EVADING THE OATHS.
the Vice-Chancellorship) ' &c., which required that the oaths should
be tendered. He was also kind to the nonjurors, and he volun-
tarily offered me a Chaplainship of Corpus, and added that the
Oaths should not be taken by me for qualification. But, notwith-
standing that, I thought fit to decline his kind offer, and to continue
as I was. He was a very good Governor and a great benefactor
to his College, laying out about £4000 in a fine' (Ppile or piece)
' of Buildings on the South side, and giving them money by his Will
and all his books.'
The marginal note in Hearne's Diary seems to dispose of
a statement made by Mr. Bentham in his History of Ely
and, after him, by Alexander Chalmers in his Biographical
Dictionary 1, that ' after the Act passed in the last year of
King William III, requiring the Abjuration Oaths to be
taken before Aug. i, 1702, under penalty of forfeiting all
ecclesiastical preferments, Dr Turner went down from London
to Oxford July 28, seemingly with full resolution not to take
the Oath, but to quit all his preferments : but, on better
advice, he made no resignation ; knowing that, if he was
legally called upon to prove his compliance with the Act,
his preferments would be void in course; and so continued
to act, as if he had taken the Oath : by which means he kept
his preferments to his death, without ever taking it at all.'
I have shewn in a note that this statement, taken, without
examination, by Chalmers from Bentham, is founded on some
passages in Whiston's Memoirs which stop short of positive
1 The passage in Bentham's history, which Chalmers simply copies, is founded
on some statements in Whiston's Memoirs (2nd ed. pp. 178-186), and affords a
good instance of the different degrees of conviction which may be carried by a
story in its original form, and when slightly twisted. Bentham and Chalmers
speak as if there were no doubt that Turner never took the Abjuration Oath. But
Whiston, who was Bentham's authority, as Bentham was Chalmers', makes no
such statement positively, though he may wish to convey that impression. What
he says is that ' Dr Turner went down from London to Oxford, July 28th, with
a resolution {note that it is not " full resolution ") not to take the oath, but to
quit all his preferments,' and, in a letter to Turner himself that ' I was pretty
authentically informed, that you had never taken that abjuration oath, which I have
since heard confirmed from more hands than one, and those such as I believe may be
depended on.' Turner, it appears, never answered Whiston's letter. Now there is
not a word here inconsistent with the hypothesis that the whole story was a piece
of idle gossip.
WHISTON'S AUTHORITY INCONCLUSIVE. 267
assertion, and are quite consistent with the hypothesis that
they rested merely on idle gossip, as the stories which
Hearne had heard appear to have done also. Turner,
who seems to have had several non-juring friends and who
was brother of a non-juring Bishop, suspected of plotting
against the government, might not have thought himself
concerned to deny them. Still less was he bound to enter
on the question with Whiston, whose letter was written
for the purpose of obtaining money, or other assistance,
on the ground that, by denouncing Dr. Turner for not
having taken the oath, he might have obtained from Bishop
Patrick the Canonry at Ely which would thereby have been
forfeited.
It may be noticed that, in this portion of Whiston's Memoirs,
he states that the Presidency of Corpus was then worth £300
a year, and that Turner continued Rector of Thar(Ther)-
field near Royston, worth nearly £300 a year, in addition
to holding Capitular appointments. We know that he had
formerly been, .if he was not now, Rector of Thorley in
Herts, and that he was instituted to the sinecure Rectory
of Fulham, soon after his election to the Presidency. We can
hardly, therefore, be surprised, especially as he never married,
at the large property of which, as we shall see presently,
he was possessed at his death, or at the sums of money
which, during his life-time, he found available for his munifi-
cent purposes. Whiston, notwithstanding his complaints with
regard to his own usage, tells us that on enquiring about
Dr. Turner's character, by consideration of which he intended
to be guided as to whether he should, or should not, denounce
him as a non-juror, he found that it ' was not only in general
a good one, but that he was one of the greatest exemplars
and promoters of learning, virtue, and good discipline in the
University of Oxford.'
Turner is buried in the College Chapel, where, as also at
Stowe Nine Churches in Northamptonshire, to be mentioned
presently, a monument was erected, with a lengthy inscrip-
tion, thoroughly characteristic of the time, composed by one
of his executors, Edmond Chishull, formerly Fellow of the
268 TURNER'S WILL.
College and at one time Chaplain at Smyrna l. The inscrip-
tions contain nothing remarkable except an account of the
disposal of his property, which is best reserved for my notice
of his Will.
The Will is dated Aug. 24, 1706, and a Codicil April 29,
1714. In the opening sentences, he says: 'As I have lived
in the constant communion of the Church of England as by
Law established, and would have done so, if it had not been
established by human laws but prohibited or persecuted by
them, so by the Grace of God I resolve stedfastly to continue
and die in it.' ' The temporal estate which God has been
pleased to bestow upon me in great abundance, without any
seeking or much care of mine, I give and bequeath as follows.'
First come a number of legacies to his relations. Then having
' pretty well satisfied ' his private obligations, and ' the expec-
tations which could reasonably ' be upon him, he comes to his
more public legacies. ' In the first place, I ought to think of
this College, the place where I had my education and have
spent the greatest and best part of my life, ajid may perhaps
spend the remainder of it.' He then provides for the erection
and completion of the Buildings which he had designed, but
1 Amongst the old papers connected with the College, there is, in MS. 437 in the
Library, an interesting letter of Chishull to Turner, dated Smyrna, Sept. 20, 1701,
requesting the President to find him a successor in the Chaplaincy. He recounts
the advantages of the place — a choice Library, an agreeable conversation, a di-
verting country, a pleasant abode, a free table, and the advantage of annually
laying up, after his first settlement, the value of £100 sterling. His successor, as
he cannot ' here credit our church and nation, unless he be well verst in Academical
learning, so neither can he be easy to himself without a competent degree of
courage, temper, and discretion.' He speaks of this and the like congregations as
consisting of ' single men of uncontrolled liberty and violent inclinations, ac-
customed to getting and bred up in the arts of gain.' Moreover such communities
are deprived of the good example of neighbouring congregations, and, ' if not
exempt, are at least removed out of the reach of all ecclesiastical government.'
The first circumstance must be provided against by the unblemished conversation
of the incumbent, the second by his prudence and dexterity of carriage. ' Were I
not sensible,' he proceeds, 'that I am too impertinent in suggesting these par-
ticulars to one who is the exactest judge both of things and persons, I would have
recommended another singular qualification, and that is a skilful insight into the
characters of men, guarded at the same time with a certain charity of opinion, and
a resolution not to be too angry with the views of the place or age.' The chaplain
was evidently expected to be accommodating.
HIS DISPOSITION OF HIS PROPERTY. 269
which seem to have been not yet commenced, as well as
for the enlargement of the College Library (by the larger of
the two inner rooms, the smaller being probably added at a
later period), leaving, for these purposes, ^2000, and whatever
additional sum might be necessary; the legacy to lapse, if the
works are completed before his death. He also leaves to the
College his whole ' Study of Books Y and .£100 to be carried
to the Tower, and 'this I do lest, unwarily, I may have
wronged the College at any time when I was Bursar or
Fellow or since I have been President of it, by any mistake
or by spending upon any occasion more than the Founder
allows, which I take to be wrong.' He also devises the rents
of a certain meadow at Brill for certain College uses, changed,
afterwards, by a Codicil, into a stipend for the Librarian. He
bequeaths ^1000 to the Dean and Canons of Ely for the
purchase of land, the rental to be expended on the improve-
ment of ' the poor Lay Singing-Men's places, which are very
poor indeed,' besides a further sum of £100, for binding out
some poor child as an apprentice to some honest trade, for
which purpose he also leaves sums to the parishes of which
he had been incumbent. There are also several legacies and
annuities to the poor of Oxford, to his executors, to personal
friends, and to servants, past and present. The residue of his
property, which he thinks will be ' pretty considerable ' (said
on the monuments at Corpus and Stowe Nine Churches to
have amounted to .£20,000), he bequeaths to his Executors,
in trust, to purchase lands or rents, to be settled upon ' the
Governors and Trustees of the Corporation for the relief of
poor Clergymen's Widows and Orphans,' i. e. the Corporation
which, originally founded in 1655, now goes by the name of
the ' Corporation of the Sons of the Clergy.' His Executors
purchased, in addition to some other lands, the Manor of
1 Dr. Turner's Collection of Books, of which a contemporary Catalogue exists in
the College Library, was, for those times, a very large and valuable one, including
a great number of pamphlets on various subjects, many of them now rare. The
books are mainly classical or theological, the patristic and liturgical works being
specially notable under the latter head. As he permitted duplicates to be disposed
of, several of the books in this Catalogue are now found without his book-plate,
being probably the copies which the College already possessed.
270 TURNER'S THEOLOGICAL OPINIONS.
Stowe Nine Churches in Northamptonshire, where, as already
stated, there is, as well as in the College Chapel, a monument,
with a lengthy inscription, to his memory. The new buildings
in the College, together with the addition to the Library,
seem, as appears from Hearne's Diary, already quoted, to
have cost about .£4000, instead of about £2000, as Turner
anticipated. Probably the design and expenditure grew
under his hands.
Though the evidence afforded by Dr. Turner's library,
especially the theological portion of it, as well as the various
scattered notices we have of him, would lead us to suppose
that he was a man of culture and erudition, the only publica^
tion, bearing his name, is a single sermon, preached at White-
hall on May 29, 1685. From the title-page of this Sermon
we learn that he was Chaplain to James the Second, who had
recently ascended the throne. Whether he occupied the same
position in the Court of Charles the Second, I am not aware.
The Sermon, though well composed, contains nothing re-
markable (for somewhat fulsome flattery of Charles the
Second could, at that time, hardly be regarded as such),
except a criticism, not without acuteness, of Hobbes' posi-
tion that a state of nature is a state of war. In the Bodleian
Library there are some fragments of MS. sermons1, which
seem to be of a plain, practical character, and also two
printed tracts, published anonymously, which are attributed
to Turner. The two latter, which are contained in the same
volume, are entituled respectively : ' The Christian Eucharist
no proper sacrifice, In answer to a late book of Mr Johnson's
intituled "The Unbloody Sacrifice and Altar/" London 1714;
' A Defence of the Doctrine and Practice of the Church of
England against some modern Innovations, In a letter to a
Friend,' London 1712. If these tracts were really written by
Turner, they show unmistakeably that, not only was he not
Romishly inclined, but that he had no sympathy with the
extreme high-church developments of the Non-Jurors. The
writer of both treatises, and, whatever the authorship, they
1 Rawlinson MSS., C 626.
HENRY HARE, LORD COLERAINE. 271
are probably due to the same hand l, expressly repudiates any
other sacrifice in the Eucharist than that of prayer and praise,
while, in the latter treatise, the author maintains the desira-
bility of retaining the Royal Supremacy, the sufficiency of
Lay Baptism, and the declarative rather than the authoritative
character of priestly absolution. Of Dr. Hickes he speaks
plainly as 'zealously maintaining the Schism from our Church.'
The more noted members of the College admitted during
Turner's Presidency were his two immediate successors, Basil
Kennett and John Mather, of both of whom I shall speak
presently; Thomas Bisse, admitted Scholar, January 12, 169!,
Preacher at the Rolls and Chancellor and Prebendary of
Hereford, author of several works, amongst which was ' The
Beauty of Holiness in the Common Prayer,' a book at one
time highly thought of and much read ; John Rogers, ad-
mitted Scholar 169!, a famous preacher, and author of several
theological works, relating to the Bangorian, Deistical and
other controversies (he is one of the distinguished alumni of
Corpus represented in the Oxford Almanac for 1 758) ; Theo-
philus Leigh, admitted Scholar, 1711, who became Master of
Balliol in 1726, and held that office till 1785, a period of
nearly sixty years 2 ; John Burton, admitted Scholar Oct. 22,
1713, a noted Corpus Tutor, who made a courageous but vain
attempt to introduce Locke and other modern philosophical
writers into the Oxford curriculum, subsequently Fellow of Eton
and a voluminous writer on many topics, chiefly classical and
theological ; Thomas Lewis, admitted Clerk 1 704, a bitter theo-
logical controversialist, but author of a learned work, entitled
Origines Hebreae ; and Henry Hare, third Lord Coleraine, the
last Baron of that name and family (though the title was
revived in 1762, and again became extinct), admitted Gen-
1 In the title-page of the former tract is written in ink the name of ' Dr T Wise.'
I am not aware on what authority they are ascribed to Turner in the Catalogue.
2 For some account of Theophilus Leigh's Mastership, see Mr. R. Lane Poole's
excellent article on Balliol College in the Colleges of Oxford, pp. 51-3- He was
elected Probationary Fellow of Corpus in 1717, but never became actual Fellow.
He resided, however, for some time as an M.A. Probably he had come into some
property which forfeited his Fellowship.
272 ELECTION OF STEPHEN HURMAN.
tleman-Commoner, Jan. IT, i7x|, who, as the result of three
journeys to Italy, one of which was in the company of Dr.
Conyers Middleton, bequeathed to the College the fine col-
lection of prints, drawings, and books, connected with the art
and antiquities of Italy, and specially of Rome, which are now
deposited in one of the inner libraries, called the Italian
Room. Some of the circumstances connected with this be-
quest will be more suitably mentioned after Lord Coleraine's
death, which occurred at Bath on August 4, 1749. It may be
noticed that the list of Gentlemen-Commoners during Dr.
Turner's Presidency contains the names of many men of rank
or belonging to distinguished families.
Though hardly eminent members of the College, it is worthy
of record that the uncle and father of Sir Joshua Reynolds,
named respectively Joshua and Samuel Reynolds, were ad-
mitted to Scholarships as natives of the Diocese of Exeter,
the former on Dec. 22, 1693, the latter on May 25, 1699.
With Joshua Reynolds we are already acquainted, as the
correspondent of Metford in reference to the doings of the
Parliamentary Visitors.
The circumstances of the election of Dr. Turner's successor
were peculiar. Dr. Turner had died on April 29, and, accord-
ing to Hearne1, 'he was buried on Sunday, May 2. The
Speech was spoke by Dr Tilly. On the seventh, an election
of successor was held, when Mr Stephen Hurman, an honest,
worthy Gent (Senior Fellow of the College) was unanimously
chosen, without any previous interest Mr Hurman ac-
cepted the place, received the usual compliments upon such
occasions, seemed well pleased and designed to go to the
Visitor. But, early in the morning, instead of taking his
journey, he resigns his Presidentship. I know not the reason
of his quitting his post, though I am well acquainted with
him. By virtue of this vacancy, there was to be a new choice,
which happened the i5th, when Mr Basil Kennett (brother of
Dr White Kennett, but of a far better character) was elected.'
1 Vol. 52. p. 153.
PRESIDENCY OF BASIL KENNETT. 273
In a Post-script he adds : ' I do not know but Mr. Hurman
might resign upon account of the Oaths. A few years since,
he resigned a good Parsonage, before a year was expired from
the time of his entering upon it ; I believe also because he
scrupled the Oaths.'
The newly elected President, who was son of a Kentish
clergyman and brother of the celebrated Dr. White Kennett,
then Dean and subsequently Bishop of Peterborough, was
born at Postling a village near Hythe, on Oct. 21, 1674.
According to a statement in the Kennett Collection in the
British Museum (Lansdowne MSS. 987, fol. 363), his early
education was conducted by his elder brother, partly at the
school at Bicester, partly in the private family of Sir William
Glynne at Amersden or Ambrosden in Oxfordshire. When
he came up to Oxford, he was originally matriculated at St.
Edmund Hall, where his brother was Vice-Principal, but he
was elected Scholar of Corpus, Dec. 20, 1690, and succeeded
to a Probationary Fellowship in 1697. It is said that, while
he was at St. Edmund Hall, his brother allowed him £40 a
year, having only ;£8o of his own. At Corpus, besides being
engaged in literary work, he acted as Tutor. He was, through-
out life, a diligent student, and, in the same year in which he
took his M.A. Degree (1696), he brought out his most famous
book, Romae Antiquae Notitia, or the Roman Antiquities,
&c., which passed through at least eighteen editions and was
long the favourite manual on the subject. His other classical
work The Lives and Characters of the Ancient Grecian Poets
was less successful. He was also author of several minor
theological works, such as a Paraphrase of the Psalms, and
translated Puffendorf's Law of Nature and Nations, La
Placette's Christian Casuist, Pascal's Thoughts on Religion,
Rapin's Critical Works, &c. He belongs, therefore, to the
not inconsiderable roll of literary Presidents of Corpus. For
some time he had been Chaplain to the English Merchants
at Leghorn (it is remarkable, by the way, how many Fellows
of Corpus were Chaplains to these foreign factories, then very
few in number — Pocock, Guise, Hallifax, Chishull, Kennett),
but his place of residence was by no means comfortable, he was
T
274 KENNETT'S CAREER AND CHARACTER.
in great danger of the inquisition, and was, at one time, obliged
temporarily to quit the city. It was said, indeed, that he was
suffering from the effects of slow poison, ' administered to
expel heresy from such abode in Italy,' but stories of this
kind can seldom be relied on. At length, his health com-
pelled him to return home, where he arrived not long before
his election to the Presidency. But he was too sickly to
enjoy his office long, if at all, and, within eight months of his
election, he died, of a slow fever, on Jan. 2, 17 ji. Unlike
his predecessor, he was not in good circumstances, and,
owing to the expenses incident to his recent election to the
Presidentship and other causes, his assets were not sufficient
to cover his debts, which were paid by his friends. He is
said to have been a very amiable man, of exemplary integrity,
generosity, and modesty 1.
Under the date of Dec. 28, 1714, Hearne2 has the following
entry : ' Sunday night last (Dec. 26) died Dr. Basil Kennett,
President of Corpus, leaving the character behind him of a
very good-natured, modest, humble, and learned man. He
was of little stature, and of a weak constitution. He was above
forty years old, and was too abstemious.' In a marginal note
there is the correction: 'This false. He is not dead yet,
1 Excepting the extracts from Hearne and the dates, which I have extracted from
College Registers, I have taken this account of Kennett from the Biographia
Britannica, Chalmers' Biographical Dictionary, and the Lansdowne MSS. 987
(Kennett Collection 53) fol. 363, and 989 (Kennett Coll. 55) fol. 156, &c., for both
of which references I am indebted to the writer of the Article in the Diet. Nat. Biog.
The latter reference is to a very long letter from Joshua Reynolds, uncle of Sir
Joshua, to Bp. White Kennett, highly extolling his brother and giving an account
of his career at College and elsewhere. ' I have been told,' he says, ' tnat the
people at Leghorn would point at him, as he went along, There goes the English
saint or angel.' There is one curious social detail in this letter. Kennett's enter-
tainments, specially in the matter of wine, were on a more expensive scale than
those of Dr. Turner, though the one died worth about .£30,000, and the other
nothing. On one occasion, when gently remonstrated with, he said there was
nothing he would not spend on his friends, though, for himself, he should prefer to
dine on ' a penny halfpenny commons.' But he seems to have been, altogether,
imprudent in the matter of expense. In the other reference we are told that, after
quitting Leghorn, ' he took a tour to Florence, Rome, Naples, and back by way of
France, collecting in his travels a good treasure of books, sculptures, and other
curiosities, which, when he had defrayed the charge of importation, was all his
substance.'
2 Vol. 53. p. 23.
GENERAL OGLETHORPE. 275
though very ill.' As we have seen, he actually died on
January 2 following.
In a previous passage, after the account of the election of
Turner's successor, recently quoted, Hearne thus describes
Kennett: 'who, though brother to Dr White Kennett, yet
he is a very modest, good-natured, meek, humble man, of
good principles and a very good Scholar. He is a little man
and sickly, having been like to dye just before the Election.'
During Kennett's brief Presidency, was admitted (July 3,
1714) one of the most remarkable men that Corpus has ever
produced. This was James Edward Oglethorpe, son of Sir
Theophilus Oglethorpe, Knight, born in the parish of St.
James, Westminster, June i, 1689. From his connexion with
Dr. Johnson and John Wesley, as a philanthropist, specially
in the character of a prison reformer, and as the founder of
the American colony of Georgia, Oglethorpe will always
occupy a prominent position among the notable men of the
eighteenth century. He lived till extreme old age, and,
shortly before his death (July i, 1785), welcomed the first
Minister of the United States, now an independent power, on
his arrival in London. 'The patron of learning,' says an
American admirer l, ' the soul of honour, the embodiment of
loyalty and valour, and the model of manly grace and courtesy,
he died full of years and crowned with universal respect.'
Oglethorpe's is an early instance, probably the first in Corpus
in the case of a non-foundationer, of ' keeping the name on
the books ' during a prolonged period of non-residence. His
name first disappears on May 3, 1717 ; it is re-entered on
June 25, 1719, and finally disappears on Oct. 20, 1727. He
seems never to have proceeded to the Degree of B.A., but,
when he had for some years been Member for Haslemere,
and had already obtained considerable reputation for his
philanthropic efforts on behalf of imprisoned debtors, he was
specially created M.A. on July 31, 1731. To him the College
owes the two beautifully illuminated volumes of the French
History of the Bible, now in the Library. A third volume,
1 Dr. Charles C. Jones, in his History of Georgia. Boston, 1883, 2 vols. The
ist volume contains a very interesting account of Oglethorpe's career.
T 2
2j6 OGLETHORPE"1 S GIFT TO THE LIBRARY.
that containing the history of the New Testament, was con-
fiscated by a Custom-house officer at Dartford, on the pretext
that it was a ' superstitious ' book, and the illuminations were
cut out and sold. According to an account communicated
by General Oglethorpe in 1772, and contained in one of the
Volumes, the three Volumes, with other MSS., were bought,
in 1720, at the sale of the effects of a great family living in
Paris. ' The General was assured that the Books ' (i. e. these
three Volumes) ' were composed and illuminated by order of
Francis the First, King of France.'
CHAPTER X.
THE GEORGIAN PERIOD.
KENNETT's successor was John Mather. ' This morning '
(says Hearne under the date of January 12, 171!) ' Mr. John
Mather was elected President of Corpus. He is a very honest,
good-natured, ingenious ' (i. e. ingenuous) ' man, and hath
published two or three sermons. He was one of the seven
senior Fellows.' Under the date of July 10, 1715, Hearne
again praises Mather : ' Dr. Mather preached the Act Sunday
Sermon in the morning ' (according to a custom obtaining at
that time, and indeed till quite recently, as one of the in-
cepting Doctors) ' on Matthew VI. 33, and made a very good
discourse.' The inference from these praises, and especially
from the word ' honest,' generally used by Hearne in a technical
sense, is that Mather had Jacobite tendencies.
John Mather was born at Manchester on October i, 1676,
and was elected Scholar of Corpus on Dec. 22, 1693, on the
same day as Joshua Reynolds, the Uncle of ' Sir Joshua.'
He did not become Probationary Fellow till Dec. 18, 1704
(so slow was then the rate of succession), so that he had only
been actual Fellow for just eight years, when he was elected
to the Presidency. We are now in the very depths of the
dulness of the eighteenth century, and, though Mather held
the Presidency for over thirty-three years, little is heard,
during that time, either of him or of the College. Hearne
(who has now become our main authority) tells us that he
was appointed Vice-Chancellor on Oct. 8, 1723, in which office
he was continued, like his immediate predecessor, for the un-
usually long period of five years ; records some gossip that
his father was a Tailor in Manchester and that he had himself
been a Servitor of Ch. Ch. ; and notes of his Vice-Chancellor's
speech in 1726 that 'he lamented the death of that great
villain, Dr. Gardiner Warden of All Souls', and advised the
278 PRESIDENCY OF JOHN MATHER.
Magistrates of the University to put a stop, as much as they
can, to Luxury.' ' Who/ asks Hearne, ' are greater Epicureans
and more addicted to Luxury than most of the Heads of
Houses?' These, with those already given, are the only
entries of any importance with reference to Dr. Mather in the
many volumes of Hearne's Diaries. Nor, in the notice of his
death (April 15, 1748) in the Gentleman's Magazine, is there
anything recorded of him except that he was for nearly forty
years (a considerable overstatement) President of C. C. C.
His literary remains are represented in the Bodleian Catalogue
only by a single sermon, preached on May 29, 1705, and pub-
lished at the request of the Vice-Chancellor (Dr. Delaune). The
memorial tablet in the College cloister deals in the ordinary,
common-place eulogies of eighteenth-century epitaphs.
In the course of a dispute which occurred in the College,
during the year 1734, with reference to the value of a living
tenable with a Fellowship, some Fellow seems to have made
the remark that the President's family was chargeable to the
College. At the next meeting, Dr. Mather came prepared
with a paper (still extant) in which, in dignified terms, he
requests to be informed in what respect and to what extent
his family is a charge on the College. If it be the case, he
will ' then make the College satisfaction for what is past and
provide against such expenses for the future ; for I would
have no advantages to myself, but such as have been thought
reasonable when the President has had no family besides
himself and his two servants ' (the Famuli Praesidis of the old
Statutes). The charge, however, was at once withdrawn, and
the matter is only now interesting as shewing that there was
still a prejudice against a married President and some jealousy
entertained towards the presence of a family within the College.
Of the general College history during Mather's Presidency,
there is really nothing to record, except that, in the year
1730, there was an appeal' to Bishop Willis, which at the
time excited considerable public interest, on the part of
Francis Ayscough, Probationer, who had been refused ad-
mission to his actuality, no ground being alleged, and no
admonition having been previously given. The case was
SLACKNESS OF DISCIPLINE. 279
heard before the Visitor, assisted by his two Chancellors, at
Winchester House, Chelsea, each side being represented by
two Counsel. The decision was in favour of the appellant,
the proceedings against him being pronounced to have been
arbitrary, tending to the destruction of careful and good dis-
cipline, &c. It was ordered that he should be at once admitted
to his Actual Fellowship, that the arrears should be made up
to him, and that the President and those Fellows who had
voted against his admission should repay to him all costs in-
curred by him in his appeal. What had been the definite
reasons on which the President and a majority of the Fellows
had acted we do not know, but there is a suspicion, from a
printed statement issued at the time, that Mr. Ayscough's
temper and manners were not agreeable.
As to discipline, it may be remarked, as I have elsewhere
observed l, that the moral level of the period ranging from the
Restoration to the accession of George the Third, or even
somewhat later, is characteristically illustrated by the Register
of Punishments. These, of which a record is still preserved,
are no longer inflicted for the faults of boys but for the vices
of men. And the punishments, especially when we take into
account that the scholars were all supposed to be in training
for Holy Orders, are truly surprising. Offences which would
now at least involve rustication are supposed to be adequately
met by a fortnight or a month's deprivation of commons, a
punishment for which the hardened offender must have come
to care very little. One entry excites astonishment at the
slackness of the officers of justice or the impunity of academics
at this time: 'Jul. n, 1726. Ego Johannes Smith Discip.
privatus sum convictu per Praesidentem et Decanum per dies
quindecem, propter homicidii crimen praeperpretati {sic. ? prae-
parati) in Matthaeum Nicholas ejusdem Collegii Commen-
salem2, et declamationem insuper habui publice in Aula, ubi
1 Colleges of Oxford, p. 296.
8 Though the name of Nicholas does not occur in the Buttery books, it occurs
in one of the very few extant Battel books of this period, that for 1723-4, together
with the names of six others, evidently in the same category. Nicholas is
designated in the Matriculation book as cler. fil., three of the others as gen. fil., and
280 ALTERATIONS IN THE COLLEGE BUILDINGS.
veniam a Deo Opt. Max. flexis genibus per tres dies im-
mediate sequentes rogavi.' As Nicholas afterwards became a
Demy of Magdalen, and lived till 1796, this ambiguous entry
must refer only to an attempted homicide, but, even so, it
seems to us that this exertion of College discipline was a very
poor and inadequate substitute for the intervention of the law.
An attempt was, however, made, during Mather's Presi-
dency, to raise the standard of industry among the Scholars :
' July 17, 1741. For the better encouraging and more effectual
securing of industry among the scholars, it is agreed that
every Undergraduate of the Foundation, before his Grace is
proposed, shall be examined publicly in such parts of learning
as he is supposed to be well acquainted with, in the presence
of those who, by the Statutes, are to approve or disapprove
of all Candidates for their Bachelor's Degree in Arts.' This,
of course, was a College examination conducted by College
Officers in the College Hall. Many other Colleges had a
similar institution, and, at a time when the University granted
its degrees so cheaply, it was probably an effective as well as
a necessary protection against continuing idle or unworthy
members on the foundation.
The additions to and alterations of the College buildings
are, perhaps, the most notable circumstance which occurred
during this Presidency. Ingram (Memorials of Oxford, C. C. C.
p. u), whose accuracy may almost invariably be depended
on, says that it was 'about the year 1737' that a third story
was added to the north and west sides of the College, thus
causing the disappearance of the characteristic chimneys and
dormers which we see in Loggan's plan, and that ' some rooms \
on the east side of the College, adjoining Merton Grove'
(which has now alas! disappeared, and given place to the
hideous erection of Mr. Butterfield), ' were taken down and
rebuilt for the residence of six gentlemen commoners.' In-*
gram's account is confirmed by the Tower Book, which, from
three as pleb. fil. It is curious that one of them, Medley, was unmatriculated, and
afterwards matriculated at Lincoln. In Smith's entry, some previous word, though
possibly the same wrongly spelt, has been scratched out, and the word Com-
mensalem written, apparently by the same hand but with different ink, in its place.
I suspect that the erased word was Battelariurn. See p. 260.
FLOURISHING STATE OF THE FINANCES. 281
the year 173! down to 1756, contains constant entries either
for extraordinary repairs or the ' New Buildings,' or for paying
off the debt incurred on the same. Considerable sums were
also subscribed by friends or old members of the College
towards the same objects, as appears from the Liber Bene-
factorum, though no dates are there given. It seems some-
what remarkable that the Tudor character of the architecture
should have been so well preserved in the additions to the
north and west fronts of the College.
The Tower Book contains two memoranda which furnish a
sad proof of the utter want of reverence not only for antiquity
but even for the memory of their Founders, which charac-
terised the Heads and Fellows of this truly dark period :
'Dec. 21, 1736. The Mitre being so much decayed and
broken that it could not be mended and put together again,
it was agreed to sell it and a few old battered pieces of silver,
which were accordingly sold for £96 „ 16 „ 6;' 'Dec. 21, 1737.
Besides the odd things sold together with the broken parts of
the Mitre, there were eight small Rubies and a very ordinary
Sapphire sold for £2 „ 4.' The Sapphire and Rubies had
probably belonged to the Mitre.
Financially, the College was, in its corporate capacity, in
an exceedingly flourishing condition during the greater part
of Mather's Presidency. Considerable balances (' excrescen-
tiae ') were in most years carried to the Tower, and at one
time there was actually in the Tower what for those days was
the very large accumulation of .£2233 43. %d. These accumu-
lations were used mainly for adding to or improving the
College buildings, or for the purchase of College Livings, as
providing for the Fellows posts in which they could marry.
The money, it must be remembered, was at this time still
often kept in actual coin (chiefly in guineas) in bags and
chests in the Tower, which had been selected by the Founder
as the place of greatest security and indeed was probably con-
structed for that purpose. Shortly after this period, bank-notes
(bonds had long been a form of investment) begin to represent
part of the accumulations, and in 1772 we have the entry:
'Taken out of the Tower all the cash, to be put out to Interest.'
282 ADMISSIONS DURING MATHER'S PRESIDENCY.
At this time it will hardly be expected that we should find
many men of subsequent distinction admitted to the College.
Amongst those admitted during Mather's Presidency, the
most notable, perhaps, was Richard Pococke, admitted Clerk
3 Feb. 172^, Bishop of Ossory, 1756, Bishop of Meath, 1765,
author of A description of the East, A tour in Ireland in
1752, which he made on horseback (a very interesting work
recently reprinted by Hodges, Figgis and Co., of Dublin), and
several other books. Amongst the scholars may be mentioned
Thomas Randolph, Mather's successor, admitted 1715, of
whom more presently; John Hume, admitted 1721, suc-
cessively Bishop of Bristol, Oxford, and Salisbury ; Thomas
Patten, admitted 1731, a Christian apologist; Nathaniel
Forster, admitted 1733, a voluminous author in classics,
theology, &c. ; Timothy Neve, admitted 1737, Margaret
Professor of Divinity and the second Bampton Lecturer.
Of those admitted Choristers, the most eminent was Edward
Bentham, admitted March 27, 1724, subsequently Fellow of
Oriel, Canon of Ch. Ch., and Regius Professor of Divinity,
author of several works on Theology, Logic, and Morals.
Amongst the Gentlemen Commoners may be noted Jeremiah
Milles, admitted Nov. 29, 1729, subsequently a famous Anti-
quary, Dean of Exeter, and President of the Society of
Antiquaries1; David Hartley, admitted Apr. i, 1747, son of
1 This Dr. Milles is connected with a curious incident, which occurred in
Oxford on Feb. 3, 1776- He was engaged in examining some of the antiquities
in the Ashmolean Museum, when a Frenchman begged to accompany him.
While they were together, Dr. Milles' suspicions were roused, and he tried to
get rid of his companion. But the foreigner had the art to conceal himself, till
Dr. Milles and other visitors had gone out, and then made away with a number of
gold medals and other valuables, worth over .£200. He ' got clear off with his
booty,' but, after the lapse of some time, was apprehended in Ireland, indicted
at the Oxford Summer Assizes in 1776, and sentenced on March 7, 1777, to five
years' hard labour, in raising sand, gravel, &c., on the river Thames. The name
of the culprit is given in the Minute Book of the Crown Court for the Oxford
Assizes as 'John Peter Le Maitre, alias Maire, alias Mara.' It has been conjectured
that this person is no other than the celebrated French Revolutionist Jean Paul
Marat. See two letters contributed to the Globe newspaper on March 31 and
April 7, 1890, by Mr. J. L. Mathews, Clerk of Assize to the Oxford Circuit, who
first brought this subject to my notice, as also two other letters which appeared
in the Globe on Feb. 28 and Apr. 3 of the same year, Chambers' Book of Days,
Article on Marat, the Gentleman's Magazine, Feb. and March, 1776, and Notes
PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS RANDOLPH. 283
David Hartley, the famous physician and philosopher, himself
Fellow of Merton up to his death in 1813, and, for some time,
M.P. for Hull, a strong opponent of the American War and of
the slave trade, selected as one of the Ministers plenipotentiary
to conclude the definitive treaty of peace with the United
States, which he signed in 1783 ; and, lastly, Ashton Lever,
admitted Apr. i, 1748, subsequently Sir Ashton Lever, the
famous naturalist and collector, founder of the Lever Museum.
Dr. Mather died April 15, 1748, and, on April 23, Thomas
Randolph, D.D., late Fellow of the College, was unanimously
elected his successor.
Thomas Randolph, son of Herbert Randolph, Recorder of
Canterbury, was born in that city, Aug. 30, 1701, and educated
there in the King's School. On Nov. 19, 1715, being then
little more than 14 years of age, he was elected to a Kentish
Scholarship at Corpus, and, on Feb. 22, 172!, became Proba-
tioner Fellow. He took the usual Degrees, including that of
D.D., and, in comparatively early life, attracted the attention
of Archbishop Potter, who became his patron. The Arch-
bishop collated him to the united livings of Petham and
Waltham in Kent, and, subsequently, to the Rectory of
Saltwood, with the chapelry of Hythe annexed ; Randolph
having, meanwhile (1744), published a reply to a then famous
book, Christianity not founded on Argument, which he
entitled The Christian's faith a Rational Assent. He was
elected, without his knowledge or any communication from
the electors, to the Presidency of Corpus, on Dr. Mather's
death, and thenceforth made Oxford his principal place of
and Queries, Sept. 24, 1859, and Sept. 16, 1860. If, however, as Mr. Morse
Stephens states (History of the French Revolution, vol. i. p. 218), Marat was
appointed physician to the Body-Guard of the Comte d'Artois on June 24, 1777,
the identification becomes impossible, unless we suppose either the sentence to
have been remitted or the criminal to have escaped. Moreover, it appears that a
man named Le Maitre alias Mara ' had been for some time a teacher of drawing
for tambour, and a designer of tambour waistcoats, in Oxford,' and it seems difficult
to identify this man with Jean Paul Marat, ' who had been for some years a doctor
practising in London, and who had published a medical pamphlet, dated Church
St., Soho, on Jan. i, 1776.' See Academy for Sept. 23 and Dec. 23, 1882.
384 RANDOLPH'S AMIABILITY AND POPULARITY.
residence, and the scene of his work. He preached many
sermons and wrote many theological works, including The
Doctrine of the Trinity, Citations from the Old Testament
in the New, &c. In 1756, he became Vice-Chancellor and
held the office for three years. In 1767, he was appointed by
Bishop Lowth Archdeacon of Oxford, and, in 1768, unani-
mously elected to the Margaret Professorship of Divinity, to
which a Canonry at Worcester was then attached. He
died, full of years and honours, on March 24, 1783, and was
buried in the College cloister, where a monument is erected
to his memory. A collection of the more valuable of Dr.
Randolph's works was published in 1784.
Some interesting traits of Dr. Randolph's character are
given in the Memoirs of Richard Lovell Edgeworth, father of
Miss Edgeworth, published in two vols., i82ox. I shall reserve
for a few pages further on Mr. Edgeworth's pleasant account
of the College in his time, but this seems to be the best place
for introducing his personal anecdotes and remarks on Dr.
Randolph. 'Dr. Randolph was, at that time' (Edgeworth's
residence commenced Oct. 10, 1761), 'President of C. C. C.
With great learning and many excellent qualities, he had
some singularities which produced nothing more injurious
from his friends than a smile. He had the habit of muttering
upon the most trivial occasions " Mors omnibus communis."
One day his horse stumbled upon Maudlin bridge, and the
resigned president let his bridle go, and, drawing up the
waistband of his breeches as he sat bolt upright, he exclaimed
before a crowded audience, " Mors omnibus communis." The
same simplicity of character appeared in various instances,
and it was mixed with a mildness of temper, that made him
generally beloved by the young students. The worthy
Doctor was indulgent to us all, but to me in particular upon
one occasion, where I fear that I tried his temper more than
I ought to have done. The gentlemen-commoners were not
1 My attention was first drawn to this book by the Rev. R. G. Livingstone of
Pembroke College. The passages relating to Edgeworth's Oxford Life are in-
cluded in the volume of Reminiscences of Oxford, published by the Oxford
Historical Society in 1892.
DISGRACEFUL CONDUCT OF STUDENTS. 285
obliged to attend early chapel on any days but Sunday and
Thursday ; I had been too frequently absent, and the president
was determined to rebuke me before my companions. " Sir,"
said he to me, as we came out of chapel one Sunday, " You
never attend Thursday prayers." " I do sometimes, Sir," I
replied (Then follows the ordinary form of story : " I did not
see you here last Thursday"}.' The President's anger fell
immediately, and he asked young Edgeworth to drink tea
that evening with him and his daughter. ' This indulgent
president's good humour,' observes Mr. Edgeworth, ' made
more salutary impression on the young men he governed,
than has been ever effected by the morose manners of any
unrelenting disciplinarian.'
During this and the next three Presidencies, we have the
assistance of certain books of Acts and Proceedings kept by the
Presidents, which, with such other sources of information as
I can find available, will furnish the materials for the Collegiate
history of the period.
The first entry of any importance is under the date of Jan. 19 &c.,
1 74f . It is a detailed account of the disgraceful conduct of John
Hampton, an M.A. Scholar of the House, in Deacon's Orders, who,
calling himself Proctor for the night, had entered the house of
Mr. Litchfield a printer, and brutally mal-treated him and his wife.
It seems that he had grossly misconducted himself on several
previous occasions, including a violent attack which he had made
on the Fellows who refused to sign his testimonials for Priest's
Orders, and that he had been frequently but vainly admonished.
The long-suffering and too tolerant College at length expelled him,
but not without bringing down on themselves the usual appeal
to the Visitor, who, however, supported their decision.
About the same time (under date Feb. 2 &c.), a still worse case
occurred with regard to the conduct of one Henry Mitchell, a B.A.
Scholar who had just been granted the grace for his M.A. Degree,
at a Coffee House in Oxford. As it supervened on several other
offences, he too was expelled. This case not only illustrates, like
the former, the coarse manners and drunken habits of many even of
the senior students of that time, but also their readiness to give
false witness on behalf of one another.
386 JACOB1TISM IN A JUNIOR COMMON ROOM.
Under date Dec. 8, 1749, it appears that disputations were still
held in the College Hall. 'Sir' White (i.e. John White, B.A.)
was, amongst other offences, punished for ' missing ' them.
On July n, 1750, this same John White was expelled for 'aiding
and assisting in marrying ' a Gentleman-Commoner, ' a young gentle-
man of good family and heir to a large estate,' to a ' young woman
of low birth and mean circumstances, daughter to a man who keeps
a public house' (the Lamb) 'at Wallingford ; ' for afterwards having
her and her sisters in his rooms in College; and, moreover, for
having obtained leave, under false pretences, to go down for the
purposes of the marriage. It appears that White gave the young
woman away. There was the almost inevitable appeal to the
Visitor, resulting in a very long correspondence, still extant, between
him and the President, but happily terminating in a decision favour-
able to the College. The Visitor, at this time, it may be noticed,
was Benjamin Hoadley, one of the most just and sensible Visitors
the College ever had the fortune to possess.
On Dec. n, 1754, these records give an account of an offence
of a very different kind. ' Complaint being made to the President
by Dr Patten and Mr Hall, Deputy Dean, that a Picture supposed
to be the picture of the Pretender's eldest Son, commonly called
Prince Charles, had been for some time hung up in the Bachelors'
(and Gentlemen-Commoners') Common Room, and that the College
had been very much censured on that account (a letter had ap-
peared on Dec. 10 in the Evening Advertiser), the President
immediately convened a meeting of the Senior Fellows and Officers,
and laid the matter before them.' The story of how the picture
came to be there is a long one, and not worth repeating at length.
In brief, it appears that a Mr. Bulteel, a gentleman-commoner,
about five years before, had given a similar picture to the Bachelors'
Common Room, that a Mr. Mason, another gentleman-commoner,
had secretly cut off its head, and that, by a vote of 7 to 3, the
picture had been replaced. Mr. Mason and his friends, in turn,
burnt the new picture. But, meanwhile, the matter had got bruited
abroad, with the usual exaggerations and perversions, such as that
the Common Room was the Senior Common Room, &c. There
was a general dealing out of punishments, the Gentlemen-Com-
moners escaping pretty easily, but the Bachelors having to beg
pardon publicly, in the Hall, of the King, the University and
the College, being put out of Commons for a week, and, a somewhat
ENFORCED IDLENESS OF YOUNG MASTERS. 287
grotesque addition, required to translate into Latin Archbishop
Potter's Coronation Sermon. In the Register of Punishments, it
is curious to find, amongst the offenders, the next President, John
Cooke. Some officer of the College replied to the attack in the
Evening Advertiser, and so this semi-ludicrous affair ended.
On Feb. 8, 1755, the College received the 'last Parcel of Lord
Coleraine's Legacy.' This handsome legacy, consisting of a large
and valuable collection of books, prints, and drawings, mainly
artistic or antiquarian, and now contained in the 'Italian Room'
leading out of the inner library, has already been mentioned in my
notice of Lord Coleraine. The validity of the Will and various
Codicils was disputed between the Heirs at Law and the Executrix,
a Mrs. du Plessis. After long litigation, the Will was confirmed,
but all Codicils, except the last, set aside. The Executrix thereupon
refused to surrender the goods bequeathed to the College, but, after
a bill had been filed in Chancery, the matter was compromised;
the books, &c., were given up, but the whole expence of Law,
Binding, &c. fell upon the College.
On July 19 of this year, the Visitor issued an injunction relieving
M.A. Scholars from residence, or rather allowing leave of absence,
under certain very reasonable conditions, to be granted to them
by the Seniority. The reasons alleged in the Petition of the ' Disciple
Masters ' are noteworthy : ' The allowance of the Disciple Masters,
which at the time of the foundation was a sufficient maintenance,
is now, by the decrease of the value of money and other circum-
stances, become by no means sufficient for that purpose; the
expence of residing in the University so constantly is greater than
they, or others in their station, are usually able to bear ; moreover,
their residence deprives them at the same time of the opportunity of
relieving their circumstances and of following any useful vocation.'
One cannot but look back with extreme pity on the dull
and useless lives of these young men, many of them with no
special avocation for literature, spent in narrow circumstances,
uncongenial surroundings, and enforced idleness. If they took
to drinking, excessive card playing, and loose habits, one can
hardly feel much surprise, and one's wonder is that no Visitor,
before Hoadley, had seen his way to abate such an utter
perversion of the spirit, though it was no doubt a strict
observation of the letter, of the Founder's Statutes. And
288 LETTER AND SPIRIT OF THE OLD STATUTES.
even he could not see his way to affording any relief to the
Bachelors, whose idleness and other offences were, at this
time, a constant source of trouble to the College authorities.
In the Buttery Book of this year there are no less than seven
Master Scholars1, all, except one, of more than two years
standing, and it is stated in the Petition, certainly with no
exaggeration, that ' the succession to Fellowships in the said
College is become exceeding slow, insomuch that there is
ordinarily no probability of any disciple succeeding to a
Probationary Fellowship before he be of ten or twelve years
standing in the University.' There could hardly be found a
more striking exemplification of the manner in which a literal
adherence to the provisions of a Founder's Statutes may
frustrate the main intention of his foundation, or of the
necessity of supplying some machinery by which the detailed
regulations of a benefaction may be adapted to the changing
circumstances of successive generations.
June n, 1756. Mr. Musgrave, an M.A. Scholar, now non-
resident, having made some injurious reflexions on the Officers of
the College, had been cited to appear before the President, Seniors,
and Officers, and, having at length done so, was sentenced to be
put out of Commons for a week, to be registered, and to ask pardon
of the Society. It appears that he was compelled to return to
Oxford for a week, in order to undergo the sentence of ' sitting out of
Commons,' though, being an M.A., he was allowed by the Statutes,
instead of sitting at a separate table, to sit ' more consueto.'
June 22, 1756. Contribution of five guineas towards the support
of the University of Debretzen in Hungary.
Dec. 3, 1756. 'The President having, last year, in his Progress
into Lincolnshire, discovered the house at Ropesley where our
Founder was born, it was this day ordered that, with the consent of
the owner of the house, Lord William Manners, a stone should be
put up in the Wall of the House with this inscription — Richard Fox,
1 Taking the very week in which the Visitor's Injunction was issued, July 18-24,
1755, we find seven Master, nine Bachelor, and only four Undergraduate Scholars.
The remaining Undergraduates (we can now speak with certainty, as, at this
period, the entries in the Matriculation and Buttery books correspond) were the
two Clerks, the two Choristers, and five Gentlemen Commoners. Cp. the parallel
account given under the academical year 1680-1, which is even still stranger than
this.
INVESTMENTS AND DONATIONS. 389
Bishop of Winchester and Founder of C. C. C. Oxford, was born in
this house1.'
Jan. 24, 1757. Another gross instance of the irregularities common
in the College at this time. Ames, an Undergraduate Scholar, had
set fire to the furniture of the Fellows' Common Room, thrust under
the grate a lot of books and pamphlets, and damaged a quantity of
the College Plate, &c. The room only just escaped being burnt
down. He was allowed to resign, the act being ' looked on rather
as a sudden impulse of madness, than the result of determined
villainy.' For the same reason, he was not prosecuted.
Apr. 1 8, 1761. Paul Methuen, a Gentleman-Commoner, sentenced
to ask pardon of the Dean publicly in the Hall, in the middle of
dinner.
Feb. 27, 1772. 'It was agreed to lend ^200 on Bond to the
Magdalen Bridge Turnpike.' Loans of money, specially to Fellows, '
become frequent about this period. It would seem as if the College,
from time to time, had a fair amount of spare cash, and the system
of banking had not yet come in.
Nov. 27, 1772. 'It being now a time of great scarcity, and corn
and all sorts of provisions being very dear,' it was agreed to give ten
guineas for the relief of the poor in the city. Entries of this kind
are not infrequent about this time.
Feb. 3, 1773. 'It was agreed to appoint Mr Child and Comp.
our Bankers to receive our moneys in London.'
Dec. 13, 1774. It was agreed to give ten guineas towards building
an episcopal church at Edinburgh.
March 5, 1776. Agreed to give ten guineas towards the relief of
the distressed clergy in America.
Feb. 24, 1779. Agreed to give ^100 out of the Tower Money
(i.e. the reserve fund there kept) towards the great loss by Fire
at Queen's College.
April 8, 1779. Mr. Modd, Chaplain of the College, convened
before the President, Seniors, and Officers, and admonished
1 See my note on the Founder's Birth-Place at Ropesley on pp. 27-29. The
conjecture I there offer that, some time between 1705 and 1755, the College parted
with this property, has been confirmed by an entry which I have subsequently
noticed in the Acts and Proceedings, under Dec. 4, 1753 : 'It was agreed to allow
onr Bayliff Mr Samuel Foster 2 Guineas for his trouble in selling our estate at
Ropesley.' Truly this was not an age of sentiment or reverence ! The College
had sold the remains of the Founder's mitre in Dr. Mather's Presidency, and, in
Dr. Randolph's, it seems to have sold his birthplace !
U
290 DEARTH OF CANDIDATES FOR SCHOLARSHIPS.
for his misbehaviour, drunkenness, extravagance, and other irregu-
larities l.
Feb. 7, 1782. Only one candidate appeared for the Bedfordshire
Scholarship, and he did not even so much as attempt to compose
any exercise. The Electors, as directed by Statute, proceeded to
elect from another County.
Sept. 28, 1782. No Candidate appeared from the Bishopric of
Durham ; nor again on Jan. 3 of the following year. This failure of
Candidates to appear for local Scholarships, leading to Fellowships,
may have been partly due to the slowness of the succession which
now prevailed, and partly to the improved performances which were
now exacted in the Examinations.
Dr. Randolph died March 24, 1783. At the Funeral
(April 2), an oration was made in the Chapel by Mr. Buck-
land, the Latin Lecturer.
The list of eminent names during Dr. Randolph's Presi-
dency, especially as the period advances, will alone shew
that the College was beginning to shake off its lethargy, to
attract a more distinguished body of young men, and to be
more alive to and more successful in the performance of its
educational duties. Of other signs of improvement I shall
speak presently.
Amongst the Scholars elected during this period (1748-
1783), may be specially mentioned: Thomas Hornsby, ad-
mitted Nov. 21, 1749, an eminent astronomer and observer,
who filled at Oxford the various places of Reader in Experi-
mental Philosophy, Savilian Professor of Astronomy, first
Radcliffe Observer, Sedleian Professor of Natural Philosophy,
and Radcliffe Librarian; John Cooke, admitted Oct. 19, 1750,
Randolph's successor in the Presidency; John Whitaker, ad-
mitted March 2, 1753, celebrated as an antiquary and writer
of local histories, Author of the History of Manchester, the
Life of St. Neot, the Origin of Arianism, &c. ; Thomas Bar-
nard, Bishop of Limerick, admitted the same day; William
1 For a curious account of this Mr. Modd and his ways, see a very interesting
little book lately republished by Cassell & Co. : A Translation of Moritz's Travels
in England in 1782, p. 120, &c. Dr. Birkbeck Hill, in his edition of Boswell's
Life of Johnson, erroneously speaks of this Mr. Modd as a P'ellow and Tutor.
ADMISSIONS DURING RANDOLPH'S PRESIDENCY. 291
Scott, admitted aet. 15, Feb. 26, 1761, subsequently Fellow of
University, Camden Professor of Ancient History, Judge of
the Admiralty Court, and Lord Stowell (elder brother of Lord
Eldon) ; Walker King, admitted March 25, 1768, subsequently
Bishop of Rochester, a great friend of Burke, and editor of
his works (King's bust, a very beautiful work by Chantrey, is
in the Common Room) ; Henry Beeke, admitted May 5, 1769,
afterwards Fellow of Oriel, Regius Professor of Modern
History and Dean of Bristol, a celebrated financial critic and
writer; William Lipscombe, admitted July 6, 1770, a littera-
teur and poet of some pretensions ; French Laurence, admitted
March 5, 1774, afterwards Regius Professor of Civil Law, a
friend of Burke, and associated with Bishop King in the
editing of Burke's works ; Thomas Burgess *, admitted Feb.
22, 1775, successively Bishop of St. David's and Salisbury,
Founder of Lampeter College, a voluminous theological author,
but best known, unfortunately, as the stubborn defender of the
text of the Heavenly Witnesses (i John v. 7) against the
criticisms of Person and Turton ; George Williams, admitted
Sept. 20, 1777, afterwards Professor of Botany, and long Vice-
President and a leading Fellow of the College ; James Griffith,
admitted at the same time, afterwards Fellow and ultimately
Master of University; and, lastly, Charles Abbott, admitted
March 21, 1781, subsequently L. C. J. of the King's Bench
and Lord Tenterden, an eminent judge and an important
legal writer. Amongst the Clerks may be named Richard
Laurence, subsequently Fellow of University, a younger
brother of French Laurence, who is noticed above, admitted
July 14, 1778, author of a famous course of Bampton Lectures
delivered in 1804, afterwards Regius Professor of Hebrew,
Archbishop of Cashel, and well known in connexion with
1 Though I am anticipating the history by a few years, I may here quote a
passage from a letter written by Burgess to Tyrwhitt on May 7, 1 783 (Harfbrd's
Life of Bishop Burgess, p. 71) : ' The business of tuition has so much increased
upon my hands this term, by the addition of five new pupils — three of them
Scholars, and two Gentlemen-Commoners — that my time is more than ever
occupied.' I do not interpret this passage as shewing how soon a tutor, in those
days, began to think himself over-worked, but how much individual care he
bestowed on his pupils.
U 2
292 MARKED REVIVAL OF THE COLLEGE.
certain critical books, such as the translation of the book of
Enoch, which have now passed out of date. Amongst the
Gentlemen Commoners, the most noticeable are Richard
Lovell Edgeworth, admitted Oct. 10, 1761, father of Miss
Edgeworth, an ingenious mechanician, and author, amongst
other works, of the interesting Memoirs, which are so service-
able in throwing light on the condition of the College at this
time; Thomas Day, admitted June i, 1764, eminent in his
time as a poet, philanthropist and pamphleteer, but best
known to us as the author of Sandford and Merton ; and Sir
Richard Worsley, Bart., of Appuldercombe in the Isle of
Wight, admitted April 7, 1768, subsequently known as a
diplomatist, antiquary and collector, author of a History of
the Isle of Wight and the rare ' Museum Worsleianum 1.'
Besides this creditable, and, considering the small size of
the Society, almost brilliant roll of former alumni^ many of
whom, it may be remarked, owed their reputation in after
life largely to the studies which they had pursued in Oxford,
there are many other indications of a brighter and better life
than that which had prevailed in the College during the first
half of the century. The gross acts of rowdyism and im-
morality at the beginning of Randolph's Presidency are truly
appalling both in their character and their frequency, but,
largely owing, perhaps, to the salutary severity exercised by
the President and his coadjutors, the offences gradually be-
come less gross, less frequent, and less serious, till at last,
about the year 1760, the College seems to have subsided into
decent order. Indeed, it would be tolerably accurate to say
that it was just about this period that it was beginning to
recover its pristine efficiency and reputation. Any way, we
1 The painting of the Adoration of the Shepherds by Rubens now in the College
Chapel was given by Sir Richard Worsley in 1804, the year before his death. It
took the place of a copy of Guido's Annunciation by Battoni, given by Sir Chris-
topher "Willoughby of Baldon House, which was afterwards removed to Baldon
Church. Ingram (Memorials of Oxford) says that the east window was originally
blocked up to receive this latter picture.
It may here be mentioned that the Honourable Edward Bouverie, a Gentleman-
Commoner admitted Nov. 2, 1778, a cousin, once removed, of the late Dr. Pusey,
gave, in 1782, the iron gate, bearing the Bouverie arms, leading from the Cloister
into the Garden.
EDGEWORTH'S GRATEFUL RECOLLECTIONS. 293
have remarkable and impartial evidence as to its condition at
this time, in the Memoirs, already referred to, of Mr. R. L.
Edgeworth, the father of Miss Edgeworth. Mr. Edgeworth
entered Corpus as a gentleman-commoner in 1761, his father
having ' prudently removed him from Dublin.' 'Having en-
tered C. C. C, Oxford,' he says, ' I applied assiduously not
only to my studies under my excellent tutor, Mr. Russell '
(father of Dr. Russell, the Head Master of Charterhouse), ' but
also to the perusal of the best English writers, both in prose
and verse. Scarcely a day passed without my having added
to my stock of knowledge some new fact or idea ; and I re-
member with satisfaction the pleasure I then felt from the
consciousness of intellectual improvement V ' I had the good
fortune to make acquaintance with the young men, the most
distinguished at C. C. for application, abilities, and good con-
duct. ... I remember with gratitude that I was liked by my
fellow-students, and I recollect with pleasure the delightful
and profitable hours I passed at that University during three
years of my life.' The excellent relations which subsisted
between Dr. Randolph the ' indulgent president ' and his
undergraduates have been already noticed. It is curious to
contrast the account of Mr. Edgeworth's Corpus experiences
with that given by Gibbon of his Magdalen experiences some
nine or ten years before this time, or with Bentham's account
of his undergraduate life at Queen's, which almost coincided
with that of Mr. Edgeworth at Corpus. Something, however,
may, perhaps, be set down to the difference of character and
temper in the men themselves.
Considering that the improvement in manners, religion, and
learning was by no means universal in Oxford at this time, it
would probably be highly unjust not to assign a considerable
share of the credit for the condition of Corpus to the personal
qualities of the President and Tutors. And Randolph, by
his large connexions, both lay and ecclesiastical, had probably
contributed to bring to the College a much more desirable
type of young man than that which had mostly frequented it
1 When young Edgeworth visited the Elers family at Black-bourton, he used to
read Cicero and Longinus with the father.
294 PRESIDENCY OF JOHN COOKE.
during recent years. Any way, the latter part of Randolph's
Presidency is among the brighter spots in the history of the
College, and, from that time onwards, though there may have
been fluctuations, its educational efficiency and reputation
have never been obscured.
The vacant Presidency was filled up on April 3, 1783, by
the election of Dr. John Cooke. The new President was a
Hampshire Scholar, a native of Winchester, born August 23
or Sept. 31, 1734. He was originally matriculated at the old
Hertford College, May 3, 1749, and admitted Scholar at
C. C. C. on Oct. 19, 1750. He became Probationary Fellow,
July 4, 1761, and, of course, not actual Fellow till two years
later, thus shewing the extremely slow rate of succession of
that time. He had taken his D.D. Degree the year before
his election to the Presidency. In 1788, he became Vice-
Chancellor of the University, and held the office for four years.
We know little of Dr. Cooke's personal traits, except from the
notice in Mr. Justice Coleridge's letter about the College days
of Arnold, Keble, himself, and others, which is reproduced in
Stanley's Life of Arnold : ' At the time I speak of, 1809, and
thenceforward for some few years, the College was under the
presidency, mild and inert, rather than paternal, of Dr. Cooke.'
He seems indeed to have been one of the respectable, amiable,
dignified heads of the period, without any special aptitude for
literature or education. The Gentleman's Magazine (vol. 93.
Pt. I, p. 281), under the date of Feb. 3, 1823, contains, in
addition to the usual dates, the following Obituary Notice :
' He was emphatically termed the Father of the University.
In religion stedfast and orthodox — in politics true to his King
and country — in conduct generous and hospitable — in manners
gentle though dignified, he might have been regarded as the
representative of those olden times we daily hear praised, but
seldom see imitated. Dr. Cooke was for many years in the
Commission of the Peace for the County of Oxford ; during
which period, conciliating the love of the poor, and gaining the
1 The dates vary in the two Admissions.
HIS CHARACTER AND ADMINISTRATION. 295
respect of the rich, he proved that an upright and attentive
magistrate is a blessing to all around. By his death, the
University has lost one of her most solid ornaments, the poor
a steady friend, and the country a firm support.' It may be
mentioned that Dr. Cooke was a great benefactor to the
Prisoners in Oxford Castle, as appears both from the entry
under Feb. 5, 1784, which follows, as also from his munificent
charities during the celebration of George Ill's Jubilee in
1 8 jo. In addition to the Presidency, he held two livings,
both in the County of Oxford, Woodeaton and Begbrooke.
At the latter place, he is buried.
I shall pursue the same course in regard to this as to the
last Presidency by throwing together, in the form of Annals,
those events which are most notable as illustrating either the
manners of the times or the history of the College.
April 28, 1783. Order given to Mr. Pears, 'an eminent builder
in Oxford,' to execute, at the estimate of ^453 izs. 6d., certain
repairs and improvements in the President's Lodgings, including the
present Dining Room, Drawing Room, and Front Staircase. But,
on account of the great expenditure to which the College was, at this
time, put for this and other purposes, it was resolved to pay every
attention to economy, and to begin by ' totally abolishing the usually
very expensive observation of Corpus Christi Day, by which it is pre-
sumed a considerable saving will be made.' It was found, however,
difficult to carry out this Order, and it was modified by confining the
entertainment to one course.
June 17, 1783. A Dublin M.A., Tutor to one of the Gentlemen
Commoners, allowed to become a Member of the High Table and
Common Room, and, at the same time, incorporated an M.A. of
the University.
Same Date. An order with regard to Caution Moneys. That of
Gentlemen Commoners to be raised from 15 to 30 Guineas. In
the case of others, wishing to retain their names ' on the private book
in the Buttery,' M.A.s or those of Superior Degrees to pay 10 guineas,
others 5 guineas.
Feb. 5, 1784. Subscription to the Indigent Poor of Oxford,
amounting to ^6 i6,r. 6d. But 'a very considerable collection
having been made for the Indigent Poor, the President thought it
not beside the purpose of the Gentlemen of the College to expend
296 A ROYAL VISIT.
their charity in the service of the Prisoners, seventy-four in number,
who have no means of the comforts, or indeed the necessaries, of
life, but from the benevolence of the Public.' Hence the sum was
distributed in fuel and meat among the prisoners in the Castle.
Ap. 7, 1784. Scholarship Election for County of Bedford. No
Candidate.
Jan. 10, 1785. 'The President consulted the Fellows on the
best and most probable means of checking the great and enormous
extravagance of the Gentlemen Commoners in the article of Battels.'
It appears that they claimed the right of having private dinners in
their rooms without special leave, but it was resolved that they were
under the same regulations in this respect as other members of the
College. On April 5, 1791, the question had to be revived, when it
was ordered that no private dinner should be served to any Under-
graduate on any pretence whatever.
July 21, 1785. 'It was agreed to lend Richard Porson, M.A. of
Ch. Ch. (lately incorporated from Cambridge) our MS. of Suidas,' on
entering into a bond.
Sept. 13, 1785. 'The College was honoured this day with the
presence of the King, Queen, Princess Royal, Princess Augusta, and
Princess Elisabeth, the Princes Ernest Augustus and Adolphus,
attended by Earl and Countess Harcourt, General Harcourt, Colonel
Manners, and Mr. Hayes, Preceptor to the young Princes. Passing
through the Quadrangle, they entered the President's Garden by the
Cloyster Gate, and staid a considerable time in his house. They
then proceeded through the College garden to Merton. Their
Majesties were pleased to express much satisfaction at the situation
of the College, and the elegance of the new building.'
January 10, 1786. Agreed that a sum not exceeding ^600 shall
be forthwith laid out on the College account in the Public Funds, as
shall be advised by our Bankers, Messrs. Child. Other Orders of the
same kind were made on January 10, 1789 and 1794. It seems
indeed to have soon become the ordinary way of disposing of a
balance in the hands of the College.
June 30, 1786. A Prize of the Oxford Edition of Cicero's Works
was presented, with great commendation, to Charles Abbott (after-
wards L. C. J. of the King's Bench and Lord Tenterden), B.A.,
Scholar of the House, for having obtained the English Essay Prize
in that year, and the Latin Verse Prize in 1784.
January 22, 1787. Mr. Modd again convened (see entry under
SURVIVAL OF ANTIQUATED REGULATIONS. 297
April 8, 1779) on account of his scandalous life. But, in pity for
his circumstances, instead of expelling him, the College forbade him
to eat, drink, or sleep within the walls, as being 'one unworthy to
remain under the same roof with them,' but he was still to go on
performing his duties in the Chapel, and to receive the full pay of
his office.
Feb. 12, 1787. It appears, from an application for exemption,
that the Sermon at St. Peter's in the East prescribed by the old
Statutes (Cap. 25) was still customary and enforced.
Apr. 25 and Dec. 15, 1787. We find that the examinations in
College for the B.A. Degree were beginning to be dispensed
with, in cases of good conduct and a satisfactory appearance at the
Terminal Examinations. There are similar cases on Oct. 22, 1788,
and January 26 and June 30, 1791, &c., &c. It is plain that these
examinations were becoming antiquated. After a while, the dispensa-
tion became a common form. Ultimately, it dropped out altogether.
Feb. 20, 1788. Petition from the Bachelors to introduce strangers
into Hall. Rejected as inconsistent with the Founder's Statutes.
April 1 8, 1791. Twenty guineas advanced to the Curators of the
Bodleian Library, ' to be disposed of by them in the prosecution of
their present very laudable efforts to enrich the said Library with
valuable purchases from Foreign Sales,' &c.
Feb. 21, 1792. A grace to proceed B.A. was granted to Samuel
How, ' late Chorister (or as it now is termed Exhibitioner) of the
College.' It thus appears, as from a similar entry under Oct. 26,
1795, that the Choristers (and, doubtless, also the Clerks) had now
come to be called Exhibitioners.
Feb. 22, 1792. A riot in College and outrageous attack on the
apartments of one of the Senior Fellows, headed by a Gentleman
Commoner recently removed from the books. The remaining
offenders (six in number) were punished with heavy impositions.
Apr. 9, 1792. Mr. Modd (see two previous extracts) was at length
dismissed by the President and Bursar from the office of Chaplain.
Nov. 5, 1792. Subscription of thirty guineas for the relief of the
French Clergy, ' who have been necessitated to abandon their own
country and take refuge in the British dominions.'
Feb. 19, 1793. Severe punishment, by total confinement to
College for the remainder of Term and impositions (including public
recitations of passages in Hall), of Whitfield, a Scholar, for absenting
himself from College during the first five weeks of Term.
298 PATRIOTIC SUBSCRIPTIONS DURING THE WAR.
July 8, 1793. The President presented a book to Edward
Copleston, with an inscription, ' in consideration of his very good
appearance in the Theatre this year on delivering his Prize Compo-
sition in Latin Verse.'
Jan. 24, 1794. It was unanimously agreed to drop the future
observation of Corpus Christi Day.
Ap. 14, 1794. It was agreed to contribute from the Tower ;£ioo
'towards the fund now raising throughout the kingdom for the
internal defence thereof.'
Jan. 10, 1795. It appears, from an order now made, that speeches
on classical authors, prescribed by the President, were still delivered
in the College Hall, according to the provisions of Ch. 24 of the
Old Statutes, by both Fellows and Scholars, before receiving their
graces for Degrees. The order, on this day, is to the effect that they
shall always be delivered in full Term.
July 20, 1795. E. Copleston elected Fellow of Oriel, set. 19^.
July 25, 1795. H. Phillpotts elected Fellow of Magdalen, set.
1 7 yrs. 2 months.
Feb. 15, 1797. John Hook, an Undergraduate Scholar, for
idleness, &c., ordered, amongst other punishments, to repeat the
first eight Odes of Horace, on different occasions, after dinner in
Hall.
March 20, 1797. Another Scholar, John Bond, rusticated for
two terms (the first recorded instance of this punishment in the
College books), and set several long exercises to do in the interval,
besides 'the Vacation exercise, the subject of which will be com-
municated to him at the usual time' (showing that this Vacation
exercise was now a regular institution of the College).
Feb. 13, 1798. The sum of ^150 contributed 'towards the
present exigencies of the state.' (See former entry of Ap. 14, 1794.)
Oct. 19, 1798. No Candidate for the Bedfordshire Scholarship.
Jan. 28, 1 80 1. Institution of Building Fund.
Jan. 25, 1804. Finally agreed to new-face the inner walls of the
College with Windrush or Barrington stone. Subscription started,
in aid of the Tower Fund, for that purpose.
Jan. 29, 1805. Agreed to subscribe, from the Tower Fund, the
sum of ;£ioo to the support of the Oxford Loyal Volunteers.
May 4, 1809. Agreed to subscribe 30 guineas towards relieving
the present distressed state of the Episcopal Church in Scotland ;
and also 20 guineas to the relief of certain French clergy in England.
RAPID INCREASE OF COLLEGE EXPENCES. 299
These sums to be taken from the Interest-money fund (appearing to
show that the College had some scruple in dividing the interest on
loans or deposits).
June 14, 1809. In granting leaves of absence, for educational
work, to certain B.A. Scholars, of full academical standing for the
M.A. Degree, but deterred from taking it by the now antiquated
provision in the Founder's Statutes with regard to postponing it for
three years after Determination, the Resolution proceeds as follows :
' We are the less scrupulous at conniving at these indulgences from
the consideration of the present heavy expences of Academical
Residence — far beyond all former times and very distressing to
several of our young men, who are by no means competent to give
into them, but yet would not willingly submit to a peculiarity of
conduct among those of the same rank with themselves.' This
increase of College expences seems, of late, to have been very rapid,
partly, no doubt, owing to the increase of prices through the war, but
partly also to the more luxurious style of living, and that, in turn,
to the higher social status of those who now, for the most part,
frequented the University.
July 20, 1811. John Keble elected Fellow of Oriel, aet. 19^.
Oct. 12, 1811. MrrVaughan Thomas this day vacated his Fellow-
ship ; but Mr. Frowd (subsequently a very eccentric Senior Fellow
of the College, of whom many stories are even still extant) — the
Senior Master Scholar — being out of the kingdom on board His
Majesty's Fleet, no time was fixed for the election of a Pro-
bationer.
Dec. 17, 1812. Large advance of money made to the Hampshire
Bailiffs, on account of the ' greatly increased expence of travelling
for the purpose of collecting our rents, &c. in their respective
districts.'
January 27, 1813. 'Agreed to subscribe ^40, from the Interest
Fund, to the relief of the suffering inhabitants of Russia.' (It would
appear from this, and several previous entries of a like kind, as if the
Interest on Investments were not divided, but expended on charities,
or for extraordinary purposes.)
'In consequence of the increased expence in Battels,' several
resolutions were passed at this meeting, affecting all members of the
College under the M.A. Degree. The most notable of these Reso-
lutions was the advance of the Caution Money of the Gentlemen
Commoners from 50 guineas to the extraordinary sum of 80 guineas,
300 VISIT OF THE ALLIED SOVEREIGNS.
half of which was to remain in the Bursar's hands after taking the
B.A. Degree.
On Aug. 24, 1813, the Visitor (Brownlow North, whose communi-
cations with the College, I may say, are marked with the most
uniform courtesy and consideration) delivered an opinion that
Matthew Arnold, now serving as an Army Chaplain, and, therefore,
absent on the King's service, might defer his presence in Oxford for
admission to his Actual Fellowship, six, eight or ten months beyond
the usual time. This Matthew Arnold was an elder brother of
Thomas Arnold, and died in 1820.
March i, 1814. Forty Pounds subscribed towards the relief of
the German sufferers.
May 13, 1814. Application made to the Visitor to extend the
Property limitation on Fellowships and Scholarships, ' in considera-
tion of the great decrease in the value of money and the improvement
of the College revenues.' ' The present annual value of a Fellowship,
with all its advantages, cannot be estimated at less than ^200' ; that
of a Scholarship at less than ^70. In compliance with this request,
the Visitor, on Dec. 19, 1814, issued an Order, or permission, as he
phrases it, that, henceforth, an Actual Fellowship shall be tenable
with an annual income, from any of the sources enumerated in the
Statutes, not exceeding ^£200 a year; a Probationer Fellowship
with such an income not exceeding ,£100 a year; and a Scholarship
with such an income not exceeding ^80 a year. This Order is
regarded by him as an extension of the Injunction, issued in 1782,
in respect of Dr. Donne's case, namely that, looking to the spirit of
the original Statutes, a Fellowship is tenable with any income not
exceeding it in amount. It is noteworthy that an equitable and
liberal construction of the Statutes was beginning to prevail at this
time.
June 14, 15, 1814. Visit of the allied Sovereigns (Emperor of
Russia, King of Prussia, and Prince Regent of England) to Oxford.
The King of Prussia was assigned to the President's Lodgings at
Corpus, and slept there on Tuesday, June 14. The Emperor and
King remained only one night in Oxford, ' and, on their departure,
the Wednesday Evening, expressed themselves much pleased with the
attentions shewn to them.' There is still an agreeable record of
the King of Prussia's stay at Corpus in a beautiful porcelain vase of
Berlin manufacture, bearing on one side a portrait of the King and
on the other a picture of Berlin, then, comparatively, a small town.
CELEBRATION df THE TERCENTENARY. 301
The vase has ever since been displayed in the President's Drawing
Room, and the correspondence which accompanied it, in 1818, is
still preserved in the President's Bureau.
June 23, 1814. Prizes of books to T. Arnold and T. Penrose for
their examinations in the Schools.
June 24, 1814. Present of books to Henry Bosanquet, a Gen-
tleman Commoner, for his copy of congratulatory verses, de-
livered in the Theatre on the occasion of the visit of the Allied
Sovereigns.
July 20, 1815. T. Arnold elected Fellow of Oriel, set. 20.
Oct. 26, 1815. Order for amendment in regard to 'the careless
and indecorous manner in which the Bachelors deliver their declam-
ations in the College Hall.' The Senior in Hall is to interpose,
when the exercise is improperly performed, and to require a re-
petition of the Declamation on some other day.
Nov. 27, 1816. Ten guineas subscribed towards erecting certain
churches in Lower Canada, in connexion with the Church of
England. The same donation was repeated on June 26, 1824 ; also
five guineas given towards establishing a Theological Seminary in
the Diocese of Ohio, U.S.A.
On June 18, 1817, the College commemorated its three hundredth
anniversary, 1517, according to our reckoning, having been the year
(though the exact day was March 4) in which it was inducted into
its buildings. There was a crowded chapel service at 9.30 A.M.,
and a large dinner to which nearly a hundred sat down. Both the
members for the University, Sir William Scott, afterwards Lord
Stowell, and ' the Right Hon. R. Peel, our newly elected member,'
were present. Medals, in silver and bronze, were struck to com-
memorate the occasion, and one of these was sent to the Prince of
Hardenberg, for the Prussian Royal Library. A full account of the
commemoration is given in a letter printed in Jackson's Oxford
Journal of June 28, 1817 (MSS. Top. D. Oxfordshire, c. 2, Nos. or
Fols. 196, 197. This MS. contains a number of other papers re-
lating to C. C. C., collected by the Rev. Vaughan Thomas).
August 1 8, Oct. 15, 1817. From orders of these dates with
regard to the character and position of the shields, it would appear
that it was about this time that the statue of the Founder was erected
on the south side of the Quadrangle.
January 27, 1818. In pursuance of a petition sealed on Oct. n
last, a Licence had been obtained from the Crown to purchase and
302 BRILLIANT LIST OF ADMISSIONS
hold in Mortmain additional advowsons not exceeding five in
number or ,£3000 per annum in value.
Feb. 1 6, 1818. A letter communicated from Dr. Copleston,
Provost of Oriel, proposing an exchange of houses, belonging to
Oriel, in St. Mary's parish, for certain property, belonging to Corpus,
in St. John Baptist's parish, the object being to acquire space for the
purpose of adding to the buildings of Oriel. Answered, that the
Society would have no objection to enter into negotiation (under
approbation of their Visitor) on the principle of Exchange. These
negotiations, however, led to no result.
March 25, 1818. One hundred guineas voted from the Interest
Fund for the Building and Enlarging of Churches, the President
adding ^25.
June 8, 1820. It appears, from a dispensation given, on account
of illness, to R. A. Thorpe, that it was still customary for Scholars,
on taking the B.A. Degree, to make a ' Degree Speech.' As Thorpe
was excused, because he could not sufficiently apply himself to the
reading requisite for the purpose, it would seem to have been a
reality.
Jan. 12, 1821. Advowson of Byfield purchased for 5000 guineas.
In 1822, 'the whole business and ceremony of Determination
having beeri now by competent authority abolished in the Univer-
sity,' the Visitor (Bp. Tomline) removed the restriction, which was now
completely antiquated and often very vexatious, deferring the M.A.
Degree of Foundationers of Corpus till after the lapse of three years
from ' determination ' (a ceremony which took place in the following
Lent) instead of three years from admission to the B.A. Degree. Their
compulsory residence as B.A.s had thus been often unduly and
unnecessarily prolonged. Archdeacon Phelps (Life, vol. I. p. 337)
tells a characteristic story of Dr. Cooke, that, on calling, shortly
after the decision was announced, on the old President, ' he said he
did not know anything that could give him much more satisfaction,
just as he was dropping into the grave, than to see the matter set at
rest in the manner it now is.'
Feb. 3, 1823. 'Dr. John Cooke, President of this College,
departed this life, having presided therein 39 yrs. 10 months.'
The list of eminent men, who entered at Corpus during Dr.
Cooke's Presidency, is, considering the very small number of
Undergraduates which the College was then allowed to receive,
DURING DR. COOKE'S PRESIDENCY. 303
surprising both for its size and its brilliancy. Beginning with
the Scholars, we have Edward Copleston, admitted, set. 15,
May 25, 1791, subsequently Fellow and Provost of Oriel,
Dean of St. Paul's and Bishop of Llandaff, perhaps the
leading man in Oxford in his day, and a writer, on many
subjects, of no mean pretensions ; Henry Phillpotts, admitted,
set. 13!, Nov. 7, 1791, subsequently Fellow of Magdalen, aet.
17^, Dean of Chester and Bishop of Exeter, one of the most
noted Bishops, controversialists and pamphleteers of his time ;
Willingham Franklin, admitted March 31, 1797, afterwards
Fellow of Oriel, created a Judge of the Supreme Court at
Madras and knighted, brother of the celebrated explorer, Sir
John Franklin ; George Leigh Cooke, nephew of the Pre-
sident, admitted July 7, 1797, Sedleian Professor of Natural
Philosophy from iSioto 1853; Godfrey Faussett, admitted the
same day, afterwards Fellow of Magdalen, Margaret Professor
of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church ; Thomas Edward
Bridges, admitted Oct. 30, 1798, Cooke's_ successor in the
Presidency; William Buckland, admitted May 14, 1801, long
a resident Fellow of Corpus, then Canon of Ch. Ch. and Dean
of Westminster, Professor, down to his death in 1856, of
Mineralogy and of Geology, one of the most famous of
English Geologists, and, indeed, one of the creators of the
science l ; John Keble, Author of the Christian Year, ad-
mitted Dec. 12, 1806, aet. i4yrs. 7 months, and elected Fellow
of Oriel, aet. I9ir2 ; John Taylor Coleridge, admitted April 21,
1809, at the then somewhat late age of i8f, subsequently
Fellow of Exeter, and Justice of the King's Bench, one of the
most learned and accomplished Judges of his time ; Thomas
Arnold, admitted Feb. 22, 181 1, aet. 15 yrs. 8 months, and elected
1 There is a large room in the Front Quadrangle, now appropriated to the
purposes of an Undergraduates' Library, which was Dr. Buckland's sitting room,
and fitted up by him, irrespectively of personal comfort, as a Geological Museum, —
probably the earliest collection of the kind in Oxford, or perhaps in England,
which was arranged on anything like scientific principles.
2 The Father (John, admitted Scholar Dec. 23, 1762) and the younger brother
(Thomas, admitted Scholar March 31, 1808, set. 14 yrs. 5 months) were both
Fellows of Corpus. All three were Gloucestershire Scholars, and natives of
Fairford. John Keble, if not also Thomas, as is probable, came to Oxford
prepared solely by his Father.
304 NOTABLE ADMISSIONS.
Fellow of Oriel, set. 20, afterwards Head Master of Rugby
and Regius Professor of Modern History, eminent alike as
an author, a liberal theologian, and the reformer of English
Public School education l ; Henry Jenkyns, admitted June 4,
1813, afterwards Fellow of Oriel, Canon of Durham, and
Professor of Divinity in the University of Durham ; James
Norris, subsequently President, and William Phelps, Arch-
deacon of Carlisle, whose letters and memoirs (published in
1873) give us glimpses of the interior of the College during
his Undergraduate days, both admitted Oct. 20, 1815; and,
lastly, Edward Parr Greswell, admitted Jan. 30, 1816, a most
laborious and disinterested Scholar, some of whose books had/
at one time, considerable circulation, but who ultimately ex-
hausted himself in the production of a huge work, entitled
( Fasti Catholici Temporis,' which found few readers, and,
resembling, both in its execution and its spirit, the produc-
tions of the seventeenth rather than the nineteenth century,
was doubtless 'born out of due time.' Amongst the Chaplains
was John Gutch, the celebrated Oxford Antiquary, Registrar
of the University, and Editor of Wood's History and Antiqui-
ties of the University of Oxford and of the Colleges and Halls.
Gutch held the office of Chaplain from 1787 to 1792. It is
curious that Hearne, a still more celebrated Antiquary, tells us
that a Chaplaincy had been offered to himself at Corpus by
Dr. Turner, but declined. Amongst the Exhibitioners (as the
Clerks and Choristers had now begun to be called) may be
named Edward Coleridge, admitted Feb. 21, 1818, the well-
known Second Master of Eton, and three well-known clergy-
men, John Bartholomew, Archdeacon of Barnstaple, admitted
April 21, 1809, Philip Jacob, Archdeacon of Winchester,
admitted October 16, 1821, and William James Copleston,
admitted March 20, 1822, afterwards Fellow of Oriel and
Rector of Cromhall, Gloucestershire, a writer of some note.
Amongst the Gentlemen Commoners may be mentioned the
Hon. Charles James Stewart, admitted May 22, 1792, after-
1 An elder brother of Thomas Arnold, Matthew Arnold, who has already been
mentioned, was admitted Scholar, Nov. 23, 1803, afterwards became Fellow, and
died in 1820.
CORPUS IN THE DAYS OF ARNOLD. 305
wards Bishop of Quebec, to whom there is a memorial tablet
in the Cloisters ; Thomas Grimstone Estcourt, admitted
April 10, 1793, Burgess for the University from 1826 to 1847,
whose portrait is in the Hall ; the Hon. John William Ward,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and first Earl of
Dudley ; George, afterwards Hon. George Pellew, Dean of
Norwich, admitted March 20, 1812; the Hon. Thomas Moreton
Fitzhardinge Berkeley, admitted June 23, 1814, who was
de jure sixth Earl of Berkeley, but, out of delicacy for the
reputation of his mother, nobly refused to take the title ; and
Hugh Usher Tighe, admitted May 17, 1819, Dean of Deny
and of the Chapel Royal, Dublin.
We are peculiarly fortunate in possessing two excellent and
unexceptionable sources of information as to the condition of
Corpus in the later years of Dr. Cooke's Presidency. The
charming account of Corpus, its studies, and its youthful
society, contributed by Mr. Justice Coleridge to Stanley's
Life of Arnold, is so well known that it might seem only to
require a passing reference ; but the reader will hardly grudge
the trouble of reading once more the two or three pages which
are most pertinent to the subject of the present book.
In a letter to Arthur Stanley, dated September, 1 843 l, Sir
John Coleridge says of his recently deceased friend : —
' Arnold and I, as you know ' (and, as it may be added, the two
Kebles, John and Thomas), 'were undergraduates of Corpus Christi,
a College very small in its numbers, and humble in its buildings,
but to which we and our fellow-students formed an attachment never
weakened in the after-course of our lives. At the time I speak of,
1809, and thenceforward for some few years, it was under the
presidency, mild and inert, rather than paternal, of Dr. Cooke.
His nephew, Dr. Williams, was the vice-president, and medical
fellow, the only lay fellow permitted by the statutes. Retired he was
in his habits, and not forward to interfere with the pursuits or
studies of the young men. But I am bound to record not only his
learning and good taste, but the kindness of his heart, and his
readiness to assist them by advice and criticism in their compo-
sitions. When I wrote for the Latin Verse prize, in 1810, I was
1 Stanley's Life of Arnold, ch. i.
X
306 MODE OF TUITION IN ARNOLD'S DAYS.
much indebted to him for advice in matters of taste and Latinity,
and for the pointing out many faults in my rough verses.
' Our tutors were the present Sedleian Professor, the Rev. G. L.
Cooke, and the lately deceased President, the Rev. T. Bridges. Of
the former, because he is alive, I will only say that I believe no one
ever attended his lectures without learning to admire his unwearied
industry, patience, and good temper, and that few if any quitted his
pupil room without retaining a kindly feeling towards him. The
recent death of Dr. Bridges would have affected Arnold as it has
me : he was a most amiable man ; the affectionate earnestness of
his manner, and his high tone of feeling, fitted him especially to
deal with young men ; he made us always desirous of pleasing him ;
perhaps his fault was that he was too easily pleased ; I am sure that
he will be long and deeply regretted in the University.
' It was not, however, so much by the authorities of the college that
Arnold's character was affected, as by its constitution and system,
and by the residents whom it was his fortune to associate with
familiarly there. I shall hardly do justice to my subject, unless I
state a few particulars as to the former, and what I am at liberty to
mention as to the latter. Corpus is a very small establishment, —
twenty fellows and twenty scholars, with four exhibitioners, form the
foundation. No independent members were admitted except gentle-
men commoners, and they were limited to six. Of the scholars
several were bachelors, and the whole number of students actually
under college tuition seldom exceeded twenty. But the scholarships,
though not entirely open, were yet enough so to admit of much
competition ; their value, and, still more, the creditable strictness
and impartiality with which the examinations were conducted (quali-
ties at that time more rare in college elections than now), insured a
number of good candidates for each vacancy, and we boasted a more
than proportionate share of successful competitors for university
honours. It had been generally understood (I know not whether
the statutes prescribe the practice) that in the examinations a large
allowance was made for youth ; certain it was that we had many very
young candidates, and that, of these, many remarkable for early
proficiency succeeded. We were then a small society, the members
rather under the usual age, and with more than the ordinary propor-
tion of ability and scholarship ; our mode of tuition was in harmony
with these circumstances ; not by private lectures, but in classes of
such a size as excited emulation, and made us careful in the exact
SOCIAL RELATIONS OF THE UNDERGRADUATES. 307
and neat rendering of the original, yet not so numerous as to
prevent individual attention on the tutor's part, and familiar know-
ledge of each pupil's turn and talents. In addition to the books
read in lecture, the tutor at the beginning of the term settled with
each student upon some book to be read by himself in private, and
prepared for the public examination at the end of term in Hall ; and
with this book something on paper, either an analysis of it, or
remarks upon it, was expected to be produced, which insured that
the book should really have been read. It has often struck me
since that this whole plan, which is now I believe in common use in
the University, was well devised for the tuition of young men of our
age. We were not entirely set free from the leading-strings of the
school; accuracy was cared for; we were accustomed to viva voce
rendering, and viva voce question and answer in our lecture-room,
before an audience of fellow-students, whom we sufficiently respected;
at the same time, the additional reading, trusted to ourselves alone,
prepared us for accurate private study, and for our final exhibition
in the schools.
' One result of all these circumstances was, that we lived on the
most familiar terms with each other : we might be, indeed we were,
somewhat boyish in manner, and in the liberties we took with each
other ; but our interest in literature, ancient and modern, and in all
the stirring matters of that stirring time, was not boyish ; we debated
the classic and romantic question ; we discussed poetry and history,
logic and philosophy ; or we fought over the Peninsular battles and
the Continental campaigns with the energy of disputants personally
concerned in them. Our habits were inexpensive and temperate:
one break-up party was held in the junior common room at the end
of each term, in which we indulged our genius more freely, and our
merriment, to say the truth, was somewhat exuberant and noisy; but
the authorities wisely forbore too strict an inquiry into this.
' It was one of the happy peculiarities of Corpus that the bachelor
scholars were compelled to residence. (An exceedingly questionable
opinion. See Resolution of the College, passed Nov. 19, 1851.)
This regulation, seemingly inconvenient, but most wholesome as I
cannot but think for themselves, and now unwisely relaxed, operated
very beneficially on the undergraduates ; with the best and the most
advanced of these they associated very usefully : I speak here with
grateful and affectionate remembrances of the privileges which I
enjoyed in this way.'
x a
308 ARNOLD AND BUCK LAND.
To this long extract may be added a short notice of Arnold's
relations to Dr. Buckland, as bringing into connexion, within
the walls of the same small College, two of the most famous
men of the beginning of this century : ' When Professor
Buckland, then one of our Fellows, began his career in that
science, to the advancement of which he has contributed so
much, Arnold became one of his most earnest and intelligent
pupils, and you know how familiarly and practically he ap-
plied geological facts, in all his later years.'
Soon after Arnold was elected Fellow of Oriel, a Scholar
was elected at Corpus, in the autumn of 1815? William
Whitmarsh Phelps, afterwards Archdeacon of Carlisle, whose
published letters 1 contain abundant information about the
social condition and studies of the College. Phelps, though
a youth of the most sterling worth and of a rare simplicity of
character, did not, like Arnold, possess those intellectual and
social charms which captivate undergraduate society, and it is
plain that he was in restricted circumstances. But he speaks
enthusiastically of the friendliness, tolerance, and good-humour
which pervaded the small society of undergraduates, and he
is constantly recurring in terms of respect and appreciation,
which bear evident marks of sincerity, to the kindliness, help-
fulness, and competence of the two tutors, as well as to the
friendly interest shown in their juniors by the other senior
members of the College. The relations were, in fact, those
of a large and harmonious family. It is best, however, to let
young Phelps give his early impressions of the College in his
own simple words. The following extracts are taken from a
letter to his Father, dated Nov. n, 1815, soon after he had
commenced residence : —
'The number of members is fifty-three2, but not more than half
of them are now resident. Of the twenty scholars, there are only six
1 Life of Archdeacon Phelps, 2 vols., Hatchards, 1871.
3 That is to say, of persons who either were or might be presumed to be in
residence. The number is made up as follows : President, i ; Fellows, 20 ;
Scholars, 20 ; Chaplains, 2 ; Exhibitioners (as the former Clerks and Choristers
were now called), 4 ; Gentlemen Commoners, 6.
W. W. P HELPS'1 ACCOUNT OF CORPUS. 309
of us undergraduates ; the others are either B.A. or M.A., and we
have nothing to do with them ; they do not attend lectures nor dine
at the same table with us. But three of the exhibitioners are
undergraduates and associate with us, so that we are but nine
altogether. There are two tutors for our instruction ; we take turns
daily to read the lessons in chapel, dine at a table by ourselves, and
have a Common-room to ourselves. We (namely the nine), together
with the gentlemen commoners, are divided into two classes in our
studies, so that each tutor is employed at the same time. And here
I should mention that this is all we have to do with the gentlemen
commoners. Those who choose may absent themselves from chapel
four times a week, and during their absence the junior reads for
them.
' We dine at quarter-to-five. There are four tables : namely, the
first for the fellows and M.A. scholars; the second for the six
gentlemen commoners ; the third for the bachelor scholars ; the
fourth for the undergraduate scholars and exhibitioners. The three
first tables have joints ; but we have what are called commons ; that
is, allowances cut in slices. We have generally the choice of two
plain dishes, roast and boiled beef, mutton, veal, and pork. When I
go into the hall, I inquire what there is for dinner, and desire them
to send in half a commons of what I choose, with potatoes or pickles.
Then I have the other half commons hot afterwards. Then I have
pastry occasionally, and cheese and celery, as I seem inclined, and
a pint of beer, all excellent of their sorts.
'After dinner, as we feel disposed, we meet in our Common-room,
and the quantity of wine usually drank before chapel is three bottles
between eight or nine, at $s. per bottle. There are three Common-
rooms, for fellows, bachelors and commoners, and undergraduates.
Each has its own cellar and a large stock of good wines. I never
touch a drop but between dinner and chapel, which will be my
invariable rule, except when our room gives a party to the fellows
and bachelors, which will be two, if not three, times in the year.
During the short time we are together, the greatest good humour
and propriety reigns, and the steward of the room gives a fine for
any ungentlemanly conduct, such as improper language and disputes.
Indeed the Corpus men pride themselves on their behaving as
gentlemen. This college is very social ; they have not much inter-
course with other colleges. The generality of men read very much,
even the rakes devote great part of the day to study.
310 HABITS OF STUDENTS IN P HELPS'1 TIME.
' Our good old President attends chapel every evening, and as all
orders of men in our society are desirous of pleasing him the evening
congregation is always large. There are no parties or divisions here
as at other colleges; each desires to oblige his neighbour. The
fellows are not supercilious, the scholars are respectful. There is
only one establishment that rivals ours in literature, which is our
neighbour Oriel.
' I rise at about seven. When I am more settled I hope to rise
much earlier. I just look over my lectures, or lessons, till eight,
when I go to chapel, immediately after which I breakfast. We have
two rolls and sufficient butter with a little cup of milk, tea-things and
kettle put out for us in our rooms during chapel service, and the
same in the evening. The allowance being always more than I can
eat, I put by half a roll, which I am glad of at one o'clock.
'At ten we have a lecture in the Hall all together, sometimes
Greek, sometimes Latin. At eleven we divide : I and my class go
to Mr. Bridges, the other goes to Mr. Ellison, for Greek lecture.
At one o'clock whilst the other is with Mr. Bridges, ours is with Mr.
Ellison — mathematics and logic alternately. Each lecture lasts an
hour; so that the three hours pressing close on each other, with
such difficult books, make up what Mr. Richards senior would call
" tightish work." I am occupied four hours a day in preparing the
lectures, so that there are seven hours of regular good employment ;
and we can allow six hours to meals, chapel, and exercise; and
about three will remain for private reading. But abilities were given
us to improve upon, though I know they are to conform to rule.
This is the discipline that makes Corpus stand so high. When I
and Filleul walk together, we step out briskly from two till four.
I drink tea at quarter-before-eight, never eat suppers, and am in bed
generally by eleven — though I am now beyond my time, and so
" good-night."
' Sunday morning. Thursday is always a holiday, and so is every
Saint's day ; and we have no lectures. My parties are at breakfast
and tea. On which occasions, if my guest is of Corpus, he brings to
my rooms his own bread, butter, and milk ; and if I wish to shew
him particular respect, I get a plate of cold meat, eggs, tea and
coffee.'
I subjoin a few other extracts from these letters, as illustra-
tive either of personal traits or of the character or usages of
the College at that time : —
EXCELLENCE OF THE TUITION. 311
Nov. 20, 1815. 'I have been invited once to the Bachelors'
Common-Room, where I found all wore black pantaloons and
stockings and white waistcoats.'
May 9, 1 8 1 6. ' We are going on very smoothly and comfortably here.
I am very much so, certainly, and have had not the least reason to
repent of having taken my name from the Common-Room books ;
for I am now master of my own time and am not so likely to be
interrupted. I am on quite as good terms with my fellow scholars
as I was before. With respect to the heads of the college I am on
as good terms with them as any one is, and that of course is the
chief point'
' Our old President looks as well as ever I like my new
Tutor (Cornish) very well indeed, he is very able to fill his situation,
and I really think he is as good a tutor as his predecessor (Ellison).
His rooms are just beneath my own. I am glad he means to
continue in them ; for, if you recollect, I told you at Easter that
I was apprehensive of his intending to take Ellison's, in which case I
should have had a more noisy and troublesome neighbour. Cornish
told me yesterday that as we were so near each other, he would be
happy to give me any information and render me any assistance in
his power, if I would at any time apply to him.'
' My lectures, I assure you, occupy so great a share of my time that
my English muse is but very poorly, and the Latin does nothing
at all.'
Nov. 14, 1816. To Mr. R. T. P. Pope, T.C.D.
' You desire to know something of my college. Thank God, I am
very comfortably settled and would not exchange my college for any
in the University; though perhaps some of our men are rather too
gay for me. Yet I have nothing to do with them. Our tutors are
most excellent, one of them most exquisite ; it is the highest treat to
hear him construe the Tragedians and quote parallel passages from
Shakespeare, Milton, and the whole circle of British poets from
memory. He is indeed a most elegant scholar, and no less sound.
We are worked pretty hard, our lectures being rather numerous.
But so much the better. Business is a pleasure under tutors who
excite so much interest towards it. Since my entrance I have read
(Edipus Tyrannus, Electra, Ajax, Aristotle's Ethics, four books of
Herodotus, most of the speeches in Thucydides, Virgil's Georgics.
I am now reading Tacitus, and am about to read /Eschylus.'
The Tutor to whom Mr. Phelps here refers was, according
312 GEORGE JAMES CORNISH AND THOMAS KEBLE.
to Sir John Coleridge, undoubtedly Cornish (George James
Cornish, a Devonshire Scholar, elected 1810, whose name
often occurs in Stanley's Life of Arnold).
The remaining extracts are from letters to his Father : —
Oct. 17, 1818. 'I have now been a week here Everything
about me seems to find its level once more, and it is with pleasure
I add that everything is equally satisfactory and promising.
' I called on our Rev. old President the day after my arrival, who
welcomed me in his usual hearty way. I think I never saw him
looking better. Since then we have all of us been favoured with a
view of his elegant vase with which the King of Prussia presented him.'
March 8, 1819. ' My tutors are unceasingly kind and attentive.
Last Wednesday I dined with a company of Cornish's friends, with
whom he wished me to become acquainted, as it might be of use to
me hereafter. They were chiefly the younger tutors of colleges, and
among them I recognised some of the brightest ornaments of the
university. To be in their company for an afternoon was, I assure
you, a treat indeed ; but they are so much my superiors " in wit and
words and worth, action and utterance," &c., that I can hardly hope
to be ever admitted to that intimacy which Cornish kindly intends.
Next Wednesday I am to dine with Tucker, and do not know whom
I am to meet.'
April 7, 1819. 'What delightful days we have! My kind friend
Tucker stays up till the middle of next week. I have walked with
him several times since the vacation began, on which occasions he
has taken me the most delightful walks and examined me in my
logic as we went.'
Oct. 28, 1819. 'Whilst speaking of the friends I meet with here,
I must not pass over Thomas Keble our new tutor. So frank, so
friendly, and on every occasion so kind, that I could almost fancy
Cornish were here again : while his judgment and abilities render
him fully competent to the situation he has undertaken. How little
four years ago did I think of aspiring to friendly familiarity with him,
Cornish, or Tucker, whom I was in the habit of looking up to with
so much respect !
' You are perfectly right in your anticipations with regard to the
common-room (the Bachelors' Common-Room, to which he was now
eligible). I have been suffered to pursue my own way without
unpleasantness or interruption of any kind worth mentioning. My
MUTUAL TOLERANCE AMONGST STUDENTS. 313
companion Mr. sent the common-room man to me with the
books, to know if I meant to insert my name, which I declined, and
have since heard nothing on the subject. He and I sit down to a
comfortable dinner every day, tete-a-tete, and, whereas the other
three tables in the hall are filled with guests, he and I sit at one end
of a long table by ourselves, to the occasional merriment of some
few, who are pleased to remark that we are rather unequally yoked.
However I assure you we make it out very comfortably together,
and find something to converse about pleasantly enough. We shall
doubtless to-day have something to say of Prince Leopold.'
CHAPTER XI.
RECENT HISTORY OF THE COLLEGE.
DR. COOKE'S was the longest uninterrupted Presidency in
the history of the College (Dr. Newlyn's having been suspended
for twelve years), and his name seems to have become indis-
solubly associated, both inside and outside the University,
with that of his Society. His successor was the Rev. Thomas
Edward Bridges, a Kentish Scholar, born at St. Nicholas at
Wade in the Isle of Thanet, on October 16 or iB1, 1782.
Having originally entered at University, he was admitted
Scholar of Corpus, Oct. 30, 1798, and Probationary Fellow,
Jan. 31, 1806. For some years, as we have seen, he acted as
Tutor of the College, and it is plain, from the accounts both
of Sir John Coleridge and of Archdeacon Phelps, that he was
highly esteemed by his pupils. Like his predecessor, however,
it does not seem that he was distinguished for his learning,
nor does he seem to have engaged much in the business of
the University or County. But he won the hearts of men by
his kindness and amiability. The following is the obituary
notice of him in the Gentleman's Magazine: 'Sept. 3, 1843.
At Ilfracombe, Devonshire, aged 62 (a mistake by more than
a year), the Rev. Thomas Edward Bridges, D.D., President
of C. C. C, Oxford. He took the Degree of M.A. in 1806,
and was elected President in February, 1823 (unanimously,
according to the account given in the List of Promotions for
1823). Dr. Bridges was greatly esteemed for his amiable
disposition and suavity of manners ; as he was of rather re-
tired habits, he held no other office in the University, and
1 In the two admissions, the dates, as is not uncommonly the case, vary.
PRESIDENCY OF THOMAS EDWARD BRIDGES. 315
declined being nominated Vice-Chancellor on the last vacancy,
though he was next in rotation for that dignity. His wife
died on the 7th of December, 1831.' Dr. Bridges was buried
in the College Chapel, where there is a monument to his
memory, happily describing him as ' vir singulari simplicitate
et benevolentia.'
I shall now proceed to extract the more notable Annals of
the College, during Dr. Bridges' Presidency, omitting, of
course, any entries of offences, though, indeed, such entries
at this time are becoming rare.
Feb. 13, 1823. Thomas Edward Bridges, B.D., Fellow, elected
President.
Feb. 21, 1823. The new President, having, on the previous day,
been admitted by the Visitor, was received in the Chapel, and
placed in his seat by Dr. Williams, Senior Fellow and Vice-President,
in the presence of all the Fellows then in Town and the Rev. J.
Gutch, Notary Public.
N.B. The Statutable Ceremonies (? Customary Ceremonies, for
which see the account of Dr. Norris' installation in 1843) only were
observed.
June 26, 1824. Ten guineas subscribed out of the Interest
Money towards erecting certain Churches in Lower Canada, and
Five Guineas towards the establishment of a Theological Seminary
in the Diocese of Ohio, U.S.A.
Oct. 10, 1825. At a full meeting of the President and Fellows, it
was resolved to discontinue the office of Steward (which had lately
become vacant by the death of Sir W. E. Taunton, late Steward),
and that in future Mr. Bartrarn be employed to transact all the
business hitherto transacted by the Steward. (See also entry under
Nov. 6, 1832, appointing Mr. Henry Walsh on Bartram's death.
The Steward was, evidently, the old ' Clericus Computi,' who thus
finally disappeared, his functions being divided amongst the College
Solicitor, the Bailiff, and, at a later time, the Auditor. >
May n, 1826. ^50 subscribed to the distressed manufacturers
in the North of England.
Sept. n, 1828. ^50 subscribed to King's College, London.
March 6, 1829. Grace was granted to Mr. H. White and Mr. J.
Norris, Fellows of the House, to proceed to the Degree of B.D.,
without observing the usual form of preaching during . Lent at
316 COLLEGE ANNALS AND ADMISSIONS
St. Peter's in the East. (This dispensation was granted in con-
sequence of an alteration in the University Statutes, by which the
Lent Sermons, formerly preached at St. Peter's, were enjoined
to be preached at St. Mary's, the Vice-Chancellor appointing the
Preachers. )
Dec. 19, 1829. Mr. Kellow, Stone Mason at Winchester, com-
missioned to repair the Founder's tomb for ^150; Mr. Kellow having
found means to procure some of the same stone as that of which
the original was made.
June 3, 1830. Scheme (Copy annexed) for the application of
three-fourths of the Pate Trust to the purposes of the School and
Alms-houses at Cheltenham, as submitted to the Court of Chancery
in pursuance of an Order made on March 13, 1830.
Feb. 12, 1831. ^£30 subscribed to the foundation of University
Mathematical Scholarships.
May 3 and various subsequent entries, 1831. Correspondence
with Mr. , who, on election to a Probationary Fellowship,
declined to take the oath, as not being in ' external communion ' with
the Church of England. The President and Fellows were of opinion
that, by the terms of his letter, he had also forfeited the right to his
Scholarship. There was an appeal to the Visitor, and a decision
(May 17) in favour of the College.
June 28, 1832. The Undergraduates convened in Hall for the
purpose of hearing an admonition to one of the Exhibitioners for
having surreptitiously entered the College after 9 p.m. A severer
punishment, previously threatened, had been remitted on his con-
fession.
Feb. 15, 1833. ^"50 subscribed to the distressed Clergy in
Ireland.
January 17, 1834. Death of Dr. Williams, long Vice-President of
the Society. The entry expresses deep regret, respect and affection.
Subsequent entry on Feb. 7, authorising the erection of a Tablet in
the Cloisters at the expence of the College, the inscription to be
composed by Vaughan Thomas, Dr. Williams' brother-in-law.
Ap. 22, 1834. ^20 subscribed for the general improvement of
the Oxford Botanic Garden.
Between Ap. 15, 1837, and Ap. 22, 1842, there were three cases
of Scholarships being thrown open to all the favoured Counties and
Dioceses, in failure of a duly qualified Candidate from the County
in which a vacancy occurred. In one case, an appeal was made
DURING DR. BRIDGES' PRESIDENCY. 317
to the Visitor by the Father of one of the rejected candidates, but
dismissed.
Sept. 3, 1843. The President, the Rev. T. E. Bridges, D.D.,
died at Ilfracombe.
I am now approaching so near to our own times, that it
would be invidious to make selections from the lists on literary
grounds, and a careful perusal of the lists themselves will
easily suggest to my readers those members of the College
who have been distinguished for their literary productions.
I shall, therefore, here confine myself to a bare enumeration
of those foundation or non-foundation members of the
College who have filled any distinguished official position,
academical, ecclesiastical, civil, or scholastic.
Amongst the Scholars, during Dr. Bridges' Presidency,
those to be thus noted are : Clement Greswell, admitted June
8, 1823, Fellow of Oriel, 1830-40; Charles Abel Heurtley,
admitted Nov. 28, 1823, Bampton Lecturer, Margaret Pro-
fessor of Divinity and Canon of Ch. Ch. ; John Allen Giles,
admitted Nov. 26, 1824, Head Master of the City of London
School, 1836-40 ; John William Richards, admitted Dec. 2,
1825, High Master of Manchester Grammar School, 1837-42;
Steuart Adolphus Pears, admitted June 15, 1832, Head
Master of Repton School, 1854-73 ; John Matthias Wilson,
admitted same day, afterwards Whyte's Professor of Moral
Philosophy and President of the College ; Thomas Englesby
Rogers, admitted May 30, 1834, Recorder of Wells and
Chancellor of the Diocese of Bath and Wells; George Gresley
Perry, admitted March 3, 1837, Fellow of Lincoln, and Pre-
bendary of Lincoln Cathedral ; James Spencer Northcote, ad-
mitted April 15, 1837, President of Oscott (Roman Catholic)
College; John Hannah, admitted May 5, 1837, Fellow of
Lincoln, Warden of Trinity College, Glenalmond, and Arch-
deacon of Lewes; George Buckle, admitted Feb. 8, 1839,
Fellow of Oriel and Prebendary of Wells. To these may be
added three well-known Tutors of the College, namely, George
Carless Swayne, admitted June 26, 1835, George Hext, ad-
mitted Sept. 23, 1836, and George Frederic de Teissier, ad-
mitted Aug. 10, 1838.
31 8 PRESIDENCY OF JAMES NORRIS.
Of the Exhibitioners, restraining myself within the same
limits, I may name John Douglass Giles, admitted Nov. 28,
1828, Archdeacon of Stow; Philip Antoine de Teissier, third
Baron de Teissier, admitted Nov. 9, 1837, founder of an ex-
hibition in the College ; and Robert Kestell Cornish, admitted
January 28, 1843, Bishop of Madagascar. Of the Gentlemen-
Commoners, may be added Edward Simpson, admitted May
10, 1824, who, as Edward Hicks, sat as M.P. for Cambridge,
1879-85; Hon. John Arbuthnott, admitted June 28, 1824,
ninth Viscount Arbuthnott; Henry William Dashwood (after-
wards Sir H. W., Bart.), admitted Oct. 22, 1834, Lord Lieu-
tenant of Oxfordshire ; and Robert Gregory, admitted April
2, 1840, Dean of St. Paul's.
Dr. Bridges' successor was elected Sept. 16, 1843. It used
to be a tradition in the College that the Presidency was first
offered to Edward Greswell, but that he refused both this
office and the Professorship of Divinity at Durham on the
ground that he wished to be free to devote the whole of his life
to the literary and theological works on which he was en-
gaged. But, however this may be, the actual choice fell on
James Norris, one of the Senior Fellows, a Hampshire Scholar,
born at Warblington on Dec. 19, 1796. Mr. Norris had been
elected Scholar, on the same day as Archdeacon Phelps, Oct.
20, 1815, and they were both also admitted together to their
Probationary Fellowships, Oct. 10, 1822. The new President
seems never to have taken any part in the educational work
of the College, but he had successfully executed the office of
Bursar, and, both before and after his election to the Presi-
dency, he enjoyed a considerable reputation for his business
capacity. As a Delegate of Estates, he had an opportunity
of bringing the knowledge and experience which he had ac-
quired in the management of the College property into the
service of the University, but he declined the office of Vice-
Chancellor, when it came to his turn. During his long Pre-
sidency (1843-72), the University, including his own College,
passed through fundamental changes little short of revolu-
THE MAC MULLEN CASE. 319
tionary, with which it was notorious that Dr. Norris had
scant sympathy. When once imposed, however, whether
from within or without, he loyally accepted them, with the
true constitutional instinct of the Englishman, and endeav-
oured, to the best of his power, to base his administration
on the new order of things. The result was that, with a
tolerably harmonious governing body, a motive force of
extraordinary power applied by Professor J. M. Wilson, then
and long afterwards the leading Fellow, and the almost un-
fettered disposal of large revenues, the College suddenly
sprang into a position of usefulness and importance which
excited the astonishment of the University. But I am here
anticipating the march of events by several years, and it is
better that I should, as before, recite the Annals of the
College, in their chronological sequence.
Sept. 21, 1843. Mr. James Norris, the new President, was
received in the College Chapel by the Vice-President and Resident
Fellows, and, after being presented with the insignia of his office,
namely, the Fasciculus Clavium, the golden ring (i. e. the Founder's
sapphire ring), and the Book of Statutes ' in usum Praesidentis,' was
ushered to his seat and took the President's oath.
Dec. 31, 1846. Macmullen's resignation of his Fellowship, fol-
lowed, the next day, by his profession of the Roman Catholic faith.
(Richard Gell Macmullen, who had been admitted Scholar, May 30,
1828, while still under fourteen years of age, had recently acquired
considerable notoriety in the University, and indeed throughout the
country, owing to a lawsuit with Dr. Hampden, the Regius Professor
of Divinity. It was necessary, at that time, for all Fellows of Corpus,
except the Medicinae Deputatus, to proceed to the Degree of B.D.,
and, when Macmullen's turn came, the Professor refused to pass his
exercises on the ground that they contained distinctively Romish
doctrine, thereby virtually depriving him of his Fellowship. The
subjects of the exercises had been selected by the Professor himself,
for the purpose, as it was held by Macmullen's friends, of forcing
him into a confession of his views. There ensued an action in the
Vice-Chancellor's Court, Macmullen v. Hampden, on the ground
that the Plaintiff had sustained pecuniary loss. The decision was in
favour of Macmullen, but was reversed by the Delegates of Appeals in
320 ROYAL COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY ISSUED.
Congregation1. The case does not seem to have been carried further
in the University or any other Courts, but the difference appears to
have been ultimately compromised by the Professor consenting to set
exercises on less controverted questions. Any way, Macmullen took
his B.D. Degree in 1845, and subsequently acted as one of the clergy
at St. Saviour's, Leeds, described by Dr. Hook as ' a hornet's nest
which he had found close to his garden gate.' He appears to have
been actually ' received ' into the Church of Rome on January 9,
1847. — In this account, I have chiefly followed Miss Hampden's
Life of her Father, pp. 116-7, the Christian Remembrancer, vol. ix.
pp. 169-182, and G. V. Cox's Recollections of Oxford, pp. 333-6.
A story which I have heard in Oxford about a 'Mandamus' addressed
to the University or the Regius Professor from the Court of Queen's
Bench, commanding Macmullen to be admitted to his Degree,
seems, like many ' traditions ' of this kind, to have no foundation. —
In the President's bureau at Corpus, there is a bundle of papers re-
lating to Macmullen, amongst which are bitter complaints, addressed
by Dr. Hook to Dr. Norris, about the conduct of Macmullen and his
Oxford patrons in connexion with St. Saviour's, Leeds. Dr. Hook
regrets his former hostility to the action of the Heads of Houses.)
Feb. 20, 1851. Agreed by the President and Seven Senior
Fellows in College, 'that full information should be given to the
Royal Commissioners as to the Corporate Revenues of the Society
and the application of them ; also that they, or some person appointed
by them, should be permitted to peruse and copy the Statutes of the
College and the Injunctions of Visitors.' (Appended is a detailed
account of the previous proceedings of the College in this matter.
The Royal Commission of enquiry had been issued in August, 1850.
On the 1 9th of December, 1850, a special meeting had been held to
consider the communications of the Commissioners. After consider-
able discussion, and an objection on the part of the President,
supported by a letter from Mr. Greswell, that to give such informa-
tion as required to the Visitors or to furnish them with a Copy of
the Statutes and Injunctions would be to surrender the independence
of the College and a violation of the oath taken by the President and
Fellows, it was finally agreed that the advice of the Visitor should
be asked, and two of the Fellows, Mr. Tucker, Vice-President, and
Mr. J. M. Wilson, undertook to seek an interview with the Bishop
1 The arguments at this stage are given at length, together with the Judgment, in
Notes of Cases in the Ecclesiastical and Maritime Courts, vol. 3, Supplement, p. i-
COMMONERS ADMITTED. 321
of Winchester. The Visitor requested a formal written statement,
expressing in direct terms the doubts which it was wished he
should resolve. To this statement, he replied categorically that he
saw no statutable objection to furnishing the information asked for
by the Commissioners under any of the heads. The President's
objection being thus over-ruled by the Visitor, the Resolution of
Feb. 20 was unanimously passed.)
At the same meeting, it was unanimously resolved that, in future^
no Gentlemen Commoners should be admitted (it may be noticed
parenthetically that the last of the Gentlemen-Commoners was the
famous soldier, Major-General Sir Drury Curzon Lowe, K.C.B.), but
that the College would, instead, receive Commoners, not limiting the
number to six, but admitting as many as it should be found could
be conveniently lodged within the College.
For about ninety years before this time, the total number
of Undergraduates was almost stationary, and rarely reached
20. Thus in November 1762, there were 7 Scholars, 2 Clerks,
2 Choristers, and 5 Gentlemen- Commoners, a total of 16; in
November 1770, n Scholars, 2 Clerks, 2 Choristers, and 3
Gentlemen-Commoners, a total of 18 ; in November 1792, n
Scholars, 4 Exhibitioners (as the Clerks and Choristers were
now called), and 4 Gentlemen-Commoners, a total of 19; in
November 1 809, 7 Scholars, 4 Exhibitioners, and 5 Gentlemen-
Commoners, a total of 1 6 ; in November 1830, n Scholars,
4 Exhibitioners, and 8 Gentlemen-Commoners (two, it may
be noted, in excess of the Statutable number, a licence which,
at this time, had come to be commonly assumed), a total
of 23 ; in November 1 840, 1 1 Scholars, 3 Exhibitioners, and
5 Gentlemen-Commoners, a total of 19 ; and in November
T^5°> I3 Scholars, 4 Exhibitioners, and 3 Gentlemen-Com-
moners, a total of 20. From about 1670 to 1760, the average
number of Undergraduates had generally been even smaller
than this, but the Injunction of Bp. Hoadley in 1754, facili-
tating the non-residence of M.A. Scholars (see p. 287), had, by
opening up to them new avenues in life, probably quickened
the succession all along the line.
March 27,1851. Charles Young admitted First Commoner. < But
see p. 260.)
Y
322 SCHOLARS" OR JUNIOR COMMON ROOM.
Nov. 19, 1851. Unanimously agreed not to enforce the residence
of B.A. Scholars, it being better for the interests of the society not
to do so.
April 27, 1852. On this day the Junior or Scholars' Common
Room was, after due notice, dissolved by an order of the President
and Fellows.
This measure was, no doubt, a wise one, and probably was
intimately connected with the recent admission of Commoners,
and the change in the character of the College which it must
have been foreseen that step would entail. From a very small
society, Corpus was now likely to become at least a moderate-
sized one. To such a society the Governing Body of the College
probably thought a Junior Common Room inappropriate ; and,
if the Scholars and Exhibitioners only were included, they were
likely to become a clique, which would be a misfortune both to
themselves and to the other members of the College.
The Junior Common Room seems to have first come into
existence on Nov. 20, 1797, when James Phillott was elected
the first Steward. But the real founder of the Club, though
he was never Steward, seems to have been George Leigh
Cooke, nephew of the President, subsequently Tutor of the
College and Sedleian Professor of Natural Philosophy. In
numerous copies of verses, in subsequent years, his praises
were sung, under the familiar nick-name of ' The Codger,' and
sometimes as ' Founder of the Room ' he was regarded with
more favour than the ' Founder of the College.' The 2oth of
November was always observed, with due conviviality, as the
anniversary of the foundation, and one of the members, who
had the title of Poet Laureate, composed, even if he did not
also sing, a copy of verses for the occasion. Many of these
copies of verses are still preserved, and amongst them is one
' written by T. Arnold, Esq., and sung by J. Cornish, Esq.'1 in
1 That is, George James Cornish, to whom so many of the letters in Stanley's
Life of Arnold are addressed. He was Arnold's senior, as a Scholar, by eight or
nine months, and by about a year in age. It should, in fairness, be remembered
that Arnold was less than 1 7\, when he wrote these verses.
Writing, exactly seven years after this event, in 1819, to his friend, the Rev.
John Tucker, long a Fellow of Corpus, Arnold says : ' This day eight years, about
this time, we were assembled in the Junior Common Room, to celebrate the first
ITS DISSOLUTION. 323
1813. The lines are respectable for a boy, but they certainly
convey the idea that Arnold did well to direct his powers to
history and teaching rather than to poetry. Perhaps the best
lines are the following, occurring in a commemoration of the
presents made to the room : —
' Of Arnold 'tis certain he gave us a curtain,
And this wish to the giver is due :
That the present he made to his faults be a shade,
Whilst the light of his Virtues shines through.'
The last and 55th Steward of the Room was Francis Otter,
late M.P. for the Louth division of Lincolnshire.
When the Junior Common Room was dissolved, and its
effects dispersed, the five volumes of records, containing the
' Statutes,' list of Stewards and ' Benefactors,' accounts of the
annual convivialities, copies of the verses sung on these occa-
sions, &c., fell to the lot of Mr. Thomas Godfrey Faussett,
then one of the Scholars. Through the kindness and courtesy
of his widow, and at the suggestion of Mr. Robert Faussett of
Ch. Ch., these volumes are now safely stored in the College
Library, and will probably, at some time, be highly prized by
the antiquary who is studying the collegiate life of the first
half of the nineteenth century l.
foundation of the room, and had been amused by hearing Bartholomew's song
about " Musical George " (? Cornish) and " Political Tommy" (? Arnold himself),
and now, of the party then assembled, you are the only one still left in Oxford, and
the rest of us are scattered over the face of the earth to our several abodes.'
1 Since I wrote these paragraphs, an interesting paper on ' The Junior Common
Room,' by Mr. Arthur Sidgwick, has appeared in The Pelican Record for March,
1892. He draws attention to the facts that ' in 1811 dogs were apparently kept in
College, all members being requested to turn them out of "the room" when they
appear'; that in 1813 laxity appears to have been creeping in with respect to
dress, ' the old custom having been to come to the wines in full dress — knee-
breeches, silk stockings, shoes, buckles, and the old high collar' ; and that, in the
wine accounts, claret is first mentioned in 1824, champagne in 1828, and whiskey
in 1829, port, sherry, Madeira, Bucellas, Lisbon, and Vidonia having been the
original beverages. He rightly selects the poem of Charles Blackstone, sub-
sequently Newdigate Prizeman, sung in 1846, as the best in the book. From one
of the stanzas we learn the position of ' the Room ' : —
' For at length to obviate this want there rose an " artful dodger,"
By gods above called George Leigh Cooke, by men below " the Codger " :
Who— long for this we'll venerate his name in C. C. C., Sir —
Converted the ground floor upon the right of No. 3, Sir,
Into our Common Room,'
Y 2
324 THE NEW STATUTES OF
It is a curious fact that, small as Corpus was, there were
actually three distinct Common Rooms in the College : one
for the M.A. Members of the Foundation ; one for the
Bachelors and Gentlemen-Commoners; and the third, that
of which I have been speaking, the ' Junior Common Room/
for the Scholars and Exhibitioners.
March 3, 1853. Refused to nominate a certain Fellow to a living,
on ground of seniority, ' the single reason being a strong conviction
of his unfitness for the care of any Parish.'
June 3, 1853. Agreed to concur in the terms of the proposed
statute for establishing a Latin Professorship in the University, such
concurrence being 'in recognition of the claims of the University
upon the public services of the Latin Lecturer of C. C. C, and being
intended to effect a more complete fulfilment of the spirit of the
Founder's Statutes.'
Dec. 10, 1853. Two Hants Scholarships, the performances of
the Candidates being unsatisfactory, were thrown open to all the
favoured counties.
Jan. 31, 1854. Letter in reply to questions issued by Lord
Palmerston (then Home Secretary) on College and University
Reform, and the best mode of carrying it out. Parliamentary
Commission suggested by Fellows^ extension of powers of Visitor by
President.
May i, 1855. General meeting of the College to discuss the new
Statutes to be proposed to the University Commissioners. (It may
here be mentioned that Colleges were allowed to draw up their own
Statutes, subject to the approval of the Commissioners. Three
Colleges only, Exeter, Lincoln and Corpus, availed themselves of
this privilege. The remaining Colleges left it to the Commissioners
to draw up ' Ordinances ' for them.) One Fellow absented himself
on the ground that it was unlawful to make any alteration in the
Founder's Statutes. — A large majority of the Fellows was in favour
of abolishing the clerical restriction on one-half of the Fellowships
and on the Presidentship. 'The President, who had reluctantly
consented to the former relaxation, positively refused to accede to
the second; and, as the votes of the Fellows were adverse to his
view, he subsequently addressed the Commissioners by way of
protest.' Thereupon, the Commissioners (a Parliamentary Execu-
tive Commission which had been appointed to co-operate with the
UNIVERSITY PROFESSORSHIPS FOUNDED. 325
Colleges, by Act of Parliament bearing date August 7, 1854)
'expressed their desire that the words in question "Ordine Sacerdotii
constitutus " should be restored, but that other words in the Statute
" de electione Prsesidentis," which limit the eligibility to those who
are or have been Fellows, should be struck out. — The President
again remonstrated against this contradiction of the Founder's Will,
but the Commissioners declined to withdraw their recommendation,
and ultimately it was adopted.'
Various other meetings were held to consider the ' New Statutes.'
Ultimately, on October 9, 1855, 'the revised Statutes, having been
engrossed on parchment, were sealed with the College Seal, and
transmitted to the Commissioners, who signified their approval by
affixing the seal of the Commission on the same day.' See also
entry under Oct. 29 and 30, 1856.
Oct. 26, 1855. Repairs of buildings of Grantham School ordered,
cost not to exceed ^240.
Oct. 29 and 30, 1856. College Meetings were held on these days
for the purpose of making certain rules and regulations with regard
to the New Statutes, which, having been referred by order of the
House of Commons to the Privy Council, had received the approval
of Her Majesty in Council on the 24th of June last.
Oct. 30, 1856. John Conington, formerly Fellow of University,
who had been elected Professor of Latin, admitted Fellow of C. C. C.
' honoris causa.'
Ap. 3, 1857. First open election to a Scholarship. H. Nettleship
(subsequently Professor of Latin) elected.
June 12, 1863. Prizes of books, in recognition of University
classes and other distinctions, first instituted as a College regulation.
(In exceptional cases they had been given before, as to Lord
Tenterden, June 30, 1786; to Bp. Copleston, July 8, 1793; to
T. Arnold and T. Penrose, June 23, 1814.)
June 1 6, 1865. The College offers to endow a Professorship of
Jurisprudence. See entry under Feb. 26, 1870.
June 29, 1866. E. L. Hicks of B. N. C. elected to the first Open
Fellowship.
Feb. 27, 1868. Resolutions passed in favour of abolishing clerical
restrictions on the Headship and all the Fellowships, and of
appointing a Committee to consider the duties, emoluments, &c., of
the Headship.
Nov. 24, 1868. Compulsory attendance at Chapel abolished.
326 PRESIDENCY OF JOHN MATTHIAS WILSON.
June 1 8, 1869. The Bursar (Mr. Calverley) reported the purchase
of the Lee Grange Estate for .£57,500. It appears from the Minute
Book that the estimated net rental of this estate was then ^"2000.
It is situate in Bucks, and is now known as the Shipton Lee Estate.
Feb. 26, 1870. Mr. (afterwards Sir) H. J. S. Maine, having been
elected to the Corpus Professorship of Jurisprudence, recently
founded by the College, was admitted Fellow, ' honoris causa.'
March i, 1870. The Rev. Edwin Palmer, late Fellow of Balliol,
having been elected to the Corpus Professorship of Latin, was
admitted Fellow, ' honoris causa.'
March 19, 1870. Several applications to the Visitor to sanction
changes in the Statutes for reducing number of Clerical Fellows,
co-opting eminent men as Fellows, &c.
June 1 8, 1870. Reply of the Visitor read to the meeting, express-
ing his consent to all the above changes.
Ap. 29, 1871. Foundation of College Exhibitions for the en-
couragement of Commoners already matriculated. Regulations
appended.
Same day. Professor Ruskin elected Honorary Fellow, and
allowed to occupy rooms in the College.
Oct. 25, 1871. Agreed to give information to the Royal Com-
mission of Enquiry into the Revenues of the University and Colleges
(Duke of Cleveland's Commission).
Dr. Norris died April 16, 1872, and was buried in the College
Cloisters, where a tablet is erected to his memory.
As we are now close upon recent times, it seems to me
undesirable to attempt to make any selection of eminent or
remarkable men during the Presidentship of Dr. Norris, and,
a fortiori, of his two successors. The lists, however, are given
complete, with academical and other distinctions appended,
but without any observations or any attempt to point out
literary or scientific achievement.
The Rev. John Matthias Wilson, B.D., Whyte's Professor
of Moral Philosophy, formerly Fellow of the College, and, at
the time of his election, Rector of the College Living of
Byfield, Northamptonshire, was unanimously elected as Dr.
Norris' successor, May 8, 1872. lie was a Durham Scholar,
HIS PROMINENCE AS A REFORMER. 327
a native of South Shields, born Sept. 24, 1813, admitted
Scholar June 15, 1832, and Probationary Fellow April 28,
1841. Mr. Wilson, though he had recently retired to Byfield,
had for many years been the most influential and the best-
known Fellow of the College, and the Headship seemed to
devolve upon him almost as a matter of course. Though he*
did not lay claim to any extensive erudition, he was full of
intellectual life and interests, a shrewd observer, and an acute
thinker, who, to use a favourite phrase of Locke, tried to
' bottom ' everything. Those who attended his lectures during
the earlier years of his Professorship will recollect the extra-
ordinary intellectual stimulus which he communicated to his
pupils, and his frank out-spokenness and Northern accent sup-
plied them with a variety of mots, which, not always without
some embellishment, were put in the Professor's mouth. He
was a most devoted son of Corpus, in which he must have
spent about two-thirds of his life, but, unfortunately, soon
after his election to the Presidentship, his health gave way,
and, during the last few years of his life, he was largely in-
capacitated from taking part in the administration of the
College. The very briefest notice of Professor Wilson would
be imperfect, unless it recognised the prominent part he took
in University Reforms, and specially in the movements which
resulted in the abolition of Religious Tests and the issue of
the Parliamentary Commissions of 1854 and 1877. For many
years, and specially during the keenest years of party conflict
(and those who took part in the conflicts of those times will
never forget how keen they were), he was practically, if not
nominally, the leader of the Liberal party in Oxford. The
strain, no doubt, told upon his constitution, and he died
somewhat prematurely, though as the result of a long illness,
on Dec. i, 1881. He was buried in the Holywell Cemetery,
but is commemorated by a mural tablet in the College
Cloisters.
I extract from the Minutes and other sources a few of the
more important entries during Mr. Wilson's Presidency : —
Nov. 1 6, 1872. Agreed to petition the Visitor to accede to an
alteration in the Statutes, whereby any fit person, though he be not
328 NEW ELECTIONS. NEW STATUTES OF 1882.
already a member of the Society, may be elected to the office of
Bursar. The Petition was acceded to, and Mr. Alfred Stowe of
Wadham College was elected Bursar on Feb. n, 1873. On his
resignation during the next year, Mr. Thomas Mosley Crowder, M.A.,
also of Wadham College, the late Bursar, was elected, Nov. 7,
'1874.
Feb. n, 1873. Agreed to make an annual grant of ;£ioo to the
Grantham Grammar School (one of the schools founded by Bishop
Foxe) in lieu of all other payments.
Nov. 8, 1873. Henry John Stephen Smith, M.A., F.R.S., Fellow
of Balliol and Savilian Professor of Geometry, was elected to a
Professorial Fellowship (i.e. a Fellowship not attached to any parti-
cular Professorship, but to which Mr. Smith was eligible, in virtue of
being a Professor of the University).
Nov. 6, 1875. The College expressed its willingness, 'in case the
University should make Mr. Legge Professor of Chinese, to appro-
priate to his use the income of a Fellowship ' (then ^300 a year), 'so
long as he shall continue to hold that office.' The Visitor approved
an alteration in the Statutes to this effect, the University constituted
the Professorship for Mr. Legge's life, and, on May 31, 1876, he was
admitted a member of the College.
Feb. 10, 1877. Agreed to purchase, from Ch. Ch., at a price
estimated at ^20,300, a piece of land consisting of about 500 acres
at Notgrove, called the Manor Farm.
June, 1878. Mr. Nettleship, Fellow of the College, elected third
Professor of Latin.
Feb. 15, 1879. Classical Tutorship of the College accepted by
Mr. Arthur Sidgwick, formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge,
and at this time Assistant Master of Rugby School. He came into
residence in the following term, and on June 10, 1882, after the
New Statutes had come into operation, was admitted an Official
Fellow, in accordance with clause 19.
Mr. Wilson died on Dec. i, 1881, and on Dec. 23 following
the College elected, into his place, the Rev. Thomas Fowler,
M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College and Professor of Logic in the
University.
On May 3, 1882, Her Majesty in Council approved the New
Statutes drawn up by the Parliamentary and College Commissioners,
NEW BUILDINGS. 329
for the government of the College. Inasmuch as one of the Fellows
of the College, Professor H. Smith, was one of the Parliamentary
Commissioners, the College had been represented on the Commis-
sion by only two, instead of three, Commissioners. These were
Mr. Oddie and Mr. Little; the late President, owing to ill health,
having declined to serve.
Jan. 31, 1883. Frederick Pollock, M.A. (afterwards Sir Frederick
Pollock, Bart.), formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, was
admitted Official Fellow, having been previously elected to the
Corpus Christi Professorship of Jurisprudence, in accordance with
Clause 14 of the New Statutes. (Sir Frederick Pollock was re-
admitted Fellow (after being re-elected to the Professorship) on
Feb. 25, 1888.)
Aug. 23, 1883. Alterations in the Statute respecting the Dean
approved by H. M. in Council.
Feb. 2, 1884. Resolved to build new rooms on the site of some
old houses, the property of the College, in Merton St. and Grove St.
Mr. T. G. Jackson was selected as Architect. This building was
completed in 1885, and opened for the reception of students, as
'sedes annexae' (see University Statutes, Tit. III. Sect, i), in the
Michaelmas Term of that year.
June 24, 1885. Certain alterations in the Statutes with regard to
Tutors and Assistant Tutors approved by H. M. in Council.
January 12, 1891. Certain alterations in the Statutes respecting
Marriage and Residence in College (Statute 24, Clause b, and
Statute 78) approved by H. M. in Council.
June 28, 1892. A statute, regulating the Seniority of Fellows,
approved by H. M. in Council.
APPENDIX.
A.
ON FINES AND OTHER SOURCES OF REVENUE.
ONE of the most obscure subjects in the early history of the
Colleges is the distribution of the Fines, and it was also one of the
main occasions of dispute between the Head and Fellows or between
different classes of Fellows. The ' cession ' of no less than four
Presidents of Corpus, Bocher, Greneway, Cole and Anyan, was more
or less connected with this question. The documents, to which
these few pages are an introduction, will, it is hoped, throw much
contemporary light on the subject. They are selected from a batch
of papers, connected with the ever-recurring dispute about the
disposal of the Fines, which is preserved in MS. 437 in the College
Library.
Soon after the foundation of the College, it was beset with financial
difficulties from two opposite sides. Prices went up, and so the
sums fixed by the Founder for commons, liveries or vests, and
stipends became insufficient to supply the wants of the students.
On the other hand, the value of land and agricultural products
increased in, probably, a still greater ratio. The price, however,
paid for the use of land had come to assume the form, not so much
of an adequate annual rent, as of a small rent supplemented by large
payments (fines) on the renewal of the leases or copies. Now, as
the Statutes made no definite provision for the appropriation of these
fines (though I can hardly question that, had the Founder anticipated
the question, he would have treated them as part of the common
funds of the College), a variety of questions soon arose as to the
disposal, nor was the question always the same with regard to the
disposal of the fines on copyholds and leases, as the President seems
to have claimed a special interest in the copyholds. Thus, was the
whole fine to go to the common funds of the College, or only part
33* HOW WERE THE FINES DISPOSED OF?
of it, and, if so, what part ; and, if there was any part which was not
carried to the common fund, who was entitled to it, the President,
or the President and Seven Seniors, whose consent was necessary,
under ordinary circumstances, ' in traditionibus aut locationibus
firmarum1,' or the President and the whole body of actual Fellows,
without whose consent the seal could not be affixed to any corporate
act2 ? And, if either of the two latter alternatives were adopted, in
what proportions were the shares to be assigned ? Furthermore, in
addition to the fine actually set by the College, was it lawful for the
President, or for the President and certain officers, or the President
and Seven Seniors, or the President and whole body of Fellows, to
receive, privately, on their own account, 'gratifications' for their 'good-
will' ? Add to all these and possibly other contentions which might
be advanced, the outrageous claim which seems to have been made
by some of the Presidents to retain, for their own use, the whole of
the fines which they received on copyholds. But, in whatever way
these questions were decided (and the practice seems to have differed
considerably at different times), the general tendency was, no doubt,
to sacrifice the interests of the junior and inferior members of the
College, who had no votes in College Meetings, — the Probationers,
the Scholars, the Ministri Sacelli, and the Famuli Collegii, to those
of the President, the Seven Seniors, and the whole body of Fellows,
these, again, amongst themselves, respectively faring according to the
powers with which they were respectively invested and the pertinacity
and skill with which they were able to wield them.
The two great epochs in the history of College property are (i) the
enactments of 13, 14, and 18 Eliz., on fines of leases and reserved
rents, and (2) the running out of leases and substitution of rack-rents,
which became general about the middle of the present century, and
put an end to the wasteful, though possibly prudent3, system of fines
on renewals which had prevailed for many centuries before that
time. Prior to the first of these Acts, estates, when leased at all,
seem to have been usually leased for long periods, and, though
Corpus was forbidden by the Founder to make long leases (Statutes,
Ch. 45), it may not improbably have succeeded to some, and, even
if it was not much affected by the first and second of the Acts of
1 Stat. ch. 46. * Stat. ch. 43.
3 The College and Cathedral estates were often leased to powerful noblemen.
It is said that the late Dr. Routh deplored the coming in of the new system,
because the old system of leases interested so many persons of weight and position
in the protection of the College property.
ACTS OF ELIZABETH. 333
Elizabeth, it was undoubtedly, like all other Colleges and similar
bodies, largely indebted to the third1. By the Act 13 Eliz. cap. 10,
it is enacted that henceforth all leases, &c. of Estates made by any
College or ecclesiastical body shall be granted for terms not exceeding
one and twenty years or three lives, and that the accustomed yearly
rent or more (the ( Reditus Antiqui' of old College account-books)
shall be reserved and payable yearly during the same term. By 14
Eliz. cap. n, there is an exemption from the provisions of the former
Act, under certain circumstances, in the case of houses, but it is pro-
vided that no house shall be leased in reversion, or without reserving
the accustomed yearly rent, or without charging the Lessee with the
reparations, or for a longer term than forty years at the most. Finally,
by 1 8 Eliz. cap. 6, it is enacted that 'for the better maintenance of
learning and the better relief of Scholars in the Universities,' &c.,
no College in either University or at Winchester or Eton shall, after
the end of the present session of Parliament, make any lease of land
or tithes, ' except that the one third part at the least of the old rent
be reserved and paid in corn,' either in kind or value. There was a
curious provision for ascertaining the money value, which even still
obtains, namely, that it should be according to the highest rate at
which wheat and malt were sold in the markets of Oxford, Cambridge,
Winchester, and Windsor respectively, on the next market day before
the rents were due. These reserved rents, settled by the price of
corn, were, in contradistinction to the Reditus Antiqui, called 'Corn-
rents' or 'reditus frumentarius.' The Corn-rents were a variable
sum, from year to year ; but the ' Old Rents,' after the long leases
had fallen in, and the College had come into full possession of its
present property, were almost a constant sum down to the time when
the system of rack-renting first began to replace that of the renewal
of leases on fines. In the Libri Magni, down to 1855, when the old
Statutes were abrogated, these Reditus Antiqui occupy a prominent
position and a considerable space, but they had become a com-
paratively insignificant item in the accounts. They were always
1 See Mr. Shadwell's article on Oriel College in Colleges of Oxford, pp. 119, 20.
Mr. Shadwell speaks, however, as if the Act 18 of Eliz. ch. 6 covered the pro-
visions of all the three Acts cited above. The more pertinent extracts from all
these three Acts are given in Dr. Griffiths' Enactments in Parliament specially
concerning the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.
There is a curious and interesting passage in Dr. Reynolds' letter (see pp. 348-9
below) on the way in which the farms (or some of them) were managed and let
during the early years of the College.
334 OLD ACCOUNT BOOKS.
carried to ' Domus,' or, in other words, never divided amongst the
individual members of the Corporation, inasmuch as they represented
the original revenue of the College which could only be used for the
common purposes of the foundation. Hence there was no induce-
ment to the Governing Body of the College to attempt to increase
this portion of their revenue, as it was neither capable of division
amongst all the Members of the Foundation, like the Corn-Rents,
nor capable of being, in large part, appropriated to themselves like
the fines.
Of course, it was some time before these Statutes of Elizabeth
began to have any sensible effect. The first of the Libri Magni in
which there is any mention of a Corn- Rent is that of 1583-4, in
which there occurs the heading ' Incrementa Redditus Frumentarii'
with a list of farms and tenants, but no payments. In the Liber
Magnus for 1584-5, the sum received under this head amounts to
^15 Ss. id., but it is not carried to any special account. The final
statement for this year, however, is ' Et sic debent (sc. Dispensatores)
^29 us. i\d., quam summam expenderunt, una cum ^76 i6s. 6^/.M
The latter sum, from a nameless source, must, I think, have been
from fines, and was probably divided, in certain proportions (perhaps
as sealing money, cp. p. 350), amongst the President and Fellows,
though it may not have represented the entire sum which was taken
from the tenants. Entries, similar to the last, occur, almost from year
to year, as far back as the book for 1 5 71-2. Indeed, though different in
form, the final statement of the accounts seems to be of much the same
character substantially as far back as the earliest Liber Magnus in which
such a statement is extant, namely, that for 1525-6. The final state-
ment in that book concludes with the words : ' et debent xxvi11 v8 ixd
ob., quam summam adduxerunt ad turrim, et supra ista xxxiin9 nd
ob., et recesserunt quieti.' I imagine that the balance of the yearly
accounts was always carried to the tower, and that this additional
sum ('una cum' or 'supra ista') was in some way divided, probably
being derived from fines and regarded as standing outside the
ordinary accounts. The 'cista finium' (which belonged to the
College and was applied to corporate objects), with its receipts
and disbursements, first appears in the accounts in the Liber Magnus
of 1585-6, but there can be no doubt from Reynolds' Letter to
Bp. Bilson (see pp. 349-50) that it had existed long before this date.
1 The next year (1585-6) this sum, in addition to the balance on the General
Account, amounts to ,£155 14*. nfrf.
APPROPRIATION OF THE CORN-RENTS. 335
When the Corn-Rents had once become a recognised item in the
College accounts, the process of augmenting the statutable allowances
for commons out of the general funds of the College, which seems
to have prevailed previously, was superseded by devoting these
rents to the object for which- the Statute of 18 Eliz. had designed
them, namely, ' the use of the relief of the Commons and diett of
the said Colleges.' Though the expression ' pro convictu Studentium
ampliore' does not occur till the account for 1591-2, still, I think,
there can be no doubt that the Corn-Rents were appropriated, from the
first, either in the way of dividends or of improved commons. In the
year just mentioned, there occur, in the final account, the two items
* pro incremento redditus frumenti' ;£i 53 i8.r. 6\d. and £1 1 i is. of*/.
' pro convictu Studentium ampliore.' The former item perhaps points
to a dividend, in some fixed proportion, amongst all the members of
the College, and the latter to an improvement of the commons1. In
1594-5, the Corn-Rent reached £229 i8s. iod., and, from the way
in which it is spoken of in the final account, 'Unde allocatur respectu
incrementi reditus frumenti,' it looks as if it were used as a Dividend.
In I595-62, the Corn-Rent amounted to ^372 i8s. if</., and is
distributed between two items, — ' pro expensis pro incremento reditus
frumentarii' .£286 los. zd. (which perhaps represents a Dividend),
and ;£86 8s., ' quge pars excrescens de reditu frumenti allocatur istis
(sc. Dispensatoribus) pro ampliori convictu Studentium et inhabitan-
tium ' (which may be a grant in improvement of the Commons). In
1596-7, the Corn-Rents amounted to ^482 i6s. ii^d., of which
£414 5J. i\d. was expended ' pro decrements3 in simila avenacea,
in pane, potu, vino, reliquoque convictu, et in sale, ligno, et carboni-
bus,' and ^68 us. iod. 'pro ampliore convictu Studentium.' Here
it looks as if the latter sum represented dividends and the former
improvements in the way of living and comforts. The next year,
1597-8, the Corn-Rents amount to ^£731 ids. <$\d., of which
^359 &r. 3f</. was assigned 'pro decrementis' &c., and the re-
mainder ' pro ampliore convictu Studentium.' During many of the
following years the decrements nearly swallow up, and sometimes
more than swallow up, the whole of the corn-rents, leaving little
1 Or it may be vice versa, a supposition which would be more consistent with
the entries from 1596-7 onwards. What is plain is that the Corn-rent was used
for two distinct purposes.
2 In this year's accounts, £gj i is. 'jd. appears as expended on a new buttery, or,
as it is elsewhere described, cellar (probably both).
3 The word ' decrements ' is explained below, p. 354.
336 THE CIST A FINIUM.
'pro ampliore convictu studentium.' In the accounts for 1622-3,
it is actually stated that ^509 is. od. was paid by the Bursars ' in
pecuniis^ divisis inter alumnos omnium ordinum.' The ' Divisio inter
alumnos pro convictu ampliore' is henceforth a large and increasing
sum, and was evidently a money payment. In 1660-1, it amounted
to ^884 15^. 6d. The deduction for Decrements, having gradually
dwindled down to almost nothing, disappears altogether in 1680-1.
In 1699-1700, the whole of the Corn-Rent, with a small deduction
for the poor, which had now become common and varied from year to
year, was distributed under the head of ' Divisio inter alumnos super
quatuor Schemata2.' It amounted this year to ^1088 5.?., but this
was an exceptional year, for, the next year, it dropped to ^695 os. 8d.,
and was distributed under the old designation of ' Divisio inter
alumnos pro convictu ampliore.' In 1759-60, the Division 'Super
quatuor Schemata' amounted to ^713 2s. ; in 1809-10, during the
time of high prices, caused by the French war, to ^1987 14*.; in
1829-30, to ^1735 6s. yd. ; and in 1854-5, under the influence of
Free Trade, it declined to ^"1461 i2s.s
The entries under the 'Cista Finium' in the earlier Libri Magni
are evidently no guide to the sums actually received by members of
the Foundation under this head. Dr. Reynolds, as we shall see
presently, speaks of about ^1000 received as fines on the renewal
of leases and copyholds, in the year 1597-8, whereas the sum credited
to the ' Cista finium,' which also included sales of timber and other
windfalls, is only about ^229. After this time, however, whether in
consequence of fresh regulations, or simply in virtue of the increase
in the value of land, the College share of the fines seems to have
1 The word is underlined in the original.
* This is simply an equivalent expression for 'Div. inter alum, pro convictu
ampliore.' The quatuor schemata, at least in later years, were quarterly lists of
the weekly expences of each person in College, and thus afforded evidence of
residence. In earlier years, they may have been the same or they may have been
the quarterly accounts of the allowances. The allowances for the four quarters,
which were evidently a distribution of the corn-rents, were plainly based on relative
position in College, and probably, in earlier times, partly on the amount of
residence during the quarter. Excepting for the years 1773 and 1780, I find no
books earlier than 1850 containing an account of the payments made to individual
members of the Foundation. These payments do not appear in the Libri Magni.
3 The loss from running out the leases was balanced by an allowance of 25 per
cent, from the rack-rents. 1 854-5 was the last year in which the old statutes were
in force. Under the new statutes of 1855, the accounts were much simplified, and
the various separate allowances, which had hitherto obtained, were now merged in
fixed stipends.
DISPOSITION OF THE FINES. 337
risen rapidly. Thus, in 1600-1, it amounted to about ^£320 ; in
1604-5, to about £400; in 1607-8, to about ^630; in 1615-6, to
about ,£650 ; in 1637-8, to about ^600 ; in 1652-3, to about ,£750 ;
in 1665-6, to about ^875 ; in 1697-8, to about ^£845 ; in 1729-30,
to about ^1045 ; in 1760-1, to about ^1281 ; in 1792-3, to about
^£1740; in 1809-10, to about ^2742 ; in 1829-30, to about ^2639 ;
in 1854-5, to about ,£2 130*. There are, of course, fluctuations, and
sometimes a decline instead of an advance. As nearly as I can
calculate from the payments towards the close of the period during
which the old statutes were still in force, the sum divided from fines,
sales of timber, &c., among the President and Fellows was about
double the corporate share of the College2. At that time the Presi-
dent received four times the share of a Senior Fellow, and the
proportion of a Senior Fellow to a Junior (if both were M.A.'s and
in Priest's orders, and if a Junior Fellow were not a College officer)
was as 22 : 20, being based on the addition of the statutable
allowances for vests to those for stipends. A probationer, scholar,
minister sacelli, or famulus Collegii received nothing out of the fines,
except incidentally out of the College portion of them, through the
' Montague Vests ' of which I shall speak presently. So far as the
Fellows were concerned (and probably the President) this division
of the non-corporate share of the fines was in accordance with a
decision or counsel of Bp. Bilson, apparently not now extant, but
evidently alluded to in a letter written by him to the President and
Fellows on Jan. 16, i6o|3.
But what became of the corporate share of the fines ? Together
with the ' redditus antiqui,' they formed a fund against which all the
statutable charges of the College were carried — commons, stipends,
vests, expenditure on the College buildings and estates, &c., the
residue each year being carried to the Tower as a reserve fund,
for the purpose of defending suits at law, and, if the opportunity
offered, of increasing the College possessions4. But, as we have
seen, the allowances for Commons seem to have been, from time
1 For the exceptionally large sum to which the fines amounted in 1819-20,
see p. 341.
3 From the books of 1850-5, containing the details of the payments made to
Members of the Foundation, it appears that, on the average, a sum considerably
more than one half of the receipts of the President or a Fellow came from the
Fines.
J See below, pp. 353-4.
t Old Statutes, chs. 40, 43.
Z
338 THE MONTAGUE VEST.
to time, in some degree adjusted to the rise in prices, and, under
the Visitorship of Bishop Montague (1616-1618), this principle
received still wider application: (a) by increasing, in 1617, the
stipends of the College Officers and Lecturers, providing that, in
those years when they were so increased, 100 marks were carried
to the tower1; (/3) by a concession, with the same proviso, which had
been granted in the previous year, of far more importance in its
ultimate results on the pecuniary interests of the members of the
Foundation. This allowance was known, in subsequent years, as
the Montague vest2. The original document, by which the ' Mon-
tague vest,' or, at least, the single ' Montague vest,' was established,
runs as follows : —
Feb. 5, 1616 (£ ). Whereas our Founder hath by a fundamentall
statute appointed that every one of his Foundation shud yearly
have a livery or gown of one and the same colour3, thereby
to have the students of his College known from others, and for
that purpose hath allowed a sum of mony yearly to be payd to
every man by the Bursars, which mony (tho then sufficient) will
not now serve to effect that which he appoints, and because
there is yearly carryd up to our common treasury such monys
as in our consciences we thinke due to ourselves, which being
divided would serve for that purpose, we the President, the senior
fellows and officers, by the direction and appointment of the right
reverend Father in God James Ld. Bp. of Winton, our honorable
Visitor, doe ordain and decree that there be yearly a sufficient
allowance (more than they had before) made to the students of
1 This Order was made Jan. 5, i6i|. The details are given under Anyan's
Presidency. A copy of it, as well as of the next document, is to be found in MS. 437
in the College Library.
2 It is, perhaps, superfluous to state that the ' Montague Vest ' was a money
allowance, as, at this time, no doubt, was also the original ' vest ' or ' livery.'
Indeed, even in the original Statutes (see ch. 38) as drawn up by the Founder, it
was left to the discretion of the President and Seniors to substitute a money
payment for the actual piece of cloth, and this discretion was probably soon
exercised.
3 See Statutes, ch. 38 : ' Ut igitur nostri monitorem habeant simul et testem
fraternae inter se concordise, omnibus nostri Collegii de panno unius prope coloris,
.... pro vestibus exterioribus, togas appellant, una cum capitiis pro graduatis, ....
volumus singulis annis in omne sevum provided.' The gown and hood were, of
course, much more substantial articles of clothing at that time than the present.
The Cambridge Colleges still have different colours for their gowns. In Oxford,
they are now uniformly black.
TERR^E EMPT&. 339
all orders to buy them gowns of the same colour, in this manner
(viz. to the)
President £:,.
7 Seniors, officers, and public readers £3.
Masters which are fellows 50^.
- probationers or scho-
lars 4OJ.
Chaplains, if they be Masters of Arts 40^.
otherwise 33.?.
Scholars undergraduates {i.e. under-
graduate Scholars) and Clerks 30^.
Choristers 2$s.
Clerk of the accounts and President's
2 servants 2os.
Manciple, 2 Cooks, Butler and Porter
13.?. ^d.
Bachelors,whether probationers, fellows,
or scholars 33^. 4^.
This decree I allow and approve of, soe long as you may yearly
carry up to the increase of the Common Treasury an hundred marks
at the least. Ja: Winton.
The decree is signed, amongst others, by Tho. Anyan, Pr. ; Sebas-
tian Benefield, V.P. ; Brian Twine, Gr. Lect. ; Thomas Jackson ; and
Henry Jackson.
The College acted on this decree in the accounts of that very year
1616-7, as weM as m those of 1617-8, but, curiously enough, the
proportions between the various orders of students do not correspond
with those specified in the decree. If, however, we look at the
Liber Magnus of 1619-20, we shall find this apparent anomaly
explained by the fact that a new item, that of 'Terrae emptae/ is
included under the allowance for Vests. By comparing the items
under that head in these three books, there can be no doubt that, in
the accounts for 1616-7 an^ 1617-8, the allowance for 'Vests'
includes (i) the old statutable allowance, (2) the new allowance
sanctioned by Bp. Montague, (3) the rents for ' Terrae emptae,' i. e.
new lands or houses bought, in accordance with the Founder's in-
tentions, out of the accumulations of the Tower Fund. These rents,
like the ' Montague Vest,' seem to have been distributed, in certain
proportions, amongst all members of the Foundation. The first
year, the sum carried to the Tower was over ^206, being largely in
excess of the minimum of 100 marks prescribed by the Visitor, as a
condition of his concession. A principle, to be hereafter largely
extended, was thus established, by which, with due regard to the
reserve fund and the gradual augmentation of the College property,
the various members of the Foundation could obtain for themselves
some proportion of the surplus of the corporate revenues. Nor was
it, like the large proportion of the fines somewhat surreptitiously
taken by the President and Fellows, in their individual capacity,
Z 2
340 MULTIPLICATION OF MONTAGUE VESTS.
open to the charge of injustice. For all the members of the Founda-
tion, from the highest to the lowest, in their several degrees, shared
proportionally in the benefit.
There were many years at this period, in which the revenues could
not afford even a single ' Montague vest,' and it was not, so far as
I can ascertain, till 1649-50 that a double 'Montague vest' was
allowed. In that year, the College share of the fines alone amounted
to £i 207, ^205 was carried to the Tower, and the ' Divisio pro
ampliori convictu' from the Corn-rents amounted to the then large
sum of ^1113. There were also double Montague Vests in the
years 1671-2, 1672-3, 1673-4, 1677-8, and 1683-4, a proof of the
prosperity of those years, as every Montague Vest implied a sum of
at least two-thirds that amount carried to the Tower, and the sum
thus carried was often, at this period, much larger than the Decree
enjoined. The ' double vest' undoubtedly involved a liberal reading
of the Decree of 161^, but the meaning attached to the Decree was
not more elastic than probably Bp. Montague, and certainly the
Founder, would have allowed, had they been cognisant of the facts
and the changed circumstances of the time. In the year 1678, it
appears as if some objection had been taken to the increase of the
allowance, for in MS. 437 there is preserved a paper, evidently
original, signed by Newlin, the President, and sixteen Fellows,
amongst whom was Turner, the next President, to the effect that
they ' doe conceive that the double livery now agreed to ' (the date
is Dec. 23) ' is consonant to our Founder's Statutes, as interpreted
by the Rt. Rev. Father in God Bishop Montague, formerly our
Visitor, and doe hereby promise that (if hereafter it shall appear
otherwise) we will ourselves refund and cause all others that shall
receive it to make restitution to the College.' But if the Montague
Vest might be doubled, why should it not be trebled, quadrupled, or
multiplied to any extent, provided that the proportional sum (usually
about frds of the entire allowance) was carried to the Tower?
Accordingly we find, in 1686-7, a 'Vestis triplex Montacuti,' and
a similar entry is repeated in 1696-7, 1720-1, 1722-3, till, in 1726-7,
it becomes ' quadruplex.' And so, as the accounts proceed, a fresh
multiple1 occasionally appears, till, at last, in 1820, it is multiplied
1 Sometimes, in order to obtain the full benefit of the ' Montague Vest,' so far
as permissible by the Decree, it is multiplied by \. Thus, in 1829-30, we have
the entry ' io£ Vest. Mont. ,£1081 los. od? In later years, in fact, it became the
common practice, when the College expences and other allowances had been
deducted from the Old Rents and the College share of the Fines &c., to divide the
ACCUMULATIONS IN THE TOWER FUND. 341
16 times, the whole charge being ^1670, and the sum carried to
the Tower ^£1187. In that year, the College share of the Fines1
being enormously large (^4050), the value of the Montague Vest, I
believe, culminated, as it did also in 1825, but, in most years during
the last half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth
century, it constituted a substantial addition to the income of the
various members of the Foundation. Its history2 is interesting and
typical, as shewing the ingenious devices (perfectly innocent and
justifiable) to which men who are bound by antiquated regulations
are often driven to resort, in order to carry out the spirit of the rules
at the expence of the letter. But, when such devices become
common, surely the time has arrived, when the antiquated regula-
tions ought to give place to their modern equivalents.
It is plain that there must often have been large accumulations of
money in the Tower Fund. What became of them ? For the
purposes of a reserve fund, to meet emergencies and possible law-
suits, it was desirable to keep a considerable balance. But, even
when these objects had been amply secured, there must often have
been a large disposable surplus. This contingency had been fore-
seen by the Founder, who had provided (Stat. ch. 43) that the
accumulations in the Tower might be employed ' pro possessionibus
amplioribus, si oporteat, acquirendis.' The College probably began,
as soon as its surplus revenues permitted, to act on this direction or
suggestion of its Founder, and Beam Hall, the picturesque old
house opposite the College 3, seems to have been one of its earliest
purchases. But I have not noticed, in the Libri Magni, any express
approximate balance between the Montague Vests and the Tower Fund in the
ratio of about 3 to 2.
1 The President and Actual Fellows would divide about twice this sum amongst
themselves, so that the Fines (including, however, sales of timber and other windS
falls) would amount, this year, to above £12,000. The share of the President and
Fellows, as distinct from the College, does not appear in the Liber Magnus, but,
from the division books of 1850-5, it seems to have been about double that which
appears in the Cista Fininm and is carried to the College account.
3 An almost exact parallel to the Montague Vest may be found in the history ot
All Souls. See Mr. Oman's very interesting article on All Souls in the Colleges
of Oxford, pp. 220, i. Abp. Abbott, in 1629, did for All Souls what Bp. Mon-
tague, in i6if, had done for Corpus. And the subsequent developments of the
change were the same in both cases.
3 It- was at Beam (or Biham) Hall that Drs. John Fell, Richard Allestree, and
John Dolben met for the purpose of reading the Anglican Liturgy during the time
of the Commonwealth. See Wood's Annals, under date of December, 1648, and
pp. 215-6 of this work.
342
INDIVIDUAL PAYMENTS IN
mention of the revenues derived from the 'terne emptae,' as they
were called, till the financial year 1619-20, when, as already stated,
they are mixed up with the statutable payment for Vests. The
designation of the item is ' Vestes omnium ordinum, tarn ex alloca-
tione fundatoris, quam e terris emptis.' The annual rents of the
'terrae emptae' seem, at that time, to have amounted to about ^39,
and to have been divided, in certain proportions, amongst all the
members of the foundation. The same rule of division obtained till
the enactment of the New Statutes in 1855, but, at this time, the annual
rents accruing from the ' terrse emptae ' amounted to about ^730.
As the condition of the Colleges under the original statutes of
their Founders has now almost become ancient history, it may be
of some interest to my readers, if I present in a tabular form ] the
1
President.
Senior
Fellow.
Junior
Fellow.
Under-
graduate
Scholar.
Ji~ s. d.
£ '• d.
£ s. d.
£ s- d.
Division. Quarter i (the old
20 17 9
6 ii ii
7 " 7]
' Divisio pro convictu am-
pliore,' no longer dependent
Besides
deductions
from Battels
Deductions
fromBattels,
on residence)
i
9 C <\ T T
when resident.
amounting
3r~
•5 y il
20 7 6
5 7 2
7 16 6
494
6 J7 3
4
Commons (the allowances of
25 I9 3
15 3 4
7 5 2
5 8 7
5 17 10}
453
2 10 9
Stat. ch. 31, considerably in-
creased, and depending on
residence)
Cobb's Share (i.e. share of
i 16 8
5 3
Cobb's Benefaction)
Linen and Candle Money (i.e.
52 10 o
allowance in lieu of linen
and candles)
Stable (i. e. allowance in lieu
105 o o
of horses allowed by old
Statutes)
Capons (some payment from
9 o
a farm)
Mrs. Mather's Legacy
50 o o
Terrse Emptse
41 8 o
13 16 o
13 1 6 o
94°
Vests (including both Statut-
35 o o
21 O O
17 10 o
10 10 6
able and Montague Vests)
Fines. Lady Day
287 5 8
71 16 5
68 ii i
539 ° °
134 15 o
128 12 6
Famuli (i. e. allowance for
88 10 8
what the President's two
i
servants would otherwise
have received)
Total (exclusive of house or
1308 17 9
274 2 0
257 10 10
43* 5 3
rooms, and, in the case of
Scholars, of a large deduc-
tion from their Tuition Fees)
AWARD OF LORDS ESSEX AND BUCKHURST. 343
allowances made to members of the Foundation (I have selected the
President, a Senior Fellow, a Junior Fellow, and an Undergraduate
Scholar) during the financial year 1854-5, the last year in which the
old statutes continued to be in force (see table on previous page).
Where no sum is attached to an item, it may be understood that no
payment was made to that member of the Foundation under this head.
I have thought it desirable to give, at some length, these explana-
tions of the finances of the College, while it was governed by the
original Statutes, and either these explanations may be regarded as
information preliminary to the documents which follow, or the
documents, which have in some respects an unique interest,
especially with regard to the history of the distribution of fines,
may be regarded as illustrations of the preceding account.
Document i. (Copy in Fulman's handwriting.)
The arbitrament of the right honourable Lords, the Earle of
Essex and the Lord Buckhurst, betweene the president and fellowes
of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxon.
Junii 1 8. 1593. At Nonesuch.
In a controversie betweene Mr Doctor Cole president and the
fellowes of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxeford, touching the fines
of leases and copy holde landes of the said Colledge, to whom they
shall justly appertaine (Forasmuch as the fellowes have charged the
said president of great wronge done to the Colledge by converting
the fines of copy holdes to his owne private use), the matter being
heard and examined by the rt. hon. Lordes, the Earle of Essex and
the Lord Buckhurst, and both parties submitting themselves to the
arbitrement of the said Lords, it is awarded and agreed as followeth :
1. Of the fines of copy hold landes the president to have a sixt
part, and the colledge the other five.
2. Of the fines of the leases, the colledge to have a tenth part,
and the fellowes the other nine, allowing to the president out of that
as much as two fellowes.
3. One of the fellowes, chosen by the major part, to go with the
president and to joine with him as well in surveiing as letting of
the colledge land holden by copy.
Provided alwaies these aforesaid orders and agreement do not
prejudice any right or title that the colledge, president, or fellowes
shall or may at any time hereafter find just occasion to challenge,
344 REYNOLDS' LETTER OF APPEAL,
but that it be so understood as an agreement and conclusion of
arbitrement, put downe by the Lordes, and assented unto by the
said president and fellowes testifieing their accord by their owne
handwritinges. And moreover, if the said president be found and
detected, contrary to the meaning of the said agreement, to take
any further gaine underhand for such fines of leases or coppyhold
landes, that then all such gaines shall be challenged by the fellowes
in the colledge behalfe and theirs, and yeelded by the said president.
Essex. T. Buckurst.
William Cole president, followed by the signatures of seventeen
fellows, probably all the actual fellows, including Zachary Hooker,
John Spencer and Sebastian Benfield.
Document 2. A copy of Dr. Raynolds (President of C. C. C.)
letter of Appeal to the Bp. of Winchester, touching the fines in
C. C. C. Oxon.
Right Reverend, my humble duty remembred. Unlesse our
worthy founder, your predecessor of blessed memory, had both
wisely foreseen that there might fall out a difference of opinions
between the President and the Fellows, about the true meaning of
somewhat in our statutes, and ordeyned accordingly that we should
request your Lordship's interpretation of such points in question,
binding us to submitt ourselves thereto, it would grieve me more
that I am occasioned to dissent from them, tho in a matter touching
all their own commodity, and therefore giving me the juster cause to
have their conceipts suspected. But since the thing I stand for is
against my own private proffitt too, so that I am forced in a sort to
dissent from myselfe also, and not from them alone, I hope your grave
judgement will acquitt and clear me from note of just blame, account-
ing my dissention (as in truth it doth) to spring from care of duty that
I owe to God, the witnesse of my thoughts and respects herein.
The Parcell (part) of my oth, whereupon our doubts do arise, is
this : omnia et singula bona et catalla dicti collegii in commodum et
utilitatem ejusdem Sociorum1 et Discipulorum praedictorum, prout
necessitas evidens exegerit, et statuta et ordinationes praedicti
Reverendi Patris Fundatoris in hac parte dictaverint, administrabo
procuraboque, et faciam utiliter et fideliter dispensari et in omnibus
administrari ; et ea quas residua fuerint et excreverint in quadam
1 In the original copy of the Statutes signed by the Founder, the word is
•' Sociorumyw*.'
OBJECTIONS TO THE AWARD. 345
cista ad hoc ordinata conservabo, et faciam ad incrementum dicti
Collegii et commodum fideliter conservari. For, whereas, by the
last agreement made between my predecessor and the Fellows, it
was ordered that of fines for leases there should nine parts be
divided among the fellows with the President, the loth allotted to
the college, and Fines for copyholds should be divided into 6 parts,
whereof the President to have one, the College the other five, This
(without any offence of those noble Personages, who in their Arbitri-
ment did, with a most honorable and safe regard of justice, leave
liberty so to doe by a speciall proviso) I think that clause of mine
oth bindeth me in conscience not to yeeld unto.
First of all, because it manifestly intendeth I shud take care there
might be residua et excrescentia (as our statutes shew further) to be
carried into the tower at the end of the year, for purchasing of more
lands if need be and bearing the charge of suits in law. Wherefore,
since the last year there was nothing left to be carried thither, while
yet the Fines for leases grew near to ^500, so as the College had
^£50 thereof; well nigh, as our accounts testify, and above the
same sum it had for fines of copyholds l ; nor the former year neither,
when fines belike, of the one sort especially, were great, tho not so
great as the last year : nay the former so much was spent above the
revenues that this year there remaineth almost ^30 to be substracted
from our receipts for the discharging thereof and making all even.
It seemeth that this year, in which it is not probable that there will
be received so much for fines of either sort as was the last, there
must more than a tenth part of leases in all reason come to the
College's part, to the intent that somewhat may remaine to be layd
up for the publick benefitt and behoof of the College, all expences
discharged.
Secondly. For that, altho 2 thirds or halfe or less peradventure of
the fines would serve sufficiently such common use as our Founder
1 It is very difficult to reconcile this statement, which refers to the year 1597-8,
with the accounts in the Liber Magnus, and similarly with regard to the previous
year. The sum total in the Cista finium, which, besides fines, included sales of
timber and underwood, and other wind-falls, amounted, for the financial year
1597-8, only to £22$ i-js. \i\d. But, if the award of Lords Essex and Buckhurst
had been adhered to, the College ought, according to Reynolds' statement, to have
received for fines alone •& of ^500 ( = 50) + f of ^500 (=416!) = £466 13^. 4^-
It seems pretty clear, therefore, that the award of 1 593 was not adhered to, and
that part of the sum which ought to have come to the College stuck to the fingers
of individual members of the foundation.
346 ALLOWANCES FOR COMMONS INCREASED.
specifyeth, the first and chiefest point, which there my oth implyeth,
it mentioneth afterward, that they shud be disposed to the commodity
both of the Fellows and Scholars ; not of the President and Fellows
only, but of the Scholars1 too, according to the prsescript of the
Founder's Statutes. His statutes doe provide for all these in
common by severall proportions, diet, wages, and liverys. The
charge of diett is so much increased since his time (a mutton, for
examples sake, which then cost 2s grown now to ios or more) that
each shud have little of that our Founder mentions, unlesse in
change of prices that which then cost a penny might be allowed
four scholars, tho now it cost 5d or 6d, and likewise others for that
rate. Whereupon, our Ancestors observing our Founders words
[Volumus semper nostris esse quod satisfaciat] allowed (so far as
they saw the worth of our Lands increasing also would maintain)
that quantity of meat to every one2 which he did, even before the
Statute of Corn Rent was made, whereby her Majestys gracious
goodnesse to our College hath now supplyed those wants better. It
may be that our Lands, being well husbanded, would in time inable
us likewise to yield, that wages to buy necessarys and mony given
for liverys might be encreased likewise proportionably to all, as our
duty is. But our Founders Volumus alleged, touching that, re-
quireth us to extend it to those the mean while as we may to all,
not to the Fellows and President alone, which is plain by that he
1 The word ' Scholars ' is here used in the modern sense, as = the ' Discipuli '
not the ' Scholares ad bienninm probationis ' of the Old Statutes. It may be
noticed that, in the printed copy of the Old Statutes published by the Oxford
Commissioners in 1853, the words ' et Discipulorum ' do not occur, but there is no
doubt as to their being included in the Original Statutes signed by the Founder,
the exact words being ' ejusdem Sociorumque et Discipulorum prsedictorum.'
2 That the allowance for ' Commons ' increased as prices went up is plain from
a comparison of the charges for ' convictus ' in the Libri Magni. Thus, in the
first Liber Magnus preserved, that for 1520-1, the charge for ' convictus per totum
annum ' is £75 7.?. id., though, perhaps, at this time the College had not yet its
full complement of members. In the next in date, that for 1525-6, the charge is
£96 isj. \\%d. In 1533-4, it is £128 7*. n^/. In 1554-5, it; is £*43 ^ 7*^- :
in 1559-60, £177 12s. %\d.; in 1575-6, the year in which the Act of the i8th of
Elisabeth was passed, £211 4*. id. ; in 1585-6, £210 I2s. 2\d., no change in the
allowances, probably, having been made during this decade, or indeed till the
year 1596-7, when it suddenly rises to £294 3-f. 6£</., after which and the following
year it declines. In 1591-2, there is, for the first time, the entry ' pro convictu
studentium ampliore,' but the sum, thus accounted for, is only £i i 1 1 s. o\d. On
this item, however, on the corn-rents generally, and on the objects to which they
were assigned, I have already spoken in the introductory remarks to these
documents.
CLAIMS OF SCHOLARS AND SERVANTS. 347
willeth [Si quis negligens sit, ut detrita utatur veste et sordida, cogatur
ex suo stipendio et pretio vestis emere sibi vestem suae personae con-
gruam et decentem &c.] For (?if) a Mr. of Art being but a Scholar
(in our Founders opposition of scholars unto fellows) or Probationer
offend in wanting a decent gown and hood, we cannot constrain
him to buy a decent one ex pretio vestis, yt is but 13" 4d, scarce
ex stipendio neither, if stipendium mean not the same that pretium
vestis, but his wages rather, tho 26s 8d his wages for the whole year
be added thereunto and nothing left him to buy ought else, noe not
to pay for his battles. Wherefore, since for my own part I see not
how I may take a penny of the College Goods more than my £10
wages, four nobles for Living, unless it be upon this ground of
voluntas Legislatoris, the volumus of our Founder, which he other-
wise expresseth by the word Intentio, saying nolentes quod per
aliquam consuetudinem abusum vel actum aliquem quemcunque
intentioni aut verbis ipsorum Statutorum nostrorum et ordinationum
in aliquo derogetur ; the oth in my opinion bindeth me to see that
our scholars alsoe towards the mending of their wages and Liverys
have part of fines proportionably, so far as we are able to supply the
mesure of that our Founder intended.
Thirdly. The same reason by consequent inforceth like regard
to be had of Ministri Sacelli et famuli Collegii, tho not expressly
mentioned as Socii et Discipuli, because our Statute of Liverys con-
cerneth them as well as others. Nay our Founder this way seemeth
to have had more regard of the servants than of any of us ; forasmuch
as, appointing in what degrees our public burthens shud decreas, if
our goods and revenues decrease, which God forbid, he sayeth [Si
major adhuc urgeat necessitas, vestes Presidentis et Sociorum ac
caeterorum quorumcunque nostri Collegii, etiam famulorum, si ea con-
ditione vel ipsi vel alii conduci possint, per nos concessse et designate
vel integre vel quantum necessitas Collegii tune postulaveritauferentur].
Howbeit, seeing otherwise he sheweth not like affection to these as
to fellows and scholars, but termeth both ministros et famulos con-
ductitios, and thereupon sayth of their wages Quod si Prsesidens cum
aliquo istorum conductitiorum minoris quam assignavimus convenire
poterit, id ei licere decernimus et declaramus : where contrarywise
he esteemed the scholars as his children, and counteth not their
wages as hire or price of service, noe more than he doth the fellows,
nor suffereth either in like sort to be diminished. I suppose the
proportion, which before I mentioned, according to our Founders
348 FARMS FORMERLY LET STOCKED.
meaning and intent alloweth lesser rate of increase to them than it
doth to others, and that 1 like circumstances are to be con-
sidered with the same consequences 2, it ought perhaps concerning
any of the former be either in the statutes quoted 2, or else where
semblably observed.
Now against these reasons persuading me, that I may not assent
to such dividing of fines as late was used, two things are opposed,
i, The one, that fines are not meant in our Founders words [omnia
et singula bona et catalla dicti Collegii] ; 2, the other, that by
custome the President and Fellows alone have enjoyed them. The
former of which two, if I cud think it true, were much for my good,
or for my wealth rather, for then I might challenge to myself the
whole fines for copyholds 3, or take as much at least (the noblemens
arbitriment not binding me to the contrary) as by secret contract I
cud any way gett ; yea, beside the 6th part of that which openly the
Fellow keeping court with me shud agree of as a moderate fine fitt
for the college to take. And in fines for leases I might receive like-
wise underhand as much besides the two parts I have by agreement
with the Fellows, as my negative voyce being if not greater yet equall
force with their negative4, would profit the Tenants to give me.
But allbeit fines perhaps were not taken in our Founders time, I
say perhaps, because it may be they were at least for copyholds,
which are more easily rented, and what if ancient court rolls prove
it, as indeed they doe ? but tho for leases they were not taken in his
time, when Farmes were lett stock'd with corn and with catell, as
his words insinuate 5, and glad, as I have heard, if so they might find
1 There is a blank space left between ' that ' and ' like,' as if the copyist could
not make out the intervening word. If it could be supplied, we might perhaps be
able to construe this involved sentence.
3 At these two places there is a comma in the copy.
3 As Bocher and Greneway, and probably Anyan afterwards, seem to have done.
Cp. the Visitor's reply to this letter.
4 Shewing that, at least in renewal of leases, if not in other matters, the President
claimed a veto, concurrent with that of the Seniors or, in certain cases, whole body
of Fellows.
s Reynolds' statement about Farms being ' lett stock'd ' &c. will be noted with
interest, but I can find no passage in the Founder's Statutes in which such a
custom seems to be ' insinuated." If Reynolds' account be accurate, and it seems
to rest on hearsay from people of that time as well as the supposed insinuation in
the Founder's statutes, this quasi-metayer system must have prevailed amongst the
tenants of Corpus at a later period than was common in England. It seems, if not
first to have come into existence, at least first to have become common, in the
middle of the I4th century, after the Great Plague, and to have continued to the
FINES THE PROPERTY OF THE COLLEGE. 349
tenants', yett as the profitt arising by stock in such letting were
reconned inter redditus et proventus collegii, so when, the worth of
land increasing, they were lett otherwise, and fines, with lesse hazard
of change and more commodiousnesse, were had instead thereof,
they must be reconned likewise proventus collegii in my judgment,
chiefly since our Founder accounteth reditus Collegii not only those
which came from Lands that were given by himself or others, but
also which should be afterwards procured and gotten de bonis ejus-
dem, as fines playnly are by letting the college lands. And of all
such reditus, proventus, possessiones, bona mobilia et immobilia,
whatsoever is ment by chattells mentioned in my oth ; he sayth if
they suffice not to bear all the burthens expressed in the statutes,
then such and such allowances shall be withdrawn from the company,
yea at length the number of scholars be deminished, ascending from
the Junior even to the Senior, all, if need be, and afterward the
probationers also, with some of the fellows to the number of 8, so
that, if fines be not comprised intra omnia et singula bona Collegii,
the President and a few fellows may live well in a good state and
plenty, when in the mean season the College shall goe to rack and
ruin, the company most cast out and deprived of all benefitt, a thing
absurd in my eyes. Add hereto the judgement of our predecessors
confirmed by perpetuall practice till this day. For a chest, which
they had under the Presidents and Bursars custody call'd cista
Finium2, doth evidently argue that fines, the principall kind of
extraordinary receipts, which came in then and by that occasion
%
middle of the isth century, though, no doubt, in some parts of the country, it
lasted later. Professor Rogers (History of Agriculture and Prices, vol. i. pp. 24, 5)
thus describes the system : ' The stock was let on the land, either in whole or
part, the rents being in money or corn. The tenant, on the expiry of his lease,
was bound to return the same amount of seed corn and of live and dead stock as he
received, or their estimated value.' Elsewhere (vol. iv. p. i) he says : ' The system
of stock and land tenure rarely continues for more than 60 years after it is first
introduced on any particular estate.' On the subject generally, see Professor
Rogers' History of Prices, vol. i. pp. 24, 5, and 667-77 (c^- 2^) 5 iv. pp. i, 2 :
and Pollock's Land Laws, 2nd ed., pp. 136, 7, where the author seems to be
referring to an earlier period.
1 ' I infer from such facts ' (liberal allowances for losses, &c. ), ' as I do from the
persistently low rents of the i6th century, that it was easier for a tenant to find
a landlord, than for a landlord to find a tenant.' Rogers, vol. iv. p. 63.
2 The first of the Libri Magni, in which I find any mention of a Cista Finium,
is that for 1585-6, but evidently it existed before this time (see Text). Besides
a share of the fines, it also included, in whole or in part, the proceeds of timber-
sales and other wind-falls.
350 HISTORY OF DISTRIBUTION OF FINES.
gave the chest this name, did in their opinion belong to the college.
And when in Ur Cole's time, some 25 years since, we shewed him
that, by statute, the mony layd in there shud be payd the Bursars,
and that within 2 days still after the return from progresse, whereas
before that time (how long we know not) but under him and Mr
Greenway the President receiving1 fines, heryotts, mony for wood
sales, &c., did after his return, when he thought convenient, will the
Bursars to bring him the fine book (so he termed it), and, writing in
the fine book the sums which he acknowledged that he had received,
did putt the mony into the chest, delivering them the chest locked :
he yeilding thereto, the officers with him in the2 order taken
for all such receipts retayned the former name, calling the Indenture
appointed to that use Indentura pro cista Finium, the receipts
recepta pro cista Finium, the charges therein supported expensa pro
cista finium, and after the same sort for the names of things
untill this present we doe as appeareth by our accounts.
The other objection touching custom suffereth that reply which,
when Apollo's oracle answered the Athenians, Religiones eas esse
tenendas, quae essent in more majorum, they were fayn to make,
saying Morem Majorum esse saepe mutatum. And in what sense by
Law Consuetude is optima Legum interpres, the custom neerest our
Founders time the Lawmakers confirmeth that the fines for leases
are the Colleges: For amongst the ist records3, I find records
thereof after certain years, in which there is noe mention of ought
imparted thence to others, at length sometimes is noted how much
beside the fine the tenants gave for sealing mony. And this name
of sealing mony yt reteyned, which the fellows covenanted to have
for themselves4, yelding the President 2 parts in it (the fine still being
due and acknowledged all due unto the College, to which the fine
book and indentures pro cista finium shew it was payd) untill about
20 years since or somewhat less, when certain leases being renued
by the Statutes of the Relme did bring in increase of rent corn, the
commodity whereof the College had by our agreement5, because
1 It is plain from this statement that the President received the fines &c. in
person. Hence the opportunity for peculation with which four of the early
Presidents, rightly or wrongly, are charged.
2 Here, and again presently, small blanks are left in the copy.
3 The records, to which Reynolds is here alluding, are not extant.
4 The consent of the whole body of Fellows was necessary to affixing the seal.
See Statutes, ch. 43.
5 The meaning of this involved sentence is that the new corn-rents relieved
the College from the necessity of gradually augmenting the allowances for
THE VISITOR'S ANSWER. 351
it (i.e. the College) defrayed the decrements1 before, which now
this ought to do, we thought that in Leu to recompense hereof (since
the Parliament's purpose was to better our state) we might lawfully
take part of the fine for ourselves, and so in processe of time making
sealing mony and it all one took help thereof, not marking that by
the reason which moved us thereto the Scholars shud have had their
part proportionably, as well as the Fellows : seeing that the said
statute of the realme2 willeth that mony coming of the increase of
rent corne to be expended to the use of the reliefs of the commons
and diett of the College, and by nor fraud nor color lett nor sold
away from the profitt of the fellows and scholars in the same. Here,
by little and little afterward, the custom of taking the whole fines
except the College sixth part did spring some six or 7 years agoe or
little more. Sure n years since, when myselfe was fellow, it was
not a custom ; which yett, as new as it is and disagreable to reason,
I would uphold gladly (so loth I am to innovat chiefly with their
dislike, whose love I greatly wish), were it not that our Founders
Statutes (which mine oth doth bind me to observe) ordeyned that noe
custom shud derogate from the meaning of the statutes in any thing.
(The rest of the letter is unimportant for the present purpose.)
Dated at C. C. C. in Oxon, the yth of August 1599.
Document 3.
An answer of the Bp. of Winton to the foregoing letter of Dr.
Reynolds.
To my loving friends the President and Fellows of Cor. Xti Coll.
in Oxford. Salutem et gratiam in omnium Salvatore. Where you
consulted me about the pitching of fines for leases of farms and
grants of copyhold land belonging to your College, and dividing the
same to uses publick and private : I have entred into . the con-
sideration thereof and find the order, which I now sett down and
require you to observe, to be most agreable not only with Law and
Reason, but also with the intention and ordinances of your Founder.
Commons, and hence a portion of the Fines, which formerly went to the ' Cista
Finium ' for the common uses of the College, was set free for distribution amongst
the President and Fellows ; but Reynolds contends that the other members of the
Foundation ought also to have had the advantage of it.
1 See further on, p. 354.
2 The reference, of course, is to the i8th of Eliz. ch. 6, a portion of which is
printed in Dr. Griffiths' Enactments in Parliament, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1869.
The words which follow are quoted from the Statute itself.
352 VISITOR'S DECREES RESPECTING FINES.
i st. In all your publick and collegia! assemblys for any such
purpose, you shall, with the common consent of the President for
the time being1 and the most part of the Fellows interessed in the
sealing of such grants, appoint and sett a fine to the use of the
college, which being so collegiately agreed on must be counted Inter
debita and so Inter bona Collegii, and not converted or divided to
any private mens uses, but only to such publick purposes as the
rest of your college goods by your statutes are and ought to be. —
Yett weighing the different prices of things in our time from that
wherein your Founder lived, and the convenient maintenance of
your places and studys, which your Founder with his allowances
intended to support in some proportion, I doe not by this forbid but
that as well the President as the Fellows may privately expect and
receive from such as renewe their Leases moderate gratifications
before you scale their Grants, so as you neither decrease your common
fine too much, nor wring your Tenants in such sort for your private
gain that it grow offensive to the State and slanderous to your
College : in either of which cases your private demands and desires
may and will be restrained and punished. 2ndly. For copyhold
Lands, I thinke it great reason that the President alone, who is the
perpetuall governor of such Tenants and Tenures, shud have the
choice of the Persons to whom such grants shall be made, the fine
thereof to be reasonably rated with the consent of the Fellows2
whom the rest appoint for the time to ride the circuit with the
President. And the Fine so rated with both their consents, and
entred on the court-rolls, to be, as the former is, accounted inter
debita and so inter bona Collegii, and not to be converted or divided
to any private uses, but only to the publick good of the College.
And in case they who have interest therein dissent about the
reasonable and moderat taxation of fines, either of leases or copy-
holds, to the colleges use, if they cannot accord in convenient time
(which I rather wish and advise), it shall be lawfull either for the
President or for the Fellows, with the knowledge of either part, to
consult the Bp. of Winchester for the time being, lest by the con-
tinuall disagreement and contention the publick state of your college
shud be decayed, the courses of your studys hindered, and the best
1 Probably the consent both of the President and of a majority of the Fellows
would be necessary to the setting of these fines.
2 ? as to whether the s in Fellows is not erased. See the award of Lords Essex
and Buckhurst.
HIS PRIVATE ADVICE. 353
of your Lands and livings layed open to the spoil of such as will
easily seeke after them. So wishing you peace and concord, as one
of the best treasures that can maintain and uphold your foundation,
I committ you to God. From my house at Waltham this first of
October (1599, the date of Reynolds' letter).
Your loving Friend and Well-wilier
THO. WINTON. (Bp. Bilson.)
Document 4. The Summe of the Bishop of Winchesters answer
delivered unto me by word of mouth, Septemb. 2, touching our
doubtes of statute referred to his judgement.
1. that the fines agreed upon collegiately are the goodes of the
College.
2. that the custom of dividing them, as of late they were, the
College to have the loth parte, he marvelleth whence it sprunge,
and seeth not how it may be warranted.
3. that we must moderate the fines which we soe agree on, lest
the publick state of the college grow to (too) wealthye ; and that the
president in private may agree for himselfe, the fellows for them
selves, what the tenants shall give them beside the fine. But this
to be kept to ourselves as a secret \
4. that ther is another statute, as he observed in reading over
my letters, whereby the Schollers and Servants may be relieved.
Jo. RAINOLDS.
This document is endorsed 1600. Sept. 2. If this date be the
correct one (but ?), it would seem as if the Visitor's decision had
not settled the matter, and indeed there are indications in the
subsequent papers that some of the points were raised again. But
the notes of the conversation seem to fit in best with the supposition
that the interview took place previously to the decision, as recorded
above, which can hardly have been delayed till Oct. i, 1600. In
that case, the date both of the conversation and of Bp. Bilson's
letter would be 1599. There follow other papers, including a draft
copy of the case of the Fellows, but they are of less interest than
those just extracted, and would unduly swell this part of my volume.
A long letter from the Visitor to the President and Fellows, dated
January 16, 1601 (160^), seems to presuppose some injunction or
1 Possibly, or even probably, the Visitor here had in view the spoilers to whom
he alludes in his letter, and the secret was to be kept from the public rather than
from their colleagues.
A a
354 MEANING OF 'DECREMENTS.'
advice between the decision of Oct. i, 1599 and the date of this
letter. Two passages, having reference to the questions already
discussed, may be quoted from it, as of special importance : —
i st. 'In the dividing of fines, or part thereof, according to the
proportion of the wages and liveries mentioned in your Statutes,
I meant wages and liveries allowed to each one as being a fellowe,
not as being a Reader ; for soe muche as every mans consent as a
fellowe, not as a Reader, giveth him an interest in the division.'
This passage is specially interesting to the College antiquary, because
the distribution of fines as amongst the Fellows (i. e. exclusive of the
President), in the proportion of the several statutable allowances to
the different grades of Fellows, for stipends and liveries combined,
was maintained intact till the Original Statutes were abrogated in
1855-
2nd. ' Lastly, for the sixt part of fines allotted to beare the decre-
ments of your College, which otherwise the fellowes were to discharge
out of their private receipts ; I meant by decrements all suche
publick charges of wood and other provisions for diete, as the
Founder necessarilie imposeth on your Fellowes to bear, when they
amount above the rate of his allowance.' This passage gives us an
idea of the way in which the word decrements was used at this time.
Of course, it literally means 'diminutions' or 'deductions.' As a
College term, it seems to be used for deductions from the money-
allowances of any member of the foundation, on account of articles
of consumption not recognised as due to him by statute or custom.
Thus, Bp. Bilson specifies wood, and, in the Libri Magni just before
this time (e.g. 1597-8), we find wood and coal included in the
'decrements' which the Bursars deducted from the corn-rents1.
Salt and wine, &c., are also included. At an earlier period, 1566-7,
though not under the name of 'decrements,' we find the Bursars
paying ^14 for spices (pro aromaticis speciebus) ; similarly, in
1567-8, ^14, and, in 1568-9, £21 os. Sd. The word 'decre-
ments' has descended to our own day, and is still used, in the
accounts of some Colleges, to designate small charges for vinegar,
pepper, salt, mustard, &c., whether imposed on foundationers or non-
foundationers. At Magdalen it includes the use of plate, and at
Merton the use of crockery and articles employed for cleaning the
rooms.
1 In the old Statutes, ch. 31, ad fin., only £4 is allowed for wood and coal, and
that is to be consumed in the kitchen.
355
B.
EXTRACTS FROM THE CHAPEL ACCOUNTS DURING THE TIMES
OF RELIGIOUS CHANGES.
(The Libri Magni begin at the commencement of Michaelmas
Term and are generally dated not, as the Buttery Books are, by the
year in which they begin but by the year in which they end, i. e. the
year in which the Bursars made up their accounts. )
1546-7. Ult. Henr. VIII, i Edw. VI.
1 Pro thure per totum annum. 3s 8d.
Pro oleo sancto. 4(1.
Pro filo ad emendationem caparum. 3d.
Pro reparationibus caparum. i8d.
Pro ligatione Antiphonalis. 7s.
Id. 7".
Mulieri lavanti xvin corpores. i2d.
Pro missali. 69 8d.
Pro novo testamento anglice. 3s.
? 1547-8, 2 Ed. VI, dated secunda manu at end of book2.
<? 1553-4, ult. Edw. VI, i Mar.)
For a boke off comen prayers. 4s 4d.
To Galbrand3 for 2 antipho and 3 grayles ^3 „ 6 „ 8.
For settynge uppe the altars and dressynge the church : 22s 8d.
For hears (i. e. candelabra) for the altars. 5".
For mending the organs i2d.
For frankincense (bis).
1547-8, 2 Edw. VI, dated (? secunda manu) on first page.
Pro emendatione candalabri magni fracti. 3d.
Pro thure per totum annum 3s iod.
Pro oleo sancto. 4d.
Pro emendatione caparum. 7d.
Lotrici lavanti 18 corpores clothes i2d.
1 The items (which are, of course, only selected where there is something
noteworthy) are given in the order in which they occur in the books, i.e. probably
the chronological order of the payments.
1 I give the date as endorsed on the Book. But it is evidently not the right one,
and, from the order of the payments, I think the book must mark the transition
from Edw. VI to Mary, 1553-4.
3 i. e. Garbrand Herks, a Dutch bookseller in Oxford.
A a 2
356 CHAPEL ACCOUNTS DURING THE
1548-9.
Pro thure per totum annum. 3" 6d.
Pro vino cretico 25s 2d.
Pro oleo sancto 4d.
Pro emendatione libri missalis 4d.
1549-50. (No charges for frankincense, holy oil, or the like.)
JFor singyng breade (wafers) 4d.
Several small charges for mammesey (Malmesey wine).
For mammesey from London 26s 4d.
For 6 psalters 14".
For 3 English psalters 4s.
For the Communion Table 7*.
1551-2. (Book for preceding year missing.)
For synging bread. 6d.
For a communyon boke 3s 4d.
For singing bread 5d.
For a nother (sic) commen boke of prayers 5s.
For 6 psalters. i48.
For candells per totum annum i2d.
I552-3-
In pane oblativo in fest. natal. i2d.
(Charges for the same object on the Feasts of the Annun-
ciation, St. John the Baptist, and St. Michael. There is no
charge for 'singing-bread' this year. But may not pan.
obi. have been only another name for the same thing,
indeed the Latin equivalent for ' obleys ' ?)
For franck ensens (frankincense) 2 pound. i2d.
For a pound of red wax 7d.
The 2 1 day of July for 20 gallens and a pynt of mamlemesey
20s Id.
The 23 day of October, 20 gallens, a pottell, and a pynt. 20s 8^d.
For a new vessell 2o9.
There are large charges for wax and making it into candles,
throughout this year.
1 ' Singing-bread ' was the ordinary term for the ' wafers ' used in ' singing ' (or
saying) mass. It was also employed for the wafers used in sealing, which were
often of the same kind. The wafer-bread survived long after the Reformation, as
an alternative for the usual wheaten bread, which ' sufficeth,' and, indeed, in the
Injunctions of Queen Elizabeth in 1599, it is actually enjoined. In Scudamore's
Notitia Eucharistica, there is much information on the subject of the bread used -in
the Eucharist. See ist ed., pp. 740-6, 749-50 (2nd ed., pp. 845-853, 887-8).
TIMES OF RELIGIOUS CHANGES. 357
Pro oleo sancto. 4d.
Pro vino cretico in termino Trinitatis. 20*.
For 6 psalms in English 12s.
For a great Bible i58 8d.
For the boke of Communion. 5s.
1553-4. See above under book wrongly ascribed to 1547-8, and,
as I conceive, belonging to this year.
'554-5-
For singinge Breade ye first Quarter 2id.
For holye oil 4d.
For singinge bredde 28 6d.
For mendinge the best blewe Cope 3s 4d.
For mendinge the Coops at Midsummer 2s.
For 6 lib. of Frankensense 2s.
(The writing in this book is peculiarly illegible.)
1558-9, ult. Ph. & Mar., i Eliz.
For mending copes 39 4d.
For singing bredd 2s.
For a Communion Booke 6s.
For seven pounds of Frankincense 2s 4d.
1559-60.
In primis for two communion books. 6s 8d.
For bredd and wyne at Easter. 4d.
„ „ ist Sunday in August. 4d.
To the Masons for takyng downe of the High Alter. 1 2d.
To the Carpenter for covering the Aulters ns <? boarding the
floor or wall or both).
To Knolle for carrying the stones oute of the Churche 4fl.
1560-1.
Singing bredd i |d.
1561-2.
For Bredd and wyne at Twelftyde. 4d.
For the table of Commandements. iod.
For a table to serche the Service oute. 6d.
For redeming of certen churche stuffe that Mr. Turnbull
pledged at Johan Hylles. io8.
For the redemyng of other vestments that be allso pledged at
Joyner's. 40".
One item mentions the 'vestrie doore.'
EXTRACTS FROM CHAPEL ACCOUNTS.
1562-3.
For paper to pricke sonyg. 4d.
For a book for Wednesday Service. 6d.
1565-6-
Bread and wine at Easter, Assention daye and Whitsunday. 2s 8d.
Do. i° die Augusti. Item Octobris et Novembris. xixd.
I572-3-
For the ten commandements. 2s.
For a frame for the ten commandements. 2s 6d.
Wine for a communion on al Soules daie. 2od.
1584-5-
A carpet for the communion table. 17*.
1587-8.
A communion table bought at London. 26s 8(1.
1631-2.
Jan. 14. Payd to Mr White for a latine prayer booke and a lat.
testament and for binding them together with the singing
psalmes. 4s 4d.
Feb. 8 for frankincense 6d.
1632-3.
Jan. 20. For frankinsense for the vestery1. Is 6d.
Mar. 2. For two Cussons, fringe for four, &c., £i „ 19 „ o.
1634-5-
Jan. 30. For Frankincense and other perfumes for the Chappell.
2s 6d.
March 24. For a white damaske Communion cloth. £3 „ 5 „ o.
Nov. i. For waxe candles £9 ,, o ,, o (a much larger payment
than the ordinary one).
1635-6.
March 26, 1636. To Mr (? W)anling for 66 pieces of painted
glasse in the Chappell and Hall at 48 the piece, ut patet per
billam2. ^13 „ 4 „ o.
July 8. For purple silke to mend the chappell hangings. 2s.
1 This and other entries, both before and after, make it plain that there was
a vestry in the College before the unfortunate alterations of the Chapel in 1675-6.
It seems to have opened out of the north-east end of the Chapel, and traces of the
door connecting it with the Chapel still exist. For an account of these alterations,
see pp. 258-9.
2 Was this painted glass removed during the Parliamentary regime, or when the
Chapel and Hall were 'restored,' in 1675-6 and 1700 respectively?
REGISTERS OF PUNISHMENTS. 359
Aug. 23. For the Rayle before the Communion table. £4 „ 10,, o.
Sept. ii. To the woman for washing the Chappell and Vestry
and for herbes at the King's coming. is.
Sept. 24. For altering the Communion Table. 3" 6d.
1636-7.
Aug. 19, 1637. For a chest of Miter round and revayled with
lapts and pendants to put in the vestments belonging to the
Chappell1. £4 „ 10.
1638-9.
Nov. 3, 1638. For Franckincense and Cloves. 8d.
For a chaffing (chafing) dish for the vestry for perfumes. Is od.
Apr. 12, 1639. For Hollye and baie at Christmas, i8,
1639-40.
May 2, 1640. Paid to Richard Hall for mending the Copes, ut
valet per Bill, ig8 9d.
There is nothing remarkable in the entries in the Libri Magni
during the Commonwealth period, except their paucity. But see the
curious order about the Clerks, Aug. n, 1653, given on p. 228.
In the Liber Magnus for 1660-1, under the head of In Camera et
Domo Praesidentis (the President, at that time, occupied both a house
and his old lodgings in the College), there occurs the entry :
July 2 (1661). For the President's surplice ,£4 „ o „ o.
c.
EXTRACTS FROM THE ' REGISTERS OF PUNISHMENTS.'
The first extant entry is dated 1641, without day or month; the
last but one March 23, 1785, the last of all being undated, though
evidently belonging to about the same period. The entries are all
in the handwriting of the offenders, or some one of them, and often
1 Mr. J. T. Micklethwaite, F.S.A., has kindly supplied me with the following
information with regard to this somewhat enigmatical entry : that the chest was a
' Cope-box,' ' vestments ' being here used for Copes ; that ' mitre ' in joiner's
language = a corner, and the Cope-box, its shape being usually that of a quadrant
of a circle, would fit into a corner ; that the ' lapts and pendants ' were probably
contrivances of some kind, either of wood, cloth, or linen, to keep out the dust ;
that ' revayled ' is only a synonyme for ' veiled.'
360 REGISTERS OF
betray signs of unwilling penmanship. I have not, as a rule, repeated
entries of the same period, where there is no material difference
either in the offence or the punishment. It will be noticed that
there is hardly any record of a punishment of which deprivation of
commons does not form part, so that it is plain that the Register was
kept mainly for the information of the Bursars.
I have already explained what deprivation of commons involved.
But I may here give the ipsissima verba of the Statute : ' Decernentes,
prseterea, et declarantes ut quicunque nostri Collegii per convictus
subtractionem ad tempus puniti sint non in oppido sed in aula nostri
Collegii, Baccalaurei videlicet in artibus et non graduati soli vel cum
aliis punitis, cseteri vero Magistri more consueto, interea discumbant
et comedant, deque bonis propriis continuo, vel saltern in fine termini,
Dispensatoribus pro eodem .... satisfaciant et solvant . . . . Et
hujusmodi correctiones, una cum causa et illius puniti nomine, in
Decanorum registro per manum ejusdem puniti statim scribantur.'
Cap. 51.
1641. Privati sumus convictu secunda vice. Johannes Lambe.
Tho. Drury. Johannes Sparke. Johannes Tooke : quod abfuerimus
a precibus matutinis. (All these were B.A.s or of B.A. standing.)
Privati sumus convictu per septimanam. Gulielmus Clayton.
Johannes Sparke. Johannes Lambe. Johannes Tooke. Tho. Drury.
Tho. Sutton : quod comam nimis protensam habuerimus.
Term. 2do. Ego Johannes Tooke privatus sum convictu ad dignam
emendationem ('till I mend my manners'), quod irreverenter et
immodeste me gesserim in Aula, et quod bis abfuerim a disputa-
tionibus Baccalaureorum.
Ego Josephus Barker privatus sum convictu per septimanam, quod
irreverenter me gesserim coram decano, inter disputandum.
April 22. Ego Johannes Tooke privatus sum convictu per septi-
manam, quod deprehensus fuerim vix sobrius satis : et punitus etiam
ut in bibliotheca per unum mensem a precibus matutinis ad vesper-
tinas usque sedulo studiis incumbam.
Term. 3°. Ego Thomas Sutton privatus sum convictu per septi-
manam, quod in oratione aliquos calumnia affecerim.
Ego Thomas Sutton privatus sum convictu per diem prima vice,
quod absens fuerim a praslectione humanitatis.
Term. 4°. Ego Nicholaus Byrch privatus sum convictu per sep-
timanam, quoniam abfuerim a disputationibus theologicis data opera
(i. e. purposely), et cum pro more opponere debuissem.
PUNISHMENTS. 361
Ego Johannes Tooke privatus sum convictu per mensem, quod
ingressus sum domum ubi victualia venduntur, compotandi causa.
1649. Ego Ricardus Warre privatus sum convictu per triduum
propter inobedientiam.
Ego Andreas Wandrick privatus sum convictu per unum diem,
quia abfui a Disputationibus, cum essem primus opponens.
Ego Daniel Reyner privatus sum convictu per triduum, quia, cum
essem impositor, non tradidi Decano nomina absentium a precibus
et disputationibus.
Ego Franciscus Nelson privatus sum convictu usque ad dig-
nam emendationem propter absentiam a precibus et inobedien-
tiam maxime pertinacem erga Vice-praesidem et unum Decanum.
(The offence of persistent disobedience is a common one at this
period.)
Ego Nath. Anderson privatus sum convictu per unum diem, quia
profectus sum absque venia. (This punishment was inflicted simply
for going out of College without leave, which was required except for
certain exempted places. See p. 53. )
Ego Edvardus Disney privatus sum convictu per quindenam eo
quod deservire in aula recusarim. (Two other punishments for the
same offence immediately follow.)
Ego Johannes Paris privatus sum convictu usque ad dignam
emendationem eo quod jussui Decani non obtemperavi.
Term. 2°, 1651. Ego Gulielmus Foord privatus sum convictu per
septimanam, propter absentiam a Collegio tempore prandendi et
coenandi per aliquos dies sine venia.
Ego Gulielmus Foord privatus sum convictu per triduum, quoniam
exivi e collegio per tres mille passus non petita venia.
Ego Edmundus Dickinson privatus sum convictu per triduum
quod jussus non ministravi in aula. (These repeated punishments
for refusing to wait in Hall seem to shew that a sense of degradation
was at this time beginning to attach to the service.)
Term. 4°. Ego Gulielmus Foord privatus sum convictu per septi-
manam eo quod tempore nocturno sine toga circiter horam decimam
in oppido obambularim, atque insuper punitus ut mensis proxime
sequentis spatio ex Aristotelis Ethicis ad Nicomachum omnia notatu
digna grsece excerperem.
Ego Johannes Lisle privatus sum convictu per septimanam eo
quod tempore nocturno sine toga circiter horam decimam in oppido
obambulavi, atque insuper punitus ut, mensis proxime sequentis
362 VIGOROUS ADMINISTRATION AND STRICT
spatio, Burgersdicii Log. omnes definitiones et divisiones et synop-
tice scriptis et memoriae mandarem.
Ego Noah Web privatus sum convictu per septimanam quod
explosi bombardum in cubiculum condiscipuli per fenestram.
Term. 2, 1652. Nos privati sumus convictu per septimanam eo
quod peregrines (? out-College men) cum tumultu publicam in Aulam
excepimus venia non impetrata. Franciscus Nelson. Gul. Foord.
Guilielmus Garner (Gardiner). Johannes Lisle. Andreas Wandrick.
Ego Edvardus Fowler (afterwards Bishop of Gloucester) privatus
sum convictu usque ad dignam emendationem, eo quod Alumnos
aedis christi, pane projecto, in tumultum provocavi.
Nos privati sumus convictu usque ad dignam emendationem,
quod, jussi a praesidente (Dr. Staunton, the 'intruded President'),
nudato capite non sedimus. Franciscus Nelson. W. Gardyner.
Johannes Paris. Johannes L'isle.
1653. Term. i. Ego Joannes Martine privatus sum convictu
usque ad dignam emendationem, quia anglice locutus sum et
clamorem ac strepitum in aula edidi.
Ego Thorn. Harrison privatus sum convictu per septimanam, eo
quod ingressus sum in panarium, venia non impetrata.
Ego Gulielmus Foord punitus sum per quindenae proxime sequentis
spatium, ut in Bibliotheca omnia notatu digna ex Ruvio (Rubius)
de anima excerpam.
Ego Nicolaus Page privatus sum convictu per septimanam, eo
quod ingressus sum in potarium venia non impetrata.
Term. 2do. Nos privati sumus convictu per diem, eo quod Anglice
loquuti sumus in Aula. Guil. Foord. Joh. Lisle. And. Wandrick.
Joh. Paris. Joh. Martine. Thomas Johnson.
Ego Johannes Lisle privatus sum convictu per diem propter ab-
sentiam a precibus et a concione.
Nos privati sumus convictu per septimanam eo quod globulos
niveos in aula projecimus et quod causam dedimus suspicionis
majorum criminum. Edm. Dickinson. Pe. Glubb.
Term. 3°. Ego Guil. Foord punitus sum ut in Bibliotheca per
untim mensem sedulo studiis incumbam, a precibus matutinis ad
vespertinas : eo quod peregrines habui non petita venia, et cum illis
tumultum excitavi. (It is remarkable that this punishment does not
include deprivation of commons.)
Ego Nicolaus Page privatus sum convictu per septimanam, et
punitus etiam ut in Bibliotheca per unum mensem sedulo studiis
DISCIPLINE DURING THE COMMONWEALTH. 363
incumbam a precibus matutinis ad vespertinas, eo quod abfuerim a
disputationibus cum Impositor essem, et potarium ingressus essem
non petita venia.
Ego Nicolaus Page privatus sum convictu per unum mensem, eo
quod deprehensus fui a Procuratore minus sobrius, et punitus etiam
ut in Bibliotheca per unum mensem sedulo studiis incumbam.
Term. 4tus. Ego Petrus Glubb privatus sum convictu usque ad
dignam emendationem, eo quod immorigerum me gesserim coram
Vice-Prasside.
This list of punishments during the early period of the Common-
wealth (which omits cases that are only repetitions or variations of
the same offence and the same punishment) appears to extend over
four or five years, and then abruptly terminates, we do not know
why. It bears testimony to a strict and vigorous administration of
the College, and shews that the President and Fellows, though
Puritans, executed their Founder's statutes with at least as much
fidelity as their predecessors! And, notwithstanding the grave irre-
gularities of a few ill-conditioned students, one cannot help being
struck with the trivial and boyish character of some of the offences.
Moreover, in estimating the general condition of the College, we
must bear in mind that, at this period, owing to its almost entire
re-constitution by the Parliamentary Visitors, it had probably a larger
population of B.A.s and Undergraduates than at any other time in
its history till the reception of Commoners forty years ago. Of these,
there are several who make no appearance at all in the Register of
Punishments, and of them, and even of some of those whose appear-
ance is only for light offences, it may reasonably be assumed that, in
their general habits, they were well-conducted and studious youths.
The next batch of entries extends from 1670 to 1687. As I pro-
ceed, the number of extracts may be conveniently diminished.
Aug. 10, 1670. Ego Radulphus Bell privatus sum convictu per
septimanam, quod extraneos admisi ad pernoctandum in Collegio
contra formam Statuti.
Nov. 19, 1675. Ego Ric. Taylor privatus sum convictu per quin-
denam, quod abfui a precibus 4a vice.
Ego Guil. Creed privatus sum convictu per septimanam ob com-
potationem et egressum e collegio sine venia vel petita vel concessa,
prima vice. (Four other cases, exactly the same, occur apparently at
the same time.)
364 CHANGE IN CHARACTER OF OFFENCES.
Ego Gul. Boys privatus sum convictu, propter percussionem dis-
cipuli. Ego Carolus Audley, &c., as in last case.
Ego Thomas Johnson privatus sum convictu usque ad dignam
emendationem, propter verba pertinacia et irreverentia erga Seniorem
Decanum, ima vice.
June i, 1698. Ego Ro. Burton increpatus fui a Logicae Lectore,
et rejectus a classe disputantium usque dum uberius in Logicalibus
proficiam, propter pravam in studiis dialecticis negligentiam, propter
crassam in opponendo et respondendo ignorantiam, necnon propter
impudentiam eo usque provectam, ut non solum Logicae Lectorem
sed etiam ipsam Logicam contemptui publice habuerim. (One
wonders whether he had read Locke's attack on the Syllogism, Essay,
Bk. IV. Ch. 17.)
There is a gap in the records of Punishments between 1698 and
1724, from which year the list is continued in the same book down
to about 1786. The general character of the offences, as compared
with those recorded in the earlier books, has now materially changed,
and, as I have said elsewhere (p. 279), the offences punished are now
rather the vices of men than the faults of boys. I give a few typical
instances of the entries.
Jul. n, 1726. For the attempted homicide by John Smith, see
pp. 279, 80.
Jan. 28, 1726(7). Ego Jacobus Tarsey A.B. C. C. C. socius
propter rixas cum oppidanis intempesta nocte per ebrietatem initas,
et publicse pacis perturbationem, flexis genibus publice pcenitentiam
sum professus, et de emendatione morum a Praesidente et sociis
secunda vice admonitus sum, convictu insuper privatus usque dum
iis satisfecerim. There is a similar entry on the same day by John
Smith, for whom see above. This rowdyism in the streets seems to
have been a not uncommon feature of this period.
May n, 1730. Ego R. Hutchins A.M. C. C. C. Discip. admonitus
fui coram Praesidente, Vice-Praesidente, uno Decano, Dispensatoribus,
et uno Socio ut Collegio satisfacerem pro Extraordinario victu (Batellas
vocant) per duos annos non soluto.
May 30, 1730. Ego Gul. Nicholas A.B. discipulus C. C. C. (there
is the same entry for J. Jubb) privatus sum convictu per septimanam
a Praeside et Decano propter rixas cum oppidanis intempesta nocte
initas, et graves percussiones servi cujusdam extranei et pernocta-
tionem. Insuper admonitus fui a praedictis de emendatione morum.
AN INCORRIGIBLE STUDENT. 365
(Notice the extraordinary leniency of the punishment for this offence,
which would now undoubtedly be met by rustication for two or more
terms. )
Jan. 28, 1730(1). Ego Gul. Osmer convictu privatus sum per
unum diem propterea quod Decano notorie per mendacia fraudem
fecerim, illique immorigerum me prsestiterim. Insuper admonitus
sum de morum honestate servanda profectuque in studiis faciendo.
(This William Osmer, who had been admitted Scholar April 20,
1728, aet. 12, and was now not yet 15, figures largely in the Register
of Punishments. On July 2, 1731, he was punished, by a week's
deprivation of commons, ' propter notorium in sermone quotidiano
juramenti usum'; on July 29 following, similarly 'eo quod in Coll.
Ball, pernoctaverim ' ; on Feb. 12, 173^, similarly 'quia duos malae
famse viros in Cubiculo multa nocte compotantes exceperim et quod
usus fuerim execrandis inter confabulandum juramentis'; on Feb.
19 following, similarly with the addition of an 'exercitium mihi im-
positum,' ' quia pcenae superius memoratae meipsum non submiserim,
et quia idem mendacium tribus diversis temporibus coram Prsesidente
iteravi, asserens me sedisse in aula convictu privatum die Veneris,
cum ab aula prorsus abfuerim per aliquot septimanas ' (a fact which
does not seem to have been previously discovered) ; on May 24,
1732, by a week's deprivation of commons and an admonition, ' quia
adolescentes quosdam multa nocte in Cubiculo acceperim compo-
tantes et strepitum excitantes, et quia falso nomine simulate Prsesidi
et Decano fraudem facere sim conatus'; on Nov. i, 1732, by a day's
deprivation of commons, ' quia ab aula antea admonitus abfuerim, et
venia non impetrata ab aula discesserim ' ; and on Feb. 9, 173!, by
deprivation of commons for fifteen days ' propter pernoctationem et
absentiam a Collegio, item quia sub falso egressus prsetextu per re-
petita mendacia Prsesidi et Decano fraudem facere sim conatus.'
The farce of admonitions seems to have been discontinued. We
cannot help pitying this poor boy who, at the tender age of twelve,
had been plunged into an atmosphere so charged with vice and
temptation. About a year before the last offence >v March 28, 1732),
he had been pronounced by the College officers ' ineptus et inhabilis
qui promoveretur ad Gradum B.A.,' and, as his name occurs neither
in the list of Oxford Graduates nor in that of Probationary Fellows,
it may be concluded that he never took his Degree, and left the
College without a Fellowship and with his prospects in life probably
ruined.)
366 LENIENCY OF THE PUNISHMENTS.
June 15, 1732. Ego J. Jubb privatus sum convictu per mensem,
propter Pernoctationem et propter Absentiam a Collegio, venia non
impetrata, atque insuper admonitus fui de emendatione morum.
(There are, at this period, numerous cases of punishment for
spending the night out of College, and the leniency which they
were dealt with seems to me truly surprising1, especially when we
recollect that the College was a nursery of Christian ministers.)
Nov. i, 1732. Ego J. Jubb convictu privatus sum per septimanam
eo quod rogante Gul. Wells (cujus societatem vitare jam antea fueram
admonitus) ad adolescentis cujusdam mihi non noti cameram mane,
exinde ad popinam pransurus, inde (plus quam par erat potus) ad
alteram famse non integrae Popinam profectus sum : a Prandio interim
et Divinis Officiis abfui. Propter hsec delicta frustra admonitus sep-
timana sequente una cum adolescentibus quibusdam venatum ivi ;
ab Aula iterum et Divinis Officiis abfui. (Jubb's friend Wm. Wells
(they were both Lincolnshire scholars, Jubb from Lissington, Wells
from Grantham) was punished similarly, for the same offence with
the addition of profane swearing. )
March 19, i73j- Ego J. Jubb A.B. convictu privatus sum per
quindenam, eo quod cum veniam proficiscendi impetrassem, segrotae
matris visendae prsetextu usus, Londinum petii atque ibi commoratus
fui. Insuper admonitus fui de moribus emendandis.
Nov. 29, 1734. Ego Abraham Atkins, propter rixas pugnasque
intempesta nocte in Coll. S. Trin. per ebrietatem initas, convictu
privatus fui per septimanam.
July n, 1735. -Ego Tho. Patten convictu carere (i.e. probably
condemned to dine at a separate table off bread and water, according
to the provisions of Stat. cap. 50) a Vice-prsesidente jussus, in aulam
veni victum mecum apportans, nee nisi iterum monenti parebam :
et insuper prandii tempore indecore me gessi, spretse pcenaa ostendens
indicia.
Dec. 2, 1735. Ego Ben. Wilding convictu privatus sum per sep-
timanam, quoniam intra Collegii limites tumultum nocturnum ex-
citaverim, neque a Decano correptus destiterim; imo de crastino
adeo non me submiserim, ut decanum maledictis et contumeliis
1 We must recollect, however, that rustication was a punishment which did not
then exist, that expulsion was a punishment which was very difficult to inflict
without a violation of the statutes, and that corporal chastisement, which had
probably kept down offences of this kind at an earlier period, had now gone out of
fashion.
FREQUENT CASES OF CONTUMACY. 367
ultro proscindere, et coram ipso Praesidente inepte garrire baud
veritus fuerim.
Jan. 8, 173^. Ego Benj. Wilding convictu privatus sum per sep-
timanam, quia exercitium ineptum et valde petulans attuli Decano,
et ab eo coram officiariis arcessitus repetitas eorum Injunctiones
sprevi, et non nisi altera vice coram eisdem delatus eorundem
authoritati me tandem submisi.
Oct. 14, 1738. Ego Petrus Peckard convictu privatus fui per
quindenam propter ebrietatem et repetitas execrationes et concitatos
intempestiva nocte per Collegii atria tumultus.
Nov. i, 1738. Ego Petrus Peckard convictu privatus sum per
mensem, necnon crimen in aula, flexis genibus, ter publice confessus
sum, propter quod cum infami muliercula in cubiculum meum noctu
inducta a Decano deprehensus fui.
Sept. 10, 1739. Ego Car. Hall convictu privatus fui per quin-
denam et crimen in aula publice confessus sum, eo quod inebriatus
in sacello inter divina officia tumultuatus fuerim. (A similar entry
on the same day is made with regard to Peter Peckard, except that,
as an old offender, he is ' put out of commons ' for a month. )
Jan. 18, 174!- Ego Gulielm. Harrison A.B. convictu privatus fui
per mensem, eo quod Petrum Henly Commensalem, nullo injuriae
praetextu accensus, vehementer percussi, deinde ipsi etiam Decano
cum, ne amplius percuterem, vetaret, inaudita audacia vim minasque
haud veritus sum intentare. Hagc in aula flexis genibus publice
confessus sum. Et insuper admonitus, &c.
Feb. 17, 174!- Ego Gul. Harrison A.B. iterum convictu privatus
fui per mensem, quod Pcenas audaciae supra memoratae indignatus,
eo Impudentiae processerim, ut Scriptum, quo crimen fateri jussus
sum, insulsum, petulans, et contumeliosum Decano attulerim, in-
veterata exhibens indicia contumaciae. Et insuper admonitus, &c.
June 19, 1750. Ego Georgius Beaver A.B. judicio Praesidentis,
Vice-Praesidentis, et unius Decani convictu privatus sum per mensem,
eo quod, solennem orationem habere jussus in Festo Corporis Christi
in honorem Fundatoris et Collegii, in multa virorum illustrium fre-
quentia, comparationes odiosas et verba invidiosa et contumeliosa
contra officiarios et socios, et contra Regimen et Statuta Collegii, pro
oratione effuderim ; et insuper tertia vice admonitus fui de reverentia
debita erga Officiarios reliquosque Seniores praestanda.
Dec. 20, 1754. Nos convictu privati sumus per septimanam, quod
effigiem quandam, quae Pseudo-principem Carolum repraesentare
368 COARSENESS OF MANNERS.
credebatur, in Camera Baccalaureorum communi appendi jussimus,
unde non leve Scandalum Collegio et universae Academise obortum
est. Et ab iisdem admoniti sumus ut Deum timeamus, Regem
optimum honoremus.
Ed. Simons. Gul. Finden. S. Musgrave. John Cooke (subse-
quently President). Arnoldus Carter. (An account of this affair
is given on pp. 286, 7.)
Mai. 26, 1758. Ego Samuel Weller A.B. convictu privatus sum
per septimanam propter ebrietatem, et speciatim quod ebrius in
Festo Corporis Christi in sacello tumultuatus fuerim. Insuper
admonitus, &c.
Mar. 29, 1765. Five students deprived of commons for a week,
and admonished, ' propter commessationes ad noctem intempestivam
intra Collegium productas, et propter strepitus indecoros, et eo quod
a Decanis increpatus eorum monitis non obtemperaverim.'
Jun. 19, 1767. A student deprived of commons for fifteen days
and admonished ' eo quod in popina quadam cum oppidano rixatus
fuerim, et paucis post diebus eidem oppidano in vico publico obvius
ilium pugnis male mulctaverim.'
Towards the end of the period, the entries become more and more
sparse, as if the punishment of ' registering ' was going out of fashion.
The last but one is dated March 23, 1785, the offence being per-
sistent neglect to bring up the accustomed vacation exercise. The
last of all, which is undated, but is evidently that of a Bachelor, is
for having been absent, without leave, for the Michaelmas Term.
As noticed elsewhere (p. 292), the Register of Punishments bears
witness, both from the diminishing frequency and the diminishing
gravity of the offences recorded, to the great improvement in the
morals and discipline of the College effected during Dr. Randolph's
Presidency. But it must be acknowledged that, from the Restora-
tion of Charles the Second to the close of the entries, these registers
of punishments bear painful testimony to the coarseness of manners
and laxity of life which, not in Oxford only but throughout the
country, were distinctive of the period. The reign of George the
Second probably marks the nadir both of attainment and discipline
in the English Universities, or at least in Oxford.
D.
LISTS OF GREEK AND LATIN READERS AND
MEDICINE DEPUTATI.
There are considerable difficulties connected with the earlier
history of the Greek and Latin Readers, Lecturers, or Professors,
as they may indifferently be called. These I have already discussed,
so far as is necessary for the purposes of this work, on pp. 87-89, to
which I must ask the reader to refer back in explanation of some of
the entries in the following lists. I have taken, as the basis of the
lists, a small MS. of Fulman, inserted in vol. x. of his MSS., fol.
195, 196, which seems to be correct so far as it goes, but which, in
accordance with a characteristic of his, noticed by Wood (see p. 198
above), is imperfect. I have inserted other entries within angular
brackets, and have also continued it down to the year 1700, before
which time these Readerships had probably entirely lost their dis-
tinctive character of Public Lectureships or Professorships.
GREEK READERS.
{John Clement (Clemens) is definitely said by Harpsfield, whose
authority there is no reason to question, to have given lectures in
Greek at Corpus. See p. 88. But whether his appointment was
permanent or not, and whether he could be truly called a Corpus
Reader, we have no means of ascertaining.)
(Thomas Lupset 'succeeded Clement in 1520, and seems to have
lectured in both tongues, as Clement may have done also ' (p. 88).
Cp. Wood's Annals, vol. ii. pt. 2. p. 838. Unfortunately, the earlier
Libri Magni, or year-books of accounts, are wanting, or they might
have thrown some light on these and kindred questions.)
1 David Edwards 2, 1521. John Dunne, 1531.
Edward Wotton2, 1524. Thomas Cater, 1533.
1 ? Was he ever more than, first, substitute, then assistant.
3 I have already (pp. 58, 85) alluded to the difficulties connected with the order
of these two names. David Edwards was elected ' Disciple ' (Scholar) on Aug. 9,
1517, being then only 15 years of age. He would, therefore, be only 19, if he
began to lecture in Michaelmas Term, 1521. Edward Wotton was constituted by the
Founder ' socio compar,' in a letter (still preserved in the Register), dated Jan. 2,
1522, with permission to travel in Italy for three years, mainly for the purpose of
studying Greek. After this time, he was to return to the College and lecture in
Bb
370 GREEK AND LATIN READERS.
John Shepreve, 1534. Noel Spark, 1634.
George Etheridge, 1543. (John Rosewell, Apr. 25, 1659.
John Morwen, 1545. Nathaniel Mew, Nov. 3, i659)5.
Henry Wotton, 1556 \ Benjamin Parry, 1660 6.
George Rudd, 1563 2. John Beale, 1670.
John Reynalds (sic), 1572. William Winkley, 1672.
John Spenser, I5783. Samuel Barton, 1676.
Henry Parry, 1588. Henry Parkhurst, 1681.
(Thomas Cole, Sept. 14, 1594)*. Arthur Parsons, 1681.
Christopher Membry, 1600. (John Manship, 1690.
Brian Twine, 1614. Dr. John Kircheval, 1697) 7.
Anthony Clopton, 1618.
HUMANITY, LATIN, OR RHETORIC READERS, AS
THEY WERE VARIOUSLY CALLED.
(Joannes Ludovicus Vives. Though Fulman does not include
him in his Catalogue, on account, probably, of the absence of any
Greek, Latin, or both, as might be the more convenient to the College. Now the
most reasonable supposition seems to be that Edwards simply lectured as Wotton 's
substitute, and was not definitely appointed to the office of Greek Reader. And
this supposition is amply borne out by an examination of the Libri Magni. The
first of these books extant is that for 1521-2 (i. e. Oct. 1521 to Oct. 1522), and there,
under the bead of ' Stipendia Lectorum in Grsecis et Logicis,' occur the entries
'Solutio pro Wottono, £5' (the statutable stipend for a Reader), and 'pro
Edwardo, 26s 8d.' The next Liber Magnus extant, that for 1526 (probably 1525-6),
contains the entries ' Doctori Utton (i.e. Wotton) £10' and 'Magistro Edwards,
20*,' a small payment, probably, for assistance in elementary work, after Wotton's
return. The celebrated Nicholas Udall, at the same time, receives 40". In the
book for 1528 (? 1527-8), the third book extant, Wotton, who had now completed his
'quinquennium' of service, received 15s, Udall I,,8, Done (Dunne) 25', and Edwards
38s 9d. Then, as now, probably, Colleges often made special arrangements with
additional lecturers, and the books shew that, in some cases, the payments de-
pended on the exact number of lectures delivered (for instance, a logic lecture was
paid at the rate of Is 3d). In the book for 1530, Edwards' name disappears, and
it is plain that, during the whole time of his service, he was never treated on the
footing of a full Reader. l Elected from Ch. Ch. to be Greek Reader.
2 Elected from Trinity to be Greek Reader. 3 Elected, though neither a
Fellow nor Scholar (see pp. 143-4), but already a member of the College, to be
Greek Reader. * The admission is regularly entered in the Register. I do
not, therefore, understand the entry in Fulman's MS., ' Cole, 1600.' It is inter-
polated between two other names, and seems to have been written from memory.
5 These names may have been omitted by Fulman, because the Readers were
admitted during the Commonwealth. * Elected from Jesus Coll. to be Greek
Reader. 7 Added, by another hand.
LATIN READERS. 371
documentary evidence of his appointment, I cannot doubt that, in
some capacity or other, he lectured at Corpus, and was at some time
an inmate of the College. See pp. 85, 87-89, and my note at the
beginning of the transcript of Hegge's Catalogue. )
(Lupset, and possibly Clement before him. See p. 88.)
(Possibly Edward Wotton. We have just seen that he was to be
prepared to lecture in both tongues, if convenient to the College,
and the allowance of £10 (the combined stipends of the Readers of
Greek and Latin), assigned to him in 1526, is, at least, some indica-
tion that he actually did so.)
('Udal, 1526' is crossed out by Fulman, the smallness of the
stipend paid to him being, possibly, regarded as an argument against
his having held the office of a recognised Reader.)
(William) Hygden, 1539. (This is the first year in which a
payment to a Reader of Humanity appears in the extant Libri Magni,
but that for 1538 is wanting. It is possible that provision for the
teaching of elegant Latin was made at a cheaper rate, by employing
some of the younger Fellows, or that Claymond may have paid
the Reader privately. For his relation to these Readerships, see
p. 92.)
James Curtop, 1540. William Good, 1555.
John Juell, 1548. John Dolber, 1557.
(Giles (^Egidius) George is styled Human. Lect. in Hegge's Cata-
logue, but without date. There seems to be some confusion with
regard to the Latin Readers at this time. No less than four names,
three of which are consecutive, occur on the same page of Hegge,
for all of whom this title is claimed. Good, Dolber, and Laurence
are recognised by Fulman, George and Good by Hegge. Laurence's
name alone occurs in the Register ; Laurence, Dolber, and Good all
occur in the Libri Magni.)
William Mug, 1558. John Belle, Jan. 30, is6§\
John Laurence, Jan. 15, 156^. Edmund Reynalds, Oct. 11,1566.
1 This John Belle is somewhat of an enigma. His name is entered by himself
in the Register as Lector Humanitatis, and the words ' electus pro comitatu surrey'
have been added, also by himself, afterwards, meaning that, though not a native
of the County of Surrey, he was to count as a Surrey Fellow. In the Index in the
Fnlman MS., though not in Fulman's own hand-writing, he is stated to be of
Somerset. He does not occur in Hegge's Catalogue, and is there evidently con-
founded with James Bell (admitted Disciple in 1548), who is wrongly described
as Lect. Hum. In the Libri Magni from 1563 to 1566, both inclusive, payments
are made to him in the capacity both of Fellow and of Reader. His name is
B b 2
372 MEDICINE DEPUTAT1.
Simon Trip, Aug. 6, 1568. Nicholas Horsman cessit5.
Roger Charnock, 1572. John Paris, ob. Sept. 30, 1669 6.
George Hanson, Nov. 13, 1576. 1669. Theodore Fletcher cessit.
(Nicholas Morice3.) 1672. Tho. Paris cess.
Nicolas Eveleigh, Oct. 21, 15882. 1675. Hug. Barrow cess. Dec. 7.
Thomas Cranmer, Apr. 7, 1592. 1682. George Reynell, ob. Jun.
Sebastian Benefeild, Jul. 2 8, 1 5 9 9. 26,1687.
Thomas Holt, Dec. 31, 1616. 1687. Will. Creed, adm. Jun. 27.
(James Holt, Nov. 8, i63o3.) (John Manship, i6977.)
Thomas Greaves, 1636*.
The Latin Readership was restored to its original character as an
University Lectureship, under the title of the Corpus Christi Pro-
fessorship of Latin, in the revised College Statutes, which received
the assent of H.M. in Council, June 24, 1856. The holders of the
office, up to the present time, have been Professors John Conington,
Edwin Palmer, and Henry Nettleship.
MEDICINE DEPUTATI.
In Ch. 25 of the Original Statutes, all M. A. Fellows of the College
are required to assume Holy Orders ' intra annum post necessariam
suam regentiam completam,' 'praster eum qui studio medicinae est
deputatus.' As this place alone, therefore, was tenable for any length
of time by a layman, it was often an object of great solicitude, as in
the familiar instance of Locke with regard to a similar position at
Ch. Ch. Probably the ' medicinse deputati ' were originally expected
to attend to the medical needs of the other inmates of the College,
and an interesting example of this exercise of their profession has
already come before us in the account of Dr. Jackson (p. 185).
The following list of the holders of this office or place has been
extracted by me from the Register and other sources, and it seems
to be tolerably complete.
variously spelt Bellie, Belly, or Belley, though by himself, in the Register, it is
spelt Belle. He is, no doubt, identical with the Mr. Belly, referred to on p. in
of this work, and probably with the John Belly, Fellow, and afterwards Provost,
of Oriel, whose name occurs in Foster's Alumn. Ox. * Hegge's Catalogue.
His name occurs as Latin Reader in the Libri Magni from 1579 to 88 inclusive.
a Spelt Ively in Hegge's Cat. 3 Entered in Register. * July 6 in
Register. 5 Elected May 6, 1659. Register of Commonwealth period.
' Admitted Jan. 21, i66|. 7 In another hand.
A WICKED ITALIAN BOKE.J 373
R. Hieronymus Raynolds, Feb. R. John Norton, Dec. n, 1579.
14, 155! \ R. George Sellar, May 31, 1589.
R. James Tonge, Nov. 3, 1566. John Chennell or Cheynell2.
R. John Pottle, Feb. 3, 15 7f. R. Stephen Bridges, Nov-5, 1630.
The following names have been collected by me from other
documents in the custody of the President : —
James Hyde3. William Creed, June 23, 1696.
Josiah Lane4. Thomas Healy, June 8, 1723.
Norton Bold, July 18, 1661. John Hardress, March 18, 173^.
William Drury, March 3, 167^. Thomas Crawley, Oct. 23, 1740.
John Shepheard, Jan. 28, i67§. William Vivian, Nov. n, 1754.
Phineas Ellwood, Nov. 27, 1675. George Williams, Dec. 24, 1788.
Arthur Parsons 5. Frederick Holme, June i, i8376.
E.
'A WICKED ITALIAN BOKE.' See p. Il8.
The identification of this book or author (for it might be either)
has caused me much trouble and perplexity. About the word
'Jacke' there is no doubt. The difficulty entirely turns on the
second word, of which Dr. Kitchin, Dean of Winchester, has kindly
made a facsimile, thus : —
At first we read the word as most probably manher, but, on a careful
re-examination of the MS., the Dean thinks that reading must be
abandoned, and that the true reading must be either matcher, maither,
mouther or moucher. If we adopt the reading ou, we must suppose
the first stroke of the u to come so close up to the o as to produce
1 It seems that he was previously a 'divine.' See p. 112. 2 Probably
Med. Dep. about 1597, as may be inferred from Vaughan's Life of Jackson, pre-
fixed to the Clarendon Press Ed. of Jackson's Works, vol. i. p. xli. 3 No
date. Hyde was admitted Disc, in 1632. * No date, but probably about
1654. 5 No date. He was admitted Disc. Ap. 20, 1674. 6 Mr. Holme
was, after a vacancy of over three years, the immediate successor of Dr. Williams.
He died himself in 1849, and had no successor.
374 JACKE MOUCHER OR MOUTHER.
an apparent a. To the reading /, the Dean objects that, in this MS.,
the / would be through the line, thus AA"C, , but, in many places,
the MS. is so badly written that it would be difficult to lay down an
universal rule with regard to the formation of the letters, and, in
MSS. of this period, the two letters c and / are often almost
indistinguishable. Mr. F. Adams (to whom, as well as to the Dean,
I must express my great obligations for the trouble he has taken
in this matter) urges the objections to maicher and maither that
'they are not Italian looking, and are scarcely mended by the
addition of an end-vowel; if translated forms, they are blundered,
as they yield no meaning.' These objections appear to me so valid,
that I think we have to choose between ' moucher' (which apparently
agrees best with the MS.) and ' mouther ' (which, even if it could not
be reconciled with the MS., might easily be a mistake of the scribe,
in copying either from his own rough notes or from the Articles of
Charge). If we suppose the reference to be to Boccaccio, either of
these words can easily be explained as a contemptuous designation.
To take 'mouther' first. 'The Italian boccaccia* (to quote from
Mr. Adams' communication to Notes and Queries, of Aug. 20,
1892, pp. 151, 2) 'is a pejorative form of bocca, a mouth, equivalent
to the modern colloquial English "ugly mug," and is therefore of
very offensive meaning. To any one possessing a knowledge of
Latin and Italian, the name Boccaccio (Bocace or Bocas) must
always have brought to mind Lat. bucca, the original of Ital. bocca,
Fr. bouche. Bucca, however, not only had the popular meaning of
mouth, but was employed figuratively by Roman writers in the
sense of "declaimer," "bawler," or, as we may say, "mouther".'
Cp. Juvenal xi. 34. The contemptuous associations of the word
would also be increased by another of its secondary meanings, as
'a parasite, one who stuffs out his cheeks in eating.' The word
'moucher,' though it has now dropped out of use, has, in old
English, the meaning of a 'glutton,' and 'Jacke Moucher' might be
rendered Jack ' Gobble-guts,' a contemptuous appellation still in use
in North Lincolnshire (see Peacock's Glossary). There is abundant
authority for the use of the words ' mouch ' and ' moucher,' in the
sense of to 'eat greedily' and 'a greedy eater.' Thus, to refer to
authorities for which I am indebted to Mr. Adams, Halliwell notes
mouch as a Lincolnshire word (he ought to have said South Lincoln-
shire, for Mr. Peacock informs me that it is not used in this sense in
GIOVANNI BOCCACCI. 375
North Lincolnshire), meaning 'to eat greedily'; Rider, in the edition
of 1627, explains it as 'to take up all'; Littleton, as 'to eat up
all, ingurgitare '; and Levins (Manipulus Vocabulorum, published
in 1570) renders 'a moucher, manduco,' i.e. a glutton1. 'The
mouth,' says Mr. Adams, 'is that which eats; hence in mediaeval
Latin bucca meant a servant, i.e. "eater." Boccaccio,* denoted
a large mouth as well as an ugly one. So the Italian and the Latin
meanings seem in moucher to be fused together — big mouth, big
eater.' ' Jack the Glutton must then be Giovanni Boccacci or John
of the Big Mouth.'
On this evidence I must leave my readers to form their own
judgment, but, cogent as it is, it would be more conclusive if any-
thing like a contemporary instance could be found of an undoubted
application to Boccaccio of either of these words.
1 In Stratmann's Middle English Dictionary, ed. Bradley, mouchen is explained
to ' munch (?), eat.'
2 In the Delia Crasca Vocabolario (ed. Manuzzi) one of the meanings given of
' Boccaccia ' is : ' dicesi anche di Colui che parla in modo dissoluto et scorretto,'
i. e. of a lewd and ' improper ' talker, a meaning which might easily pass into that
of a buffoon or jester, or teller of stories. May not ' mouther ' be a translation of
the word in this sense, and, when applied to Boccaccio, involve a play on the two
words Boccaccio and Boccaccia ? Mr. Adams, who thinks that my suggestion has
an important bearing on the question between 'mouther' and ' moucher,' has sent
me the following apposite quotation from Piers the Plowman (Early English Text
Society), B text, passus iv, 11. 114, 5 :
' Til lordes and ladies • louien alle treuthe,
And haten al harlotrye • to heren it or to mouthen it.'
HEGGE'S CATALOGUE
OF THE
PRESIDENTS, FELLOWS, SCHOLARS,
AND CHAPLAINS.
WITH ADDITIONS AND CONTINUATIONS.
CATALOGUS
ADMISSORUM
vel
Apum Examina quotquot
prodierunt ex Alveario
Reverend! in Christo
patris Richard!
Fox Winton:
Episcopi.
CATALOGUS PR^ESIDENTIUM
COL. CORPORIS CHRISTI OXON.1
1517. Jul. 4. JOHANNES CLAYMUNDUS. (Mar. 5, 1516.)
1537. Nov. 26. ROBERTUS MORWENT.
1558. Nov. 26. GULIELMUS CHEDSEY (admissus Sept. 15).
1559. Dec- 15- GULIELMUS BUTCHER.
1561. Jan. 3. THOMAS GREENWAY.
1568. Jul. 19. GULIELMUS COLE.
1598. Dec. 14. JOHANNES REYNOLDS.
1607. Jun. 9. JOHANNES SPENSER.
1614. Jun. i. THOMAS ANYAN.
1629. Mai. i. JOHANNES HOLT.
1630. Feb. 17. THOMAS JACKSON.
1640. Oct. 9. ROBERTUS NEWLIN.
1648. Mai. 22. EDMUNDUS STAUNTON — Auct. Parl.
1660. Jul. 31. ROBERTUS NEWLIN readmiss.
1687. Mar. 13. THOMAS TURNER.
1714. Mai. 15. BASILIUS KENNETT.
1714. Jan. 12. JOHANNES MATHER.
1748. Apr. 23. THOMAS RANDOLPH.
1783. Apr. 3. JOHANNES COOKE.
1823. Feb. 13. THOMAS EDVARDUS BRIDGES.
1843. Sep. 1 6. JACOBUS NORRIS.
1872. Mai. 8. JOHANNES MATTHIAS WILSON.
1881. Dec. 23. THOMAS FOWLER.
1 The dates from Turner onwards are those of election ; those previous to Turner
are usually the dates of taking the oath, which ceremony was performed in the
College after admission by the Visitor. In the case of Claymund, I do not under-
stand the date of July 4. He was placed in corporal possession of the College,
and thereby became President, on March 5, 151$. The date affixed to Cheadsey's
name is probably copied, by mistake, from the date above. He was admitted on
Sept. 15.
INCIPIT CATALOGUS
EX LIBRO ADMISSIONUM C.C.C. EXSCRIPTUS1.
JOHANNES CLAYMUNDUS.
Primus Prseses C.C.C.
1517. Julii 4. (really 1 5 if, March 5.) A. W. Ath.
(1517. Jun. 22.) Bob. Morwent2. Wig. Perpet. Vicepraes. Sociis
compar. (Pr. 1537.)
(1516. i. e. 151^. Mar. 5.) Ric. Clerckson. Dunelm. (Ebor. in
original document.) Decanus. Soc.
Mar. 5. Tho. Wa(e)lsthe. Winton. Soc.
1 In this Catalogue, the following abbreviations will be used : Soc. = Socius or
Actual Fellow ; Sch. = Scholaris or Probationary Fellow ; Disc. = Discipulus or
' Scholar ' in our sense. Where no date is affixed to these words, it must be under-
stood that the person named was admitted in this capacity. If no designation
occurs, he was admitted as Discipulus. A. W. = Antony Wood ; Ath. = Athenae
Oxonienses. p. refers to a page of this history. Ep. = Episcopus ; Dec. = Decanus ;
Pr. = Prases ; Prof. = Professor. Of the favoured counties and dioceses, Winton or
Hampt.= Hampshire ; Sur. = Surrey ; Dun. = Bishopric of Durham ; B. and W.
= Diocese of Bath and Wells ; Som. = Somerset ; Ex. = Diocese of Exeter ; Dev.
= County of Devon (though sometimes the County is used for the Diocese and
includes Cornwall); Line. = Lincolnshire; Lane. = Lancashire; Cant. = County
of Kent ; Ox. = County of Oxford ; Bed. = County of Bedford ; Gloc. = County
of Gloucester ; Vig. = Diocese of Worcester ; Wilt. = Wiltshire; Sar. = Diocese of
Sarum ; Dor. = Dorset ; Ber. = Berkshire ; Fr. cog. = Frost's kin. Additions by
another hand, where the facts are undoubted, or information extracted from the
Registers, I have not thought it necessary to distinguish by any special sign, but,
where I have introduced any remark of my own, I have enclosed it within angular
brackets.
Where not otherwise stated, the year, down to Jan. i, 1752, is the ecclesiastical
year, beginning on March 25 and ending on March 24.
1 have not, as a rule, noticed the age of admission as Disc., unless it falls below
14^. What strikes one most in the early admissions is the great variety of age,
ranging, in the case of the Discipuli, from below 12 to over 20. See note under
R. Hooker for instances of the higher limit.
2 Morwent was constituted ' Sociis compar ' and perpetual Vice- President by
a letter of the Founder, dated June 22, 1517. Garthe, Clerkson, Treguilion,
Welshe, Hoole and Fox (' consanguineus noster'), together with the President,
were nominated in the 'Charta Fundationis' signed by the Founder on March i,
151^, and placed in corporal possession of the College on March 5 following (see
p. 57). On Vives and Kratzer, see note i, p. 381. Ley is mentioned by Fulman
(see note 2, p. 381). Of Greenwent there is no other notice than that in Hegge's
Catalogue. From Widall onwards, the names occur in the Register. From
Morwent to Crutcher, both inclusive, the date of admission is given by Hegge as
July 4, 1517, but, as this is not supported by the older documentary evidence
extant, I have removed it, and given the real date, where possible, within angular
brackets. It is possible that Hegge had access to some document in which all
these persons, including Vives and Kratzer, are said to have been admitted on
July 4-
EARLIEST ADMISSIONS. 381
Ludov. Vives1. Hisp. Lect. Human. (John Louis Vives,
born at Valentia in Spain, 1492. Vide p. 58.) A. W. Ath.
Mar. 5. Joh. Garthe. Dunelm. Dispensator. Soc.
Mar. 5. Tho. Pox. Lond. Soc.
Mar. 5. Bob. Trigonwell (Treguilion). Ex. Soc.
Mar. 5. Galfridus Ley2. Dunelm.
Mar. 5. Rob. Holle (Hoole). Line. Soc.
Mar. 5. Bob. Greenwent. (No other notice of him.)
Mar. 5. Nic. Crutcher (or Kratzer, b. at Munich 1487. See note
on L. Vives above, and p. 85). A. W. Ath. sub Kratcher.
1517. Jul. 4. Joh. Widall. Lane.
Jul. 4. Joh. Barlow. Essex. Disc.
Jul. 4. Bic. Bolney. Kent. Disc. Sch. 1519.
Jul. 4. Kenelmus Dene. Gloc. Disc. Sch. 1519.
Jul. 4. Bic. Cora(e)m. Lane. Disc. Sch. 1519.
Aug. 9. Bic. Weston. Lond. Sch.
Aug. 9. Tho. Garret. Line.
Aug. 9. Gul. Warmington. Middlesex. Disc. Sch. 1519.
Aug. 9. Bob. Warmington. Middlesex. Disc. Sch. 1522.
Aug. 9. David Edwards. 15 yrs.3 Northamp. Disc. Schol. 1522.
(pp. 85, 369-70).
Aug. 9. Sy(i)lvester Genens. Sur.
Oct. 21. Anth. Barker. Ber. Sch. 1519.
1 There does not seem to be extant any contemporary documentary evidence
either connecting L. Vives and Kratzer with this particular date or even shewing
that they were ever Fellows. Yet they are mentioned (see p. 88) by so early an
author as Harpsfeld, Hist. Eccl., p. 644, in connexion with the College (as a
Winchester school-boy he attended the Founder's funeral), and Fulman (Wood
MSS. in Bodleian, D, 9) says: 'Ludovicus Vives lodged in C. C. C., and, by
Tradition, was Humanitie Reader to the Coll. but not mentioned in the Register,
nor did he stay long at Oxf.' Wood, both in the Antiq. and the Athense, calls
them both ' Fellows, ' and, in the latter book, refers their admission to July 4, 1517,
but probably he is simply following Hegge's Catalogue. The story of ' Vives
his bees' is told in Wood's Antiq. sub C. C. C. (See p. 71 of this book.) In the
Bodleian MS., D, 9, quoted above, Fulman, criticising Wood's account of C. C. C.,
says, ' for my part, I think they' (i. e. the C. C. C. lectures) ' were the same ' as the
Wolsey lectures: 'for Wolsey's readers were there lodged, till he had built his
Coll., and Lud. Vives was one of them.' For the statement that the King, Queen,
and Court, together with the Founder and ' almost all the whole number of Aca-
demians,' attended Vives' first lecture in C. C. C. Hall, 'with great content and
admiration,' see A. Wood's City of Oxford, Clarke's ed., vol. i. p. 541. But Wood
cites no authority, and it is difficult, if the account be true, to explain his silence in
the Annals. — It is possible that Hegge's bold inclusion of Viv4s and Kratzer in
the first list of Members of the Foundation may have had some justification, either
traditional or documentary, in respect to Bishop Foxe's acts, which was not known
to later antiquaries.
2 Probably Disc., as in Fulman MSS., vol. u, there is the entry, ' Galfrid Ley,
Dunelm, Soc. 1523, Feb. 14.' But there is no corresponding entry in the Register.
3 The age is only given where there is some special reason. See note i, p. 380. It
is sometimes impossible to give the exact age in the earlier entries, either because
the number of years only is stated without any further specification, or because
the day and month or the saint's day specified is not distinguished as past or future,
as in the present instance.
382 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS.
Oct. 21. Edw. Marten. Sur. Sch. 1520.
Oct. 21. Gul. Boys. Gloc.
1518.1 Apr 6. Simon Atk(i)yn. Dev. Sch. 1519.
1519. Jun. 9. Hen. Wi<y)lliams. Herf. Sch.
Jun. g. Joh. Hi(y)nde. Middlesex. Sch.
Jul. 2. Hie. Corren. Lane. Scholaris, idem qui supr. Discip. (July
4, i5i7->
1520. Jun. 12. Matt. Wnittals (Why thals). Kent. Sch.
Jun. 1 8. Job. (The surname is completely erased, but John Atkinson
is written in the margin.)
Jun. 1 8. Gul. Wye. Gloc. Sch. 1523.
Jun. 1 8. Edm. Atkinson. Dunelm.
Jun. 1 8. Hen. Mann. Lane. {Prior of Shene in Surrey. Afterwards
Dean of Chester and Bishop of Man.)
Jun. 1 8. Hie. Bower. Hertf.
Jun. 1 8. Tho. Crombocke. Gloc.
Jun. 1 8. Joh. Bolday. Som. Sch. 1524.
Jun. 18. Nic. Owdall (Udall). Hampt. Sch. 1524. (Head Master
of Eton, pp. 86, 370.) A.W. Ath.
Jan. 2. Edw. Wotton. (According to Wood, b. in Oxford.) Soc.
Compar. Assumpt. (pp. 86, 369-71.) A.W. Ath.
1522. Jun. i. Kic. Patys2. Ox. Sch. (p. 86.) A.W. Ath.
Jun. i. Dav. Edwards. Northamp. Sch. (Already admitted Disc.
Aug. 9, 1517.)
Jun. i. Joh. Helyar. Hampt. Sch. A.W. Ath.
Dec. 22. Boland Huddilston. Lond.
Dec. 22. Joh. Plumtree. Nott.
Dec. 22. Gul. Welden. Northumb. Sch.
1523. Feb. 14 (Historical year). Beginald Pooled Soc. Cardi-
nalis, et Cantuariensis Archiepus.
Feb. 14. Joh. Fox4. Lond. Soc. Archidiacon de Surrey.
1 Brian Twyne (Collectanea, MS. 280 in C. C. C. Library, fol. 214 b, 231 a) says
that Henry Wyllys was one of the early Fellows and should appear under this year.
But his name does not occur, as a Fellow, in the Register, and both in Hegge's
list and that of Allen (MS. 280, fol. 232 b) it occurs first in the list of Chaplains.
2 Mr. C. L. Eastlake, Keeper of the National Gallery, regards one of the figures
in Holbein's celebrated picture of the Ambassadors as representing this Pate, Pates,
or Patys, who, before he was raised to the Episcopate, was employed in several
embassies by Henry VIII. If the other figure be, as Mr. Eastlake conjectures, Sir
Hugh Askew, the combined surnames make ' Pate-askew,' of which words the
distorted skull, which forms so curious an accessory in the picture, may be ' a
punning symbol, in keeping with the quaint humour of the sixteenth century.'
See Mr. Eastlake's letter to the Times, Dec. 8, 1891.
3 In the Register, the name and some words following are obliterated. Regi-
naldus Polle has been subsequently inserted. Reginaldus Poole is written in
another hand in the margin, and, in a third hand, D8 Reginaldus Polle. R. Pole
is said to have been born, in 1500, at Stovertonor Stourton Castle in Staffordshire.
4 There was a John Fox Archdeacon of Surrey (date not determined), and a
John Fox Archdeacon of Winchester (' nearly related to Bp. Foxe,' according to
A. Wood, Fasti) in 1519. Were they the same ? If so, both Pole and Fox held
high ecclesiastical preferment at the time of their admission to their Fellowships.
FROM 1517 TO 1530. 383
Aug. 14 (Eccl. year). Job Dumie. Ex. Sch.
1524. Jul. 2. Joh. Dyott. Dorc. Sch. Assumpt. 1525.
Jul. 2. Chris. Roper. Kent.
Jul. 2. Tho. Lymell. Shrop.
Jul. 2. Tho. Goyge. Winton. (i.e. Hants.). Sch. elect. 1526.
Hi omnes non electi, sed assumpti ad instantias magna-
tum aFundatore (i. e. all down to and including Goyge).
Sep. 3. Joh. Rodes. Line. Sch. Prob. elect.
1525. Aug. 5. Joh. Gybbys. Gloc. Sch. Prob. elect.
Aug. 5. Rob. Savage, War. Sch. Prob. Assumpt.
1526. Mar. i. Joh. Edwards. Som. Sch.
1527. Mar. 17. Joh. Gybryshe. Cicestren. 20 y. (As to age, cp.
other cases, given under R. Hooker, 1573.)
Mar. 17. Tho. Cater. Ox.
Mar. 17. Gul. Shallock. Line.
Mar. 17. Chris. Litcott. Ber.
Mar. 17. Gul. Smith. Lane. Sch. 1531.
Mar. 17. Gill. Phylpott. Sur.
Mar. 17. Rog. Peers. Som.
Mar. 17. Alex. Scoot. Dev.
Mar. 17. Hen. Stanert. Dunelm.
1528. Jun. 1 6. Tho. Slatter. Dev. Sch. Hoc anno obiit Ri. Fox F.
(Oct. 5->
fun. 1 6. Joh. Standish. Lane. Sch. A. W. Ath.
Jun. 1 6. Jac. Marble. Hert. Sch. Assumpt. non electus. (Insti-
tuted by the Founder ' ad instantiam magnatum ')
Jun. 1 6. Tho. Huchi(y)nson. Ox. Sch.
Jun. 16. Joh. Shepery(Shepreve). Ber. Sch. (p.7Q.) A.W. Ath.
Jun. 1 6. Gul. Phi(y)lpott. Hampt. Sch.
Jun. 1 6. Hen. Stafford. Dunelm. Sch.
Jun. 1 6. Gul. Skri(y)ven. Bed. 14.
Jun. 1 6. Jac. Stud. Lond.
Jun. 1 6. Edw. Plankney. Line. Sch. 1531. 14.
Jun. 16. Jac. Brookes. Southampt. (Broxe in Register.) Sch. 1531.
(p. 86.) Episc. Gloc. A.W. Ath.
Jun. 1 6. Ric. Hooper. Gloc.
Jun. 16. Leonard Ardren. Ox. Sch. 1532.
Jun. 1 6. Geo. Stremer. Dev. Sch. 1531.
Jun. 1 6. Rog. Morwent. Gloc. Sch. 1532.
Mar.i6. Gul. Chedsey. Som. Sch. 1531. Pr. 1558. A.W. Ath.
Mar. 1 6. Gul. Allway. Dev.
1530. Sep. 28. Gul. Clifton. Kent.
Sep. 28. Joh. Master. Som.
Sep. 28. Art. Cooke. Hampt.
Sep. 28. Clemens Perott. Ox.
Sep. 28. Joh. Glover. Sur. Sch. 1534.
Sep. 28. Ric. Fisher. Hampt. Sch. 1534.
Sep. 28. Geo. Grisold. Wig.
384 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS.
Sep. 28. Gul. Hygdon. Line. Sch. 1533.
1532. Apr. 27. Job. Garret. Line. Sch. 1536.
Apr. 27. Hugo Goode (Gode). Som. Sch. 1534.
Apr. 27. Gul. Hamond. Sur. 147. 4m.
Apr. 27. Hugo Turnbull. Line. Sch. 1536.
Apr. 27. Bie. Martial. Kent. Sch. 1538. Decan. JSdis Chr. Ox.
Jun. 7. Tho. Erley. Dev.
Jul. 24. Jac. Curtopp1. Kent. Sch. 1534. (Canon of Ch. Ch. and
Dean of Peterborough. }
Jul. 28. Edm. Marvi(y)n. Hampt. Sch. 1536.
Aug. 6. Hen. Ryley. Lane. Sch. 1536.
Sep. 26. Bic. Pate. Gloc. (Founder of Cheltenham Grammar
School. See pp. 34-5.)
1533. Feb. 17 (Eccl. year). Job. Gale. Dev.
Feb. 17. Gul. Bulkley. Bed.
Feb. 17. Bic. Bartew. (Bertie. Vide p. 86.) Hampt.
1534. Mar. 26. Gerv. Linch. Kent. Sch. 1537.
Oct. 7. Gul. Taylour. Dun. Sch.
Nov. ii. Gul.Butcher (Boucher, Reg.). Som. Sch. 1539. Pr. 1559.
Nov. 1 1 . Geo. Ederich. Ox. Sch. 1538. (George Etheridge, Reg.
Prof. Greek.)
Nov. 11. Job. Lane. Hampt.
1535. Feb. 23 (Historical year). Joh. Morwen. Dev. Graecae lin-
guae lector cuius qusedam opuscula Graece et Latine propria
manu scripta habentur in Bibliotheca Bodleana. Hegge.
A.W. Ath.
(Eccl. year.) Apr. 12. Jac. Hill (HyUe, Reg.). Bed.
Apr. 12. Car. Bulkley. Hampt.
1536. Jan. 22 (Historical year). Hen. Walshe. Wig. Sch. 1543.
Jan. 22. Bic. Bowre. Lane.
Aug. 3 (Eccl. year). Bodolph. Bobinson. Line. Sch. 1542. (Men-
tioned as a translator of More's Utopia, &c. A.W. Ath.)
Jan. (no day given). Job. Procter. Som. A. W. Ath.
Jan. Bob. Bound (or Bownde). Dor. Sch. 1537.
Jan. 26. Tho. Greenway (or Greneway). Hampt. Sch. 1541.
Pr. 1561.
BOBEBTUS MOBWENT.
Secundus Prseses. 1537. Nov. 26.
1537. Dec. i. Joh. Guning (or Gunnynge). Som.
Dec. i. Joh. Fowler. Gloc. Sch. 1541.
Dec. i. Gul. Bowghton. Kent. Sch. 1540.
1 Curtopp was an adherent and friend of Peter Martyr, and a patron of Jewel, but
he reverted to the Romish religion in the time of Mary. He wrote an Oratio
Panegyrica, addressed to Henry VIII, in 1544. There is a curious story, con-
necting his death with a dream of Jewel, told in Humfrey's Life of Jewel, p. 31.
FROM 1530 TO 1545. 385
Dec. i. Gul. Mylton. Hampt.
1538. Apr. 26. Hog. Welden. (Northumberland.) Sch. 1542.
Apr. 26. Hob. Tyndar. Wilton. 13 10. Sch. 1543.
Mai. 7. Florentinus Elys. Ox.
Mai. 7. Gul. Peter. Dev. 13 10.
Feb. 21. Ric. Heyward. Kent. Sch. 1544.
(1539.) Mar. 26. Anth. Dysney. Line.
Mar. 26. Rob. Nebb. Hampt.
Jul. 12. Joh. Moryng. Dev. Sch.
Aug. 19. Egidius Lawrence. Gloc. (Fellow of All Souls. Reg.
Prof. Greek. Archdeacon of Wilts.)
Aug. 19. Joh. Jewel (Juell)1. Dev. Sch. 1542. (pp. 91-8.)
A.W. Ath.
Dec. 20. Joh. Freeman. Gloc. Sch.
1540. Mai. 11. Ric. Edwards. Som. Sch.i544. (p.ioi.) A.W. Ath.
Mai. ii. Gul. Pannell. Som.
1541. Mar. 29. Joh. Lybi(y)n. Som. Sch. 1547.
Mar. 29. Tho. Ogle (Ogull. Reg.). Line.
Mar. 29. Chris. Edmunds. Ox. 14 2.
Mai. 6. Ric. Peter. Dev. Sch. 1546.
Jul. 1 6. Ric. Cooke. Hampt.
Aug. 19. Anth. Pollard. Sur.
Aug. 19. Gul. Bullman. Som.
Aug. 19. Chris. Mi(y)chell. Lane. 14. Sch. 1545.
Nov. 4. Justinianus Lancaster. Hampt. Sch. 1545.
1542. Mai. 24. Chris. Madewell. Line.
Mai. 24. Franc. Ashley. Dunelm. Co. Durham. 14. Sch. 1547.
Oct. 10. Edw. Maske. Kent.
Oct. 10. Erasmus Prin. Gloc. 144.
Dec. 31. Tho. Elder. Bed.
1543. Mai. 12. Joh. Batt. Dev.
Mai. 12. Tho. Plumtree. Line.
Aug. 17. Walt. Read. Gloc. 14.
1544. Mai. 9. Joh. Cooke. Hampt.
Aug. 13. Leon. Ranolph. Kent. (Spelt Randolphe in margin of
Reg., and Randolle in admission as Sch.) Sch. 1547.
Aug. 13. Joh. Jones. Ox. 14 2. Sch. 1549.
Dec. 13. Rob. Linch (Lynche). Kent. 13 i\.
1545. Mai. 4. Gul. Gerrell. Wilton.
Jul. 28. Gul. Cole. Line. Sch. (Probably born at Grantham. See
p. 124.) Praesesis68. Dec. Line. A.W. Ath. An. Antiq.
Jul. 28. Joh. Bold. Lane. Sch. 1548.
Jul. 28. Gul. Heron. Dunelm. Co. Durham.
1 Jewel, according to Lawrence Humfrey, was born May 24, 1522, and was,
therefore, about 17 yrs. 3 months old at his admission at C.C.C. In the Register,
he is described as 1 7 when admitted Disc., ' circiter diem Simonis et Judas '
(Oct. 28), but whether past or to come is not stated. In the form of his admission
as Sch., he is described as 21, 'circiter diem vicesimum mensis Maii prox.'
C C
386 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Jul. 28. Bie. Bechinsaull. Hampt.
Aug. 25. Egidius George. Gloc. Sch. 1548. (p. 371.)
Feb. 26. Gul. Good. Som. Sch. 1548. Hum. Lector. A. W. Ath.
fed. 26. Job. Laurence. Som. Sch. 1548.
1546. Aug. 6. Geo. Phetiplace. Bed. 14 4. Sch. 1550.
Aug. 6. Job. Dolber. Dev. Sch. 1549.
Oct. 19. Bic. Allen. Gloc. Sch.
1547. Apr. 2. Tho. Thacham. Gloc. Sch.
Nov. 7. Gilb. Marsant. Hampt. 136.
Nov. 7. Gul. Talbot. Dor.
Dec. 17. Bic. Hall. Hampt. 13 4.
Jun. (?/a«.) 17. Gul. Girle. Wilton.
Jun. (1 Jan.} 22. Bob. Keye. Wilton.
Jun. (? Jan.) 22. Tho. Ki(or y)rton. Gloc. Sch. 1550.
Jun. (? Jan.) 22. Pet. TTmphres (or Humphres). Ox.
Jun. (1 Jan.) 22. Walt. Curson. Ox. Sch. 1551.
Mar. 21. Edw. Kingesmel. Hampt. Sch.
Mar. 21. Edw. Gilford. Kent.
Mar. 21. Job. Byve. Dev. Sch. 1554.
1548. Apr. 21. Jac. Bell. Som. Sch. 1551. ( One of the first Fel-
lows of Trinity. Confounded with John Bell, who was
admitted Lect. Hum. Jan. 30, i56|, q. v.) A. W. Ath.
Apr. 21. Edw. Boughton. Kent. Sch. 1551.
Apr. 21. Jasper Turnbull. Line.
Jun. 15. Hieron. Beynolds. Dev. Sch. 1556. (pp. 110-113.)
A.W. Ath.
Jun. 15. Joh. Esden. Kent. Sch. 1557. (Spelt Ersden.)
1549. Aug. 27. Tho. Thomson (Tomson). Dunelm.
Aug. 27. Geo. Cartwright. Nott. Admissus in Discipulum man-
date Delegatorum Domini Regis Edw. 6. (pp. 99, 100.)
Jan. 10. Gul. Nayler. Line. Sch. 1552.
Mar. 12. Joh. Hodges. Gloc.
Mar. 12. Nich. Grey. Dev.
1550. Jun. 23. Anth. Mervin. Hampt.
Nov. 25. Gul. Walden. Ber.
Nov. 25. Joh. Jones. Gloc. Sch. 1554.
Nov. 25. Chris. Gill. Som. Sch. 1552.
Nov. 25. Edw. Anne. Ox. (pp. 96-7.)
1551. Apr. 13. Geo. Parke. Line.
Oct. 12. Tho. Basset. Hampt. Sch. 1552.
Oct. 12. Bob. Hicford. Gloc. Sch. 1552.
Oct. 12. Gul. Mugg. Kent. Sch. 1553.
Oct. 12. Bog. Prin. Gloc.
(Feb. 20. Jasper Turnbull1. Line. Sch. 1555.)
1 This Jasper Turnbull, who corresponds with the one admitted Sch. in 1555, is
evidently different from the one admitted Disc, in 1548, unless there is some
mistake in one of the entries.
FROM 1545 TO 1557. 387
Feb. 20. Hob. Harrison1. Lane. (p. 125.)
Feb. 20. Tho. Payne. Dor. Sch. 1554.
Feb. 20. Tho. James. Som.
Feb. 20. Hen. Bedell. Ox.
{Feb. 20. Beg. Braye. Bed.)
1552. Jul. 30. Alex. Dunnet. Hampt.
Jul. 30. Job. Holwell. Dev. 14 4.
Sep. 29. Steph. White. Sur. Sch. 1552.
1553(2). Mar. 24. Marcus Courl. Hampt. Sch. 1554.
Mar. 24. Walt. Ringwood. Hampt. (Admitted Sch. as Walt.
Kingswood, Mar. 3, 1555.)
Mar. 24. Gul. Phelps. Som. Sch. 1557.
Mar. 24. Gul. Gressop. Ber. (i.e. Dioc. Sarum.) Sch. 1558.
Aug. 23. Nic. Heyward. Kent. Sch. 1557.
Aug. 23. Bic. Sanders (or Saunders). Gloc.
Aug. 23. Edw. Hopkinson. Line. Sch. 1554.
Aug. 23. Andreas Kingsme(y)ll. Hampt. 141. A. W. Ath.
1554. Jun. 9. Gul. Absolon. Kent. Sch. 1556.
Jun. 9. Joh. Brooks (Brokes). Wig. Sch. 1555.
Jun. 9. Tho. Sampole (St. Paul). Line.
Jun. 9. Joh. Angell. Gloc.
Jun. 9. Joh. Bond (Bounde. Reg.). Line. 14 z\. Sch. 1557.
Jul. 31. Jac. Fenn. Som. Sch. 1558.
Jul. 31. Joh. David. Dev. '
Feb. 1 6. Walt. Roche. Dev. Sch. 1558.
Feb. 1 6. Anth. Molynax. Lane.
Feb. 16. Gul. Shepreve. Ber. (Le. Dioc. Sarum.) 14. Sch. 1558.
A.W. Ath.
1555. Mai. 18. Perciv. WaU. Dunelm. Sch. 1556.
Mai. 1 8. Geo. Huet. Bed. 13 9.
Aug. 31. Hen. Townrow. Line.
Mar. 3. Bic. Phelps. Ox.
1556. Jun. 26. Joh. Scolard. Hampt. Sch. 1558.
Jun. 26. Edm. Thomas. Hampt.
Aug. 14. Hen. Wotton. Proc. Univ. Graecse linguae Lector. (Of
Ch. Ch. On being elected Greek Reader and Fellow of
C. C. C, he was, by the Statutes, obliged to resign the
Proctorship.)
Sep. 28. Gul. Clerck. Hampt. 14. Sch. 1559.
Sep. 28. Joh. Lightfoot. Gloc.
Jan. 8. Milo Windesore. Hampt. Sch. 1560. (pp. 101, 126.)
A.W. Ath.
1557. Jul. 31. Joh. Lancaster. Som.
Aug. 17. Edm. Reynolds. Dev. Sch. 1559. (pp. 76, 126, 159-60.)
1 There is a Robert Harrison admitted Sch. May 5, 1555, and then said to be
1 6 years of age. Is there some mistake in one entry or the other, or are they
different persons ?
C C 2,
388 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Aug. 17. Lauren. Twine. Kent.
Aug. 17. Tho. Chaff. Dev.
Aug. 17. Bog. Johnson. Bed. 14 4. Sch. 1560.
Nov. 5. Radulphus Wood. Gloc. Sch. 1558.
Jan. 28. Milo Leigh. Lane. 14 4.
Jan. 28. Joh. Hall. Line.
1558. Jun. 9. Jac. Tonge. Kent. Sch. 1560.
Aug. 20. Geo. Harris. Gloc.
Aug. 20. Edw. Bowden. Dunelm. Co. Durham. Sch. 1561.
GULIELMUS CHEDSEY.
Tertius Praeses. 1558. (Sep. 15.)
1558. Jan. 24. Bog. Jaques. Hampt. Sch. 1560.
Jan. 24. Humf. Ashfleld. Ox.
Mar. 24. Steph. Hardy. Sur.
Mar. 24. Ludov. Mugg. Kent.
Mar. 24. Joh. Hooke. Dunelm. Co. Durham.
Mar. 24. Augustinus G-olsborowgh. Wilton. Sch. 1561.
1559. Apr. 14. Joh. Bayner. Line.
Apr. 14. Simon Tripp. Dev. Sch. 1563. (pp. 122, 133-7.)
Oct. 20. Hen. Wood. Wig.
Oct. 20. Bic. Joyner. Ox. Sch. 1564.
Oct. 20. Art. Greenacres. Lane. 127.
GULIELMUS BUTCHEB (or BOCHEB, or BOUCHEB).
Quartus Prseses. 1559. Dec. 15.
1559. Jan. 2. Tho. Weston. Kent.
Jan. 2. Andreas Dowle. Gloc.
Jan. 2. Tho. Lancaster. Som. 14.
1560. Jun. 21. Joh. Sprint. Gloc. 13 n. Sch. 1563.
Jun. 21. Tho. Sclocomb (or Slocombe). Gloc.
Jut. 6. Tho. Twine. Kent. 139. Sch. 1564. (Father of Brian
Twine and a considerable author.) A. W. Ath.
Oct. 12. Tho. Gi(or y)llingham. Dor. Sch. 1566.
Oct. 12. Geo. Bound. Line. Sch. 1561.
Oct. 12. Steph. Bull. Kent. 13 6.
Oct. 12. Tho. Humphres. Ox. 139.
Nov. 2. Tho. Portescu. Dev. Sch.
Jan. 14. Joh. Lancaster. Som. Sch.
Mar. 21. Bic. Webb. Som. Sch. 1564.
Mar. 21. Gul. Turnbull. Line. 12 10.
Mar. 21. Anth. Tye. Dev. 133.
1561. Jul. 20. Nic. Norwood. Bed. 13.
Jul. 20. Tho. Merist. Sur.
Jul. 20. Bic. Allyn. Line. 13 10. Sch. 1566.
Oct. 4. Hen. Sterr. Dor.
Dec. 13. Tho. Morres (Norresse. Reg.). Lane.
FROM 1557 TO 1567. 389
THOMAS GREENWAY.
Quintus Presses. 1561. Jan. 3.
(156f. Jan. 30. Job. Belle. Lect. Hum. 'pro com. Surrey.' He
was an extern, probably from Oriel (see note on pp. 371-2,
and Foster, under John Belly). In the Libri Magni spelt
Bellie or Belly.)
1562. Feb. 6. Joh. Barefoot. Hampt. Sch. 1566. {pp. 124, 139-41.)
1563. Apr. 29. Tho. Greenway. Hampt.
Apr. 29. Joh. Reinolds. Dev. Disc, at 13 7. Prob. Fellow at 17.
Sch. 1566. Pr. 1598. A.W. Ath.
JuL 9. G-eo. Rudd. Westmorl. Admissus Soc. et Lect. Gr. Ling.
(One of the first Fellows of Trinity. Warton's Life of
Pope, p. 399.)
Dec. 24. Rog. Charnock. Lane. 14. Sch. 1566.
Feb. 12. Hen. Coo(or w)per. 145. Hampt. Sch. 1568.
Mar. 3. Chris. Ranson. Dunelm. Co. Durham. Sch. 1568.
1564. Sep. 5. Hen. Evans. Gloc. Civ. Gloc. 14. Sch. 1566.
Nov. g. Joh. Petty. Hampt. Sch.
Nov. 27. Ric. Kyre. Kent.
Nov. 27. Gul. Smith. Hampt. Sch. 1568.
Nov. 27. Joh. Withers. Dev. 14 5.
Nov. 27. Tho. Lightfoot. Gloc. Civ. Gloc. (Mayismoore, i.e. Mais-
more).
Nov. 27. Tho. Simonson. Kent.
Dec. 8. Peter Temple. Ox. 135.
1565. JuL 20. Joh. Matthew. Wilton.
Oct. g. Joh. Lane. Dev. Sch. 1568.
Jan. 5. Michael Parker. Gloc.
Jan. 5. Geo. Napper (or Napier). Ox. 1311. (pp. 126-7.)
1566. Apr. 12. Rog. Lancaster. Som. Sch. 1566.
Apr. 12. Joh. Pottle. Gloc. 13. Sch. 1568 at 15 4.
Sep. 25. Joh. Norton. Hampt. 13 8. Sch. 1569 at 16 7.
Nov. g. Ric.Turnbull. Line. 1310. Sch. 1569 at 1 6 7. A.W. Ath.
Nov. g. Joh. St(y)ile. Bed.
Nov. g. Gul. Cullam. Dev. Sch. 1573.
Nov. g. Car. Bi(y)ngham. Dor. Sch. 1568.
Feb. 25. Joh. Cheyney. Hampt. Sch. 1568.
Feb. 25. Geo. Bagge. Som.
Feb. 25. Tho. Key. Line. Sch. 1568.
Feb. 25. Tho. Beynam. Gloc.
1567. Aug. 15. Walt. Jones. Ox. Sch. 1569.
Oct. 20. Tho. Culpeper. Kent. 145. Sch. 1570.
Oct. 20. Joh. Nott. Sur.
Oct. 20. Ric. Stephens. Gloc. Sch. 1569
390 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
GULIELMUS COLE.
Sextus Presses. 1568. Jul. 19.
1568. Aug. 6. Geo. Hanson. Line. Sch. 1573.
Aug. 6. Milo Bodley (or Bodeley). Dev.
Aug. 6. Tho. Cole. Gloc. Sch. 1575.
Aug. 6. Jon. Sledd. Sur.
Aug. 6. Gul. Napper (or Napier). Hampt. Sch.
Aug. n. Tho. Watts. Wilton. Elected for Somerset.
Oct. 15. Jon. Seller. Lane. Sch. 1570.
Feb. 7. Jon. Cole. Dor. Sch. 1570.
Feb. 7. Petrus Prye. Dev. Sch. 1574.
Feb. 7. Humf. Coles. Kent. Sch. 1571.
Feb. 7. Leonardus Tayler. Ox. Sch. 1574.
1569. Aug. 20. Bob. Pister. Hampt.
Aug. 20. Tho. Knight. Sur. Sch. 1572.
Aug. 20. Franc. Baker. Bed. Sch. 1571.
Aug. 20. Joh. Alen. Line.
Aug. 20. Joh. Willoms. Wig. (El. for Hants.)
Aug. 20. Gul. Leche. Bed.
Aug. 20. Joh. Greenway. Hampt. Sch. 1574.
1570. Oct. 6. Nic. Morice. Som. Sch. 1574. Lector Humanitatis.
<PP- 133-4, MS-6; ^S-)
Dec. i. Sam. Beck. Ox. Sch.
Feb. 9. Hugo Barnard. Cant. Sch. 1572.
Feb. 9. Gul. Harward. Gloc. Sch. 1579.
Feb. 9. Joh. Powell. Wilton.
1572. Apr. 4. Steph. Gossons l. Cant.
Apr. 4. Gul. Wilde. Lane.
Apr. 4. Bic. Cobb. Hampt. Sch. 1579.
Dec. 13, Nic. Collet. Hampt.
Mar. 13. Gul. Nutt. Cant. Sch. 1577.
1573. Jul. ii. Joh. Walward. Som. Sch. 1576.
Dec. 24. Gul. Nicholson. Cant. Sch.
Dec. 14. Car. Turnbull. Line. Sch. 1579. Qui Horoscopum in
area quadrata C.C.C. erexit. (pp. 153, 183.) A.W. Ath.
Dec. 24. Bic. Hooker. Dev. Sch. Sep. 16, 1577. Elect. Disc, pro
Com. Hampt. set. 19 an. & 9 mens.2 (pp. 147-153.)
A.W. Ath.
1 A. W. Ath. Ox. Described as of Ch. Ch. But this must be a mistake for
C. C. C., as the date of election is exactly the same as that here given. See also
A. Clark's Register, vol. ii. pt. 3, p. 62.
2 Hooker is described on admission as 20 about Easter following. Easter Day
in 1574 fell on April u. The statutable limits of age for a Disciple were 12 and
19, but, in cases of pre-eminent excellence, it might be extended to 21. Cp. ad-
mission of Edm. Thomas in 1556, who was about the same age as Hooker, of
W. Girle in 1547, who is described as 20, Roger Morwent in 1528, also 20, and
J. Gybryshe in 1527, also 20, besides several instances of ' discipuli assumpti '
soon after the foundation of the College, whose ages were 19 or 20. Soon after
FROM 1568 TO 1582. 391
1574. Apr. 3. Hen.Howke. Sur. 14 2. Disc. Adm. 1572. Jurat. 1574.
Aug. 13. Tho. Bishopp. Ox.
Mar. 1 8. Franc. Wright. Line.
1575. fun. 10. Job. Sherburne. Hampt.
fun. 10. Ambrosius Hill. Som.
fun. 10. Job. Martyn. Bed.
fun. 10. Gul. Brodoek. Hampt.
Jan. 6. Joh. Langley. Cant.
1576. Mar. 31. Gul. Tye. Dev.
Sep. 3. Bic. Burden. Dunelm. Co. Durham.
Nov. 13. Gul. Waterer. Sur.
Nov. 13. Hen. Parry. Wilton. Glocest. deinde Episcopus Wigorn-
iensis. 14 2. Sch. 1586. A. W. Ath.
Jan. 4. Joh. Lucas. Som. Sch. 1585.
Jan. 4. Bob. Allott. Line.
Jan. 4. Edna. Norton. Hampt. 13 n.
1577. Sep. 16. Edw. Sands. Wig. Sch. 1579. (pp. 153-4.)
A. W. Ath.
Sep. 1 6. Chris. Langley. Cant. Sch. 1583.
Sep. 1 6. Geo. Sellar. Lane.
fan. 10. Gul. Stayning. Dev.
Jan. 10. Gul. Wright. Bed. 14 2.
Jan. 10. Geo. Cranmer. Cant. 123. Juratus Dec. 22, 1579. Sch.
J583- <PP- I53-4-) A.W. Ath.
1578. fun. 10. Joh. Spenser. Suff. Graecae linguae Lector pridie
elect, et adm. Nunc jurat, et 7 Mali 1579 Soc. Adm. pro
dioc. Sarum. (vide pp. 143-4.) Pr. 1607. A.W. Ath.
1579. Sep. 4. Franc. Towes. Som. Sch. 1586.
Sep. 4. Justinianus Whiting, Ox.
Sep. 4. Sam. Kyrk. Gloc. Sch. 1582.
Sep. 4. Bic. Ackworth. Hampt. 14. Sch. 1588.
Feb. 6. Gul. Fulbeck. Line. Sch. 1582. A.W. Ath.
Feb. 6. NIC. Ively (Eveleighe, when adm. Sch.). Dev. Sch. 1588.
Feb. 6. Chris. Lacy. Gloc. (Bristol, when adm. Sch.) Sch. 1587.
Feb. 6. Ben. Bussell. Line. Sch. 1583.
Feb. 6. Zach. Hooker l. Dev. Sch. 1587.
1581. Apr. 3. Matt. Bond. Hampt. Sch. 1581.
Jul. 7. Jac. Standish. Lane.
ful. 7. Joh. Chenell. Sur. Sch. 1587.
Oct. 22. Gul. Hubbuck. Dunelm. Dioc. Durham. Sch. A.W. Ath.
Dec. 22. Hen. Porredge. Cant. Sch.
1582. Dec. 8. Gul. Storr. Line. Sch. 1588.
Hooker's admission, several cases occur of the admission of Disciples between 18
and 19.
1 The entry of Zach. Hooker as Discip. occurs in the margin of the Register,
though not in the body of the Instrument, which is imperfect and breaks off before
it comes to his name. The particulars about him are obtained from his admission
as ' Scholaris.'
392 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Dec. 8. Simon Potinger. Hampt.
Dec. 8. Franc. Kingsmill. Hampt. 1211.
Dec. 8. Ewanus Aray. Dunelm. Co. Durham. Sch. 1590.
Dec. 22. Anth. Martyn. Dor. (i.e. Dioc. Sarum).
1583. Sep. 7. Geo. Nutt. Cant.
Sep. 21. Alex. Gill. Line. (High Master of St. Paul's. Milton's
Master.) A. W. Ath.
Dec. 21. Gul. Orson. Line. Sch.
1584. Mar. 26. Arnoldus Sawle. Gloc. 14 3.
Nov. 6. Marcus Westbrook. Sur. Sch. 1590.
Mar. 12. Joh. Hoare. Hampt. Sch. 1590.
1585. Mai. 19. Tho. Cranmer. Cant. 14 i. Sch. at 15!, 1586.
Mai. 28. Gul. Hart. Cant.
Aug. 20. Bic. Collerd. Som. b. at Taunton. Sch. 1588.
1586. Jun. 22. Tho. Cole. Ox.
Aug. 30. Sebast. Benfeild. Gloc. Sch. 1590. ( Margaret Professor
of Divinity.) A. W. Ath.
1587. Apr. 30. Hen. Radclif. Lane.
Apr. 30. Chris. Membrie. Som. Sch. 1588.
Apr. 30. Jac. Astin. Cant. Sch. 1591.
Jun. 10. Edw. Farbrace. Cant. Sch. 1594.
Jun. 10. Sam. Page. Bed. 12 6. Sch. 1590 at 15^. A.W. Ath.
Jan. 13. Edw. Higgs. Gloc.
Jan. 13. Petrus Hooker. Dev. Sch. 1592. (Master of the Charter-
house.)
Jan. 13. Rob. Burghill. Gloc. b. at Dymmoke (Dymock). Sch.
1594- <P- I54-) A. W. Ath.
Jan. 13. Adam. Noyse. Wilton. 138.
1588. ^#§'.24. Joh. Barcham(orBarkcombe). Dev. Sch. 1596.
Dean of Bocking. (pp. 154-5.) A.W. Ath.
Sep. 14. Tho. Barber. Line.
Oct. 6. Hen. Hindly. Lane. Sch. 1596.
Nov. 9. Gilb. Hawthorn. Som. Wells. Sch. 1597.
Feb. 21. Bic. Samaways. Som. Sch. 1597.
1589. Mar. 29. Bic. Brown. Hampt. 14. Sch. 1594.
Jul. 17. Ric. Allen. Line. Sch. 1596.
Nov. 15. Rob. Barrel. Hampt. Sch. 1590.
Jan. 12. Marmad. Lodington. Line.
1500. Apr. 24. Peter Bowne. Bed. Sch. 1597. A.W. Ath.
Apr. 24. Joh. Boate. Sur.
Apr. 24. Sam. Walter. Ox.
Apr. 24. Abr. Mosan. Sur.
Jul. 4. Joh. Bradford. Hampt.
Sep. 9. Tho. Unwyn. Hampt. Fr. cog.
1591. Jun. 2. Manasses Troward. Cant.
1592. Mar. 31. Jos. Hill. Cant. Christchurch (i. e. Cant. Cath.).
Oct. 8. Dan. Parker. Gloc. Barnwood. Sch. 1598.
Oct. 8. Gualt. Browne. Sur. Bookham. Sch. 1599.
FROM 1582 TO 1602. 393
Oct. 8. Edm. Orson. Line. Grantham.
1593. Apr. 30. Hen. Morgan. Dev. Sydmouth.
Oct. 1 2. Tim. Elkes. Wilton. Bishopstowne.
1594. Dec. 13. Brianus Twyne. Sur. 145. Sch. 1605. {Son of
Thomas Twyne. See p. 109.) (p. 155.) A. W. Ath.
Dec. 13. Job. Simpson. Cant. Canterbury. Sch. 1600.
Dec. 13. Joh. Mason. Dunelm. Co. Durham. Sch. 1596.
Dec. 13. Dan. Fertlough1. Ox. Sch. 1602. (p. 155.) A.W. Ath.
1595. Mar. 27. Chris. Green. Gloc. Henburie(Henbury). Sch. 1605.
1596. Apr. 26. Joh. Adison. Hampt.
Jul. 9. Geo. Bayley. Hampt. Sch. 1599.
Jul. g. Gul. Huckmore. Dev.
Jul. g. Edw. Greenhalgh. Lane. 14 3.
Jul. g. Bic. Allen. Line. Sch. 1599.
Mar. 24. Tho. Jackson. Dunelm. Witton sup. Weere, Durham.
Sch. 1606. Pr. i63£. A.W. Ath.
1597. Apr. 1 6. Joh. Hales. Som. Highchurch <nr. Bath). 13.
(p. 155.) A.W. Ath.
Mai. 4. Gill. Cooper. Sus. Frost cog. Southarting (South-
Harting). 14.
Jan. 3. Chris. Sclater. Bed. Leighton Buzzard. 13 4. Sch. 1609.
Feb. 10. Joh. Berry. Dev. Tiverton. A.W. Ath.
Feb. 10. Edw. Yates. Hampt. Basingstoke. 126.
Mar. 2. Alex. Sidnam. Som. 13 6.
1598. Jun. 24. Edm. Atwood. Gloc. Oxendon(ton). Sch. 1606.
JOHANNES REYNOLDS.
Septimus Prseses. 1598. Dec. 14.
1599. Mai. 8. Geo. Webb. Wilton. Episcop. Limerick. A.W. Ath.
Aug. 17. Brentius Gulliford. Cant.
Aug. 17. Abr. Allen. Line. Sch. 1603.
Aug. 17. Joh. Lidham. Cant. 13 6.
Jan. 3. Joh. Holt. Sur. Chertsey. 13 n. Sch. 1611. Pr. 1629.
1600. Mat. 1 6. Gul. Tod. Hampt. Upton Gray.
Mai. 1 6. Gervasius Nevill. Line. Luddington. Sch. 1611.
Dec. 2. Joh. Hall or Haull. Hampt. Sch.
Dec. 2. Gab. Hunyfold. Cant. Sch.
Dec. 2. Gul. Beely. Bed. Sch.
Feb. 27. Alex. How. Dev. Sch. 1608.
Mar. g. Tho. Anyan. Cant. Sandwich. Sch. 1608. Pr. 1614.
1601. Jan. 23. Bob. Barcroft. Lane. Blackborn hundred. 14 4.
Sch. 1612.
Jan. 23. Joh. Hampton. Hampt. Stoke. Sch. 1612.
1602. Sep. 20. Franc. Barcham. Dev.
1 Variously called Fertlongh, Fairclough, Fairclowe, and Fertley. Only 1 1 years
9 months old when admitted.
394 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Dec. i. Hen. Jackson. Ox. St. Mary's, Oxford. Sch. 1612.
(p. 170.) A.W. Ath.
1603. Jul. 19. Petrus Thatcher. Som. Queen Cammell. Sch. 1613.
Jul. 19. Hog. Waite. Line. Wallham (Waltham). 14 3.
1604. Jan. n. Hen. Drew. Wilton. Devizes.
1605. Jun. 7. Bob. Lodington. Line. Scotton.
Jan. 25. Edw. Hurd. Som. Long Sutton. Sch. 1614.
1606. Jun. 2. Tho. Holt. Sur. Chertsey. Under 13. Sch. 1614.
Jun. 2. Josuah Aisgill. Gloc. Gloucester city. Sch. 1613.
Jul. 25. Matt. Colmore. Dunelm. Durham city. Sch. 1614.
Oct. 20. Anth. Cla(o)pton. Gloc. Broadwell. 12 7. Sch. 1614.
1607. Mai. i 1 . Franc. Allen. Line. Stoke.
Mai. ii. Nic. Bayly. Hampt. Shipton. Qui primus e Collegio
nostro honorem Procuratorium gesserit. anno Domini
1621. Apr. ii. Sch. 1614.
JOHANNES SPENSEB.
Octavus Prseses. 1607. Jun. 9.
1608. Sep. 23. Mich. Jermin. Dev. Knowston. Sch. 1615.
A.W. Ath.
Sep. 23. Bic. James. Hampt. Newport, I. W. Sch. 1615. (p. 175.)
A.W. Ath.
Jan. 4. Hen. Parry. Cant. Canterbury. Sch. 1614.
1609. Jul. 15. Tho. Andrews. Bed. Eversholt. Sch. 1615.
Jul. 15. Gab. Briges. Wilton. Chipnam(Chippenham). Sch. 1616.
1610. Dec. 1 8. Joh. Storr. Line. Cunningsbie (Coningsby).
1611. Apr. 8. Hen. Seller. Cant. Eythorne. Sch. 1617.
Oct. 12. Hen. Geering. Line. Winterton. Sch. 1617.
Jan. ii. Ben. Eliot. Sur. Godalming. Sch. 1620.
1612. Jun. 23. Dan. Hollyday. Lane. Clitherow. Sch. 1619.
Jun. 23. Gamaliel Chace. Dev. Membrie (Membury). Sch. 1616.
Oct. 15. Joh. Hooker. Hampt. Odiham.
Oct. 15. Tho. Gorstelow. Ox. Prescott, in par. of Cropredy.
Sch. 1620.
Nov. z. Bic. Thomson. Line. Gainsborough. 14 10. Sch. 1621.
1613. Jun. 1 1 . Edm. Bead. Som. Sandford.
Jan. 26. Bouseus Clopton. Gloc. Dodswill(Dowdeswell). Sch.i623-
THOMAS ANYAN.
Nonus Praeses. 1614. Jun. i.
1614. Nov. 7. Bob. Kingman. Som. East-horrington. (In ad-
mission as Fellow, St. Cuthbert's, Wells.) Sch. 1622.
Nov. 7. Bob. Hegg. Dunelm. Durham city. (Compiler of this list
down to about I6291.) Sch. 1624. (p. 183.) A.W. Ath.
1 In the first Register, under the year 1624, there is the note, in the hand-writing
of Fulman, ' Mr. Hegge in Collegio obiit Apoplexi Ann. 1629.'
FROM 1602 TO 1628. 395
Nov. 7. Bob. Nulin (Newlin or Newlyn). Hampt. Priors-deane.
Sch. 1622. Pr. 1640 and again 1660.
Nov. 7. Gul. Spenser. Hampt. Wolverton. Sch. 1624.
1615. Jun. 7. Tho. Norwood. Cant. Canterbury.
Jun. 7. Isaacus Taylour. Sur. Lambeth. Sch. 1627.
Jun. 7. Rawleighus Bellot. Dev. Bossome Scale (i. e. Bozon
Zeale or Bosom's Hele, in parish of Dittisham). 145.
Jun. 1 6. Benedictus Webb. Gloc. Wotton-Underedge. Sch. 1624.
Oct. 2. Ric. Feild. Hampt. Burclere (Burghclere). 134. Sch.
1627. (Son of Richard Field, Dean of Gloucester.)
Oct. 4. Edm. Stanton. Bed. Woobourne (Woburn). 13 \\\.
Sch. 1616. Pr. 1648-60. A.W. Ath.
1616. Aug. 14. Chris. Bayly. Wilton. Stanton Barnard.
1617. Apr. 19. Tho. Sainthill. Dev. Broadeninch (Bradninch).
Sch. 1627.
Apr. 25. Joh. Rowland. Bed. Eaworth. In 1619, when sworn,
Eiyeworth (Eyworth). 13 7.
Dec. 9. Barth. Man. Cant. Chartham.
Mar. 13. Rob. Lark. Line. Gainsborough.
1619. Nov. 9. Rob. Ken wrick. Lane. Earlston. 193. Sch. 1627.
1620. Dec. ii. Jac. Holt. Sur. Thorpe. 145. Sch. 1628.
Dec. ii. Edw. Pocock. Ox. St. Peter's in the East, Oxford. Sch.
1628. (pp. 183-4.) A.W. Ath.
1621. Jul. 27. Joh. Rainbow. Line. Blyton. Sch. 1629.
Jul. 27. Joh. Kerswell. Som. Croscombe. Sch. 1629.
Jan. 5. Elias Wrench. Gloc. Gloucester. Sch. 1630.
1622. Sep. 19. Gul. Chapman. Som. Bath. Sch. 1630.
Sep. 19. Joh. Sampson. Hampt. Lymington.
1623. Dec. ii. Steph. Bridges. Wilton. Hardenhuish nr. Chipnam
(i.e. Chippenham). Sch. 1631.
Mar. 15. Nic. Simpson. Cant. Canterbury. Sch. 1631.
1624. Feb. 18. Geo. Stratford. Gloc. Guyting. 13 9. Sch.
1632.
Feb. 1 8. Rob. Blackiston. Dunelm. Sedgfield, co. Durham.
1625. Apr. i. Steph. Waller. Buck. Amersham. Bucks. 13 3.
1626. Nov. 4. Joh. Newell. Dev. Upline (Uplyme). Sch. 1634.
1627. Apr. 5. Tho. Dysney. Line. Norton Disney. Sch. 1635.
(Eq. fil.)
Mat. 31. Noel Sparke. Kent. Sandwich. Sch. 1632.
Aug. 7. Edm. Vaughan. Sur. Ashted. Sch. 1633. (p. 184.)
A.W. Ath.
Aug. 7. Gul. Lake. Dev. Broadhemston. Sch. 1634.
Mar. 15. Tho. Greaves. Hampt. Colmer. A.W. Ath.
Mar. 15. Tho. Harrison. Lane. Prescott.
Mar. 15. Joh. Barlow. Hampt. Cathedral Precincts, Winchester.
13 3.
1628. Oct. 4. Tho. Samon (Sammon). Ox. All Saints', Oxford.
Sch. 1637.
396 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Feb. 13. Gul. Finch. Sur. Croydon.
Feb. 13. Joh. Hillersdon. Bed. Battlesden. Sch. 1638. (Arch-
deacon of Buckingham.}1
JOHANNES HOLT.
Decimus Preeses. 1629. Mai. i.
1630. Mar. 26. Rob. Tilson. Line. Gedney.
Mar. 26. Ric. Samwaies. Som. Ilminster. Sch. 1638. (p. 184.)
A. W. Ath.
Oct. 30. Ant. Robinson. Gloc. St. Nicolas, Gloucester. Sch. 1638.
THOMAS JACKSON.
Prseses Undecimus. 1630. Feb. 17.
1630. Mar. 24. Tho. Powell. Som. Wells. 13 n. Sch. 1640.
1631. Aug. 1 6. Simon Barksdall. Hampt. Winchester.
Aug. 16. Joh. Heywood. Lane. Berry (Bury). 14 2. Sch. 1641.
Aug. 1 6. Tho. Francklin. Cant. Ashford. Sch. 1640.
1632. Mar. 26. Gul. Welford. Dunelm. Bishopton, co. Durham.
Sch. 1640.
Mai. 25. Jac. Hyde. Wilton. 15 Cathedral Close, Salisbury. Sch.
1641. (Reg. Prof. Med. and Principal of Magdalen
Hall.)
Oct. 25. Joh. Wrench. Gloc. St. Mary Virgin, Gloucester.
Mar. 19. Joh. Gookin. Cant. Northbourne.
1633. Oct. 25. Joh. Sigismund Cluver. Sur. St. Saviour's, Southwark.
1634. Oct. 8. Rob. Carey. Dev. Berry Pomeroy. Sch. 1641.
(p. 193.) A. W. Ath.
Oct. 8. Joh. Hackwell. Dev. St. Mary's, Exeter. Sch. 1641.
1635. Nov. 1 6. Joh. Lambe. Cant. Ch. Ch. Cath., Canterbury.
Feb. 1 6. Joh. Kind. Line. Winterton. Sch. 1641.
Feb. 1 6. Jos. Smith. Line. Burton Super Monte.
1636. Oct. 1 7. Joh. Tooke. Sur. St. Olave's, Southwark.
Jan. 14. Tho. Drury. Sus. Marden. 13 \\\. Sch. 1642. Fr. cog.
Mar. 1 6. Joh. Sparke. Hampt. Brown Candover.
1637. Jun. 9. Jac. Jackson. Hampt. Overton. Sch. 1644.
Aug. 3. Gul. Clayton. Ox. St. Mary's, Oxford. Sch. 1642.
1638. Jan. 30. Tho. Sutton. Sur. St. Saviour's, Southwark. Sch.
1644.
Jan. 30. Hen. Gale. Bed. Staughton.
Jan. 30. Joh. Hampton. Gloc. Dunsbourne-Rouse. 127.
Jan. 30. Jos. Barker. Som. Higham. Sch. 1646.
1639. Jan. 17. Hen. Townsend (or Townsen). Gloc. Temple
Gayton (i. e. Temple Guiting).
1 At about this point, or probably a little earlier, Hegge's own entries end.
FROM 1628 TO 1647. 397
BOBEBTUS NEWLIN.
Praeses Duodecimus. 1640. Oct. 9.
1640. Oct. 30. Jac. Simpson. Cant. St. Alphege, Canterbury.
Feb. 5. Abr. Speeding. Dunelm. Gretham, co. Durham. Sch.
1644.
1641. Apr. 6. Gul. Parsons. Som. St. Decuman's, Somerset.
Mai. 5. Bob. Stephens. Gloc. (Name of parish left blank.)
Aug. 28. Geo. Halsted. Lane. Burnly. Sch. 1646.
Nov. 26. Zach. Bogan. Dev. Little Hempston. Sch. 1647.
A.W. Ath.
Nov. 26. Hen. Button. Gloc. Esington. Sch. 1647. (Northleach
in admission as Sch.)
Nov. 26. Tho. Imings. Wilton. Harnisse. 13 2§. (Father's abode
described in Matric. Reg. as Stratford, co. Hereford.
(? mistake for co. Wilts.))
Nov. 26^ Jon, Swete. Dev. Modbury.
1642. fun. 7. Jon. Pypard. Line. Basingham.
Jun. 7. Gul. Lydall. Ox. Ibston.
Jun. 7. Tho. Sanderson1. Line. Boothby. Sch. 1644.
2Feb. 7. Tristram Alexander. Hampt. Winchester (Cath. Pre-
cincts).
Feb. 12. Joh. Bets. Hampt. Winchester (Cath. Precincts), (p. 196.)
A. W. Ath.
1644. Mai. 13. Joh. Clarke. Hampt. Basingstoke.
1644. Year only given. (In Matr. Reg. Mai. 10, 1643.) Gamal.
Clarkson. Ox. Horley.
1645. Do. <In Matr. Reg. Mar. 28, 1645.) Gul. Coldham. Sur.
Waverley.
1647. Jan. 28. Hen. Glover. Wilton. Meere (Mere). 20.
Jan. 28. Gul. Stampe. Hampt. Kingsclere.
Jan. 28. Bic. Warre. Som. Petherton.
Jan. 28. Norton Bold. Hampt. Nutley.
Jan. 28. Jac.Metford. Som. Crookhorne(Crewkerne). (pp. 202-3.)
Jan. 28. Gul. Tonstall. Dunelm. Long- Newton, Durham.
Jan. 28. Tho. Johnson. Lane. Rochdale.
Jan. 28. Tim. Parker. Gloc. Alderton. (pp. 212, 215.)
Jan. 28. Tho. Teacle. Gloc. Hilbert's Hull.
Jan. 28. Tim. Shute. Dev. St. Martin's, Exeter.
Jan. 28. Joh. Fountaine. Dev. Parkham, Devon.
Jan. 28. Gul. Fulman. Cant. Penshurst. (pp. 196-9, 212, 215.)
A. W. Ath. and Ann.
1 Son of Robert Sanderson, Bishop of Lincoln.
2 On Nov. 4, 1642 (on occasion of the admission of Thomas Drury to be Schol.),
the date of birth is, for the last time, given approximately on some Church festival.
For some years before, the practice had been dropping out, but, in the earlier years
of the Register, it was almost universal.
398 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
EDMUNDUS STAUNTON.
Prseses decimus tertius Authoritate Parliament! electus
ac constitutus Mail 22, 1648.
Socii & Discipuli in Collegium Corporis Christi electi ac in Comi-
tatus designati a Delegatis & Visitatoribus Authoritate Parliamenti
constitutis.
1648. Jul. 14. Joh. Sa(w)yer. Bed. (reputed. See p. 227 and
fol. 14 of Parliamentary Register). Disc.
Jul. 14. Ezechiel Webb. Wilton, (reputed). Disc.
Jul. 14. Franc. Nelson. Line, (reputed). Disc.
Jul. 1 8. Joh. Billingsley. Kent (reputed). Soc. A.W. Ath.
Jul. 1 8. Sam. Byfleld. Sur. (reputed). Soc.
Jul. 1 8. Bic. Byfleld. Hampt. (rep.). Disc.
Jul. 20. Gul. Gardyner. Som. (rep.). Disc. Sch. 1653. Then set. 27.
Jul. 20. Joh. Lisle. Gloc. (rep.). Disc.
Jul. 21. Tho. Whitehorne. Dev. (rep.). Soc.
Jul. 21. Sam. Laddiman (or Ladyman). Line. (rep.). Soc.
(Formerly Servitor. Submitted.)
Jul. 21. Sam. Surges. Gloc. (rep.). Soc.
Jul. 21. JosiahLane. Ox. (rep.). Disc. (Formerly Clerk. Submitted.)
Jul. 2 1 . Ben. Way. Kent (rep.). Disc.
Jul. 2 1 . Josiah Ballard. Gloc. (rep.). Disc.
Sep. 29. Bic. Abbott. Hampt. (rep.). Soc.
Sep. 29. Joh. Prowse. Sur. (rep.). Soc.
Sep. 29. Joh. Dodd. Gloc. (rep.). Soc.
Oct. 2. Joh. Bowe. Line. (rep.). Soc. (p. 231.) A.W. Ath.
Oct. 3. Joh. Milward. Som. (rep.). Soc.
Oct. 3. Tim. Stephens. Hampt. (rep.). Soc.
Oct. 3. Elisha Bourne. Lane. (rep.). Soc.
Oct. 3. Marc. Hildsley. Disc.
Oct. 3. Edw. Disney. Hampt. (rep.). Disc.
Oct. 3. Gul. Ford. Sur. (rep.). Disc. Sch. 1655.
Oct. 3. Nathaniel Whettam. Kent (rep.). Disc.
Oct. n. Joh. Forde. Hampt. (rep.). Soc.
Oct. ii. Tho. Thornton. Dev. (rep.). Disc.
Oct. n. Andr. Wandrick. Line. (rep.). Disc. Sch. 1653.
Oct. n. Tho. Malthus( house). Hampt. (rep.). Disc. Sch. 1651.
Oct. 13. Dan. Bainer. Sur. (rep.). Disc.
Oct. 13. Tho. Johnson. Lane. (rep.). Disc. Sch. 1653.
Oct. 13. Nathaniel Anderson. Dev. (rep.). Disc.
Oct. 23. Tobias Tidcombe. Dur. (rep.) Soc.
Nov. 2. Gul. Parsons. Som. (rep.). Soc. (Submitted as Scholar.)
Nov. 2. Zach. Bogan. Dev. (rep.). Soc. (Had probably submitted
after May 15.) A.W. Ath.
Dec. 2. Tho. Guilston (or Gilson). Ox. (rep.). Soc.
Dec. 1 8. Bic. Warr. Som. (rep.). Disc. (Submitted.)
FROM 1648 TO 1655. 399
1649. Mai. 24. Sam. Ashurst. Bed. (rep.). Disc.
Oct. 22. Tho. W(r)ight. Dur. (rep.). Disc. Sch. 1654.
1651. Jun. 26. Gul. Long. Dev. (rep.). Disc. (pp. 226, 227.)
Discipuli secundum formam Statutorum electi.
1649. * Jan. 10. Job. Martiue. Ox. Sch. 1656.
Jan. 10. Edm. Dickenson. Bed.
1650. Mai. 6. Franc. Staunton. Sur.
Jun. i. Geo. Tibball. Wilton. Sch. 1651.
Sep. 12. Nic. Page. Hampt.
Oct. 1 8. Joh. Paris. Kent. Sch. 1653.
Oct. 24. Pet. Glubb. Dev.
Mar. 15. Joh. Kerridge. Gloc. Sch. 1653.
Mar. 17. Tho. Harrison. Kent.
1651. Apr.*]. Joh. Berrowe. Gloc. Sch.
Mai. 30. Noah Webb. Hampt. Sch. 1653.
Jun. 19. Joh. Oliver. Som.
Nov.S. Jos. Allen. Wilton. <p. 231.) A.W. Ath. Sub Allein.
1652. Jun. 21. Tho. Bettesworth. Hampt. Fr. cog.
Dec. 29. Tho. Duncumb. Sur. Sch. 1657.
Jan. 17. Edw. Nelthorp. Line.
1653. Apr. 25. Chris. Coward. Som. Sch. 1659.
Jul. 4. Tho. Terry. Hampt.
Jul. 4. Jac. Wild. Lane. Sch. 1658.
Jul. 4. Joh. Francklen. Wilton. Sch. 1655.
Jul. 27. Gul. Durham. Gloc. Cambden (Reg. of 1660), i.e.
Campden. Sch. 1661. (Admission deferred till Feb. 10,
on account of illness. At that time aet. 15.)
Nov. 28. Joh. Roswel (or Rose well). Som. Sch. 1656. (p. 231.)
A. W. Ath. Sub Robert Sanderson.
Nov. 28. Nath. Mewe. Gloc. Sch. 1656.
Nov. 28. Tho. Spenser. Kent.
1654. Jun. g. Dan. Agas. Sur. ? Baron Elmes. Sch. 1660.
Jun. g. Geo. Beinel (or Beynell). Hampt. ? Benstrade. Sch.
1657.
Jul. 28. Joh. Peachell. Line. Sch. 1655.
Jul. 28. Nic. Horseman. Dev. Sch. 1656. A. W. Ath.
Jul. 28. Andr. Crispe. Dunelm. Co. Northumb. (Berwick, Reg.
of 1660). Sch. 1661.
Mar. 24. Gul. Lamer (or Lardner). Hampt.
1655. Jun. 26. Gul. Osburne. Sus. Fr. cog.
Jun. 28. Joh. Oxford. Bed.
Oct. 27. Corn. Disney. Line.
Nov. 16. Franc. Parry. Wilton. Salisbury (Reg. of 1660). Sch.
1662.
1 The dates given from this point down to Thomas Spenser in 1653 are usually
those of election, not admission.
400 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Nov. 1 6. Joh. Wickes. Kent. Sch. 1659.
1656. Mai. 15. Jac. Hopkins. Dev.
Sep. 8. Tho. Lawe. Line.
Oct. 29. Theodorus Fletcher. Gloc. Stroude (Reg. of 1660).
Sch. 1663.
Oct. 29. Amos Berry. Ox. All Saints, Oxford (Reg. of 1660).
Sch. 1664.
1657. Jul. 3. Nathanael Cole. Hampt. Liss(Lyss) (Reg.of 1660).
Sch. 1663.
Jul. 3. Sam. Lanfire. Som. Badgworth (Reg. of 1660). Sch.
1666.
Jul. 3. Joh. Wilcox. Dev.
Aug. 21. Joh. Ewer. Sur.
Sep. 12 (? Dec.}. Joh. Beale. Kent. Biddenden (Reg. of 1660).
12 6. Sch. 1666.
1658. Jul. 13. Tho. Palfreyman. Line.
Jul. 24. God. Winckley. Lane. Garstang (Reg. of 1660). Sch.
1663.
Sep. 16. G-ul. Drury. Cant. (Spelhurst Reg. 1660.) Sch. 1669.
1659. Dec. 9. Bic. AUeyn. Kent. Sch. 1666.
1660. Mai. 2. Caleb Jones. Som.
Jul. 1 6. Hen. Hill. Sur. Sch. 1669.
Post Restaurat. Car. 2.
(ROBERTUS NEWLYN. Restauratus 1660, Jul. 31.)
1660. Sep. 12. Ben. Parry. (Dean of St. Patrick's and Bishop of
Ossory.) Electus Prsel. L. Grsecse et Soc. (pp. 259,
370.) A.W. Ath.
1661. Dec. 12. Latimer Crosse. Line.
Dec. 12. Jac. Sessions. Hampt. Charlton (? Chawton). Sch. 1670.
Dec. 12. Franc. Roper. Dunelm. Trindon.
These three names are omitted from Register of Disc.
1662. Jun. 3. Hen. Jones. Gloc. Parish left blank.
Jun. 3. Ric. Browne. Gloc. Corse. Sch. 1671.
Jun. 3. Jac. Bristow. Line. Roxbie.
Jun. 3. Geo. Bell. Dunelm. Wolsingham, co. Durham.
Jul. 10. Alex. Cheek. Ex. Exeter. 13 8.
Sep. 1 8. Tho. Paris. Wilton. Marlborough. Sch. 1670.
Sep. 1 8. Jonathan Houghton. Bed. Eton-Bray.
Nov. 25. Jac. Levett. Sur. Putney.
1663. Mai. 22. Joh. Shepheard. Ex. Modbury, Dev. Sch. 1672.
Oct. 6. Tho. Turner. Gloc. Bristol. Sch. 1672. Prges. 1687.
Archdeacon of Essex. A. W. Ath.
Oct. 6. Hugo Barrow. Lane. Wigan. Sch. 1673.
1664. Apr. 9. Joh. Pottinger. Hampt. St. Mich., Winchester.
(PP- 234-5, 259.)
Aug. 23. Tho. Newlin. Ox. Ewelme.
FROM 1655 TO 1677. 401
Dec. 30. Tho. Long. Ex. St. Lawrence, Exeter. Sch. 1673.
1666. Jun. 1 8. Nie. Pickard. Line. Stanford.
Jul. 23. Edw. Penny. B. and W. Bruton, Somerset. Sch. 1673.
Nov. 20. Pain. Ellwood. Cant. Sandwich. Sch. 1673.
Nov. 20. Sam. Barton. Cant. Harisham (Harrietsham). Sch. 1674.
A.W. Ath.
Mar. 19. Matt. Curtois. Line. Lissington. 19 2\. Sch. 1675.
(pp. 252-254.)
1667. Mai. 10. Franc. Sclater. Bed. Luton. Sch. 1675. (An-
cestor of present Lord Basing.)
Mai. 10. Sam. Earle. B. and W. Taunton. Sch. 1675.
Jan. 22. Hen. Parkhurst. Sur. Chertsey. Sch. 1676.
Mar. 21. Job. Newlin. Ox. Bix.
1668. Jul. 14. Radolphus Bell. Dunelm. Hamsterley, Durham.
1669. Dec. 7. Ric. Newlin. Sur. Egham. Sch. 1676.
1670. Apr. 20. Ric. Tayler. Hampt. Winchester. Sch. 1680.
Jan. 31. Jac. Parkinson. Ox. Witney. A.W. Ath.
Jan. 31. Job. Creed. Wilton. Codford.
1671. Mai. 2. Joh. Duke. Hampt. Stuckton. Sch. 1681.
Mai. 2. "Franc. Goodwin. Hampt. Hinton. Sch. 1681.
Jun. 23. Jon. Gyse. Gloc. Sainthurst. Chaplain at Aleppo.
1672. Mai. 21. Joh. Osmond. Ex. St. Mary Otterey, Devon.
Sch. 1 68 1.
Dec. 24. Mich. Tayler. Line. Grantham.
1673. Jun. 2. Geo. Halsted. Lane. Burnley. Sch. 1683.
Nov. 21. Nic. Prideaux. Ex. Houlsworthy, Devon.
1674. Apr. 20. Gul. Hallifax. Line. Springthorpe. Sch. 1682.
Chaplain at Aleppo, (p. 259.) A.W. Ath.
Apr. 20. Art. Parsons. B. and W. West buckland. Sch. 1676.
Apr. 20. Joh. Bradshaw. Cant. Maidstone. (p. 254.) A.W. Ath.
Jun. 9. Rob. Newlin. Ox. Bix.
Jun. 25. Joh. Hungerford. Ox. Oxford. Sch. 1684. (pp. 250-1.)
Dec. 23. Joh. Fielder. Hampt. Hartley Wespail. Fr. cog.
Mar. 4. Gul. Boys. Cant. Canterbury.
1675. Aug. 20. Joh. Kirchewill. Line. Grantham. Sch. 1684.
Aug. 20. Gul. Drake. Ex. Musbury.
Nov. 19. Steph. Hurman. B. and W. Wells. Sch. 1684. (p. 272.)
Feb. i. Gul. Creed. Wilton. Codford. Sch. 1686.
Mar. 10. Car. Audley. Bed. Bigleswade. Sch. 1687.
1676. Oct. 20. Car. Coxe. Sur. Beddington. Sch. 1689.
Nov. 6. Joh. Manship. Sur. Guilford. Sch. 1690.
1677. Apr. 2. Hen. Helliar. B. and W. Chew, Somerset. Sch.
1687. A.W7. Ath.
Jun. 22. Nathaniel Ellison. Dunelm. Newcastle on Tyne. Ad-
missus Sch. (Archdeacon of Stafford.)
Dec. i. Tho. Johnson. Dunelm. Middleton in Teesdale.
Dec. i. Chris. Wase1. Cant. Tunbridge. Sch. 1690.
1 Son of Christopher Wase, the antiquary and classical scholar, whose MSS. are
Dd
402 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
1680. Nov. 6. Matt. Palmer. Gloc. Badgington (i.e. Bagendon).
1682. Apr. 27. Tho. Button. Hampt. Wolverton. Sch. 1690.
Apr. 27. Gul. Buckeridge. Hampt. Kingscleare. Sch. 1691.
Apr. 27. Gul. Sevill. Gloc. Bysley(Bisley). Sch. 1692. A.W. Ath.
Apr. 27. Jac. Colmer. Ex. Truro, Cornwall.
Mar. 10. Hen. Williamson. Line. Westborough. 135.
1683. Oct. 9. Eic. Allyn. Ex. Plymouth. Sch. 1693.
1684. Apr. 12. Rob. Bolton. Lane. Wigan. Sch. 1693.
Jul. 10. Tho. Norgrove. Ox. Chipping Norton. 141. Sch. 1693.
Oct. 1 8. Tho. Bartlett (Reg. Barttelet). Sus. Stopham. Fr. cog.
Oct. 1 8. Jon. Edgcombe. Ex. Plymouth.
1685. Apr. 2. Edw. Siston. Line. Grantham.
Apr. 2. Joh. Davis. B. andW. Wells. Sch. 1694.
Aug. i. Tho. Rivers. Cant. Penshurst.
Mar. 23. Josiah Dockwray. Dunelm. Whitburne, Dur. Sch. 1694.
1686. Jun. 1 6. Kettilby Phillips. Wilton. North Bradly.
1687. Apr. 15. Car. Betsworth. Sus. Tratton (Trotton). Sch.
1696. Fr. cog.
Jun. 3. Sam. Bromesgrove. Line. Carlton.
Jul. 23. Edm. Chishull. Bed. Ey(e)worth. Sch. 1696. Chaplain
at Smyrna. A. W. Ath.
Jul. 25. Ric. Crosse. B. and W. Thurloxton, Somerset.
THOMAS TURNER.
Presses Decimus Quartus. 1687. Mar. 13.
1688. Dec. 1 1 \ Edm. Brickenden. B. and W. Corton-Denham,
Somerset, (p. 263.)
1689. Oct. 22. Jae. Perkins. Sur. Moulsey.
Dec. 26. Franc. Dickens. Cant. Moiling.
1690. Oct. 3. Joh. Geree. Sur. Farnham. Sch. 1699.
Dec. 20. Basilius Kennet. Cant. Postling. Sch. 1697. Pr. 1714.
Chaplain at Leghorn.
1691. Apr. 28. Gul. Dingley. Hampt. Newport, I. W. Sch. 1700.
A.W. Ath.
Apr. 28. Edm. Perkes. Gloc. Mickleton. Sch. 1700.
Feb. i. Joh. Bruges. Hampt. Winchester. Sch. 1704.
1692. Aug. 9. Gul. Tilly. B. and W. Martock, Som. Sch. 1697.
Jan. 12. Tho. Bisse. Gloc. Oldbury. Sch. 1701. (p. 271.)
1693. Jun. 13. Humph. Dene. Ex. Clist-Heydon, Devon.
Dec. 22. Josuah Reynolds. Ex. St. Tho. Ap., Exeter. Sch. 1701.
(Uncle of Sir Joshua Reynolds.)
in the Library. C. Wase of C.C. C. is buried in the cloisters. He probably left
to the College some of its coins. See Hearne's Diaries, i. 133.
1 Edm. Brickenden's admission is dated 'Anno Regni Jac. II. nunc Regis
Anglise &c. quarto.' It was the last day of James' reign. After this entry, the
regnal year ceases to be given.
FROM 1680 TO 1711. 403
Dec. 22. Joh. Porter. Line. Sotby.
Dec. 22. Joh. Mather. Lane. Manchester. Sch. 1704. Pr. 1714.
Jan. 18. Joh. Rogers. Ox. Ensham. Sch. 1706. (p. 271.)
1694. Aug. 18. Joh. Long. B. and W. Bath. Sch. 1705.
Aug. 1 8. Cuthb. Ellison. Dunelm. Hebborn, co. Dur. Sch. 1706.
1605. Mai. 9. Rob. Burton. Line. Kirton.
Dec. 12. Gabriel St. Barb. Wilton. Salisbury. Sch. 1708.
Dec. 12. Tho. Porter. Line. Sotby. Sch. 1708.
1696. Aug. 28. Tim. Kinsman. Hampt. Sherfeild.
Oct. 15. Joh. Beckett. Bed. Bedford. 13. Sch. 1709.
1697. Sep. 7. Gul. Woodward. Hampt. '(Baghurst, Matric. Book.)
Sch. 1709.
1698. Mai. 20. Edv. Cook. Cant. Marsham.
Mai. 20. Geo. Sandys. B. a.nd W. Yeovelton, Somerset.
Mai. 20. Hen. Cheynell. Sur. Guilford.
1699. Mai. 25. Sam. Reynolds. Ex. (Father of Sir Josh. Reynolds.)
Feb. i. Hen. Lee. Sur. Lambeth.
1700. Jun. 3. Car. Gardiner. Line. Lincoln. Sch. 1709.
Jun. 3. Radulphus Pomphret. Cant. Biddenden.
Jan. 21. Tho. Coleborne. Hampt. Broughton. Sch. 1711.
1701. Jun. 1 8. Ric. Nelmes. Gloc. Wooton Underedge. Sch. 1711.
1702. Jun. 17. Nathl. Tranter. Gloc. Newent. Sch. 1712.
Mar. 3. Gul. Harrington. B. and W. Kelston, Som. Sch. 1713.
1703. Sep. 13. 8 Hen. Vincent. Sur. Stoake (Matric. Book).
1704. Mar. 6. Joh. Spry. Ex. Exeter. Sch. 1713.
Mar. 6. Elias Bishop. Ex. Exeter. Sch. 1714.
Mar. 6. Jac. Penton. Lane. Lancaster.
1705. Sep. 20. Ric. Healy. B. and W. Wells. Sch. 1714.
Dec. 22. Joh. Napleton. Cant. Lynksted. Sch. 1715.
1706. Jul. 5. 2 Gualt. Bartelett. Fr. cog.
Jul. 12. Tho. Acworth. Ox. Purton.
Oct. ii. Jos. Carr. Dunelm. Newcastle on Tyne.
1707. Jan. 10. 2 Tho. Leigh. Sur. Sch. 1716. (London, Matric.
Book.)
1708. Jul. 20. 2 Carew Reynell. Line. (West Halton.) Sch. 1716.
Dec. 30. Joh. Ballard. Wilton. Salisbury. Sch. 1717.
1709. Mai. 2. Herb. Beaver. Hampt. Wickham.
Jun. 9. Rog. Farbrother. Hampt. Southampton.
Nov. 14. 2 Jac. Stephens. Cant. Sch. 1719. (Margate, Matric. Book.)
Aug. ii. Geo. Sharp less. Lane. Liverpool.
Aug. n. Barnabas Smith. Line. Panton. Sch. 1717.
1710. Jun. 14. Edv. Wise. Ox. Newnham.
1711. Jun. 1 8. Edm. Yalden. Sur. Haslemore.
Jun. 1 8. Geo. Nicols. Lane. Flixtone. Sch. 1719.
1 In Matriculation Register (1693-1709) W. Woodward is described as of Bag-
hurst, Hants. But these entries are, at that time and long subsequently, of the
father's residence rather than of the son's birth-place.
2 No parishes given in College Register.
D d 2
404 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Jun. 1 8. Theoph. Leigh. Gloc. Adlestrop. Sch. 1717. <p. 271.
Master of Balliol.)
Sep. 8. Marmad. Norcliffe. Bed. Aspley.
1713. Oct. 22. Hen. Luffe. B. andW. Ashill, Somerset. Sch. 1720.
Oct. 22. Joh. Burton. Ex. Wemworthy, Dev. Sch. 1721. (p. 271.)
Oct. 22. Joh. Craster. Dunelm. Chester le Street.
Jan. 28. Joh. Harrison. Gloc. Cirencester. Sch. 1720.
BASILITIS KENNETT.
Prseses Decimus Quintus. 1714. Mai. 15.
1714. Oct. 14. Joh. Richards. Ex. Exeter. Sch. 1721.
JOHANNES MATHER.
Prseses Decimus Sextus. 1714. Jan. 12.
1715. Mai. 19. Tho. Healey. B. and W. Wells. Sch. 1721.
Nov. 19. Tho. Randolf. Cant. Canterbury. 14 3. Sch. 1722.
Pr. 1748.
Feb. 27. Ric. Brickenden. Hampt. Chauton. Sch. 1724.
1716. Jul. 18. Geo. Aylmer. Hampt. Petersfield (F)1. Sch. 1725.
Dec.*]. PetrusBettesworth. Sus. Petsworth. 136. Sch. 1726. Fr.cog.
1717. Mar. 28. Gilb. Jackson. Ox. Cudsdon (Cuddesdon). 125.
Sch. 1726.
Mar. 28. Franc. Ayscough. Sur. (No place given.) Sch. 1727.
Dean of Bristol. Preceptor to Geo. III. (pp. 278-9.)
Mar. 28. Gul. Symes. Sur. Southwark (F). Sch. 1726.
Mai. 29. Tho. Pollen. Line. Lincoln.
Oct. 21. Swithinus Adee. Wilton. Devizes. 13.
Oct. 21. Tho. Thache. Gloc. Gloucester. Sch. 1729.
1718. Apr. 19. Tim. Knight. Line. Lincoln.
Mar. 14. Joh. Thomson. Dunelm. Kellow, co. Durham. Sch. 1730.
1719. Feb. 20. Joh. Randolph. Cant. Canterbury.
1720. Jun. 18. Tho. Morton. Lane. Bolton. Sch. 1730.
Dec. 15. Jac. Tarsey. Bed. Leighton Buzzard. Sch. 1721 (at 16 4).
1721. Mar. 31. Joh. Castelman. Gloc. Cubberly <F).
Mar. 31. Car. Goddard. B. and W. Wrin(? g)ton. Som. (F).
Jul. 10. Joh. Hume. Ex. Milton Abbotts, Devon. <p. 282.)
Mar. 17. Ric. Hutchins. Bed. Leighton Beaudesart. Sch. 1731.
1722. Jun. 1 6. Oliverus Naylor. Ex. Tawstock, Devon (F).
Jun. 16. Tho. Paget. B. and W. Pointington, Somerset (F). Sch.
1723. Mai. 16. Joh. Smith. Cant. Preston. 13 3.
Nov. 9. Art. Bransby. Line. Grimsby.
1724. Jul. 7. Gul. Bradley. Hampt. Church Oakley. Sch. 1731.
1 F = Foster's Alumni Oxonienses. But these places are often those of the
father's residence, not of the son's birth-place.
FROM 1711 TO 1739. 405
1725. Oct. 29. Car. Kinchin. Hampt. Woodmancote (F). 14.
Sch. 1731. (One of the early 'Oxford Methodists.')
Oct. 29. Geo. Randolph. Cant. Canterbury (F).
1726. Apr. i. Joh. Marshall. Ex. Barnstaple <F). Sch. 1732.
Oct. i. Jac. Muscat. Sur. Mitcham (F). Sch. 1733.
Oct. i. Elias Taunton. Ex. Liscard, Cornwall. Sch. 1734.
Feb. 12. Franc. Smyth. Line. Panton. 15.
1727. Mai. 27. Tho. Winder. Hampt. Rotherwick. 13. Sch. 1734.
Mai. 27. G-ul. Castle Nichols. Ox. Oxford. Sch. 1733.
1728. Apr. 20. Gul. Osmer. Sur. Chiddingfold. 12.
Jan. ii. Joh. Jubb. Line. Lissington.
1729. Mai. i. Franc. Henchman. Wilton. Salisbury. Sch. 1734.
Mai. i. Joh. Hardress. Cant. Canterbury. Sch. 1734.
Mai. i. Lawson Huddleston. B. and W. Kelston, Somerset.
Jan. 29. Edw. Ford. Gloc. Bristol. Sch. 1735.
1730. Mai. 27. Gul. Wells. Line. Grantham.
Aug. 22. Bic. Fawcet. Dunelm. Durham City (F). Sch. 1738.
Jan. 26. Joh. Newton. Gloc. Gloucester City.
Jan. 26. Franc. Randolph. Cant. Canterbury. Sch. 1738.
1731. Jun. 3. Tho. Patten. Lane. Warrington. Sch. 1737. (p. 282.)
Oct. 21. Tho. Crawley. Bed. Dunstable. Sch. 1738.
Oct. 21. Tho. Dampier. B. and W. Blackford, Somerset.
1732. Jun. 15. Tho. May. Hampt. Basing. Sch. 1739.
Jun. 15. Hen. Pinnell. Sus. Frittleworth. Sch. 1739. Fr. cog.
Jun. 15. Joh. Reeks. B. and W. Yeovil. Sch. 1735.
Nov. 10. Ben. Wilding. B. and W. Bath. Sch. 1740.
1733. Jun. 13. Nat. Forster. Ex. Plymstock. Sch. 1739. (p. 282.)
Jun. 13. Abr. Atkins. Sur. St. Olave's, Southwark.
1734. Apr. 20. Joh. Ford. Sur. Farnham. Sch. 1741.
Apr. 20. Joh. Baker. Ox. Oxford. Sch. 1743.
Apr. 20. Joh. Huysh. Ex. Clistheydon (Clyston-Hydon, Devon).
Sch. 1741.
Oct. 9. Petrus Peckard. Line. Welborne. Sch. 1744.
Feb. 8. Tho. Monro. Cant. Greenwich. Sch. 1745.
1735. Jul. 25. 1Chas. Hall. Hampt. Basingstoke. Sch. 1742.
Jul. 25. Bernard Kirkham. Gloc. Stanton.
Jul. 25. Joh. Sam well. Wilton. Market Lavington. Sch. 1745.
Jul. 25. Joh. Warneford. Gloc. Miserden. Sch. 1745. (Camden
Prof. Anc. Hist.)
Nov. i. Wm. Larkham. Sur. Richmond. Sch. 1745.
Nov. i. Joh. Smith. B. andW. Milborne Port, Somerset.
1737. Oct. 27. Tim. Neve. Line. Spalding. 13. Sch. 1745. Mar-
garet Professor of Divinity. Bampton Lecturer.
Oct. 27. Streynsham Master. Lane. Win wick.
1738. Nov. 30. Rob. Lynch. Cant. Ripple.
Nov. 30. Wm. Harrison. Dunelm. Durham. Sch. 1749-
1739. Apr. 6. Edwd. Towersey. Bed. Bedford. Sch. 1747.
1 From this point the entries are usually in English.
406 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
Jul. 20. Jas. Hampton. Hampt. Bishop's Waltham.
JuL 20. Wm. Bearre. Ex. Newton Abbott. Sch. 1749.
1740. Jun. 23. Tho. Cooke. Hampt. Winchester. Sch. 1750.
Jan. i. Rich. Healy. B. andW. Wells.
1741. Oct. 10. Job. Corpe. B. and W. Gorton Denham.
Nov. 30. Hen. Mitchell. Sur. Richmond.
Nov. 30. Sam. Starky. Lane. Rochdale. Sch. 1752.
Mar. 8. Lucy Hammond. B. and W. Halse, Somerset.
1742. Jun. 12. Wm. Vivian. Ex. Little Petherick, Corrrtvall. Sch.
1752. Reg. Prof. Medicine.
Mar. i. Chas. Dobson. Hampt. Winchester. Sch. 1754.
1743. Feb. 27. G-eo. Beaver. Ox. Oxford. 1311. Sch. 1755.
1744. Nov. 19. Hen. Peckard. Line. Welbourne.
1745. May 3. Chas. Reeks. B. and W. Yeovil. Sch. 1755.
May 3. Wm. Camplin. B. and W. Brompton Ralph, Somerset.
Sch. 1756.
Oct. ii. Jos. Wells. Wilton. Manningford Bruce. Sch. 1756.
Nov. 23. Edm. Filmer. Kent. East Sutton.
Nov. 23. Joh. Wickham. Gloc. Clifton. Soc. Baliol.
Mar. 12. Rich. Skinner. Gloc. Dead(Did)marton. Sch. 1757.
Mar. 12. Joh. White. Sur. Compton.
Mar. 12. Tho. Hurst. Line. Stamford. Sch. 1758.
1746. Feb. 7. Chas. Lawson. Line. East Kirkby. (High Master
of Manchester Gr. Sch.)
1747. Jan. 13. Edwd. Simons. Bed. Cuddington. Sch. 1758.
THOMAS RANDOLPH.
Seventeenth President. 1748. Apr. 23.
1748. Dec. 5. Edwd. WeUer. Kent. Maidstone. Sch. 1759.
1749. May 5. Wm. Finden. Hampt. Alton. Sch. 1759.
May 5. Tho. Pettener. Sur. Worplesdon. Sch. 1759.
Nov. 21. Rich. Shepherd. Line. Marsham le Fen. Sch. 1760.
Nov. 21. Tho. Hornsby. Dunelm. Durham. Sch. 1760. (p. 290.)
Feb. 26. Sam. Musgrave. Ex. Washfield, Devon.
1750. Oct. 19. Joh. Cooke. Hampt. Winchester. Sch. 1761.
Pr. 1783.
1751. May n. Arnold Carter. Sur. Guildford.
Nov. 14. Sam. Weller. Kent. Maidstone. Sch. 1761.
17521. Apr. 14. Wm. Stafford Done. Gloc. Gloucester. Sch. 1762.
{Archdeacon of Bedford.)
1753. Mar. 2. Joh. Whitaker. Lane. Manchester. Sch. 1763.
(p. 290.)
Mar. 2. Tho. Barnard. Ex. Whitestone, Devon. Sch. 1763.
Bishop of Limerick.
1754. Dec. 12. Tho. Amis. Hampt. Winchester.
1 From this year onwards, the year begins on Jan. i.
FROM 1739 TO 1770. 407
1755. Nov. 10. Job. Russell. Ox. Soulderne. 8^1.1763.
Nov. 10. Jos. Gunning. B. and W. Swainswick, Som. Sch. 1763.
1756. Oct. g. Rich. Crosse. B. and W. Cannington, Somerset.
1757. Feb. 9. Wm. Stratton Liddiard. Wilton. Ogbourn.
Apr. 25. Sam. Clark. Gloc. Kempsford. Sch. 1764.
Apr. 25. Tho. Brown. Hampt. Tichfield. Sch. 1764.
1758. May 29. Joh. Churchill. Ex. Morchard Bishop, Devon.
Sch. 1769.
May 29. Humph. Sibthorpe. Line. Lincoln. See Foster's Al. Ox.
13 7. Sch. 1764.
May 29. Geo. Rugeley. Bed. Potton. Sch. 1769.
1759. Jul. 13. Edwd. Andrews. Kent. Hinxhill.
Jul. 13. Tho. Stockwell. Hampt. Dummer. Sch. 1769.
Oct. 17. Gab. Tahourdin. Sur. Farnham.
Oct. 17. Jas. Weller. Sur. Guildford.
1760. Jun. 26. Joh. Tesh. Line. North Kelsey. Sch. 1770.
1761. Feb. 26. Wm. Scott. Dunelm. Heworth. 154. Afterwards
Lord Stowell. (p. 291.)
Nov. g. Chas. Collins. Sus. Midhurst. Fr. cog.
1762. Mar. 25. Herb. Randolph. Kent. Petham. 14 \\. Soc.
Magd.
Dec. 23. Joh. Keble. Gloc. Fairford. Sch. 1772. (Father of the
Author of the Christian Year.)
1763. Apr. 23. Joh. Green. Lane. Leigh.
Apr. 23. Joh. Buckland. Ex. Woolborough, Devon. Sch. 1771.
Jul. 2. Wm. Bradley. Ox. Heyford at Bridge. Sch. 1772.
Oct. 6. Joh. Hunt. B. and W. Compton Pauncefort, Somerset.
Soc. Om. An.
Oct. 6. Harry Purlewent. B. and W. Bath. Sch. 1773.
1764. Jan. 7. Edwd. Norwood. Kent. Ashford. Soc. Or.
Jun. 29. Chas. Wilkins. Hampt. Husborn-Tarrant.
Oct. 4. Chas. Wake. Wilton. East Knoyles. Sch. 1775.
Oct. 4. Martin Stafford Smith. Gloc. Hucklecott. Sch. 1774.
1765. Mar. 2. Tovey Jolliffe. Hampt. St. Nicholas, Newport,
I. W. Sch. 1777.
Mar. 2. Edwd. Bromhead. Line. Lincoln.
Mar. 2. Geo. Clarke. Dunelm. Newcastle on Tyne. Sch. 1777.
Jun. 4. Edwd. Pulham. Sur. Compton. Soc. Merton.
1768. Mar. 25. Walker King. Lane. Whalley. Sch. 1778. Bishop
of Rochester, (p. 291.)
Mar. 25. Sam. Partridge. Line. St. Swithin, Lincoln. Soc. Magd.
Oct. 12. Chas. Tahourdin. Sur. Wey bourne, Farnham. Sch. 1780.
Oct. 12. Ric. Jacob. Kent. Waterin(?g)bury. Sch. 1780.
1769. May 5. Hen. Beeke. Ex. Kingsteignton, Dev. (p. 291.)
May 5. Joh. Parker. Bed. Bedford. Sch. 1781.
Oct. 23. Matt. Dowding. Kent. Tunbridge Wells.
Oct. 23. Jas. Cotton. Hampt. Winchester.
1770. Jul. 6. Wm. Lipscombe. Hampt. Winchester, (p. 291.)
408 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS.
Oct. 24. Job. Parkinson. Line. Randill(Ravendale). Soc.Magd.
Oct. 24. Win. Bryant. B. and W. Bridgewater. Soc. Line.
1771. Oct. 31. Franc. Swann. Line. (Swinderby. Foster, Al. Ox.)
Oct. 31. Wm. Moore Newnham. Sur. Ash. Sch. 1783.
1772. Feb. 19. Jon. Newte. Ex. Tiverton, Devon.
Nov. 2. Jon. Skelton. Line. Goxhill. Sch. 1783.
Nov. 2. Sara. Seyer. Gloc. Bristol.
1773. Feb. 25. Chas. Alcock. Ox. Bucknell. Soc. Nov. Coll.
Nov. 26. Jas. Beaver. Ox. Lewknor. 12 n. Sch. 1784.
1774. Mar. 5. French Laurence. B. and W. St. James, Bath.
Sch. 1784. {p. 291.)
Oct. 21. Jon. Page. Gloc. Bibury.
1775. Feb. 22. Tho. Burgess. Hampt. Odiham. Sch. 1784. Bishop
of Salisbury, (p. 291.)
Jul. 3. Edwd. Stretch. Wilton. Calne. Sch. 1787.
Oct. 23. Tho. Putt. Ex. Plymouth. Sch. 1788.
1776. Mar. 19. Joh. Whicher. Hampt. Petersfield. Fr. cog.
1777. Sep. 20. G-eo. Williams. Hampt. Catherington. Sch. 1788.
<p. 291.)
Sep. 20. Jas. Griffith. Dunelm. Houghton le Spring. Soc. Univ.
Mag. Univ.
3778. Oct. g. Wolston Holme Parr. Lane. Liverpool. Sch. 1789.
1779. Jul. i. Wm. Filmer. Kent. Crundale. Sch. 1791.
1780. Oct. 17. Hen. Edm. Hill. Sur. Guildford. Sch. 1791.
1781. Mar. 21. Chas. Abbott. Kent. Abp. of Canterbury's Palace.
Sch. 1791. Lord Tenterden. {pp. 291, 296.)
Jul. 10. Herb. Joh. Beaver. B. and W. Wells. 146. Sch. 1791.
Jul. 10. Hob. Trotman Coates. Gloc. Sodbury. Sch. 1791.
1782. Feb. 9. Hen. Dymock. Ox. Chipping Norton. Sch. 1792.
May ii. Chas. Barton. Gloc. St. Nicholas, Glouc. Sch. 1793.
1783. Jan. 13. Chas. Bob. Marshall. Line. St. Helen's, Theddle-
thorpe. Soc. Lincoln.
Jan. 13. Joh. Guard. Ex. Honiton. Sch. 1792.
JOHN COOKE.
Eighteenth President. 1783. April 3.
1783. Jul. 1 8. Tho. Bigge. Dunelm. Little Benton, Northumb.
Jul. 1 8. Wm. Roberts. Sur. St. Mary, Newington. Sch. 1793.
Oct. 21. Wm. Birch. Line. Alford.
1785. Jan. 8. Geo. Nigel Raynsford. Bed. Henlow. Sch. 1793.
Jan. 8. Joh. Harbin. B. and W. Yeovil.
Jan. 8. Jas. Worsley. Hampt. Chale, I. W. Sch. Nov. Coll.
Jun. 1 6. Tho. Lockton. Hampt. Weyhill. Sch. 1794.
1787. May 21. Herb. Randolph. Wilton. Durnford. Sch. 1794.
1788. Jan. 21. Tho. Falconer. B. and W. Bath. Sch. 1794.
May 8. Joh. Baker Rodgerson. Line. Spalding. Sch. 1796.
May 8. Wm. Hunt. Ex. Tiverton, Devon.
FROM 1770 TO 1799. 409
Jun. 30. Job. Browne. Hampt. Whitchurch. Sch. 1796.
Dec. i. Geo. Garrett. Hampt. Portsmouth.
1789. Apr. 3. Fred. Wm. Holme. Lane. Upholland, Wigan.
Sch. 1796.
May 4. Job. Emeris. Line. Louth. Sch. 1797.
1791. May 28. Franc. Whitfleld. Kent. St. Andrew, Canterbury.
May 28. Jon. Wm, Bourke. Sur. Carshalton. Sch. 1797.
May 28. Edwd. Copleston. Ex. Offwell, Devon. 153. Soc. Oriel
J795- <PP- 3°3. 298->
Nov.*j. Rich. Budd. Kent. Eltham. Sch. 1797.
Nov. 7. Hen. Philpotts. B. and W. Bridgewater. 136. Soc.
Mag. (pp. 303, 298.)
Nov. 7. Gilb. Elton. Gloc. Gloucester. Sch. 1799.
1792. Mar. 30. Joh. Horseman. Ox. Souldern. Sch. 1800.
Oct. 29. Joh. Comyns Churchill. Ex. North Norton, Devon.
Sch. 1 80 1.
Oct. 29. Wm. Nich. Darnell. Dunelm. Newcastle upon Tyne.
Sch. 1797.
1793. May 15. Jas. Daubeney. Gloc. Stratton.
1794. Jan. 27. Joh. Hook. Bed. Bedford. Sch. 1798.
May 6. Vaughan Thomas. Sur. Kingston upon Thames. Sch.
1803.
May 6. Geo. Baker. Hampt. Michelmarsh. Sch. 1803.
Jul. 19. Joh. Bond. Kent. Ashford. Sch. 1798.
Jul. 19. Joh. Hearn Pinckney. Wilton. Great Bed win. Sch. 1803.
1795. Jan. 26. Chas. Kemeys Watkins. Hampt. Odiham. Sch.
1803.
Jan. 26. Jas. Phillott. B. and W. SS. Peter and Paul, Bath.
Sch. 1798.
Oct. 22. Joh. Gaius Copleston. Ex. Offwell, Devon.
Oct. 22. Rob. Gatehouse. B. and W. North Cheriton, Somerset.
Sch. 1803.
1796. Apr. 23. Bob. Cholmeley. Line. Stoke and Easton. Sch.
1803.
Oct. 21. Jas. Hamer. Lane. St. Thomas, Liverpool. Sch. 1804,
aet. 13 3i-
1797. Mar. 31. Rob. Cropp Taunton. Hampt. Southampton.
Mar. 31. Willingham Franklin. Line. Spilsby. Soc. Oriel 1801.
<P- 3°3->
Jul. 7. Geo. Leigh Cooke. Sur. Bookham. Sch. 1805. (p. 303.)
Jul. 7. Godf. Faussett. Kent. Nackington. Soc.Magd. (p. 303.)
1798. Jan. 24. Wm. Jepson Haswell. Dunelm. Tynemouth,
Northumberland.
Apr. 20. Maurice James. B. and W. St. James, Bath. Sch. 1805.
Oct. 30. Tho. Edwd. Bridges. Kent. St. Nicholas at Wade, Isle
ofThanet. Sch. 1806. Pr. 1823.
1799. Apr. 20. Sam. Whittingham. Bed. b. atPotton. Sch. 1806.
Apr. 20. Wm. Williams. Gloc. Avening. Sch. 1806.
410 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
1800. Apr. 4. Geo. Taunton. Ox. St. Aldate, Oxford. Sch. 1807.
1801. May 14. Chas. Milman Mount. Gloc. Cirencester. Sen.
1808.
May 14. Wm. Buckland. Ex. Axminster. Sch. 1809. (p. 303.)
May 14. Wm. Woolcombe. Ex. East Worlington, Devon. 14 8£.
Sch. 1 8 10.
Oct. 1 6. Bobinson Elsdale. Line. Surfleet.
1802. Oct. 22. Fred. Elwyn. Kent. St. Andrew, Canterbury.
1803. Apr. 23. Tho. Tunstall Haverfleld. Sur. Kew. Sch. 1810.
Apr. 23. Geo. David Faithful. Hampt. St. Thomas, Winchester.
Sch. 1811.
Nov. 23. Car. Williams. St. Michael, Winchester. Adm. Nov. Coll.
Fr. cog.
Nov. 23. Edw. Davidson. Dunelm. Brancepeth, Dur. Soc. Univ.
Nov. 23. Joh. Brickenden Frowd. Wilton. Chicklade. Sch. 1812.
Nov. 23. Matt. Arnold. Hampt. North wood, Cowes, I. W. Sch.
1812. Brother of T. Arnold.
Nov. 23. W. H. Turner. B. and W. St. Andrew, Wells. Sch. 1813.
Nov. 23. Rowland Curtois. Line. Sixhill. Sch. 1814.
1804. Jul. 6. Wm. Fielding. Kent. Sandwich.
Dec. 7. Chas. Dyson. Acton, Middlesex. Sch. 1813. Fr. cog.
Dec. 7. Edwd. Whitehead. Lane. Bolton le Moors. Sch. 1815.
1805. Apr. 27. Bob. Gordon Andrews. Sur. Oxstead. Sch. 1816.
Mai. 24. Hen. Dan. Leeves. B. andW. Wrington, Som. Sch. 1817.
1806. Apr. 1 8. Joh. Everest. Kent. Greenwich.
Mai. 30. Edwd. Orlebar Smith. Bed. Hulcote. Sch. 1818.
Dec. 12. Joh. Keble. Gloc. Fairford. 147. Author of Christian
Year. Soc. Oriel, (p. 303.)
1807. Mai. 8. Wm. Firth. Ox. St. Peter in the East, Oxford.
Sch. 1819.
1808. Mar. 31. Tho. Keble. Gloc. Fairford. 14 5. Sch. 1820.
Brother of J. Keble.
1809. Apr. 21. Noel Tho. Ellison. Dunelm. Newcastle on Tyne.
Soc. Ball. (pp. 310-11.)
Apr. 21. Joh. Taylor Coleridge. Ex. Tiverton. Soc. Exon. (p. 303.)
1810. Jun. 8. Joh. Tucker. Kent. Ifield. Sch. 1820.
Jun. 8. Geo. Jac. Cornish. Ex. Ottery St. Mary. (pp. 311-12.)
Oct. 26. Joh. Gul. King. Line. St. Margaret, Line. Sch. 1820.
1811. Feb. 22. Hen. Shrubb. Sur. Esher. Sch. 1820.
Feb. 22. Tho. Arnold. Hampt. West Cowes, I. W. 15 8. Soc.
Oriel, (pp. 303-4.)
Oct. 19. Edwin Jacob. Gloc. Painswick. Sch. 1820.
1812. Apr. 24. Chas. Hen. Halcomb. Wilton. Marlborough.
Apr. 24. Herb. White. Hampt. Newton Valence. Sch. 1821.
Oct. 2. Steph. Creyke. Ex. East Stonehouse, Devon. Sch. 1821.
Archdeacon of York.
1813. Jun. 4. Hen. Jenkyns. B. and W. Evercreech, Somerset.
Soc. Oriel, (p. 304.)
FROM 1800 TO 1824. 411
1814. Dec. g. Gul. Swan. Line. St. Mary le Wigford, Lincoln.
1815. Oct. 20. Jac. Norris. Hampt. Warblington. Sch. 1822.
Pr. 1843-
Oct. 20. Wm. Whitmarsh Phelps. Wilts. Wilton. Sch. 1822.
<P- 3°4->
Oct. 20. Gul. King. Line. Timberland. Sch. 1823.
1816. Jan. 30. Edwd. Tew Richards. Hampt. Farlington. Sch.
1822.
Jan. 30. Edwd. Parr Greswell. Lane. Denton. Sch. 1823.
<P- 3°4->
May 10. Tho. Heathcote Tragett. Sur. Newington Butts. Sch.
1823.
May 10. Hob. Alder Thorp. Dunelm. Almvick. Sch. 1823.
1817. Jun. 13. Geo. Hawkins. B. and W. Chew Magna, Som.
Sch. 1824.
1818. Jun. 15. Art. Bennett Mesham. Bed. Bromham. Sch. 1825.
Oct. 1 6. Fred. Franc. Edwardes. B. andW. Huish Champflower,
Somerset. Sch. 1825.
1819. Oct. 15. Joh. Dayman. Ex. St. Columb Major, Cornwall.
Sch. 1825.
Oct. 15. Franc. Robinson. Ox. St. Michael, Oxford. 14 \\\.
Sch. 1826.
1820. Jun. 9. Theoph. Biddulph. Gloc. St. James, Bristol. Sch.
1826.
Jun. g. Oswald Jos. Cresswell. Kent. Charlton.
Jun. g. Geo. Davies Kent. Line. St. Martin, Line. Sch. 1827.
Oct. 13. Ric. Sankey. Cant. Eythorne. Sch. 1828.
Oct. 13. Joh. Menzies. Sur. Putney. Sch. 1829.
1821. Jun. 29. Rob. Eden. Gloc. St. George, King<? s)wood.
Sch. 1830.
Dec. 7. Tho. Medland. Ex. Exeter. Sch. 1830.
1822. Nov. 29. Wm. Tin win. Marylebone, Middlesex. Fr. cog.
Nov. 29. Geo. Morris. Hampt. Southampton.
Nov. 29. Wm. Geo. Lambert. Wilton. Bromham. Sch. 1831.
Nov. 29. Edwd. Powlett Blunt. Hampt. Nether Wallop. Sch. 1831.
THOMAS EDWARD BRIDGES.
Nineteenth President. 1823. Feb. 13.
1823. Jun. 6. Clem. Greswell. Lane. Manchester. 145. Soc. Oriel.
Jun. 6. Geo. W. Newnham. Line. Bassingham. Sch. 1831.
Nov. 28. Joh. Chandler. Sur. Witley, Surrey. Sch. 1832.
Nov. 28. Chas. Abel Heurtley. Dunelm. Bishopwearmouth. Sch.
1832. Canon of Ch. Ch. and Margaret Professor of Di-
vinity. <p. 317.)
1824. Nov. 26. Joh. Allen Giles. B. and W. Mark, Somerset.
Sch. 1832. <p. 317.)
412 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
1825. Dec. 2. Jas. Fred. Crouch. Bed. Clophill. Sch. 1833.
Dec. 2. Joh. Wm. Richards. B. and W. Walcot, Bath. Somerset.
14 it. Sch. 1834. (p. 317.)
1826. Feb. 24. Theophilus Hen. Blackall. Ex. Exeter. 14 3.
Dec. i. Wm. Hen. Whitworth. Ox. Oxford. Sch. 1834.
1827. Mar. 16. Geo. Edwd. Deacon. Hampt. Portsmouth. Sch.
1834.
Mar. 1 6. Chas. Balston. Kent. Maidstone. Sch. 1834.
Mar. 1 6. Fred. Holme. Gloc. Meysey Hampton. Sch. 1835.
<P- 373->
Jun. 15. Isle Grant Overton. Line. Louth. Sch. 1833.
1828. May 30. Rich. GeU McMullen. Kent. Dover. Sch. 1835.
1830. Jun. n. Hen. Joh. Onslow. Sur. Merrow.
Jun. n. Geo. Renaud. Hampt. Havant. Sch. 1838.
Jun. ii. Joh. Wilson. Lane. Chipping. Sch. 1838.
1831. Mar. 4. Theophilus Pelly. Gloc. Siston. Sch. 1838.
Mar. 4. Hen. Spencer Slight. Ex. Plymouth. Sch. 1838.
Mar. 4. Chas. Barnes. Ex. Exeter.
Nov. 4. Art. Meyrick. Wilton. Ramsbury.
Nov. 4. Chas. Richmond Tate. Hampt. Portsea. Sch. 1839.
1832. Feb. 24. Hen. Handley Brown. Line. Welbourne.
Jun. 15. Stewart Adolphus Pears. Sur. Pirbright. Sch. 1839.
<P- 3i7->
Jun. 15. Joh. Matthias Wilson. Dunelm. South Shields. Sch.
1841. Pr. 1872. <p. 317.)
1833. Feb. 15. Egerton Joh. Hensley. B. and W. Bathwick.
Sch. 1836.
1834. Feb. 7. Wm. Reynolds Wardale. Bed. Higham Gobion.
Sch. 1841.
Feb. 7. Mich. Harrison. Line. Louth. Sch. 1841.
May 30. Tho. Englesby Rogers. B. and W. Yarlington, Somerset.
Sch. 1844. <p. 317.)
May 30. Edwd. Marshall. Ox. Ardley. Sch. 1836.
May 30. Tho. Desborough Andrews. Kent. Newington. Sch. 1845.
1835. Feb. 27. Franc. Dyson. New Palace Yard, Westminster.
Fr. cog.
Feb. 27. Tho. Meyrick. Wilton. Ramsbury.
Jun. 26. Geo. Carless Swayne. Gloc. St. James, Bristol. Sch.
1846. <p. 317.)
1836. Mar. n. Rich. Joynes. Kent. Frindsbury. Sch. 1847.
Sep. 23. Geo. Hext. Ex. Bodmin. Sch. 1847. (p. 317.)
1837. Mar. 3. Geo. Gresley Perry. B. and W. Churchill, Som.
<P- 3i7->
Apr. 15. Jas. Spencer Northcote. Ex. Feniton, Devon. 15 n.
<P- 3i7.>
May 5. Joh. Hannah. Line. St. Swithin, Lincoln, (p. 317.)
1838. May 9. Hen. Pritchard. Sur. St. Olave's, Southwark.
Sch. 1847.
FROM 1825 TO 1848. 413
Jun. 15. Edm. WilKams. Hampt. Overton.
Aug. 10. Geo. Fred. De Teissier. Sur. Epsom. Sch. 1847.
<P- 3i7->
1839. Feb. 8. Geo. Buckle. Gloc. Clifton, (p. 317.)
Feb. 8. Tho. Evetts. Ox. St. Thomas, Oxford.
1840. Jan. 24. Fred. Naghten. Hampt. Titchfield.
Jan. 24. Edwd. Monktou Jones. Lane. Sefton.
Jan. 24. Dav. Barttelot Barttelot. Richmond, Surrey. Fr. cog.
1841. Mar. 5. Hen. Jackson Rhodes. Line. Market Rasen.
Jun. 1 8. Bic. Art. Le Mesurier. Dunelm. Houghton le Skerne,
Durham. Sch. 1848.
1842. Feb. n. Geo. Wingate Pearse. Bed. Harlington. Sch. 1849.
Apr. 22. Joh. Douglas Boileau Pollen. Sur. Little Bookham.
Oct. 28. Joh. Wm. Conway Hughes. Ox. Holy well, Oxford.
Oct. 28. Joh. Chas. Prince. Lane. Walton on the Hill, Liverpool.
1843. Mar. 3. Chas. Fred. Hayden. B. and W. Lyncombe,
Somerset. Sch. 1849.
Mar. 3. Fred. Chalker. Ex. St. Andrew, Plymouth. Sch. 1850.
Jun. 23. Chas. Trimmer. Gloc. St. John, Gloucester. Sch. 1851.
JAMES NOEBIS.
Twentieth President. 1843. Sep. 16.
1844. May 3. Hen. Calverley Blayds. B. and W. Norton St.
Philip, Somerset. Sch. 1851.
May 3. Wm. Jo. Rivers. Story. Hampt. St. Michael, Winchester.
1845. May 9. Chas. Fort. Wilton. Alderbury. Sch. 1852.
May 9. Chas. Franc. Willis. Kent. Hawkhurst. Sch. 1853.
Aug. 16. Wm. Ogle1. Ox. St. Mary Magd., Oxford. Sch. 1847.
Aug. 1 6. Chas. Blaekstone. Hampt. Woking.
Aug. 1 6. Philip Lutley Sclater 2. Hampt. Wootten St. Lawrence.
15 9. Sch. 1853.
1846. Jun. 12. Hen. Wadham. Gloc. Winterbourne. 16 3. Sch.
1854.
Jun. 12. Franc. Thirkhill Conington. Line. Boston. Sch. 1849.
1847. May 7. Joh. Buttanshaw. Kent. Wrotham. Sch. 1854.
fun. n. Hen. Furneaux. Ex. St. Germans, Cornwall. Sch. 1854.
Dec. 3. Ellis Fred. Thorold. Line. Rauceby.
Dec. 3. Edgar Hyde. Sur. Camberwell. Sch. 1857.
1848. Feb. 18. Tho. Sanden Godman Kirkpatrick. Hampt.
New Church, I. W.
Feb. 1 8. Cuthbert Blizard Borradaile. Sur. Wandsworth.
Feb. 1 8. Tho. Godfrey Faussett. Ox. St. Giles, Ox. Sch. 1857.
Jun. 30. Alf. Wm. Hunt 3. Lane. St. Peter, Liverpool. Sch. 1857.
Jun. 30. Edm. Hubert Goldsmith. Dunelm. Stanhope. Sch. 1858.
1 Superintendent of Statistics. 2 F.R.S. Sec. of Zoological Society.
3 Hon. Fellow, 1882.
414 ADMISSIONS OF FELLOWS AND SCHOLARS
1849. Mar. 23. Fred. Wm. Walker1. Sur. Bermondsey. Sch. 1859.
Mar. 23. Bingham Sibthorp Maiden. Hampt. Ryde, I. W.
Mar. 23. Art. Hen. Pearse. Bed. Westoning.
Dec. 7. Theophilus Jcsiah East. B. and W. Croscombe, Som.
1850. Mar. i. Franc. Otter2. Line. Gainsborough. Sch. 1861.
Jun. 7. "Wm. Hen. Ranken. B. and W. Brislington, Somerset.
Sch. 1862.
1851. Feb. 14. Art. Martin. Ex. Staverton, Devon. Sch. 1862.
Feb. 14. Jon. Douglas Middleton. Hampt. Lymington.
1852. Feb. 6. Joh. Chris. Browne. Gloc. Cheltenham.
Feb. 6. Joh. Wm. Nutt3. B. and W. Tiverton, Somerset.
Feb. 6. Edwd. Compton Dyson. Hampt. Tidworth. Fr. cog.
Jun. 1 8. Alb. Bulteel Fisher. Wilton. Salisbury. Sch. 1863.
1853. May 28. Philip Stanhope Worsley. Kent. Greenwich.
Sch. 1863.
1854. Mar. u. Hen. Jas. Macdonald. Lane. Manchester.
Mar. ii. Wm. Hen. Mainguy. Dunelm. Stanhope.
1855. Feb. 10. Kenelm Edwd. Digby4. Gloc. Wootton under
Edge. Sch. 1864.
Feb. 10. Franc. Hen. Curgenven. Ex. St. Andrew, Plymouth.
Sch. 1864.
Feb. 10. Geo. Herb. Moberly. Hampt. St. Swithin, Winchester.
Sch. 1865.
Feb. 10. Joh. Rob. Charlesworth Miller. Kent. Blackheath.
Sch. 1865.
Discipuli secundum Formam Statutorum anno MDCCCLV
emendatorum elect! 5.
6 1857. Apr. 3. Hen. Nettleship7. Kettering, Northamptonshire.
1858. Mar. 26. Chas. Bigg 8. Higher Broughton, Manchester.
Mar. 26. Owen Orton. Carisbrook, I. W.
Mar. 26. Geo. Augustus Simcox9. Newgate Street, London.
Mar. 26. Reginald Bosworth Smith10. Stafford, Dorsetshire.
Mar. 26. Allan Becher Webb11. Calcutta, East India.
1859. Apr. 15. Chas. Walter Clifford. Birmingham.
Apr. 15. Edwd. Donner. Scarborough, Yorkshire.
Apr. 15. Mortimer Sloper Howell. Bath, Somerset.
Apr. 15. Jas. Rich. Thursfield 12. Kidderminster, Worcestershire.
1 High Master of Manchester and subsequently of St. Paul's. 2 Formerly
M.P. for Louth Div. of Lincolnshire. 3 Fellow of All Souls. * Vine-
rian Reader in English Law, 1868-74. Judge of County Courts. 8 By the
Statutes of 1855 the local restrictions, both for Scholarships and Fellowships, were
abolished, and the Scholarships no longer led to Fellowships. 6 The dates
up to May 18, 1872, are those of election. From May 18, 1872, onwards, the
dates are those of admission. 7 Fellow of Lincoln, afterwards of C. C. C.
Corpus Professor of Latin. 8 Senior Student of Ch. Ch. Hampton Lec-
turer, 1886. » Fellow of Queen's. 10 Fellow of Trinity. a Fellow
of University. Bishop of Grahamstown. 12 Fellow of Jesus.
FROM 1849 TO 1869. 415
1860. Mar. 26. Chas. Geo. Horatio Shorting. Stonham Aspall,
Suffolk.
1862. Mar. 22. Chas. Joh. Pearson *. Edinburgh.
Mar. 22. Joh. Hen. Martyn Weitbrecht. London,
Mar. 22. Sam. Roebuck Brooke. Margate, Kent.
Mar. 22. Gerald Augus. Bob. Fitzgerald 2. Fledborough, Notts.
Mar. 22. Edwd. Ridley3. Blagdon, Northumberland.
1863. Mar. 21. Jos. Cross. Bolton, Lancashire.
Mar. 21. Chas. Rob. Moore. Hordley, Shropshire.
Mar. 21. Chas. Selby Oakley. Luton, Kent.
Mar. 21. Wm. Sanday4. Holme Pierrepont, Nottingham.
Mar. 21. Wm. Lucius Selfe. St. George's, Bloomsbury, London.
1864. Mar. 12. Hen. Farrington Evans. Secunderabad, E. India.
Mar. 12. Rob. Wm. Hanbury5. Tamworth, Staffordshire.
Mar. 12. Hen. De Burgh Hollings6. Cawnpore, E. India.
Mar. 12. Lewis Le Hardy Sharkey. St. Helier, Jersey.
Mar. 12. Paul Ferdinand Willert 7. Prestwich, Lancashire.
1865. Mar. 18. Owen Ilbert. Thurleston, Devon.
Mar. 1 8. Rob. Wood Ingham. Marylebone, London.
Mar. 1 8. Edm. Arbuthnot Knox8. Bangalore, E. India.
Mar. 1 8. Walter Lock 9. Dorchester, Dorset.
Mar. 1 8. Alex. Chas. Richards Maitland. Teignmouth, Devon.
1866. Mar. 17. Franc. Chorley Channing. Taunton, Somerset.
Mar. 1 7. Geo. Wynne Jeudwine 10. Kensington.
Mar. 1 7. Wm. Harry Barber Lindsell. Bloomsbury, London.
Mar. 17. Spencer Cecil Russell11. Tyrrell's Pass, Westmeath,
Ireland.
Mar. 17. Chas. Lewis Tupper12. Paddington, London.
1867. Mar. 23. Hen. Napier Abbot. Clifton, Gloucester.
Mar. 23. Joh. Richardson Illingworth13. London.
Mar. 23. Wm. Little". Manchester.
Mar. 23. Jos. Arderne Ormerod15. Starston, Norfolk.
Mar. 23. Joh. Huntley Skrine16. Bath.
1868. Mar. 21. Wm. Mordaunt Furneaux l7. Walton, Warwick-
shire.
Mar. 21. Martin Holdich Green18. Winterbourne Stepleton, Dorset.
Mar. 21. Franc. Hen. Hall19. Thurnham, Kent.
Mar. 21. Joh. Story Masterman20. Wallingford, Berks.
Mar. 21. Giles Theodore Pilcher. Camberwell.
1869. Mar. 13. Hon. Franc. Hen. Baring. London.
1 Afterwards Sir C. J. Pearson, Lord Advocate for Scotland ; M.P. for the Uni-
versities of Edinburgh and St. Andrew's. 2 Fellow of St. John's. 3 Fellow
of All Souls. * Fellow of Trinity, afterwards of Exeter. Ireland Professor of
Exegesis. * M.P. for Preston. 6 Fellow of C. C. C. 7 Fellow of Exeter.
8 Fellow of Merton. 9 Fellow of Magdalen. 10 Fellow of Queen's. ll Fellow
of C. C. C. '2 Chief Sec. to Govt. of Punjab. 13 Fellow of Jesus. " Fellow
of C. C. C. 15 Fellow of Jesus. 16 Fellow of Merton. Warden of Trinity
College, Glenalmond. l7 Head Master of Repton School. 18 Fellow of
Trinity. 19 Fellow of Oriel. 20 Fellow of B. N. C.
416 ADMISSIONS OF SCHOLARS
Mar. 13. Fred. Wm. Hughes Hughes. London.
Mar. 13. Chas. Plummer1. St. Leonards, Sussex.
Mar. 13. Hen. Wm. Boscoe. Chester.
Mar. 1 3. David Fred. Schloss. West Derby, Lancashire.
1870. Mar. 26. Rob. Albert Jones. Wrexham, Denbighshire.
Mar. 26. Jas.SomervilleLockhart2. Inchinnan, Renfrewshire. N.B.
Mar. 26. Franc. Shepley Bamsbotham. Huddersfield, Yorkshire.
Mar. 26. Tho. Collins Snow3. York.
Mar. 26. Lewis Edwd. Upcott. Cullompton, Devon.
1871. Mar. 25. Hen. Akers. Norfolk Island, the Pacific.
Mar. 25. Herbert Andrew Dalton 4. Lambeth.
Mar. 25. Jos. Hooper Maude 5. Chirk, Denbighshire.
Mar. 25. Herbert Woodfleld Paul6. Finedon, Northamptonshire.
JOHN MATTHIAS WILSON.
Twenty-first President. 1872. May 8.
7 1872. May 18. Wm. Feltrum Fagan. Bath.
Oct. 1 6. Joh. Harkness *. Derby.
Oct. 1 6. Edwd. Melford Mee9. Riddings, Derbyshire.
1873. Mar. 10. Wm. Mouat Cameron. Mooltan, India.
Apr. 22. Alfred Mortimer Nesbitt. Northampton.
Apr. 22. Franc. Wells Newmarch. Gainsborough, Lincolnshire.
May 31. Geo. Spencer De Sausmarez. Northampton.
Oct. 14. Fred. Gaspard Brabant. Great Marlow, Bucks.
Oct. 14. Bob. Halley Chambers 10. Bowdon, Cheshire.
Oct. 14. Tho. Field11. Folkestone, Kent.
Oct. 14. Hartman Wolfgang Just. Bristol.
1874. Jan. 29. Art. Bingham Walkley. Bristol.
Oct. 22. Fred. Tho. Dalton. Highgate.
Oct. 22. Art. Elam Haigh 12. Leeds.
Oct. 22. Jos. Hen. Warburton Lee. Malpas, Flintshire.
1875. fan 25. Chas. Wm. Browning. Thorpe Mandeville, Northants.
Jan. 25. Wm. Hen. Herbert Curtler. Abbess Roding, Essex.
Oct. 1 8. Chas. Martin Powell. Blackheath, Kent.
Oct. 1 8. Alan Geo. Sumner Gibson18. Fawley, Hants.
Oct. 1 8. Mortimer Drewe Malleson. Gilston, Herts.
Oct. 1 8. Jas. Christopher Bowman. Liverpool.
1876. Jan. 22. Joh. Chas. Leonard Brown. Tutshill,co. Monmouth.
Apr. 28. Wm. Peterson u. Edinburgh.
Oct. 17. Chas. Edwd. Blackett-Ord. St. George's, Hanover
Square, London.
1 Fellow of C.C.C. 2 Fellow of Hertford. Secretary to the Civil Service
Commission. 3 Fellow of St. John's. 4 Senior Student of Ch. Ch. 5 Fel-
low of Hertford. 6 M.P. for South Edinburgh. 7 See note 6, p. 414. 8 Head
Master of Waitaki School, New Zealand. 9 Fellow of Queen's. 10 Head
Master of Brighton College. u Fellow of Magdalen. Head Master of King's
School, Canterbury. 12 Fellow of Hertford. 13 Archdeacon of Kokstad,
Kaffraria. 14 Principal of University College, Dundee.
FROM 1869 TO 1882. 417
Oct. 17. Rich. Newdigate Blandy. Roselle, Jersey.
Oct. 17. Gavin Franc. Hamilton. Manchester.
1877. Oct. 20. Charles Cannan1. Richmond, Surrey.
Oct. 20. Bob. Lougher Knight. St Bride's, Glamorganshire.
Oct. 20. Chas. Lowry. Northleach, Gloucestershire.
Oct. 20. Graham Wallas. Bishop-Wearmouth, Durham.
Oct. 20. Fred. Wm. Watkin. Stixwold, Lincolnshire.
1878. Oct. 17. Winfrid Oldfleld Burrows2. Parish of Ch. Ch.,
Albany Street, London.
Oct. 17. Wm. Hen. Fricker. Wandsworth, Surrey.
Oct. 17. Leonard Romney Furneaux. Cherington, Warwickshire.
Oct. i1]. Alfred Hughes 3. Manchester.
Oct. 17. Art. Augustus Lea. Mile-End, Middlesex.
1879. Feb. i. Art. Fred. Peterson. Melbourne, Australia.
Oct. 14. Chris. Cookson. Dallington, Northamptonshire.
Oct. 14. Jos. Art. Dodd. Hayton, Cumberland.
Oct. 14. Edwd. Fiennes Elton. Wheatley, Oxon.
Oct. 14. Arnold Louis Mumm. Paddington, Middlesex.
1880. Jan. 27. Wm. Bartlett. St. Mark's, Whitechapel, Middlesex.
Oct. 1 6. Oliver Elton. Holt, Norfolk.
Oct. 1 6. Joh. Cornwallis Godley. Ashfield, co. Cavan.
Oct. 1 6. Frank Herb. Matthews4. St. Peter le Peor, Middlesex.
Oct. 1 6. Hen. Alf. Stern. London.
1881. Feb. 2. Rob. Joh. Thorpe Ozanne. St. Peter's Port, Guernsey.
Oct. 1 8. Rob. Franc. Cholmeley. Carlton Rode Rectory, Attle-
borough, Norfolk.
Oct. 1 8. Hen. Joh. Newbolt. Bilston, Staffordshire.
Oct. 1 8. Ralph Iliff Simey. Bishop-Wearmouth, Durham.
Oct. 1 8. Alf. Tho. Warren. Lambeth, Surrey.
THOMAS FOWLER.
Twenty-second President. 1881. Dec. 23.
1882. Jan. 23. Tho. Hen. Littlewood. Hipperholme, nr. Halifax,
Yorkshire.
Discipuli secundum Formam Statutorum anno
MDCCCLXXXII emendatorum electi.
1882. Oct. 14. Art. Richmond Atkinson. Taranaki, New Zealand.
Oct. 14. Cyril Rob. Carter. Eton, Bucks.
Oct. 14. Harry Hammond House. Anderson, Dorset.
Oct. 14. Edwd. Kirby. Darlington.
Oct. 14. Jas. Hamilton Franc. Peile5. Gogha, India.
1 Fellow of Trinity. 2 Senior Student of Ch. Ch. 3 Head Master of the
Liverpool Institute. * Head Master of Bolton Gr. Sch. 5 Head Master
of Bury St. Edmund's School.
E e
41 8 ADMISSIONS OF SCHOLARS
1883. Oct. 15. Chas. Otto Blagden. London.
Oct. 15. Job. Gordon Drummond Campbell. Dumdum, India.
Oct. 15. Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse1. St. Ive Rectory, Lis-
keard, Cornwall.
Oct. 15. Duncan McNeill. Kensington.
Oct. 15. Hubert Llewellyn Smith. Bristol.
1884. Oct. 13. Hugh Chisholm. Marylebone, London.
Oct. 13. Geo. Barnard Milbank Coore. Scruton, North Riding,
Yorkshire.
Oct. 13. Art. Bracy Langridge. St. John's Wood, Middlesex.
Oct. 13. Sidney Archer Phillips. New Hampton, Middlesex.
Oct. 13. Prank Pullinger. Oldham, Lancashire.
Oct. 13. Ben. Byle Swift. Birkdale, Lancashire.
Oct. 13. Walt. Geo. Sam. Whicker. St. Peter-Port, Guernsey.
1885. Oct. 17. Edm. Kerchever Chambers. West Ilsley, Berks.
Oct. 17. Hen. Edwd. Denison Hammond. Priston, Somerset.
Oct. 17. Eustace Joh. Harvey. St. Mary Abbot's, Kensington.
Oct. 17. Stuart Stephenson. Buxton.
Oct. 17. Herbert Ward. Bradford, Yorkshire.
1886. Oct. 1 6. Hugh Latter. North Myms, Herts.
Oct. 1 6. Jos. Grafton Milne. Bowdon, Cheshire.
Oct. 1 6. Rob. Geo. Collier Proctor. Budleigh Salterton, Devon.
Oct. 1 6. Alan Penwick Radcliffe. Milston, Wilts.
Oct. 1 6. Godfrey Art. Harding Rendall. Great Rollright, Oxon.
Oct. 1 6. Jas. Pred. Young. Wolverhampton.
1887. Jan. 14. Art. Taylor. Manchester.
Oct. 1 6. Joh. Bernhard Steinlen Barratt. Waiblingen, Wiirttemb.
Oct. 1 6. Hen. Langton Brackenbury. Colchester.
Oct. 1 6. Gilb. Edm. Augustine Grindle2. Pokesdown, Hants.
Oct. 1 6. Dawson Walker. Bradford, Yorkshire.
Oct. 1 6. Sam. Edwd. Winbolt. St. Pancras, Middlesex.
1888. Oct. 13. Percy Stafford Allen. Twickenham.
Oct. i 3. Bob. Beaumont Burnaby. Leicester.
Oct. 13. Felix Maximilian Schoenbrunn Cassel. Cologne.
Oct. 13. Julian Jas. Cotton. Krishnagar, India.
Oct. 13. Theodore Innes Pocock. Clifton, Emmanuel parish.
1889. Jan. 21. Alleyne Leechman. Ceylon.
Oct. 12. Art. Jas. Alison. Glasgow, N.B.
Oct. 12. Basil Copleston Allen. Stoke Newington, London.
Oct. 12. Tho. Harrison Butler. Stanhope, co. Durham.
Oct. T2. Herbert Vincent Reade. Haileybury, co. Hertford.
Oct. 12. Art. Edm. Rigg. Trincomalee, Ceylon.
Oct. 12. Hugo Sharpley. Louth, Lincolnshire.
Oct. 12. Art. Seager Warman. Richmond, Yorkshire.
1890. Oct. n. Art. Hen. Burlton Allen. Blackheath, Kent.
Oct. ii. Tho. Biggin. Stamford, Lincolnshire.
1 Fellow of Merton. 2 Fellow of C.C.C.
FROM 1883 TO 1892. 419
Oct. 1 1 . Roger Jas. Cholmeley. Swaby, Lincolnshire.
Oct. ii. Art. Geo. Cooke. Orchard Portman, Somersetshire.
Oct. ii. Wm. Malcolm Hailey. Newport Pagnell, Buckinghamsh.
Oct. ii. Hen. Howard Piggott. Padua, Italy.
Oct. ii. Jas. Bennett Tombleson. Barton-on-Humber, Lincolnsh.
1891. Oct. 17. Chas. Fred. Balfour. Valparaiso, Chile.
Oct. 1 7. Harold Lithgow Braidwood. Twickenham.
Oct. 17. Wm. Cuthbert Childs. Portsea, Hants.
Oct. 17. Herbert Coupland. Harrogate, Yorkshire.
Oct. 17. Sidney Art. Simon. Eccles, Manchester.
Oct. 17. Vere Art. Stowell. Breadsall, Derbyshire.
Oct. 17. Art. Hen. Vernede. St. Mark's, Notting Hill, London.
1892. Oct. 15. Claude Martin Blagden. Milcombe, Oxon.
Oct. 15. Hugh Morison Conacher. Ashwell, Herts.
Oct. 15. Maurice Francis Headlam. Manchester.
Oct. 15. Quentin Quixano Henriques. Manchester.
Oct. 1 5. Edward Lawton. Manchester.
Oct. 15. Art. Wm. Smallwood. Barrow, Derbyshire.
Oct. 1 5. Harold Owen Stutchbury. St. Mary Abbot's, Kensington.
Oct. 15. Julius Mathison Turing. Edwinstowe, Nottinghamshire.
E e 2
LIST OF
FELLOWS, PROFESSOR-FELLOWS, &c.
The following persons were admitted, in accordance with
the provisions of the Statutes of 1855 or of Statutes supple-
mentary thereto, as Fellows, Professor- Fellows, Professors, or
Honorary Fellows, during the period which elapsed between
the confirmation of the New Statutes in 1 855 and that of the
New Statutes which were approved by the Queen in Council
on May 3, 1882.
1856. Oct. 30. John Conington, Fellow of University, Corpus Pro-
fessor of Latin. Died Oct. 23, 1869.
1866. June 29. Edward Lee Hicks, Brasenose. Fellow. Subse-
quently Canon Residentiary of Manchester.
1867. July 5. John William Oddie, Wadham. Fellow.
1868. July i. Robert Laing, M.A., Wadham. Fellow. (Changed
name to Cuthbert Shields, Sep. 29, 1886.)
July i. Henry De Burgh Hollings, Scholar of the Col-
lege. Fellow.
1869. July 17. Samuel Dill, Lincoln. Fellow. Subsequently High
Master of Manchester Grammar School, and then Professor
of Greek at Queen's College, Belfast.
1870. Jan. 29. William Chadwick, Merton. Fellow.
Feb. 26. Henry James Sumner Maine, LL.D. Cambridge,
Hon. D.C.L. Oxford, formerly Regius Professor of Laws in the
University of Cambridge, and Legal Member of the Council
to the Governor General of India. Corpus Professor of Juris-
prudence. Elected Fellow, Nov. 8, 1873. Subsequently
resigned his Fellowship and Professorship on election to the
Mastership of Trinity Hall, Cambridge. Elected Honorary
Fellow, Feb. 7, 1882. K.C.S.I. Member of the Council of
India. Died Feb. 5, 1888.
Mar. i. Rev. Edwin Palmer, M.A., formerly Fellow and
Tutor of Balliol. Corpus Professor of Latin. Elected Fellow,
Nov. 8, 1873. Resigned Professorship and Fellowship on
appointment to the Archdeaconry of Oxford and a Canonry
in Ch. Ch. Elected Honorary Fellow, Dec. 9, 1878.
July 5. Edmund Robertson, Lincoln. Fellow. M.P. for
Dundee, Professor of Common Law in the Inns of Court,
Civil Lord of the Admiralty.
July 5. Spencer Cecil Russell, Scholar of the College.
Fellow.
FELLOWS, HONORARY FELLOWS, ETC. 421
1871. Apr. 29. John Buskin, M.A., Honorary Student of Ch. Ch.
Honorary Fellow. Slade Professor of Fine Art.
Oct. 14. Walter William Fisher. Merton. Fellow. Ald-
richian Demonstrator of Chemistry.
Oct. 28. Bev. John Matthias Wilson, B.D. (pp. 326-7.)
Dec. 23. William Little, Scholar of the College. Fellow.
1873. June 1 4. Charles Plummer, Scholar of the College. Fellow.
Oct. 8. Henry Nettleship, M.A., formerly Scholar of the
College and Fellow of Lincoln. Admitted Actual Fellow.
Mr. Nettleship was elected on the condition of taking part in
the tuition of the College. In June, 1878, he was elected to
the Corpus Professorship of Latin, retaining his Fellowship.
Nov. 8. Henry John Stephen Smith, M.A., F.R.S. Pro-
fessor-Fellow, (p. 328.) Died Feb. 9, 1883.
1874. Oct. 22. Bev. Henry Octavius Coxe, M. A., Bodleian Libra-
rian and formerly Chaplain of the College. Honorary Fellow.
1876. Mar. 20. Frederick Arthur Clarke, Exeter. Fellow.
May 31. James Legge, Professor of Chinese. Endowed
with the income of a Fellowship, (p. 328.)
1882. Feb. 7. Shadworth Hollway Hodgson, B.A., formerly
Exhibitioner of the College. Honorary Fellow.
The following persons were admitted as Probationary or
Actual Fellows, or as Honorary Fellows, subsequently to the
confirmation of the New Statutes by Her Majesty in Council
on May 3, 1882.
1882. Jun. 10. Arthur Sidgwick, M.A., Tutor of the College,
formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Admitted
Official Fellow, in accordance with cl. 19 of the New Statutes.
Oct. 28. Thomas Case, M.A., Tutor of the College, formerly
Fellow of Brasenose and Tutor of Balliol. Admitted Official
Fellow, in accordance with cl. 19 of the New Statutes. Sub-
sequently Waynflete Professor of Moral and Metaphysical
Philosophy.
Nov. i. Alfred William Hunt, M.A., formerly Fellow of
the College. Honorary Fellow.
1883. Jan. 31. Frederick Pollock (subsequently Sir F. Pollock,
Bart.), M.A., formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge,
was admitted Official Fellow, having been previously elected
to the Corpus Christi Professorship of Jurisprudence, in ac-
cordance with cl. 14 of the New Statutes.
1886. Oct. n. Henry Devenish Leigh, B.A., formerly Scholar of
New College. Admitted Official Fellow, having been pre-
viously nominated by the President and approved by the
College as Assistant Tutor, in accordance with cl. 20 of the
New Statutes.
422 FELLOWS AND BURSARS.
1891. Oct. 7. Gilbert Edmund Augustine Grindle, Scholar of
the College, and Arthur Ernest Jolliffe, Scholar of Balliol,
were elected, after examination (the former in Lit. Hum.,
the latter in Mathematics), to a year of probation, as Ordinary
Fellows.
The following persons were elected as Bursars, though not
Fellows of the College, in accordance with the alteration of
the Statutes noted on pp. 327-8.
Alfred Stowe, M.A., Wadham, elected Feb. n, 1873.
Thomas Mosley Crowder, M.A., Wadham, Nov. 7, 1874.
Henry Le Blanc Lightfoot, B.A., University, Nov. 8, 1892.
CATALOGUS SACELLANIS
COLLEGII CORPORIS CHRISTI CONSECRATUS1.
1517. Dec. 1 8. Hen. Wyllis. <p.
382.)
1521. Jun. 25. Joh. Russell.
1523. Dec. 24. Bic. Wade.
Dec. 24. Bic. Eston.
1528. A. Travis, aedi-
tuus2. F.
1531. Jul. 19. B-ic. Campion.
1538. Sep. 29. Edm. Stopport.
1542. Oct. 2. Gul. Sparkman.
1543. Jul. 28. Joh. Hychyns.
1552. Aug. 17. Joh. Baker.
1555. Bead. JSdituus. F.
1559. Sep. 9. Geo. Atkinson.
1560. Oct. 12. Hugo Lewys.
Snow. Sacrista
(=^Edituus). F.
1561. Mar. 24. Bolandus Kelly.
Bowland. Sa-
crista 1561. Praecentor
1563. F.
Dec. 4. Gul. Jones.
(No date. Bowe. Praecen-
tor. F.)
1563. Mai. 10. Geo. Wreak.
Edwards. Prae-
centor. F.
Shirburne. JSdi-
tuus. F.
Dec. 24. Gul. Conall.
1564. Styll. Sacrista
(=JEdituus). F.
Here the List in Hegge's handwriting ends. It is resumed in a
different hand with the name of Thomas Hinton. 1696.
1 There is a list of Chaplains in MS. 280 (Coll. Library), fol. 232 b, but it con-
fuses Chaplains and Clerks, and seems to be much less accurate than this one.
The names to which F is attached are additional names taken from the Catalogue
at the end of vol. xi of the Fulman MSS.
2 One Chaplain was to be ' chori praecentor,' the other ' aedituus sive sacrista.'
Stat. cap. 1 6.
3 It appears from the Register that this Thomas White had, in 1621, agreed
provisionally to perform the duties of the office for his food and clothing, and a
payment of 6s. Sd. a term. The money-payment was exactly double that of
Thomas Newman, engaged provisionally to act as Butler in 1627.
1565. Jul. 28. Bob. Ireland.
Nov. 15. Geo. Johnson.
1566. Nov. 15. Tho. Booth.
Dec. 1 6. Nic. Sympson.
1567. Apr. 9. Merideth Ham-
ner.
1571. Jan. 10. Michael. Savill.
1572. Jun. 24. Franc. Hyde.
1573. Jan. 4. B-ic. Turnbull.
1577. Mai. 30. Nic. Whittall.
1577. Dec. 2. Nic. Goulds-
borow.
1580. Mar. 15. Gul. Cade.
Jun. 19. Gul. Kitchin.
1586. Dec. 14. Hen. Jacob.
1589. /«/. 17. Bob. Wolphius.
1590. Jul. 20. Edwd. Seridge.
1595. Jul. 4. Tho. Tylley.
1596. /«/. 13. Gul. Small.
1599./#/. 27. Bodulphus Bar-
low. Decanus Wellensis.
L602. Dec. 24. Hen. Mason.
1606. Dec. i. Gul. Porde.
161O. Dec. 25. Joh. Dewhurst.
1612. Mai. 1 5. Anth. White.
1613. Mar. 8. Joh. SeUer.
1615. /«/. 15. Tho. Whittin-
gam.
1619. Mai. 24. Tho. Jackson.
Oct. 8. Bic. Anyan.
1623. Jul. 1 7. Tho. White 3.
424 CHAPLAINS,
The following intermediate information has been collected by
myself.
From the College Register it appears that William Porter was
admitted March 15, 1632 ; William Chidley, Aug. 6, 1638; Nich-
olas Byrche, May 14, 1639 ; Henry Allen, May 27, 1646. Edward
Eales was removed by the Parliamentary Visitors, Oct. 2, 1648, and
restored in 1660. {See Burrows' Register of Parliamentary Visitors *.)
In the Buttery Book of 1648-9 there is no mention of Chaplains
till Sep. 28, 1649, when John Hartcliffe and Thomas Danson are
entered as such.
In the Buttery Book of 1649-50 the Chaplains are entered as
' Capellanus Sen.,' 'Cap. Jun./ 'Ds Danson' being interpolated from
Feb. 15, i6£$, to Feb. 22. Edward Anthony is entered as Cap.
Jun. on Aug. 16, 1650. Ds. Eyres or Eyers (Joseph) occurs in
the Buttery Book of 1650-1, and is succeeded by Ds. Way, Feb. 14,
165-^. In the list of Admissions under the Parliamentary President
occur —
Benjamin Way. Sacellanus. No date.
Joseph Allen 2. Sacellanus. June 6, 1653.
Edward Fowler. Sacellanus. Dec. 14, 1653. (Afterwards Bp.
of Gloucester, pp. 231, 223.)
Samuel Fowler. Sacrista. June 28, 1655.
Samuel Birch. Praecentor. Aug. i, 1655.
The Buttery Books are wanting from 1659-63 inclusive. In 1664
the Chaplains are Mr. Eales and Mr. Coppock ; on Aug. 2, 1667,
Mr. Coppock is replaced by Mr. Davies (Richard, p. 259);
on Feb. 16, i68f, Mr. Day occurs in place of Mr. Davies; and
in October, 1683, Ds. Martin in place of Mr. Eales ; on Dec. 25,
1685, John Mayo in place of Mr. Martin; on March ir, i68f,
Mr. Ashbu(o)rne in place of Mr. Day; and on June i, 1689,
Richard Blakeway in place of Mr. Mayo.
1696. Jun 6. Tho. Hinton. 1720. Dec. 19. Joh. Pococke.
1698. /#«. 20. Gul. Itchener. 1732. Aug. 16. Pet. Sherwin.
1706. /arc. 8. Chris. Sclater. 1751. Jun. 7. Joh. Reiss.
1707. Nov. 4. Franc. Gregory. 1764. Dec. 20. Tho. Brewer.
1711. Dec. 31. Ric. Parkes. Y1Q1. Jan. 23. Joh. Modd3.
1116. Jan. 28. Rob. Bourne. 1769. Mar. 2. Gul. Stratford.
Mar. 2 1. Ric. Parkes. 1787. Oct. 13. Joh. Gutch4.
1 It appears from Metford's second Letter to Joshua Reynolds, dated Oct. 1 7,
1 704 (MS. J. Walker, c. 8, fol. 252), that ' Allen resigned his Chaplain's place in the
beginning of 1648, and Edward Eales was advanced from Trinity Coll. into his
place : so the Visitation ejected Chidley and Eales. Ch. died and Eales was
restored ; and one Coppock brought into Chidley's place.' But Chidley seems
ultimately to have conformed. See an order of the Visitors, June 6, 1649.
2 Alleine in Buttery Book. 3 See account of him in C. P. Moritz's Travels
in England in 1782, reprinted by Cassell, 1886. * Registrar of the University;
Editor of Wood's Hist, and Antiq. of the Univ. of Oxford and of the Colleges
and Halls.
CHAPLAINS.
1792. Apr. 19. Moses Dodd.
1795. Oct. 22. Job. Graham.
1813. Mar. 9. Hen. Dimock.
1826. May 22. Chas. Dyson.
1832. fun. 26. Vaughan Thomas
(see Index).
1839. Nov. i. Gul. James.
1845. Jan. 4. Hen. Oct. Coxe l.
1846. fan. 27. Hen. Hubert.
Cornish 2.
1850 . Nov. 1 33. Wilhel. Hunter.
1852. Dec. n. Bob. Gandell4.
1875. May 1 5. Car. Plummer.
Soc.
1877. Feb. 10. Edwinus Finder
Barrow.
1879. Fred. Art. Clarke.
Soc.
1883. Jan. i. Carolus Bigg.
<p. 414.)
1 Bodleian Librarian ; Hon. Fellow. 2 Afterwards Principal of New Inn
Hall. 3 At this point again the List is continued by myself. * Laudian
Professor of Arabic and Canon of Wells.
CLERKS, CHORISTERS, AND EXHIBITIONERS.
CLERKS1.
Bob. Savage. Subsacr. Jul. 2,
1524. R2.
Hechyns. 1526. F.
Gul. More. Cler. May i, 1534.
R.
Joh. Barons. Pulsator Organ-
orum. Sep. 29, 1538. R.
Joh. Shaw. Subsacr. Apr. 20,
1544. R.
Tho. Bradshaw. Cler. Dec. 5,
1545. R.
Tho. Collyns. Aug. 12,1547. R.
Lyde. 1548. F.
Davison. 1552. F.
Baylie3. 1552.
Fisher. 1552.
HaU. 1552.
Leonard. 1555.
Tho. Porter. 1555.
Evans. 1563.
Lightef oote. 1563.
Leonard Fitzsymons. Puls.
Org. Nov. 6, 1556. R.
Joh. Redinge. Puls. Org. Jan. 3,
1558. R.
Rowswell. 1558. F.
Dorsett. 1560. F.
Tho. Chaffe. Feb. 25, 1560. R.
Tho. Mulliner. Mod. Org.
Mar. 3, 1563. R.
Joh. Chambers. Subsacr. Sep.
14, 1566. R.
Samuell. 1566. F.
Ben. Pullen. Subsacr. Feb. 26,
1579. R-
Wm. Brownsmith. Subsacr.
Jun. 23, 1580. F.
Wm. Churchman. Subsacr.
Jun. i, 1581. R.
Tho. Cole. Subsacr. Nov. 9,
1583. R.
Ric. Smith. Subsacr. Jun. 22,
1586. R.
Edwd. Seridge. Subsacr. Dec.
15, 1586. R.
Tho. Barbar. Subsacr. Jun.n,
1588. F.
Ralph Agas. Subsacr. Sep. 4,
1588. F.
Wm. Norton. Subsacr. Oct. 17,
1593- F.
Joh. Sonibank. Subsacr. R.
1593- F.
Tho.Tilley. Subsacr. R. 1593^.
1 The 'Clerici' are styled in the Statutes, in common with the Chaplains,
' Ministri Sacelli,' but distinguished from them as ' accoliti aut saltern prima ton-
sura initiati, quorum alter erit organorum pulsator alter vero erit subsacrista.'
2 When a name is taken from the College Register, it is marked R ; when it does
not occur in the Register, but is found in the Alphabetical List at the end of vol.
xi of the Fulman MSS., it is marked F ; when it comes from neither of these
sources, but from the Buttery Books, it is marked B. The few additional names
here or elsewhere which are taken from the list, ascribed to Henry Allen, in the
Twyne Collectanea (MS. 280 in the College Library, ff. 232 b and 233 a), are marked
A. This list must have been drawn up about 1608.
3 These names, from Baylie to Lightefoote, both inclusive, all occur in the
Alphabetical List at the end of the Fulman MSS., vol. xi, with the letters M S
attached to them. If ' M S ' means ' Minister Sacelli,' they must have been Clerks,
as they do not occur in Hegge's Catalogue of Chaplains. But M S may denote
some inferior office, such as Ministri Servientes, in which case they would be
Servitors. None of these names occur in Allen's list, except that of Evans among
the Choristers, and this name is not sufficiently distinctive to admit of identification.
CLERKS.
427
Joh. Barksdal. Subsacr. Jul. 4,
1595. R.
Art. Jackson. Subsacr. Mar. 5,
1595. R.
Sam. Turner. Subsacr. Jun. 16,
1600. R.
Chas. Cheriton. Dec. 1 1, 1600. R.
Hen. Jackson. Feb. 5, 1600. R.
Wm. Holte. Dec. i, 1602. R.
Tho. White. Jul. 10, 1604. R.
Wm. Couchman. May 24, 1605.
R.
Joh. Chennell. Mar. 21, 1606. R.
Joh. Seller. Jan. 14, 1608. R.
Tho. Norwood. Dec. 8, 1610. R.
Chris. Bachelor. Mar. 19,1612
R.
Bic. Wixsted. Jun. 3, 1615. R.
Jas. Taylour. Jun. 7,1615. R.
Barth. Man. May 2, 1617. R.
Nic. Simpson. Dec. 20, 1617. R.
Bic. Vaughan. Jul. 5, 1621. R.
Edm. Vaughan. Mar. 15, 1622.
R.
Joh. Bramond (or Beamond).
Nov. TO, 1624. R.
Franc. Simpson. Aug. 7, 1627.
R.
Tho. Watt. Sep. 19, 1631. R.
Joh. Gookin. Dec. 7, 1631. R.
Joh. Fountayne. Mar. 19,1632.
R.
Joh. Sympson. 0^.28,1633. R.
Joh. Evelegh. Aug. i (? 1634).
R.
Laurence Jackson. Jun. 9,
1635- R-
Geo. Bayly. Jul. 16, 1639. R.
Sam. Elyott. Jan. 17, 1639. R-
Bic. Benson. Dec. 19, 1640. R.
Tho. Holloway. Jul. 29, 1647. R-
Bob. Dodd. May i, 1654. R.
Bic.Manninge. Nov. 13, 1655. R-
Sam. Marner. Dec. 26,1655. R.
Wm. Bruce. Jun. 14, 1657. R.
Nathaniel Cuffley. Oct. 3, 1657.
R.
Jas. Hellyer. Mar. 12, 1658. R.
The following names are all taken from the Buttery Books, the
earliest of which is that for 1648-9.
Under the first week in this Book, beginning Oct. 27, 1648, the
names of the Clerks are Hartcliffe and Lane. Then occur Charles
Blackwell, Sep. 28, 1649 ; Paris, Oct. 4, 1650 ; Fowler (Edward,
afterwards Bishop of Gloucester), Oct. 18, 1650; James Gardiner,
Oct. 31, 1651 ; Samuel Jemmat. Dec. 16, 1653 ; then Dodd, Man-
ninge, Marner, Bruce, Cuffley, Hellyer, as already given above.
The Buttery Books for 1659-60 down to 1663-4 are all wanting.
In October, 1664, the Clerks are Haslewood and Newlin; on Jan.
28, i66f, they are Newlin and Newlin; on March 20, i66|, they
are Newlin and Day.
The Buttery Books for 1669-70 and 1670-1 are wanting. On
Oct. 27, 1671, the Clerks are Day and Newlin. The Buttery Book
for 1673-4 is wanting. In October, 1674, the Clerks are Newlin
and Newlin. The Book for 1675-6 is wanting. In Oct., 1676, the
Clerks are Newlin and Mayo.
From this point we may give a continuous Catalogue, as follows : —
Joh. Paris. Jan. 10, 1680.
Jas. Newlin. Dec. 25, 1685.
Bic. Pocock. Jan. i, 1685.
Hen. Stephens. Dec. 4, 1688.
Joh. Sone. Feb. 6, 1690.
Geo. Fletcher. Jul. 6, 1693.
428
CLERKS.
Wm. Itchener. Nov. 21, 1693.
Dan. Pratt. Aug. 5, 1698.
Tho. Newcomb. Jul. 4, 1700.
Joh. Plaxton. Sep. 5, 1702.
Tho. Lewis1. Oct., 1704.
Joh. KLngsman. May 28, 1706.
Hen. Hill. Sep. 22, 1707.
Edwd. Home. Jun. n, 1709.
Hen. Frinsham. Apr. 13, 1711.
Wm. Binsted. Jul. 19, 1712.
Joh. Martin. Nov. 14, 1713.
Edwd. Hinde. Sep. 27, 1714.
Hen. Bruges. Oct. 4, 1714.
Tho. Jenkins. Jan. n, 1716.
Joh. Milsum. Mar. i, 1716.
Joh. Wall. Feb. 22, 1719.
Ric. Pococke (p. 282). Feb. 3,
1721.
Wm. Woodford. Jun. 2, 1722.
Hen. Gabell. May 29, 1725.
Rob. Westcott. May 14, 1726.
Edwd. Ford. Dec. 2, 1729.
Chris. Hoskins. Jan. 29, 1729.
Chris. Sclater. Jul. 27, 1731.
Joh. Geree. Apr. 16, 1736.
* Vaganus ' Griffith. Ap. 16,1736.
Wm. Wagstaffe. Mar. 5, 1736.
Joh. Russ. Oct. 24, 1740.
Joh. Woods. Nov. 8, 1740.
Tho. Drake. Apr. 13, 1741.
Wm. Spry. Jan. 23, 1744.
Chas. Reeks. Mar. 27, 1745.
Geo. Watkins. May 4, 1745.
Joh. Wills. Nov. 19, 1747.
Jas. Lewis. May 26, 1748.
Ben. Milward. Oct. 16, 1751.
Edwd. Wilson. Apr. 25, 1752.
Rob. Houlton. Jul. 24, 1755.
Sam. Payne. May 3, 1757.
Sam. Lewis. Oct. 5, 1757.
Edwd. Andrews. Dec. 15, 1758.
Chas. Hobbs. Nov. 26, 1759.
Chas. Lockey. May 5, 1761.
Wm. Stratford. Jul. 16, 1763.
Mattison Harrison. Mar. i,
1765.
Wm. Gyllett. Dec. 16, 1768.
Jas. Lewis. Dec. 16, 1768.
Joh. Chapman. Feb. 6, 1769.
Wm. Topham. Dec. 13, 1769.
Tho. Gyllett. Jun. 5, 1770.
Joh. Williamson. Mar. 9, 1773.
Wm. Miles. Oct. 13, 1773.
Hen. Richman. Dec. i, 1775.
Ric. Laurence (pp. 291-2).
Jul. 14, 1778.
Ric. Dixon. Feb. 5, 1779.
Wm. Harrison. Dec. 14, 1781.
Ric. Runwa Jenkins. Nov. 29,
I783-
Moses Dodd. Oct. 17, 1786.
Geo. Richards. Jan. 14, 1788.
Joh.Wm.Bourke. Dec. 7, 1789.
Wm. Marshall2. Jun. 3, 1791.
%* There is an entry in the Acta &c., under Feb. 21, 1792, that
the Choristers (and, therefore, presumably the Clerks) ' are now termed
Exhibitioners.' Beginning, therefore, with 1792, I have grouped
together, under the name of Exhibitioners, both these classes of Stu-
dents, though they were formally entered in the Buttery Books under
the old names as late as 1854.
1 The Buttery Book for 1 703-4 is lost. In Oct., 1 704, occurs ' Lewis ' {Thomas)
in place of Newcomb. a Fellow of Balliol.
CHORISTERS.
429
CHORISTERS '.
1503. Tho. White. R.
1595. Ric. Evans. F.
1597. Leonard Smith. R.
1598. Nic. Evans. R.
16O1. Pet. Turner. F.
1604. Franc. Garbrand. F.
1605. "Wm. Jackson. F.
Tobias Giles, probably before
1609. A.
Tho. Gosteloe < Gostelow, Disc.
1612). A.
1611. Tho. White. R.
1612. Edw. Holland. F.
1619. Ric. Vaughan. R.
1620. Tho. Pryth. R.
1621. Edm. Vaughan. R.
<?1624.) Tho. Disney. R.
1627. Anth. Nicklis. R.
1627. Tho. Samon. R.
1641. Rob. Pocock. R.
1548. Gyll. F.
Atkins. F.
1552. Roach. F.
Sotherne. F.
1555. Chafle. F.
1558. Gought. F.
Maunder. F.
Waglye. F.
1562. Etherige. F.
1563. Dorsett. F.
1564. Wm. Man. F.
Samuell. F.
1566. Clerke. F.
1567. Bryan. F.
1577. Ant. Wilson. F.
Whiting. F.
1580. Gab. Merry. F.
(Wm.) Webb. F.
1583. (Giles) Bamfield. F.
1592. Tho. TyUey. F.
Tho. Haberley. R.
Nathaniel Vincent was appointed by the Parliamentary Visitors,
Sep. 21, 1648. Home, Chorister, and Richard Lawrence were ex-
pelled by the Parliamentary Visitors, Oct. 2, 1648 (see Burrows' Regis-
ter). In the earliest Buttery Book, namely, that for 1648-9, the
Choristers are Lawrence and Paris. In 1650 Lawrence is suc-
ceeded by William Bruce. On Oct. 4, 1650, Paris was made
Clerk and succeeded by John Francklin, who was succeeded by
Vincent, for whose appointment see above. Then we have Nathaniel
Vincent, July 9, 1653. B. (This must, I think, be a different
Nathaniel Vincent from the one given above) ; James Hellyer or
Hollyar, March 8, 1655, R and B ; Nathaniel Cuffley, June 24,
1657, R and B; Thomas Fulkes, Oct. 3, 1657, R and B; Henry
Berrow, March n, 1658, R and B.
The remaining names are recovered exclusively from the Buttery
Books. The Buttery Books from 1659-60 down to 1663-4 are all
wanting. In Oct., 1664, the Choristers are Berrow and Newlin ;
on March 8, 1666, S. Day and R. Newlin; on April 10, 1668,
Newlin and Gounter. The Buttery Books for 1669, 1670 are wanting.
On Oct. 27, 1671, the Choristers are Gounter and Bremer. Thomas
Newlin was admitted Feb. 22, 1671. The Buttery Book for 1675
1 At first, probably, the Choristers were seldom matriculated. In process of time
their functions as Choristers ceased and they became simply ordinary students.
43°
CHORISTERS.
is wanting. In Oct., 1676, the Choristers are Newlin and Beeseley.
John Paris was admitted June i, 1678.
From this point we may give a continuous Catalogue, as follows : —
1685. Chas. Manwaring Full-
man.
Joh. Newlin.
1687. Wm. Manwaring Full-
man.
1688. Philip Pocock.
1693. Joh. Ball.
1895. Joh. Newlin.
1698. Gilb. Tillyard.
Newlin Denham Castle.
1699. Tho. Newcomb.
1700. Nic. Adams.
Chris. Sclater.
1703. Frampton Huntington.
1706. Roger Farbrother.
1708. Nathanael Sturges.
1709. Jas. Martin.
1711. - Edwards '.
1715. Joh. Pocock.
1716. Tho. Jenkins.
1720. Joh. Wigmore.
Joh. Jackson.
1723. Geo. Osborne.
1724. Edwd.Bentham(p.282).
1726. Bob. Browne.
1729. Jos. Bingham.
1732. Tho. Randal(l).
1733. Chas. Wither.
1736. Pet. Smith.
1737. Joh. Woods.
1740. Edm. Warneford.
1740. Ben. Culme.
1741. Ant. Frinsham.
1742. Ric. Bird.
1745. Davys Colmer.
Walter Cotton.
1746. Sam. Berjew.
1748. Joh. Ridout.
1751. Tho. Jenkins.
Tho. Milward, mat. Ap. 1 4, 1 7 532.
1756. Joh. Derby ( or Darbey).
1757. Tho. Goddard.
1760. Wm. Payne.
1762. Joh. Buckland.
Joh. Modd.
1763. Joh. Litchfleld.
1767. Wm. Jenkins.
1768. Joh. Chapman.
1769. Jas. Lewis.
1770. Wm. Gyllett.
1771. Joh. Frowd.
1772. Chas. Richards.
1775. Joh. Prince.
1777. Joh. Williams.
1779. Joh. Hopkins.
1781. Joh. Flamank.
1783. Hen. Kingsman.
1785. Ozias Thurstan Linley.
1787. Tho. Eglin.
1789. Sam. How.
1790. Chas. Moore.
1791. Ric. Carrow.
1 Probably Edward Edwards, who matriculated March 19, 171$, If not, Wm.
Edwards, who matriculated Nov. 9, 1709.
3 The Buttery Book for 1752-3 is missing, but all the names in the University
Matriculation Books of that period, connected with Corpus, can be accounted for.
In the College Buttery Book, beginning Oct., 1753, Milward appears in place of
Ridout.
EXHIBITIONERS.
43 1
EXHIBITIONERS '.
1792. Jeremiah Smith. 1814.
1793. Ric. Lewis. 1816.
1794. Chas. Kemeys Watkins. 1817.
1795. Joh. Crosse.
Win. Marshall.
Rob. Gatehouse.
Joh. Penrose.
1796. Wm. Baldwyn. 1818.
1799. Jas. Venables.
Wm.Tugwell Williams. 1820.
Aaron Webb Baker.
Jas. Best. 1821.
1800. Joh. Selwyn.
Joh. Graves. 1822.
1801. Tho. Pearce. 1823.
1803. Edwd. Andr. Daubeny. 1824.
Matt. Arnold 2. 1825.
1804. 3Jas. Moore. 1826.
3 Wm. James 4. 1827.
Tho. Lewin. 1828.
1805. Joh. Jas. Colley. 1829.
1807. Fred. Wm. Miller. 1830.
1808. Noel Tho. Ellison <p. 1831.
410). 1832.
Ric. Jones.
1809. Wm. Salter. 1833.
Joh. Bartholomew (p.
304). 1834.
1811. Tho. Penrose. 1835.
1812. Hen. Allen.
Joh. Stockdale 5.
Chas. Medhurst. 1836.
1813. Hen. Dimock. 1837.
Rob. Salkeld.
Chas. Eckersall.
Chas. Nutt.
Jas. Hardwicke Dyer.
Franc. Lipscomb.
Ric. Hen. Mostyn Price
(or Pryce).
Chas. Joh. Cornish.
Edwd. Coleridge 6.
Ric. Messiter.
Joh. Kerr Bourke.
Algernon Grenfell.
Phil. Jacob 7.
Hub. Kestell Cornish.
Wm. Jas. Copleston 8.
Geo. Burton Hamilton.
Ric. Jervis Statham.
Jeremiah Dyson.
Hen. Craddock No well.
Edwd. Otto Trevelyan.
Joh. Douglass Giles9.
Bryan Faussett.
Joh. Tahourdin White.
Hen. Walford Bellairs.
Rob. Faithfull Fan-
shawe.
Godfrey Faussett 10.
Horace Faithfull Gray.
Edwd. Shaw Mount.
Wm. Darnell.
Joh. Yarker.
Hugh Hamon Massie.
Hen. Jas. Marshall.
Philip Antoine de Teis-
sier n.
1 The Clerks and Choristers had already come to be called by this name in 1792
(see p. 428), having probably long before that time ceased to perform their special
functions, and having become assimilated to ordinary students. The list is here
continued down to 1854, the year before the old Statutes were finally abolished.
In the New Statutes Exhibitioners were introduced eo nomine.
2 Elder brother of Thomas Arnold. 3 The Buttery Book for 1803-4 is
missing, but, from the Acta &c., it appears that these two names were admitted at
the times stated. 4 Afterwards Fellow of Exeter. s Afterwards a
Gentleman-Commoner. 6 Second Master of Eton {p. 304). 7 Canon
and Archdeacon of Winchester (p. 304). 8 Fellow of Oriel, &c. (p. 304).
See Foster, Al. Ox. 9 Archdeacon of Stow. 10 Fellow of Magdalen.
11 3rd Baron de Teissier. Founder of the De Teissier Exhibition.
432
EXHIBITIONERS,
1838. Rob. Cholmeley1.
1839. Wm. Tho. Bridges.
1840. Job. Rigaud2.
Matt. Buckland.
Joh. Rob. Davison.
1841. Wm. Wilson.
1843. Rob. Kestell Cornish s.
1844. Wm. Hay Cooke.
Herbert Phillott.
Hen. Eastfleld Bayly.
1846. Wm. Rob. Haverfleld.
1847. Ric. Hen. Price.
1848. Phil. Menzies Sankey.
Wm. Tho. Norris.
1849. Tho.HeathcoteTragett.
1850. Shadworth Hollway
Hodgson 4.
1851. Chas. Joh. Cornish.
1852. Joh. Reynolds O'Neil.
Wm. Carr Sidgwick 5.
1854. Chas. Tho. Arnold.
%* In the New Statutes, sealed on Oct. 9, 1855, there is no men-
tion of Clerks or Choristers, but they are replaced by four Exhibitioners
eo nomine, thus confirming the designation which, as we have seen, had
now for some time prevailed. By a subsequent Statute (approved by
the Visitor in 1862) these four Exhibitioners were converted into
Scholars. The following is a list of Exhibitioners elected during the
interval : —
1856. Franc. Bedwell.
Art. Carr6.
1857. Hen. Geo. Madan 7.
1857. Hen. Alex. Giffard8.
1860. KyrleMitfordChatfleld9.
1861. Hen. Geo. Woods 10.
Though these four Exhibitions were merged among the Scholar-
ships from 1862 onwards, the College, both before and after this time,
occasionally awarded Exhibitions to its Commoners or to Candidates
who acquitted themselves well in the Scholarship Examinations. The
following is a list of Exhibitioners so elected from 1857 down to the
present time u : — .
1857. Wm. Chris. Evans.
Chas. Wm. Penny.
1859. Lewis Pugh Evans12.
Joh. Jas. Coxhead.
1860. Joh. Wm. Colvin.
Osborn Bubb.
Alf. Tho. Barton I3.
1861. Herb. Augus. Strong14.
1861. Wm. Albert Darent
Harrison.
1868. 15Wm. Hawks Longridge.
1869. Geo. Bowyer Vaux.
1870. Franc. Reynolds Yonge
Radcliffe 16.
Chas. Hen. Lomax.
Nevil Masterman.
I Fellow of Magdalen. 2 Fellow of Magdalen. 3 Bishop of Madagascar.
4 Honorary Fellow. 5 Fellow of Merton. 6 Fellow of Oriel. 7 Fellow
of Queen's. * Senior Student of Ch. Ch. Q.C. 9 Director of Public
Instruction, Bombay. 10 Fellow, afterwards President, of Trinity.
II After the recent Statutes of 1882 came into operation, the College began, in
accordance with their provisions, to advertise one or more Exhibitions to be filled
up at the same time with the Scholarships, and from October, 1883, onwards
Exhibitioners so elected predominate.
12 Formerly M.P. for Cardiganshire. Now L. P. Pugh. 1S Fellow of Pem-
broke. H Professor of Latin, University College, Liverpool. 15 A con-
siderable interval seems to have elapsed, during which no Exhibitioners were
elected. lc Fellow of All Souls.
EXHIBITIONERS.
433
1871. Dan. Vawdrey.
Phil. Williams. Cal. 1873 '.
Harold Baird Carlyon. Cal.
1874-
Art. Caynton Radcliffe. Cal.
1874.
Art. Wm.Bivington. Cal. 1874.
Dunbar Plunket Barton 2.
Cal. 1874.
Wm. Daniell. Cal. 1874.
Tho. Thistle3. Cal. 1874.
Joh.Wm. Barry, B.A. Cal. 1875.
Rob. Harry Monro Elwes, ad-
mitted January, 1875.
Hen. Campbell Jenkins. Cal.
1876.
Stanley Edwd. Lane Poole.
Cal. 1876.
Beg. Chas. Lott. Cal. 1877.
Hugh Edwd. Egerton. Cal. 1877.
Art. Antony Macdonell4. Cal.
1877.
Sidney Smith. Cal. 1878.
Sydney Haldane Olivier. Cal.
1879.
Joh. Kirkpatrick Young. Cal.
1879.
Chas. Jas. Billson. Cal. 1879.
Chas. Hen. Malcolm Kerr.
Cal. 1879.
Geo. Anth. King. Cal. 1879.
Prank Ernest Ward. Cal. 1 880.
Art. Newton Streatfleld. Cal.
1880.
Wm. Hen. Edwd. Worship.
Cal. 1880.
Chas. Herb. Tylee. Cal. 1881.
Art. Adams. Cal. 1881.
Joh. Hen. Roskill. Cal. 1881.
Reginald Saumarez de Havil-
land. Cal. 1881.
Edwd. Franklin Simpkinson.
Cal. 1882.
Ernest Campbell Lowndes.
Cal. 1882.
Tho. Wm. Carr. Cal. 1882.
Tho. Hen. Littlewood. Cal.
1882.
Alex. Macdonald. Cal. 1883.
Geo. Williamson Wallace.
Cal. 1883.
Percy Robinson. Cal. 1883.
1883. Ben. Michael Connal.
Edwd. Norman Gar-
diner.
Geo. Hen. Baker. Cal. 1885.
Edwd. Stanhope Rashleigh.
Cal. 1886.
1885. Gilb. Luxmoore Evans.
Pet. Bertie Mellish.
1886. Joh. Mere Latham.
1887. Art. Joh. Fowler.
Leon. Hamilton White
1888. Hen. Nelson Wright.
Joh. Young Evans.
1889. Prideaux Selby John-
ston.
Hen. Coker Smith.
1890. Rob. Leslie Dunbabin.
Jas. Art. Wm. Bell.
Ernest Bennett Sinclair
Shepherd.
1891. Gilb^Joh. Tindall.
Wm. Sanger.
Jas. Reginald Lea Ran-
kin (Honorary).
1892. Wm.Joh.Hen.Brodrick.
Julian Cornes.
1 The dates of appointment of many of these Exhibitioners can now only be
gathered from the Calendars. 2 Q.C., M.P. for Mid-Armagh. 3 Head
Master of Hereford Grammar School. * Deputy Professor of Sanscrit.
Ff
LIST OF EARLY COMMONERS OR
' GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS;
Extracted from the Fulman MSS., Vol. XI, and the older
Buttery Books.
As the College Registers take no cognisance of any persons not
on the Foundation, the only official authority for the names of the
Commoners, or, as they were subsequently called, Gentlemen-Com-
moners, are the Buttery Books and the 'Acts and Proceedings'
which, till quite recently, were kept by the Presidents. But the
latter series does not begin till I7481, and there are none of the
old Buttery Books now extant which go back beyond the academical
year 1648-9. In vol. xi of the Fulman MSS., however, there is an
Index of names of former members of the College, including, it
would appear, all which could be recovered down to about the year
1620, there being a few occasional entries after this period. Amongst
these names are those of some of the Commoners, though, as compared
with the entire number of this class of students down to that time, the
list must be very small. It is probably made up from such Buttery
Books as were extant when the list was compiled. The writing is in
different hands, though the latest additions and corrections seem to be
by Fulman.
I have attempted, in each case, to identify the names, by comparison
with Foster's Alumni Oxonienses, Earlier Series, and the Lists of
Matriculations and Degrees given in Mr. A. Clark's Register (Oxf.
Hist. Soc.). Where they cannot be identified, they are marked n. i. ;
where no date is given, n. d.
Bic. Stiles, n. i. n. d. Tho. Knowles. 1577. B.A. 158^.
Bob. Moulton. n. i. n. d. Chas.Stainings. 1577.6^.15!^.
Harrington, n. d. (? Franc. H., Geo. Sampole. Line. 1578 2.
B.A., 1581.) Sam. Sands. 1580. n. i.
P. Heaton. 1571 (or ? 1591). n. i. Ferdinand© Kingsmell. n. d.
Job. Foster. 1577. n. i. ? matr. 1581.
Jackson. 1577. n. i. Wm.Norton. 1582. ?B.A. 1593.
Wm. Boyer. 1577. n. i. Chas. Norton. 1585. n. i.
Joh. Barnes. 1578. n. i. Dan. Norton. 1585. n. i.
Bob. Kingsmell. 1579. n. i. Edwin Sands. 1585. n. i.3
1 In the book, however, beginning with Dr. Cooke's Presidency in 1 783, there is a
list of Gentlemen-Commoners, in one or two places incomplete, from 1700 to 1815.
2 Cannot be identified with any entry either in F or C, but, in all probability,
the same as the Sir George St. Paul, Bart., who devised lands at Lissington, Lines.,
to the College. See A. Wood, Colleges and Halls, under C. C. C-
3 In Fulman 's handwriting : ' Qu. whether the same that had been Fellow.' If
the Edwin Sandys, entered as a commoner in 1585, was really the same that had
previously been Fellow, he may have had his name on the books in the capacity
of what is now called an independent Master of Arts. Cp. pp. 275-6. But it is
much more probable, I think, that he was only batteling temporarily.
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS. 435
Rouse Stratford. 1585. mat. Chr. Browne. 1590. mat. 1589.
1586. Rob. Rossiter. Line. 1589. n.i.
Franc. Vincent. 1585. ? mat. Wm. Drew. 1589. n. i.
1582. (Aft. Sir F. V., Bart.) Fr. Eaton. 1589. n.i.
Rob. Young. 1585. mat. 1586. Geo. Williams. Lines. 1589.
Wm. Cole. 1586. n.i. mat. 1586 l.
Smith. 1586. (? Tho. Smythe. Geo. Sands. 1589 2.
mat. 1586.) Hen. Sands. 1589*-
Ric. Culme. 1586. ? mat. i58f. Joh. Marston. 1590 3.
Chas. Eure. 1586. n.i. FelixBrowne. 1591. mat. 159!-
Wm. Foxe. 1587. n. i. Joh. Fitz-james. 1591- mat.
Edwd. Goddard. 1589. mat. i59i-
158$. Leueston Fitz-james. 1591*.
Rob. Browne. 1589. mat. 1589. Gardener5.
1 The difference of date, here and in some other places, between the Fulman.
MS. and Mr. Clark's Register, may be due to the loss of old Buttery Books, and
to the date in the Fulman MS. being that of the first Buttery Book then extant in
which the name occurs.
2 There can be no doubt, as, indeed, is stated by Fulman in a marginal note to
the Index, that these names are identical with those of the G. S. and H. S., matri-
culated at St. Mary Hall on Dec. 5, 1589: Henry as London, archiepisc. f. 16;
George as York, arch. f. 1 1. They were both younger brothers of Sir Edwin Sandys,
Hooker's pupil. Probably they were first matriculated at St. Mary Hall, either
because there were not yet rooms vacant for them at Corpus, or because the number
of Gentlemen-Commoners, which was limited by the Statutes to six, was already full.
3 This is probably the same as the John Marston who took his B.A. Degree
from Corpus on Feb. 23, 159^. Antony Wood (Ath. Ox., ed. Bliss, vol. i. col.
762, &c.) identifies him, and not John Marston of Brasenose, with Marston the
dramatist and poet, but the identification rests on mistaken grounds. Wood's
article is more even than ordinarily careless. In the first place, he speaks of
Marston's Works as having been ' gathered together by Will. Shakespeare the
famous comedian, and by his care printed at London 1633,' Shakespeare having
been then dead seventeen years, and the Works having been 'gathered together'
by William Sheares the bookseller and publisher. Then, as John Marston of
B. N. C. did not die till 1634, it is argued that the edition of the collected Works
cannot have been edited by any one else in 1633 ! but, had Wood taken pains to
read the very short Preface, he would have seen that two reasons are assigned for
the Works being edited by another hand during Marston's life-time, namely, that
' the Author is now in his Autumne and declining age,' and is ' so farre distant
from this place.' Mr. Halliwell and Mr. Bullen, the two most recent editors of
Marston's Works, adduce some probable, though hardly conclusive, reasons for
identifying the poet and dramatist with John Marston of Brasenose, leaving a
certain amount of presumption in his favour. In the supplementary notes to
Wood's Ath. Ox., contained in Bliss' ed., it is stated that 'there seems great
difficulty in ascribing the right college to the poet, for, in the Oxford verses
on the death of Queen Elizabeth, is a copy signed by ' John Marston, ex sede
Christ!.' But, even if we lay no stress on the difference of spelling — for the
copy is subscribed and the name given on matriculating and taking the B.A.
degree as John Marson— it is difficult to suppose that this John Marson can
have written the 'Scourge of Villany' and ' Pigmalion's Image' in 1598, three
years before his matriculation at New College in 1601, and when he was only
eighteen years of age.
4 Is he the same as the L. F., M.P. for Bridport, who matriculated at Balliol,
March 5, 159$ ? He may afterwards have migrated to Corpus.
5 Is this the same as Joh. G., mat. 1592 ?
Ff 2
436 EARLY COMMONERS OR
Pouke. 1592. i.e. Job. F. mat. Humph. Styles. 1595. ? same
1592. as H. S. mat. 1598'.
Lyne. Lond. 1593. n. i. Wm. Higford. I5967.
Chas. Sunnibanke. 1593 *. Joh. Young. Ep. Roff. f. 1597.
Edwd. Seymour, eq. f. 1594. Franc. Kelway. 1598.
Wm. Beacher. i5942. Tho. Rowland. 1598.
Bob. More. 1594 3. Edwd. Pelland (Pellam or Pel-
Tho. Bond. 1594. ? same as ham). Sussex. 1598.
T. B. eq. f. mat. 1596. Nath. Taverner. 1599.
Bich. Horner. 1594. n. i. Bailife. i5998.
Hen. Colthurst. Lond. n.d. n.i. Lud. Pollard, Gen. 1603. ? same
Fran. Colthurst. Lond. 1594*. as L. P. mat. at St. John's (Ox.
Thomas Thynne. 1594 5. arm. f.) 1601 9.
Bob. Knowlys. 1594. mat. at Joh. Leynthall, Gen. 1603.
Ch. Ch. 1594. B.A. from Corpus ? same as J. L. mat. at St. John's
1598. (Ox. arm. f.) i6oi9.
Barth. Bulmer. 1595. n.i. Joh. Babington. 1604. mat. (fil.
Hen. Norwood. 1595. ? same episc. Vigorn.) 1603.
as H. N. mat. at Oriel 159^. Bich. Diott. 1604 10.
1 Either he cannot be identified, or he is the same with the John Sonibank
who took his degree from Corpus in 1593; if so, he must have migrated from
some other college. 2 Afterwards Sir Wm. Beacher. See Fulman, vol. x. fol.
46 a. * Afterwards Sir R. More, Kt. * This name does not occur in the lists
either of Matriculation or of Degrees, but there was a F. C. at or of C. C. C. in
1602. Fulman adds the note, 'Ob. Apr. 20, 1602, set. 26.' 5 This is perhaps
the same as the T. T. who mat. at B. N. C. (Wilts, arm. f. 14) in 1592, and may
have migrated to Corpus. Afterwards Sir T. T., Kt. 6 About this time ma-
triculation was often postponed till long after a student had become member of a
college.
7 This is the same as the W. Higford (Hickford or Hichford) who mat. at
Oriel (Glouc. arm. f. 16), Jan. 14, 159^, and took his degree from Corpus, Feb.
*6, 159$. From the number of migrations about this period, one can hardly help
supposing that colleges accommodated one another ; and that a young man, wishing
to go to some particular college, with which probably his family was connected,
and unable to find rooms, or, in cases where, as at Corpus, the number of Com-
moners was limited, a vacancy, was, meanwhile, accommodated at some other
college. Higford's father and grandfather had both been at Corpus. See pp. 131,
156 of this work.
8 This, I think, must be the George Bayly (or Cayly) mat. at Queen's (Chesh.
cler. f. 16) in 1595, who took his B.A. Degree from Corpus, July 23, 1599. (This
word is variously spelt Bayley, Bailie, Bailey, Balie, Balye, Bayleye, Baylie, Bayly,
Baylye, Balife, Baliffe, Balisse, Bayliffe, Bagley, Bealye, Belly, Beeley, Beelie,
Beely, Beelye, Byley, &c.)
3 There can be no practical doubt of the identification of these two names,
which are both entered under L in Fulman, and placed in juxtaposition. These
two students, who were of the same county, who matriculated together at St. John's,
and who were probably close friends, seem to have migrated, at or about the same
time, to Corpus. For J. L. and his better-known namesake, the son of the Speaker,
see p. 194 of this work, note i. When I wrote this note, I had not observed that
Pollard was so closely connected with Leynthall, and hence, the migration from
St. John's, which I now regard as practically certain, was there stated only as a
possibility.
10 Afterwards Sir R. D., Kt, P.C. to Charles I, High Steward of Lichfield, and
Chancellor of the County Palatine of Durham. Foster's Al. Ox.
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS. 437
Joh. Thornton. 1606. mat. 1607. Rob. Nicolas. 1614. n. i.
Horatio Eure. 1607. n. i. Joh. Spenser. 1614. n. i.
Geo. Lucy. 1607. (Southts. Amias Bamfield. Dev. 1614.
mil. f.) B.A. (eq. aur. f.) 1616.
Hen. Parry. Cant. I6O71. Joh. Price. 1615.
Walt. Raleigh. 1607. mat. as Nic. Worth. 1615.
W. Ralegh, Dorset, mil. f. i42. Hen. Poxe. 1615. (Salop, eq.
Rob. Diott. 1609. aur. f.)
Franc. Pinche. 1609*. Somerset Foxe. 1615. (Mon-
Edwin Sands. 1609. (mil. f.)4 mouth, eq. aur. f.)
Edwd. Spenser. i6n5. Joh. Minne9. Cant. 1615. (Sur-
Rich. Spenser. 1 6 1 1 5. rev, eq. aur. f .)
Joh. G-unter. 1611. n. i. Wm. Minne- Cant. 1616. (Sur-
Joh. Sedley. 1 6 1 1 6. rey, eq. aur. f.)
Wm. Brockman. Cant. 1612. Wm.Han(d)cock. 1616. (Dev.)
mat. at St. M. H. i6io7. Jas. Rivers10. Cant. 1616.
Robin Pinch. Cant. 1612. B.A. Potter Rivers. Cant. 1616.
from Corpus (eq. aur. f.) 1611 8. Edmu(o)nd Hatch. 1617.
Rob. Eidolphe. Cant. 1614. n.i. Rob. Woodroffe. 1617. (eq. f.)
Separated, by a long period, from the other entries, is the following
under B, in Fulman's own handwriting : —
Wm. Barker. Comm. Ob. Mai 7, 1632. aet. 19. I am not able
to identify this entry with any either in Foster or the University Ma-
triculation Book of this period, though I have made an independent
examination of that document. W. B. may be confounded with a
Joseph B., who matriculated from Corpus, Mar. 10, 162^, set. 15.
In the Register of the Parliamentary Visitors, the name of John
1 Son of H. P., a former scholar, Bishop successively of Glouc. and Wore.
a Elder son of Sir Walter (see Bliss' ed. of Ath. Ox., sub Daniel Fairclough or
Featley, who was W. R.'s tutor, vol. iii. col. 169). He was killed at the sacking
of St. Thomas, i6i£. See Stebbing's Life of Sir Walter Ralegh, pp. 321-4.
There is a very interesting letter from Featley to Sir Walter Raleigh on his son,
given in Bliss' ed. of Ath. Ox., vol. iii. col. 169. In Stebbing's Life of Sir Walter,
pp. 323-4, we read of this son: 'Six days after the fight, Keymis sent a letter
describing Walter's death, and eulogising his " extraordinary valour, forwardness,
and constant vigour of mind." Keymis's letter was dated January 8. It arrived,
it has been reckoned, on Feb. 14. The day is believed to be fixed by the abrupt
closing of Ralegh's journal, aifter his son's death, "with whom," he wrote to
Winwood, " all respect of this world hath taken end in me," he had no heart to
continue it.'
3 Can this be the same as the F. F. who mat. (Kent. eq. f. 15) June 12, 1601 ?
If so, he must have been 'batteling' temporarily in 1609. * Afterwards Sir E.
Sandys. 5 Both matriculated (as Northts. baronis f., E. S. 14, R. S. 16) Nov.
13, 1609. They were sons of ' Robert, Lord Spencer, baron of Wormleighton.'
See Vaughan's Life of Dr. Jackson (Works of Dr. J., Cl. Pr. Ed., vol. i). Edward
Spenser was knighted Dec. 27, 1625, and was M.P. for Brackley and Middlesex;
Richard was M.P. for Northampton and Rye. 6 Took his B.A. from Corpus,
as eq. aur. f. n. m., May 17, 1613. Second Bart. 7 Afterwards Sir W. B., Kt.
8 We must bear in mind that all ' independent ' members of the college, whether
graduates or undergraduates, were called ' Commensales,' if in residence. * After-
wards Sir J. M., Kt. 10 M.P. for Lewes.
438 EARLY COMMONERS OR
Stapleton, Commoner, is given as one of those expelled in 1648,
but his name does not occur either in Foster or in the Matriculation
Register, which, however, is at this time very defective.
After an interval of several years, our authority for the names of
Commoners, or ' Gentlemen-Commoners/ becomes the Buttery Books,
the first extant of which is that for 1 648-9 1. Several of the earlier
books are now missing, but, as a name was often on the books for
three, four, or five years, and, from 1748 onwards, we have also the
' Acts and Proceedings of C. C. C.' kept by the Presidents, we are able
to construct an almost complete list from the time of the Common-
wealth down to the disappearance of these students in 1852.
Early in the book for 1648-9 we find the names —
Mr. Wyndham. Mr. Short. Mr. Geree or Geary.
Mr. Pointingdon. Mr. Hais( Hayes).
The names of Mr. Wyndham, Mr. Pointingdon, and Mr. Geree
do not occur either in Foster's Al. Ox. or in the University Matricula-
tion Book. There is no formal entry of any of these names in the
Buttery Book, but, in the Univ. Matriculation Book, Edwardus
Shorte, Gen. Fil., and Jacobus Hayes, Gen. Fil., appear on Feb.
19, 164!.
"William Ingoldsby is entered in the Buttery Book, Aug. 24, 1649,
but I cannot find that he ever batteled, except on the first day, and
his name does not occur either in Foster or in the Univ. Matric. Book.
Mr. Ridley and Mr. Bankes are entered on July 5, 1650, but
neither of them occurs in Foster or in the Univ. Matric. Book. They
both batteled.
Nicholas Opies (sometimes written Opye) is entered on July 19,
1650, and was matriculated, Nov. 20, 1651, as Opay.
Coplestone Bampfylde, Baronet \
<aft. M.P. for Devon) / entered on March 14, 165^,
Thomas Upton ( and matriculated March 20
Nicholas SherwiU J following.
Francis Isaac entered Apr. 25, 1651, and matriculated June 7
following.
Richard Warre was transferred from the list of Scholars, June 13,
1651.
I now proceed to give the names and years of admission, adding,
where desirable, further particulars : —
1 In the earlier pages of this book there occur the names of Wall, Parne, Newman,
Ryland, Mrs. Moore, Crayford, Colins, Shepard, and, at an interval, Cave, Car-
penter, Willson. From their position, the former names must, I think, be those of
battelers, servitors or servants, and the latter possibly those of workmen temporarily
employed in the college (cp., in Fulman's Index, Style Tegull, 1566, and Tho.
Stiles Teg. 1582). None of the names occur in the Matriculation Book, but, at
this period, that record was very imperfectly kept. Mrs. Moore was. probably, an
early instance of a female bed-maker.
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS. 439
1652. Geo. Lacock. 1655. Combe Wagstaffe.
165§. Job. Holme. 1657. Chris. Packe.
1653. Wm. Parker. Wm. ArundeU.
David Bigg. 1658. Chas. Adderley.
1654. Rob. Howarth. Ric. Forster.
Tho. Ashhurst. 165£. Jas. Chetham2.
1655. Wm. Heyrick. 1659. Rob. G-rove.
Humphrey Chetham l.
The Books are missing from Oct., 1659, to Oct., i6643. The
names in October, 1664, are —
<Hen.) Ewer. <Ric.) Cobb. (Mich.) Welden.
Ashburnham. (Rob.) Midford. (Rob.) Manton.
(Wm.) Wither 4 was entered Jan. 27, i66i.
On May ii, 1666, there first occurs in the Buttery Books the name
of D. Jacobus Dux Monumethensis, inserted between the Pre-
sident and Vice-President. See pp. 243-4.
1666. Joh. Hooke. 1668. Wm. Livesay.
1668. Edwd. Filmer5. 1669. Joh. Carter.
Wm. Harmer.
The Books for 1669-70 and 1670-1 are wanting. In October,
1671, the names on the Book are —
Ds. Hooke. Harmer. (Wm.) Hickman.
Filmer. Livesay.
Proceeding with the admissions we have —
1671. Dan. Hayne. 167f . Chas. Cotes.
167£. Ric. Ingoldesby. Joh. Coxwell.
The Book for 1673-4 is wanting. In October, 1674, the names
on the Book are —
Mr. Hooke. Stocker. (Rob.) Mason.
(Joh.) Coxwell. (Tho.) Moore.
Hugh Grove was admitted May 28, 1675.
The Book for 1675-6 is wanting. In October, 1676, the names
on the Book are —
Dom. Gul. Duncumb 6. Husbands. (Joh.) Starkey.
Grove. (Ant.) Lucas.
We may now proceed with the admissions : —
16|$. Joh. Tayleur. 1680. (Walt.) Bogan.
1680. Wm. Brome. 1681. (Rob.) Parker.
Ric. Jones. 168f . Ben. Wade.
1 Probably some junior relative of the Humphrey Chetham, founder of the
Chetham Hospital and Library at Manchester, who was bom in 1580, and died
unmarried. '-1 Probably the author of the ' Angler's Vade Mecum.' See Diet.
Nat. Biog. s During this time the name of John Darell must have been entered
as a Gentleman-Commoner. See p. 455 below. * M.P. for Andover.
5 Fellow of All Souls. Probably the same as the dramatist. See Diet. Nat. Biog.
6 2nd Baronet.
440
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS.
1683 '. Bob. Ellison. 1693.
Mich. Wickes. 1694.
Rob. Sheppard.
168f . Joh. Stephens.
1684. Wm. Evelyn. 1695.
1685. Tho. Compton.
Tim. Bobson. 1696.
1686. Sir Lawr. Stoughton 2. 1698.
1687. Joh. Briscoe.
Hen. Bawling.
Chris. Mayne.
1688. Chas. Mellish. 17OO.
Gul. Bussell.
1689. Bob. Knight.
1690. Tobias Chauncy 3. 1702.
Franc. Drewe*. 170f.
1691. Geo. Harrison.
169J. Bic. Bigg.
The Buttery Book for 1703 is wanting,
entries are —
Tho. Browne.
Sam. Chetham.
Joh. Powle.
Bob. Beach.
Joh. Temple.
Chas. Parry.
Tho. Brocas.
Norton Powlett 5.
Dom. Phil. Parker, Bart.6
Ludov. Oglethorpe7.
Gul. Wither.
Hen. Hodges.
Dom. Hen. Atkins, Bart.8
Tho. Bere.
Edwd. Cuthbert.
Phil. Percivale 9.
Geo. St. Amand.
Gostlett Harington.
In October, 1704, the
Hodges. Harington.
St. Amand. Young.
1706. Gul. Boulting. 1713.
Jac. Hayes. 1714.
1707. Willoughby Bertie ll.
Joh. Drake, Bart. 12. 1715.
1708. Joh. Turner.
Edwd. Cole. 171|.
More Molyneux13. 1719.
Edwd. Conyers14.
Gul. Walrond. 1720.
Hen. Baro de Coleraine. 1721.
(pp. 271-2, 287.)
1709.
171O.
(Tho.) Turner.
(Shilton) Calmady10.
Joh. Bawlinson. eq. aur. f.
Jac. Oglethorpe 15. eq.
aur. f.
Bic. Bingham 16.
Adrianus Moore.
Joh. Clarke.
Joh. Crosse.
Joh. PoUen 17.
Bob. Spearman.
Cope Freeman.
Hon. Tho. Lee.
1 On June i, 1683, the name of D. Jacobus Dux Monumethensis is erased. The
erasure continues up to July 12, and then the name disappears altogether.
2 2nd Baronet. 3 M.P. for Ban bury. * M.P. for Exeter in four Parliaments.
Foster. 5 M.P. for Petersfield in six Parliaments. See Foster. 6 3rd
Baronet. M.P. for Harwich. 7 M.P. for Haslemere. A.D.C. to Duke of
Marlborough. See Foster. 8 3rd Baronet. 9 M.P. for Askeyton. Director
and Supervisor of the State Music. See Foster. I0 These names correspond
with the list in Acta C.C.C. for 1783, &c. We may probably conclude, therefore,
that none are missing. n 3rd Earl of Abingdon. Foster, Al. Ox. 13 5th
Baronet. 13 Afterwards Sir M. M., Kt. H M.P. for East Grinstead.
15 Oglethorpe's name disappears from the books on May 3, 1717. It was re-
entered on June 25, 1719, and finally disappeared on Oct. 20, 1727. As, for the
greater part of the time after re-entering his name he does not battel, this appears
to be an early case of ' keeping the name on the books.' (Cp. the case of Edwin
Sandys above, p. 434.) He was created M.A. on July 31, 1 731. 16 R. Bingham,
though he resided some time, seems never to have been matriculated before the
University. 1Y M.P. for Andover.
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS.
441
1721. Tho. Aston1. 1729. Jeremias Milles. (pp.
1722. Hen. Bland. 282-3.)
1723. Gul. Wynne. 1730. Edm. Gibson.
Edm. Chamberlayne. Ludovicus Buckle.
1724. Gul. Morice 2 <al. Mor- 173£. Franc. Drewe.
ris), Bart. fil. 1732. Jon. Lowe.
1725. Jon. Anstis. Hen. Seymer.
Edwd. Mellish. 173f . Swayne Harbin.
1726. Job. Honywood. 1734. Jac. Newton.
172f. Rob. Goddard Adams.- 1735. Tho. Head.
1727. Bob. Hoblyn. 1736. Edwd. Sacheverell Pole.
Talbot Williamson. (See Foster.)
Jon. Symons. 173£. Tho. Clavering.
1728. Chris. Buckle. 1737. Hon. Joh. Chetwynd.
The Buttery Book for 1737-8 is missing. At the beginning of the
next book, Oct., 1738, there occurs the name ' Master,' who must
be Legh Master, matr. Dec. 16, 1737, as Streynsham Master was
a Scholar.
1739. Bob. Snablin. 1752.
Geo. Clavering, Bart. fil.
1740. Gul. Fenwick. 1753.
1741. Bob. Henley. 1755.
Gul. Davison.
Gul. Lemon. 1756.
Pet. Henley. 1757.
1742. Pet. Leigh.
174|. Joh. Fenwick.
1743. Tho. Hall. 1758.
174f. Ric. Leigh3. 1759.
174^. Tho. Worsley 4.
1746. Tho. ClenneU.
174f. Hon.Gul.Bic.Chetwynd. 1760.
1747. David Hartley, (pp. 1761.
282-3.)
1748. Ashton Lever, (p. 283.) 1762.
174f . Tho. Patten. 1764.
1749. Joh. Bulteel.
Sam. Clarke. 1767.
Gul. Soresby.
1750. Gul. Honywood.
Joh. Estridge.
1751. Hen. Campion. 1768.
1752. Gul. Deedes.
Joh. Lloyd.
Car. Franc. Forster.
Geo. Mason5.
Wm. Hasell.
Joh. Wilkinson.
Herb. Randolph.
Winchcombe Henricus
Hartley 6.
Franc. Rose Drewe.
Tho. Bose Drewe.
Joh. Pollen 7.
Paulus Methuen.
Wm. Alder.
Chris. Buckle.
Bic. Lovell Edgeworth.
(pp. 292-3.)
Mich. Terry.
Tho. Day. (p. 292.)
Tho. Sheppard.
Edwd. Drewe.
Joh. Tattersall.
Gul. Windsor Fitz-
Thomas.
Bog. Cole.
Ric. Worsley 8.
1 4th Baronet. M.P. 2 3rd Baronet. M.P. for Launceston. p. 78. 3 King's
Serjeant. M.P. for East Looe. * 6th Baronet. 5 The Buttery Book for
1752-3 is missing, but this admission is recovered from the Acts of C.C.C. and the
Univ. Matric. Book. 8 M.P. for Berkshire. 7 ist Baronet. 8 7th Baronet.
P.C. M.P. for Newport, I. W. Governor of Isle of Wight <p. 292).
442
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS.
1769. Rob. Gooden.
1770. Jac. Fisher.
Sam. Jackson.
1771. Lascelles Iremonger.
Joh. Berkeley Bur land.
Car. Coxe.
1772. Elisha Biscoe.
1773. Joh. Culliford Goodden.
1774. Mich. Angelo Taylor 1.
1775. Franc. Woodhouse.
Joh. Honywood2.
Gul. Lyd(d)on.
1776. Sir Joh. Pole 3.
1777. Wyndham Goodden.
1778. Joh. Estridge.
Joh. Sommers Cocks 4.
Dan. Steph. Olivier.
Hon. Edwd. Bouverie 5.
Joh. Newcombe.
1770. Oliv. Peard.
1780. Gul. Deedes.
1781. Gul. Tho. Hanham
(Bart.) 6.
1782. Pet. Brooke.
1783. Joh. Preston.
Pet. Patten 7. Lane.
Tho. Strangways Hor-
ner.
1784. Hon. Franc. Mathew 8.
1785. Franc. BuUer Yarde 9.
1786. Geo. Cookes.
Hen. Gul. Martin 10.
1787. Pet. Vere.
1787. Bic. Lewen Glyn.
Geo. Purefoy (Jer-
voise).
1788. Sam. Clarke ".
1789. Franc. Tho. Hayter.
Joh. Sampson.
1790. Jac. Vere.
Gul. Joh. Campion.
1791. Car. Gul. Wall.
Geo. Langton.
Gul. Hunt12.
1792. Hon. Car. Jac. Stewart.
<pp. 304-5.)
Dugdale Stratford
Geast ls.
Hen. Woodward.
1793. Bob. French.
Tho. Grimstone Est-
court. <p. 305.)
1794. Joh. Wilmer Field.
1795. Tho. Goddard14.
Abel Joh. Bam.
1797. Prsehon. Joh. Hamilton
Fitzmaurice, Vice-
comes Kirkwall15.
Geo. Tho. Chamber-
laine.
Car. Baby.
Dan. Jac. Webb.
Phil. Stanhope Smelt.
1798. Joh. Pigott.
1799. Granvill Hastings
Wheler.
1 M.P. for Durham and other places. 2 ? 4th Baronet. 3 Or De la Pole.
6th Baronet. M.P. for West Looe. 4 First Earl Somers. He matricu-
lated from St. Alban Hall four months before his admission at Corpus. From
other cases, similar to this, which occurred about the same period, it would
seem as if the Gentlemen-Commoners of Corpus (who were limited in number)
were sometimes temporarily accommodated at St. Alban Hall. Cp. a similar
case in reference to St. Mary Hall, p. 435, above. s Mr. Bouverie was
a cousin, once removed, of Dr. Pusey. He gave the iron gate, leading into
the garden, in 1782. M.P. for Downton. 6 5th Baronet. 7 Afterwards
Patten-Bold. M.P. for Newton, Lancaster, and Malmesbury. * and Earl
of Llandaff. K.P. M.P. for co. Tipperary. » 2nd Baronet. M.P. for
Totnes. 10 2nd Baronet. n Afterwards Sir S. C. Jervoise. ist Baronet.
12 Prinne is affixed to this name in the list prefixed to the Acta of 1783 &c., though
not in the entry, in that book, made at the time of his admission. 13 After-
wards Dugdale. M.P. 1802-31. " M.P. for Cricklade. ls M.P. for
Heytesbury and Denbigh.
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS.
443
1800. Joh. Barton Willis l.
Hon. Joh. Gul. Ward2.
Conyngsby Sibthorp3.
Hen. Seymer.
1801. Edm. Wodehouse *.
1802. Henry Drummond
Home 5.
1803. Sam. Tyssen.
1804. Hen. Skrine.
Francis Rob. Bonham.
1805. Fred. Doveton.
Wm. Gore Langton.
1806. Wm. PoppleweU Bill-
ingham Johnson.
Hen. Powneylsherwood
1807. Addison Joh. Easterby
(aft. Cress well).
1808. Chas. Gumming6.
Joh. Campbell Fisher.
1809. Steph. Oakley Attlay.
1810. Hen. Joh. Burlton.
Armitage G-aussen.
Joh. Peregrine Lascel-
les Fenwick.
1811. Edwd. Archer.
Sir Chris. Willoughby,
Bart.
Hen. Bosanquet.
1812. Geo. Pellew 7.
Joh. Stockdale.
1813. Joh. Pet. Perring.
Geo. Idle.
1814. Geo. Barons Northcote.
Hon. Tho. MoretonFitz-
hardinge Berkeley 8.
Wm. Deedes 9.
1815. Joh. Vere.
John Gooden.
Chris. Sidney Smith 10.
1817. Wm. Tritton.
Jas. Winter Scott u.
1818. Jas. Wm. WaU.
Joh. Henniker.
1819. Edwd. Bolton King 12.
Hugh Usher Tighe.
<P- 3°5->
Edwyn Eosanquet.
1821. Bob. Guy Evered.
Jervoise Clarke Jer-
voise ls.
Geo. Franc. Rowley
Johnstone.
1822. Jos. Laing.
Joh. Harvey.
Ric. Smith Kay.
1823. Harry Mainwaring ".
Rowland War burton.
Joh. Nicholas Gell.
1824. Art. KeUy.
Ed. Ant. Holden.
Edwd. Simpson 1S.
Hon. Joh. Arbuthnott 16.
1825. Tho. Oliver Gascoigne
(sen.).
Ric. Silver Oliver Gas-
coigne (jun.).
Sam. Clarke Jervoise.
Wm. Young.
Wm. Thornhill.
A. Browne 17.
1826. Tho. KeUy.
Ben. Holme Wiggan.
Rob. Blagdon Hole.
Jas. Meiklam.
Pet. Dav. Latouche.
Geo. Burdett.
Wm. Barlow Smythe.
1827. Hen. Carew.
1 Afterwards Willis-Fleming. M.P. for Hants. 2 ist Earl of Dudley. Sec.
of State for Foreign Affairs, 1827. 3 M.P. for Lincoln. * M.P. for Norfolk.
5 M.P. for Stirlingshire and Perthshire. 6 M.P. for Inverness Burghs. 7 After-
wards Hon. G. P., Dean of Norwich. 8 Dejure Earl of Berkeley, but declined
to take the title (p. 305). 9 Fellow of All Souls. M.P. for East Kent. 10 7th
Baronet. u M.P. for North Hants. w M.P. for Warwick. 13 2nd
Baronet. M.P. for South Hampshire. 14 2nd Baronet. l5 Assumed name
of Hicks. M.P. for Cambridge. 16 gth Viscount Arbuthnott. 1T It is curious
that the Christian name is nowhere given in full.
444
GENTLEMEN-COMMONERS.
1827. Wm. Sandys Sandys. 1839.
1828. Tho. Carew. 1840.
Hen. Vane Hussell.
Jonas Brooke
Wm. Musters Musters. 1841.
1829. Mich. Hughes.
Meyrick Bankes.
Wm. Heather Norrie. 1842.
Aug. Campbell.
Matt. Burrell. 1843.
1830. Hen. O'Reilley Hoey J. 1844.
Jas. Beach.
Joh. Bainbridge Story. 1845.
1831. Wm. Meiklem.
1832. Edwd. Simpson.
Phil. Perceval. 1846.
1833. Joseph Hen. Bennett.
Wm. Randall.
1834. Joh. Robinson Porster. 1847.
Hen. Wm. Dashwood 2.
1835. Chas. Knox.
1836. Joh. Tho. Betts.
Jas.CruikshankDansey. 1848.
1839. Chas. Wm. Gordon. 1849.
Joh. Bransby Purnell.
Raymond Blomefield
Holt.
Rob. Gregory3.
Ric. Joh. Chas. Rivers
Ker.
Tho. Daniel Daniel.
Pred. Savile Lumley.
Jas. Best.
Wm. Aug. Commerel.
Jas. Hulkes.
Wm. Louis Parry.
Hen. Boddington Web-
ster.
Joh. Collingwood.
Geo. Trafford Heald.
Rob. Dimsdale4.
Wm. Tenison.
Aug. Wm. Savile Lum-
ley.
Wm. Edwd. Oakeley.
Pulbert Archer.
Edwd.PercevalWestby.
Drury Curzon Lowe 5.
1 So entered in Buttery Book and Matriculation Book. In the Acts of C.C.C.,
kept by the President, the Christian names are entered (doubtless wrongly) as
J. Okeille. 2 5th Baronet. Lord Lieutenant of Oxfordshire. s Dean of St.
Paul's. 4 Baron Dimsdale. Formerly M.P. for North Herts. 5 Now
Major-General Sir Drury Curzon Drury Lowe, K.C.B. He served in the Crimean,
Indian, Zulu, Boer, and Egyptian wars. For his conduct in the last war, including
his march on Cairo and the capture of Arabi, he received the thanks of both
Houses of Parliament. Sir Drury Lowe was the last Gentleman-Commoner
admitted.
LIST OF COMMONERS FROM 1851.
At a College Meeting held on Feb. 20, 1851 (see p. 321), it was
resolved to discontinue the reception of Gentlemen-Commoners, and
to receive ordinary Commoners, no longer confining the number
within any fixed limit.
The following is the list of Commoners down to the present time : —
COMMONERS.
Chas. Young. 1851.
t Job. Reynolds O'Neil.
18*1.
Geo. Baden Crawley. 1851.
Steph. Dowell '. 1851.
Edwd. Wm. Northey. 1851.
Alex. Patrick Law. 1851.
Hen. Leigh Bennett. 1852.
Wm. Jon. Swayne. 1852.
t Chas. Thos. Arnold. 1852.
Walt. Hugh Erie Welby. 1852.
Jemmett Browne. 1852.
Edmd. Forster Drummond
Hutton. 1852.
Ambrose Sneyd Cave Browne
Cave. 1852.
Jas. Aug. Lockhart. 1852.
Wm. Spencer Ollivant. 1853.
Chas. Hen. Newbatt. 1853.
Hen. Tubal Hole. 1853.
Wm. Ramsey. 1853.
Hen. Rudd. 1853.
Wm. Ric. Morfill2. 1853.
Joh. Lindsay Johnston. 1853.
Jas. Tate. 1854.
Tho. Graham Jackson 3. 1854.
Jos. May Ward. 1854.
Ric. Martin. 1854.
Tho. Auriol Robinson. 1854.
Joh. Gordon Kennedy4. 1854.
Alf. Tilleman Browne. 1854.
Rob. H. Otter. 1854.
Wyndham Chas.H.H. D'Aeth.
1855-
t Wm. Chris. Evans. 1855.
Edwd. Pears Wilson. 1855.
Subsequently Exhibitioner.
Ric. Foster. 1855.
Geo. Wm. Holdsworth. 1855.
Joh. Warnford Hoole. 1855.
Rob. Hen. Kinchant. 1855.
t Lewis Pugh Evans 5. 1855.
Hen. Bramston. 1855.
Joh. Ferdinando Collins. 1 855.
Joh. Jas. Coxhead. 1855.
Sam. Shering Keddle. 1856.
Esdaile Lovell Lovell. 1856.
Hen. Ernest Browne. 1856.
Walt. Yeldham. 1856.
Wm. Baillie Skene 6. 1856.
Edwd. Baldwin Malet 7. 1856.
t Chas. Wm. Penny. 1856.
Fred. Hornby Birley. 1856.
Hen. Jephson Mello. 1856.
Edwd.Montague Earle Welby8.
1856.
Phil. Snaith Duval. 1856.
Joh. Wm. Woods. 1856.
Joh. North Buckmaster. 1 856.
Ric. Harold Bush. 1856.
Edwd. Cecil Coney. 1857.
Geo. Elwin. 1857.
Fred. Joh. Young. 1857.
Tho. Kennett Were. 1857.
Joh. Hunter Smith. 1857.
Fred. Barnes. 1857.
Ric. Hampson Joynson. 1857.
Wm. Francis Prideaux. 1858.
Wm. Arnold Matthews. 1858.
Wm. Sidney Harrison. 1858.
Hen. Hopkins. 1858.
Joh. Jas. Evans. 1858.
Assistant Solicitor to the Inland Revenue.
2 Scholar of Oriel ; University Reader in Russian. 3 Scholar, Fellow, and Hon.
Fellow of Wadham (p. 329). * British Minister to the Republic of Chile.
5 Formerly M.P. for Cardiganshire. Now Lewis Pugh Pugh. 6 Fellow of
All Souls; Senior Student of Ch. Ch. 7 British Ambassador at Berlin. G.C.B.
8 Stipendiary Magistrate at Sheffield.
446
COMMONERS.
Harrison Falkner Blair l. 1858.
t Joh. Wm. Colvin. 1858.
Edwd. Sidgwick. 1858.
Walt. Alers Hankey. 1858.
t Osborne Bubb. 1858.
t Alf. Tho. Barton2. 1859.
Chas. Fras. Thornewill. 1859.
Fred. Latour Mason. 1859.
Clement Alf brd. 1859.
Tho. Robins Bolitho. 1859.
Chas. Burney. 1859.
Joh. Hen. Copleston. 1859.
Csesar Ric. Hawkins. 1859.
Chas. Barnes. 1859.
Hugh Geo. Bourne. 1859.
Cecil Fred. Bourke. 1860.
Wm. Tho. Church. 1860.
Franc. Porter Beachcroft 3.
1860.
tHerb. Aug. Strong. 1860.
t Wm. Albert Darent Harri-
son. 1860.
David Pugh Jones Evans. 1860.
Chas. Steph. Turner. 1861.
Chas. Jas. Manning. 1861.
Wm. Joh. Courthope4. 1861.
Tho. Taylor. 1861.
Marmaduke Athorpe. 1861.
Fred. Fox Lambert. 1861.
Joh. Arnell Creed. 1861.
Joh. Wm. Haygarth. 1861.
O swald M angin H olden . 1 8 6 1 .
Fred. Wm. Willis. 1861.
Franc. Thirkill White. 1862.
Franc. Edwd. Hall. 1862.
Chas. Clem. Webster. 1862.
Hen. Owen. 1862.
Abel Joh. Ram. 1861.
Franc. Wm. Caulfleld. 1862.
Hen. Walt. More Molyneux.
1862.
Louis Geo. Mylne 5. 1862.
Jas. Crofts Ingram. 1862.
Edwd. Isaac Sparks. 1862.
Geo. Sidney Streatfleld. 1862.
Chas. Morris. 1862.
Geo. Boileau Reid. 1862.
Hen. Walt. Miller. 1862.
Rob. Barker. 1862.
Geo. Barrington Baker. 1863.
Joh. Eltham Mylne. 1863.
Jas. Du Pre\ 1863.
Rob. Seymour Bridges. 1863.
Art. Gibb Symonds. 1863.
Jas. Hume Norris. 1863.
Hilgrove Coxe. 1864..
Chas. Tilton Digby. 1864.
Donald Mackenzie. 1864.
Willingham Franklin Rawns-
ley. 1864.
Fred. Vernon Bussell. 1865.
Herb. Hall Woodward. 1865.
Jasper Alex. Redgrave. 1865.
Walt. Kerchival Hilton. 1865.
Edwd. Joh. Cunningham. 1865.
Hen. Richardson. 1865.
Rob. Bickersteth. 1865.
Wm. Jas. Brooks. 1865.
Edwd. Rob. Phelps. 1865.
Walt. Hamilton Acland Jacob-
son. 1865.
Joh. Hen. Crawford. 1865.
Chas. Prestwich Scott. 1865.
Franc. Jas. Chavasse. 1865.
Wm. Wilbraham Ford. 1865.
Chas.Joh.Scott Churchill. 1865.
D'Arcy Bedingfleld Collyer.
1865.
Chris. Childs 6. 1866.
Edwd. Joh. Eveleigh Wynd-
ham. 1866.
And. Mitchell Mackenzie. 1866.
Tho. Pateshall Monnington.
1866.
Alf. Gardiner Hastings. 1866.
Hen. Jardine Bidder 7. 1866.
Wm. Edwd. Goschen 8. 1866.
Anth. Surtees. 1867.
1 Judge of the High Court, N. W. Provinces of India.
3 Scholar of Exeter. * Exhibitioner, New College,
of Bombay, 1877. e Jackson Scholar of Mert on.
Fellow of St. John's. 8 Sec. of Legation at Lisbon.
2 Fellow of Pembroke.
5 Tutor of Keble. Bp.
7 Scholar of University.
COMMONERS.
447
Hen. Temple Pears. 1867.
Franc. Ambrose Gregory. 1867.
Ern. Edwd. Leigh Bennett.
1868.
Ern. Hen. Jacob. 1868.
Geo. Mallows Freeman. 1868.
Algernon Digby. 1868.
Jon. Graham. 1868.
Fred. Hen. Maitland. 1868.
Edwd. Hugh Moberly. 1868.
Jas. Taylor Soutter. 1868.
Tonman Mosley. 1868.
tWm. Hawks Longridge. 1868.
Ern. Wm. Enfleld. 1 868.
Bulmer Howell. 1869.
Geo. Watson Welsh. 1869.
Jas. Edwd. Walker. 1869.
Chas. Wm. Heald. 1869.
Fred. Foote Cutler. 1869.
t Geo. Bowyer Vaux. 1869.
Harold Baird Carlyon. 1869.
Wm. Richardson Linton. 1869.
Jas. Hen. Davies. 1869.
Rob. Leach. 1869.
Nevile Young Birkmyre. 1 869.
Hen. Lowe. 1870.
t Franc. Reynolds Yonge Rad-
cliffe1. 1870.
Gerald Edwd. Maude. 1870.
Jon. Edwd. Melhuish 2. 1870.
Vivian Eccles Skrine. 1870.
t Chas Hen. Lomax. 1870.
Franc. Hindes Groome s. 1870.
Joh. Warren Barry. 1870.
Edwd. Vincent Eyre. 1870.
Walt. Aubrey Kidd. 1870.
Edwd. Beauchamp Nelson.
1870.
StaceySoutherndenBurn. 1870.
t Nevil Masterman. 1870.
Wm. Cabell Rives. 1870.
Joh. Franc. Waggett. 1870.
t Dan. Vawdrey. 1871.
t Rob. Harry Monro Elwes.
1871.
Wm. Hen. Peake. 1871.
Wm. Morrice. 1871.
Jas. Edwd. Lestrange Dawson.
1871.
Alex. Macgregor. 1871.
Wm. Ern. Russell. 1871.
Jos. Solomon4. 1871.
t Art. Caynton Radcliffe. 1872.
Walt. Otto Goldschmidt. 1872.
Hen. Seton-Zarr5. 1872.
Wm. Anstice. 1872.
Edwin Art. Bussell. 1872.
+ Art. Wm. Rivington. 1872.
Joh. Stewart Baird. 1872.
Franc. Rob. Mercer. 1872.
Franc. Roger Hodgson 6. 1873.
Rob. Hen. Hill. 1873.
t Hugh Edwd. Egerton. 1873.
HoweU Wills. 1873.
Gibbs Payne Crawfurd. 1873.
Hen. Bowles. 1873.
Holcombe Ingleby. 1873.
Atherton G willy m Rawstorne.
1873-
Jas. Bagnall Bagnall Oakeley.
1873-
* Chas. Wm. Browning. 1874.
* Wm. Hen. Herb. Curtler. 1874.
Douglass Harry Coghill7. 1874.
Herb. Joh. Butler Hollings.
1874.
t Hen. Campbell Jenkins. 1874.
Louis Rob. Meredith Maxwell.
1874.
t Stanley Edwd. Lane Poole.
1874.
Sam.Edwd.ValpyFilleul. 1874.
Hugh Vaughan Pears. 1875.
Tho. Davy Hamilton Foster.
1875.
Geo. St. John Mildmay. 1875.
Franc. Rob. Abingdon Hamil-
ton. 1875.
Wm. Dalrymple Fanshawe 8.
1875.
1 Fellow of All Souls. 2 Scholar of Wadham. * Postmaster of
Merton. * Scholar of Balliol. 5 M.P. for St. Helen's. 6 Archdeacon
of Zanzibar. * Subsequently Scholar. 7 Formerly M.P. for Newcastle
under Lyme. * Scholar of Trinity.
COMMONERS.
Fred. Edwd. Whitter Lang-
don. 1875.
Wm. Geo. Thistle1. 1875.
Jas. Ritchie. 1875.
t Sidney Smith. 1875.
Joh. Mytton Thorny croft. 1875.
Art. Wm. Woolcombe Gordon.
1876.
Ern. Murray Blackburn. 1876.
Joh. Turner. 1876.
Hen. St. Glair Fielden. 1876.
Edwd. Aug. Arnold2. 1876.
tJoh.Kirkpatrick Young. 1876.
Art. Duff. 1876.
Bob. Ellis Cunliffe. 1876.
Rob. Weston Cracroft 2. 1876.
Malcolm Heard. 1876.
Chas. Wm. Hunt. 1876.
t Art. Ant. Macdonell. 1876.
Rob. Marshall Middleton. 1876.
t Chas. Jas. Billson. 1877.
Edwd. Foley Evans. 1877.
Wm. Hen. Buckland. 1877.
Franc. Hen. Toovey Hawley.
1877.
Edwd.WyndhamHulme. 1877.
t Chas. Hen. Malcolm Kerr.
1877.
t Geo. Anth. King. 1877.
Walt. Joh. Napier. 1877.
t Sy d. Haldane Olivier. 1877.
Art. Hill Trevor. 1877.
t Frank Ern. Ward. 1877.
Horatio Gordon Hutchinson.
1878.
Joh. Pratt. 1878.
t Art. Newton Streatfeild. 1878.
Geo. Patrick Chas. Lawrence.
1878.
Reg. Digby Curtler. 1878.
Walt. Jas. Haines. 1878.
t Edwd. Franklin Simpkinson.
1878.
Alf. Burrows. 1878.
Geo. Herb. Clark. 1878.
Hen. Franc. Cockburn. 1878.
Joh. Highfleld Leigh. 1878.
Joh.Harbottle Nicholson. 1878.
Gerard Saltren Rogers. 1878.
t Chas. Herb. Tylee. 1878.
tWm. Hen. Edwd. Worship.
1879.
Harry Northcote Bales. 1879.
Chas. Hubert Payne Crawfurd.
1879.
Wm. Cope. 1879.
t Ern. Campbell Lowndes.
1879.
Argent Simmons. 1879.
Gustav Adolph Bienemann3.
1879.
Hen. Biddulph Bush. 1879.
t Joh. Hen. Roskill. 1879.
Edwd. Chandos Cholmonde-
ley. 1879.
t Art. Adams. 1879.
Wm. Joh. Newton. 1879.
Ern. Edwd. Keep. 1879.
Herb. Geo. Underhill. 1879.
tThos. Wm. Carr. 1880.
Joh. Theodore Rogers. 1880.
Chas. Beard Hatfleld Harter.
1880.
Rob. Walton Williams Wilson.
1880.
Leonard Green. 1880.
Art. Dyson Williams. 1880.
Chas. Tho. Campion4. 1880.
Langham Carter. 1880.
Ric. Acker ley. 1880.
Jas. Cole Thorpe. 1880.
Art. Assheton Ethelston. 1 88 1 .
Ern. Wollaston Silver. 1881.
Fred Septimus Myrtle. 1881.
Jas. Franc. Hastings. 1881.
Geo. Harold Lewis. 1881.
tAlex. Macdonald. 1881.
Alex. Edmund Fraser. 1881.
t Geo. Williamson Wallace.
1881.
1 Scholar of Brasenose.
Scholar of Oriel.
Scholar of Hertford.
3 Exhibitioner of Oriel.
COMMONERS.
449
Joh. Singleton demons. 1881.
Herb . Andrews P owell. 1 8 8 1 .
Gerald Fred. Hornby. 1881.
Win. Manning Sproston Spros-
ton. 1882.
Chas. Walt. Dunne. 1882.
Franc. Wm. Crailsheim. 1882.
Joh. Newton Beach. 1882.
Godfrey Mosley. 1882.
Geo. Kendall Hext. 1882.
tBen. Mich. Connal. 1882.
Thos. Birkett Brown. 1882.
Wm. Castlehow. 1882.
Tho. Norman Arkell. 1882.
Joh. Tho. MitcheU. 1882.
Jas. Edwd. Michell. 1882.
Tho. Mountford Burnett. 1882.
Clem. Wm. Haslewood Griffith.
1883.
E versfl eld Eraser Ke er 1 . 1883.
t Geo. Hen. Baker. 1883.
Basil Harrington Soulsby.
1883.
Geo. Ben. Behrens. 1883.
Percy Smith. 1883.
Steph. Glynne Williams. 1883.
Percy Scott Worthington.
1883.
Randle Fynes Wilson Holme.
1883.
Harry Brock. 1883.
Edwd. Jas. Morgan Chaplin.
1883.
Wm. Jas. King. 1883.
Loftus Meade Owen. 1883.
Edwd. Franc. Biddell. 1883.
Wm. Hen. Savigny. 1884.
tEdwd. Stanhope Rashleigh.
1884.
Wm. Hen. Ellice. 1884.
Edwd. Oskar Schneider. 1884.
Jos. Percy Thomasin Foster.
1884.
Joh. Hen. Herb. Copleston.
1884.
Leonard Cooper. 1884.
Lewis Pugh EvansPugh. 1884.
Hubert Seymour Arkwright.
1884.
Art. Edwd. Townshend. 1884.
t Joh. Mere Latham. 1885.
Joh. Sanders Watney. 1885.
Joh. Gorges Robinson. 1885.
Kenneth Edwd. Milliken. 1885.
Geo. Allan Duncan. 1885.
Louis Hilary Shore-Smith.
1885.
Chas. Hampton Weekes. 1885.
Joh. Croydon Caldicott. 1885.
Joh. Chapman Andrew. 1885.
Sidney Beckwith. 1885.
Ralph Courtenay Guy1. 1885.
Chas. Sibbald Currie2. 1885.
t Leonard Hamilton White.
1885.
Chas. Hen. Turner. 1886.
Arth. Hen. Caldicott. 1886.
Herb. Lyon. 1886.
Guy Tudor Charlesworth.
1886.
Wilfrid Seymour Tupholme.
1886.
Wm. Edwd. James. 1886.
Joh. Hugh Honey wood Allen.
1886.
Wm. Russell. 1886.
Phil. Jas. Ellis. 1886.
Edwd. Lethbridge Kingsford.
1886.
Jas. Marshall Easton. 1886.
Franc. Herb. Mowatt. 1886.
Chas. Hen. Bramley Firth.
1886.
Hen. Edm. Lavallin Puxley.
1886.
Tho. Harrison. 1886.
Duncan Albert Muntz. 1886.
Edwd. Art. Lamprill. 1886.
Rob. WaUis Hunt. 1887.
Franc. Fretz Southby. 1887.
Hen. Sigismund Schwann.
1887.
Scholar of Hertford.
2 Scholar of Brasenose.
45°
COMMONERS.
Fred. Joh. Nettlefold. 1887.
Art. Louis Todhunter. 1887.
Wm. Alex. Ramsay. 1887.
Evan Bowen Jones. 1887.
Franc. Gordon Young. 1887.
Leonard Hughes. 1887.
Fred. Grueber Thorne. 1887.
Geo. Herb. Oakshott. 1887.
Herbert Newton Wethered.
1888.
Beg. Wm. Lund. 1888.
Alf. Leigh Briscoe. 1888.
Walt. Francis. 1888.
Wm. Egerton. 1888.
Arnold Thewlis Thompson.
1888.
t Rob. Leslie Dunbabin. 1888.
Alan De Lancy Curwen. 1889.
Edwd. Everard Earle Welby.
Leslie Fraser Standish Hore.
1889.
Edwd. Thornton Hill Lawes.
1889.
Ric. Eden St. Aubyn Ark-
wright. 1889.
Harry Grant Thorold. 1889.
Isaac Sparrow. 1889.
Art. Chas. Gates. 1889.
Cecil Edwd. WeigaU. 1 889.
Wm. Ferdinand Kirton. 1889.
Fred. Earle d'Anyers Willis.
1889.
Sidney Jos. Lowenthal. 1890.
Edwd. Nares Henning. 1890.
Art. Watson Smith. 1890.
Fred. Joh. Speke. 1890.
Andre wJohnstoneFyfe. 1890.
Adalbert Emil Aug.Wahl. 1890.
Ern. Wynn- Williams. 1890.
David Ambrose Jones. 1890.
Chas. Vesey Hives. 1890.
Jas. Bellord Waldron. 1890.
Geo. Erskine Jackson. 1891.
Fred. Monro Raikes. 1891.
Rob. Furley Callaway. 1891.
Joh. Larden Williams. 1891.
Hen. Lloyd Arnould. 1891.
Cecil Bolton Caldicott. 1891.
Ric.StainesArrowsmith. 1891.
CarrickRansomeDeakin. 1 89 1 .
Evelyn d'Anyers Willis. 1892.
Chas. Fred. Maitland Maxwell.
1892.
Rob. de Mowbray Matterson.
1892.
Reg. Franc. Wilson. 1892.
Steph. Verner Purcell. 1892.
Hen. Noel Winterbotham.
1892.
Fred. Wm. Worsey. 1892.
Bruno Geoffrey Clauss. 1892.
MASTERS OF ARTS INCORPORATED.
1882. Alfred Allinson Bourne, M.A., St. John's Coll., Cambridge.
1886. John Massie, M.A., St. John's Coll., Cambridge.
STUDENTS NOT ALREADY NOTICED.
List of persons known to have been members of C.C.C., but
whose names do not occur, as students, in the Registers, But-
tery Books, or Fulman's Lists.
Robert Pursglove (p. 87). A.W. Ath., and inscription in Tides-
well Church, Derbyshire, d. 1579.
(Nicholas Wadham, d. 1609, supposed. See pp. 101, 2.)
Edward Somerset, K.G., fourth Earl of Worcester. See p. 156.
Higfords, father and grandfather of Wm. Higford. Comm. 1596.
p. 156.
Edward Rainbow, Bp. of Carlisle, p. 184.
The above names occur neither in the College nor in the Univer-
sity Books.
The following occur in the Matriculation Registers, but not in any
of the official College Books or Fulman's Lists.
156| (from list x of 62 members of the College at that date, in-
cluding Servants) —
Sam. Becke. Probably Chorister. Alan Brooks. Prob. Commoner.
Jon. Browne. Prob. Commoner. Bic. Greneway. Prob. Com-
Tho. Haddon. Prob. Commoner. moner.
After the eight Famuli Collegii probably come three Servitors, namely :
Thomas Wethered. John Bartley. Richard Ambrose.
1573. George Lysiman. Dan- 1581. Lovelace Mercer, g. f.
tiscanus Borussusque. Ric. Heydon. pi. f.
?1581.Rob.Allatte2. g.f. (Psame Hen. Segrave. pi. f.
as Robert Allott. Disc. Renold( Reg.) Brian. pi. f.
1576.) Franc. Burrowes. pi. f.
1581. Ric. Fowlar. g. f. Rob. Harland. pi. f.
1 For the names taken from this List and from the Matriculation Registers down
to 1622, see Clark's Register, vol. ii. part ii, Oxf. Hist. Soc., 1887. The remaining
names have been copied by myself from the Matriculation Registers.
2 I have retained the designation of condition which is almost invariably a
portion of the entry in the Matriculation Books, as e.g. pi. f., cler. f., gen. f., arm.
f., &c. These designations are useful as determining the probable status in the
College of the person to whose name they are affixed. Thus a gentleman-com-
moner would certainly not be pi. f. or paup. f., and probably only very rarely
cler. f. A Clerk or Chorister would probably never be arm. f. On the other
hand, probably almost all those students who are designated paup. or paup. f.,
several of those designated pi. f., and possibly even a few of those designated cler. f.,
were Servitors, or more rarely ' famuli Collegii.' Many of the names are probably
those of ' Battelers,' a class of students whose names would not occur in any of the
official Books (though they probably always appeared in the less formal Battel
Books), and whose status in the College was probably intermediate between that of
the Scholars and Servitors. Cp. pp. 259-60, 279-80. Of course, no names of
Scholars or Fellows occur in this list, as there is a complete record of them in the
College Registers.
Gg 2
452
STUDENTS NOT ALREADY NOTICED.
1581. Job. Middleton 1 pi. f. 1601.
Dav. Jones, pi. f. 1602.
Dudley Fitz-garret (or
Garrette) 2. arm. f.
1582. Hen. Browne, g. f.
Vincent Bryan, g. f. 1604.
Joh. Fortescue. a. f.
Barth. Sewarde. pi. f.
Ric. Humphreys, cl. f.
1584. Chris. Winter, pi. f. 1606.
Bic. Purifey. g. f. 1607.
1585. Augustine Sherborne.
pl.f.
1586. Geoffry Culme. pi. f. - 1608.
Rob. Basalye (Baseyle).
pi. f. 1609.
Sam. Wallis. pi. f.
1587. Joh. Badcoke. pi. f.
Simon Badcoke. pi. f. 1610.
Rob. Blakeden. g. f.
1589. Edw. Keat. g. f.
1590. Joh. Marten, pi. f.
Chas. Townsende. pi. f.
1591. Joh. Ridgway. a. f. 1611.
Geo. Browne, pi. f.
Tho. Browne, g. f.
Gabriel Honifould. pi. f.
1594. Edw. Hayes, pi. f. 1615.
Edm. Holcombe. pi. f.
Jas. Collard. pi. f.
Tho. Richardes. pi. f.
Dav. Davies. pi. f.
1595. Joh. Everton. pi. f.
1596. Mich. Pindar, cl. f.
Ric. Allin. pi. f.
Ric. Todkill. pi. f.
Hen. Horner. arm. f.
1597. Joh. Hammonde. pi. f.
Rob. Orme. g. f.
Joh. Mayowe. pi. f.
1598. Joh. Hooker, g. f. 1616.
Hen. Hawker, g. f.
Wm. Tegge. pi. f.
Franc. Finch 3. eq. f.
Joh. Woollams (or Wil-
liams), pi. f.
Edw. Haines. pi. f.
Tho. Martin, pi. f.
Joh. Bishopp. cl. f.
Ric. Stafford, arm. f.
Ed. or Edm. Vaughan. pl.f.
Phil. Markley. g. f.
Hen. Dodd. cl. f.
Rob. Davis, pi. f.
Franc. Pettye. g. f.
Harcourt Pettye. g. f.
Nic. Richardson, g. f.
Tho. Whittingham. g. f.
Tho. Aston, g. f.
Joh. Ruddle, pi. f.
Franc. Ashby *. eq. f.
Joh. Collins, pi. f.
Wm. Francklin. pi. f.
Wm. Hardinge. pi. f.
Tho. Littlefeild. pi. f.
Jos. Scryven. pi. f.
Jas. Gundrye. pl.f. paup.
sch.
Jeremy Dobson. cl. f.
Hen. Crosdaylle. cl. f.
Tho. Willcox. pi. f.
Hugh Berriman. pi. f.
Edm. Coles, cl. f.
Joh. Deynaunt. pi. f.
Joh. Evans, pi. f.
Ric. Facy. pi. f.
Ric. Laughtenhouse. pi. f.
Joh. Mason, pi. f.
Wm. Okely. pi. f.
Sam. Trolman. g. f.
Tho. Watts, cl. f.
Nathaniel Arundell. cl.f.
Ric. Stringer, pi. f.
Edw. Bampfeilde. eq.
aur. f.
Rob. Kidwell. g. f.
1 This John Middleton occurs in the Index at the end of vol. xi of the Fulman
MSS., as ' Obsonator ' or Manciple, 1582. 2 ? M.P. for Bridport. F. 3 M.P.
for Eye in four Parliaments. F. There is a Francis Finch, mentioned by Fulman,
with the date 1609. Probably it was the same person as this, and the date may
refer to some year in which he ' batteled.' 4 Created Knight and Baronet.
STUDENTS NOT ALREADY NOTICED.
453
1616. Ric. Daukin. pi. f. 1625.
1617. Wm. Wilmotte. cl. f.
1618. Rob. Baker, pi. f. 1626.
Henoch Stephens, cl. f.
Rob. Mason, pi. f.
1619. Rob. Hatton. cl. f.
Job. Dickenson. pi. f.
Ric. Crosdale. pi. f.
Leonard Dar(e). arm. f.
Joh. Hawker, pi. f.
Stephen Rose. pi. f.
Rob. Williams, arm. f.
1620. Geo. Hughes, pi. f. 1627.
Joh. Robinson, cl. f.
Ric. Robinson, cl. f.
Wm. Ringe. pi. f.
Ric. Evetts. pi. f.
1621. Joh. Shute. pi. f. 1628.
Edw. Cole. pi. f.
Ric. Allen, doct. f.
Wm. Barcroft. cl. f. 1631.
Wm. Chidlowe. g. f.
Tho. Swinnerton. pi. f.
Joh. Burden, pi. f.
Ric. Shayler. pi. f.
Ric. Willis, pi. f.
Tho. Hill. pi. f.
Edw. Isham l. pi. f.
1622. Phil. Pregion. g. f.
1623. Joh. Carter, g. f.
Geo. Woodcocke. g. f.
Simeon Wrench. sacer.2f. 1633
Pet. Sainthill. pi. f.
Joh. Rose. pi. f. 1634
Edw. Page. g. f.
Tho. Bradford, sac.f.aet. 12.
1624. Joh. Smith, pi. f.
Clem. Johnson, manci-
palisColl.D.Jo.Bapt. f.
Gul. Barksdale. pi. f.
Gul. Halhed. pi. f.
Tho. Bridgman. mil. f.
Joh. Turner, pi. f.
Edm. Holford. pi. f.
Gul. Bisse. sac. f.
Tho. Dundeaux. pi. f.
Tho. Hughes, fil. Hu-
gonis Lewis, pi.
Gul. Hall. sac. f.
Gul. Dudley, pi. f.
Hen. Thompson, pi. f.
Joh. MuUett. pi. f.
Hen. Oxenden. arm. f.
A. W. Ath.
Tho. Thurston. g. f.
Joh. Facer, sac. f.
Ant. Lucy. pi. f.
Rob. Blackston. g. f.
Jos. Barker, pi. f.3
Tho. Prior, pi. f.
Gul. Chippendale, a. f.
Car. Cox. arm. f.
Sam. Davison. arm. f.
Geo. Clarke, pi. f.
Hen. Newlyn. pi. f.
Tho. Robins, pi. f.
Rob. Bacon, pi. f.
Joh. Longford, pi. f.
Bamfeild Sydnham. g. f.
Rob. Sandys, mil. f.
Hen. Wrench, sac. f.
Ed. Wells, pi. f.
JEgid. Bingley. pi. f.
Geo. Fowler, pi. f.
Franc. Anderson4, arm.f.
Ric. Potter, sac. f.
Hen. Allen, pi. f.
Pet. Cole. pi. f.
Humf. RandoU. pi. f.
Gul. Platt. pi. f.
Cutbert. Carre, arm. f.
Ph. Malorie. decani f.
Tho. Jackson, pi. f.
Bart. Yeo. g. f.
1 This is the last name taken from Clark's Register. From this point onwards
I have extracted the names myself from the Matriculation Registers. " It is
curious to notice the introduction of the word sacerdotis instead of clerici. Presently,
from the opposite side, we shall have ministri. 3 There are probably some
omissions after this entry. The next page is left blank. * Sir F. A. M.P. for
Newcastle on Tyne.
454
STUDENTS NOT ALREADY NOTICED.
1634. Bic. Burney. g. f. A.W.
Ath.
Gul. Evans, fil. Evani
Williams, pi. f.
Pet. Eliott. sac. f.
Job. Pell. pi. f.
Mich. Smyth, sac. f.
Tho. Ashfleld. pi. f.
Nich. Fabian, pi. f.
Edw. Browne, g. f.
Joh. Stought. pi. f.
Geo. Chandois. Baro de
Castro Shudley 1.
Ant. Dyott 2. arm. f.
Edw. Darell. mil. f.
Bic. Coldham. g. f.
Hen. Ball. sac. f.
Gul. Tray. pi. f.
Gul. Lloyd, pi. f.
Hen. Hopkins, pi. f.
1635. Sam. Baymond. g. f.
Tho. Sandys 3. eq. f.
Franc. Hodgson, pi. f.
Tho. Clar(k)son. sac. f.
Sam. Crumlum. sac. f.
<P- J93->
Savage Grymes. pi. f.
Gul. Martyn. g. f.
Nic. Clarke, pi. f.
Nic. Todd. g. f.
Ant. Budd. Bart. f.
1636. Gul. Cartar. sac. f.
Joh. Phelpes. pi. f.
Jac. Jackson, pi. f.
Gul. Webb. pi. f.
Gul. Croft, pi. f.
Gul. Bogan. g. f.
1637. Gul. Masters, pi. f.
1637. Joh. Norton 4. Bart. f.
Gul. Burgenye. pi. f.
Bob. Frampton. pi. f.
<p. 193.) A.W. Ath.
Joh. Trosse. sac. f.
1638. Phil. Yate. pi. f.
Geo. Blackaller. pi. f.
Joh. Salvin. g. f.
Gul. Bridges5. Baronis. f.
Joh. Parkhurst. pi. f.
1639. Geo. Sly. pi. f. set. 12.
Bic. Powell, pi. f.
Bob. Greene, pi. f.
Gualt. Gray. g. f.
Joh. Coke. ep. Hereford
f. set. 27.
Jonathan Archard. pi. f.
p. P-6
Sam. Morton, sac. f.
Pet. Bunworth. pl.f. p. p.
1640. Pet. Bradford, g. f.
Nich. Harris, pi. f.
Joh. Lenthall 7. a. f.
1641. Jac. Brockman. mil. f.
1642. Hen. Munday. pi. f.
Theod. Gary. g. f.
Sam. Higginson. pi. f.
Tho. Cooper, pi. f.
Geo. Parsons, pi. f.
Sam. Ladiman. pl.f. serv.
1643. Bob. Bargrave. doct. f.
Gul. Hughes, pi. f.
Bic. Fletcher, min. f.
1647. Bic. Immings. cl. f.
81650. Nath. Mansfeild. pi. f.
Edm. Condie. serv.
1651. Obadiah Bourne, min. f.
Badulph. Bancks. serv.
1 6th Baron, {p. 194.) See Foster, under George Brydges. 2 Major in the
Royal Forces. M.P. for Lichfield. F. 3 ? M.P. for Gatton. * M.P. for
Hants and Petersfield. 5 7th Baron. F. {p. 194.) 6 p. p. = pauper puer,
or pauper simply. Students matriculating under this designation paid no matri-
culation fee, and, probably, were almost invariably servants or servitors. See
p. 260, n. i. 7 (pp. 193-4.) Son of Speaker Lenthall. M.P. for Gloucester
and Abingdon. Created Kt. and Bart. Sometime Governor of Windsor Castle.
8 From 1648 to 1660, our only authority for University Matriculations is the Bedel's
Book of Fees, which gives the name and condition, but not the parentage or
age. From 1648 onwards, the names contained in the University Books which are
unrepresented in the College Books become fewer than previously.
STUDENTS NOT ALREADY NOTICED.
455
1651. Josephus May. pi. f. 1687.
1652. Tim. Langly. serv.
Jac. Bradshaw. serv.
1661. Arth. Puntaeus '. g. f. 1690.
1662. Job. Darell?. arm. f. 1692.
1664. Joh. Heddenton. pi. f.
Ebenezer Fournesse.
pps. f. ( = pauperis fil.)
1665. Eodolph. Egerton. g. f. 1693.
Joh. Foote. pp8. f.
Joh. Pumfritt. pp8. f.
Joh. Coppock. pi. pp8. f. 1694.
1666. Sam. Williams, pi. pps.f, 1699.
Gul. Bett. pi. f. 1700.
Ant. Robinson, min. f. 17O1.
1668. Dan. Rosewell. pps. f. 1702.
Ric. HaU. pi. f.
1669. Steph. Thorpe, min. f. 1703.
1670. Josias Weyman. pi. f. 1704.
1671. Chris. Bond. pp8. f.
1673. Ric. Payton. pi. f.
1674. Joh. Boswell. pi. f. 1705.
Joh. Werge. cl. f.
Tho. Berwick, pi. f. 1707.
1676. Geo. Stoner (? s). pp. f.
1677. Ric. Souch. pi. f.
Joh. Bradley, pp. f.
1678. Sam. Loxton. pp. f. 1708.
1680. Tho. Grosvenor. pi. f. 1709.
Rob. Ashburne. pp. f.
Ric. Wood. g. f.
Joh. Greenway. pi. f.
1681. Ric. Glyde. cl. f. 1710.
Nulin Cossens. pi. f. 1714.
1682. Gul. Hockin. pi. f. 1715.
1683. Ric. Cleare. cl. f.
Edm. Byron, pp. f.
Edm. Smith, cl. f.
Fidelis Cape, pauper. 1716.
Joh. Clifton, pi. f. 1717.
1684. Tho. Berkenhead. pp. f.
1685. Gul. Ford. cl. f. 1718.
Ric. Fiddis. pi. f. (pp.
259-60.)
Gul. Hinde. cl. f.
Edw. Henninge. pi. f.
Car. Wereworth. pi. f.
Jac. Metford. f. Jac. M.
Basingham. Line. cl.
(see pp. 202-3, &c-)
Rob. Hindley. pp. f.
Arundelus Raines. 23.
pl.f.
Geo. Hayward. g. f.
Gul. HaU. g. f.
Gualt. Long Clark, g. f.
Edw. Acton, cl. f.
Gul. Jorden. cl. f.
Joh. King. cl. f.
Joh. Edwards, g. f.
Joh. Winsor. pi. f.
Ric. Bulleine. g. f.
Edw. Holdsworth. cl. f.
Vincent Pomfrett. cl. f.
Gul. Robings. pi. f.
Hugo Wallington. pi. f.
Ric. Parkes. pi. f.
Jonathan Soan. pi. f.
Ric. Cotton, pi. f.
Tho. Pearce. pi. f.
Joh. Sargeant. pi. f.
Tho. Latter, cl. f.
Gul. Griffin, pi. f.
Gul. Edwards, pi. f.3
Ed. Edwards, pi. f.s
Aldernus Batten, g. f.4
Joh. Broadway, pi. f.
Josias Pomfrett. cl. f.
Joh. Woodford. pi. f.
Joh. Oakeley. cl. f.
Phil. Sone. cl. f.
Hugo Evans, cl. f.
Rob. Harvey, cl. f.
Joh. Hutchins. cl. f.
1 Son of John Puntseus, a celebrated Italian physician living at Salisbury.
2 M.P. for Rye and Maidstone. Created a Knight. He was doubtless a Gentleman-
Commoner, but the Buttery Books from Oct., 1659, to Oct., 1664, are missing.
3 One of these two was a Chorister. See list of Choristers. * Entered in
Foster's Early Series as Arden Battine.
456 STUDENTS NOT ALREADY NOTICED.
1721. Jac. Wells, g. f.1 1733. Job. Mather, doct. f.
1722. Sam. Purlewent. pi. f. 1734. Tho. Kingsman. cl. f.
1723. Joh. Rogers, g. f. Jo. Westcott. cl. f.
Matth. Nicholas, cl. f.2 Reynell Cotton, cl. f.
1725. Gul. Wise. arm. f. 1735. Ric. Edwards, pi. f.
Mich. Barrett, cl. f. Car. Moore, pi. f.
1726. Joh. Coke. pi. f. 13. 1736. Geo. Stuckey. pi. f.
1727. Gul. Sclater. cl. f. Joh. Wickham. pi. f.
Dan. Chadsley. g. f. Gul. Jeffreys, cl. f.
Joh. Colbrook. g. f. Tho. Obourn. pi. f.
1732. Gul Ashweek(ick). g. f. Josslin Brown, cl. f.
1733. Tho. Coombs, pi. f.
From this time onwards the names in the University Matriculation
Books and the College Buttery Books strictly correspond. It may be
inferred from this fact that henceforth no students were received except
such as were recognised by the Statutes in force for the time being.
1 The names from Wells to Ashwick inclusive are found in the College Battel
Books, of which no less than eight belonging to this period are still extant.
These were unofficial books containing accounts of the 'battels' or general ex-
penditure of all the actual members of the College, and often included names
which were not entered in the more formal and official Buttery Books, confined to
members of the College whose status was recognised in the Statutes. These eleven
students, therefore, seem to have been either ordinary Commoners, as distin-
guished from ' Gentlemen-Commoners,' or more probably ' Battelers.' And an
inspection of the list will show that the same must have been the case with the
majority of those here enumerated from the Restoration onwards. See pp. 259-60,
279-80. The list also, of course, contains the names of servitors, and, possibly,
of a few ' famuli Collegii.' See p. 260. 2 Fellow of Magdalen, (pp. 279-80.)
LISTS OF FAMULI COLLEGII.
It must be borne in mind that these lists are not continuous. In
some cases there are large gaps, as the notices are not contained in
any single record and are often very sporadic. They are collected
from the early Registers, the Index in the Fulman MSS., vol. xi,
Allen's List referred to on pp. 423, 426, a small folio volume containing
attestations to oaths taken by Chaplains, Clerks, and Servants, from
1688 to 1852, some other documents in which a few isolated names
occur, and recent information.
For some account of the status and duties of the under-mentioned
officers and servants, I must refer the reader back to pp. 43, 48-9, and
212-213.
CLERICI COMPUTI
(Clerks of Accompt, sometimes designated Stewards).
Trubb, Trobe, or Trubbe1, 1 546. Rob. Newlyn 6.
Ric. Rawbone2, 1555. Job. How7, 1648.
Joyner {? Richard)3, 1557. Tho. Rowney, 1653 8.
Rob. Englefield, 1582. Herb. Beaver, M.A., 1716.
Wm. Dewey4, M.A., 1623. Tho. Brewer9, 1768.
Rob. Aisley5, 1635. Jon. Walker, 1770.
Wm. Seymour, 1637. Wm. Elias Taunton, 1793.
(When Sir W. E. Taunton died, it was resolved at a meeting, held
on Oct. 10, 1825, to discontinue the office and provide for the per-
formance of the duties in some other way. See p. 315.)
OBSONATORES (Manciples).
Ric. Yardeley, 1544. Wm. Gee, 1763.
Joh. Tattersall, 1560. Joh. Green, 1800.
Hum. Morrice, 1566. Joh. Holliday, 1839.
Joh. Middleton 10, 1582. Moses Holliday 1S, 1844.
Tho. Croysdall, 1603. Joh. Ivory Holliday, 1867.
Tho. Seymo<e)rn, 1624. Matt. Ridley14, 1868.
Joh. Langley12, 1648. Philip Wm. Margetts, 1886
Joh. Hester,
1 Probably he had successively held the offices of Promus and Fam. Prses.
2 Probably a former Fam. Prses. 3 See p. no &c. of this work. * De-
signated as 'Cler. Comp. et Senescallus omnium maneriorum et dominiornm
spectantium ad C. C. C.,' &c. 5 Formerly Fam. Prses. 6 Expelled by
Parliamentary Visitors, Oct. 2, 1 648 (Burrows). Designated as ' Steward.' 7 Ap-
pointed by Parliamentary Visitors, Oct. 2, 1648. 8 It is stated by Joshua Reynolds
^see p. 233) that Robert Newlyn was re-appointed at the Restoration; but, as he
makes an undoubted mistake with regard to Bowden (see p. 459\ his authority is
doubtful. ' Was he the same as the T. B. appointed Chaplain, Dec. 20, 1 764 ?
10 Matric. Nov. 28, 1581. u Expelled by Parl. Vis. on Oct. 2, 1648 (Burrows).
18 Appointed by Parl. Vis. u Mr. Holliday, during part of his tenure, held also
the newly-constituted office of Bailiff, which has been since abolished. u The
offices of Manciple and First Cook were now combined.
FAMULI COLLEGII.
PROMI (Butlers).
Trubbe1, 1533.
Job. Baker, 1544.
Job. TatersaU2, 1546.
Hum. Morrice, 1560.
Dotson, 1564.
Bartclay, 1566.
Joh. Wrighton, 1582.
Barth. Summerscales.
ably about 1600.
Tho. Vallance, 1603.
Francis Evans, 1608.
Joh. Collins, 1618.
Tho. Newman 3, 1627.
Prob-
Joh. Parnes, Parne, or Parry 4.
Nathaniel Wells 5, 1648.
Jas. Man 6, 1660.
Alex. Pottiphar, 17 if.
Rob. Atwood, 1724.
Win. Green, 172^.
Wm. Bradley, i7§£.
Isaac Parsons, 1757.
Wm. Morris, 1785.
Wm. Rogers, 1827.
Joh. Holliday, 1863.
Edwin Moody, 1875.
COQUI PRINCIPALES (Head Cooks).
Joh. Falkner, 1533.
Luke, 1542.
Hen. Godstow, 1546.
Wm. Webster, 1558.
Joh. Gylbert7, 1558.
Dan. Aletter, 1567.
Joannes Warriner 8, 1589.
Joh. Hill \
Wm. Adams10, 1648.
Hen. Price u.
Tho. Wardway, 1730.
Joh. Allen, 1766.
Joh. Brown, 1784.
Rob. James, 1801.
Joh. Holliday, 1828.
Joh. Turfey, 1839.
Matt. Ridley12, 1868.
Phil. Wm. Margetts, 1886.
SUBCOQUI, COQUI JUNIORES (Second Cooks).
These servants, though reckoned among the ' Famuli Collegii/
changed so frequently, that I do not think it necessary to give any
1 Afterwards Fam. Prses. and then Cler. Comp.
2 There is considerable difficulty with regard to this name, as given in the College
Register. In the Index contained in the Fulman MS., there occurs, in Fulman's
own handwriting, besides the entry 'Joh. Tattersall Promus, 1546,' the entry,
separated from it at some distance, 'Joh. Totersall ad offic. Parvum jurat, v. infr.
35 Henr. 8. Mai. 4' (i. e. May 4, 1543). This entry, no doubt, is taken from one in
the College Register, written in a by no means legible hand. I do not think there
is any doubt about the name ' Johannes totersall,' but the word after 'officium' is
by no means clear, and might, I think, be read ' promi.' If Fulman's reading
' parvnm ' be correct, I suppose it must refer to a subordinate office of some kind
or other, perhaps that of Under Butler.
3 Appointed to execute the office, the stipend given being y. ^d. per term, besides
clothes and living (p. 423). He was admitted to the office itself in 1629.
4 Mentioned as removed from his office by Parl. Vis., Oct. 2, 1648 (Burrows).
5 Appointed by Parl. Vis., Oct. 3, 1648. * Appointed by Royal Commissioners
Head Butler, Aug. n, 1660. 7 Killed by falling from a stage in Ch. Ch. Hall,
at the performance of a Play acted before Queen Elizabeth in 1566. See A. Wood,
Annals, sub anno. 8 Written for him. 9 Mentioned as removed by the Parl.
Vis., Oct. 2, 1648 (Burrows). 10 Appointed by Parl. Vis., Oct. 3, 1648.
11 Appointed by Royal Commissioners, Aug. u, 1660. 13 The offices of First
Cook and Manciple were now combined.
FAMULI COLLEGII. 459
enumeration of them, except to mention those who gained or suffered
by the political vicissitudes of the seventeenth century : —
Hen. Price, Jun. Cook, removed by the Parl. Vis., Oct. 2, 1648
(Burrows).
Edwd. Hawes, appointed by Parl. Vis., Oct. 3, 1648.
Job. Adams, appointed by the Royal Commissioners, Aug. 1 1, 1660.
JANITOBES (Porters).
As the Porters were assigned the threefold duty of attending to the
gates, acting as barbers, and making the wax candles necessary for
the use of the College, I have included under the head of ' Jani-
tores ' those servants who are described as ' Tonsores,' distinguishing
them, however, by a T. Sometimes, probably, they were distinct
from the Porters.
Joh. Maderston, T, 1534. Tho. Bowden or Booden 3.
Win. Butler, 1558. Wm. Walker4, 1648.
Joh. Brincknell, T, 1 560. Moses Wiblin, 1718.
Wm. Ambrose, 1561. Franc. Marriott, 174?.
Kirce, T, 1582. Pet. Smith, 1756.
Bic. Chissall; 1582 '. Tho. Jackson, 1776.
Tho. Valentine, 1592. Tho. Wainwright, 1798.
Elys Sumner2. Jos. Byman, 1805.
Joh. Hoggarde2. Bob. Barnes, 1845.
Joh. Guyes, 1626. Alfred Burrows, 1871 or 2.
FAMULI PBJESIDIS (President's Servants).
'Volumus igitur ut Praesidens duos habeat famulos ex Collegii
impensis, alterum qui equos curet et ei inserviat, alterum qui ei in
singulis obsequiis sit paratus et diligenter intendens.' Star.., Cap. 1 7.
One of these servants seems soon to have come to be called ' equiso '
or groom, the other specifically ' famulus Praesidis.' . It is probable
that the latter, even at an early period, added to whatever might be
his other duties those of a secretary or amanuensis. The two first
recorded of the ' Clerici Computi' had probably both been previously
1 famuli Praesidis.' This was undoubtedly the case with Bobert Aisley.
Hugh Collins and Henry Silly seem to have become Notaries Public,
and, indeed, probably executed the office while still in the service of the
President. Henry Silly attests documents, as a Notary Public, almost
immediately after his appointment. John Dewhurst, another Fam.
Praes., appears from the dates to have become a Chaplain. With
1 So in Fulman's Index. In Allen's List, Cheesewell. 2 Both appointed
some time before 1609, as Allen's List appears to have been made tip to date, in
1608. 3 Mentioned as removed by the Parl. Visitors, Oct. 2, 1648 (Burrows).
It is stated by Metford (see p. 333) that Bowden became Butler at the Restoration,
but the statement is refuted by the College Register. See above under ' Promi.'
4 Appointed by Parl. Vis., Oct. 3, 1648.
460 FAMULI COLLEGII.
regard to the possibility of John Spenser (subsequently President)
having been at one time a Fam. Praes., see p. 143, note i. On the
subsequent discontinuance of these servants I shall speak presently.
Joh. Vrine (Hoorne or Oram), Wm. Broughton, F. Pr., 1597.
Equiso, 1535. Joh. Piper, F. Pr., 1598.
Trubb, Trubbe, or Trobe1, Raimundus Osbaston, F. Pr.,
Fam. Praes., 1540. J599-
Hie. Bedle, Equ., 1541. Edouardus Stevens, F. Pr.,
Ric. Rawbone 2. F. Pr., 1546. 1600.
Tho. Collins, F. Pr., 1555. Joh. Dewhurst4, F. Pr., 1603.
Wm. Newcum, F. Pr., 1558. Joh. Wood, F. Pr., i6io5.
Wm. Tattersall, F. Pr., 1560. Hen. Cubb, F. Pr. ? between
Joh. Boucher, F. Pr., 1561. 1595 and 1600.
Hen. Shirburne, Equ., 1562. Gul. Bodyn, Equ. Probably
Price, F. Pr., 1566. before 1609.
Chris. Leyster, F. Pr., 1582. Chris. Spencer, F. Pr., 1612.
Hen. Pilgrime, Equ., 159!- Hugo Collins6, F. Pr., 1618.
Hen. Keepe, F. Pr., 1592. Hen. Silly7, F. Pr., 1630.
Ric. Keepe, F. Pr., 1593. Rob. Aisley8, F. Pr., 1635.
Joh. Philips3, Equ., 1597.
Wm. Harrison, Groom, was ordered to be expelled by the Com-
mittee of Lords and Commons, Aug. i, 1648. (Burrows.)
Izhard, F. Pr., specifically so called, is stated by Metford to have
been expelled, but his name does not occur in the Visitors'
Register. See p. 214.
Ric. Axtell, F. Pr., 1658. Joh. Axtell, Equ., 1658.
It is noteworthy that both the Axtells took the oath, prescribed in
the Statutes, as all their predecessors had done. But the small folio,
to which I have referred above (p. 457), though it contains attestations
to the oaths of all the other ' Famuli Collegii' from 1713 to 1845 (and
indeed of the Chaplains and Clerks from 1688), has no mention what-
ever of the ' Famuli Praesidis.' It would seem as if, after the Revo-
lution, even if not before, their position had undergone some essential
change, and they were no longer so definitely connected with the
College as before. Still, in a book entitled ' Old Orders and Rules,'
there is an allowance, under the date of Feb. 17, i68f, to 'the Pre-
sident's man,' for candles ; and, even in Dr. Randolph's time, the
1 Probably the same who was Promus in 1533, and became Cler. Com. in 1546.
2 Probably the same who became Cler. Com. in 1555. 3 From Philips to Wood,
both inclusive, the names in the Register are written for them. * Probably this is
the same John Dewhurst who took the B. A. Degree in 1608, and became Chaplain in
1610. 5 It is probable, or, indeed, almost certain, that many of those entered at
this time under the name of Fam. Praes. were really 'equisones,' who, of course,
had a title to be called by the generic name. 6 The same who afterwards signs
the register as a Notary Public. 7 There can be no doubt, from the handwriting,
that this is the same H. S. who, within a month after his own admission as F. Pr.,
attests the admission of a Scholar, as a Notary Public. 8 Admitted Cler. Comp.
June 1 2 following. There is no doubt as to the identity of the handwriting.
FAMULI COLLEGIL 461
' Acts and Proceedings of C. C. C.,' which begin with his Presidency,
record his nomination of the following persons as ' President's Servant:'
1757. Thomas Bradley in place of Isaac Parsons, appointed
Butler.
1760. John Hedges.
1761. William Gee, afterwards Manciple.
1763. "William Gosford Mott, in place of Gee *.
After this time no appointments are recorded, and there seems to
be no evidence of the Fam. Praes. and Equiso batteling in any
Buttery Book subsequent to that for 1773-4. But the names are
still entered proformd in the Buttery Books down to the introduction
of the New Statutes in 1855, and the Presidents received a money
allowance for two servants, varying, like most of the other allowances,
from year to year. Meanwhile, all traces of any connexion of the
President's private servant or servants with the College, or of the
College groom, in any special sense, with the President, seem to have
disappeared.
SERVITORS.
Besides the ' Famuli Collegii ' who were recognized in the Statutes,
there were probably, from a very early period in the history of the
College, youths attached to the service of some of the Gentlemen-
Commoners or Fellows individually, and, subsequently, to that of the
College generally. These were called Servitors, and were usually poor
students, matriculated in the University. See pp. 43, 50, 226, 260,
426. Several of them are no doubt included in the list given on
pp. 451-6, and others possibly in the list given on p. 426. See note
3 on that page.
In the Index to vol. xi of the Fulman MSS. there occur the entries :
George Roper, Fam., 1533; Thurstian Whitaker, Lixa, 1612;
Style, Tegull., 1566, and Tho. Stiles, Teg., 1582, the two last (if
they are distinct persons) being probably tilers or thatchers tempo-
rarily residing in the College for the purpose of repairing the roofs.
1 While the ' President's servant' was becoming more distinctly a private servant,
the ' Eqniso ' or ' Groom ' seems to have been becoming more distinctly a common
servant of the College. Thomas Miller, Joseph Miller, and Thomas Jackson are
mentioned in this capacity in the years 1759 and 1762.
NAMES WITHOUT ANY SPECIFIC DESIGNATION.
In the Index in vol. xi of the Fulman MSS. there occur the fol-
lowing names without any designation affixed to them : —
1 Dun, 1522, probably same as John Dunne, Done, or Donne,
Fellow, 1523.
^yot, 1522, probably same as John Dyott, Scholar, 1524.
Kinge, 1522, possibly identical with Thomas King, B.A., 152$
(given in Foster).
aPerrot, 1528, probably same as Clement Perrott, Scholar of
C. C. C., 1530, afterwards Fellow of Lincoln. F.
1 Garret, 1530, probably same as John Garrett, Scholar, 1532.
Mussell, 1536, possibly same as John Mussell, B.C.L., sup.
Metcalf, 1571, possibly same as Wm. Medecalf, B.A., 157!- F.
Paul Browne, 1573, probably a Chorister, and same as P. B. of
Magdalen. F.
Villers, 1578. This may be Pet. Lozillerius Villers, a French
refugee, admitted D.D., 1576, who is said by Wood (Fasti, i. 202) to
' have lived in Ch. Ch. for some time.' He may also have been enter-
tained at Corpus, or there may be the frequent confusion between the
two Colleges.
Of Saxbey, 1530, and Horton, 1533, there does not seem to be
any probable identification.
1 All these persons were probably at Corpus in some other capacity, before their
election to a Scholarship or Fellowship.
INDEX.
Abbott, Charles. See Tenterden, Lord.
Abingdon, third Earl of, 440.
Acquainted, peculiar use of the word,
117. Cp. 118.
Acts and Proceedings of C. C. C., kept
by Drs. Randolph, Cooke, Bridges,
and Norris, 285-90, 295-302, 434.
Acworth, Dr. George, Commissary of
Robert Home, Bishop of Winchester,
no.
— his visitation of the College, 110-123.
— mentioned again, 125.
Admissions, early, give date of birth
approximately on some Church Fes-
tival, 196.
Agas, Daniel, his dispute with Fulman,
235-
— his violent bearing towards the
Visitor, and the Visitor's sentence on
him, 240-2.
Aldrich, Dean, said to have designed
Turner's buildings at Corpus, 265.
Allen or Alleine, Joseph, 231.
Allen, Henry, his List, 423, 426.
Allibone, John. See Rustica, &c.
Allied Sovereigns, Visit of, to Oxford,
300-1.
Altars and Communion Tables set up
and taken down, 355-9.
Anne, Edward, punished for writing a
copy of verses against the Mass, 96-
97-
Anyan, Thomas, President 1614-1629,
noticed, 155.
— his admission, 170.
— his election as President disputed,
175-7-
— account of him, 177-181.
— judgment on the charges against
him, 180-1.
Arbuthnott, Viscount, 318.
Arminian party in the Church, Jackson
belonged to, 189-191.
— controversy debated in Newlyn's
chambers, 195.
Arnold, Matthew, 300, 304.
Arnold, Thomas, 301, 303-4.
— Mr. Justice Coleridge's account of
Corpus in his days, 305-8.
— his Common-Room verses, 322-3.
— his recollections of the Junior
Common-Room, 322-3.
Articles of Religion, tendered in the
Visitation of 1566, 122.
Atkinson, George (Chaplain), charges
brought against him in Visitation of
1566, no, &c.
— expelled, 113.
Audley, Charles, his bond not to obtain
a dispensation from his oaths, from
the Court of Rome, 263.
Ayscough, Francis, appeal regarding
the refusal to admit him as actual
Fellow, 279, 404.
Bachelor Scholars, their enforced resi-
dence, 288, 307.
— this residence remitted, 321-2.
Bachelors not allowed to have strangers
in Hall, as being inconsistent with
the Statutes, 297.
Bachelors' Garden, formerly belonging
to Merton, part of the original site of
the College, 67.
— its position, 69.
— seems to have almost exactly corre-
sponded with the present College
Garden, 68.
Bank-notes, 281.
Bankers (Messrs. Child & Co.) first
appointed, 289.
Barcham, John, 154-5.
Barfoot, John, noticed, 108, 124.
— strong antagonism between him and
Reynolds, 139—41.
— memorial to Warwick from Oxford
against his appointment to the Pre-
sidency, 139.
— expels Reynolds, Hooker, and other
Fellows, 140, 141.
464
INDEX.
Barfoot, John, a recipient of the Nowell
benefaction, 151.
Barnard, Thomas, Bishop of Limerick,
290.
Bartew. See Bertie.
Bartholomew, John, 304.
Battel-books, 456.
Battelers, probably received from about
1660 to 1736, 260. Cp. xii, 438,
451. 456-
Battels denned, 364.
Batten, Mr. Chisholm, his Life of Foxe,
quoted passim in ch. i.
— relation of my biography of Foxe to
his, ix-x.
Battlements first erected in 1624, 76.
Beam Hall, Common Prayer said in,
during the Commonwealth, 215-6.
— its purchase, 341 .
Bear-baiting, 117.
Bed-makers, female, employed in Col-
legesiabout 1677, 253. Cp. 438.
' Bedells' Staves,' loss of, and search for,
during the Parliamentary Visitation,
203-4.
Beeke, Henry, 291.
Bees, Corpus called a College of, 38,
39, 43, 47, 80, and elsewhere.
— ' Vives his bees,' 71-
Beke's Inn, formerly belonging to St.
Frideswide, part of the original site
of the College, 68.
— its position, 69.
Belle, Belley, or Belly, John, in, 371-2,
389-
Benefactors of the College, 29-36, 126.
Benefactorum Liber, referred to, 281
and elsewhere.
Benfield or Benefield, Sebastian, 154,
156, 177-8.
Bentham, Edward, 282.
Berkeley, Hon. Thomas M. F., 305,
443-
Bertie or Bartew, Richard, 86.
Betts, John, 196, 233.
Biberia or Bibesia, 52.
Bible, to be read and expounded at
dinner in Hall, according to original
Statutes, 51, 52.
— Statute still observed in 1664, 239,
and in 1674, 248.
— French History of the, 275-6.
Bible, Authorized Version of, share of
Corpus men in, and especially of Dr.
Reynolds, 162-3, 171-2.
Bilson, Thomas, Bishop of Winchester,
132, 169, 337.
— his decrees and advice with regard
to Fines, 351-4.
Bisse, Thomas, 271.
Boccaccio, probably referred to in the
charges against Greneway, 1 18, 373-5.
Bogan, Zachary, 197, 205, 208.
Bonds, College money lent on, 281,
289.
Boston, was Foxe educated at?, 2.
Boucher, Bocher, or Butcher, William,
President 1559-61, his admission, 86.
— account of him, 106-109.
— curious picture of him in retirement
at Duntesbourne, 107-109.
— reference to him by Bishop Home,
123.
— characteristic of him mentioned by
Morice, 137.
Bouverie, Hon. Edward, 292, 442.
Bradshaw, John, scholar, his offence,
254-
Brasenose Hall or College, hostility of
its members, including the former
Principal, to the workmen employed
in building C. C. C., 64, 65.
Bribes, taking of, for admitting scholars,
charged against Greneway, 118-123,
and against Anyan, 178, 181.
Bridges, Thomas Edward, President
1823-43, his admission, 303.
— account of him, 314-15.
— testimonies to his worth and amia-
bility, 306, 314.
Bridges, William, 194.
Brookes, James, Bishop of Gloucester,
86.
Buckland, William, the famous Geolo-
gi?t, 3°3, 308.
— his rooms in College, 303.
Buckle, George, 317.
Building of the College (according to
the Founder's original design of a
monastic College) already com-
. menced, June 30, 1513, 63-5.
— when completed, uncertain, but pro-
bably in 1520, 71.
Building accounts, original, portion of,
still preserved, 70-71.
Building Fund, institution of, 298.
Buildings of the College, account of,
63-78.
— Loggan's plan of them in 1675,
76-7.
— Turner s, 264-70.
— additions to and alterations of, in
Dr. Mather's time, 280-1.
— in Dr. Cooke's time, 298, 301.
— most recent, 329.
Bull-baiting, 117.
Burgess, Thomas, Bishop of Salisbury,
291.
— his work as Tutor, 291.
Burhill or Burghill, Robert, 1 54.
INDEX.
465
Burrows, Professor, edition of Catalogue
of Grocyn's books, quoted, 89 and
elsewhere.
— his edition of the Register of the
Parliamentary Visitors, 201 and else-
where.
— does not always give the true de-
signation of a student, 219.
— his Worthies of All Souls, quoted,
248 and elsewhere.
Bursar, change in qualifications for
office of, 327-8.
— list of Bursars not being Fellows,
422.
Burton, John, 271.
Butcher, William. See Boucher.
Butler's chamber, 70.
Buttery, new, made in 1595-6, 75, 335.
Cambridge, Foxe's connexion with, 2-3,
8.
— new Fellows and Scholars largely j
imported by Parliamentary Visitors
from, 227.
Card-playing, Cole's passion for, 137.
Carew, Thomas, was he at Corpus? 175.
Carey, Robert, 193.
Catherine of Aragon, i, 8, 9, 12, 13, 18.
Caution-money, early notice of, 196.
— large amount of for Gentlemen-Com-
moners, 295, 299-300.
Cellar, new, made in 1595-6, 75.
Centenary, celebration of, 182.
Chandois of Sudeley, sixth and seventh
barons, 194, 454.
Chapel, part of the original building, 71.
— alterations or ' restorations ' in 1675-
1676, 76, 258-9.
— the present and former altar-piece,
77, 78-
— the altar candlesticks, 78.
— the brass eagle, 78, 84.
— Claymond's brass, 76, 83.
— east window blocked up in 1796,
78, 292.
— the Rubens altar-piece, 292.
Chapel Accounts, 355-9.
Chapel Ornaments, Vessels, Copes, &c.,
secreted during Edward VI s reign,
97-98.
— and again at the beginning of Eliza-
beth's reign, 110-115.
— inventory of handed in at Visitation
of 1566, 113-115.
— entry respecting the mending of
Copes in 1640, 246, 359.
— evidence that much of the collection
still remained in 1646, 98-99.
— sold or made away with during the
Commonwealth, 99.
H
Chapel Ornaments, action at Oxford
Assizes in 1666, respecting the Copes,
&c., 244-6.
— a few fragments of Copes still extant,
99-
— sacred plate still extant, 99.
— Copes probably worn in 1640, 246,
359-
Chapel Services, according to original
Statutes, 52.
— orders with regard to preaching ser-
mons, 169, 182-3, 221, 230.
— Staunton's religious discipline and its
probable effects, 217, 221-3.
— compulsory attendance at chapel
abolished, 325.
Chaplains, their qualifications, tenure,
and duties, in the Original Statutes,
47, 48-
— list of, 423-5.
Chaplains' rooms added to the Presi-
dent's House, 75.
Charles I, 180.
— publication of his ' Works," 199.
Charles II, 243-4, 247, 25l> 252~4-
Charta Fundationis signed March i,
15'f 57, 80.
Cheadsey or Chedsey, William, Presi-
dent 1558-1559, his admission, 86.
— account of him, 102-105.
— his great reputation as a disputant,
102, 103.
— characteristic of him mentioned by
Morice, 137.
Cheltenham Grammar School and
Hospital, connexion of the College
with, 35.
Chinese, Professor of, offer of College
with regard to, 328.
Chishull, Edmond, wrote inscriptions
on Turner's monuments, 267-8.
— his letter to Turner respecting Chap-
laincy at Smyrna, 268.
Choristers, their qualifications, tenure,
remuneration, and duties, in the ori-
ginal statutes, 48.
— they may be educated either in the
College or at Magdalen School, 48.
— list of, 429-30.
Cicero, study of denounced by Jewel, 95.
Clark, Andrew, reference to his works,
passim.
— his edition of Wood's Diaries, 261.
Claymond, John, President 1517-1537,
one of the executors of Foxe's Will, 21.
— his connexion with the purchase of
Pullock's Manor at Ropesley, 27.
— his benefactions to the College, 34,
81, 84.
— account of him, 79-84.
h
466
INDEX.
Claymond, John, his munificence and
liberality, 81-2.
— eminent men admitted to, or con-
nected with, Corpus, during his Presi-
dency, 84-89.
— his 'laudabiles consuetudines,' 92.
— maintained the Public Readers at his
own expense, 92.
— characteristic of him mentioned by
Morice, 137.
Claymond's brass, description of it and
its fortunes, 76, 83.
Clemens or Clement, John, 88, 369,
37.1-
Clerical restrictions, 100, 324-6.
Clerk of Accompt (' Clericus Computi '),
his position and duties, 48, 49.
— office abolished in 1825, 315.
Clerks, their qualifications, tenure, and
duties, in the Original Statutes, 48.
— alteration made in their duties during
Dr. Staunton's Presidency, 228, 359.
— list of, 426-8.
Cloister Chambers, 70, 71, 77.
Cloisters, 69, 70, 71, 77.
Cobb, Richard, B.D., Fellow, a bene-
factor of the College, 36.
Cock Tavern in Westminster, 116.
Cole, William, President 1568-1598, his
admission, 101.
— Morice's antipathy to, 107, 108.
— account of him, 1 24-44.
— Wood's account of his appointment
or election, 124-8.
— Strype's account, 128-9, 154.
— award, as to fines, between him and
the fellows, 343-4.
— his practice with regard to the fine-
chest, 350.
Cole, Thomas, son of the above, 138,
370, ? same as the one mentioned on
149.
Coleraine, Lord, his admission, 271.
— his death, 302 .
— a benefactor of the Library, 36, 271-2,
287.
Coleridge, Edward, 304.
Coleridge, Sir John, 303.
— his account of Dr. Cooke, 294.
— of the College in Arnold's days,
305-8.
Commission, Royal, of Enquiry (1850),
attitude of College towards, 320-1.
— Executive Parliamentary, College in
favour of, 324.
— negotiations with, 324-5.
— Duke of Cleveland's, on the Revenues,
326.
— Parliamentary, of 1877, 327-8.
Common-Room, Bachelors and Gen-
tlemen • Commoners', 286-7, 3°9>
Common-Room, Scholars', 309, 311.
— dissolved, 322.
— its history, 322-3.
— its records preserved, 323.
Common-Room, Senior, built in or about
1667, 76.
Commoners, first received, 32 1 (but either
ordinary Commoners or Battelers
appear to have been occasionally re-
ceived from about 1660 down to 1 736.
See 260, 279-80, 456).
— name originally extended to all ' in-
dependent members,' 437.
- list of, 445-50.
— See also Gentlemen-Commoners.
Commons, Deprivation of, explained,
54, 36o.
Conington, John, 325, 372, 420.
Cooke, George Leigh, 303.
— testimonies to his worth, 306.
— founder of the Junior Common Room,
322-3.
Cooke, John, President 1783-1823, his
early Jacobite sympathies, 287.
— his admission, 290.
— his life and character, 294-5, 302,
310-12.
Cooper, Thomas, Bishop of Winchester,
H5-7-
Cope-box, 246, 359.
Copes, 97, 113-15, 246 (see also Chapel
Ornaments), 355, 357, 359.
Copleston, Edward, Bishop of Llandaff,
298, 302, 303.
Copleston, William James, 304.
Copyholds. See Fines.
Corner Hall, formerly belonging to Mer-
ton, part of the original site of the
College, 67.
— its position, 69.
Cornish, George James, Tutor, 311-12,
322-3.
Cornish, Robert Kestell, Bishop of Mada-
gascar, 318.
Cornish, Thomas, titular Bishop of
Tenos, was Foxe's suffragan for the
spiritual duties of his first two sees, 5, 6.
Corpus Christi Day, abolition of enter-
tainment on, 295, 298.
Corrano, Anthony, Reynolds' opposi-
tion to his degree, 1 59.
Corvus (Jan Rave), painter of one of the
Founder's portraits, 26-27, 192.
Coxe, H. O., 421.
Crakanthorpe, his testimony to Rey-
nolds' character, learning, and loyalty
to the Church of England, 166..
— Jackson's tutor, 185.
INDEX.
467
Cranmer, Archbishop, visits the College,
84.
— his disputation with Cheadsey, 103.
Cranmer, George, Hooker's pupil, 129,
153-4-
— Queen Elizabeth's opinion of him,
154-
— his sister married to Dr. Spenser,
174.
Cromwell, Oliver, Lord Protector, 223.
Crumlum or Crumblehome, Samuel,
193-
Crutcher, Nicholas. See Kratzer.
Curthopp, James, Dean of Peterborough,
86, 384.
Curtois case, 252-4.
Dashwood, Sir Henry William, Bart.,
3i8.
Day, Thomas, 292.
Declamations, order respecting careless
performance of, in 1815, 301.
Decrements, 335-6, 351, 354.
— meaning of word, 354.
Degrees, examinations in College for, in-
stituted in 1/41, 280.
— gradually dropped out, 297.
— speeches on classical authors by can-
didates for, still continued in 1795,
298 (cp. 235), and in 1818, 302.
De Teissier, George Frederic, 317.
De Teissier, Philip Antoine, Baron,
318,431-
Determination for the B. A. degree, anti-
quated provision for postponing the
M.A. degree till three years after, in-
stead of after admission, and conse-
quent inconvenience, 299.
— relaxed in practice, 299.
— dispensed with by decision of Bishop
Tomline, 302.
Dialogue entitled ' Nuttus.' See Morice,
Nicholas.
Dials, 85, 153, 183.
Discipline, stringency of in the Original
Statutes, 53-55.
— state of in 1 540, as evidenced by a
Decree then issued, 92.
— causes of subsequent decay of, 93.
— Jewel's maintenance of, 94.
— stringency of during the Puritan rt-
gime, 222-4, 363-
• — slackness of in Dr. Mather's time,
279.
— disgraceful conduct of students in
1748-50,285-6.
— riot in College in 1792, 297.
— change in the character of offences
in the i8th century, 279, 364. See
also Punishments.
Discipuli ( = our ' Scholars ') , their quali-
fications in Original Statutes, 45, 46.
— to be elected from certain counties
and dioceses, 46.
— might, under exceptional circum-
stances, be elected over nineteen, 46,
148, 390-1.
— purity of election, 185, 234.
— account of large election of in 164^,
196, 202-3.
— early age of, 234, 306, 319, &c.
— relief of M.A. Disciples from resi-
dence in 1755, 287.
— their enforced idleness, 287.
— idleness and dissipation of B.A. Dis-
ciples at that time, 288.
— dearth of candidates for some of the
County Scholarships, 290, 296, 298,
316,324.
— local restrictions and right of succes-
sion to Fellowships abolished, 414.
— first Open Scholar, 325.
Disputations prescribed in Original Sta-
tutes, 40-42.
— still continued in 1664, 235.
— and in 1749, 286.
— punishments for neglecting, 360-1,
363-4-
Divisio pro ampliore convictu, 335-6,
34°, 342-
Dole, weekly, bequeathed to the poor
by Morwent, and administered by the
College, 34, 100.
Dress worn in Junior Common-Rooms,
3ii,323-
Dudley, First Earl of, 443.
Durham, Foxe's alterations in the
Castle, 6.
— Claymond invited by Foxe to take
charge of a school in Bishopric of, 80.
Durham Scholarship, dispute with re-
gard to non-election to, 249-51.
Early age of students in former times,
46, 154, J55. 157-8, 171, 234. 29i,
298, 299, 301, 303-4, 306, 319,
380.
Early hours in the sixteenth century, 41,
52,55,93, "7-
— in the seventeenth, 235.
Ederich, George, 86, 104, 370.
Edgeworth, Richard Lovell, his anec-
dotes of Dr. Randolph, 284-5.
— his admission, 292.
— his testimony to the excellent condi-
tion of the College in his time, 293.
Edward VI, general decay of learning
in his time, 95.
Edwards, David, 58, 85, 88, 89, 369-70.
Edwards, Richard, 101.
H h 2
468
INDEX.
Elizabeth, Queen, 101, 104, 124-8, 147,
154, 1 60.
— Acts of Parliament passed in her
reign regarding College property,
332-4' 350-1-
Ellison, Noel Thomas, Tutor, 310, 311.
Erasmus, his connexion with Foxe, 23-25.
— eulogistic language with regard to
the College, 59.
— book dedicated to Claymond, 80.
Essex and Buckhurst, Lords, their award
respecting fines, 343-4.
Estates recently purchased, 326, 328.
Estcourt, Thomas Grimstone, 305.
Etheridge. See Ederich.
Evidences, College, quoted or referred to,
198 and elsewhere.
Examinations for B.A. Degree in Col-
lege, 280, 297.
Exemptions of the College from the
jurisdiction of the parish (St. John the
Baptist) and Diocese (Lincoln) in
which it was locally situated, 67.
Exhibitioners, Clerks and Choristers
had come to be called in 1792, 297,
428.
— selected from Commoners, 326, 432.
— elected after open competition, 432.
— list of, 431-3-
Expense of residing in the University,
beyond the means of an M.A. Scholar
in 1755, 287.
— rapid increase of during the French
War, 299.
Fairclough. See Featley.
Famuli Collegii. See Servants, recog-
nised College.
Faussett, Godfrey, 303.
Featley, or Fairclough, or Fairclowe, or
Fertlough, Daniel, 155, 163, 178-9,
393-
Fellows of Colleges, their lack of occu-
pation in the Restoration period,
256-7.
— large increase in value of Fellowships,
about 1814, 300.
Fellows' or Turner's Buildings, 36, 77,
264-6, 268-70.
Fellowship, first open, 325.
Female bedmakers in College, in the
seventeenth century, 50, 253, 438.
Fiddes, Richard, 43, 259-60.
Finances. See Revenues.
Fines, in later years, constituted the
principal income of the President and
Fellows, 341-2.
— of Copyholds, disputes regarding,
106-109, II2» 118-23, J32-3> l&9>
178, 181, 330-54.
Fines of Leaseholds, 116, 118-23, 169,
178, 181,330-54.
Finium Cista, 334, 336-7, 340-1, 345,
349-51-
Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, co-executor
with Foxe to Henry VII and the
Lady Margaret, 12, 13.
— quoted in reference to Foxe's influ-
ence with Henry VIII, 17.
— his advice to the Lady Margaret to
found a secular, not a monastic, Col-
lege, 21.
— dedicates a book to Foxe and acknow-
ledges his personal obligations, 25.
Foreign Chaplaincies,condition of, about
1701, described in a letter from Chis-
hull to Turner, 268.
— number of held by Corpus men, 273.
Forgery of an Indenture charged against
Hierome Reynolds, Atkinson, and
Joyner, in the Visitation of 1566,
no, &c.
Forster, Nathaniel, 282.
Foster, Joseph, his Alumni Oxonienses
referred to, 138, 195, and elsewhere.
— my obligations to, ix, xii.
— some of the earlier names in my lists
not to be found in his, ix.
Fowler, Edward, Bishop of Gloucester,
193, 218, 223, 231.
Fowler, Thomas, his election as Presi-
dent, 328.
Fox kept in the wood-yard, 77.
Foxe, John, Archdeacon of Surrey, 84-
85, 382.
Foxe or Fox, Richard, the Founder of
the College, 1-29.
— his birth, birthplace, and parentage,
I, 2.
— his places of education, 2, 3.
— his opinion of ' long continuance in
the Universities,' 3.
— his connexion with Cambridge, 2,
3,8.
— his abode and graduation at Paris,
3,4-
— first mention of him is in connexion
with living of Stepney, 4.
— story of his return to Ropesley, 4, 5.
— lands in England with Richmond
(Henry VII) in 1485, and is present
at Bosworth Field, 5.
— his rapid advancement, 5, &c.
— Bacon's character of him, 5, 7, 8.
— Bishop of Exeter, 5.
— becomes Lord Privy Seal, 5.
— delegates his episcopal functions, 5, 6.
— baptises Henry VIII, 6.
— translated to Bath and Wells, 6.
— to Durham, 6.
INDEX.
469
Foxe or Fox, Richard, his diplomatic
employments, 5, 6,7, 8, 12, 15, 16.
— his defence of Norham Castle, 7.
— negotiates the marriage between
James IV of Scotland and the Prin-
cess Margaret, 7, 8.
— translated to Winchester, 8.
— Chancellor of Cambridge, 8.
— story of his dealings with the clergy,
in respect of a loan, 9.
— imputation on him with regard to
confessions, 9.
and with regard to unfair dealings
on behalf of the king (Henry VII),
9, 10.
— nominated by Julius II a Commis-
sioner to continue an enquiry into the
claims of Henry VI to canonization,
TO.
and to draw up amended Statutes
for Balliol College, Oxford, n.
— his immersion in business, 10.
— his care of his diocese (Winchester),
10, 16-19.
— his relations to Magdalen and Balliol
Colleges, Oxford, 10-12.
— Visitor of Balliol, IT, 12.
— Executor to Henry VII, 12.
and to the Lady Margaret, 13.
— continued in all his places of trust by
Henry VIII, 12.
— differs from Warham, and advises
marriage with Catherine of Aragon,
12, 13-
— engaged in settling the incomplete
foundation of St. John's College,
Cambridge, 13.
— Master of Pembroke College, Cam-
bridge, 13.
— alleged differences with the Earl of
Surrey, 13, 14.
— his influence at Court, circa 1510,
14.
— his favourable disposition towards
the Venetian Republic, 14.
— altercation with Warham, 14, 15.
— relations with Wolsey, 15-20.
— attends the army which invaded
France in 1513, 15.
— described as ' a lord of extreme
authority and goodness,' 15.
— resigns the Privy Seal in 1516, 16.
— his growing disinclination to political
life and affairs of State, 16.
— his compunction for the neglect of
his spiritual duties, 16-18.
— his sentiments with regard to the
French War, 18.
— complains of the depravity of the
clergy and specially of the monks, 19.
Foxe or Fox, 'Richard, employments of
his closing years, 18-20.
— opposes the subsidy of 1523, 19.
— his blindness, 19, 21.
— his death and burial, 19, 20.
— his Will, 20, 21.
— his foundation of Corpus, 31,22.
— advice of Bishop Oldham to found
a secular, not a monastic, College,
21.
— his other benefactions, 22.
— his architectural works, 6, 8, 9, 2 2,
25, 26.
— magnificence of his household ap-
pointments, 32.
— does not forget Ropesley, 22.
— edits and translates religious books,
22, 23.
— has trouble with some of his nuns,
23-
— his relations to learned men, as
Linacre, 23.
— Sir Thomas More and Erasmus,
23-25-
— Bishop Fisher, 25.
— his connexion with the windows in
King's College Chapel, 25, 26.
— with Henry VII's Chapel at West-
minster, 26.
— portraits of him, 26, 27.
— engraved portraits, 27.
— apparent inconsistency in forbidding
the Head of his College to be a Bishop,
44, 45-
— removes Richard Mayew from the
Presidency of Magdalen, n, 45.
— letter to Claymond, showing his care
for the infant foundation, 57, 58.
— letter to Claymond on dissensions in
the College, 83, 84.
— letter to E. Wotton, 86.
— his tomb repaired by the College,
316.
Frampton, Robert, Bishop of Glouces-
ter, 193.
Franklin, Willingham, 303.
Frost, William, Steward of the Founder,
a large benefactor of the College, 33.
— his life and character, 32-34.
— daily mass to be celebrated in the
Chapel, at ' Frost's altar,' 33.
— ' Frost's kin ' Fellowship and Scho-
larship, 33.
Frowd, John Brickenden, 299.
Fuller, his testimony to Dr. Reynolds,
167.
— account (probably apocryphal) of
disputation between John and Wil-
liam Reynolds, 167.
— account of Dr. Jackson, 187, 188.
47°
INDEX.
Fulman, William, his MSS. quoted,
passim.
— a great benefactor to the Library, 36.
— plan of the original site of the College
taken from his MSS., 69.
— his view with regard to the early
Corpus Lecturers, 87.
— account of his life, collections, and
literary labours, 196-9.
— his conduct on Staunton's appoint-
ment, and expulsion, 212, 215.
— his criticism of Mayow's Life of
Staunton, 219.
— dispute with regard to the tenure of
his fellowship, 235-6.
— last date in his writings, bearing on
general history of the College, 261.
— my obligations to, viii, 196.
Gager, Dr., of Ch. Ch., controversy with
Dr. Reynolds on Stage-Plays, 168.
Gale, Robert, Vintner, of London, a
benefactor of the College, 36.
Garden, the College, seems to corre-
spond almost exactly with ' Bachelors'
Garden,' formerly belonging to Mer-
lon, 68.
— its condition in 1578 and 1675, 77.
— gate given in 1782, 77, 292.
Garden, the President's, a portion of the
garden of Nevill's Inn, formerly be-
longing to Merton, 68.
Gardiner, Bishop, his Visitation of Cor-
pus in 1553, 95-8.
Gateway, part of the original building,
71-
Geneva translation of the Bible, Cole
took part in, 130, 131.
Gentlemen-Commoners, limited number
of admitted under Original Statutes,
43-
— records of the earlier ones have
perished, 102.
— number exceeded in Greenway's time,
118, 1 20.
— relaxation of discipline in favour of,
285, 296.
— their caution-money increased, 295,
299-300.
— their discontinuance, 321.
— list of, 434-444.
Gentlemen-Commoners' Buildings, 76,
77, 280-1.
George the Second, reign of, marks the
nadir of Oxford, 368.
George the Third, visit of himself and
family to the College, 296.
Giles, John Allen, 317.
Giles, John Douglass, 318
Gill, Alexander, 154.
Glass, painted, in Chapel and Hall,
358.
Gloucester Hall, 126.
Godstow, Abbess and Convent of, part
with Nun Hall to Bishop Foxe, 67,
68.
Goodwin, Thomas, President of Mag-
dalen, 223.
Gossons, Stephen, 153.
Gowns of the same colour provided for
all members of the College, including
servants, 53, 338.
Grantham Grammar School, founded
by Bishop Foxe, 22, 28.
— other notices of, 325, 328.
Greek, study of, in connexion with
Corpus, 25.
— a Public Readership in Greek first
permanently established at Corpus,
38.
— regulation as to the teaching of, and
books to be lectured on, 38, 39.
— Greek and Latin only to be used for
conversation in Hall, and even, with
certain exceptions, on other occasions,
52-
— no mention of Greek in answers to
Visitation enquiries of 1664, 239.
— list of Greek Readers, 369-70.
Gregory, Robert, Dean of St. Paul's,
3i8.
Greneway or Greenway, President
156^-8, his life of Foxe, 1-3, 123.
— his admission, 86.
— account of him, 109, no.
— charges against him in the Visitation
of 1566, 115-119.
— his answer, 119-121.
— the evidence against him, 121.
— review of the evidence, 121-2.
— testimonial to his character, 122.
— issue of the proceedings, 122-3.
— characteristic of him, noticed in
Morice's Dialogue, 122, 137.
Greswell, Clement, 317.
Greswell, Edward Parr, 304, 318, 320.
Griffith, James, 291.
Grocyn's books, some of them bought
of Linacre by Claymond for Corpus,
89.
Gutch, John, 304, 424.
Hales, John, the ' ever-memorable,' 155.
Hall, part of the original building, 71.
— alterations in, about 1700, 77, 264.
— chimney first built in 1741, charcoal
having been previously burnt in a
brasier, 77-
Hall, Bishop, his testimony to Dr.
Reynolds, 167.
INDEX.
471
Hallifax, William, Chaplain at Aleppo,
259-
Hampton Court Conference, Dr. Rey-
nolds' share in, 161-3.
Hannah, John, 317.
Hare, Henry. See Lord Coleraine.
Harpsneld, the ecclesiastical historian,
at Foxe's funeral, 20.
— one of the witnesses to his Will, 21.
— his testimony with regard to the
early Corpus Lecturers, 88.
Harrison, Robert, 98, 125, 128, 387.
Hartley, David, the younger, 282-3.
Hearne, Diaries, quoted, 263 and else-
where.
— offered a Chaplaincy at Corpus, 266.
— character of his gossip, 264.
Heath, Nicholas, Archbishop of York
(his connexion with C. C. C. doubt-
ful), 87.
Hebrew, study of, in connexion with
Corpus, 25.
— Lectureship instituted in Spenser's
time, 174.
Hegge, Robert, 182, 183, 394.
— his Work on Dials and Dialling,
183.
— his Catalogue of Fellows and Scho-
lars, 183, 377.
Henry VII, Foxe's connexion with him,
3. &c.
— Foxe, one of his Executors, ia.
Henry VIII, his letters patent constitu-
ting the College a Corporation, 57.
Heurtley, Charles Abel, 317.
Hext, George, 317.
Heyford, Lower, or 'ad pontem,' fre-
quently mentioned, as e. g. 34, 100,
107, no, 116-123, 1&-1, 138.
Higford, William, 131, 156, 436.
Hoadley, Benjamin, Bishop of Win-
chester, his excellence as Visitor, 286-
7. Cp. 321.
Hobbes' Leviathan, 235, 270.
Hodgson, S. H., 421.
Holt, John, President 1629-163^, his
admission, 169.
— .noticed, 180.
— account of him, 184.
Homicide, attempted, by one student of
another, 279-80.
Hooker, John, alias Vowell, 147.
Hooker, Peter, 152.
— his letter to Anyan, 1 78.
Hooker, Richard, mentioned, 129, 131,
39°-
— personal traits noticed by Morice and
Spenser, 138.
— expelled by Barefoot, and restored
by the Visitor, 140, 141.
Hooker, Richard, his life, so far as
connected with Corpus, 147-153.
— alleged position of his rooms and
inventory of his furniture, 152.
— his pupils, Edwin Sandys and George
Cranmer, 153-4.
— posthumous editions of his Works,
170, 173-4.
— alleged share of Spenser in the au-
thorship of the Ecclesiastical Polity,
Wi-l-
Hooker, Zachary, 138, 391.
Horace, Jewel's favourite book, though
omitted from the list recommended
in the Statutes, 92, 93.
Home, George, Bishop of Norwich, 191.
Home, Robert, Bishop of Winchester,
106, no, 123-4, I25~8, 129, 131-2,
134-
Hornsby, Thomas, 290.
Hume, John, Bishop of Oxford, 282.
Humfrey, Laurence, his Life of Jewel,
91 and elsewhere.
Hunt, A. W. (Painter), 421.
Hurman, Stephen, his election to the
Presidency, and immediate resigna-
tion, 272-3.
Hyde, James, 193.
Incense used in Chapel, 355-9.
Income. See Revenues.
Independents and Presbyterians, 223,
227.
Ingram's Memorials of Oxford quoted,
12, 78, and elsewhere.
Inventory of Church goods secreted at
beginning of Elizabeth's reign, 113-5.
Inventory of the President's plate and
furniture, 1677 an(i earlier, 152.
Inventory Books, two curious ones,
dated 1610-14 and 1622 or 3, of
furniture, &c., 152.
Italian faith, 117.
— a wicked Italian book, called Jacke
{? Mouther or Moucher), 118, 373-5.
Jackson, Henry, his admission, 170.
— his connexion with Hooker's Works,
170, 173-4.
— his action with regard to Anyan, 178.
Jackson, Thomas, President 163^-1640,
his admission, 155.
— account of him, 184-93.
— recent revival of interest in his Works,
191.
— his Will and Inventory of his effects,
192-3.
Jackson, T. G., architect of the New
Buildings in Merton Street, 78.
Jacob, Philip, 304.
472
INDEX.
Jacobite sympathies, supposed, of Dr.
Turner, 263, 265-7.
— of Dr. Mather, 277.
— of the Bachelors' Common-Room,
circa 1754, 286-7, 367-8.
Jacobite tendencies of the College,
indications of, 263, 272.
James, Richard, 175.
James I, 161-3, 176, 178-9, 189.
Jenkyns, Henry, 304.
Jersey and Guernsey, attempt to procure
one of the Hampshire Scholarships
for natives of, 247.
Jewel, John, Bishop of Salisbury, ac-
count of him while connected with
Corpus, 91-96, 385.
— his declaration against Rhetoric, and
specially Cicero, 95.
— appointed to govern the College,
while Morwent was imprisoned in the
Fleet, 97.
— Dr. Wright's saying about him, 98.
— Simon Tripp's letter to, 1 34.
— his connexion with Richard Hooker,
147, 149.
Jones, William, of Nayland, his testi-
mony to Jackson's Works, 191.
Joyner, Richard (Clerk of Accompt),
charges brought against him in the
Visitation of 1566, no, &c.
— expelled (?), 113.
Junior Fellows, complaints of against
the Seniors in 164!, 225-6.
Jurisprudence, Professorship of, 325.
Keble, John, 299, 303, 305.
, the elder, 303.
Keble, Thomas, 303, 305, 312.
Kennett, Basil, President 1714, his
admission, 271.
— account of his life and Presidency,
272-5-
King, Walker, Bishop of Rochester, 291.
Kitchen, the present, probably the Re-
fectory of Urban Hall, 68.
Kratzer, Nicholas, 58, 85,87, 88, 183, 381 .
Ladiman, Samuel, 43.
Latin, Reader or Professor of, 39.
— regulations as to teaching and books
to be lectured on, 39.
— re-institution of, 324, 372.
— list of Readers, 370-2.
Latin or Greek, conversation in Hall,
and even, with certain exceptions,
on other occasions, to be confined to,
52.
— how far observed subsequently, 235,
239, 248.
— punishments for not observing, 362.
Laud, William, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, 155, 189, 191, 246.
Laundresses, regulations with respect
to, in Original Statutes, 49.
Laurence, French, 291.
Laurence, Richard, Archbishop of Cashel,
291-2.
Lawrence, Giles, 100, 101.
Lay mode of dress affected by clerics
after the Restoration, 255-6.
Layborne or Leybourne, Bishop of Carl-
isle, ii.
Leases. See Fines.
Lectures. See Readers.
Legge, James, endowed with proceeds
of a Fellowship, 328, 421.
Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, 128,
135, 139. H0-
Leigh, Theophilus,MasterofBalliol,27i.
Lenthall or Leynthall, John, admitted
1603, 194, 436.
— 1640, 193-4, 454.
Letters Patent of Henry VIII, 57.
Lever, Sir Ashton, 283.
Lewis, Thomas, 271.
Library of the College, list of principal
benefactors to, 36.
— references to books in, 2, 4, 34, 39,
67, 70, 80, 93, 132, 198, 199, 269,
275-6, 287, 338, 401-2.
— described as a 'trilinguis bibliotheca'
and spoken of with enthusiastic praise
by Erasmus, 59.
— part of the original building, 71.
— enlarged by Dr. Turner, 269.
— his large bequest of books to, 269,
270.
— Italian Room in, 272, 287.
Library, Undergraduates', formerly Dr.
Buckland's Geological Museum, 303.
Libri Magni, referred to, 72 and passim,
specially in App. A.
Linacre, his testimony to Foxe, 23.
— some of Grocyn's books bought of
him, 89.
Lincoln, exemption of the College from
the jurisdiction of the see of, 67.
Lincoln Cathedral, suspension of Sun-
day prayers at, in consequence of the
dissensions of the Chapter, 142.
Lincoln, Deanery of, circuitous means
by which it was obtained for Cole,
W-3-
Lipscombe, William, 291.
Liveries. See Gowns.
Livings, College, several purchased out
of the Tower Fund, 281.
— licence obtained in 1818 to hold in
mortmain additional, not exceeding
^3000 in value, 301-2.
INDEX.
473
Li vings,College, purchase of Byfield,3O2.
— • Fellow excluded from choice of, on
ground of unfitness, 324.
Llandaff, Second Earl of, 442.
Loggan's plan of the College in 1675,
76-77.
— character of the Founder's statue in
his plan, 78.
Lowe, Sir Drury Curzon, the last Gen-
tleman-Commoner, 321, 444.
Lupsett, Thomas, 87-9, 369, 371.
Luxury, Heads of Houses accused of,
278.
Machiavellian, Greenway accused of
being ' a right mache villion ' (? Ma-
chiavellian), 1 1 8.
Macmullen, Richard Gell, his dispute
with Dr. Hampden, 319-20.
Magdalen College, Oxford, was Foxe
educated at? 2.
— Corpus Students required to attend
some of the lectures at, 40-41.
— when this practice fell into desue-
tude, 239.
— Richard Mayew, President, removed
by Foxe, as Visitor, 45.
— the Choristers may be educated at
Magdalen School, 48.
— the President joined with the Warden
of New College and the Chancellor
of the University as an informal Court
for composing differences between the
President of Corpus and any of the
Fellows, 56.
— the first President and Fellows of
C.C.C. put in possession of the College
by the Warden of New College and
the President of Magdalen, acting for
the Founder, 57.
— many of the early members of Corpus
appointed from Magdalen, 58.
Maine, Sir H. J. S., 326, 420.
Malet, Sir E. B., 445.
Manchester Grammar School, founded
by Bishop Oldham, 31.
— its connexion with Corpus, 31, 32.
Manciple's Chamber, 70.
Marat, Jean Paul, alleged theft by, in
Oxford, 282-3.
Marian exiles, their straits and destitu-
tion, 125, 127, 129-33.
Marston, John, 435.
Martial, Richard, Dean of Ch. Ch.,
86.
Mary, Queen, 18, 95, 103, 104, 129.
Master of Arts Degree, exercises for, in
the seventeenth century, 235.
Mather, Mrs., a benefactress of the Col-
lege, 36, 342.
Mather, John, President 1711-48, his
admission, 271.
— account of him, 277-8.
— his death, 283.
Meals in the i6th century, number,
times, arrangement of tables, waiting,
reading and exposition of the Bible,
conversation to be only in Greek or
Latin, no lingering allowed except
on rare occasions, 50-52.
Medicinse (socius) deputatus, 100, 104,
185, and elsewhere.
Medicinse deputati, list of, 372-3.
Merton College, negotiation with, for
the purchase of part of the site of
C. C. C., 65-7.
— plan showing this portion of the site,
69.
— the Warden (Rawlyns) subsequently
deposed for this alienation, with
other offences, 66.
— composition with, for exemption
from parochial charges, 67.
Metayer system survived on Corpus
estates in i6th century, 348-9.
Metford, James, his admission, 202.
— his MS. Letter to Joshua Reynolds,
202-3 an(i elsewhere.
— his answer to the Parliamentary
Visitors, 205-7.
— ' suffered for Original Sin,' 207.
— his account of the expulsions from
Corpus by the Parliamentary Visitors,
209-10.
— his account of the change in the
personnel of the College, 216-9.
— his character of Dr. Staunton, 217-8.
Mews or Meaux, Peter, Bishop of Win-
chester, 257, 264.
Milles, Jeremiah, 282.
Milton's Works, 235.
Minister used for Clericus, about the
time of the Commonwealth, 453-5.
Ministri Sacelli. See Chaplains and
Clerks.
Mitre, the Founder's, 238.
— remains of, sold, 281.
Modd, John, Chaplain, his repeated
offences, 289-90, 296-7.
Monastic College, Bp. Foxe's design
of founding one in connexion with
St. Swithun's Priory at Winchester,
60-3.
Monmouth, James, Duke of, 238.
— connexion with Corpus, 243-4, 439~
40.
Montague, James, Bishop of Winchester,
161, 181-2, 338-41.
' Montague Vests,' 181-2, 338-41.
More, Sir Thomas, 10, 23, 24, 93.
474
INDEX.
Morice, Nicholas, his Dialogue entitled
' Nuttus,' 107-109, 122, 133-4, 13&-
8, 145-6.
— its probable date, 133.
— antipathy displayed to Cole, 107,
133, 136-7-
— probable deprivation of, by Bishop
Cooper, 145-6.
— his admission, 153.
Morley, George, Bishop of Winchester,
his first General Visitation of the
College, 236-43.
— his second General Visitation, 248-
5i-
— his wrath against the College, 251-2.
— his arrogance, insolence, and self-
assertion, 252-5.
— his fondness for entertaining and
discussing appeals, 254-5.
— his death, 257.
Morton, Bishop of Ely, 5, 9.
Morwen (Morenus), John, 86, 370.
Morwent, Robert, President 1537-1558,
his connexion and that of his family
with the Founder's birth-place at
Ropesley, 27, 28.
— his benefactions to the College, 34,
100.
— nominated by the Founder ' sociis
compar ' and perpetual Vice-Presi-
dent, 85, 86.
— probably, as Vice-President, lectured
in Theology, 88.
— nominated as Claymond's successor
by the Founder himself, 89.
— account of him, 89-91, 97-100.
— his friendly relations with the Under-
graduates, 91.
— a secret adherent of the Roman
Catholic Religion throughout Edward
VI's reign, 97, 98.
— sent to the Fleet, 97.
— characteristic of him, noticed in
Morice's Dialogue, 122, 137.
Morwent, Walter, Fellow of Merton,
payments to him, in reference to pur-
chase of part of the site of C. C. C.,
65,66.
Moscroffe or Musgrave, Thomas, 87, 88.
' Moucher' or ' Mouther, 'Jacke, probably
used for Boccaccio, 118, 374-5.
Muniments, College, quoted or referred
to, 198 and elsewhere.
Murders, condonation of actual or at-
tempted, 238, 254, 279-80.
Musgrave, Thomas. See Moscroffe.
Napier or Napper, George, 126, 127.
' Narrations,' regulations regarding, in
154°, 92.
Neile, Bishop of Durham, patron of
Jackson, 187, 189.
Nettleship, Henry, 325, 372, 421.
Neve, Timothy, 282.
Nevyll's Inn, formerly belonging to
Merton, part of the original site of
the College, 67.
— its position, 69.
— a portion of its garden now the
President's garden, 68.
New College, Warden of. See Mag-
dalen.
Newlin or Newlyn or Nulin, Robert,
President 1640-8, and again i66o-8J,
his admission, 183.
— overseer of Jackson's Will, 192.
— account of his antecedents and First
Presidency, 194-6.
— his Nepotism, 194-6, 233.
— his Lodgings broken open by the
Parliamentary Visitors, 203.
— his answer to them, 204, 211.
— his expulsion, 210-12.
— his restoration, 224, 232.
— the interval between his two Presi-
dencies, 233.
— account of his second Presidency,
232-60.
— his vacillation or double-dealing in
the Fulman business, 242.
— Bishop Morley's opinion about him,
255-
— his epitaph, 258.
Newlyn, Robert, Clerk of Accompt,
195-6, 214, 228-9, 233, 457-
Newlyn, Robert, the Scholar, his of-
fence, 254.
Newlyn, Thomas, Minister of Bix, 195.
Non- Jurors, 270-1. See also Jacobite.
Norris, James, President 1843-1872,
his addition to the President's house,
75-
— his admission, 304.
— account of him, 3 1 8-9.
— his death, 326.
North, Brownlow, Bishop of Winchester,
300.
Northcote, James Spencer, 317.
Nowell, Robert, 'Spending of the Money
of,' 131, 149-51.
Nun Hall, formerly belonging to the
Abbey of Godstow, part of the
original site of the College, 67, 68.
— its position, 69.
Oglethorpe, James Edward, account of
him, 275.
— his gift to the Library, 275-6.
— keeps his name on the books, 440.
Oglethorpe, Lewis, 440.
INDEX.
475
Oldham, Hugh, Bishop of Exeter, ' prse-
cipuus benefactor,' his advice to the
Founder, 21.
— his life and character, 29-32.
— his vast preferment, 30.
— his large benefactions to Corpus, 30.
— daily mass said for him in the
Chapel, 31.
— his alleged excommunication, 31.
— his tomb in Exeter Cathedral, 31.
— Founder of Manchester Grammar
School, 31.
— portrait and engraving of him, 32.
— one Scholar and one Fellow to be
elected from the County of Lancaster
in his honour, 46, 47.
Oriel College, proposition from to effect
an exchange of houses in Oxford,
302.
Owdall, Nicholas. See Udall.
Owen, John, Dean of Ch. Ch., 223.
Palmer, Edwin, 326, 372, 420.
Paris, Foxe's stay at, 3, 4.
Paris, John, said to have never received
episcopal orders, 242.
Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury, 128.
Parker, Timothy, his conduct on Staun-
ton's appointment, and expulsion, 212,
215-
Parkhurst, John, 92, 94, 95.
— his liberality to poor students, 95.
Parkinson, James, 233.
Parliament meets in Oxford, in autumn
of 1665, 243.
— and again in spring of 168°, 257.
Parliamentary Visitors, account of their
operations, 201-19, 227-8, 229-30.
— Professor Burrows' Register of, 201.
— answers of members of Corpus before,
204-7, 208-9, 2I3> 218.
— expulsions by or by Committee of
Lords and Commons, 207-19.
— Metford's graphic account of his
interview with, 207.
— their forbearance, 208, 212, 214.
— appointments by them or Committee
of Lords and Commons, 211-12,
215.
— changes made by them in the person-
nel of the College, 216-19.
— second Board, nominated by Com-
mittee of Parliament, 223.
— third Board, nominated by Cromwell,
223.
Parry, Benjamin, Bishop of Ossory, 259,
400.
Parry, Henry, Bishop successively of
Gloucester and Worcester, 153.
Pate, Richard, Founder of Cheltenham
Grammar School and Alms-houses,
and a Benefactor of the College, 34,
35-
— his admission, 86.
Pate Trust, scheme for application of,
316.
Pates, Richard, Bishop of Worcester,
86, 88, 382.
Patten, Thomas, 282.
Paullett, William,the Founder's Steward,
one of the executors of his will,
21.
— his subsequent advancement and dis-
tinctions, 32.
Pauper puer, 454.
Pears, Steuart Adolphus, 317.
Pellew, Hon. George, Dean of Norwich,
SOS-
Pembroke College, Jackson reads lec-
tures at, 1 86.
Pembroke, Philip, Earl of, Chancellor
of the University, 203, 207.
Periwigs, Bishop Morley's concern about,
249, 251-2, 255-6.
— A. Wood's reference to, 255.
Perry, George Gresley, 317.
Peter Martyr, disinterment and re-
burial of his wife Catherine, 91.
— his saying, when he heard the Corpus
bell ringing to Mass, 98.
— his disputation with Cheadsey, after-
wards President of Corpus, 102.
— centre of a literary society at Stras-
burg, 129.
Phelps, William, 302, 304.
— his account of the College in his
days, 308-13.
Phillpotts, Henry, Bishop of Exeter,
298. 3°3-
Plan of the original site of the College,
69.
Plate, the Founder's, some of it still in
the possession of the College, 21.
— bequeathed by Claymond, 84.
— by Morwent, 100.
— what articles still existing are sacred,
and what secular, 99.
— gold chalice and paten, still existing,
probably included in Inventory of
Church Goods made in 1566, 113.
— Inventory of the President's plate in
1677, and earlier, 152.
— rings and gold box containing them,
84, 192.
— greater part of, surrendered to Charles I,
200.
— question how the College managed
to retain much of the more ancient
plate, 200-201.
476
INDEX.
Plate, some of it returned by the ex-
pelled Royalists, 228-9.
— the Monmouth tankard, 244.
— the Hallifax bowl, 259.
— some damaged in 1757, 289.
Plate, 'gadged,' i.e. pawned, in pos-
session of the College, 119.
Pocock, Edward, the Oriental scholar,
183-4. 250.
Pocock, Richard, Bishop of Meath, 282.
Pole, Reginald, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, 58, 84-85, 382.
Pollock, Sir Frederick, 328-9, 421.
Polydore, Vergil, 13-14, 16, 19.
Person, Richard, mentioned, 296.
Potenger, John, his account of his
election and College life, 234-5.
— his admission, 259.
Poverty of Oxford Students in the i6th
century, 93, 95.
Prayers, private, obligation of, according
to Original Statutes, 52.
Presbyterian Orders, John Paris said
only to have received, 242.
President, his qualifications in Original
Statutes, 44, 45.
— to be ' neque episcopus, necreligiosus,'
44- .
— curious provision for composing any
implacable strife between him and
any of the Fellows, 56.
— Bishop Cooper on the importance of
maintaining his authority, 146-7.
— revenues of in 1649, 230; about
1700, 267; and in 1855, 342.
— ceremonies observed at installation
of, 319.
President's horses, dispute about in
1672, 246.
President's house, probably built in
I599> 72-4-
— enlargements and improvements, 73-
5i 295-
— its appearance and extent in Log-
gan's plan (1675), 74.
— a portion of the site leased from the
City and afterwards redeemed, 74.
President's Lodgings, 70.
— where situated, 72.
— of what rooms they consisted, 73.
— occupied concurrently with the House
for more than eighty years, 74, 152.
President's Servants, 43, 51, 143, 165,
278, 342, 459-61.
Presidents, List of, 379.
Prizes given to Students, 296, 298, 301,
325-
Probationary Fellows. See Scholares.
Professor of Latin or Humanity, 39.
Professors. See Readers.
Provisions, rise in price of, in i6th
century, 346, 352.
Prussia, King of, his stay at the Presi-
dent's Lodgings at Corpus, 300-1.
Prynne, his attack on Jackson, 189-90.
Pullock s Manor. See Ropesley.
Punishments, 50, 51, 52, 53-5, 92, 94,
96-7, 182, 203, 223-4, 285-7, 288-
9> 297-8, 3*6, 359-68-
— Register of, 51, 54, 196, 223-4, 279~
80, 359-68.
Pnrsglove, Robert, Suffragan Bishop of
Hull, 87, 451.
Quadrangle, front or large, part of the
original building, 71.
— its appearance in Loggan's Plan, 76.
— addition of a story to north and
west sides, 77.
— refaced about 1805, 78.
— present Statue of the Founder put up
about 1817, 78.
— former statue, 78.
Quinquennial Visitations of the Visitor
or his Commissary, 56, 57.
Rainbow, Edward, Bishop of Carlisle,
184.
Raleigh, Walter, 175, 437.
Randolph, Thomas, President 1748-83,
his admission, 252.
— account of him, 283-5.
— his death, 290.
— revival of the College during his
Presidency, 292-4, 368.
Rave, Jan. See Corvus.
Rawlyns, Warden of Merton, deposed
by the Visitor for his share in the
alienation of part of the site of
C.C.C., formerly belonging to Merton,
amongst other charges, 66.
Readers (Public) in Greek, 38, 39.
— in Latin, 39.
— in Theology, 40, 58.
— (Private) in Logic, 41.
— in Astronomy and Mathematics, 41.
— (at Magdalen) in Theology, 40.
— in Philosophy, 40.
(The regulations with regard to some
of these Lecturers include the books
to be lectured on.)
Readers (Public), wide area from which
they might be chosen, 58, 59.
Readers or Lecturers, early, of or at
Corpus, 58, 87-89.
— question whether they were the same
as Wolsey's, 87-9.
— Brian Twyne's evidence regarding
them, 87, 88.
— Harpsfield's evidence, 88.
INDEX.
477
Readers or Lecturers, early, evidence of
College documents, 87-9.
Readers in Greek and Latin, regulations
regarding the ' repetitions ' conducted
by them, issued in 1540, 92.
— lists of, 369-72.
— their lectures probably ceased to be
public before 1700, 369.
Recreations permitted to Students in
Original Statutes, 41, 42, 52, 53.
Registers, College, xi, 210, 232, 380-2.
Regnal year, omitted after the Revolu-
tion, 263.
Renaissance group of Colleges, Corpus
one of them, 37.
Rents, Corn (Reditus Frumentarii),
333-6, 350-1-
Rents, Old (Reditus Antiqui), 333-4,
337-
Rents, Rack, 332-3.
' Repetitions,' Greek and Latin, regula-
tions regarding in 1540, 92.
Residence throughout the year, only
slight exemptions from in Original
Statutes, 42.
— large number of seniors residing
about 1678, 256-7.
— M.A. Scholars relieved from in 1755,
28.7.
— large number of them resident in
that year, 288.
Resignations, corrupt, of Fellowships
and Scholarships, 248.
Responsions (' in parviso ') commended
in the Statutes, 41.
Restoration, changes effected by, 232-3.
— period, low state of morality in, 254.
Revenues of the great Sees, their large-
ness in 1523, 19.
Revenues of the Colleges at that time,
19.
Revenues of Corpus, their gradual in-
crease through the operation of
Statute, ch. 43, p. 36.
— their amount at different times, 19,
57, 331, 340-2-
— assessment on, in 1592, as compared
with other Colleges, 147.
— order of Parliamentary Visitors with
regard to, 229-30.
— their flourishing condition in Dr.
Mather's time, 281.
— surplus revenues invested temporarily
in bonds, the Funds, &c., 289, 296.
— large increase of value of Fellowships
and Scholarships, circa 1814, 300.
— payments to individual members in
1855, 342-
Rewley Meads, 34, 84, zoo.
Reynolds, Edmund, 76, 126, 157, 159-60.
Reynolds, Edward, Dean of Ch. Ch.,
207, 212, 223.
Reynolds, Hierome, 108, 373.
— charges brought against him in the
Visitation of 1566, no, &c.
— expelled, 112, 113.
— ' continued in the Roman Catholic
Religion' (Wood), in.
— his want of candour in charging
Greenway with ' papistry,' 121.
Reynolds or Rainolds, John, President
1598-1607, admitted, 124.
— recruited the finances, 127.
— his high character, 135, 137.
— personal traits, 1 38.
— strong antagonism between him and
Barefoot, 139-41.
— letters written by him, 139-44.
— letters written from Oxford to
Leicester and Walsingham, recom-
mending him for the Headship, 140.
— expelled by Barefoot and restored
by the Visitor, 140, 141.
— appointed Dean of Lincoln, 141.
— letter on the suspension of Sunday
prayers in Lincoln Cathedral, 142.
— his action in the matter of Spenser's
election to the Greek Readership,
!43> J44-
— elected President of C.C.C., 142, 143.
— said to have been Hooker's tutor,
147. 158.
— probably author of a Work disallowed
by Archbishop Whitgift, 151.
— account of him, 157-69.
— his prayer, 158.
— his Confession of Faith, 164.
— his epitaph, 164.
— portraits of him, 164.
— his Will and the disposition of his
books, 164-5.
— testimonies to his character and
learning, 165-7.
— account of disputations with his
brothers Edmund and William, 159,
167.
— his appeal touching Fines, 344-51.
Reynolds, Joshua, his account of the
change of personnel at the Restora-
tion, 232-3.
— his admission, 272.
— his letter relating to Basil Kennett,
274.
Reynolds, Samuel, father of ' Sir Joshua,'
272.
Reynolds, Thomas, Warden of Merton,
!57-
Reynolds, William, 157, 167.
Rhetoric, study of, denounced by Jewel,
95-
INDEX.
Richard III, his hostility to Foxe, 4.
Richards, John William, 317.
Rings, and gold box containing them,
84, 192-3, 229.
Ritchell case, 25(5-1.
Rogers, John, 271.
Rogers, Thomas Englesby, 317.
Roman Catholic Religion, Morwent and
probably a majority of the Fellows
secret adherents of, throughout Ed-
ward VI's reign, 97, 98.
— leaven of secret Romanism continued
to work long after the Reformation, 99.
— charges of ' Papistry,' 117-23, 125.
— strength and numbers of the Roman
Catholic party at Corpus in 1568,
124-29.
— Tripp and Morice both regarded as
inclined to Romanism, 133-4, 135,
145-6.
— search of bed- rooms, in 1569, for
compromising objects, 134.
— precautions against concealed Roman-
ists after the Revolution, 263-4.
Ropesley, the Founder's birth-place, I,
4> 5> 22, 27-9> 288-9.
Rosewell, John, 231, 234-5.
Routh, Dr., his opinion with regard to
running out leases, 332.
Rowe, John, 231.
Rowneys, their connexion with Corpus,
228.
Ruskin, John, Hon. Fellow, 326, 421.
Rustica Academise Oxon. nuper Re-
formatae Descriptio, macaronic verses
from, relating to Staunton and Corpus,
Sacerdos used for Clericus in time of
James I and Charles I, 453.
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper, Daniel
Agas required by Bishop Morley to
receive regularly, 242.
— enquiries as to frequency of adminis-
tration and constancy of attendance,
249.
St. Frideswide, Prior and Convent of,
sell Urban Hall and Beke's Inn to
Bishop Foxe, for the site of his Col-
lege, 68.
St. Mary Spital, sermons of President
and Fellows at, 105.
St. Paul's, sermons of President and
Fellows at, 105, 118, 120.
St. Paul or Sampole, Sir George, a
benefactor of the College, 35.
— his admission, 156, 434.
— Lady, also a benefactor, 35.
St. Peter's in the East, Oxford, sermons
at, 40, 121, 297, 315-16.
Samwaies, Richard, 184, 197.
Sanatorium at Witney, 92, 93.
Sandys, Sir Edwin, Hooker's pupil,
J53-4, 434-
Sarum, Use of, to be followed in the
Chapel, 48.
Schepreve, John, principal authority
for Claymond's life, 79.
— Wood's account of him, 79.
— his Pagan phraseology, 83, 84.
— his admission, 86.
— Greek Reader, 79, 88, 370.
'Scholares' (or Probationary Fellows),
their qualifications in Original Sta-
tutes, 46, 47.
— in almost all cases, taken from the
Discipuli, 47.
— rule of succession, 47.
— exceptional length of probation,
47-
Scholars. See Discipuli.
Scott, William. See Stowell, Lord.
Scrutiny, annual, 240, 249.
Sealing money, 332, 334, 350-1.
Seals, the College, 228.
Servants, this name often given formerly
to secretaries, chaplains, and pages,
213.
Servants (private), often brought from
home, 50, 102.
Servants, recognised College ('famuli
Collegii '), 43, 48, 49.
— originally, sometimes students, 43,
63-
— more on a social level with the other
members of the College than at pre-
sent, 43, 212-13.
— gowns provided for, 53.
— in the 1 7th century, some of them
still lived within the College, 70.
— their offices, but not names, occur in
the Buttery Books, 257, 260.
— at middle and end of i7th century,
most of them of mature age, 260.
— list of, 457-61.
Service, in the i6th century, implied no
degradation, 50, 51.
— the feeling that it did, seems to have
sprung up in the middle of the I7th
century, 51.
Servitors, 43, 50, 226, 260, 426, 438,
451, 454-
Settlement of the Society in 151^, 57,
58, 82.
Seven Bishops, portraits of them, in the
President's Lodgings, 262.
Sheldon, Gilbert, Archbishop of Can-
terbury, 192, 195.
Shepreve, John. See Schepreve.
Sidgwick, Arthur, 323, 328, 421.
INDEX.
479
Simpson (Hicks'), Edward, 318.
Singing Bread, 356-7.
Site, original, of the College, plan of, 69.
Smith, H. J. S., elected Professorial
Fellow, 328, 421.
Smythe, Mylles, Bishop of Gloucester,
150, 156, 163.
Social relations of the Undergraduates
at Corpus, as described by Sir John
Coleridge, 307.
— by Archdeacon Phelps, 308-13.
Somatochristiani, a name for the mem-
bers of Corpus in the i6th century, 93.
Somers, First Earl, 442.
Somerset, Edward, K.G., Earl of Wor-
cester, 156.
it Sons of the Clergy,' Corporation of,
Turner's munificent bequest to, 269-
70.
Spenser, John, President 1607-14, dis-
pute with regard to his election to
the Greek Readership, 143-4.
— his admission, 154, 391.
— one of the Translators of the Au-
thorised Version of the Bible, 163,
171-2.
— account of him, 170-5.
— his monument and epitaph, 172, 175.
— his connexion with Hooker's Works,
172-4.
' Spoilers,' Bishop Bilson's precautions
against, 353.
Stage-Plays, controversy between Dr.
Reynolds and Dr. Gager on law-
fulness of, 1 68.
Statutes (Original) of the College, 37-
57-
— when first given by the Founder,
and when supplemented, 37.
— their peculiar interest, 37.
— Preamble and Preface, 37, 38.
— their greatest novelty, the institution
of a public Reader in Greek, 38.
— regulations as to lecturers, lectures,
private teaching, examinations, exer-
cises, and disputations, 38-42.
— what recreations were permitted to
students, 41, 42.
— Vacation work, 41, 42.
— residence in Vacations the rule, 42.
— occasional leave to travel, 42.
— number and different grades of stu-
dents, 42-4.
— Gentlemen-Commoners, 43.
— servants (' famuli Collegii '), 43, 48,
49-
— qualifications of the President, 44, 45.
of the ' Discipuli,' 4?, 46.
of the 'Scholares' or Probationary
Fellows, 46, 47.
Statutes (Original), qualifications of
the Chaplains, Clerks, and Choris-
ters, 47, 48.
— position and duties of the Clerk
of Accompt ('Clericus Computi'), 49.
— regulations with regard to laun-
dresses, 49.
— domestic arrangements — chambers
and beds, 49, 50.
— service in the rooms, 50.
— meals, the number, times, order of
sitting, waiting, reading and exposi-
tion of the Bible, conversation to be
only in Greek and Latin, no lingering
allowed except on rare occasions,
50-52.
— chapel services and private prayers,
52-
— stringency of discipline and punish-
ments for breach of rules, 53-5.
— each Scholar to be assigned to a
Tutor, 53, 54.
— gowns of uniform colour to be pro-
vided for all members of the College,
servants included, 53.
— early closing of the gates, 55.
— effectiveness of the system enjoined
in these Statutes, and the causes of its
decay, 55.
— curious provision for composing
strife between the President and any
of the Fellows, 56.
— the powers, duties, and limitations
of the Visitor and his Commissary,
56, 57-
— power given to the President and
P'ellows to issue ordinances not con-
trary to the Statutes, 57.
— spirit of, in later times, sacrificed to
the letter, 288.
— equitable and liberal construction of,
by Bishop Hoadley, 286-7; by Bishop
North, 300.
— letter of, sometimes strained, to carry
out the spirit, 341.
Statutes of 1856, 325.
Statutes of 1882, 328.
— subsequent alterations in, 329.
Staunton, Edmund, President 1648-60,
noticed, 182.
— his admission, 183.
— Life of, by Mayow, 195, 198-9.
— placed on Examination Committee,
208-9.
— constituted President of Corpus,
2JI-I2.
— character given of him by Metford,
217-18.
— account of his life, from Mayow and
other sources, 219-25.
48o
INDEX.
Staunton, Edmund, his religious disci-
pline and its probable results, 221-3.
— his rigorous rule, 223-4, 363.
— his Works, 225.
Steward, name sometimes applied to
Clerk of Accompt, 457.
Steward of the Hall, 5 1 .
Stewart, Hon. Charles James, Bishop
of Quebec, 304-5.
Stowell, Lord, 290-1, 301.
Subscriptions : to University of De-
bretzen in Hungary, 288.
- — towards charitable objects, 289,
295-6. 315. 3i6.
— towards ecclesiastical objects, 289,
298-9, 301, 302, 315.
— to Queen's College, on occasion of
fire, 289.
— towards academical objects, 297,
316.
— to the refugee French Clergy, 297-8.
— towards patriotic objects, 298.
— to the ' suffering inhabitants of Rus-
sia,' 299.
— to the ' German sufferers,' 300.
— to King's College, London, 315.
Succession to Fellowships, slowness of,
about 1678, 256.
— again, about I755> 287-8.
Sumner, Charles Richard, Bishop of
Winchester, his attitude towards the
University Commission, 321.
Swayne, George Carless, 317.
Taunton Grammar School, founded by
Bishop Foxe, 22.
Tayler, Leonard, 138.
Tenants, alleged miserable condition of,
136, 137-
— 'wringing' them forbidden by Bishop
Bilson, 352.
Tenterden, Lord, 291, 296.
Tercentenary, celebration of, 301.
'Terrse emptse,' 36, 339, 342.
Theology, Lectures in, and books to be
lectured on, 39, 40.
Tighe, Hugh Usher, 305.
Tower, coin originally kept in, 281.
Tower Book, referred to, 280-1 and
elsewhere.
Tower Fund, 36, 72, 74, 78, 340-1, and
elsewhere.
— its origin and object, 337, 339, 341.
Travel, leave to, in certain cases, 42,
85-6.
Tripp, Simon, 105, 131.
— his ' fatalis oratio,' 122.
— his Letters, Speeches, &c., 133-7.
— his character, 135-6.
Tucker, John, 312.
Tuition, character and excellence of, at
Corpus in the days of Arnold and
Phelps, 306-7, 308, 310-12.
Turnbull, Charles, 85, 153, 183.
Turner, Dr. Thomas, President i68£-
1714, a great benefactor of the Col-
lege, 36.
— his buildings, 77.
— his addition to the President's house,
74, 75-
— circumstances connected with his
election as Scholar, 241.
— his admission, 259.
— account of his Life and Presidency,
261-72.
— supposed Jacobite sympathies of,
263, 265-7.
— monuments to his memory at Corpus
and Stowe Nine Churches, 267-8.
— his Will, 268-70.
— his writings and theological opinions,
270-1.
Turner, Thomas, Dean of Canterbury,
the President's father, 262.
Turner, Francis, Bishop of Ely, the
President's brother, 262.
Turner's or Fellows' Buildings, 36, 77,
264-6, 268-70.
Turner, Sir William (Bishop Morley's
assessor), 237-9.
— murder committed by his son, 238.
Tutors.each Scholar, in Original Statutes,
to be assigned to a Tutor, 53, 54.
— selected in I7th century by the
student's friends, 234.
— Potenger's relations with his Tutor,
234-5-
Tutors (private) often brought from
home, 50, 102, 120. Cp. 295.
— Fellows of Colleges probably often
acted as, to boys yet unmatriculated,
154-
Twyne, Brian, his Collectanea (MS.
280 in College Library) and other
MSS., quoted passim.
— a benefactor to the Library, 36.
— his evidence with regard to the early
Lecturers, 87, 88.
— his admission, 155.
— supposed to have been born hi an
unstatutable county, 155.
— Fulman's obligations to, viii.
— Wood's obligations to, 155.
Twyne, Thomas, father of Brian, 109.
Udall or Owdall, Nicholas, 86, 89,
370-1-
Undergraduates, small numbers of, about
1678, 256-7.
— about 1755, 288.
INDEX.
481
Undergraduates, small numbers of,
about 1815, 308-9.
— numbers almost stationary from 1762
to 1850, 321.
Urban Hall, formerly belonging to St.
Frideswide, part of the original site
of the College, 68.
— its position, 69.
— its Refectory probably the present
Kitchen, 68.
Usher, Archbishop of Armagh, 193.
Vacations, work prescribed for, in Origi-
nal Statutes, 41, 42.
Vase, presented by the King of Prussia
to the President's Lodgings, 300-1,
312.
Vaughan, Edmund, 184.
— his Life of Jackson, 185-93.
Vaughan Thomas, 152, 299,301,316.
Vessels, Sacred. See Chapel Orna-
ments.
Vestments. See Chapel Ornaments and
Copes.
Vestry, probably taken down in 1675-6,
76, 258-9, 357-8,
Vice-President, acted as Moderator in
the Divinity Disputations, 139-40,
186. Cp. 58.
Visitation of the College by Cranmer,
84. »
— by Edward VI's Commissioners, 99-
100.
— by Bishop Gardiner's Commissioners,
95-8-
— by Elizabeth's Commissioners, 104,
106.
— by Bishop Home in 1561, 106.
— through Dr. Acworth in 1566,1 10-23.
— by Royal Commission in 1568, 126,
129.
— by Bishop Home in 1576, 132.
— by the Parliamentary Visitors, 201-
19, 227-30. (See further under Par-
liamentary Visitors.)
— first, by Bishop Morley, 236-43.
— second, by Bishop Morley, 248-51.
Visitor of the College, the Founder's
provisions with respect to his powers,
duties, and the limitations of his office,
56, 57;
— he might act at his Quinquennial
Visitation through a Commissary,
whose powers, however, were much
more limited than those of the Visitor
himself, 56, 57.
— arbitrary conduct of Bishop Home,
125-8-
— informal action of Bishop Cooper in
respect of Nicholas Morice, 145-6.
Visitor's decisions and decrees : Poy-
net's in 1551 on the necessity of as-
suming Holy Orders, 100.
— three of White's, Feb., 155!, 104,
105.
— Home's, in 1562 (remarking inci-
dentally on the repeated violation of
the Statute concerning assuming Holy
Orders, and insisting on its observa-
tion), 123, 124.
— Bishop Watson's, in 1580, restoring
J. Reynolds, R. Hooker, and other
Fellows, wrongfully expelled by Bare-
foot, 141.
— Bishop Home's, in 1578, with
regard to the disputed election of
Spenser to the Greek Readership,
144.
— Bishop Cooper's, in 159$, on the im-
portance of maintaining the Presi-
dent's authority, 146-7.
— Bishop Bilson's, on the disposition
of Fines, 337.351-4-
— Bishop Bilson's in 1603, on granting
graces for Degrees, 169.
— Counsel heard in the dispute regard-
ing Anyan's election to the President-
ship, 176.
— Bishop Montague's in i6if , on voting
in University elections, and sanction-
ing the additional allowance for
'vests,' 181, 338-41.
— Bishop Montague's, in i6i|, sanc-
tioning extra payments to College
Officers, 182, 338.
— order of Parliamentary Visitors with
regard to distribution of College
revenues, 229-30.
— Bishop Morley's decree in the Ful-
man case, 236.
- — in the Agas case, 240-2.
— in the Cnrtois case, 252-4.
respecting Periwigs, 255-6.
his power in the Ritchell case
disputed, 250-1.
numerous appeals made to and
encouraged by him, 254-5.
— Bishop Willis' decision in the Ays-
cough case, 279.
— the Visitors support the College in
maintaining discipline, 285, 286.
— Bishop Hoadley's permission, re-
lieving M.A. Scholars from residence,
287.
— excellence of Bishop Hoadley as
Visitor, 286-7.
and of Bishop North, 300.
— Bishop North's decision in the case
of Matthew Arnold, serving as Army
Chaplain, 300.
I 1
482
INDEX.
Visitor's decisions and decrees : Bishop
North's, with reference to extending
the Property limitation on Fellow-
ships and Scholarships, 300.
— Bishop Tomline's, dispensing with
provision causing unnecessary delay
in taking the B.A. Degree, 302.
Viva Voce rendering, questioning, and
answering practised in College Lec-
tures at Corpus in Arnold's time, 307.
Vives Ludovicus, 58, 71.
— his bees, 85, 87, 88, 370-1, 381.
Wadham, Nicholas, was he a Commoner
of Ch. Ch. or C. C. C. ? 101-2.
Wake-day at Heyford, 120.
Walshe, Thomas, Dean of the College
in Queen Mary's time, 97, 98.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 160.
Walton, Izaak, his Life of Hooker,
T47-9» I53~3-
— his account of Corpus, 153.
— his notices of Hooker's pupils, Edwin
Sandys and George Cranmer, 153-4.
Ward, Hon. J. W., aft. First Earl of
Dudley, 305.
Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury,
10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 66.
Warwick, Ambrose Dudley, Earl of,
139, 140.
Warwick, Countess of, a benefactress of
the College. See Lady St. Paul.
Wase, Christopher, 401-2.
Watson, Bishop of Winchester, restores
Reynolds, Hooker, and other Fellows
expelled by Barefoot, 141.
Webb, George, Bishop of Limerick,
169.
Westminster Abbey, sermons of Pre-
sident and Fellows at, 105.
Whiston's insinuation that Turner never
took the Abjuration Oath, 266-7.
— his testimony to Turner's character,
267.
Whitaker, John, 290.
Williams, George, 291, 305-6, 316,
373-
Wilson, John Matthias, President 1872-
8l> 3J7> 3*9, 320, 326-8, 421.
Winchester, Bishop of, Visitor of the
College, 56.
— Cathedral, Foxe's architectural works
at, 8, 9, 22.
Winchester Cathedral, Frost's contribu-
tion to side screens, 33, 34.
— St. Swithun's Priory, Bishop Foxe's
design of founding a monastic College
in connexion with, 60-3.
— Hospital of St. Cross, Foxe's work
at, 22.
Claymond, Master of, 81.
— Dean and Chapter of, to take place
of Prior and Convent, 104.
Windsor, Miles, Antiquary, 101, 107,
126.
Windsor, or Windesor, Thomas, his
connexion with the concealment of
the Chapel goods at the beginning of
Elizabeth's reign, 110-13.
Wines, change in character of those
drunk between 1820 and 1830, 323.
Witney, sanatorium at, 92, 93.
— advantages of the life at, dilated on
by Tripp, 135.
— Staunton s connexion with, 2 20.
Wolsey, his relations with Foxe, 15-20.
— his confidence in Claymund, 82.
Wolsey's College, 82, 87.
Wolsey's Lectures, 87, 88.
— question whether they were the same
as Foxe's, 87-9.
Wood, Antony, quoted passim.
— supposed to be indebted for much of
his information to Brian Twyne, 155.
— frequently appropriates the language
of other authors without acknowledg-
ment, 168, 173.
— complains of the authorities of
Corpus, because he was not allowed
to see Fulman's collections, 198.
— when his writings fail us, 26 1 .
— striking instance of his carelessness,
435-
— not always a safe authority, viii-ix.
— my obligations to, viii.
Wood-yard, 72> 77-
Worcester, Edward Somerset, K.G.,
Earl of, 156.
Worsley, Sir Richard, 292.
Wotton, Edward, 58, 85-6, 88-9, 369-
71-
Wright, Dr., Archdeacon of Oxford, a
Royal Commissioner under Mary and
Elizabeth, 98, 106.
Yeoman, meaning of word, i.
THE END.
1
©yforo Ibistorical Society
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his Diaries and other Papers, by the Rev. ANDREW CLARK, M.A.
Vol.1: 1632-1663. With Illustrations, pp. xvi + 52o. (20.?.)
20. The Grey Friars in Oxford. Part I, A History of the Con-
vent ; Part II, Biographical Notices of the Friars, together with
Appendices of original documents. By ANDREW G. LITTLE, M.A.
pp. xvi+372. (i6j.)
1892.
21. The Life and Times of Anthony Wood [as No. 19]. Vol. II.
1664-1681. With Illustrations, pp. xxviii + 576. (20^.)
22. Beminiscences of Oxford, by Oxford men, 1559-1850.
Selected and edited by LILIAN M. QUILLER COUCH, pp.
xvi+430. (17*., to members of the University los. 6d.)
PUBLICATIONS (continued).
1892-93.
/
23. Index to Wills proved and Administrations granted in
the Court of the Archdeacon of Berks, 1508-1652. Edited
by W. P. W. PHILLIMORE, M.A. (Issued in conjunction with
the British Record Society.) pp. viii + about 220. (ioj.)
1893.
24. Three Oxfordshire Parishes. A History of Kidlington,
Yarnton and Begbroke. By Mrs. BRYAN STAPLETON. With
a coloured map. pp. xvi + 400. ( 1 5 s.)
25. The History of Corpus Christi College, with Lists of its
Members. By THOMAS FOWLER, D.D., President of the
College. With illustrations, pp. xvi + 482. (i 7 s., to members
of Corpus 1 2 s. 6d.)
Forthcoming Publications (subject to alteration).
1894.
26. The Life and Times of Anthony Wood [as No. 19]. Vol. Ill :
168^-1695. With Illustrations, pp. xxx + 546.
[now ready for issue to members who have paid their
subscription for 1894; but not yet published^
The 4th (and last) vol. of CLARK'S edition of Wood's Life and Times,
the 3rd (and last) vol. of the same Editor's Wood's History of
the City of Oxford, the Cartulary of St. Frideswides edited by
the Rev. S. R. WIGRAM, the 4th vol. of Hearnes Diaries edited
by C. E. DOBLE, Esq., the Place Names of the diocese of Oxford,
and other volumes are in active preparation.
A full description of the Society's work and objects can be obtained by applica-
tion to any of the Committee (Rev. ANDREW CLARK, 30 Warnborough Road ;
P. LYTTELTON CELL, Esq., Headington Hill; FALCONER MADAN, Esq. (Hon.
Treasurer), 90 Banbury Road ; the Rev. the PROVOST OF QUEEN'S COLLEGE
(Dr. MAGRATH); and C. L. SHADWELL, Esq., Frewin Hall, Oxford). The
annual subscription is one guinea, and the published volumes as a set can be
obtained by new members at one-fourth the published price (i.e. 10.T. Qd.
a year).
fan. 1893.
Fowler, T. - The history of Corpus
Chris ti College.
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