PRESENTED BY
THE WORSHIPFUL COMPANY OF
CUTLERS
TO
'•
'•S
IN CELEBRATION OF
I HE QUINCENTENARY OF THE GRANTING
OF THE COMPANY'S FIRST CHARTER
ON 4 DECEMBER 1416
Presented by
Yi. H. Beaumont
386 sire sham House,
Old Broad St., B.C.
London*
Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSI ! Y OF TORON PO
by
ONTARIO
LEGISLATIVE LIBRARY
./_,,„,
HISTORY
OF THE
CUTLERS' COMPANY
OF
LONDON
AND OF THE MINOR CUTLERY CRAFTS
WITH BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF
EARLY LONDON CUTLERS
BY CHARLES WELCH F.S.A.
Master of the Company 1907-8
ONTARIO
VOL. I
FROM EARLY TIMES TO THE YEAR 1500
PRINTED PRIVATELY FOR THE
CUTLERS' COMPANY
LONDON
1916
HD
LONDON:
BLADES, EAST & BLADES,
PRINTERS,
33, ABCHURCH LANE, B.C.
THE WORSHIPFUL
COMPANY OF CUTLERS.
Master.
WILLIAM COPPARD BEAUMONT.
Wardens.
CHARLES GEORGE BEAUMONT, M.D.
SAMUEL WELCH, M.D.
Court of Assistants.
FRANCIS ARTHUR DAVIS.
JOSEPH UNDERWOOD MORTON.
WILLIAM CUMIN SCOTT.
EDWARD BEAUMONT.
ALGERNON GRAVES, F.S.A.
EBENEZER POCOCK.
BENJAMIN PRATT.
CHARLES JAMES SCOTT.
CHARLES WELCH, F.S.A.
EDMUND WALTER RUSHWORTH.
ALFRED POCOCK.
ALDERMAN SIR WALTER VAUGHAN MORGAN, BART.
WILLIAM ALFRED HERBERT.
THOMAS JOHNSON WILLIAMS.
GEORGE POCOCK.
WILLIAM PRICE PEPYS.
ALFRED JAMES THOMAS.
PERCY ROGERS POCOCK.
I RKDKRICK RICHARD CHEESWRIGHT.
MACDONALD BEAUMONT.
Clerk.
WILLIAM HASTINGS BEAUMONT.
PREFACE.
i HE Cutlers' Company will reach the quincentenary
of its incorporation on the fourth of December in
the present year, and this anniversary seems an
appropriate opportunity for putting upon record
some account of its history. The Court of the Company have
made a generous provision for the adequate production of such
a work, as regards both its compass and illustration, and the
following pages are the result.
A few words in explanation of the plan of the work may be
desirable. With the exception of the splendid series of accounts
of the last half of the fifteenth century the Company possesses
no early records, and the archives of the Guildhall, the Public
Record Office, and other ancient repositories, are the only
available sources for the early history of the Company. These
sources yield historical information of great value, such as
ordinances and other official records, taking back the Company's
history another century, to the reign of Edward III. They also
furnish abundant personal details concerning London cutlers
of still earlier times; information which throws much light
upon the condition and organisation of the Company at a
remote period, and forms the basis of the earlier portion of
this work.
v.
• 2
The present volume extends to the year 1500, but it has
occasionally been found convenient to trespass into the sixteenth
century. Illustrative documents, transcribed in full with
translations where necessary, are printed as Evidences in the
Appendix, the contractions being extended where the sense is
clear. References in the text to the folio or membrane of
records indicate a personal examination of the original; when
information is obtained from a printed source the reference is
to volume and page. Foot-notes have been avoided as far as
possible. Personally I find them wearisome, and prefer to
endure interruptions in the text by the insertion of references.
It has not been possible to link up all the references to an
individual or an event, but this will be remedied by the index.
I have considered it no part of my task to treat of the
Guild system generally, nor to refer to the history of other
Companies except for the purpose of comparison with that of
the Cutlers' Company and its subsidiary crafts. The large
quantity of matter available for the proper presentation of the
Company's history imposes the duty of strictly confining the
scope of the work to its immediate object.
It may be considered that the interesting series of the early
accounts of the Company should have been printed in full. A
minute analysis of them is given in chapter IV, and further
classified extracts, with a transcript of the accounts for 1442-3
and 1497-8, appear among the Evidences in the Appendix.
The above treatment has, I hope and believe, brought out all
the facts of permanent value ; the remainder consists of much
vi.
repetition and minor details such as workmen's wages, prices of
materials, etc., of which sufficient examples appear in the two
printed accounts.
For much generous help in the present volume I have to
thank Mr. S. C. Ratcliff of the Public Record Office, Mr. F. J.
Craker, of the Records Department, Town Clerk's Office,
Guildhall, the Rev. Canon Leigh H. Nixon, Librarian and
Precentor of Westminster Abbey, and Dr. Scott, Editor of
the Westminster Abbey Records.
Thanks are also due to the Dean and Chapter of West-
minster for permission to reproduce the seal of William Billok,
and to the Corporation Library Committee for permission to
made the facsimile facing page 118. To Miss Calthrop I am
much indebted for her valuable assistance.
Michaelmas Day, 1916.
VII.
AUTHORITIES CITED.
Manuscript.
^NAL RECORDS. (Public Record Office.)
Ancient Deeds. Also printed Calendar, 6 vol. 1890-1915.
Ancient Petitions.
Chancery Inquisitiones post mortem.
Chancery Miscellanea.
Close RolN. Printed Calendar, 2 vol. 1833-44.
Early Chancery Proceedings.
Feet of Fines. Also printed Calendar for London and Middlesex, edd.
\V J. Hardy and W. Page. 2 vol. 1892-3.
Inquisitiones post mortem. Also printed Abstracts for London and Middle-
(}. S. Fry. 3 vol. 1896-1908.
Lay Subsidies.
Patent Rolls. Also printed Calendars.
Records of the Exchequer. Miscellaneous Books.
Rolls of Parliament.
Subsidy Rolls.
or LONDON RECORDS. (Guildhall.)
Coroners' Rolls. Printed Calendar. 1913.
Husting Rolls (wills and deeds). Also printed Calendar of Wills, 2 vol.
•rials. [1889-90.
letter-Books. Also printed Calendar A- L. nvol. 1899-1912.
Liber Albus. Munimenta Gildhallae Londinensis, vol. I. 1859 ; H. T. Riley's
Pleas and Memoranda Rolls. [Translation. 1 86 1 .
Repertories.
CUTLERS' COMPANY'S RECORDS. (Cutlers' Hall.)
Accounts. 1442-3 to 1498-9.
irter Book (Transcript of Charters).
Court Minutes.
Precept Book.
viii.
GENERAL PROBATE REGISTRY. (Somerset House.)
Archdeacon of London's Registry of Wills.
Prerogative Court of Canterbury Wills. (P.C.C.)
BRITISH MUSEUM. (Department of Manuscripts.)
Harleian Manuscripts.
DEAN AND CHAPTER OF WESTMINSTER. (Westminster Abbey. )
Ancient Deeds.
Printed.
Arnold, R. The customs of London, otherwise called Arnold's Chronicle. Ed.
F. Douce. 1811.
Babees Book, The. Ed. F. J. Furnivall. (Early English Text Society.) 1868.
Beaven, Rev. A. B. The Aldermen of the City of London. 2 vol. 1 908- 1 3.
Harleian Society. Parish Registers of St. Helen Bishopsgate. 1 904.
Clode, C. M. Early History of the Guild of Merchant Taylors. 2 vol. 1888.
Herbert, W. History of the twelve great Livery Companies. 2 vol. 1836-7.
Historical Manuscripts Commission. Ninth report.
Johnson, Rev. A. H. History of the Worshipful Company of Drapers. Vol. 1-2.
1914-15.
Maitland, W. History and survey of London. 2 vol. 1756.
Memorials of London and London life in the i3th, i4th, and i$th centuries.
Ed. H. T. Riley. 1868. (Memorials.)
Murray, Sir J. A. H. New English Dictionary. 1888, etc,
Nicolas, Sir N. H. Privy purse expenses of King Henry the Eighth. 1827.
Smith, J. Toulmin. English gilds. (Early English Text Society.) 1870.
State Papers. Calendar of letters and papers of the reign of Henry VIII. 1862.
Statutes of the Realm. 1810-1824.
Stow, J. Survey of London. 2 vol. 1720. Another edition, by C. L. Kingsford.
2 vol. 1908.
Watney, Sir J. Some account of the Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon. 1892.
Welch, C. Coat-armour of the London Livery Companies. 1914. History of
the Paviors' Company. 1909. History of the Pewterers' Company. 1902.
IX.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
Prehistoric cutlery. London cutlery and cutlers. Ancient origin of the
Cutlers' Mistery. Earliest known Rulers. The "Articles" of 1344. The
Fraternity of 1370. Merchant cutlers and wholesale dealers. The Ordinances of
1379-80. Firmer organisation of the Craft. Apprenticeship. The Freedom.
City's control of Redemption. Strangers disfranchised. Journeymen. Women
cutlers. Religious and social life. Rules of the Fraternity. Its connection with
the Mistery. Election feast and ceremonies. Dedication of the Mistery.
Subsidiary Crafts. The Rafters. Substantial and prominent citizens. The
Sheathers. An organised Mistery. Their Ordinances. Complaints of their
work. Joint " Search " with the Cutlers. Their Mistery united with the
Cutlers. Prominent early Sheathers. The Furbours. Their Articles of
government. Not a City Mistery. Notices of early Furbours. The Grinders.
The Knifesmiths. Swordsmiths. The Bladesmiths. An important
Mistery. Localities of the Cutlery trade. " The Cutlery " by the Conduit. The
" House of the Cutlers." Its lease to the Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon.
London Bridge cutlers. Cutlers of the Fleet. Cutlery ware. Its high standard
of excellence. Prices of knives. Relations of the Cutlers' Mistery to the City.
Cutlers holding civic office. Relations with the State. Edward III.'s writ.
Sumptuary regulations. Petitions to Parliament. Page i.
CHAPTER II.
NOTICES OF LONDON CUTLERS OF THE TWELFTH, THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH
CENTURIES.
Adam the Cutler. Robert the Knifesmith. Jordan le Coteler, Alderman and
Sheriff. William de Laufare; holds in trust a large sum in "money of the Cutlers";
one of the principal citizens ; deputed by the City to approach the King. Salomon
de Laufare, a prominent alderman ; a resident in the " Cutlery." A tragic incident
in or near the Cutlery. Thomas le Coteler, of Cornhill. Geoffrey le Cutck-r,
sheriff and alderman. Another Geoffrey le Cotiler ; a Ruler of the Mistery ;
Keeper of the Conduit. Simon le Cotiler, a City councillor. Another Simon
xi.
of " Holebourne." Robert Deumars, dispute as to his will. Eustace le Cotiler, of
London Bridge, a City councillor. Henry Merlawe, prominent in City affairs.
Interchange of apprenticeship in the families of John, son of Saman the knifesmith,
and Stephen atte Holte. John de Mimmes, " le cutteler at the Conduit." Adam
de Thaxted, made free by redemption. John de Laufare, an early Ruler of the
Craft. Ralph le Cotiller, a Fleet Bridge cutler ; his daughters, Alice and the
11 Lady Agnes." John de Flete, one of the early Rulers. William le Cotiler,
a prominent citizen and M.P. for the City. William atte Gate, a Ruler of the
Mistery and City councillor. Adam de Masschebury, a wealthy cutler ; corrody
granted to him and his wife by the Abbot and Convent of Westminster. Robert le
Cotiler, or de Ponte, of Bridge Ward, a Ruler of the Mistery. Stephen le Cotiller,
a leading citizen in Coleman Street Ward. Stephen Page, his curious will. John
de Gaunt, John atte Watre, Richard de Toppesfeld, John de Trillowe, and Richard
Baldwyn, Rulers of the Mistery and victims of the Black Death of 1 349. John
Frank's bequest to Richard Kysser, his master. Robert Godwyn, a lessee of the
Conduit. Richard Godchild, a wealthy cutler and City councillor. Adam
Fermour, a benefactor of the Company, his large estates. Simon atte Nax, or
Simon Petigru, a prominent citizen and cutler. Thomas Ermelyn, a Ruler of the
Mistery and a Master of the Fraternity. John and Richard Twyford, the latter's
bequest "in remainder" to the Company. Robert Malteby, bladesmith and cutler.
Richard Pull, a Ruler and a Commissioner at the Tower inquiry of 1402. Roger
Mark, bladesmith ; a man of property and a brewer. John Gerold, curious
bequests of his apparel. Page 52.
CHAPTER III.
PUBLIC LIFE OF THE COMPANY DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
Cutlers' Mistery represented in a Commission of inquiry at the Tower.
Controversy with the Goldsmiths. Petitions to the King and Parliament. The
Royal decision. Rivalry of the Cutlers and the Bladesmiths. Joint petition
against forged London marks. Search to be made jointly by both Misteries.
Ordinance of the Bladesmiths, 1408. List of their Rulers. Dispute as to a mark.
Bladesmiths' Ordinances of 1463 and 1501. Their last Ordinance, 1506-7.
Dissolution of the Bladesmiths' Mistery. United with the Armourers. Dispute
between the Armourers and Cutlers. Translation to the Cutlers permitted. Grant
of bladesmiths' marks by the Cutlers. Eight marks entered of record in the City
books. Richard Twyford's conditional bequest to the Cutlers' Company. A lost
City record, " Liber de arte Cultellariorum." City officials forbidden to receive
liveries from the Misteries. Incorporation of the Company in 1416. Licence to
xii.
hold lands. A i6th century attempt to determine the relative antiquity of the
incorporation of the Livery Companies. Curious grant of livery cloth. Origin
of the livery obscure ; a separate class in the Mistery with special privileges.
Freedom, but not livery, granted to women. Disputes between the governing body
and the commonalty of the Company, 1420. An inquiry ordered by the Court of
Aldermen. Report of the Commissioners appointed. New Ordinances. Company
attend funeral procession of Henry V. Regulations for Shear-grinders. Company's
charter presented for enrolment at Guildhall. Supposed charter of Henry VI.
Prohibition of imports of cutlery. The Company's attendance at Royal and civic
processions. Grant of armorial bearings, 1476. Confirmation, with grant of
supporters and a new crest, 1622. The elephant an ancient device of the
Company. The corporate seal and French motto. The Ordinances of 1485
and 1488. Knives not provided at feasts, but brought by guests. Page 106.
CHAPTER IV.
INNER LIFE OK THE COMPANY FROM A.D. 1442 TO A.D. 1499.
The Company's i5th century accounts. Exhibit the Company's inner life.
Analysis of the first account. Its dual form points to an earlier period. The
Master's and Renter's accounts. Importance of the Renter's office. Fees for
apprenticeship and freedom. Hire of the Hall by other Crafts. The pewter
" vessell." The Company's estates. Cost of procuring Edward IV.'s charter,
arid of petition to Parliament. Cutlers1 privileges sought by other Crafts. Fees to
public officials. Cost of procuring new Ordinances. Dispute with the Black-
smiths. Evasion of searches for defective ware. Master's term of office. The
Beadle. First appointment of Clerk. Legal advisers and their fees. Cutlers' Hall
in Horseshoe Bridge Street. An interesting site. The Walbrook and its bridges.
Former owners of the site of the Hall. Property held by trustees for the Comjxany.
The Company's parish church, St. Michael Paternoster Royal. Description of
Cutlers' Hall and buildings. The great hall. Seats for guests. Figure of the
"Angel" in the roof. The parlours, counting-house, and kitchen. The garden and
vine. The Company's tenants. Religious observances. Obit at St. Martin Ymtry
and at Whittington's College. Bede-roll of brethren and sisters. Gifts to the
Charterhouse. The almsfolk. A typical almsman. The Company's great care for
their poor. Pensions and other gifts. Almshouse adjoining the hall. Bedesmen
attending processions. Costly burial of almsfolk. Trade offences. Dealings with
aliens. Offenders summoned to Guildhall. Control of apprentices and journey-
men. Cutlery manufacture. Sale of ivory by the Company to its members.
xiii.
Presentation of costly knives. Festivities. The Coney Feast. Guests of the
Company. The Election Feast. Dishes sent to absent guests. Mayor's Day
Feast. Hall hung with arras. Services of players engaged. Gifts of plate to the
Company. William Brown's cup. Joan Bull's mazer. John AmelFs mazer. A
goldsmith's price for a mazer. Assessments for public charges. Page 146.
CHAPTER V.
NOTICES OF LONDON CUTLERS OF THE FIFTEENTH AND THE GREATER PART
OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURIES.
James Cokkes, a commissioner at the Tower of London inquiry. John
Marham's bequest of cutlery tools. Robert Lambe's bequest of robes and trade
appliances. Richard Wellom, the first Master of the Company. Richard Hatfield,
one of " the best and wisest men of the City." John Parker, a Ruler of the
Mistery, and Master and trustee of the Company. Martin Godard, many times in
office, and a benefactor to the Company's poor. John Chadde, also a benefactor.
William Multone, elected master at the official inquiry in 1420. William Squyer,
sheather, imprisoned for not contributing to the King's subsidy. Thomas Belgrave
who had many property dealings with the Company. John Hoke's offences and
punishment. Thomas Trylle, feoffee of the Company. William Seton, a prominent
member of the Company ; his harsh dealing with a creditor. John Lane, engaged
on a mission abroad. William Brown's gift to the Company ; his large business
carried on by his widow Agnes. John Aylond or Eyland, one of a large family of
cutlers. John Amell, a wealthy cutler and friend or connection of Adam Fermour ;
his interesting will, and bequests to the Company. Walter Lucy, afterwards Master
of the Haberdashers. Thomas Baret, a cutler with a flourishing business. Robert
Pykmere, five times Master, a benefactor to the Company. William Vale, a
wealthy cutler and well connected ; his chantry in the crypt of St. Paul's. John
Dey, thrice Master ; his charitable bequests. John Catour, a trustee of the
Company. The Harrisons, bladesmiths and cutlers. William Hertwell, his
bequests to St. Magnus Church and the Charterhouse. Thomas Pope, father and
son. Cutlers in misfortune, their appeals to the Court of Chancery; John Hill,
John Chaumbre, and John Martyn. Thomas Pakeman, "a worshipfull man" who
fell into decay. Laudus Ramson, King's cutler. John Bull, cutler, afterwards
Clerk. William Heth's gifts to the Company and bequests for funeral repasts.
Symon Newyngton, bequeaths the Woolsack estate to the Company on behalf of
Agnes Carter. Marion Garret, King's bladesmith. John Ayland, King's cutler.
Richard Carter, swordsmith. William Watson, his gift to the City of two poleaxes.
Christopher Alee, a prominent member of the Company. Thomas Atkinson, his
xiv.
bequest of trade tools. Thomas Edlyn " servant " to widow Holmes ; her curious
bequest. John Craythorne ; leaves the Bell Savage Inn to the Company ; founds
scholarships at Oxford and Cambridge. Thomas Buck, another great benefactor
and founder of a scholarship. Simon and Lawrence Hatfield, their bequests.
Other members of the Hatfield family ; their bequests for funeral repasts. Thomas
Malledge, his bequest of plate. The family of Greene and their bequests, in
London and Naverstock. Richard Atkinson ; his bequest of loan money.
Richard Mathew, a cutler of great reputation ; his two gifts to the City, of a State
sword, and knives for the Lord Mayor's table. Page 181.
XV.
EVIDENCES.
ILLUSTRATING, FROM ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, CHAPTERS 1 TO V.
HACK
I. Deed, with seal, of Richard, son of Robert le Cnifsmith. Temp.
iry III. (1216-1272) - - 229
II. William de I ^airfare's guardianship of Robert Deumars. 1290-1 230
III. Petition of the Cutlers to the King and his Council for powers
of Search Lite Edward I or Edward II 232
IV. Corrody from the Abbot and Convent of Westminster to Adam
bury, cutler, and his wife Isabel. 1319 233
V. Ordinance for the Sheathers of London, i Edward III.
March 1326-7 234
VI. Articles of the Cutlers. 1 8 Edward III. 1344 237
VII. Articles of the Furbours. 24 Edward III. 1350 - 239
VIII. K.irly Overseers, Wardens, or Rulers of the Mistery of Cutlers
before its incorporation in 1416 - 242
List of the Master and Wardens of the Cutlers' Company, from
its incorporation \n 1416 to 1576 - 243
Rulers of the Misu-ry of Sheathers. 1326-1441 246
XI. Rulers of the Mistery of Bladesmiths. 1376-1491 247
XII. Punishment for disobedience to Misteries. 1364 247
XIII. ! lit for marking swords, knives, and other weapons.
39 Ed ward III. 1365 - 248
XIV. Ordinances of the Fraternity of the Mistery of Cutlers. 1370 - 249
XV. Ordinances of the S 49 Edward III. 1375 - 254
XVI. Oath of the Common Council of the Misteries. 50 Edward III.
'376 257
II. Ordinance of the Cutlers. 3 Richard II. 1379-80- - 258
XVIII. Petition of the Cutlers, Bowyers, and other Crafts against
Nicholas Brembre. 10 Richard II. 1386 - - 263
XIX. Oath taken by the chief men of the City, u Richard II. 1388 271
leading citi/ens to inquire into the management
'he ( ity 4 Henry IV. 1402 - 271
xvi.
PAGE
XXI. Petition of the Cutlers to Parliament. 5 Henry IV. 1403-4 273
XXII. Goldsmiths' Petition to the King and Parliament. 5 Henry IV.
1403-4 274
XXIII. Decision of the King and Parliament on the Goldsmiths' and
Cutlers' Petitions. 5 Henry IV. 1403-4 - 277
XXIV. Petition of the Cutlers to the King and Parliament. Early
Henry IV - - 280
XXV. Ordinance between the Cutlers and Sheathers for making
Search. 9 Henry IV. 1408 282
XXVI. Ordinance between the Cutlers and Bladesmiths. 10 Henry IV,
1408 283
XXVII. Articles of the Mistery of Bladesmiths. 10 Henry IV. 1408 285
XXVIII. Disfranchisement for fraudently obtaining the Freedom of the
City, i Henry V. 1413 - - 287
XXIX. The first Charter of the Cutlers' Company. 4 Henry V. 1416 288
XXX. A sixteenth century list of the Companies, with supposed dates
of incorporation. From the Cutlers' Company's Precept Book. 290
XXXI. Grant by John Parker and Thomas Kynton, cutlers, to John
Swal we and Stephen Hermer, cutlers. 5 Henry V. 1417 - 291
XXXII. Reformation of divers excesses and defects in the Mistery of
Cutlers. 8 Henry V. 1420 293
XXXIII. Attendance of the Companies at the funeral of King Henry V.
1422 - 299
XXXIV. Order for the Shear Grinders. 2 Henry VI. 1423 301
XXXV. Cutlers' Company's Records. Rolls of Master and Wardens'
and Renter's accounts. 1442-3 to 1498-9 - 302
XXXVI. Rent-gatherers of the Cutlers' Company. 1442-3 to 1492-3 - 303
XXXVII. Earliest extant account of the Company. 20-21 Henry VI.
1442-1443 - 303
XXXVIII. Early accounts of the Company. The Roll for 12-13
Henry VII. 1497-1498 310
XXXIX. Extracts from early accounts. The Old Hall. 1442-1499 315
XL. Extracts from early accounts. Repairs to property. 1442-99 - 322
X LI. Kxtracts from early accounts. Leases &c. of property. 1442-98. 323
XI.II. The Company's fifteenth century tenants. 1442-1499 325
xvii.
PACE
XLIII. Extracts from early accounts. Religious observances. 1442-98. 327
XLIV. Extracts from early accounts. Sale of Ivory. Cost of presenta-
tion knives. 1461-1498 327
XLV. Grant of a bladesmith's mark. 1452 329
XLVI. Pageantry. Edward IV's Visit to London. February 1462-3 329
XLV 1 1. Coronation Procession of Elizabeth, Queen of Edward IV.
1465 33°
XLVIII. City Reception of King Edward V. 1483 331
XLIX. Richard Ill's Visit to London. 1483 332
L. Watch kept in the City by the men of the Misteries. 1483 332
LI. Henry VII's Visit to London. 1487 333
LI I. Ordinances of the Bladesmiths. 3 Edward IV. 1463 334
LI 1 1. Grant to Laudus Ramson of the office of King's Cutler. 1485 336
LIV. Ordinances of the Cutlers. 2 Richard III. 1485 337
LV. Ordinances of the Cutlers. 3 Henry VII. 1488 341
LVI. Ordinances of the Bladesmiths. 1 6 Henry VII. 1501 343
LVII. Ordinance concerning the Bladesmiths and Armourers. 22
Henry VII. March 1506-7 345
LVI 1 1. Petition of the Bladesmiths for union with the Armourers.
7 Henry VIII. 1515 346
LIX. Translation of bladesmiths from the Armourers to the Cutlers.
10 Henry VIII. March 1517-18 349
LX. The Cutlers' Company to assign marks to bladesmiths. 1 1 Henry
VIII. January 1519-20 - 350
LXI. List of members of the Cutlers' Company. 1537-8 351
LXII. Court kept at Cutlers' Hall, 8th April 1540. From a fragment
of the " Blac Boke " . 352
LXI II. Names of Assistants of the Company, taken from leases. 1547-
'5*4 353
LXIV. Admission to the Freedom of John son of Saman the Knife-
smith. March 1309-10 353
LXV. Apprentices enrolled and Freemen admitted. 1442-1498 - 354
LXVI. Receipts of Quarterage. 1442-1498 371
xviii.
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME I.
Interior of Cutlers' Hall, Warwick Lane. From a water-colour
drawing by Henry J. Fox Frontispiece.
Facsimile of the Ordinances of the Fraternity of the Mistery of
Cutlers of London. A.D. 1370 - to fate p. 15
The London " Cutlery " and its neighbourhood. From Ogilby and
Morgan's Map of London. A.D. 1677 „ p. 40
Facsimile of i$th century deed mentioning Robert the "cnifsmith" „ p. 53
Facsimile of entry of cutlers' marks "as of record" in the City
books. A.D. 1519-20 „ p. 118
Matrix and impression of the ancient seal of the Cutlers' Company.
Seal of Adam de Masschebury. Seal of William Billok „ p. 139
Facsimile of a portion of the Company's earliest roll of accounts.
A.D. 1442-3 - ,, P- M7
Map showing the site of old Cutlers' Hall in Cloak Lane, formerly
Horseshoe Bridge Street. From Ogilby and Morgan's Map
of London. A.D. 1677 „ p. 161
Portrait of Mistress Margaret Craythorne, wife of John Craythorne,
a worthy benefactor of the Company. From the original at
Cutlers' Hall. A.D. 1568 „ p. 213
XIX.
ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 139, line 27. For " Pervenir a bonne foy" read " Pervener
a bonn foy."
Page 163, last line but two. After Paviors' Company dele v. i.
Page 273, line 8. Add (Rolls of Parliament, v. 3, p. 5190.,).
HISTORY OF
THE CUTLERS' COMPANY.
CHAPTER I.
FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE END OF THE
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
— — — -, e , .
HE art of the cutler has consisted from the
earliest ages in the making of edged weapons
and tools. The word cutler is derived from
the Latin cultellarius through the Old French
coutelier (L. cultellus, O.F. coutel, a knife), and
signifies a maker or seller of knives or other cutting instru-
ments. In the remote Stone Age the earliest cutlers worked
in stone and flint, probably also in wood and bone. They
shaped the flint knives and scrapers used in pre-historic times
for flaying animals killed in the chase and preparing them for
food, and for various other purposes to supply the simple needs
of those early times. The knife was a first necessity for uncivi-
lised races and is found among the earliest evidences of human
existence, long before pottery and other arts arose. The pre-
historic cutler also wrought those beautiful highly-polished and
sharp-edged flints, known as celts, which were used as battle-axes
or hatchets for warlike or domestic purposes. In succeeding ages
stone was gradually superseded, first by bronze and afterwards
by iron and steel, as the chief material for the cutler's art.
From a consideration of the above facts it may safely be
asserted that the mistery of cutlery is one of the most ancient
of all human industries. Examples of the London neolithic cut-
ler's art, brought to light by archaeological discovery, show a
fine combination of utility and beauty. The personality of these
ancient craftsmen, and that of their successors for many a gene-
ration, is lost in oblivion : only their work remains.
Coming down to historic times we find, as might be expected,
cutlery flourishing as a trade in London from the earliest period.
Cutlery appears as a distinct craft in the reign of Richard I,
and the following chapter contains notices of many early cutlers
who flourished in the I2th, I3th, and I4th centuries. Among
them were prominent citizens, such as Jordan le Coteler and
Salomon le Cotiller, each of whom served the offices of alderman
and sheriff, the former being one of the earliest known aldermen
of the City. Earlier still are the records of Adam the Cutler and
Thomas le Cotiller who lived in the I2th century and flourished
in the reigns of Richard I and John. The London cutlers of
this period were men of substance, and their careers show that
cutlery was a thriving industry in ancient London. These
personal particulars, which are the only source of information
for our subject before the I4th century, largely help to lift the
veil which enshrouds the early history of the Cutlers' Company,
in common with that of the rest of the City Guilds.
The Mister?. How far back the Company existed as an organised Craft
it is impossible to say, but conclusive proof exists that the
Cutlers were firmly established as a recognised body in London
in the I3th century. Admission to the Craft and to the City
freedom by apprenticeship was then in full vogue, the earliest
in>tance recorded being that of John son of Saman the knife-
smith who was apprenticed to Stephen atte Holte, cutler, in
1287. (See p. 69.) The above entry in the City records
exhibits apprenticeship even at this early date as a well-estab-
lished custom, and there is little doubt that if written records
existed we should be able to trace the existence of apprenticeship
in the Cutlers' Craft for generations or even centuries earlier.
Further proof of the existence in the I3th century of some kind
of organisation among the London cutlers is found in the curious
account of William de Laufare's guardianship of Robert Deumars
described on p. 55. On resigning his trust in 1291 the
large sum remaining in his hands, for which with the interest
he rendered a satisfactory account, amounted to £42 in money
of the cutlers. The expression is tantalising ; it tells us much,
but not enough. The idea that a special currency was in use
among the cutlers must be dismissed in the absence of any
other evidence for its support. The only probable solution
appears to be that the " money of the cutlers " was the collective
property of the Craft, of which William de Laufare was a very
influential member. Another important piece of evidence "The
comes from the Inquisitiones post mortem of Edward I's reign,
in which mention is made under the year 1285-6 of ''a house of
the Cutlers" opposite the Conduit. This locality was known as
'The Cutlery/' and is discussed more fully in subsequent pages.
Many leading members of the trade lived here, and the " house
of the Cutlers" in their midst is the first Cutlers' Hall of which
any record exists. The long-standing controversy between the
Cutlers' and Goldsmiths' Misteries, dealt with in a later chapter
(see pp. 107-110), seems to have been in active progress at the
close of the reign of Edward I, or the early part of that of his
successor, if the date assigned to an undated petition from the
Cutlers' Mistery to one or other of these sovereigns is correct.
We reach surer ground in 1328 when seven prominent Craft Rulers,
cutlers were elected by their fellows and sworn before the
Mayor and Aldermen at Guildhall for the government and in-
struction of the Mistery.* This, perhaps the first direct mention
* The Cutlers appear in a list of twenty-five Misteries whose Rulers were " elected and sworn for
•rnment and instruction of the same." (fitter-Book E, pp. 232-4.) The list includes ten of thr
chief Companies (the Saltcrs and Clothworkers omitted), eight minor Companies, and ihe following
Crafts which did not long survive separately: Readers, Cappers, Cofferers, Corders, Hosin
and Cheesemongers. Seven years before (in 1321) the City had petitioned the King for authority " to
govern the Misteries and redress defaults therein according to ancient usage" (/bid. p. 43), and this
summons of the Rulers of the Misteries to he sworn at the Guildhall seems to have been one of the
first steps taken to obtain a more effective control over the growing jx>wer of the
r 2
Earliest
known
Rulers.
Articles of
1344-
Powers of
Search.
of the Mistery, is found in the City archives, but the elections
must have taken place before this date and were probably held
afterwards more frequently than appears from the City books.
For how many years or centuries before 1328 the Mistery of
Cutlers had been governed by its elected rulers no one can tell,
but this simple form of government doubtless came down from
much earlier times. The succession of rulers (variously de-
scribed as Masters, Wardens, Supervisors, etc.), so far as they
are furnished by the records at Guildhall, will be found on
p. 242, and such biographical details as can be gathered
concerning them appear in the next chapter. The rulers seem
to have been chosen from the leading men of the Craft, many
of them appearing again and again in the list. The tenure of
office may have been at first for a term of years, but from 1372
onwards the elections were practically yearly. The second
recorded admission to office was in 1340, when the eight men
sworn include two of the rulers of 1328-9, viz. Geoffrey le Cotiller
(or de Gedelestone) and William atte Gate. Their duties (as
variously described when sworn into office at Guildhall) were
to govern and instruct the Mistery and to safeguard its pro-
perty. In practice these duties included also binding appren-
tices, admission of freemen, searches for defective ware, de-
fending the interests of the Craft, and assisting the Mayor and
Aldermen in determining trade disputes.
In 1344 the Mistery received the sanction of the Mayor
and Aldermen to certain " Articles " which legally invested
their Rulers with powers of control over the Craft which they
had hitherto exercised by prescription only. This important
ordinance, printed at length on pp. 237-9, provides for the
election of certain persons of the trade of cutlery " by the
advice of the Mayor and Aldermen and by assent of the Cutlers "
to supervise the Articles which follow. Power is given to the
Supervisors to " search and make assay of all manner of
cutlery," and to seize and bring before the Mayor and Alder-
men such false work as they may find ; the penalties were for Penalties for
the first offence 40 pence, for the second half a mark, for the
third 10 shillings, and for the fourth to forswear the trade.
No Master or Warden shall unjustly support any offending
person, of whatsoever condition he may be, to the hurt of
the folks of the said Mistery, under the penalty of half a
mark payable to the Chamber for each offence. The next
provision gives an interesting glance at the social relations
existing between master cutlers and their servants in Edward
Ill's reign. " No cutler shall make any common sale on
Sundays ; seeing that their journeymen and their apprentices
have wasted and purloined the property of their masters, while
they have been attending at their parish churches, or else-
where." This provision against Sunday trading is curiously
worded, and seems to base the restriction not on religious
grounds, but on the apprentices' bad conduct of the business
during their masters' absence. Then follow the time-honoured
rules for a seven years' apprenticeship, and forbidding those
not free of the City to keep shop or take an apprentice. The
next clause affords cutlers the choice of being judged in matters
touching the trade by the Mayor and Aldermen instead of by
their own Wardens. The order which follows, prohibiting Night work,
work by night, though based on the necessity for oversight
and assay by the Wardens, may have been partly due to trade
jealousy and intended to limit the output of the more enter-
pri-ing craftsmen. (The Sheathers' Company had a similar
provision in their ordinances of 1326-7.) The last regulation,
common to the ordinances of every Craft, forbids masters to
entice away "alowes"* and apprentices from the service of
• DescriU-d in the " Artirles " as Lowyt, that is AJowvs or Alowes. ThU term wa» appi
workmen who had duly served their aj>; ;>and had been admitted to the freedom, but were
cither not yet entitled to set up shop i«>i themselves • Dented from so doing by want of
means or some other cause. These last, with the apprentice*, were the workmen of the more
prosperous cutlers. They formed the great bulk of the Yeomanry of the Company, but were
other cutlers. Nine leading men of the trade were elected " to
supervise and keep " the above Articles, but within little more
than five years (as appears from a note following the Articles)
all these Wardens were dead, and in November, 1349, six others
were appointed in their stead.
^^ - The growing power of the London Misteries in the middle
of the 1 4th century is seen in an ordinance of the Mayor and
Aldermen passed in 1364 (see pp. 247-8) which strengthened
the authority of those bodies over their trades, and imposed
severe penalties upon rebellious and refractory members of the
Crafts. The penalty for these offenders was both imprisonment
and fine (the latter payable to the City), and the punishment
was severely increased on each repetition of the offence. This
important ordinance is entered in the City books (Letter-Book G,
f. 1356) in Norman French, was transcribed by John Carpenter
into the Liber Albus*, and appears in quaint old English in the
Jury Book of the Pewterers' Company. f
Some valuable information concerning the Craft of Cutlers
is given in the code of rules of its sister Fraternity promulgated
in 1370 (pp. 249-254). These Rules deal mainly with the religious
and social duties and privileges of the brethren, but are also
concerned with the Mistery and trade of Cutlery. We find
the old provision against enticing apprentices and other work-
men from their employers. A livery was also to be worn by
the brethren of the Fraternity, although no mention can be
found of any such regulation for the men of the Mistery at
this period.
apprentices, after serving as alowes or journeymen
in Eng.) A hired servant, a hireling." (Murray's New Eng. Diet, s.v.)
• Rolls edition, Riley, 1859, p. 494. f History, Welch, i, p. 8.
Of still greater interest is the provision for the relief of Merchant
brethren who were sufferers from " storm at sea/' Many of
the London cutlers were merchants carrying on trade beyond
the seas. In 1416, nearly fifty years later, the Company's first
charter was granted by the King to relieve the great poverty
and need of " many men of the Mistery of Cutlers of our City
of London by misfortune at sea and other unfortunate chances."
These merchant cutlers may have been importers of ivory for
sword-handles, or may have exported or imported cutlery, but
as wholesale dealers they were not obliged to confine themselves
to their own or any particular trade. From ancient, probably
the remotest, times the freemen of London were privileged to wholesale
deal wholesale in whatever merchandise they pleased, but were
obliged when selling by retail to keep strictly to the wares of
their particular craft. In 1364 the Commonalty presented a
petition to the Mayor and Aldermen for the enforcement of
this right and of other privileges which the City freemen had
long enjoyed. Their claim as wholesale traders was thus
defined : — " That every freeman of the City may cross the
sea with any kind of merchandise he likes and bring back to
the City any merchandise he likes, so that no one sell any
kind of merchandise by retail except that which belongs to
his mistery, but only in gross." (Letter-Book G, pp. xi-xii,
179, 187.)
The control of London cutlery was found no easy matter, ordinances
for in January, 1379-80, less than 36 years after the passing of c
the " Articles," a more extensive code of Ordinances was devised
by the Craft and received the sanction of the Mayor and Alder-
men (pp. 258-263). The object of these ordinances was to
strengthen the authority of the Rulers or Overseers. It is evi-
dent that the "Articles " of 1344 had been more or less a dead-
letter, ;m<l that the great merchant-cutlers of the day had set
them at naught. A more definite standard of manufacture,
both in materials and workmanship, was also required.
>re ordained that knife-handles of silver should
be of sterling quality, and that handles of wood should not
be coloured but sold in their natural state. Journeymen who
had not served seven years at their trade within the City were
rsted by the Overseers as to their skill, and their wages
d by the Overseers accordingly. No master might give
r«ed wage*. wages higher than the sum so fixed until the journeyman
e K arned to deserve more. It was forbidden to take
cutlery out of the City for sale before it had been " viewed "
by the Overseers. No one, either himself or by his people, was
allowed to follow the trade within the City, if he would not
submit hiniM-lf to the Overseers. (This was probably intended
to bring the wealthier men of the Craft, and outsiders, under
control.) Cutlers were obliged to sell their wares at their houses
* ^
.,..*.
or shops, and were forbidden to take them to " Evechepynges "
or to hostelries. All the good folks of the trade were to
assemble each year to choose their Overseers for the following
year, under penalty for not attending the summons of the
Overseers. A penalty of 6s. 8d., payable to the Chamberlain,
was inflicted for default as regards any one of the Articles.
Overseers were also to pay a similar penalty for neglect of any
part of their duty, but they were to receive a third part of the
Redemption- fines levied for defaults by them presented. No man could
:ree by redemption except on testimony of his ability
by the four Wardens and other two reputable men of the trade.
Ward re granted the assistance of a Serjeant of the
to h'-lp them when necessary in the execution of their
duties. Power was reserved to the Mayor and Aldermen to
nd the Articles tor the common profit, and to redress any
complaints of those wrongfully aggrieved under the said Articles.
Constitution L' n der these Ordinances the Mistery was placed on a
firmer basis. The election of Wardens or Overseers (if the
8
City books present a complete record) had previously been at
irregular intervals. (See pp. 242-3.) There is a gap between
the Supervisors of the " Articles " appointed in 1349 an(i tne
Wardens elected in 1372. The next election was in 1375, and
it was then biennial until 1380, when in accordance with the
new Ordinances it became annual and so continued for some
years. The number of Wardens was reduced to four, and so
remained. All the members of the Craft had a voice in the
\\ ardens.
election of Wardens, and the power of these officers was more
strictly defined and much strengthened. Submission to them
and to the Ordinances was imposed upon everyone seeking to
enter the trade ; penalties were inflicted for disobedience to
their awards, and their authority was upheld by the services
of a Serjeant of the Chamber. A modest recompense for their
responsible and exacting duties was allowed them out of the
fines imposed for the faults they presented. On the other Authority of
J the Wardens.
hand (and no doubt as a precaution against the use of authonty
for private ends) cutlers whose goods were seized as " deceitful "
were allowed an appeal against the decision of the Wardens,
and those officials themselves were liable to fine for the wrong-
ful discharge or neglect of their duties. The Wardens met
probably at the " house of the Cutlers " in the Poultry, near
where the Hall of the Mercers' Company now stands. Here
they transacted their every-day business, whilst the annual
gathering of the Mistery was held either at one of the Monastic £lac« of
houses or at one of the larger taverns in the City.* llu
Wardens may have had the assistance of a beadle, although
the " Ordinances " seem to place on them personally the duty
of summoning the reputable men of the Craft to the annual
election. Neither the " Ordinances " nor the earlier " Articles "
mention such an official, but the explanation may lie (as An official.
• In th.- i ,th . • ntury the Pewterers' Company held their meetings for devotion at the
and th'-tr business and festive gatherings at the Friars Austin. (Welch,
>ryoftHe Pewtrrers' Company, v. I, p. 26.)
The
Apprentice.
suggested later, on p. 17) in the close connection between
the Mistery and the Fraternity and the probable employment
of one official to serve both bodies. The constitution of the
Mistery was of the simplest kind ; it consisted of a large body
of freemen governed by Rulers or Wardens elected by them-
selves. Within this body was a select class of the " good and
substantial persons of the said trade " from whom the Wardens
were chosen and who assisted those officers with their experience
in adjudicating upon goods seized as false and deceitful.
In apprenticeship we may perhaps find the germ of the
constitution of the Misteries, and possibly of the City's own
constitution. It is the most ancient civic institution known
to us, and formed the well-worn avenue to the freedom both
of the Mistery and the City. It gave rise to the formalities
connected with the creation of citizenship, and on these again
rests the whole fabric of civic self-government. For appren-
ticeship was incumbent upon the sons of all citizens whatever
their degree, patrimony being of later date, and redemption
both costly and strictly limited. Freemen were obliged by
their oath not to take an apprentice for a term of less than
seven years, and the rule is inserted in the " Articles " of the
Cutlers of 1344. The chief concern of the Mistery with the
to apprentice was to teach him his trade. Masters were forbidden
the Mistery.
to reveal trade secrets to any but their apprentices, and were
obliged to work in their shops out of the public gaze. They
were allowed to " turn over " an apprentice from one to another,
by consent of the Mistery, but were forbidden to entice
Relation to away apprentices from other freemen. The City's concern
was to turn the apprentice into a good citizen, this important
duty devolving upon the Chamberlain. The apprentice was
" presented " and " bound " not only before the Wardens of
his Mistery but afterwards in the presence of the Chamberlain
at Guildhall, where the binding was duly recorded. Here too
10
were heard, in final appeal, all disputes between masters and
apprentices, the Chamberlain having power to commit to
prison unruly apprentices. On completion of the indentures,
his master certifying his faithful service, the young man was
admitted to the freedom both of his Mistery and of the City,
thus becoming a duly qualified citizen and cutler of London.
Very intimate were the relations between a master and his
apprentice, the latter being of the household and almost one
of the family. Much trust was necessarily reposed in the young
men who, like Richard Whittington the famous Mercer, usually
deserved well of their masters. In the " Articles " of 1344,
however, the apprentices are charged with wasting and stealing
goods, when left with the journeymen on Sundays in charge
of their masters' shops. On the other hand we find in 1349
a touching instance of personal regard between a master and
his apprentice as shown in the will of John Frank, an apprentice,
who left a bequest and the residue of his estate to his former
master, Richard Kyssere, cutler, who survived him only a few
months (p. 86).
Apprenticeship was not only the oldest, but the principal The
I* re* cdoni .
mode of obtaining the Freedom. There were, however, three
other modes by which a man might become free of the Mistery.
From the earliest times the Freedom was occasionally conferred
by gift, but the recipients were usually ecclesiastics, benefactors
to the Craft, or persons of distinction. At a much later date Freedom by
Patrimony.
arose the practice of obtaining the Freedom by patrimony,
that is in right of having been born the son of a freeman. In
1364 the Mayor and Aldermen, in compliance with a petition sanctioned
from the citizens generally, formally conceded this privilege to
those who, being of full age, could prove that they were born
free. (Letter-Book G, pp. 179-180.) Previous to this time
men by patrimony had been subjected to certain disquali-
fications, unless admitted also either by apprenticeship or
1 1
redemption. The effect of patrimony was to increase the num-
ber of members of the Mistery who either followed no trade
or who followed some trade other than cutlery. This led not
only to " translations/' i.e. formal transference of a craftsman
from one Mistery to another, but (as will be seen later) to fre-
quent differences between the Cutlers and other Misteries.
Freedom by xiie last mode of obtaining the Freedom was by redemption,
Redemption. . J r
that is by an act of grace on the part of the Mistery and the
City, and on payment of a substantial fee or fine. The freedom
could only be claimed by apprentices or sons of freemen under
the conditions above mentioned. The Mayor and Aldermen
could, however, order the enrolment in the Mistery of any
cutler whom they had admitted by redemption to the City
freedom, but it is not clear whether the Mistery could without
Direction or permission from the City admit strangers to its
membership by redemption. The Ordinances of 1379-1380
provide " that no man shall be enfranchised by redemption in
the said trade, except on the testimony as to his ability of six
reputable men of the trade ; that is to say the four Wardens
and other two reputable men of the trade/' As the Wardens
were not to decide but to testify, this order seems to show that
the power to admit by redemption rested absolutely with the
City authorities at Guildhall. The applicants for the Cutlers'
freedom by redemption were (almost without exception) cutlers
from the country or from foreign parts who desired to settle
in London. The earliest instance is that of Adam of Thaxted
who opened shop in Cheap ward, probably in the Cutlery, in
January or February, 1309-10 (p. 71). In July following,
William Fyniel of Windsor, a sword-smith, was admitted, and
in March, 1311-1312, Robert of " Gypeswic " (Ipswich) came
to London to carry on his trade as cutler (p. 75). In
each of the above instances the applicant appears to have
been first admitted by redemption to the City freedom, being
12
afterwards enrolled in the Mistery of Cutlers. The following
incident throws valuable light upon the conditions under which
the freedom by redemption was procurable at the close of the
I4th century. On i2th November, 1382, William Warde, Freedom
cutler, of York, complained of one John Foxtone whom he had SrtSedU :
asked to assist him in being admitted and becoming a freeman
of the trade of Cutlers in London. Foxtone promised to do
this, but afterwards " deceitfully " caused him to be admitted
into another trade, namely that of the Bladers ; for doing which
he received of the said William about 6 marks, alleging that
he had given half a mark to a certain Alderman and half a mark
to a certain clerk that they might help him in being admitted
to the freedom aforesaid, and that he had also paid 60 shillings
to the Chamberlain of the City for obtaining the same ; whereas
he had paid no more than 20 shillings and had so deceived the
Court ; seeing that, according to his means, the same. William
would have had to pay 60 shillings. For this offence, and for The offence
his false accusation against the Alderman, Foxtone was sen- l
tenced by the Court of Aldermen to be fined and imprisoned,
but the latter punishment was remitted upon his finding sureties
for his good behaviour under a penalty of 100 pounds. (Memorials,
pp. 474-5.) It seems likely that by Bladers is here meant
Bladesmiths, an allied Craft of the Cutlers ; the point will be
discussed more fully later. (See pp. 35-6.)
The jealousy of the citizens as to the admission of strangers Protest
against ad-
by redemption was forcibly shown in December, 1312, when mission of
the Mayor himself, accompanied by several Aldermen and good s
men of the Commonalty of every Mistery, came to the Guildhall
and submitted to the Court of Mayor and Aldermen certain
grievances with their proposals for remedying them. The two
last proposals ran as follows : — Item. Forasmuch as the City
ought always to be governed by the aid of men engaged in
trade and handicrafts, and whereas it was anciently accustomed
13
that no stranger, native or foreign, whose position and character
were unknown, should be admitted to the freedom of the City
until the merchants and craftsmen whose business he wished to
enter had previously certified the Mayor and Aldermen of his
position and trustworthiness, the whole Commonalty pray that
such observance may be strictly kept for the future as regards
stnmgersdis- the wholesale trades and handicrafts. Item. Complaint was
franc hised.
made to the Mayor and Aldermen that John Simeon, a draper
and merchant stranger, had been admitted to the freedom by
favour of certain great men and contrary to the will of the good
men of the mistery. The whole Commonalty pray that he may
be ousted from the freedom. And the said John came and wil-
lingly disclaimed and surrendered to the Mayor the freedom so
acquired. The same was done touching Hugh Trippe, valet to
the said John Simeon. (Letter-Book E, pp. 13-14.)
journeymen. The freemen thus admitted to their full privileges as crafts-
men and citizens were not all of equal standing. It is probable
that every freeman was obliged after his apprenticeship to
serve for one year as a journeyman before being allowed to
set up for himself ; such was the rule in after times. Special
supervision was prescribed by the Ordinances of 1379-80 over
journeymen cutlers who had not served an apprenticeship to
the trade. Such men were required to be examined, and the
rate of their wages was fixed according to their ability. Some
workmen, lacking energy or capital or both, remained journey-
men all their lives, still retaining, however, their membership
of the Mistery and a large share of its privileges. The great
majority of the new freemen opened shop as cutlers in due
course and used their right to take apprentices. It is probable
Livery. that some kind of distinctive dress or livery was worn by all
the members of the Cutlers' Mistery, as well as by the members
of the allied Fraternity, but there is no trace of a special grade
of liverymen at this early period.
14
Women cutlers are much in evidence. Widows took over Craft-
women.
the apprentices of their late husbands and carried on the business
with the assistance of journeymen and apprentices. The two
following instances are of interest. Lady Agnes " le Cotiller "
was highly assessed in Walbrook ward to the subsidy granted
to Edward II in 1318-1319 (p. 73). In 1340, Stephen Page,
a cutler in the parish of St. Margaret, Lothbury, bequeathed
to his daughter Katherine (the wife of Robert Coteller) four
marks and all his implements of the trade of " cotillerie,"
together with the remaining terms of Robert and John his
apprentices (p. 84).
We gain an insight into the early religious life of the Mistery Religious
from the Ordinances of the Fraternity with which it was asso- Life,
ciated. These are set forth in a valuable document preserved
in the Public Record Office. It is the return made by the Frater-
nity of Cutlers in compliance with a writ issued on ist November,
1388, to the Sheriffs of London requiring all Masters and Wardens
of Guilds and Fraternities within the City to give an account
of their foundation, privileges, ordinances, and property. The
text of the writ is printed in Toulmin Smith's Early English
Gilds, pp. 127-130. Very few of the returns have survived,*
but the document delivered in by the Cutlers is fortunately Fraternity of
preserved among the Chancery miscellanea in the Public Record
Office. In addition to the facsimile reproduction of the docu-
ment (facing this page), a transcript and translation of the French
text are printed on pp. 249-254. The provisions of this inte-
resting record may be briefly summarised as follows. A Frater-
nity was begun in the year 1370 by certain of the good folk
of the Mistery of Cutlers of London, for the support of two
lighted tapers before the image of our Lady in the church of
the Annunciation called the Charterhouse in West Smithfield.
* For many years the returns accessible in the Public Record Office included
of four Craft Guilds only, viz. the White Tawyers, Barbers, Cutlers, and Glovers. Several
others, including those of the Carpenters, have since been found.
15
Every one admitted into the Fraternity must be of good fame
and seemly bearing, and not addicted to quarrels or rioting.
At the meetings held on the second Sunday after every quarter
every one must attend to pay 6d. as his quarterage or be fined
a pound of wax for absence, unless he be sick or out of town.
Livery worn. The brethren must also attend yearly in their liveries to hear
mass on the Feast of the Annunciation at the Charterhouse
church and each offer a penny. They were to assemble again
on the first Sunday after Trinity at the election feast, when
Masters1 °f two §ooc^ anc* ^°Ya^ men were to ^e elected as Masters of the
Fraternity for the coming year. It was the duty of these two
good men to make, with the money remaining from the two
tapers, four torches and five tapers for the burial of brethren
of the Fraternity or their wives. Each brother was obliged to
attend the Placebo and Dirige and the five masses at such burials
Losses at sea, on penalty of a pound of wax in absence. Brethren who suffered
theft^com°r any sudden mischance from storm at sea, fire, or theft, were
to be paid from the common box lod. per week at each month's
end. Disputes among the brethren were to be brought to the
two Masters for settlement ; he that would not be so reconciled
should not receive the brethren's support in going to law. None
were to be received into the Fraternity except by general assent,
and then only on the day of the general assembly. No brother
was to follow any disgraceful calling on pain of imprisonment,
nor to entice to his service the servant or apprentice of another.
Expulsion of Any brother being rebellious, or of evil repute, or malevolent,
evil-doers. J
was to be promptly dismissed from the Fraternity, nor re-
admitted until he made accord and amends. The penalty of
dismissal also fell upon those who did not pay their quarterage
or fines for absence from burials. The fees payable at the feast,
viz. 2s. for a brother and I2d. for his wife, were not to be in-
creased ; they were to include the repast on the election day,
supper at night, and dinner on the morrow.
16
The Ordinances are signed by Thomas Ermelyn and Thomas
Kyrketon, Masters of the Fraternity. Although the preamble
declares that the Fraternity was begun in the year 1370, the
last clause mentions by name two former Masters in whose time
was laid down the contribution which each brother was to pay
as his share towards the Feast. From this it is clear that the
Fraternity existed, and in much the same form, previous to
1370. What took place in that year appears to have been a
definite revision of its rules, with (perhaps) some degree of
re-organisation. The two Masters of the Fraternity in 1370,
Thomas Ermelyn and Thomas Kyrketon, were prominent
members of the Mistery and are found in the list of its Rulers,
and the greater part of the men of the Mistery were probably
brethren of the Fraternity. The connection between the two
bodies was of the closest character, and it is probable that as
the Masters of the Fraternity were men of substantial position
they had the paid services of a beadle. It would be his duty
to summon the brethren to all meetings and religious services,
to distribute new liveries, arrange the minor details of the feasts,
visit the sick and the poor, and assist the Masters in collecting
quarterage and in other various ways. Similar help, and to
a larger extent, would be required by the Rulers of the Mistery,
and it is very likely that an official was appointed to act as
beadle in this double capacity. The objects aimed at by the
two bodies were at once distinct and supplementary. Whilst
the Mistery sought with the fullest authority to uphold a high compared.
standard of trade quality and workmanship, and to promote
good feeling among cutlers, both masters and servants ; so it
was the special province of the Fraternity, by works of piety
and charity, to promote the spiritual and social well-being of
the brethren and their families.
The election ceremonies of the Fraternity were a curious
mixture of devotion and feasting. The Ordinances mention
17
Election
Feast.
Dedication
of the
Mistery.
In honour
of the Holy
Trinitv.
a supper, a repast on the " day/* and a dinner on the morrow.
The supper took place on the eve of the Festival, after the
attendance of the brethren at a solemn service to pray for the
souls of deceased members of the Fraternity. The Festival on
the following day began with an imposing procession of the
brethren in their new liveries, preceded by the almsmen, to
the Church of the Charterhouse, where an elaborate musical
service was held and every one made his offering. The pro-
cession then returned to " a certain appointed place " where
the Election Feast was to be held. Here the new Masters or
Wardens were elected to rule the Fraternity for the coming
year, after which the brethren and their wives sat down to a
sumptuous repast usually followed by a play or some other
entertainment. The proceedings of the following day were
entirely of a business character ; the accounts of the late
Masters were audited, quarterage was collected from the
brethren, and the day's proceedings ended with a dinner
presided over by the new Masters.
Another important question upon which the Fraternity
record throws valuable light is the Dedication of the Mistery.
All the older London Guilds or Misteries have their patron
Saints, upon whose Festival they elect new Master and Wardens
for the coming year. The Patron Saint of the Cutlers' Company
is not mentioned in the Company's charters or in any other of
their records. There can be little doubt, however, that the
Cutlers' Guild and Craft were dedicated to the Holy Trinity, the
election of new officers having taken place at or near the Feast
of the Holy Trinity from time immemorial. The Fraternity
record prescribes " the first Sunday after Trinity " as the day
for the election, and the Ordinances of the Mistery of 1379-80
require the newly-elected Overseers to " take their charge "
before the Chamberlain " within fifteen days after the Feast
of the Holy Trinity." The earliest of the Accounts of the Master
18
and Wardens, that for the year 1442-3, runs from " the fest of
theTrinite thexx yere of the reigne of king Henry the vj* vnto
the fest of the Trinite than next suyng " (pp. 303-10). Lastly,
the Company's later charters and bye-laws fix the date of the
election for "Trinity eve or within seven days thereof," and
this has continued to be the date in use by the Company to
the present day.
The cutler's art was in early times divided into certain 5iSf" mt
J wont.
distinct branches. The bladesmith or knifesmith made the blade ;
the hafter, the haft or handle ; the sheather, the sheath ; and
the cutler put together the various parts, and sold the tool or
weapon complete. The hafters were an important class of The H*ft*r*
workmen, and in days when the handles of swords, daggers, and
knives were made of choice materials such as ivory, and em-
bellished with gold, silver, and precious stones, the hafters
were the artists of the craft. They were never independent
of the cutlers, whose right to oversee the hafting of knives is
provided for in the Ordinances of 1379-80. They are met with
in very early times, and were mostly men of substance and Men of
high position. John de Ware, whose occupation as a hafter is *
variously described as manubrierus, cinctor manubriorum, and
maunchoerus, bought a house in 1283 in the parish of St. Mildred
Poultry. (Husting Roll 14, 127.) In March, 1307-8, he joined
Juliana, his niece (neptis), in the disposal of property in the
parish of St. Dionis Backchurch. (Ibid. 36, 12.) He also sold
property in October, 1316, in the parish of St. Mary Woolchurch
Haw. (Ibid. 45, 55.) He was executor of the will of John
de Elsyngham, knifesmith, in March, 1311-12 (Ibid. 40, 79) ;
by his own will, enrolled i8th October, 1317, he left his house
in the Poultry to Bartholomew de Gedelestone in trust for sale.
(Ibid. 46, 63.) Another hafter, manuberiorum factor, Richard
de Taxted (sic), was possessed of a house in Broad Street in
October, 1287. (Ibid. 17, 54.)
19
D 2
In February, 1300-1, Richard le Haftere and his wife
Sibilla by deed enrolled in the Court of Husting granted
Richard le Barber, citizen of London, their house in the parish
of St Alban Wood Street, at the rent of a clove gilly-flower
and on payment of 9, 4* to the Hospital of St. Kathenne
near the Tower of London. (Busting Roll 30, 26 ; cf. also 30, i
Salamon le Haftere, son of Richard and Sibilla, also qmt;
claimed his right to the same property. (Ihd. 30, 47,
le Haftere was connected by marriage with a distinguished and
•"* *""• wealthy cutler, being brother and heir of Isabel the wif
lalonJn de Laufare or Salomon le Cotiller an Aldermar i of
the City. In March, 1312-13, after the deaths of his brother-
in-law and sister, and to carry out a provision in his sisters
will, Elias conveyed to John de Wangrave a tenement m
the parish of St. Bartholomew the Less. (Ibid, tt, 52.)
lived in or near the "Cutlery" in Cheap.
Another substantial hafter was William le Hafter, who is
mentioned in 1310 in the will of Clement le Feyner. (Ib*
39 20 He is described also as a 'heymonger.
the Monday after 3oth April, 1315, a deed was recorded in
Court of Husting by which Stephen de Redburne, carpenter
granted to "William called le Haftere, heymonger, and
wife Sabina a tenement in the parish of St. Andrew,
Baynard. (Ibid. 43, 2 ; cf. also 39, 25.) He was living in the
same parish in December, 1328, when he acquired another ho*
there from Richard, son of Clement le Feuer, and two other
persons. (Ibid. 56, 161.) He is described in January, 1332-3,
as William le Haftere Sen, when he served on a jury m the
neighbouring parish of St. Mary Magdalen, Old Fish Street
(litter-Book I p. 280.) He was assessed the same year in
his ward of Castle Baynard at the sum of 6s. M. (Subsidy Roll
Li* 6 Edw III.) A William le Hafter, perhaps his son, was
sent from the ward of Cheap in the first year of Edward III
20
the cutlery.
wuiiamle
(1327-8) to join the City contingent required by the King to
fight against the Scots. (Pleas and Memoranda Roll Ai, 9.) It
is not surprising to find that the Rafters, who worked at the
most profitable branch of the cutler's craft, were men of sub-
stance, when we learn that in 1385 the enormous sum of twenty-
two shillings was paid for a knife to a London cutler (p. 44).
The Sheathers were a more numerous body than the Hafters, J*16 t
' Sheathers.
and at this early period had a separate organisation and ranked
as one of the Misteries of the City. A search in the Pleas and
Memoranda Rolls in the City archives (a most valuable series
of ancient records at present un-indexed) has brought to light
a document containing the earliest Ordinances of the Sheathers
dating from 1326-7, the first year of the reign of Edward III.
The Ordinances are not entered in the City Letter Books, although
they are referred to and confirmed by the later Ordinances of
1375 recorded in Letter-Book H. The earlier code is the oldest
official record extant concerning the Cutlers' Mistery in any of
its branches ; the original text in Norman French, with a trans-
lation, will be found on pp. 234-6. The document is in sub- Ordinances
of 1326-7.
stance as follows : On Tuesday after I2th March (the festival of
St. Gregory the Pope), 1326-7, John Brond, Sheather, attended
at Guildhall on behalf of the good folks of his Mistery and
petitioned the Mayor and Aldermen assembled in full Court
of Rusting of Common Pleas to give their sanction to certain
' points " agreed upon by the Sheathers for the good government
of their Mistery. The Court, either not being satisfied with
the credentials of John Brond or conceiving that they were not
treated with sufficient respect, required the attendance on the
following Monday of a more representative body of the Sheathers.
This order being duly obeyed, we are furnished with the fol-
lowing list of names of the assembled craftsmen, comprising
the chief masters of the trade, viz. John and Simon Brond,
Geoffrey Le Shethere, John Moton, Roger de Kent, William
21
Night and
Sunday work
forbidden.
Rulers
sworn.
Ordinances
of 1375-
Neglect of
previous
Ordinances
Bock, Thomas de Hyde, William Pykeman, Walter de Pomfreyt,
Richard de Ware, Robert de Marchamstede, Simon May, Richard
Le Wylde, William Le Tableter, Dicun de Essex, William of
the veste, and John de Southwerk.
The petitioners pray the Court to sanction certain regu-
lations for the government of their Mistery and occupation,
viz., That none be permitted to work by night, nor on Sunday,
nor' on the chief Festivals of the Church. That workmen
employed by members of the Mistery undertake to serve for
a definite term, and not to depart from the master's service
without his leave. That none employ a " foreigner " to work
in the trade, unless such workman can find sufficient surety
for his good and loyal behaviour to the Mistery and the City
or become a freeman of the City. Any one of the Mistery
contravening the said Articles and being so convicted before
the Mayor and Sheriffs shall be fined for the first offence 40^.,
for the second half a mark, and for the third shall forswear the
Mistery. At the same Court, and at the request of the Mistery,
the five following men, viz., Simon Brond, John Brond, Roger
de Kent, John Motun, and Geoffrey Le Shethere, were elected
and sworn, as Rulers of the Mistery, to enforce obedience to
the said Articles.
In the year 1375, nearly fifty years later, the Sheathers
again approached the Court of Mayor and Aldermen for a con-
firmation and revision of their code of Ordinances which had
of late been laxly observed. Their petition resulted in the
grant of another set of Ordinances which appear in the City
books under date of 2Oth September, 49 Edward III. (Letter-
Book H, f. 22b.) This document, in Norman French, is trans-
cribed and translated on pp. 254-6. After stating that the
previous Ordinances had been badly observed by the negligence
of those sworn to search out and present offences concerning
the Mistery, the petitioners pray for the assent of the Court
22
to the following provisions. That the former Ordinances may
be observed in all respects, except the prohibition against
working at night. They allege that the Cutlers are not so
restrained, but work at night in their Mistery, and they pray
that they may be granted the like freedom. Also that the
commonalty of the Mistery be permitted to elect yearly four
eet men to be admitted and sworn at Guildhall faithfully
to search out and present offences within the Mistery to be
redressed by the Mayor and Aldermen, the penalties so incurred
^r paid to the use of the Chamber. That all work made of
false material or deceitfully made, in whose soever hands it
may be found by the said searchers within the City, be forfeited
to the use of the Chamber, and the maker fined according to
the provisions of the former ordinances. That none of the Mis- Journeymen
to be tested.
tery receive a journeyman who has not been apprenticed, unless
he be tested by the said Searchers whether he be fit to work in
the said Mistery or not ; and if anyone of the said Mistery take
a journeyman for a week after he has been notified and warned
by the said Searchers that he is not fit, he shall incur the penalty
aforesaid. None of the Mistery shall be disobedient to any of
the Searchers or refuse him admission into his house at a lawful
hour when accompanied by a serjeant of the Chamber to make
search, under the penalty aforesaid. None shall be made free
of the Mistery unless he can find at least four freemen of the
Mi-t<Ty to testify to the Chamberlain as to his skill. None of
th<> Mistery shall agree to give his journeyman more than 305. ^^ of
a year, besides his food ; he that does the contrary shall incur
the said fine. Any who without reasonable cause shall refuse,
when summoned by their Wardens, to attend the meetings
called to correct offences concerning the Mistery, shall incur
tli«- said penalty. If it be proved that the said Wardens ar
contrary to their oath, lax and remiss in performing their ofti
let them suffer the same penalty.
23
The
Cutlers'
complaints.
It will be noticed in the above Ordinances that the ruling
officers of the Mistery are variously styled Searchers and Wardens,
but whether they were the same officials or had separate duties
is not clear. On i6th August, 1408, the Cutlers approached
the Court of Aldermen with a complaint against the Sheathers
for bad workmanship which they ascribed to lack of proper
oversight and presentation of defaults to the Chamberlain.
Their petition throws an interesting light upon the cutler's art.
It was the cutler's business, they say, to sell knives as finished
articles, and he was responsible for their quality and work-
manship. The knife was produced, however, by three different
crafts ; the blade by the bladesmith, the sheath by the sheather,
the handle and other necessary fittings by the cutler. As
the blame for deceitful work fell upon the cutlers, they prayed
for authority to oversee the work of the sheathers and to correct
joint powers all faults found therein. The Court of Aldermen decided that
of search.
two Masters of the Cutlers and two of the Sheathers should
make search jointly of all sheaths exposed for sale within the
City, whether made by members of either Mistery or by any
other person within the kingdom of England. The document,
with translation, is printed on pp. 282-3.
Sheathers'
bad work.
Rulers of
the Sheath-
ers.
Sheathers
united with
Cutlers.
A list of the sworn Rulers of the Sheathers' Mistery will
be found on pp. 246-7. The list begins with the five men
elected in 1326-7, as related in the Ordinances of that year.
The next election on record was in 1348, the number of Rulers
being six. In the following year four were elected, and from
1392 until the last recorded election in 1441, the number was
reduced to two. The later history of this Craft is obscure ; it
was probably soon after this date that it ceased to be a separate
Mistery and became united with the Cutlers. Robert
Gate, however, one of the executors of the will of. Robert Pykmere
(proved in May, 1487), is described in the body of the
will as a " shether," and is not found among the Cutlers. He
24
was indebted to the testator in the sum of igl. The Sheathers
never attained to municipal standing, such as the possession
of a livery or the privilege of sending representatives to the
Common Council ; they included, however, among their members
many men of substance, as the list of their Rulers shows. One
of the earliest of these Vaginarii or Sheathers of whom there
is any personal record was Reginald le Shether, who was
assessed in Langbourn ward at 13^. for the Royal subsidy
of 12 Edward II, 1318-9. (Subsidy Roll 144, 3.) Robert le
Shether was a juror in a suit before the Mayor and Aldermen in
March, 1334-5 (Letter-Book E, p. 294), and served as juryman
at an inquest in Cornhill Ward on I2th November, 1336.
(Coroners' Rolls F, 3.) Geoffrey le Shether was also a juror on
this last occasion, and again in May, 1340. (Ibid. H, 25.) On
I2th November, 1336, Walter le Shether was similarly sum-
moned from the ward of Cordwainer Street where he lived.
(Ibid. F, 4.) More is known of John de Ely, who lived near
Newgate Market and served on a jury in that locality in July,
1347. (Letter- Book F, p. 166.) He was one of the Rulers of
his Craft in 1348.
Richard Warde was a prominent member of the Sheathers' Richard
\tr _j_
Mistery, having served as one of the Rulers in 1349, I38i, and
1384. In 1325 he acquired a tenement in the parish of St.
Mary Aldermary. (Husting Roll 124, no.) His will, dated
27th May, 1401, and proved in September, 1407, is preserved
in the Cartulary of the Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon at
Mercers' Hall (f. 179). He desires to be buried in that
Hospital, and leaves to its Fraternity his house in the parish of
St. Mary Aldermary and a quit-rent of 135. 4^. issuing from a
shop " in the parish of St. Mary Colechun h lu ar tlu Conduit
London" adjoining on the west a brewery or tavern "called the
Mayden on the hope." (See also Husting Roll 132, 24.) The
rest of his property, after payment of bequests to various
25
Furbours or
Furbishers.
Ordinances
of 1350.
ecclesiastics and of 35. 4^. to Richard Clerk " filiolo meo/' was
to be distributed for the benefit of his soul and the souls of
Emma and Cicely his wives. Another member of the Mistery,
Richard Berthyn, was appointed by the Mayor and Aldermen on
nth November, 1364, a joint-trustee for Simon Gentil, a minor.
(Letter-Book G, p. 166.) One Bernard Reyner, a Shether, figures
chiefly in the City books as a promoter of legal strife, and was
indicted in 1378 as a " maintainer in many plaints between
weavers of Flanders and weavers in the City/' and also as "a
common maintainer." (Letter-Book H, p. 113.) At the close of
our present period we find John Trumpington, shether, whose
wife Alice was daughter of John Helpestone, pulter (poulterer),
deceased, and became a ward of the City ; on 23rd January,
1397-8, Trumpington acknowledged before the Court of Alder-
men the receipt of the property left to his wife by her father.
(Ibid. p. 206.) Richard Trumpington, probably a brother, was
a Ruler of the Sheathers' Mistery in 1377, 13^°> I3^4, and 1394.
The name of John Cowper, another " shether/' appears a
century later. In January, 1496-7, his will was enrolled in the
Husting Court, by which he left his tenement in the parish of
St. Leonard East cheap to a religious fraternity at Sudbury in
Suffolk. (Husting Roll 224, 8.)
Another occupation, that of the Furbours, was common
perhaps to the crafts of Cutlers and Armourers ; this craft was
engaged in furbishing and refitting old armour, weapons, and
garments. The trade being profitable and the good folks of
the Furbishers numerous, the Mayor and Aldermen sanctioned
certain Articles for the government of the Mistery on the Monday
after 2gth June, 1350. The text of these Articles, with trans-
lation, is given on pp. 239-241 ; it is only necessary to notice
a few of the provisions, the rest consisting of orders and
prohibitions which are usually found in the ordinances of Mis-
teries of this period. The following regulation shows that the
26
furbour, in his skilful occupation of restorer of old weapons,
must have had knowledge of the crafts of the Hafter and the
Sheather. " No one of the said trade shall make in his house,
or allow to be made, pommels and hilts of swords, if they be
not of good iron and steel; and the scabbards must be made
of good calf-leather : and if any one shall be found doing
to the contrary thereof, let him lose such false work, and be
punished at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen." The Broken
next regulation is as follows: "No one shall cause a s\v<>nl ;^s
that has been broken to be repaired or made up again, in conceit rcpai
or subtlety to the deceiving of the people, on the pain afore-
said." The last article runs thus: " If any strange man of
the said trade shall come into the City, to dwell therein, no
one of the trade shall receive him to work, if he be not examined
before the Mayor and Aldermen, and it be known that he is
a good workman by the folks of the same trade." At the same Rulers
Court, Geoffrey de Meltone, Edward Thorbane, William de
Leycestre, Nicholas de Wyllesthorpe, and Stephen de Beddeford,
were sworn to keep the above Ordinances.
For nearly two centuries before the date of the above A prosperous
Ordinances members of the trade are found in good proportion
among the more prosperous London citizens, but in the latter
half of the fourteenth century the trade seems to have fallen
upon evil times, as the names of wealthy furbours no longer
appear in the City books. Possibly the grant of the Ordinances
of 1350 was the result of a despairing effort to revive a decaying
industry. The Furbours took no part in City government, nor
do their Rulers (except those sworn in 1350 to administer the
Ordinances) seem to have been admitted into office at the
(iuildhall. This Craft was certainly associated more closely Aiudto the
with the Cutlers than with the Armourers. The Ordinances
art- concerned only with the repair of weapons, not with that of
armour: many furbours lived in or near the "Cutlery," and they
27
are often found associated with cutlers and bladesmiths in trade
enquiries and disputes. Many of them lived in the settlements of
the Cutlers near London Bridge, and in the Fleet district.
The earliest Furbour of whom any record can be found
is Simon le Furbur, who was a resident in the parish of St.
Bartholomew the Less, near the church, in 1255. (Hasting Roll
2, 12.) His " capital house and gardens " there, with two other
houses and two shops in Chepe, were left by his will to Cecilia
his wife, and in remainder to his daughter Isabella and his two
sons Robert and Reginald. His will, undated, was enrolled in
the Court of Husting on 4th April, 1261. (Ibid. 2, 171.)
From another deed (Ibid. 4, 87) we learn that the widow Cicely
married Martin de Amyas, and that Reginald le Furbur called
" Brun " (Simon's and her son) sold the family messuage in
the parish of St. Bartholomew the Less (which he inherited) in
February, 1270-1. Peter le Furbur appears in May, 1280, as
indebted jointly with Richard de Kirkestede to a merchant of
Bordeaux in the sum of 26 marks, to be paid "in good and new
pence/' (Letter-Book A, p. 32.) He lived in Cheap, and was
8/. iSs. 6d. in arrear for rent in March, 1285-6, and again for 8/.
in February, 1291-2. (Ibid. pp. 95, 137.) In March, 1280-1,
Peter de Briggewalter, furbur, acknowledged a debt of 3i/. ios.,
jointly with another, due for wine to another Bordeaux mer-
chant, Remund Martin, a burgess of Bordeaux. (Ibid. p. 38.)
Aunsel (or Auncelyn) le Furbour, with Margaret his wife, was a
grantee in February, 1295-6, of certain tenements in the parish
of St. Magnus, London Bridge (Ibid. p. 200) ; he was still living
in Bridge ward in 1310, when he was one of three men elected to
keep Bridge Gate against the exportation of victuals to Scot-
land. (Letter-Book D, p. 241.) Anselm le Fourbour (probably
identical with Aunsel or Auncelyn above) was one of six men
elected as representatives of Bridge ward who, on 29th June,
1297, attended a meeting of the Aldermen and chief citizens
28
summoned by Sir John Breton, Warden of the City. (Letter-
Book B, p. 237.) He conveyed to John de Chart enys in
1317 a tenement and shops in Fleet Street. (Hasting Roll
46, 56.) In March, 1305-6, Bernard le Fourbour, Alexander
le Fourbour, and William Lumbard, heaumer (helmet-maker),
were bound over to discharge (by weekly payments of 6d.)
a debt of 235. which they owed to Nicholas Picot, Alder-
man. (Letter-Book B, p. 167.) William le Fourbour, who 1Wi"ianL
' ' lc Fourbour.
lived in " Graschirche " (Gracechurch) in Langbourn ward,
first appears as a creditor and debtor respectively for small
sums, in November, 1305, and 1306. (Ibid. pp. 163, 176.) On
5th April, 1311, he was one of four persons " elected before
the Mayor to survey pavements and divers disturbances in the
City of London," for the ward of Langbourn. (Letter- Book D,
p. 312.) He was surety for one of his kinsmen, one Robert
Wardeboys, a furbour, as we learn from a note on the fly-leaf of
Letter-Book E (circ. 1300-1336). On 3rd June, 1316, he acted in
the same capacity for Amicia relict of Robert le Chaundeler who
was guardian of her son during his minority (Letter-Book E, p.
68) ; and he contributed in April, 1320, to the City loan of i,ooo/.
to Edward II. (Ibid. p. 128.) His name appears in December,
1321, when he was surety for Simon Ricongay (Ibid. p. 158), and
again in February, 1321-2, as surety for Cristina Neweman ; he
was then "of the ward of Chepe." (Ibid. p. 162.) In October,
1323, he purchased land and shops in the parish of St. Leonard
Eastcheap (Husting Roll 52, 13), and in the same year by a deed
in which he is described as "William le Furbour de ysmongers-
lane," he acquired a yearly quit-rent of 5^ marks from lands and
tenements in St. Martin Pomeroy and St. Lawrence Jewry.
(Ibid. 52, u.) He is once more met with in his old locality of
11 Grascherche" cornmarket in July, 1347, when he was one of
the jury at the trial of John de Burstalle for selling wheat above
the market price. (Memorials, pp. 235-6.)
29
The name of Adam le Furbisur or le Furbour appears in
February, 1291-2, in a deed (Husting Roll 21, 18) concerning
the dower of his wife Alice, the widow of Richard le Kayere
of Soper Lane. In November, 1299, then living at London
Bridge, he and his wife conveyed to Simon de Perys certain
property in " Soperslane " which Alice inherited from her
father. (Ibid. 29, 12.) He soon afterwards removed to the
Fleet district, for his name appears on 2nd August, 1307, on
the panel of a jury, composed of residents, to enquire who
should repair the broken pavement near Flete Bridge ; this
locality was one of the chief seats of the London cutlery trade.
(Letter- Book C, p. 140.) His will, undated, was enrolled in
February, 1314-15. (Husting Roll 43, 67.) Another member
of the trade, Hugh le Fourbour, was one of the sureties
of John Maher, cofferer, on 2ist December, 1310. (Letter-
Book D, p. 137.) He contributed to the King's loan in April,
1320 (Letter-Book E, p. 129), and in the following year was
associated with cutlers and allied craftsmen in appraising
certain spear-heads of defective workmanship (Ibid., p. 132).
On 3ist December, 1317, John de Saxtone, fourbour, was
committed to Newgate for assaulting a " vadlet " (varlet)
of Richard de Stanho, Dean of Arches, with the man's own
sword. He seems to have been a person of influence, for he
was liberated in a few days on his own undertaking to keep
the peace and make compensation to the servant (Memorials,
p. 126). One Thomas le Furbur, with Margery his wife, bought
in January, 1316-17, a plot of land with houses in the parish of
St. Mary Colechurch which formerly belonged to Geoffrey
Patrick, citizen and cutler. (Husting Roll 45, 132.)
Henry le Forbour, of the parish of St. Bride, Fleet
Street, left his interest in a tenement in that parish to his son
William and his daughters Juliana, Margery, and Matilda, by
his will, undated, enrolled 30th July, 1327. (Ibid. 55, 45.)
30
Another fourbour, William Loue (Love), who died between
I4th August, 1327, and the following January, apparently
childless, lived in the parish of St. Martin Pomery in " Ismonger-
lane." He left bequests to the Conduit, and for a chantry in
his parish church. His City rents in Gracechurch, Eastcheap,
and Finch Lane, were left to his wife Cristina, her brother John
Grant, tanner, and others, by his will enrolled 25th January,
1327-8. (Ibid. 56, 22.) Contemporary with Love was William
Le Neve, fourbour, who with his wife Alice sold his two shops
in the Old Jewry in St. Stephen's Coleman Street parish in
1316 (Ibid. 45, 37), and removed to the parish of All Saints
Bread Street. In 1326, as kinsman and heir of Isabel de
Bentleye, he released his right to a house in the parish of St.
Michael de Hoggenelane. (Ibid. 54, 41.) By his will, proved
in 1328, he left his property to his wife and his children Thomas
and Elena. (Ibid. 56, 76.)
Thomas de Norwych, forbour, had a shop near the " Cutlery"
at the corner of " Bordehawelane " in the parish of St. Mary
Colchurch near the Conduit ; this he left to Agnes his wife.
Another tenement in St. Mildred Poultry he left to maintain
chantries in the churches of St. Mildred, St. Thomas of Aeon,
and St. Mary Colchurch. His will, dated December, 1329, was
enrolled in the following February. (Ibid. 58, 17, 26.) Cristina
le Furbour, the only woman of the trade yet discovered, owned
rents in Fleet Street which, by her will dated 6th November,
(proved 20th November), 1330, she ordered to be sold. (Ibid. 58,
112.) Robert le Fourbour was an archer in the contingent
supplied by the City to " serve the King abroad " in the summer
1338. (Letter-Book F, p. 27.) Richard le Furbour " de
Hamstede " in June, 1315, sold property in the parish of St.
Bride, Fleet Street, which he bought from the executors of
Adam le Furbour. (Husting Roll 43, 117.) He was also one
of the jury at the trial of Richard de Pembroke, tailor, in July,
31
I341* f°r "the mainour of a portifory." (Letter-Book F, p. 256.)
Matilda, daughter of Richard le Fourbour (probably another
person), received a legacy in May, 1300, under the will of Anas-
tasia Bunting. (Husting Roll 29, 29.) Reginald le Fourbour
was a contributor of loos, to the loan of 5,ooo/. granted by the
City on Ash Wednesday 1340-1, to Edward III for his French
wars. (Pleas and Memoranda Roll 3, 12.) His name appears in
the will of John de Tiff eld, apothecary, dated 3ist December,
1348, where he is described as " of London Bridge " and as
the former owner (together with Matilda his wife) of a tenement
in the parish of All Hallows Bread Street. (Husting Roll 76, 53,
249.) Of Richard le Herde, " forbour," all that is known is
his acquisition of a quitrent in 1330, in the parish of St. Kath-
erine within Aldgate, and its disposal, after his death, by his
daughter Joan, in 135-45 > sne was then the wife of John de
Elmeswell. (Ibid. 58, 106 ; 83, 9.) From the will of John
de Marreys, made in September, 1342, and proved in the fol-
lowing January, it appears that he lived in Watling Street,
and left a widow (Margery) and two sons, John and William.
(Ibid. 69, 149.) Another son, Nicholas, was a party to a deed
relating to his father's property in March, 1361. (Ibid. 92, 43.)
In 1347 another furbour, Thomas de Banham, and Ellen his
wife, bought a house, three shops, and some land, in St. Bride's,
Fleet Street, formerly belonging to John, son of Ralph le
Cotiller. (Ibid. 74, 153.)
In November, 1366, John Payn, fourbour, discharged his lia-
bility in the sum of 20 marks as surety for John Lubek, saddler.
(Letter- Book G, p. 168.) John le Fourbour was concerned on
2Oth October, 1378, in the settlement of the estate of Richard
de Westminster, deceased ; having, with four others, apportioned
the property between the two sons. (Letter-Book H, p. 103.)
The name of Edward Thurbarn, furbour, occurs in two deeds
dated March, 1368-9, one of which is a release by Thurbarn
32
and his wife Agnes of their right to a tenement in the parish of
St. Stephen Walbrook. (H listing Roll 98, 42, 43.) Geoffrey
Botteston, furbour, and his wife Alice lived in St. Bride's parish,
Fleet Street, and left three children, John, Thomas, and Matilda.
His will, dated 8th September, 1380, was enrolled in November,
1381. (Ibid. 110, 59.) John, who inherited his father's pro-
perty in St. Bride's parish, sold it as recorded in two Husting
deeds dated April, 1410, and February, 1412-3. (Ibid. 137, 80 ;
141, 23.) John Scorfyn, a wealthy furbour of Fleet Street
was associated with William de Thornhull, also a furbour, and
with others, in many property transactions between the years
1373 and 1379. (Ibid- 101» I3I ; 103, 102; 104, 8; 106,
118; 107, 75, 85; 108, 6, 17, 18, 36, 39.) In all these deeds
he is called a furbour, but he belonged to the Armourers' Mistery ;
he is described by his executors as furbour and armourer (Ibid.
129, 66), and as armourer in his will, dated i6th March, 1389,
and proved in February, 1390-1. (Ibid. 119, 64.) From this
date, the last quarter of the fourteenth century, the names of
furbours and all mention of their occupation suddenly disappear
from the City books.
Another occupation subsidiary to the cutler's art was that Grinders,
of the Grinder. A William de Orlions is described as a " share-
grinder " in a deed of November, 1323, in connection with a
house in Candlewick Street which he held jointly with another
citizen, William de Stanford. (Anc. Deeds A, 1618.) A curious
ordinance made by the Court of Aldermen in 1423 concerning
their trade is discussed in Chapter 3. The Grinders as a body
we shall meet with later, as a cause of much trouble to the
authorities of the Cutlers' Company. (See pp. 129-30.)
The most important branch of the cutler's art was that Blacksmith*,
followed by the Bladesmiths. They reached their highest
influence in the trade during the fifteenth and early sixteenth
centuries, but arc met with as prominent riti/n.
33
the thirteenth century. The Bladesmiths' industry was further
divided into two branches, those of the Knifesmiths and the
Swordsmiths. Previous to the fifteenth century, when swords
came into more general use, the Knifesmiths were an important
and probably wealthy body of workmen, although they were
Knifesmiths. never separately organised. The earliest knifesmith yet found
on record is Robert le " Cnif smith," otherwise known as Robert
le Cutiller, who was living in the year 1224-5 (p. 53) ; his
son Richard's grant of land in the parish of St. Giles in the
Fields will be found at length on pp. 229-30. Another crafts-
man of almost contemporary date was Saman the Knife-smith,
whose son John was apprenticed in 1299-1300 (p. 69). John
de Elsyngham, knifesmith, whose will was enrolled in March,
1311-12, died possessed of a house in the parish of St. Michael
Cornhill which was then tenanted by another knifesmith, Stephen
atte Holte. (Rusting Roll 40, 79.) In 1318 John Brown,
knifesmith (faber cultellorum), appears as vendor of a
house in Birchin Lane, Cornhill (Ibid. 47, 47), and in
another deed relating to the same property he is described
as citizen and cutler. (Ibid. 47, 17.) The small number
of Knifesmiths (so named) which are met with in ancient records
is probably to be accounted for by the fact that they are usually
Sword- described as Cutlers.* The Swordsmiths formed the more
smiths.
important branch of the Bladesmiths' craft, but are seldom
found thus described in early times. The only instance yet
brought to light of an early swordsmith is that of William
Fyniel de Wyndesore, swordsmith (gladiarius), who was admitted
to the City Freedom in July, 1310 (p. 75).
The It is not easy to understand the exact position of the
Bladesmiths'
Mistery. Bladesmiths at this time. They were certainly, as a Mistery,
independent of the Cutlers, and continued so, as we shall see, to
* A modern instance occurs in "Calendar of Husting Wills," v. I, p. 227, where
the editor translates "faber cultellorum" as "cutler"; also in Calendar of Letter-
Books (B, p. 1 60.)
34
ol
much later times. The swordsmiths must have been under the
rule of the Bladesmiths, but the knifesmiths certainly belonged
to the Cutlers' Mistery. The first-recorded admission at Guild- .
J Blades r
hall of the newly-elected Rulers of the Bladesmiths is in 1376
(see p. 247), but in the same year Robert Roderam, one of these
Rulers, was returned as their representative in the Mistery of
Smiths at the important meeting of the Common Council to
which the men of the Misteries were specially summoned in that
year (Letter- Book H, p. 43). On this occasion the Smiths (now
Blacksmiths) had the large proportion of six representatives,
comprising two Lorimers (Curb or Bit Makers), a Farrier, a
Bladesmith, a Blacksmith, and a Heumer (Helmet-maker).
This cannot have been more than a temporary connection of
the Bladesmiths with the Smiths, as the former craft was
already organised as a Mistery.
By a writ of Edward III, dated 26th June in the 39th year
of his reign (1365), the Mayor and Sheriffs were ordered to see
that every maker of swords, knives or other weapons placed his
mark upon his work ; all goods not so marked and offered for sale
were to be forfeited to the King's use. (See pp. 248-9. ) The writ
was entered in the City books (Letter-Book G, p. 194), but no
directions concerning it were given to the Bladesmiths, Cutlers,
or any other Mistery, and its execution apparently devolved
upon the City authorities themselves. This would seem to
show that the manufacture of blades was not under the control
of a single Mistery, and to support the conclusion that the
Bladesmiths and Knifesmiths at this period were ruled
by different authorities. The later history of the Blade-
smiths' Mistery belongs to another chapter, but a short
lence must be made here to the curious case of
William Warde already mentioned (p. 13). Warde, a cutKr
of York, desirous of removing to London, sought admission
to th< Cutlers' Mistery, but the agent whom he employed
35
» j
Confusion
with
Bladers.
Locality of
the Cutlery
trade.
The
" Cutlery "
by the
Conduit.
The
" House of
the Cutlers.
deceitfully procured his admission into the Mistery of the
"Bladers." There can be little doubt that by "Bladers" is
here meant " Bladesmiths." The Bladers never became an
organised Craft or Mistery in the City but were a class of
well-to-do merchants dealing in corn, and from the time
of John Stow, the City historian, to the present day they have
occasionally been confused with the Bladesmiths ; the confusion
may have arisen from a similar abbreviation for the two names
being sometimes employed in original records.
The London cutlers, though living (according to early
records) in various parts of the City, were largely congregated
in three distinct localities. These were the " Cutlery " by
the Conduit in West Cheap, the neighbourhood of London
Bridge, and the locality of the River Fleet. Of these settle-
ments the first was probably the earliest and certainly the
most important. In the account of London written by the
Norman chronicler, Fitz Stephen, we are told that in the earliest
times the various trades of the City were each located in a
special district. The colony of Cutlers assembled in the
neighbourhood of the Conduit in West Cheap was especially
known as the " Cutlery," and there is every likelihood that
this colony was the oldest settlement of the cutlery trade in
London, dating from the primary location of the trades de-
scribed by the old chronicler. The early connection of the
Cutlers with this locality is revealed in an interesting document
of the year 1285, which states that a "house of the Cutlers "
existed on this spot opposite the Conduit. This house belonged
to Roger de Northwode, and is mentioned as part of his
possessions in the inquisition held after his death on I5th
November, 1285. The statement runs thus : — " Item predicti
jurati dicunt quod fratres sancti Thome de Ac (on) ten(ent) de
predicto Rogero in ciuitate Londonie ex opposite conducti
quandam domum Cottellariorum reddendo inde per annum
36
eidem Rogero xij libras et dicta domus pertinet ad manerium
de Thorneham in comitatu Kantie quod tenetur de domino
Willelmo de Say/1 (Chanc. Inq. p.m. Edw. I, file 42, no. 12.)
In English the records reads : — " Also the aforesaid jurors
say that the brethren of St. Thomas of Aeon hold of the aforesaid
Roger in the City of London, opposite the Conduit, a certain
house of the Cutlers, rendering thence to the same Roger twelve
pounds a year, and the said house belongs to the manor of
Thorneham in the county of Kent which is held of the lord
William de Say."
The Cutlers' house long remained in the possession of Held by the
the Northwode family. John, son and heir of Roger de North-
wode, who was thirty-one years old at his father's death,
succeeded to the estates and became a knight. He was
succeeded by his grandson Roger (Inq. p.m. Edw. II, vi,
108-9, J8i) who, in July, 1331, granted by deed (Husting Roll
59, 72) the annual rent of I2/., received from the Hospital
for the Cutlers' house, to Durandus de Wydmerpol. In this
deed the property is described as a tenement between the
door of the church of St. Thomas of Acres and the church
of Colchurch. By another deed, a few days later, the property
was re-settled upon Roger de Northwode and his wife, Eliza-
beth. (Ibid. 59, 82.) Another grant of the rent by Sir Roger
de Northwode, knt., in July, 1356, describes the property as
situated " ex opposite in parte boriali conducti," i.e. facing
the Conduit on the north side. (Ibid. 84, 75.) Ten years
later the family of Northwode still held the estate, Sir John
de Northwode, son of Sir Roger, being the owner. (Ibid. 85, 9 ;
94, 36.) The Cutlers' house, held on lease by the Hospital Leued
>t. Thomas of Aeon, must have been a large building, as HosoL
the rent paid by the Brethren of St. Thomas to Roger de
Northwode was no less than I2/. a year. The exact parti-
culars of the ownership are difficult to discover. The house
37
Cutlers'
ownership
obscure.
Probably of
early date.
Hospital of
St. Thomas
of Aeon.
The
'-'• Cutlery."
formed part of the manor of Thorneham, in Kent, which was
held by Roger de Northwode of another over-lord, Sir William
de Say. The position of the Cutlers with respect to their
" house " at this period is not clear. Paying so large a rent,
it seems most probable that the Hospital occupied the premises
for their own use, but whether the Cutlers were to any extent
their sub-tenants does not appear. All that can safely be
stated is that the house was once in the possession of the
Cutlers, and may possibly have formed part of the site originally
granted to the Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon by Thomas,
son of Theobald de Helles, between the years 1221 and 1228.
(Watney, Some account of the Hospital, 1892, pp. 237, 241.)
The establishment of the Cutlers on this site must have been
nearly coeval with, if it did not ante-date, that of the Hospital.
The "House of the Cutlers" probably adjoined that of Gilbert
Becket the Portreeve, father of St. Thomas, whose house
in West Cheap formed part of the site of the famous Hospital
founded in honour of Gilbert's son, the Londoners' patron
saint, St. Thomas a Becket. The Hospital became one of
London's most sacred spots ; it was hallowed by the devotions
of the Mayor and Aldermen, with their attendant officers, on
many occasions throughout the year, and the highest nobles in
the land sought the honour of burial within its walls. This
famous religious house was dissolved in 1538, and three
years later the site came into the possession of the Mercers'
Company, and is now occupied by their Hall and Chapel.
The building had a frontage on the north side of West Cheap,
a little to the east of Ironmonger Lane. Its site was wholly
in the parish of St. Mary Colechurch, which extended east-
ward along the frontage of Cheap until it joined the parish
of St. Mildred, Poultry.
What was known as the " Cutlery " appears to have been
a group of cutlers' shops and houses clustering round the " House
38
of the Cutlers," and situated in these two parishes, but chiefly
in the parish of St. Mary Colechurch. Frequent mention of
both parishes will be found in the life records of early cutlers
contained in the next chapter, and many cutlers, even down
to modern times, have been connected with the parish of St.
Mildred, Poultry. The settlement of the Cutlers by the Conduit
probably extended into Ironmonger Lane, as it certainly did
towards the north-east to the ward of Broad Street, where
many of the trade held property. An interesting, and perhaps
the earliest, mention of the " Cutlery " is a bequest of Alderman
Salomon de Laufare, who by his will (undated, but enrolled
in the Court of Husting in March, 1311-12) left to his wife
Isabel two shops in the Cutlery, London, and a solar extending
from the entrance to the Conduit tavern up to the church of
St. Thomas de Aeon. The following are the exact terms of Earliest
notice.
the bequest :— ' Item lego dicte Is' vxori mee totum terminum
quern habeo in ij schopis in Cotellaria Lond' sitis inter schopam
quondam Ricardi Russell & schopam Henrici de Merlawe.
Item lego dicte eidem Is' vxori mee totum terminum quern
habeo in quodam solario quod tenui ultra schopas dicte Cotellar'
continens in longitudine ab introitu taberne de Conductu vsque
ad murum ecclesie sancti Thome de Aeon." (Husting Roll
40, 77.) Another reference to the " Cutlery," in March,
1326-7, is found in Edward Ill's answer to the Goldsmiths'
ion, where " les Cotelers en la Cotelrie " were accused of
^•lling silver-coated tin as pure silver. (See p. 108.)
Although no later mention of the "House of the Cutlers"
'ii nd, it is not unlikely that the headquarters of the
<ry continued in the vicinity of the Conduit until a settled
home was found in Cloak Lane early in the fifteenth century.
Among the dwellers in the " Cutlery " in the fourteenth century
nid J«lm de Mimmes, Geoffrey de Gedelestone, and Salomon
de Lauvare. William dc Coudre lived " by the Conduit in
39
Westcheap," and Robert Deumars " near St. Thomas of Aeon.'*
The following are described as of the parish of St. Mary Cole-
church : — John Patrick, John de Edelmethone, Henry de
Laufare, William de London, and Geoffrey de Edelmeton.
The settlement of the Cutlers in Cheap, the wealthiest of the
wards of the City, is a striking proof of the prominent position
of the craft in these early times. (See map opposite.)
Immediately facing the Hospital of St. Thomas of Aeon
stood a notable and still more ancient landmark, the Conduit.
The conduit The Conduit in Cheap was a most important water supply for the
cheap? citizens of London. In early times its custodian was known as
the Marshal of the Conduit ; Thomas, called the Marshal of
the Conduit of London, figures in a deed relating to property
in St. Mary Colechurch parish in July, 1285. (Letter-Book A,
p. 162.) The Keepers of the Conduit (as they were afterwards
called), holding so important a trust, were men of high
position in the City. At least two of them were cutlers,
viz., Salomon de Laufare in 1292 and Geoffrey le Cotiller in
1325. Geoffrey, who lived near the Conduit, joined several of
his neighbours in November, 1337, m a complaint to the Court
complaints of Aldermen against the brewers who wasted the Conduit
by brewers, water by using it for trade purposes. Order was then made
that the " tynes " or buckets in which the brewers carried
away the water should be seized for the benefit of the Conduit.
(Memorials, pp. 201-2.) The order proved ineffective, for in
July, 1345, on a further complaint, the offenders were forbidden
to make ale or malt with the water of the Conduit under pain
And of fine and imprisonment, the fishmongers being also forbidden
to wash their fish at the Conduit under the same penalty. (Ibid.,
p. 225.) On this latter occasion the Common Serjeant asserted
on behalf of the Commonalty that the Conduit " was built of
old in the midst of the City of London, that so the rich and
middling persons therein might there have water for preparing
40
MAP SHOWING I i. 01 Mi! o >\DUIT AND TH I. ruoMAS
\KOUND WHICH Till "CUTLERY" LAY,
Iby .mil Mor
their food, and the poor for their drink." From the account
of the Keepers who held office in 1350 it appears that the receipts
came largely from householders in the Poultry and in Cheap ;
the expenditure was chiefly for repairs and wages. (Ibid..
pp. 264-5.) In March, 1367-8, the City leased the revenues
of the Conduit for ten years to two partners, one of whom was
Robert Godwyn, a cutler. (See p. 88.)
Another important settlement of the trade existed from London
very early times in the neighbourhood of London Bridge, and cuY
especially in the parish of St. Magnus, where many cutlers lived
and died. As further evidence, it appears that at the City Coun-
cil held on 2gth June, 1297, the Ward of Bridge had six repre-
sentatives, two of whom were cutlers, viz., Simon le Cotiler
and Eustace le Cotiler. (Letter-Book B, p. 237.) And again,
an inquest was held on igth May, 1278, upon the death of one
Gilbert " Csloke," who whilst standing on London Bridge " fell
p and accidentally fell over into the water and was drowned."
The two neighbours nearest to the spot where he fell into the
water were attached, viz., John le Noreys, cotiler, by Bartho-
lomew le Gaunter and Richard Scot, cotiler ; and John de
Storteford by Thomas le Cotiler and Nicholas Brente. (Ibid.,
p. -V3-) It thus appears that of the nearest neighbours to
this tragedy no less than three were cutlers. From these early A numerous
1 M >» I Y
times onward the cutlers of the Bridge were a numerous body ;
it will be sufficient to instance a few names taken from the next
chapter. At the close of the thirteenth century Simon le Cotiler
lived on London Bridge, but afterwards removed to the ward
• -I F.irrin-rlon ; Eustace le Cotiler lived near the Bridge in the
A\ of St. Martin Orgar about the years 1297-1309 ; in
1310 we find among the residents in the locality William Fyni< 1
de Windsore, and in 1319 Robert de Ponte or le Cotiler.
Hie trade also assembled at an early date in the valley of
the Fleet as far north as Newgate, but largely around Fleet
41
Street and in St. Bride's parish. In the early fourteenth century
the following names are found : — Ralph de Flete, 1307 ; John
de Flete, 1307-48 ; William le Cotiler without Ludgate, 1313 ;
John de Pelham outside Ludgate, 1316-34 ; John de Mondene
atte Hole within Newgate, 1332 ; and John atte Watre, 1340-9.
chiefly As time went on, the Fleet Valley cutlers grew more and more
in St. Bride s J
parish. numerous, and the parish of St. Bride, Fleet Street, became
an important centre of the trade. As will be seen later, many
cutlers were buried in St. Bride's church and figure in the list
of its benefactors.
settlements. Some early cutlers lived in Cornhill ; Thomas le Cutler
and Walter de Chigwell, both of the thirteenth century, and
John de Elsyngham, knifesmith, of the early fourteenth. Stephen
le Cotiller, 1291-4, Lady Agnes le Cotiller, 1318-19, and John de
Trillowe, 1340-9, lived in Walbrook ward. In the fourteenth
century, and earlier, individual cutlers are found in the following
wards, Bassishaw, Broad Street, Coleman Street, Cordwainer, and
Dowgate; but it is clearly impossible to make an exhaustive list,
a principal difficulty being that many names of cutlers occur
without indication of their place of abode. In the fifteenth cen-
tury, as we shall see later, the Company's newly-built Hall in
Horseshoe Bridge Street attracted many cutlers to its neighbour-
hood in the parish of St. Michael Paternoster Royal.
Cutieryware. From an entry in the City records of the reign of Edward I,
it appears that the importation of " foreign " cutlery, either
from the country or abroad, was strictly forbidden ; but the
conviction recorded in the following case shows a merciful
interpretation of the law. On Wednesday after 2ist September,
1298, Hugh of Lemeryc (Limerick) in Ireland was attached for
selling one hundred and a half of knives, as being foreign knives,
and because it was found by lawful men of that trade the usage
as to the same was unknown to him, the knives were ordered
to be given back to him. (Memorials, pp. 39-40.)
42
The Cutlers' aim in keeping a high standard of excellence
in the home manufacture of cutlery is clearly seen in the earliest Home manu-
facture,
records extant concerning the Mistery. The first clause of the
Ordinances of 1344 provides for a Search for dishonest ware
by the Rulers of the Mistery. All manner of ware, whether
made by rich or poor, was to be searched and assayed, tin-
makers of false work being subjected to heavy fines and in the
end to dismissal from the trade. In the Ordinances of 1379-80
great care is shown that the hafting work shall be honestly
performed. When silver was used for the handles it was to be
of sterling quality, and the cheaper wooden handles were to
be of wood in its natural state and not coloured. No cutlery
was to be sent out of the City until it had been " viewed " by
the Overseers of the trade. To facilitate a proper oversight,
cutlers were obliged to sell their wares in their own shops or
houses and were forbidden to send them for sale to markets
and taverns.
Some casual information may be gathered from records as
to prices in these early times ; the great variation in value
shows that the London cutlers were no less able to supply
goods of high-class workmanship than those suitable for common
use. On 20th November, 1281, Thomas Drinkhale stole a
sword from the house of Richard le Coffrer of the value of <)d.
(Letter-Book B, f. 4b, cxxvij.) On 23rd June, 1320, a large
quantity of iron spear-heads, some of them gilt, were appraised
at 2s. a dozen or i6s. a hundred. (Letter-Book E, f. 108.) In
June, 1344, 63 knives, the property of Richard de Toppesfeld,
nit lor, were valued at 6s. Sd. only. (Letter-Book F, f. 220.)
Under the will of John Nasyng, brewer, dated I5th October,
1361, all his knives attached to his girdle were ordered to be
sold, and the proceeds given to the work of two City churches
in equal moieties ; a bequest somewhat hard to understand.
(If n^fing Roll 89, 188.) Either the gift to be divided between
43
A costly
knife.
the churches was very small or the knives were very costly. Of
such high cost must have been a knife recorded in the West-
minster Abbey archives (Deed No. 30,223) for which in 1385
John Stanelee, cutler, received the large sum of 22s. from Walter
Leycester, King's Serjeant, and John Merston. The knife was
bought by Thomas Ipres, and was probably intended for a costly
present. One other instance is found in 1406, when goods
stolen from a shop in the Cutlery included twelve baselards
(short daggers) harnessed with silver-gilt, valued at 5/., and
twelve pairs of small knives, harnessed with jet and silver,
valued at 305. (Memorials, p. 562.)
Relation to
the City.
In common with all other trades and occupations in the
City, the control of the cutler's art was in the earliest times
exercised by the Court of Mayor and Aldermen. They were
assisted in dealing with trade offenders by the advice of leading
city's trade men of the Mistery. These assessors were at first probably
summoned as occasion required, but at a later date it became
the custom for certain men to be elected each year by the
Mistery to act (when required) in that capacity, and also to
supervise both the Mistery and its members. This system had
evidently been in use long before the date of the Corporation's
earliest records, which are the only source of information upon
the subject. Later on, when codes of regulations for trade
supervision became necessary, these were prepared by repre-
sentatives of the Mistery and submitted to the Court of Aldermen
for their sanction. Such were the Ordinances of the Sheathers
in 1326-7 and 1375, those of the Furbours in 1350, and those
of the Cutlers in 1344 and 1379-80. Under these ordinances
the Mayor and Aldermen were relieved of much trouble in
the settlement of minor disputes, and the Crafts themselves
received powers which formed subsequently the basis of an
J
extensive authority over the trade. The City, however,
carefully reserved an offender's right of appeal to the Mayor
Power
delegated to
44
or Chamberlain from the judgment of the Overseers of the
Mistery, as provided in the Cutlers' Ordinances of 1379-^80.
Regulations, also, which affected more than one craft were not
delegated to any Mistery, but were enforced directly by the
City authorities. Such was the case with Edward Ill's writ
for marking swords and knives (pp. 248-9). The City's control
of apprenticeship and of admission to the City freedom has
1 apprentices.
been already discussed, and was always most jealously guarded.
As regards the Cutlers' Mistery, the City's rights were safe-
guarded by the provision that no cutler should open shop or
take apprentices unless he were free of the City. As a return,
the City secured both for the Crafts and their members many
valuable privileges obtained from time to time under the Royal
charters granted to the City. Chief among these were the Benefits of
* City protec*
monopoly which freemen of the City exclusively enjoyed of *ion.
trading within the City, and the protection afforded them by
the Corporation in disputes with merchants and others in the
country and abroad. Among other special privileges, as we
have seen, freemen were allowed by ancient usage to deal
by wholesale in any and every commodity, but by retail only
in the goods belonging to their own particular mistery. This
custom had fallen into disuse and its revival formed one item
in a petition of grievances presented by the whole Commonalty
to the Mayor and Aldermen in the year 1364. The Court
deferred the consideration of the matter, and there is no record
of their ultimate decision. (Letter-Book G, pp. 179-181.)
In the following year, 1365, another valuable privilege was
granted, or perhaps confirmed, to the freemen of the City.
It was ordained "that if any one has been admitted to the
freedom of the City in some one mistery, and afterwards
wish to pursue some other mistery, he shall be allowed to
do so, and to trade in all manner of merchandise at his will
without ;my hindrance." (Ibid., pp. 203-4.) A cutler by
45
trade, one Robert de Asseborne, had rightly or wrongly carried
Breweries. On a second trade quite fifty years earlier, for in 1310 he owned
a brewery in Fleet Street. (Letter-Book D, p. 184.) The trade
of brewing was much favoured, either as a secondary occupation
or as an investment, by wealthy cutlers of the fourteenth and
early fifteenth centuries, as the following instances will show.
Robert Bronde had an interest in a Fleet Street brewery known
as " le ledeneporche." William Wylde was a brewer in White-
cross Street until his death in 1365. Roger Walter sold his
house in Mark Lane in 1396, together with various utensils
belonging to a brewer's plant. In 1395 Roger Mark, the blade-
smith, with three others, purchased a brewery known as " le
key on le hope " in St. Sepulchre's parish. William Lathum,
his brother John (a draper), and two others, were joint owners
of a brewhouse in the same parish in 1406. Another Fleet
Street brewery, known as " le Walsheman sur le Hope," was
owned by Richard Wellom and two other cutlers early in the
fifteenth century.
civic office. Some early cutlers attained high civic dignity. In 1236-7
Jordan le Coteler served the office of Sheriff ; he was also an
Alderman of the City, but at what date and for which of the
wards he sat cannot be ascertained. Some fifty years later
the Cutlers were again represented in high civic circles by
c^ler Salomon de Laufare, better known as Salomon le Coteler, who
Aldermen
and sheriffs, was Sheriff in 1289-90 and Alderman of Broad Street Ward from
about 1294 to 1308. (See pp. 57-8.) To these must be added
Geoffrey atte Conduit, who was Sheriff in 1306-7 and Alderman
of Bridge Ward from 1307 to 1312, for there is little doubt
of his identity with Geoffrey le Cotiller, who was a Warden of
the Conduit. (See pp. 61-2.) The Cutlers were also duly repre-
city sented in the great City councils when the Mayor and Aldermen
Councillors.
summoned the chief men of the City to consult with them on
occasions of importance or sudden emergency. Great care was
shown in procuring the attendance of citizens of the best possible
type. (Letter-Book A, p. 206.) In 1312 the Common Council
was composed of representatives of the Misteries. On Saturday «
after 6th December 6 Edw. II (1312) there were assembled at the
Guildhall the Mayor, Aldermen, " and of every craft of the (
six or four good men to regulate and execute the affairs of tin-
City, &c. " (Letter-Book D, f . i4ob. ) The list of these councillors
is unfortunately not preserved, but the Cutlers were doubtless
represented. The choice of the best class of citizens as
electors was even a matter of Royal concern. On gth October,
1370, Edward III directed a writ to the City for proclamation
to be made forbidding anyone to take part in the election of
Mayor and Sheriffs unless he be of the better class of citizens "n^ belter
clan of
and be especially summoned. (Letter-Book G, pp. 265-6.) On citizens.
30th May, 1297, the Ward of Bridge bore witness to the
large number of men within its borders who pursued the
cutler's craft by sending, as three out of its six delegates, Simon
le Cotiler, Eustace le Cotiler, and Anselm le Furbur. (Letter-
Book B, p. 237.) Henry de Merlawe served as a councillor
in May, 1300 (Letter-Book C, p. 68), and William atte Gate
on nth November, 1320. (Letter-Book E, p. 137.) In April.
1338, Stephen le Cotiller, a substantial inhabitant of Coleman
Street Ward, was one of six chosen from that ward to guard the
City and its Gates. (Letter-Book F, p. 22.) Towards the close
of Edward Ill's reign the practice again prevailed of summoning
to the City Council men of the various Misteries, instead of
the inhabitants of the Wards. On 5th May, 1371, the King g*
summoned the Mayor, Sheriffs, Recorder, and Aldermen, to
t upon him at Guildford on the following Thursday, and to
bring with them four of the more sufficient commoners of each
Misterv in the City. (Letter-Book G, pp. 280-1.) It would be
interesting to know the names of the cutlers present on tin-
occasion, but the list of the " commoners" is not preserved.
Another important assembly of chief citizens was called in
47
Common
Councillor's
oath.
Relations
with the
State.
Earliest
Royal Order.
1376 to consider and rectify certain grave disorders which had
lately prevailed in the government of the City. On the gth of
August an immense Commonalty met at the Guildhall, com-
posed of men elected by each Mistery and deputed to serve as
a Council for the City. Forty-seven Misteries sent repre-
sentatives, those of the Cutlers being Simon atte Nax and
Richard Godchild. (Letter-Book H, p. 44.) The oath taken by
each member of this Common Council of the Misteries will be
found in its original Norman French, with a translation, on p. 257.
The Cutlers continued to be directly represented in the Common
Council until the early part of the year 1384, when the election
of Common Councilmen reverted to the wards. After this
date individual members of the Craft appear from time to time
as City Councillors, but only as representatives of the wards in
which they lived or carried on their trade.
The State, acting through the Mayor and Aldermen as its
intermediary, had much concern, and from many different stand-
points, with the affairs of the City Misteries. As the nation
possessed no standing army, the King had to obtain the forces
required for his wars by direct levies upon his subjects. In
the City of London the Misteries had to bear their share by
contributing the quota assigned to each of them by the Mayor.
The name of John le Cotiller appears among the arbalesters
sent for the defence of Berwick under a writ directed to the
Mayor and Sheriffs on 2ist November, 1314. The first instance
to be found of State interference with the cutler's craft is the
writ of King Edward III in 1365 already mentioned, requiring
all swords, knives, and other arms, to be stamped with the
marks of their makers. The text of this writ, with a trans-
lation from the Latin, will be found on pp. 248-9. The King
gives no explanation of his commands, which may have been
occasioned by the prevalence of cutlery imported from abroad
or " deceitful " ware of home manufacture. The control of
Parliament was also freely exercised. In 1350-1 it was ordered *
that long knives, swords, or other specified weapons should mcnt-
not be worn in London and Westminster during the sitting of
Parliament. (Rolls of Parl., v. 2, p. 235"a.) The cutler's art
came also under the ban of sumptuary regulations. In 1363
Parliament ordained that cutlery adorned with gold and silver
should not be used by handicraftsmen nor by their wives and
children. (Ibid., v. 2, p. 278b.) The troublous state of the Carrying
times towards the close of the fourteenth century is reflected bidden,
in a proclamation to ensure the peace of the City made on
2gth June, 1372, by order of the King's Council. This pro-
clamation prohibited the carrying of weapons in the City except
by servants of lords and knights carrying their masters' swords,
and commanded every hosteler to warn his hosts at their first
coming to lay aside their arms. (Letter- Book G, p. 294.)
Communications of a more cordial kind passed between the Gift to the
City and its Sovereign in 1363-4. In that year, the 37th of
the reign of King Edward III, the various Misteries of London
gave proof of their loyalty by sending him as a gift, through
the hands of John de Cauntebrigge, Chamberlain of the City,
the handsome sum of 428/. gs. 4^., towards which the Cutlers
contributed 4/. (Ibid. p. 172.)
The close of the fourteenth century, with which this chapter Petitions to
ends, finds the Cutlers taking prominent part in a memorable
struggle which convulsed both the City and the country at
large. In 1386 the Cutlers, in conjunction with the Bowyers,
Fletchers, Spurriers, and Bladesmiths (all of them crafts funiMi-
ing implements of war), petitioned the King and Parliament
against the high-handed action of Sir Nicholas Brembro in
securing his election as Mayor by violent means three years
earlier. The struggle had more than a local importance, for
Brembre, with Walworth, Philipot, and Exton, all prominent
Aldermen, were adherents of King Richard 11. \\liiNt
49
opposing Aldermen, John of Northampton, John More, Sir
Nicholas Twyford, and Richard Norbury were supporters of the
King's uncles, John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Thomas
of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester. In the City the contest
raged chiefly among the greater Guilds, but nearly all were
drawn into it, the minor Guilds doubtless most unwillingly.
^n one s^e t^ie Pr°tagornsts were the Grocers, Brembre's own
theMisteries. Company, and the Fishmongers, the Company of Walworth,
Philipot, and Ext on. On the opposite side were the Mercers,
Goldsmiths, Drapers (John of Northampton's Company), and
others ; this party was supported by the Cutlers and the rest
of the petitioning Companies. The Mercers' petition (in English)
and that of the Cordwainers (in Norman French) are printed
at length in the Rolls of Parliament (v. 3, pp. 225-7) '> similar
petitions from the Saddlers, Painters, Armourers, Embroiderers,
and other Companies, are preserved in the Public Record Office.
These documents differ very little in the form and substance
of their complaint, but the petition of the Cutlers, Bowyers, and
others (printed, with translation, on pp. 263-71) is imperfect and
in very bad condition. The ancient chronicle known as the
" Chronicle of London " (edition 1827, P- 7^) tells us that
complaints Brembre obtained the office of Mayor " not by free eleccion
against Sir J J
N. Brembre. of the citee of London as it owith to be," but " the oolde halle
was stuffed with men of armes overe even, be ordinaunce and
assente of Sr Nicholl Brembre, for to chese hym maire on the
morowe, and so he was." The Mercers' petition states that
Brembre " wyth his upberers " procured his election " through
debate and strenger partye," and by carrying " grete quantitee
of armure to the Guyldehall," and if they of the Mercery or any
other Crafts complained they " were anon apeched for arrysers
ayeins the pees." In 1384 Brembre secured his re-election as
Mayor (as the Cordwainers in their petition allege) by even
greater violence, preventing his opponents from taking part in
50
the election by filling the Guildhall with armed men who, at
their approach " sailleront sur eux ove gunt noise, criantz
tuwez, tuwez, lour pursuivantz hydousement." Brembre kept
his supremacy for another year, being again elected Mayor in
1385, but on the ascendancy of the Duke of Gloucester and
his party, he fell a victim to the " Merciless " Parliament, by
J J executed.
whose order he was executed at Tyburn in February, 1388.
A proof of the troublous condition of the times is seen in o*th to
the oath ordered by the King's writ to be taken by the Mayor Parliament
and Sheriffs, who were also to administer it to the Aldermen
and the chief men of the City. The oath had been taken by
those attending Parliament on 3rd June, 1388, and pledged
them not to suffer the Acts passed in "this present Parliament
to be repealed. (See p. 271.) It was taken in the City by 490
Aldermen and leading citizens, including several cutlers whose
names appear in Chapter II. (Pleas and Memoranda Roll, A 28,
m. 12 el seq.)
51
» i
CHAPTER II.
NOTICES OF LONDON CUTLERS OF THE TWELFTH, THIRTEENTH
AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES.
Adam the
Cutler.
Thomas le
Cutiller.
Robert the
knifesmith.
•HE earliest London cutler yet discovered is one
Adam the Cutler, who lived in the parish of
St. Michael in " Bassiehage," and flourished in
the twelfth century, during the reigns of the
early Plantagenet kings, Henry II, Richard I,
and John. His name appears in an ancient deed concerning
the land of Durandus the Fuster, which lay in that parish
between the land of Adam the Cutler and that of John Palmer.
(Anc. Deeds A, 7822.) The witnesses include Henry son of
Ailwin, the first Mayor, who died in 1212, and Robert son of
Bartholomew, Alderman, who was Sheriff in 1196-7. The
date of the deed may therefore with much probability be
assigned to the last decade of the twelfth century when both
these witnesses flourished. Contemporary with Adam the
Cutler was Thomas le Cutiller, who, unless he died a very
young man, lived in the reigns of Richard I and John, at
the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth
century. He was dead in 1222-3, f°r m that year, as
we learn from the Feet of Fines (7 Henry III, no. 48), his
widow, Helen, and one Hamo Brand were together concerned
respecting a house " in vico Dacorum " (in St. Clement Danes).
Another prosperous cutler of contemporary date was Robert
le Cutiller. His name appears with that of Eustace, Bishop of
London, in connection with lands in " Stebbeheie " (Stepney),
in the year 1225. (Feet of Fines, 9 Henry III, no. 54.) In
an undated deed of Henry Ill's reign (Anc. Deeds B, 2387),
Richard (probably his son) confirms to Sir Adam de Basinghes
J"i**n*J
5 Hit!
3M?i£ * & •' 4
* * Js r « 8 x<
.B^Js
g
ffi
E
C/D
i— i
O
w
c
K
§
E
y
2
o
j
w
CO
E
H
w
w
o
certain property in the parish of St. Giles the Lepers. This
Richard is described as son of Robert the Smith (fabri), and
on the endorsement as " fiz Robert le Cnif smith." The docu-
ment is printed on pp. 229-30, and also faces this page.
We now find a cutler holding high office in the City. Jordan
le Coteler (known also as Jordan of Coventry) served in 1236-7
as Sheriff of Middlesex, and in that capacity witnessed two
deeds relating to lands in Edmonton and Stepney Marsh con-
veyed to the Priory of Holy Trinity. (Anc. Deeds A, 2277,
2579.) Another deed relating to the same Priory (Ibid. A,
2424) is witnessed by Jordan the Alderman, who was certainly
identical with Sheriff Jordan. It seems that he left only one
child, the daughter Joan, who, with her husband Robert de
Belesale, in February, 1255-6, sold a garden in the parish of
St. Bartholomew the Less which was part of her inheritance.
(Husting Roll 2, 12.) Joan had a son, Roger, who followed Roger ic
his grandfather's calling and inherited his lands. In February,
1280-1, Roger le Cotiler, son of Joan daughter of the late Jordan
le Cotiler, parted with his right in lands and houses in the parish
of St. Stephen on Walbrook which had belonged to Jordan.
(Ibid. 12, 39.) He may perhaps be identified with another
Roger of this craft who owned a tenement in " Candelwice-
strate," in the parish of St. Clement, in January, 1258 (Ibid.
2, 20), and also with the husband of one Alice, described as
late the wife of Roger le Coteler, who was life tenant of a house
with garden in Lothbury in June, 1297. (Anc. Deeds A, 1584.)
Alice was still living in 1312, when with her second husband,
John le Joygnour, she parted with the property in St. Margaret,
Lothbury, in which she and Roger had a life interest. (Husting
AW/ 40, in.)
To the same period belongs Henry the Cutler. He married Hen
Margery, the daughter of Arnold Arcener, and received from
his fatlu T -in-law on his marriage some land with buildings in
53
the parish of St. Clement, Eastcheap. (Anc. Deeds A, 1937.)
This property was given by his widow in 1246-7 to the Prior
and Canons of Holy Trinity, London. (Ibid. A, 1892.) Another
Henry le Coteler, perhaps a son of the foregoing, witnessed a
grant to Adam de Forsham of a house in Lothbury on ist June,
1297 (Ibid. A, 1584), and another deed also at the Guildhall
on Thursday after 24th February, 1299-1300. (Letter- Book B,
ie p. 184.) Of earlier date was John le Coteler, whose daughter
Agnes and her husband Robert de Roching owned a tenement
in " Sakoleslane," in the parish of St. Sepulchre without Newgate
in 1288. This had perhaps been mortgaged to a Jew, for the
rent which Agnes and Robert then granted from it was war-
ranted " against all men and women, Christians and Jews."
(Rusting Roll 18, 74.)
For almost fifty years we lose sight of London cutlers.
The City Letter-Books, which contain the earliest record of the
ordinary proceedings of the mayor and aldermen and such
citizens as they summoned from time to time to assist in their
council, do not begin until the reign of Edward I. From this
time onwards this historical series of records forms a notable
addition to the sources of information preserved in the Public
Record Office and elsewhere.
wiiiiam de William de Laufare, cutler, was one of the principal citizens
of his day. He was the son of Walter le Chaloner, a maker of
coverlets (Letter-Book A, p. 74 n.), and at first followed his
father's trade. In May, 1275, he granted to the Priory of the
Holy Trinity a quitrent of 4$. from property which he owned
near the Priory at Aldgate. (Httsting Roll 7, 44.) A man
of wealth, he became surety on Saturday before 8th September,
1281, for Henry de Winchester, and on 2ist September for Fulk
le Barber and William le Coffrer, being bound in each case in
the sum of 100 shillings, a large amount in those days. (Letter-
Book B, pp. 3, 9.) On Tuesday after ist September, 1285,
54
he and his brother Richard (both described as " chaloners,"
i.e. makers of coverlets or blankets) acknowledged a debt of
405. payable to Thomas de Reyns. (Letter- Book A, p. 90.)
He was appointed by the mayor and aldermen in 1277-8 as Guardian
guardian of Robert Deumars, a minor, and in March, 1289-90 Deumars.
(then described as cotiler) he delivered an account of his trust
before an alderman and the chamberlain. (Ibid., p. 122.) On
Tuesday before loth June, 1291, another guardian being ap-
pointed, Laufare surrendered his charge, and there was "found
remaining over in his custody the sum of 42/. sterling in money
of the cutlers, for which he would render an account, as also
for the increase thereof " ; whereupon all writings were by
common consent cancelled. (Ibid., p. 177.) The expression Money of
" money of the cutlers " is very curious, and I have found
nothing elsewhere to throw light upon it. The above entries in
Letter-Book A are printed on pp. 230-1.
William de Laufare had property in Lothbury, and perhaps Resident in
lived there ; for in 1294-5 a release was granted by him to
Adam de Forsham of all his right in the messuage in the parish
of St. Margaret, Lothbury, which he had for ten years by demise
from Richard de Lotheburi and Margaret, his wife. (Anc.
Deeds A, 2260.) The property was again granted to Adam de
Forsham by Richard, son of Richard of " Lothebery," by deed
dated ist June, 1297, to which Laufare was a witness. The
house was then held for life by Alice, late wife of Roger le
Coteler. (Ibid. A, 1584.) Laufare also acquired houses, in
March, 1291-2 and in 1295, in the neighbouring parish of St.
Bartholomew the Less, afterwards known as St. Bartholomew
by the Exchange. (Rusting Rolls 21, 34; 25, 34.) He was one
of the principal citizens summoned from time to time to confer
with the mayor and aldermen on the affairs of the City. On
the Tuesday after Lady Day, 1299, he attended, with several
leading men of the commonalty, a meeting of the mayor and
55
aldermen when matters of great moment were considered.
(Letter-Book C, p. 38.) He was again present on Wednesday
before I5th August, 1299, at a Court of mayor and aldermen,
one of five being elected with five others on behalf of the Commonalty to
^SSmon- act with the mayor and aldermen in matters touching the
Commonalty. The " matters " were of the highest importance,
it being resolved that Henry le Galeys, the mayor, Elyas Russel,
alderman, and Walter de Finginfeud, should go to the King in
Scotland on certain necessary matters touching the City, viz.,
for the confirmation of ancient charters, liberties, and customs
of the City ; also for obtaining pardon and abatement of the
Deputed to King's wrath lately conceived towards the City ; also for the
approach the J J
King. presentation of the sheriffs for the twenty-seventh year of the
King's reign, to be made at York ; also for the remission of
the sum of ioo/., in which William, Bishop of Bath, had amerced
the City on account of a record made in the Exchequer for
Osbert le Laner, as appeared in a certain letter sealed with the
common seal in the possession of the three individuals aforesaid.
The three delegates took with them i,ooo/. in silver as a gift to
the King. (Letter-Book B, pp. 74-76.) Laufare was also present
at a meeting of the Court on the Saturday after 22nd February,
1304-5. (Letter-Book C, p. 143.) On 2nd August, 1309, he
was appointed by John de Brysingham to receive the sum of
9/. on his behalf. (Letter-Book B, p. 224.) His death occurred
subsequently to October, 1310, when he testified to the faithful
services of his apprentices John de Hedeleghe and John de
Toppesfeld, on their admission to the City freedom. He is
described as of Cheap Ward. (Letter-Book D, p. 127.) The
His family Husting deeds furnish the names of two of his sons by his wife
tions. Joan, daughter of Matthew Palmer called Spicer. In 1344
Salomon, the heir, released his right to two shops and some
land in the parish of St. Michael, Cornhill (71, 125 ; 72, 20),
and in 1347 another son, Edward, gave a similar release in
56
respect of property in the same parish. (75, 4.) The de
Laufare family was numerous in the City, but the relationship
of its members is difficult to trace. Many of them were cord-
wainers, but two at least were important members of the
cutler's craft.
The most notable cutler of this early period was Salomon ^l°™cn dc
de Laufare, or Salomon le Cotiller as his name usually appears,
who figures prominently in City life from 1276 to 1308-9. In
1275-6 he witnessed, with the mayor, sheriffs, and others, a
deed of feoffment. (Anc. Deeds A, 11943.) Salomon lived in
the parish of St. Mildred, Walbrook (or Poultry), in a " capital
messuage with garden " which he bought in January, 1281-2,
for the very large sum of lool. (Husting Roll 13, 39.) His
name occurs in the City books in various connections in 1283,
1286, 1287, and 1287-8. (Letter-Book A, pp. 78, 166, 168-9.)
He served the office of sheriff, with Fulke de St. Edmund as Elected
Sheriff.
his junior colleague, in 1289-90. (Ibid., p. 198.) In the
following year (1290-1) he was one of the two "reputable"
men (representing Cheap Ward) elected by common assent and
consent of the whole commonalty for the City's account. (Letter-
Book C, p. i.) In December, 1291, he was one of four leading
citizens elected by representatives of the whole commonalty to
prosecute, together with the aldermen, on behalf of the City's
estate against the lord the King, because it is in the King's
hand. (Ibid., p. 3.) A few days afterwards he formed one
of a smaller body, composed of four aldermen and seven com-
moners " to prosecute the City's business and estate in the
Kind's Council." (Ibid., p. 4.) On Sunday before I5th August,
1292, he was elected one (thr first named) of the four Wardens
of the Conduit. (I bid., p. 9.)
Early in 1294 he became Alderman of Broad Street Ward,
in succession to Thomas de Estanes, being the fourth earliest
known alderman of that ward. The date of this election does
57
His will.
Resident in
the
''Cutlery."
His wife's
will.
not appear, but he was acting as alderman on 22nd February,
1293-4. (Heaven's Aldermen, v. i, pp. 70, 377.) His name now
constantly occurs in the City books and other records. On the
Thursday before Christmas, 1294, it was ordained that watch
should be kept each night throughout the City by the warden,
sheriffs, and aldermen. This was in addition to the usual
watch kept by the wards, and a rota of the aldermen was
arranged under which Salomon le Cotiller, with five colleagues,
took duty on the fourth night. (Letter-Book B, pp. 240-1.)
From a later record on Tuesday before 2oth July, 1307, it appears
that each alderman was allowed three horses for his night duty
of keeping the peace of the City on horseback. (Letter-Book C,
pp. 153-4.) Salomon ceased to be alderman probably at the
end of 1308, for he officiated in that capacity on 4th November,
1308, and William Trente was elected Alderman of Broad
Street in his room in 1309.
His will, undated, was enrolled on Monday before I2th
March, 1311-12. (Rusting Roll 40, 77.) He left to Isabella
his wife, for life, shops, etc., in the Cutlery, London, and a solar
extending from the entrance to the Conduit tavern up to the
church of St. Thomas de Aeon. To John de Laufare, one of
his executors, his tenement in the parish of St. Mildred, appar-
ently the capital messuage which John de Laufare, cutler, sold
about five years later (Ibid. 41, 18 ; 44, 155), and which was
charged with the maintenance of two chaplains in the said
parish church. His tenements in the parishes of St. Bartholo-
mew the Less, St. Lawrence in the Jewry, St. Mary de Alder-
marichurche, and elsewhere, were sold to fulfil his testament
and for pious uses. The will of his wife, who describes herself
as Isabella, late wife of Salomon le Coteler, was enrolled on
Monday before 28th October, 1312. (Ibid. 41, 20.) She is
described as " of the parish of St. Mildred in the Poultry "
(where her husband's shop and residence were situated), and
58
leaves to John de Wanegrave and Cristiana his wife a tenement
in the parish of St. Bartholomew the Less. (See also Ibid.
41, 52; 36, 13.) The tenement in St. Lawrence Jewry, with
another in the parish of St. Michael, Cornhill, was sold by John
de Laufare in 1312. (Ibid. 41, 19.)
The locality of the London " Cutlery," identified as above
by the will of Salomon de Laufare in 1311-2, is revealed
at a still earlier date by an incident which occurred in that
neighbourhood. On 27th January, 1287-8, William de Coudre,
cutler, who lived near the Conduit in Westcheap (the locality
of the Cutlery), was summoned as one of two neighbours nearest
the Conduit, to act as juror on an inquest upon one William le
Taumer, skinner, who lay dead in Westcheap, near the Conduit.
(Letter-Book B, p. 272.) The residence here of one cutler would
not prove much, but it affords valuable confirmation of the
fact stated nearly forty years later in Salomon de Laufare's
will, that the London " Cutlery " was congregated at this
spot.
A tragic incident occurred in 1278, in which William de waiiamdc
London, a cutler, and a member of the de Laufare family, were
concerned. On igth May, 1278, an inquest was held on Henry
de Laufare, who lay dead in the house of Sibil Feron, in tin
parish of Colcherche, in the ward of Cheape. The said Sibil,
in whose house he died, was attached by John Patrick, cotiler,
and John de Eddelmethone, cutler. It appears that the said
Henry, whilst keeping guard over Richard de Codesfeld, who
had taken sanctuary in the church of St. Mary de " Staniseslane "
on account of being charged with robbery by William de London,
a cutler, received a wound in the head from a lance at the
hands of Thomas, the clerk of the said church, who struck him
through a window of the church, so that he afterwards died.
(Ibid., p. 274.) Sibil Feron's house must have been either
within the " Cutlery," or closely adjoining it ; it was in the
59
parish of St. Mary Colechurch, and the two cutlers who attached
her were " nearest neighbours/' William de London further
appears as one of the sureties of Richard Mauntel in an undated
record which occurs between two others dated respectively 1282
John Patrick and 1313. (Letter-Book B, p. 14.) John Patrick, the cutler
above-mentioned, lived in St. Mary Colechurch parish, the
locality of the Cutlery. (Letter-Book A, p. 169.) In 1275-6
he witnessed a conveyance by Henry de Euere of a shop in
St. Mary's parish. (A nc. Deeds A, 11943.) He bequeathed to
his wife, Matilda (who was re-married to William de Gartone),
his house in the parish of St. Pancras, to which his nephew
Geoffrey in 1299 released all claim. (Rusting Roll 31, 64.)
ieoffrey This Geoffrey Patrick, cutler, was the son of John Patrick's
brother William. He, also, was a resident in St. Mary Cole-
church parish. In September, 1293, he sold some houses
situated there. (Ibid. 27, 86.) His daughter Mary married
John Kohns, citizen and potter, and in January, 1316-17, sold
the property which she inherited from her father in St. Mary
Colechurch parish. (Ibid. 45, 132.) John de Edelmeton the
cutler above mentioned, whose will, dated Friday after I5th
August, 1283, was enrolled in the following November, left his
tenement in St. Mary Colechurch parish to his servant Geoffrey
de Edelmeton, a cutler. (Ibid. 14, 122.) This house was sold by
Geoffrey and his wife Isabel in August, 1309. (Ibid. 38, 4.)
:homasie Thomas le Coteler (perhaps a relative of his namesake on
/oteler.
p. 52) lived in Cornhill. His name occurs in connection with
an inquest held on igth May, 1278, as to the death of one
Gilbert " Csloke," who accidentally fell into the Thames from
London Bridge, and was found dead near the wharf of John
of the Tower. (Letter-Book B, p. 273.) At the beginning of
August in the same year, as we learn from an inquisition post
mortem, one Walter Prate or Prat, of Retford, held land at
Haddestock, from Thomas le Cutiler, of the value of 2d. yearly.
60
(Inq. p.m. Edw. I, file 19, no. n.) In a lease of 24th
September, 1318, granted by Hugh de Waltham, Common Clerk
of the City, to Stephen atte Stouples, fishmonger, of a bakehouse,
etc., opposite the pillory on Cornhill, the lessee covenants not
to obstruct the windows of the cellar occupied by Thomas le A cutler of
Cornhill.
Coteler, nor the light of the windows above it. (Memorials,
p. 129.) Thomas was assessed in Cornhill Ward to the subsidy of
12 Edward II (1318-9), at 2s. (Subs. Roll, 144, 3.) On
Wednesday before 2nd February, 1319-20, Thomas le Coteler
served as one of the jury on a complaint by Laurance le Barbier
(one of those sworn to keep the Poultry upon Cornhill) against
John Bakon, poulterer, who was charged with being a common
forestaller of poultry. (Letter- Book A, p. 113-4.) The fatality
to Gilbert " Csloke," on igth May, 1278, introduces two other
cutlers besides Thomas le Cotiler just mentioned, viz., John
le Noreys of Bridge Ward as one of the nearest neighbours,
and Richard Scot, whose residence is not stated. In the same Richard
year we meet with Richard le Eschot, cutler (probably identical
with Richard Scot), who was concerned on ist September, 1278,
in an inquiry into the death of Godfrey de Belstede in the parish
of St. Michael le Quern. (Letter- Book B, p. 278.)
An influential member of the cutler's craft, variously known
as Geoffrey le Cuteler, Geoffrey atte Conduit, and Geoffrey de
Gedelestone comes first into notice in January, 1281-2. Under
that date a charter was enrolled in the Court of Husting by
\\hirh Geoffrey le Cuteler and Edith his wife granted to Adam
de Hengham for "405. in silver'* their house in " Sacollelane,"
Holborn, at a rent of id. payable at Easter. (Husting Roll
13, 33.) Leaving the Fleet cutlers, he removed to the ward
of Cheap, where he appears to have settled in the Cutlery by
the Conduit, for he took one John Fleg as an apprentice in
Cheap Ward in July, 1310 (Letter-Book D, p. 122) ; he was then
1 u Geoffrey de Getlestone, cutler. He was very
61
Sheriff and
Alderman.
Another
Geoffrey le
Cotiler."
A Ruler of
the Mistery.
Keeper of
the Conduit.
probably the person who, as Geoffrey de Conduit, served the
office of Sheriff in 1306-7 and was Alderman of Bridge Ward
from 1307 to 1312. We lose sight of the name until 1320, when
the records tell of a Geoffrey le Cotiller who led a busy City
life for nearly thirty years onwards. He may have been a
son of the alderman or (supposing them to have been different
persons) of Geoffrey le Cotiller. On the Tuesday before 23rd
April, 1320, the name of Geoffrey le Cotiler appears in the list
of citizens who agreed to forego half their contribution to
Edward IFs loan. In the following June he was one of the
appraisers of a large quantity of spear-heads sequestered for
debt. (Letter-Book E, pp. 129, 132.) On the Sunday before 2Oth
November, 1325, he was one of the witnesses to an acquittance
by Nicholas de Debeneye and Mary his wife, to the executors
of Geoffrey de Brandone for property left to the aforesaid Mary
by the testator her father. (Ibid., pp. 207-8.) Geoffrey took
part in an inquest in the parish of St. Mary Colechurch at the
end of the following month. (Coroners' Rolls E, u.) He was
one of the seven Rulers or Guardians of the Cutlers' Mistery
in 1328-9, and one of the eight men sworn in 1340 to safeguard
everything belonging to the Craft. (Letter-Book F, p. 57.) On
the Friday after I3th December, 1325, he was appointed cus-
todian of the Conduit, with Henry de Ware and Benedict of
the Guildhall as colleagues. (Letter-Book E, p. 205.) This post,
being one of the highest responsibility, was conferred on none
but men of great dignity and standing in the City. (See ante,
p. 40.) Some years later (in November, 1337), Geoffrey, as
a resident in the Cutlery near the Conduit, complained (with
other neighbours) of the brewers who used the Conduit water
for their trade purposes and so deprived the commonalty of
their proper share of the supply. The measures taken by the
mayor and aldermen to stop this encroachment have been
already described (pp. 40-1). Geoffrey is the first-named of the
62
nine supervisors of the Cutlers' " Articles " of 1344, but
probably fell a victim to the Great Pestilence in the summer "Articles.
of 1349. (Letter-Book F, p. no.) It seems hardly possible
that the Geoffrey of 1281-1310 can be the same as the cutler
so-named of 1320-49 ; both, however, were men of importance
in their day.
Another contemporary cutler was Robert de Mareys, who, r
on the Wednesday after 2gth June, 1285, acknowledged himself
bound to John de Canterbury, blader, in the sum of 405. (Letter-
Book A, p. 89.) A later cutler of this name, Robert son of
John de Mareys, acquired property in " Edelmeton " in 1312-3
\\hirh he seems to have held until 1328. (Westminster Abbey
Records, Deeds 205, 184, 323, 240, 245.)
Walter de Chigwell, cutler, belonged to a family of import-
ance in the City, Hamo de Chigwell being several times Mayor.
He was perhaps a kinsman of Richard de Chigwell, who held
land at Barking in the reign of Edward I. (Westminster Abbey
Records, Deeds 1153, 1174.) On Sunday after ist November,
1286, Walter de Chigwell acknowledged a debt of 445. to William
le Botover. (Letter- Book A, p. 100.) We learn more about
him from another entry in the same Letter Book (p. 201), which
records a deed, to which he was a party, as read before and
witnessed by the warden of the City, the sheriffs, and others,
on I2th March, 1293-4. This was a lease from Walter de
Chigwell, cutler, and Margery his wife, daughter of William
Munchyot (or Smychiot), smith, to Nicholas Pykot, merchant,
nf a tenement and shop in the parish of St. Michael, Cornhill,
situate near the tenement of John de Bokton ; to hold f<
term of fourteen years, for 8/. in hand paid, and an annual rent
of one mark to the nuns of St. John de Haliwell, and another
mark by way of dower, to Clemence, late wife of Henry de Evre.
In February, 1294-5, Walter de (*hiir\voll and his wife released
all tlu-ir (hum to the above property ; among thr \\itn
this deed are John de Elsingham and other cutlers. (Rusting
Roll 24, 53.) Henry de Euere, probably the person above-
named, "late ironmonger of London/' devised to John de
Riplawe, ironmonger, a shop in St. Mary Colechurch parish, in
1276. (Anc. Deeds A, 11943.) This parish, which included
the Cutlery, extended westward almost to Ironmonger Lane,
which was then the locality of the ironmongers.
co£ierle Simon le Cotiler, who flourished in the reign of Edward I,
is first mentioned early in 1291. In May of that year a grant
was made to him and Katherine his wife by Simon de Sthurreye,
rector of the church of Mondene, of the stone house separated
from his own house, in the lane and parish of St. Andrew Huberd.
(Anc. Deeds A, 1970.) On 2gth June, 1297, he was one of the
six representatives of the ward of Bridge at a meeting of the
Council of the City. (Letter- Book B, p. 237.) He attended
roimcliior a^so m *ke a^ove capacity on the Tuesday after Lady Day,
1299, when matters of great moment between the King and
the City were considered. (Letter-Book C, pp. 37-8.) On
Friday after ist August, 1300, Simon le Coteler came before
the mayor and aldermen and agreed on behalf of himself, his
wife, and John and William his sons, that if he should receive
the said John and William into his house, or in future maintain
them in any way, he would surrender all right and claim to the
house he held on London Bridge to the said Bridge. (Ibid.,
p. 76.) Twice in 1301 he acted as surety for a witness sum-
moned to give evidence in a case of murder. (Coroners' Rolls
A, 6, 24.) Simon was dead in 1303, when his widow Katherine
granted the stone house in the parish of St. Andrew Hubbard
to William son of Nicholas Brawneys and his wife Alice.
(Husting Roll 31, 67.)
Aiater Simon It is possible that a later Simon le Coteler who was assessed
in Bridge Ward for the subsidy of 12 Edward II (1318-19) at
5$. (Subsidy Roll 144, 3), was his eldest son, and carried on his
business, but no evidence for this has been found. On Tuesday
before 23rd April, 1320, the name of this later Simon occurs hi the
list of citizens who agreed to forego one half of the sum advanced
by them towards the loan of i,ooo/. made to King Edward II
in the tenth year of his reign. (Letter-Book E, p. 127.) On
Tuesday after 2Qth June, 1331, he was one of the first jury,
composed of twelve of the best men of each ward, summoned oftavemers.
to make inquisition and put a check upon the malignancy of the
taverners of the City who had closed the doors of their taverns
and would not allow their wines to be sold, in contempt of our
lord the King. (Ibid., p. 261.) He was now living in the ward
of Farringdon, for in the subsidy of 6 Edward III (1332-3) he
was assessed in that ward at 55. jd. (Subsidy Roll 144, 4.) Living in
In the same year he is described as of " Holebourne." (De
Banco Roll 288, Hil.) Another record of Simon the Cutler
is under date of Friday after nth November, 1336, when he
with four others was surety for Laurence de Dallyngge that
he would faithfully serve Master John de Offord, Dean of
Arches. (Letter-Book E, p. 304.) In the following year he
was one of a jury summoned to inquire into the death of one
John de Muldone. (Coroners Rolls F, 33.)
Paulus the Cotiller, of whom there is no other trace, appears
in the Subsidy Roll (142, 2) of Edward I's reign (circ. 1291-4).
He must have been a successful man, being assessed at 6os. in
the ward of Dowgate.
Of Robert Deumars, cutler, whose guardianship by William
de Laufare was mentioned above (p. 55), we learn that he was
the son of John and Christiana Deumars. His father was
probably a cutler, for he held a shop in Westcheap near the
church of St. Thomas of Aeon, the lease of which he left to hi-
wife. He left to his son Robert his capital house in the parish
of St. Mary Woolnoth, to his wife Christiana his next house
by way of dower, and to his daughter Sibil ;i third house more
65
His will.
Richard de
Westwode.
Adam the
Cutler.
remote. (Rusting Roll 10, 23.) The will of John Deumars
is undated, but was enrolled on 2gth May, 1279, and young
Robert was then a minor and under guardianship. He died
before reaching his majority, and William de Laufare rendered
an account of his trust to the young man's relatives in June,
1291. By his will, enrolled on Monday before 25th January,
1291-2 (Ibid. 21, 2), Robert left to his mother his tenements in
St. Mary Woolnoth. On proclamation being made, the will was
challenged by Robert Deumars, corder, on the ground that
the testator was not of full age to make a testament, and was
non compos mentis. The wills of several members of this family,
who were mostly corders (or rope-makers) are enrolled in the
Court of Husting.
At the close of the thirteenth century are found a few names
of London cutlers of whom very little information exists. On
Tuesday after 25th March, 1291, Richard de Westwode acknow-
ledged himself with others jointly bound to Martin Furner in
the sum of 61. (Letter-Book A, p. 130.) Richard seems to
have been connected with Peasmore, Berks, where his son
William held land in the reign of Edward II. (Westminster
Abbey Records, Deeds 7146, 7147, 7196, 7209.) On I3th
October, 1312, he and John de Waltham, another cutler,
severally acknowledged a debt of loos, to Adam de Massheberi.
(Letter-Book B, p. 51.) William de la Foreste entered into a
similar recognisance before the Aldermen on 25th May, 1292,
in respect of a joint obligation to Alan de Alleston, potter, in
the sum of 4^. 45. (Letter-Book A, p. 141.)
Adam the Cutler, perhaps a son of the former Adam
(See p. 52), is mentioned as a legatee in the will of William de
Somersete, clerk, enrolled on Monday after 25th November,
1296. (Husting Roll 26, 15.) Ralph Russell, cutler, by his will,
enrolled on 2ist May, 1297, leaves to Henry Merlawe, also a
cutler, his tenement in the parish of St. Christopher. (Ibid.
66
26, 37 ; 42» I00 An earlier deed shows that he had an interest
in this property in February, 1271-2. (Ibid. 4, 151.) A
Roger le Cotiller, who must be distinguished from the grandson Roger ie
of Jordan le Cotiler (See p. 53), was one of the sureties (on 7th
April, 1310) of Robert Asseborne, cutler, for payment of the
rent of a brewhouse in Fleet Street. (Letter- Book D, p. 184.)
This was shortly before his death, for in March, 1312, his wife
Alicia and John le Joygnour, to whom she was then married,
released to Adam de Forsham their right to a tenement in
St. Margaret Lothbury parish, which she and Roger her former
husband had acquired from Richard the son of Richard le
Kissere. (Husting Roll 40, in.)
Walter de Enefeld (Enfield), citizen and cutler, received Waiter de
from Roger de Merton and his wife Ellen by deed enrolled in
February, 1278-9, in the Court of Husting (Roll 10, 20*), the
grant of a rent-charge of 405., paying for all services a pair of
gauntlets worth 2d. at Easter. This property he transferred
in 1297 to Thomas, son of the late Martin, clerk, of Iseldon.
(Ibid. 38, 61.) All that is known of Thomas Hatteman, cutler,
is his grant, in 1284, to Adam de Blakeney of houses in Candle-
wick Street, which came to his wife Roysia as a dower from her
former husband, John de Wynton. (Ibid. 15, 2.) Hatteman and
his wife further granted to Adam de Blakeney, in 1286, a rent-
charge of two marks upon the same property, on payment
of a rose on St. John the Baptist's day. (Ibid. 16, 97.)
Eustace le Cotiler, who lived in the parish of St. Martin £u»taceie
* Cotilcr.
Orgar, near London Bridge, was active in City affairs. As
one of the six representatives of Bridge Ward, he was present
at an assembly of the City Council on 2gth June, 1297 (Lcltcr-
Book B, p. 237), and four years later he acted as surety fora
witness in a coroner's inquest. (Coroners' Rolls A, 12.) On
Tuesday after 25th January, 1306-7, he was one of a jury
panelled to make a return and valuation of the property of
67
O 2
Walter le Mazerer, son of Luke le Ayller. (Letter-Book C,
p. 243.) He seems to have prospered in his trade, for in the
year 1305 he acquired no less than three separate tenements,
a messuage and shop in the parish of St. Leonard, Eastcheap,
and two houses in the parish of St. Martin Orgar. (Rusting
Rolls 33, 67, no ; 34, 2.) His will, undated, was enrolled
on Monday before 25th January, 1308-9. (Rusting Roll 37,
63.) He leaves to Peter, his son, houses in the lane and parish
of St. Martin Orgar for life, with remainder to Alice his wife
for life, and further remainder to pious uses for the good of the
souls of the said Alice and Peter and of Emma his late wife.
Alice survived Eustace as his widow for at least forty years, and
in 1348 with Peter's consent sold her interest in the property
in the parish of St. Martin Orgar. (Ibid. 74, 55, 65, 70.)
Henry de Merlawe served both the City and his craft. He
first appears as assessed at los. for the subsidy in Edward Fs
reign (circ. 1291-4) as an inhabitant of Broad Street Ward
(Subsidy Roll 144, 2), but in 1311-12 he was carrying on his
business in the Cutlery, his shop being next to the shop of
Salomon de Laufare. (Rusting Roll 40, 77.) On Friday after
6th May, 1300, he took part, with other leading citizens, in an
assembly of the mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the City.
(Letter-Book C, p. 68.) On Saturday after 25th July, 1302,
Laurence de Totenham, corder, and Roysia his wife, acknowledged
receipt from Henry de Merlawe and his fellow-executors of
ioos., a legacy from the lady's mother, Roysia la Spicere. On
ist May, 1303, Henry de Merlawe and William de Laufare, his
co-executor, received a further acquittance in the above executor-
ship. (Letter-Book B, pp. 117, 125-6.) On 26th March, 1303,
Merlawe, with Adam Boctone, coffrer, was surety for Roger de
Evere, ironmonger, who was appointed by the mayor and
aldermen guardian of John, son of Henry de Waldegrave.
(Letter-Book C, p. 120.) He was one of the jury to make
68
inquisition as to the property of two debtors, Ralph de
" Boctone" and Adam de " Boktone" ; the entry is undated, but
seems to belong either to 1310 or 1311. (Letter-Book D, p. 295.)
He also acted as a juror on an inquiry respecting a claim by
the Prior of Merton in 6 Edward II (1312-13) to a quit-
rent on certain tenements in the parish of St. Antonin. (Ibid.,
p. 190.) On ist May, 1312, he witnessed an indenture between
Cri-tiana de Evre and Nicholas Pikot concerning property in
the parishes of Little St. Bartholomew and St. Christopher.
(Ibid., p. 288.) His will, undated, was enrolled on Monday HIS w,n
after I3th October, 1313. (Hasting Roll 42, 10.) He was
either related to, or an apprentice or servant of, Ralph Russell,
who bequeathed to him a tenement in St. Christopher's parish.
(See p. 66.) This house he left to Agnes his wife for life, with
remainder as to one moiety to pious uses, and the residue to
his children in equal portions. (See also Rusting Rolls 32, 14 ;
47, 23.) His widow married William de Dorkyng, and on Friday
after i8th October, 1318, the mayor granted to her and her
husband the guardianship of Walter, William, and Alice, the
children of her former husband. On I7th March, 1321-2,
Walter de Merlawe, being of full age, claimed his property, and
received from William de Dorkyng the sum of loos. ; on nth
June, 1330, Alice de Merlawe received her property also, being
proved to be of full age. (Letter-Book E, pp. 91-2.)
At the beginning of the fourteenth century a curious inter- John, son of
change of apprenticeship took place between two families.
John, son of Saman the knifesmith of Cornhill Ward, having
been apprenticed for a term of ten years to Stephen atte Holte,
was admitted to the freedom before the mayor and aldermen
on 5th March, 1309-10, and paid his fee of 2s. 6d. (Letter-
Book D, p. 4ib.) A year later, on Saturday before 7th March,
1311-12, John, son of Saman, the newly-made freeman, took
as his apprentice John atte Holte, the son of his former m^
69
' turn-over " from another master (probably deceased)
remainder of his term. Stephen atte Holte, who is
for a term of two years from Easter, and paid the fee of 2s. 6d.
(Ibid., p. 167.) This record, printed on pages 353-4, affords
the earliest evidence extant of admission to the cutlery trade.
John atte Holte's binding to John, son of Saman, must have
been a
Stephen atte for the
sometimes described as knifesmith, lived in a house belonging
to John de Elsyngham, knifesmith, in Birchin Lane, Cornhill.
He, John de Elsyngham, and other cutlers, were among the
witnesses to a deed concerning property in the parish of St.
Michael, Cornhill, in February, 1294-5. (Rusting Roll 24, 53.)
On the Monday after 8th September, 1305, he acknowledged
a debt of 6os. to William de Leyre, Alderman, and on 23rd
February, 1304-5, he, with two other cutlers, Michael de
Wymbihs and Andrew de Stebenhethe (Stepney), were jointly
indebted in the sum of 715. to John Sterre, fishmonger. (Letter-
Book B, pp. 160, 149.) On 2nd January, 1305-6, the latter two
cutlers acknowledged a further obligation (afterwards discharged)
to the same John " Starre." (Ibid., p. 164.) In April, 1323,
Stephen atte Holte and his wife Matilda made over their interest
in the Cornhill property to Walter atte Holte, cutler, and his
wife Amicia. (Rusting Roll 51, 120.) In 1325, only two years
later, Stephen was dead, and his wife and Walter, Stephen's
executors, jointly conveyed the house in Bercheruerlane (Birchin
Lane), Cornhill, to Thomas, the son of John de Elsingham, the
original owner. (Ibid. 54, 94. ) On the death of Walter atte Holte
the house was sold by his widow Amicia, in 1341, to one John
Levelif, citizen and draper. (Ibid. 69, 95.) Another Stephen atte
Holte appears in November, 1341, who is described as a timber-
monger and purchasing houses and shops in " Bercherueres-
lane" from Godfrey de Clavering. (Ibid. 68, 133 ; 78, 108.)
Another resident in the Cutlery was John de Mimmes. In
the will of Dionisia Norman, his wife, daughter of Roger Norman,
Walter atle
Holte.
John de
Mimmes.
70
late goldbeater, he is described as " le Cutteler at the Conduit."
The will is undated, but was enrolled on 4th June, 1305.
(Husting Roll 33, 59.) It would seem that John de Mimmes
was then dead, for the lady leaves bequests to maintain a
chantry for the good of her soul and the souls of John her
husband, Roger and Alice, her father and mother, William her
son, Amicia, her daughter, and others, in the church of St.
Alban, Wood Street, for the space of one year. John was
probably related to Thomas de Mymmes (will enrolled 1279) anc^
John de Memmes, clerk, son of the above (will enrolled 1292),
who lived in the parish of St. Mary Colechurch. (Ibid. 10, 39 ;
21, 51.) Of Peter the Cutler, all that is known comes from
a deed of limitation of metes and bounds of " Medelane "
(elsewhere described as being in the parish of St. James
Garlickhithe), where he appears as one of the witnesses ; the
deed is undated, but occurs between entries dated May and
September, 1306. (Letter- Book C, p. 150.)
An entry of much interest is found in the City's books early Adam de
J J Thaxted.
in 1310. On Thursday before 2nd February, 1309-10, Adam
de Thakstede, coteler, was admitted to the freedom of the City
before the mayor and aldermen, and paid a fee of one mark,
being resident in the ward of Cheap. (Letter- Book D, p. 46.)
Thaxted, an ancient parish in Essex, nineteen miles from Chelms-
ford and eleven miles from Bishop's Stortford, had an important
cutlery trade in early times. Adam de Thaxted having learnt
and practised his trade in his native parish, had prospered
sufficiently to be able to set up in the London Cutlery (for he
is described as of Cheap Ward), having obtained his freedom
by purchase.
Most of the cutlers now to be mentioned are known to have lohn de
been connected with the early management of the Craft, a
dealt with in the previous chapter. John de Laufare, a
legatee, and perhaps the son, of Salomon de Laufare (p. 58), was
a prominent member of the Mistery of Cutlers. On 7th March,
1302-3, the King (Edward I) directed the mayor and sheriffs
to cause the Rolls of the Husting to be searched with reference
to a claim made by Walter de Wyk and Matilda his wife
against John de Laufare as to his right of entry into a certain
messuage the locality of which is not mentioned. (Letter-Book
C, p. 129.) As co-executor with John de Westode of John de
Bristol!', John de Laufare received on Monday after I3th
December, 1308, an obligation for payment of 85 marks by
William de Finchinfeld, Robert le Maderman, and Peter de
Blakeneye. (Letter-Book B, p. 208.) In 1311-12 he granted
by deed to Hugh de Garton the land with houses thereon which
he had of the gift of Isable de la Lynde, in the parish of St.
Peter in Bradstrete, between the King's highway and the
ditch of Walbroke. He was one of the eight men sworn on
Monday after 25th November, 1340, to safeguard everything
belonging to the Craft (Letter-Book F, p. 57), and in the same
year was supervisor of the will of Stephen Page, cutler. (Husting
A warden of Roll 67, 97.) In August or September, 1344, he was elected
by the Craft one of the nine Wardens or supervisors of the
" Articles of the Cutlers," but was dead in November, 1349, a
victim probably of the Black Death. (Letter-Book F, p. no.)
On Friday after nth November, 1348, Alice, widow of John
de Laufare, became guardian of Robert, Simon, and Richard,
children of her late husband, and six sureties (including John
de Thrillowe and John de Flete, cutlers) were accepted for her
safe keeping of the children's portions. (Ibid., p. 185.)
Ralph le Cotiller, known also as Ralph de Flete, lived in
the parish of St. Bride, Fleet Street, which a century or two
later became the principal centre of the London cutlery trade.
In January, 1302-3, he witnessed the conveyance of a house in
Fleet Street. (Husting Roll 41, 59.) On 2nd August, 1307,
he formed one of a panel of twenty-one jurymen, thirteen of
72
whom were sworn to hold an inquisition as to who should repair
the broken pavement near Fleet Bridge. (Letter-Book C, p. 240.)
On Friday after ist November, 1318, he witnessed the lease of £ Fleet
J Bridge cutler
a tenement near Fleet Bridge, and on 22nd February, 1322-3,
he was one of the witnesses to the grant of a quit-rent from
another tenement in St. Bride's parish. (Letter-Book E, pp. 97,
177.) He was at this time possessed of property in the same
parish consisting of a messuage, garden, and three shops which
hr had received from Henry le Chandler and his wife Alice
(probably his father-in-law and mother-in-law) in 1315 (Husting
Rolls 43, 101 ; 64, 157 ; 44, 18, 152), and in the following
year he acquired land and houses in the parish of St. Andrew,
Holborn. (Ibid. 45, 117.) He was assessed for half a mark
in Farringdon Without Ward in the subsidy of 12 Edward II
(1318-9), and at I2d. there in the subsidy of 6 Edward III
(1332-3). (Subsidy Roll 144, 3-4.) Ralph was one of the seven A** overseer
OI ulC
cutlers elected and sworn for the government and instruction Mistery.
of the Mistery in 1328-9. (Letter-Book E, p. 233.) At an
earlier date (1325) he had been concerned, either as surety or
juror, in certain inquests. (Coroners' Rolls D, 34 ; E, 2.) It is
possible that he also owned property in Dowgate Ward, where
"Ralph le Cotiller" was assessed at 2od. in 1318-19. (Subsidy
Roll 144, 3.) In the same Roll occurs the name of "dna. Agn.
le Cotiller," who was assessed in Walbrook Ward at 335. 4^.,
very few of the other inhabitants of the ward contributing
more or as much. Who the Lady Agnes, cutler, was does not Lady A«ne«
le Cotiller.
appear, but from the fact that Ralph le Cotiller had a daughter
Agnes and that she and her sister Alice were both described
la Coteler " or " Coteler," it may be conjectured that they
belonged to the same family.
Ralph died in or before 1337, leaving two sons, Henry and
John. John, the younger, followed his father's calling, and also
settled in Fleet Street where he held his father's property which
73
Alice la
Coteler.
Will of
Agnes Cote-
ler.
John de
Flete.
his elder brother Henry surrendered to him. (Husting Rolls
64, 152, 157 ; 65, 62.) Both were dead, apparently childless, in
1350, when the lands of their father had descended to their
sisters Alice "la Coteler" and Agnes. (Husting Roll 78, 105.)
Agnes " Coteler " did not long survive her brothers ; she died
in 1351, leaving bequests to the church of St. Bride and desiring
to be buried in its churchyard. The tenements in that parish
which she inherited from Ralph le Coteler her father were
directed to be sold for pious uses ; some curious particulars of
her wardrobe are contained in her will. (Ibid. 79, 107.) Alice,
who seems to have survived her, had already parted with her
share of the family inheritance in Fleet Street. (Ibid. 80, 87.)
We meet with another Agnes, also unwedded and the daughter
of a cutler, in 1309. In that year Agnes de Rothing', daughter
of John le Koteler, deceased, granted to William de Hendon
and his wife Sabina all her right in a house in " Sakollane "
(Seacoal Lane) in the parish of St. Sepulchre without Newgate ;
the property is described as the house which was formerly the
forge of the aforesaid John my father, with a certain house
adjoining suitable for burning lime, and a plot of land belong-
ing to the said house. (Ibid. 38, 25.) John de Flete, cutler, who
was a colleague of Ralph de Flete in the inquisition of 1307,
cannot have been the same person as Ralph's son above-named,
but may have been a relative. He was a supervisor of the
" Articles " of 1344, and was one of Alice de Laufare's sureties
in 1348 (p. 72) ; he was dead in November, 1349. (Letter-Book
F, p. no.) He appears to have had a son, Robert, for in a
lease granted in February, 1355-6, by Richard Sherman to
Henry Douvedale and Matilda his wife the property is described
as " land and houses situate near the gaol of Neugate and the
tenement of William de Langeford, knt., in the parish of St.
Sepulchre, and formerly belonging to Robert, son of John le
Coteller de Holbourne." (Letter-Book G, p. 51.)
74
A little group of cutlers now comes under notice of whom
very little information exists. John de Elsyngham, knifesmith,
whose will was enrolled on the Monday before I2th March,
1311-12 (Rusting Roll 40, 79), left certain rents in the parish of
St. Michael, Cornhill, to be sold for providing a chantry in the
said parish church for the good of his soul and the soul of Johanna
his wife. His executor was John de Ware, hafter. (See p. 19.)
William Fyniel de Windsore, described as a sword smith (gladi- wiiiiam
ariiis), was admitted to the freedom by the mayor and aldermen
on payment of los. on Tuesday after nth July, 1310, in the
ward of Candlewick (Letter-Book D, p. 54) ; he was one of the
London Bridge group of cutlers. Another country cutler,
Robert de " Gypeswic," (Ipswich) came to settle in London,
and was admitted to the freedom before two aldermen on
Saturday before 7th March, 1311-12. (Ibid., p. 85.) Robert
de Asseborne, cotiller, was interested also in brewing. On 7th J^Srne
April, 1310, he found sureties before the chamberlain, viz.,
John le meneter de Fletestrete, William atte Peke, Roger le
Cotiller, and John Bogays, baker, for the payment to Thomas
le Chapeler de Flete of rent of a brewhouse in Fletestrete. (Ibid.,
p. 184.) Another cutler had to leave his trade to fight for his
king against the Scots. On 2ist November, 1314, a writ was
directed to the mayor and sheriffs to provide arbalesters for
the defence of Berwick ; among the arbalesters so provided
was John le Cotiller. (Ibid., p. 309.) A John le Cotiler, perhaps £!
the same man, was assessed at 2s. in Cripplegate Within Ward for
Edward I's subsidy (circ. 1291-4), at 2od. in Farringdon Without
Ward in 1318-19 for the subsidy of 12 Edward II, and at i6d. in
Cheap Ward for the subsidy of 6 Edward III. (Subsidy Roll 144,
2, 3, 4.) He seems to have been also connected with Farringdon
Within Ward, being one of the neighbours called upon to appear
;it the inquest, in June, 1325, after the murder of Nicholas atte
Mulle, gatekeeper of Newgate prison. (Coroners' Rolls D, 33.)
75
Gilbert
Dunston.
John de
Westwode.
His will.
Gilbert Dunston, cutler, is met with in the will of Margery,
daughter of Adam le Chaundler, enrolled on Monday after i8th
October, 1315. (Hasting Roll 44, 26.) The testatrix bequeaths
to him a tenement devised to her by her mother Cristina at
Billinggesgate in the parish of St. Mary atte Hulle, charged
with the payment of twenty-four marks for the maintenance
of a chantry. Little is known of John Brown, knifesmith, and
his wife Christina de Claverynge, except that they held land
and houses in " Bercheuerelane," in the parish of St. Michael,
Cornhill, in 1318. (Ibid. 47, 17, 47.) John Pykerel, cutler,
and his wife Cicely de Ryponn, daughter of Stephen Raskel,
released, in 1313, their right to a stone house in a locality not
specified. (Ibid. 42, 23.) Another cutler, William de Heston,
is only known by his purchase, in January, 1313-14, of a
plot of ground with buildings thereon in Sporiers' Lane in the
parish of All Saints, Barking. He sold the property in February,
1315-16. (Ibid. 42, 81; 44, 122.) Also of Adam de Wotton,
cutler, the sole record is a conveyance of his share in a tenement
in the parish of St. Botolph, Aldgate, on the feast of Pentecost,
1316. (Ibid. 44, 142.)
Of John de Westwode, who lived in Lothbury, we have no
information until within the last few years of his life. On i6th
December, 1308, he appears as executor (jointly with John de
Lauvare, afterwards one of his own executors) of John de
Bristoll. (Letter-Book B, p. 208.) He was on the jury (in
1310 ? ) to inquire as to the property of the Boktones (See p. 69) ;
on 2ist December, 1310, he stood with others as surety for
John Maheu, coffrer, guardian of the children of John le Plater,
who was found indebted to his wards, and was thereupon com-
mitted to prison until he had made satisfaction. (Letter-Book
D, p. 187.) By his will, enrolled on Monday before I2th March,
1311-12 (Rusting Roll 40, 75), he left his house upon Lodebury
to Agnes his wife for life, with remainder (i) to John his son
and Salerna his daughter in successive tail ; (2) to the main-
tenance of chantries in the church of St. Margaret Lothbury.
He also left his daughter another tenement upon Lodebury in
tail, remainder to Richard son of Richard de Westwode in tail,
remainder to pious uses. To the Warden of the Friars Minors
for the time being loos, for pious uses. (See also Husting Roll
68, 123, 124.) The connection of the family with the Cutlers'
Fellowship was of long continuance. One Edward Westwode was
apprenticed to John Robyns in 1476-7.
William Cuteler and Agnes his wife were concerned with
John Robyn and Dionysia his wife in some property at Staines
in 13 Edward I (1284-5). The above reference is from the
Feet of Fines for that year (No. 135), but it is by no means
clear that this William Cuteler is the same as William le Coteler
to whom the following particulars relate. On Monday before
2nd February, 1300-1, he served on a jury to inquire as to the
lands and tenements of Thomas Prest, goldsmith, as to payment
of money due on a recognizance to William Everard. (Letter-
Book C, p. 86.) From a list of rents of the Chamber, undated, Recent at
I .uugate.
but apparently of the beginning of the fourteenth century, it
appears that William le Coteler held a shop belonging to the
City without Ludgate at a yearly rent of i8s., afterwards (at
Michaelmas, 1313) increased to 2os. (Ibid., p. 237.) On
Wednesday after Christmas, 1310, certain prominent citizens
were elected and sworn to keep the gates and ports of the City
against the exportation of victuals, etc., to Scotland, except
for the use of some English magnate in the King's army;
William le Coteler was one of the six chosen to guard Newgate. M for
(Letter-Book D, p. 241.) A William de Flete (probably William
le Coteler) was one of the City's representatives in the Parli i
ments of 1316, 1318, and 1319. On Christmas Eve, 1317, he
was one of the witnesses to a lease by Thomas Drynkewatre,
t iverner, to James Beauflur, vintner, of a tavern situate at the
77
John de
Pelham.
A Ruler of
the Mistery.
head of London Bridge in the parish of St. " Olof." (Letter-
Book E, p. 38.) He was assessed in Farringdon Without Ward
at 35. ^d. for the subsidy of 12 Edward II (1318-19), and at
6s. Sd. in the same ward for the subsidy of 6 Edward III (1332-3).
His name (or that of a namesake) appears also in the former
subsidy as assessed at 55. in Bridge Ward (Subsidy Roll 144,
3, 4), where at this date William " le Cotiler de Bridge " was
the owner of a tenement and shops in Bridge Street in the
parish of St. Magnus. (Husiing Roll 47, 20, 31.) It is quite
possible that he held property in both wards. On Tuesday
before 23rd April, 1320, he agreed, with other citizens, to forego
one- half of his contribution towards the loan of i,ooo/. to King
Edward II. (Letter-Book E, p. 128.) He served as juror at
an inquest in 1325 (Coroners' Roll E, 2), and on Saturday
before 25th January, 1334-5, he was one of a jury to inquire
as to the property owned by Richard, son of Laurence le Long,
a minor. (Letter- Book E, p. 268.) His wife, Julianne, received
a bequest of 405. from her father, Thomas Edmund, fish-
monger, under his will dated igth April, 1335, and enrolled
in July following. (Rusting Roll 63, 63.) If all the above
references relate to the same William le Cotiller, he must
have been twice married.
John de Pelham, one of the cutlers settled near the River
Fleet, lived outside Ludgate. (Letter-Book G, p. 101.) On
3rd June, 1316, he was one of four sureties of Amicia (or Avicia),
widow of Robert le Chaundeler, to whom was entrusted by the
mayor and aldermen the guardianship of her son Ralph. (Letter-
Book E, pp. 67-8.) In 1328-9 he was one of the seven officials
elected and sworn in the Mistery of Cutlers for the government
and instruction of that Mistery. (Ibid., p. 233.) On Saturday
before 25th January, 1334-5, a John de Pelham was one of the
jury making inquisition as to the property of Richard, son of
Laurence le Long. (Ibid., p. 268.) He died before 4th May,
I345> on which day the guardianship of his daughter Margery
was committed to John de Sloughtre, whose sureties were
Nicholas le Sporiere and Adam de Skipton, horner. His
tenement outside Ludgate was of the yearly value of 405., but
charged with the payment of 8s. to John de Rodenhale, lent.,
and of 2s. to the church of St. Martin, Ludgate. (Letter-Book
F, pp. 120-1.)
William atte Gate, who was one of the rulers of the craft \Villiam atte
Gate.
both in 1328-9 and 1340, took part in an assembly of the mayor,
aldermen, and principal citizens on nth November, 1320, when
a letter of Privy Seal from the King was read complaining that
a pension of loos, granted at his request to Robert de Foxtone
was in arrear. (Letter-Book E, p. 137.) The name of William ™M**
Billok, cutler, occurs in a deed dated Monday after nth November,
1323. The deed is a release by Billok and Margery his wife,
daughter and heir of William Osebern, formerly citizen and
barber of London, to William de Stanford, citizen of London,
and William de Orlions, sharegrinder, of the tenement that
was Osebern's by Ebbegate in the parish of St. Laurence of
Candlewykstrete, London. (Anc. Deeds A, 1618.) Attached
to this deed is Billok's seal inscribed "S. Willi Billok"; in the
centre is a star of six points. (See illustration, p. 139.)
An action for debt in 1320 discloses some curious infor- waiiamd*
I. IQIDQI
mat ion about cutlery handicraft. The story is told as follows:
On 23rd June in that year, 780 spearheads of iron and not
gilt, and 91 gilt heads were appraised, viz., at 2s. a dozen heads
gilt, and not gilt i6s. a hundred, on account of a certain recog-
nizance made in January, whereby William de Croidon, cotiller,
acknowledged a debt of thirty pounds to Adam de Masschebury,
cotiller, which he ought to have paid at the following Pentecost,
and failed to pay. Wherefore the said heads had been seques-
trated as well as other property found in the house of John do
Parys, corder, tenanted by the said William, which property,
79
comprising knives and clubs, was claimed by Hugh de Croidon,
cotiller. And be it known that the aforesaid heads were
appraised by Mankin le Heaumer, Gillot le Hauberger, Hugh
le Fourbour, Reginald le Hauberger, Bartholomew le Cotiller,
Geoffrey le Cotiller, etc. (Letter-Book E, p. 132.) Nothing
more is known of the William de Croidon above-mentioned,
but both he and Adam de Masschebury must have been wealthy
men, as the business transaction amounted to thirty pounds,
a very large sum at that time. Hugh de Croidon, who claimed
the knives and clubs, was perhaps a relative of the defaulting
William.
Adamde Three other cutlers mentioned in this interesting record
chebury
were men of importance in their day. Adam de Masschebury,
the wealthy cutler, is first met with on I5th June, 1310, when
he took as his apprentice Ralph, son of William Weld. (Letter-
Book D, p. 120.) He was assessed at 20$. in the subsidy of
12 Edward II (1318-19) as an inhabitant of the ward of "Cord-
Grant of a wainerstrete." (Subsidy Roll 144, 3.) In August, 1319, he
and his wife Isabel, for services not mentioned but no doubt
of considerable importance, received a life grant from the
Abbot and Convent of Westminster of a daily dole of three
white Convent loaves and two gallons of Convent ale, which
they might take at their will once or twice a week, and in
London or elsewhere. (Westminster Abbey Records, Deed 5911 ;
printed at length on pp. 233-4, an(* the seal figured at p. 139.)
Adam de Masschebury possessed much property in various
City parishes. (Rusting Rolls 51, 31 ; 77,47,248; 78, 108,110.)
His win. By his will enrolled on Monday before 25th March, 1326-7,
he left to his brother Robert a robe and an annuity of two
marks. All his lands, rents, and tenements he left to Adam
his son, in tail, remainder to pious uses. He appointed Benedict
de Fulsham and John de Mokingg to have the wardship of the
said Adam until he came of age, they giving sufficient security
80
for the same at the Guildhall, according to the custom of the
City of London relating to orphans. (Ibid. 55, 23.) Benedict
de Fulsham, one of the guardians, was sheriff in 1324-5, alderman
from 1327 to 1368, and M.P. for the City in 1327 and 1337.
On 20th February, 1343-4, a general release was granted by
Adam, son of Adam de Masschebury to Benedict de Fulsham
in respect of his father's will, and a reciprocal release was granted
to the young heir by Benedict de Fulsham. (Letter-Book F,
P. 95-)
Bartholomew le Cotiller, one of the appraisers of William Bartholo-
mew le
de Croidon's goods, lived in the Cutlery. He witnessed a cotuier.
conveyance of property in that locality in September, 1322
(Husting Roll 51, 31), and took part in an inquest there in
December, 1325. (Coroners' Rolls E, n.) He was one of the
seven Rulers of the Mistery appointed in 1328-0. On Saturday A Ruler of
t i_ f TT i *ir
after ist August, 1327, he became a surety for Henry de Ware,
who was elected by good men of the vicinity of the Conduit,
and sworn Warden of the Conduit by the mayor and aldermen.
(Letter-Book E, pp. 220-1.) On Friday before I3th December,
1334, he took part in certain proceedings against William de
Bronne, ironmonger, one of the sureties for John de Comptone,
fishmonger, who had failed in his duties as guardian of the
children of Paulin Turk. (Ibid., pp. 293-5.) His intimacy
with the de Ware family makes it probable that he was the otherwise
same person as Bartholomew de Gedlestone who, in 1317, was mew de
trustee under the will of John de Ware, hafter, who owned a
house in the parish of St. Mildred, Poultry. (Husting Roll
46, 63.) His name is also associated with Geoffrey de Gedele-
stone, to whom he was probably related. (See p. 61.)
Robert le Cotiler, also known as Robert de Ponte, was
assessed at 2s. 6d. in the Ward of Bridge for the subsidy of
12 Edward II (1318-9). He was one of the seven men elected
and sworn to oversee the Cutlers' Mistery in 1328-9 ; his name
81
Henry le
Cotiller.
fohn de
Mondene.
Stephen le
Cotiller.
Lived, or
held pro-
perty, near
the Conduit.
also appears in connection with a coroner's inquest in 1339.
(Coroners Rolls G, 27.) A Robert Coteller, of later date, wit-
nessed a conveyance of a house in St. Mary Colechurch parish
in February, 1368-9. (Rusting Roll 97, 72.) In the first year
of Edward Ill's reign (1327-8), the name of a cutler, one Ralph
Pykeman, is found among the quota supplied by Bridge Ward
to the City contingent sent to fight for the King against the
Scots. (Pleas and Memoranda Roll 1, 9.) Another member
of the craft was Henry le Cotiller ; there is abundant evidence
of his services at City inquests, but no other record. From
February, 1336, to September, 1339, he served five times as
juror in the Tower Ward, and acted twice as surety in its neigh-
bourhood. (Coroners Rolls F, 7, 13 ; G, i, 3, 25, 33 ; H, 2.)
John atte Nasshe, another of the seven overseers of 1328-9,
cannot be further identified. The will of John de Mondene,
cutler, dated Tuesday after 2gth August, 1332, was enrolled
in the following November. (Rusting Roll, 60, 138.) He
leaves to his son Walter an annual quitrent of 305. from a
tenement called " Atte Hole " within Newgate, situate opposite
the church of the Friars Minors, and appoints Matilda his wife
as guardian of his son until his coming of age.
Stephen le Cotiller was assessed at 40^. in the subsidy
granted to Edward I between 1291 and 1294, and was then
living in Walbrook Ward. (Subsidy Roll 144, 2.) He, or
another cutler of the same name, lived in or near Lawrence
Lane, within a stone's throw of the Cutlery at the Conduit,
and was assessed in Coleman Street Ward for the Subsidy of
6 Edward III (1332-3) at 32^. (Ibid. 144, 4.) On Friday
before 2nd February, 1336-7, he was one of the jury which tried
John le Whyte de Cauntebrigge, skinner, who was found guilty
of burglary in St. Laurence Lane, and sentenced to be hanged.
(Letter-Book E, p. 289.) On Saturday before 25th November,
1337, he was on a jury to inquire into a complaint made against
82
Richard de Gaunt, late keeper of the Conduit, of concealing
goods and other things, such as lead, etc., belonging to the
Conduit. (Memorials, pp. 201-2 ; Letter-Book F, p. 29 n.)
On Thursday after 3Oth November, 1337, he was surety for
Philip Gentil, senior, who was bound before the mayor and
aldermen to answer for the property demised by Walter le
Ussher, tanner, to his daughters. (Letter- Book F, p. 5.) In
March, 1338-9, he was a juryman at the inquest on William
Lauleye of Luton, who met with his death near the Conduit,
and three months later he was summoned as a neighbour to
an inquest concerning a death which occurred in the " High
Street" of the parish of St. Margaret, Lothbury. (Coroners'
Rolls G, 16, 36.) On the Monday after April, 1338, his name
appears, with those of Philip Gentil and four other citizens of
Coleman Street Ward, in a list of principal citizens chosen from
each ward and sworn to defend the City. King Edward III,
being about to cross the sea, summoned before himself and his
council the mayor and aldermen, who were asked whether they
would safeguard the City on behalf of the King, as the inheritance
of the mayor and citizens. In compliance with the King's
command they presented a scheme in writing, which the King
approved, for the patrol of the City day and night by six, eight,
or twelve of the best men of each ward. (Letter-Book F, p. 22.)
He is last found as witness to a grant relating to property in
St. Lawrence Jewry parish on the " morrow of St. Trinity,"
1339. (Husting Roll 66, 44.)
Stephen Page, cutler, became surety, with two others, on
Thursday after 25th April, 1339, for John de Refham, fish-
monger, to whom was committed by the Mayor and Aldermen
the guardianship of William, son of Ralph atte Rothe. (LctUr-
Book F, p. 35.) He bought a house in 1329 in the parish of
St. Margaret, Lothbury, and also additional ground. (Husting
Rolls 56, 25 ; 61, 14 ; 67, 97.) His will, dated Monday a
83
H 2
of 29^ June> I34°» an<^ enrolled on 25th July following (Ibid.
his win. 67, 63) is of much interest. He leaves to Katherine his daughter,
wife of Robert Coteller, four marks and all his implements of
the craft (officium) of " cotellerie," and the remaining terms of
Robert and John, his apprentices. His tenement in St. Mar-
garet Lothbury parish, together with all his goods and chattels,
to be sold, and the proceeds, after provision for payment of
his debts and for masses, to be divided equally between Marion
his wife and Richard and John his sons. He appointed Marion,
his wife, guardian of John, and Robert Coteler guardian of
Richard during their minority. That a woman should be
engaged in a trade or handicraft was not at all unusual, but it
is singular that Page should have left his business to his daughter
and not to his wife. Perhaps Katherine had been helping him,
his sons being young, during his lifetime, and very probably
Laurence her husband was the cutler (by trade as well as by name)
mentioned on p. 81. Laurence le Cotiller is mentioned only
in connection with a coroner's inquest in Bishopsgate in May,
1340. (Coroners Rolls H, 29.) He may perhaps be the same
as Laurence de Stebbenheth (Stepney), cutler, who with his
wife Alice and John their son, acquired, in July, 1344, a
tenement within the precinct of St. Katherine by the Tower.
(Husting Roll 71, 80.) Alice, Laurence's widow, was again
married; and in February, 1357-8, she and her husband, Philip
Page, disposed of the property to William de Grendon, clerk.
(Ibid. 86, 78.)
John de Gaunt was one of the Rulers of the Craft in 1340,
and a supervisor of 1344, wno was swept away by the Great
johnatte Pestilence of 1349. Jonn a^te Watre held these offices also
and suffered a like fate. He was one of twelve citizens who
elected Thomas atte Crouche, sporiere, to keep the keys of
Ludgate. In what capacity this body of twelve was selected
does not appear ; they were very probably residents near
Ludgate. The record is undated, but is apparently of December,
1343. (Letter-Book F, p. 92.) Richard de Toppesfeld also
filled the above offices in the Craft of Cutlers and died by the
Great Pestilence. He was the victim of a robbery in 1344,
of which the City records give the following account. "On
Friday after i/th June in that year, the trial took place of
John de Chadesle, of Lincoln, taken at the suit of John de
Haukeshale, servant of Richard de Toppesfeld, coteller, with
the mainour of sixty-three knives, of the value of 6s. 8d.,
belonging to the said Richard and in the custody of the said
John in Chepe, together with other goods and chattels of the
said Richard to the value of 10 marks, which he feloniously
thieved on the night of Saturday after the Feast of St. Barnabas
(nth June), the year aforesaid, whereof the said John de
Haukeshale appeals him. Pledges for the prosecution were
Richard de Toppesfeld, cotiller, and William de Castr(e), gold-
smith. The iury say on oath that the said John de Chadesle Punishment
J J J J for a theft of
is guilty. Therefore let him be hanged; chattels none." (Ibid., cutlery,
pp. 260-1.) John de Haukeshale, Toppesfeld's servant, became
one of the supervisors of the Mistery in November, 1349. (Ibid.,
p. no.) He had a shop in Cheap at the east corner of Iron-
monger Lane, and appears to have given up business about
Midsummer, 1367, when he and his wife Alice disposed of the
shop with " all goods and chattels to Sir Thomas Whyte,
chaplain/' by whom it was conveyed, a month later, to William
Twyford, cutler. (Husting Roll 95, 120, 132.)
John de Trillowe, one of the officials of 1340 and 1344, {?j|
and a victim of the Pestilence of 1349, seems to have belonged
to the Walbrook settlement of cutlers. On Wednesday before
23rd April, 1345, he, with eight others, was sworn to see that
the watercourse of the Walbrook be not impeded. (Lctter-
Book F, p. 120.) His name also occurs in November, 1348, as a
surety for Alice de Lauvare. (See p. 72.) Richard Baldwyn, who
85
Richard
Kysser.
His will.
was an official both in 1340 and 1344, and John atte Watre,
junior, who served only in 1344, were both carried off by the
terrible scourge of 1349. Of Richard Kysser, cutler, some
interesting particulars are known. His name occurs in 1339,
with that of his first wife Amy, as grantees of a rent of los.
from a tenement in the parish of St. Lawrence Jewry. (Rusting
Roll 66, 44.) By his will, dated 4th April, 1349, and enrolled in
May following, he left to Alice his wife all his tenements inherited
from Hugh his father in the parish of St. Margaret Lothbury.
After her decease the same were to be sold ; 405. of the proceeds
to go to John de Thirlawe and Johanna his wife, and the residue
to be devoted to pious and charitable uses. He appointed his
wife guardian of John, son of William de Stebenheth. (Ibid.
John Frank, 36, 19 ; 76, 267 ; 137, 9.) John Frank, brother of the above-
named William de Stebenheth, was a servant of Richard Kyssere,
and therefore himself a cutler. His high regard for his master
is seen in the provisions of his will dated 6th March, 1348-9,
and enrolled in the same month. (Ibid. 76, 125.) After pro-
vision for his nephew John, son of his brother William, whom
he places under the guardianship of Richard Kysser, he leaves
bequests to Matilda Vyncent, late servant of Richard Kysser,
and also to the said Richard, formerly his master, as an indem-
bequest nification for losses sustained through him whilst serving the
said Richard. These bequests were to be paid out of money
left to him by Margaret Frank, and the residue of the money
was to be paid to the said Richard to expend in pious uses for
the souls of the testator, Simon Frank, Margaret, wife of the
same, and others. In his will John Frank describes himself as son
of John de Aslynfeld. Kysser survived him only a few weeks.
A Husting deed enrolled in March, 1312 (Ibid. 40, n), records
the conveyance of a house in St. Margaret Lothbury parish by
Richard, son of Richard le Kissere. One of these Richards
must be the Richard Kysser mentioned above.
86
to Kysser.
John de Hertinpoel, cutler, acquired a shop in Fleet Street j
in January, 1302-3. (Husting Roll 41, 59.) John de Hartelpol
or Hertepol, probably his son, was one of the supervisors elected
in 1349, an(i was assessed in Farringdon Without Ward for the
subsidy of 6 Edward III (1332-3) at i6d. (Subsidy RoU 144, 4.)
On Friday after I7th June, 1353, he was appointed guardian of
Matilda, daughter and heiress of Thomas le Hornere. (Letter-
Book G, p. 9.) William de Spaldyng, who with Robert Godwyn
(both cutlers) was among the sureties for Hartelpol, became
a joint guardian of John Fabe, another City ward, in December,
1354. (Ibid., p. 32.) William de Bergholte, cutler, and Joan
his wife, sold to Ralph de Canterbury, skinner, on i6th April,
1339, a tenement with a great gate and with a chamber beyond
the same gate in " ffynkeslane " (Finch Lane), in the parish of
St. Benet Fink. (Husting Roll 67, 28.) Godfrey de Clavering,
knifesmith (operarius cultellorum) , of " Bercheruereslane "
(Birchin Lane), Cornhill, sold certain houses and shops there
in November, 1341, to Stephen atte Holte, timbermonger,
(Ibid. 68, 133) ; and Joan, his widow, released her claim to the
property in February, 1349-50. (Ibid. 76, 60.) This
Stephen may have been a son of Stephen atte Holte the
knifesmith, of Birchin Lane. (See p. 70.) Another cutler,
John Tovy, held property in the parish of St. Sepulchre without John Tovy.
Newgate in the street called " le baylli," in June, 1347.
(Husting Roll 74, 83.) On 2ist March, 1349-50, it was conveyed,
after his death, to his widow Agnes and his daughter Isabel.
(Ibid. 76, 212.) One-third part of this property was sold
in February, 1352-3, by Agnes and John Brown, her second
husband. (Ibid. 81, n.)
Nothing is known of John de Dunstable, cutler, the son
of Nicholas de Dunstable, corder, except that on 15th October,
1348, he released his right to certain lands in the parish of
St. Andrew, Holborn. (Ibid. 75, 153.) The name of William
87
Robert
Godwyn.
A lessee of
the Conduit.
Robert
Bronde.
atte Hurst, cutler, occurs in connection with property in the
ward of Aldgate, which he and his wife Joan purchased on I4th
April, 1356. (Rusting Roll 84, 101.) These tenements were sold
on 3oth April, 1371, by his widow and Edmund Draycote of
Wyngham, her second husband. (Ibid. 99, 51.)
Robert Godwyn, supervisor in 1349, married Alice the
daughter of John Broun of Fleet Street, and under Broun's
will became entitled to certain property the receipt of which
he and his wife acknowledged on i5th February, 1358-9.
(Letter-Book F, p. 185 ; G, p. 96.) Godwyn's business premises
were probably in the Cutlery, for the Mayor and Aldermen
granted a lease of " the Common Conduit of London " to him,
jointly with Sir William de St. Albon, for a term of ten years
from 6th March, 1367-8, at an annual rent of 20 marks. The
lessees were to keep the Conduit in repair above ground, the
lessors being responsible for any repairs below the surface.
They were to enjoy all the profits and advantages arising from
the Conduit and its fountain, supplying the Aldermen and
Sheriffs with water without charge, and the commonalty at the
rate formerly accustomed. (Letter-Book G, pp. 223-4.) Jonn
Porre was also among the supervisors of the Mistery elected
in 1349, but nothing more is known concerning him.
Robert Bronde, one of the " brewer " cutlers, who was
contemporary with and probably related to members of the
family of that name who were prominent in the Mistery of
Sheathers in Edward Ill's reign (see p. 21), was party to a four-
teenth century deed relating to " le ledeneporche," a brewhouse
in Fleet Street. He is described as " Robert Bronde de Swaynes-
say (Swansea), cutler, of London " ; his wife was Avice, relict
of John Gorland the younger. (Hist. Mss. Com., App. to 9th
Rep., p. 7.) A John Roudolf, cutler, was one of a jury in
March, 1358-9, to enquire as to the property of Robert de
Holewelle in Lombard Street. (Letter-Book G, p. in.) Peter
de Eccles, cutler, bought a house opposite the church of St.
Benedict, Paul's Wharf, in 1362, and sold it again in 1370.
(Husting Rolls 90, 55 ; 98, 59.) On 2Qth November, 1369, the
Mayor and Sheriffs were forbidden by a Royal writ to place him
on any assize, jury, etc., if he should be proved to be seventy
years of age. (Letter- Book G, p. 256.)
Richard Godchild, one of the Rulers of 1375, lived in the
Cutlery by the Conduit. His wife Juliana owned as her dower
from William Brunne, her former husband, one-third part of
a shop with solars above opposite the Conduit, ad cornerium, in
St. Mary Colechurch parish. This was sold by Richard God-
child and herself in February, 1350-1. (Husting Roll 79, 10.)
She also owned as an inheritance from her mother, Joan, daughter
of Christina le Maderman and late wife of Robert Motoun,
a house with four shops in St. Mildred Poultry parish. (Ibid.
89, 133, 169.) Godchild himself was also much concerned with
the acquisition and sale of City property. On ist January,
1356-7, he released to Richard Peticru his right to certain
tenements in the parish of St. Benedict Sherehog. (Ibid. 84,
133.) In December, 1365, he parted with his interest in a house
in St. Dionis Backchurch parish. (Ibid. 93, 129.) In February,
1368-9, he was a joint purchaser with Richard Norton and
others of a house in West Cheap, west of the church of St. Thomas
of Aeon. (Ibid. 97, 72.) He bought with three other persons
another house in the Cutlery on 2Oth November, i;;! : the i<
house, lately rebuilt, adjoined the alehouse known as the Mayden
on the Hope. (Ibid. 99, 145.) On 4th February, 1380-1, he
bought, jointly with Richard Cookham, taverner, another shop
in the Cutlery, but sold it in the following April to Simon Wynche-
combe, armourer. (Ibid. 109, 83 ; 110, 14.) In Michaelmas,
1385, he joined the Vicar of St. Lawrence Jewry and William
de Oxeburgh, clerk, in the purchase of a tenement in St. Mary
Magdalene parish, Milk Street. (Ibid. 114, 98.) On 28th
89
October, 1387, he released his right to certain property in
Candlewick Street. (Rusting Roll 116, 52, 53.) His house, the
Castell on the Hope, which he left to his son John, was sold on
fhecceodm°mon 7th J^' I4OI> after John's deatn- (Ibid. 129, 119.) Godchild
council. took part in his day in the concerns of the City at large. On
gth August, 1376, he was elected one of the representatives of
the Cutlers' Mistery in the Common Council (Letter-Book H,
p. 44), and on 3ist July, 1384, again joined the City's Council
as a representative of Cheap Ward. (Ibid., p. 239.) He was
also (like Thomas Ermelyn) accounted in 1388 one of " the
ni> win. chief men of the City/' By his will, dated nth January,
1389-90, and enrolled 6th November, 1390 (Rusting Roll 119,
47), he desired to be buried beside his wife Juliana in the church
of St. Thomas of Aeon near the Conduit. To the Master and
brethren of the house of St. Thomas he left 205. To John,
his son, his dwelling-house in Conynghopelane in the parish
of St. Mildred Poultry, in tail, charged with the payment of
loos, to Emmota, wife of William Motyham, batour. Also to
the same John an annual quitrent of one mark, issuing from
a tenement called " le cast ell on the hope," in the parish of
St. Mildred aforesaid. Various bequests follow to the clergy of
St. Mildred's and others ; by codicil he left his son John in the
custody of Richard Lithiate, cutler. Of Richard Lithiate, or
Lydiate, little else is known. In September, 1390, he was a
joint purchaser of a tenement in " Conynghopelane," in St.
Mildred Poultry parish. (Ibid. 119, 49.) In September, 1392,
he jointly bought the reversion of some shops in the parish of
St. Mary Magdalen, Milk Street. (Ibid. 121, 34.)
Adam Adam Fermour, who lived nearly to the close of the four-
teenth century, was the earliest known benefactor of the Cutlers'
Company. Fermour was one of the Masters of the Mistery in
1382. He was elected one of six representatives of Bishopsgate
Ward summoned to attend a Common Council at Guildhall on
90
i8th July, 1385 (Letter-Book H, p. 270), and for the same ward
again on 315! August, 1388. (Ibid., p. 333.) As a common
councilman for Bishopsgate he must have resided among his A common
Councilman.
constituents, but no trace can be found of his owning or renting
property in that ward. He was twice married ; his first wife,
Matilda, was living in 1362. (Husting Roll 90, 120.) In 1379
(Ibid. 108, 30) we meet with the name of his second wife, Kathe-
rine, who survived him and was in 1397 the wife of Laurence
Andrewe, mercer. (Ibid. 126, 22.) Fermour was a wealthy
man, owning much property in the City of London. Between
the years 1361 and 1417 the Husting Rolls contain many deeds
relating to his estates in various parts of the City ; the localities His Urge
are as follows. The " Ryoll," in the parish of St. Michael '
Paternoster (89, 206 ; 90, 120 ; 108, 30, 38, 41) ; West Smith-
field (96, 118) ; All Saints (All hallows), Bread Street (96,
142 ; 98, 143 ; 101, 22, 25 ; 103, 77) ; St. John the Evan-
gelist and St. Augustine by St. Paul's Gate (97, 45) ; the three
parishes just named (114, 72 ; 123, 20 ; 135, 15 ; 145, 7) ;
Fleet Street (97, 106, 107 ; 126, 22) ; Watling Street (98,
122, 171 ; 102, 37) ; a brewhouse called " le Wellehous," in
Bowyer Row within Ludgate (101, 42 ; 106, in) ; St. Andrew,
Holborn (106, 73; 111, 139, 146). By his will, dated 25th
August, 1395, and enrolled nth November (Husting Roll 124,
40), he provides for two hundred and forty masses to be cele-
brated by the several orders of the Preaching Friars, Friars
Minors, Augustinian and Carmelite Friars, and for forty masses
by the Friars of the Holy Cross. To Isabella his daughter,
late wife of Gilbert Meldbourne, he leaves all his lands and
tenements in the parishes of Allhallows, Bread Street, St. John,
and St. Augustine for life ; remainder to Katherine his wife street
and others in trust for sale to fulfil his will. Certain tenements
also in the parish of St. Bride, Fleet Street, to be sold for like
purposr His wife to have her dower and share of his gocv
91
Afterwards
conveyed to
Cutlers'
Company.
Simon atte
Nax.
Resident in
the Fleet
Valley.
A brewer.
and chattels. To John Smyth, cutler, his kinsman and executor,
an annual rent issuing from the above lands and tenements
devised to his daughter. The first-mentioned property, situated
in Watling Street, came eventually into the Cutlers' Company's
possession, but apparently in part by purchase. The disposition
of the money realised by the sale of his estate was probably
made in another will which has not been preserved, but the
Cutlers' Company certainly benefited, for they provided masses
for his soul. This appears from the will of his kinsman, John
Amell the elder, cutler, who in his will dated February, 1473,
desires the Company to include him and his wife in the masses
to be said for the soul of Adam Fermour. (See p. 196.) John
Smyth, the kinsman above-mentioned, appears, either as vendor
or purchaser, in many land dealings with Adam Fermour. He
purchased in July, 1368, jointly with John Tot, draper, certain
lands and houses in the parishes of St. Sepulchre without.
Newgate and St. Bride, Fleet Street. (Rusting Roll 96, 118,
129, 130.) He was also concerned in 1379, jointly with John
Oxenford, tailor, in the ownership of property in the " Ryall."
(Ibid. 108, 30, 38.)
Another of these supervisors was Simon Petigru, otherwise
known as Simon atte Nax. He married Joan, widow of William
Knyvet, cutler, as appears from a bequest of Knyvet to his
daughter Joan, for the payment of which Simon and his wife
obtained an acquittance in August, 1368. (Letter-Book G,
p. 231.) He is usually described as Simon atte Nax, but bore
also the family name of Petigru; in 1364 he became joint owner
with Richard Peticru (ironmonger) of a house in St. Bride's
parish (Rusting Roll 92, 125), and sole owner of the property
in 1371. (Ibid. 99, 75.) His home was in the Fleet Valley
near Fleet Bridge, and here he bought an adjoining messuage in
1366-7. (Ibid. 95, 31.) Simon also owned other property in St.
Bride's parish and in Cripplegate, including a brewery and three
92
shops in Fleet Street. (Ibid. 101, 106; 102, 202; 107,123; 109,
127; 110, 71; 113, 26.) His name appears in the Patent Roll
of 25 Edward III (Col. p. 121) under date of 26th November,
1361, as a creditor (for 22/.) of William Warde, who had been
outlawed in the Rusting for non-appearance, but had then
surrendered to the Fleet Prison. He was a man of high standing A Ruler
both as a cutler and a citizen. In 1375 and 1377 he served as
one of the Rulers of the Mistery, and on gth August, 1376,
was elected one of the two representatives of the Mistery of
Cutlers in the Common Council. (Letter-Book H, p. 44.) He
was thrice returned to the City Council as a representative of
Farringdon Ward, viz., in July, 1384, March, 1386, and August,
1388. (Ibid., pp. 239, 281, 332.) In June of the latter year
he took oath as one of " the chief men of the City " not to suffer
the Acts lately passed by Parliament to be repealed. (Pleas
and Memoranda Roll A, 28, membr. 12.) On ist March, 1386-7,
he was appointed by the Common Council, with Roger Payn,
collector of murage for Temple Bar and Ludgate. (Letter-Book H,
p. 300.) By his will, dated 8th January, 1390-1, and enrolled in HIS
March following, he desires to be buried in St. Mary's chapel in
the church of St. Brigid in Fletestrete, to which church, its clergy,
and fraternities, he leaves various bequests. His will contains
many other religious and charitable bequests, with provision for
Joan his wife, Richard his son, Mariana his daughter, and others.
All his tenements of St. Bride's parish were to be sold for the
maintenance of two chantries in St. Bride's church. (Husting
Roll 119, 93.)
William atte Nax, a bladesmith, was a contemporary wmiam attc
of Simon and perhaps related to him. On 24th July, 1366,
he and Joan his wife let on lease for nine years at an annual
rent of 735. 4^., certain lands in the parish of St. Andrew
on Cornhill (St. Andrew Undershaft). This church lies at the
corner of St. Mary Axe, and the connection of the bladesmith
93
with the locality seems to throw light on his curious name.
(Rusting Roll 94, 114, 115.) William Wylde, cutler, carried on
also a brewery, with the aid of his wife Beatrice, in " Whyte-
crouche-stret," Cripplegate. After his death, this brewery was
waiter so^ ^ h^s son Ro§er in May, 1365. (Ibid. 108, 45.) Roger
Walter, cutler, and Rose his wife bought on ist May, 1367, a
tenement with houses in " Martelane " (Mark Lane)., in the
parish of St. Olave by the Tower. (Ibid. 95, 68.) The property
was conveyed to Lambert Fermer, Esq., and his wife Isabel
on ist May, 1396, who re-conveyed it on 6th May to Walter
and his wife, for life of survivor with remainder to Fermer, at
the rent of a red rose at Midsummer. The tenure included
A cutler and various utensils which seem to belong to a brewer's business
rather than to that of a cutler : " una fornace uno plumbo
magno uno trough' plumbeo uno messhfat cum toto appara-
mento uno zelfat viginti kym'elynes duobus watergates duabus
motis." (Ibid. 124, 123, 124.) Robert Mauncer, cutler, and
his wife Joan were possessed of a tenement in the parish of
St. Dunstan, Fleet Street, in February, 1369-70. (Ibid. 97,
186 ; 98, 29, 30.) Mauncer also acquired property, jointly
with Adam Fermour, in the parish of St. Gregory by St. Paul's
by deeds dated 1370 and 1373-4. (Ibid. 98, 122, 171; 102, 37.)
Of John Cuykhall, cutler, it is only known that his will was
proved in 1369.
^he tra(^e concerns of John Colman, " of London, coteller,"
were not limited to the City. The Patent Roll of 43 Edward III
(part 2) records a pardon granted on I3th October, 1369, " to
John Marchal of Cantebrigge of his outlawry in the Husting of
London for non-appearance to answer John Colman touching a
plea to render an account as receiver." (Calendar, v. 14, p. 309.)
Two years later, another entry records, under date of igth
September, 1371, a " revocation of the protection with clause
volumus dated 2Oth February last to John Colman who was
94
to have gone to Calais to stay there in the company of the
King's clerk, William de Gunthorp, treasurer of the town."
(Ibid. v. 15, p. 133.) William Temple, blacksmith, was in
business in Candlewick Ward. On 8th March, 1370-1, he and
Emma his wife let on lease for seven years a certain property
in St. Clement's Lane, including a house which they afterwards
occupied. Temple was living in March, 1394-5. (Hasting
Rolls 99, 28 ; 100, 46 ; 107, 76, 98, 99, 104 ; 123, 115.)
Between the years 1372 and 1394 inclusive twenty-nine
different persons served as Rulers or Masters of the Mistery
prior to its incorporation. (See pp. 242-3.) Many held the
office several times, but of these twenty-nine cutlers more than
one-half cannot be traced elsewhere. One of these early Rulers, Thomas
Ermelyn.
Thomas Ermelyn, who held office in 1372 and 1383, was a
leading cutler of his day. He was the senior of the two
" Maisters " of the Fraternity, founded in 1370, whose names
appear at the foot of the Ordinances. (See p. 251.) In June,
1388, he took (in Farringdon Without Ward) an oath prescribed
by the King for " the chief men of the City." (Pleas and
Memoranda Roll A, 28, membr. 12.) Through his wife Alice
(widow of John Sapcote, cutler) he became possessed, in 1403,
of a house and land in St. Lawrence Lane, Old Jewry. (Husting
Rolls 132, 60, 66 ; 135, 79.) He also held property in Bowyer
Row within Ludgate (Ibid. 123, no ; 139, 47, 48), and in the
parish of St. Dionis Backchurch. (Ibid. 124, 121 ; 131, 30.)
As one of the executors of the will of Adam Fermour, he sold
to feoffees on behalf of the Company the property in Watling
t, by deed dated I2th October, 1407. (Ibid. 135, 15.)
He was living in 1412, and on the 2Oth of May in that year
witnessed a deed relating to property in St. Sepulchre's parish.
(Ibid. 139, 71.)
John Twyford, who was a Ruin in 1372 and 1382, had a
shop in Cheap in the parish of St. Mary Magdalene, Milk Street,
95
which he bought of William Gerveys in January, 1375-6.
(Rusting Roll 103, 319.) On ist May, 1408, Twyford sold this
house to Martin Godard, Richard Wellom, and four other cutlers,
all influential men of the Company (Ibid. 135, 105), by whom
it was re-conveyed to the Company in 1417. (Ibid. 145, 7.)
He also bought land in the parish of St. Katherine within
Aldgate in January, 1395-6 (Ibid. 124, 82; 125, 82, 83), and
held an interest in a house in the parish of St. Bartholomew
the Less, Broad Street, in 1408. (Ibid. 138, 54.) He was
assessed at 135. 4^. for the subsidy of 2nd January, 13 Henry IV
(1411-2) ; this proves him to have been worth in landed pro-
perty 40/. and over, the assessment being 6s. Sd. for every 20/.
of lands, tenements, etc. (Subsidy Roll 144, 20.) On 25th
February, 1398-9, he was discharged from serving on juries,
etc., owing to increasing age. (Letter-Book H, p. 445.) He
lived, however, another fifteen years ; his will, drawn up on
His win. 7th July, 1414, was enrolled in the Registry of the Archdeacon
of London in May, 1415. (Reg. 1, fol. 330.) He gave directions
for his burial in the church of St. Thomas of Aeon " sub petra
mea marmoria ibidem pro me ordinata." He left los. for works
of charity and masses for his soul, and the residue of his goods
he bequeathed to his wife Katherine, with all his vessels of
silver, viz., pieces with covers of silver, and mazers garnished
with silver ; with remainder to his daughter Ellen the wife of
William Graunger, cutler.
Richard Richard Twyford, like his father, took a prominent part in
the affairs of the Cutlers' Mistery, of which he was a Ruler in
1389, 1393, and 1394. His name appears in the Calendar of
Patent Rolls (Richard II, 1396-9, p. 396), under date of 2ist
April, 1399, when he summoned one Nicholas Slake, clerk, for
a debt of lol He died before his father, and within a month
after executing his will on 3ist October, 1406. The provisions
of his will (Archd. of London's Registry, Reg. 1, fol. 163^)
96
evidence his regard for the Cutlers' Company. His three
children were placed during their minority under the custody
of his father, but their portion (one -third) of his estate,
should none of them survive, was left to the Wardens of
the Mistery of Cutlers, for the relief of their poorer brethren,
J ' ary bequest
and with a request for continual remembrance of his soul in to the
Company.
their prayers and devotions. The children, or some of them,
must have succeeded to their inheritance, as the estate did
not come into the possession of the Cutlers' Company. He
desired to be buried beside his wives Joan and Alice in the
church of St. Thomas of Aeon in West Cheap, but he lived
in his father's parish of St. Mary Magdalene, Milk Street,
leaving to the church of that parish half a mark for tithes,
etc., forgotten. William Twyford, cutler, was probably a mem- wiiiiam
ber of the same family. His name occurs in 1361, in two
Husting deeds (89, 133, 169), in connection with a quitrent of
135. 4^. charged upon a tenement and four shops in St. Mildred
Poultry. He also held a shop in 1367 at the south-east corner
of Ironmonger Lane, previously occupied by John Haukeshale.
(Husting Roll 95, 120, 132.) He died before igth November,
1387, on which day his widow Joan, then the wife of Edmund
Wodhull, cutler, was a party to the sale of a house in St. Mildred
Poultry parish. (Ibid. 116, 62.)
Nicholas Horewode, one of the four Rulers or Supervisors Nicholas
Horewode.
of the Mistery in 1372, leased his great garden in East Smith-
field, with dovecote built within, and one cottage adjoining, at
an annual rent of 135. 4^. for a term of twenty years from
Christmas, 1374. (Ibid. 102, 89.) On 3ist October, 1378, he
released to John Scorfyn, furbour, and his wife Agnes all his
right to a tenement which they had acquired from Margaret
Horewode, late wife of John Horewode, sen., situated in the
parish of St. Thomas Apostle in " Cordwanestret." (Ibid.
107, 75.) Robert Malteby, bladesmith, appears to have been
97
partner with another bladesmith, Roger Mark. (See p. 102.)
with ^n 2Ist ^ay> I377> ne bought jointly with Mark some tenements
Mark. in Seacoal Lane in St. Sepulchre's parish, and on 8th October,
1380, they also bought other land in Cock Lane in the same
parish. (Rusting Rolls 105, 53 ; 109 33.) All the premises
were apparently sold by Malteby and Mark on loth June, 1381.
(Ibid. 110, 79.) On 25th February, 1383-4, Malteby, with Roger
Mark and two others, became a guardian of the orphan daughter
of William Brikles. (Letter-Book H, p. 180.) He paid to the
Chamberlain on I5th April, 1389, on behalf of Richard Savage,
cordwainer, the sum of 4/. due to Thomas and John Morice.
(Ibid., p. 341.) On ist December, 1395, he and others pur-
chased a tenement called " le Voute," in St. Sepulchre's parish,
Roger Mark being one of the witnesses of the deed. (Husting
Roll 124, 63.) The last notice of Robert Malteby (here
described as cutler) is of 2ist October, 1406, when he was
discharged from serving on juries owing to increasing old age.
(Letter-Book I, p. 48.) William atte Crouch, a cutler, son
of Thomas atte Crouch, spurrier, inherited, subject to his
father's life interest, a tenement in the parish of St. Martin
Ludgate, of which he sold the reversion on I4th July, 1378.
(Husting Roll 107, 2; 79, 104.) William Deigher, another
cutler, was a mainpernor or surety, in July, 1378, to set free
Walter Selk, goldsmith, from Newgate gaol. (Calendar of Close
johnBene- Rolls, 2 Richard II, p. 2Oi.) John Benerache was less known
•main'tainer.' as a cutler than as a " maintainer," who got himself into
trouble by interfering in the business of others. On 2Oth
November, 1378, at an inquisition taken before the Mayor and
Sheriffs, the jurors reported that Benerache and twelve other
persons named were "maintainers of plaints," and were ''accus-
tomed to frequent the Courts of the Mayors and Sheriffs for
the time being, without cause, to the obstruction of the law."
(Letter-Book H, pp. 112, 114.) Nothing is known of Thomas
Spencer, cutler, beyond the provisions of his will enrolled at
Guildhall in May, 1379. He left various tenements in the
parishes of St. Peter, Broad Street, and St. Mary Aldermary
to his wife Agnes in trust for his son Thomas. (Husting Roll
107, 121.)
Richard Pull served as a Ruler of the Mistery in 1377,
1380, 1384, 1389, and 1394. He was one of the two delegates
of the Craft summoned in 1402 to attend an inquiry in the
Tower of London as to the management of the City prisons.
(Rolls of Parliament, v. 3, p. 5196.) On I4th July, 1378, he
and his wife Margery bought of William atte Crouch, cutler,
the reversion of a house lying between Ludgate and St. Paul's.
(Husting Roll 107, 2.) He was a joint purchaser on 5th June,
1384, of certain premises in the parish of St. Martin Lud-
gate (Ibid. 112, 129), and on 25th June, 1403, of a house
in St. Lawrence Lane, Old Jewry. (Ibid. 131, 74, 82.) As
an executor of Adam Fermour, he took part in 1408 in the Ad^tor °f
transfer to the Company of the property in Watling Street. Fermour-
By his will, dated I4th October, 1411, and proved on 22nd
January following, he left to his wife Juliana tenements in Fleet
Street and " Bowyerrowe," near the lane called " Eldenlane,"
or Old Dean Lane (now Warwick Lane, where the Company's
present Hall lies). He also owned property in Rochester and
elsewhere in Kent, left id. for the repair of Rochester Bridge,
and to the parish of Wrotham a priest's vestment and 405.
for the poor. (Ibid. 139, 27.) Of Thomas Kirton, or Kyrketon,
who was one of the two Masters of the Fraternity in 1370 and
a Ruler of the Mistery in 1385, little else is known. As an
executor of the will of William Wolrich, founder, he sold certain
property in June, 1401. (Ibid. 130, 81.) John Salle, who was johnSaiie.
elected a Ruler in 1379, lived in the Cutlery by the Conduit.
On 3 ist July he was elected a representative of Cheap Ward in
a congregation of mayor, aldermen and citizens, (Letter-Book
99
H, p. 239.) Salle and his wife Margaret held by gift and feoff-
ment of Thomas de Farneburgh (confirmed on 2Qth May, 1378,
by a deed of release from his brother John de Farneburgh) a
A resident in tenement near the Conduit adjoining a tenement they then held
ery' called " la Horsheved on the hope." (Ancient Deeds A, 7593, A,
11945 ; cf. also A, 11944, A, 11942, and A, 11946.) On ist
September, 1384, there was also demised to them by the Prior
and Convent of Holy Trinity, for their lives, a shop at the
corner of " Ismongerslane," at a yearly rent of 6os. (Ancient
Deeds A, 1991.) The deed is endorsed with a memorandum
stating that John Salle died at Westminster about the Feast
of St. John the Baptist, 8 Henry IV (1406-7).
Robert Robert Austyn was elected a Ruler of the Mistery in 1380,
J383, 1385, 1389, 1390, and 1393. He was also, in 1402, a
delegate (with Richard Pull above-mentioned) summoned to
the inquiry into the management of the City prisons. He
held property in St. Sepulchre's parish acquired on I7th April,
1391 (Rusting Roll 119, 102), also five shops in the parish of
St. Dionis Backchurch, bought jointly with Thomas Ermelyn
in May, 1395 (Ibid. 124, 121 ; 131, 30), and land, etc., in
Allhallows Staining parish which he purchased with John
Wight, cutler, on 5th June, 1397. (Ibid. 126, 20.) John Hyde,
William one of the Rulers in 1392, and William Lathum, who held that
office in 1380 and 1392, were both feoffees who received the
Watling Street estate on behalf of the Company in 1408. Lathum
was part owner, from I3th December, 1400, to I7th June, 1404,
of a house in Fleet Street. (Ibid. 129, 48; 133, 66.) On 25th
June, 1405, he joined one William Ball in the purchase of
another house in Fleet Street (Ibid. 133, 99), and on I4th April,
1406, jointly acquired, with his brother (John Lathum, otherwise
called Boteller, draper), and two others, a brewhouse with houses
in St. Sepulchre's parish. (Ibid. 133*, 61.) He witnessed a deed
in the same parish on 20th May, 1412 (Ibid. 139, 71), and
100
another dealing with tenements in the parish of St. Bride, Fleet
Street, in the following February. (Ibid. 141, 23.)
Of two cutlers named Shirbourne, probably related, com-
paratively little is known. William Shirbourne held some
interest in two City properties through his wife Joan, who was
the daughter and heiress of Walter de Bedyngton. In April,
1381, Shirbourne and his wife released their right to various
premises in the parish of St. Michael, Wood Street, and on
24th October following gave a similar release in respect of
property in the parish of St. John Walbrook. (Ibid. 110, 9, 52.)
Richard Shirbourne, who seems to have been unmarried, joined
Shirbourne.
three other citizens (not cutlers) in the purchase of property
in various parishes ; on loth May, 1392, in All Saints, Bread
Street, and St. Peter, Westcheap, on 26th May and 25th Sep-
tember, 1394, in St. Mary Abchurch, and on 4th March, 1394-5
in St. Pancras. (Ibid. 120, 122 ; 122, 119 ; 123, 22, 96.)
Edmund Wodehull, cutler, was settled in or near the " Cutlery," ^^^u
where on i8th May, 1381, he bought an estate formerly belonging
to John de Mymmes, ironmonger, in St. Mildred, Poultry, parish.
On 23rd April, 1386, he took from John Spense, ironmonger,
a 50 years' lease of a vacant plot of land in the same parish.
On 5th March, 1389-90, his wife Joan having lately died, he
was granted by William Pynchebek, rector of St. Mildred,
Poultry, a life interest in a tenement in " Conynghoplane," in
that parish. (Ibid. 109, 119 ; 114, 128 ; 118, 85.) Adjoining
Wodehull's property in " Conynghoplane " was a tenement
belonging to the Chapel of St. Mary of Conynghoplane held in
1386 by Walter Kynton, cutler, of whom nothing more is known.
(Ibid. 114, 128 ; 116, 62.)
A very interesting deed preserves the memory of John John
Standee, citizen and cutler of London. This is his receipt,
dated 2nd May, 1385, for the sum, a large one in those days,
of 22$. paid to him by Walter Leycestre, the King's sergeant-
101
at - arms, and John Merston, for a certain knife which must
have been of exceptional workmanship and value. (West-
S°dCr ^th1*' m*n$ter Abbey Records, Deed No. 30223.) Roger Mark was a
wealthy bladesmith, and undoubtedly a man of influence,
although his name does not appear among the Rulers of the
Craft. He was one of the sureties for the executors of John
Southam, woolmonger, in February, 1383-4. (Letter-Book H,
p. 180.) An influential parishioner of St. Sepulchre without
Newgate, he started business, probably in Seacoal Lane, with
Also Robert Malteby, bladesmith, as his partner (p. 98). Among
his many property investments, and like some other wealthy
cutlers, he turned his attention to brewing. On I4th February,
1394-5, he joined three other citizens in purchasing a brewery
known as " le key on le hope/' in St. Sepulchre's parish. (Rusting
Roll 123, 122.) Between the years 1385 and 1394 the Husting
Rolls give many particulars of his purchases of property. (114,
88, 89, 119; 117, 133; 120, 10 ; 121, 8; 135, 78.) The
Westminster Abbey records contain a deed (no. 13408) dated
2ist December, 7 Henry IV, 1405, by which Roger Mark and
Thomas Eydon, chaplain, convey to John ffrensch and two
others a tenement and land situated at Holborn Bars in the
parish of St. Andrew Holborn. [A much earlier Roger Mark,
whose occupation is not described, appears in the same archives
(deed no. 23634) as the recipient, with Richard de Wirhale, of
104^. 155. 6d., on ist November, 30 Edward I, 1302, in payment
of a debt due to them by the Abbot of Westminster.] By his
His will. will, dated ist April, 1407, and enrolled in the following October,
he left a life interest in all his property to his wife Cristina.
After her death his lands and shops in " Cokkeslane " (Cock
Lane) and Hosier Lane were to remain to the vicar and church-
wardens of St. Sepulchre for the maintenance of a chantry,
and a tenement in " Coubrygstrete " (Cowbridge Street, Cow-
bridge crossed the Fleet) was to be sold for other pious uses.
102
(Rusting Roll 135, 20. ) John Wight was one of the cutlers settled John wight,
in Cornhill ; in February, 1389-90, and February, 1395-6, he
acquired property there in the parish of St. Michael. (Ibid.
118, 99, 101, 102 ; 124, 105.) Wight seems to have left his
trade as a London cutler and settled in the country, for in
transactions concerning property in St. Dionis Backchurch
and Allhallows Staining, in association with Robert Austyn
and Thomas Ermelyn, cutlers, he is variously described as
"citizen and cutler" and "merchant of Brodehenton Wilts."
(Ibid. 124, 121 ; 126, 20 ; 131, 30.)
Richard Waltham, one of the last of the early Rulers, who Richard
held office in 1390, lived in the neighbourhood of the Fleet.
On I4th June, 1397, he bought, jointly with John Parker, cutler,
and another, some lands in Fleet Street formerly belonging to
Adam Fermour. (Ibid. 126, 22.) By his will, dated 2nd
November, 1397, and enrolled on I4th February following,
he desired to be buried in the church of St. Martin,
Ludgate, and founded a chantry there. After legacies
to Philip, George, and John, his sons, and to his daughter
Joan, he left his tenement in St. Sepulchre's, Holborn, for the
use of his wife Alice during her life. (Ibid. 126, 115.) Little
is known of the two cutlers, Henry and John Blakewyn,
who were probably brothers. Marion Blakewyn, Henry's widow,
bought an estate in Seacoal Lane in St. Sepulchre's parish in
March, 1390-1, also a tenement in Fleet Street in July, 1394.
(Ibid. 119, 125, 126 ; 123, 29.) All this property passed from
Marion (Henry's widow) to Margaret, the widow of John Blake-
wyn, and her second husband, William Merssh. It was sold
by Merssh and his wife on 2Oth May, 1412, to John Empyngham,
spurrier, and Richard Hatfield, cutler, the deed being witnessed
by three prominent members of the Cutlers' Mistery. (Ibid.
139, 71.) Walter Hoper, a bladesmith, lived with his wife
Agnes in the parish of St. Anne, Aldersgate, and released his
103
right to a house there on i8th September, 1392. (Husting Roll
121, 9.) By his will, dated ist June, 1413, he desired to be
buried in the chapel of St. Mary in St. Anne's church, and made
small gifts to the high altar for tithes and for the fabric of the
church. The executors were ordered to procure two wax
candles, each of 3 Ibs., to be burnt, after his funeral, before the
image of St. Anne in the chancel and that of St. Mary in the
chapel. (Archdeacon of London's Registry, Reg. 1, fol. 328^.)
William William Castre, cutler, lived in the parish of St. Margaret,
Lothbury, and therefore in the immediate neighbourhood of the
Cutlery at the Conduit. He married Alice, daughter of Nicholas
Marchaunt, mercer, from whom, through his wife, he obtained
two tenements in that parish. Castre and his wife were in pos-
session of this property on 23rd October, 1393 (Ancient Deeds,
A, 7817), but on ist December, 1404, he conveyed the property
to John Marchaunt, son of Nicholas Marchaunt, and to his
own son, John Castre. (Ibid., A, 2360.) John Castre died
without heir, and John Marchaunt, " citizen of London, for many
years Common Clerk of the said City/' by his will dated i8th
July, and proved 3 ist July, 1421, left the reversion of the houses
to the Prior and Convent of the Holy Trinity within Aldgate,
London, William Castre being apparently then still living.
(Ibid., A, 12349.)
Andrew Andrew Thurston, cutler, is only known by his will, which
was proved in the Archdeacon of London's Registry in September,
1395. (Register 1, fol. 28.) He desired to be buried in the
churchyard of St. Sepulchre without Newgate, and left the
residue of his goods to Thomas Horsey and William Luel, both
cutlers of London, to be disposed of for the benefit of his soul
as should seem best to them. Nothing more is known of these
two cutlers. Henry Whiteby, a cutler of the parish of St. Bride,
Fleet Street, acquired a tenement there with shops and solars
on I7th April, 1396 ; the property was obtained from Richard
104
Lye, the brother of his wife Isabel. (Husting Roll 124, 122.)
Of John Caumbrigge, cutler, all that is known is his ownership
from 1397 to 1400 of a shop in the parish of St. Leonard, East-
cheap. (Ibid. 126, 28 ; 129, 20.)
To these notes on the London cutlers of the twelfth,
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries some notice of one of their
number, John Gerold, who died in the year 1400, forms a fitting John Geroid.
conclusion. His will, drawn up about the middle of September
in that year and proved early in the following month in the
Registry of the Archdeacon of London (Register 1, 91), shows
him to have been a well-to-do citizen, very careful in the perform-
ance of religious observances and not forgetful of his friends.
He was probably unmarried, his mother being the only relative
for the welfare of whose soul he provided. Besides some house-
hold stuff such as blankets, coverlets, and cushions, various
articles of apparel are enumerated and assigned to different
recipients. Two fur gowns, a gown of red cloth, gowns of blue
and green, red and russet slippers, a skin called buckskin, a
knife with a hilt, and a dagger, were left to various legatees.
One of these was John Parys, another cutler (see p. 184), whilst
John and Richard Twyford, of the same craft, were witnesses.
105
Misteries
take part in a
Commission
at the Tower.
Charges
against the
Sheriffs.
The Cutlers'
representa-
tives.
Sumptuary
regulations.
CHAPTER III.
PUBLIC LIFE OF THE COMPANY DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
[T the opening of the fifteenth century the Cutlers
were represented at an important inquiry held
in the Tower of London. In 1402 certain allega-
tions were brought by John Cavendish, citizen of
London, " of certain defaults by oppression and
extortion against the Sheriffs and other officials concerning the
management of the City prisons/' By order of Parliament
these charges were committed for hearing to an assembly of
citizens chosen from the various Misteries who were summoned
to meet in the Tower of London, with the Mayor and Aldermen,
in the presence of the Earl of Worcester, Lord Lovell, Lord Say
and others. The case affected two important officials, the
Sheriffs of the City, and representatives of the Misteries seem to
have been chosen as an impartial body. The list of Misteries
represented is of especial interest at this early date and includes
some which afterwards ceased to have separate existence. The
assembly included forty-eight representatives of the Misteries ;
the Fishmongers sent three of their number and the other Crafts
either two or one, the Cutlers being represented by Robert
Austyn and Richard Pull. Six additional commoners were
selected, apparently as witnesses, among them being James
Cokkes, a Cutler. What happened to John Cavendish and his
charges against the Sheriffs does not appear, both the national
and City records being silent on the subject. The summoning
document, printed at length, will be found on pp. 271-3.
The cutler's art was much concerned with the fashions of
the times, and was therefore closely affected by sumptuary
106
regulations. In 1402 Parliament ordered that no man should
wear baselards, daggers, or horns, mounted with silver, or any
other " harness " of silver, unless he possessed lands, houses,
or rents of the value of twenty pounds yearly, or goods and
chattels of the value of two hundred pounds. (Rolls of Parl.,
3, p. 5o6b.) The same prohibition was extended to chaplains
in 1406. (Ibid., p. 593a.) To meet the demand for cheap Coating
finery, the Cutlers, in common with other artificers, had coated den.
their copper or latten wares (sword-pommels) with gold or
silver ; this was strictly forbidden by Parliament in 1403-4.
(Ibid., p. 542a.) These malpractices of some members of the
craft brought the whole Mistery into conflict with that of the
Goldsmiths.
The controversy, which was of long standing, can be traced ^Jjf^™7
back to the first decade of the fourteenth century. An un- Goldsmiths,
dated petition in Norman French (see pp. 232-3) is preserved
in the Public Record Office, which from the evidence of the
handwriting must be assigned to the close of the reign of
Edward I, or the early regnal years of his successor. In this Cutlers' peti
the Cutlers pray that they may be free to follow their trade
without interference from any other Mistery, and that they may
be empowered to seize any false cutlery brought into the City
by " foreigners/' as well as false ware made by members of
their own Mistery. The rest of the petition is much decayed
and imperfect, but appears to contain a request for similar
powers in other cities and towns of England. The King's
decision, endorsed upon the petition, was in favour of the
petitioners' requests, subject to the Mayor's authority, and
saving the rights of the Goldsmiths, within the City of London ;
the King reserved to himself the power to deal with the matter
in other parts of the country.
Another document (Anc. Petitions, file 113, no. 5621)
which contains the answer of Edward III (i3th March, 1326-7)
107
Charges
against Cut-
lers.
Further
petitions to
Parliament.
Goldsmiths'
petition.
Cutlers'
petition.
to the petition presented by the Goldsmiths of London in his
first Parliament contains a direct mention of the alleged mal-
practices of the Cutlers : — " Et les Cotelers en la Cotelrie couerent
lesteym dargent si tenuement que largent ne purra iammes
estre seuery del esteym & ency vendent lesteym couert dargent
pour argent fyn a graunt damage & deceit de nous & de nostre
poeple." (And the Cutlers in the Cutlery cover tin with silver
so subtilely that the silver can never be separated from the tin,
and thus they sell tin covered with silver for pure silver to the
great loss and deceit of us and our people.) This corresponds
and is contemporary with a statement to the same effect in the
preamble to the charter granted by the same King to the
Goldsmiths.
In 1403-4 the dispute was brought before the King and
Parliament by further petitions from both the Crafts which are set
out at length on pp. 273-281. The Goldsmiths in their petition
refer to the preamble of their charter of 1327, and allege that
" now the said cutlers are wont to work in gold and silver in a
different manner to what they did in the times aforesaid,
through which, by the defaults and subtilties in the work of
the said cutlers, great scandal and drawbacks will come to the
said Mistery of Goldsmiths if remedy be not applied/' They
pray, therefore, that the cutlers may not " execute in any other
manner workmanship of gold and silver than they were wont
at the time of the grant by " King Edward III. They also
ask for power to search and survey all kinds of gold and silver
work within the City and elsewhere in the Kingdom, with
power to punish offenders.
The Cutlers in their petition (pp. 280-1) reply by showing
that they have been accustomed to work in gold and silver, for
times "of which the memory runneth not/' on knives, daggers,
and baselards and every other work pertaining to their craft.
They had also been governed (under the Mayor) by four Wardens
108
elected yearly and sworn before the Mayor to correct all defaults
within the Craft. These their ancient customs had been affirmed, Thc**
' ancient
approved, and enrolled at Guildhall before the Mayor and Alder- privileges.
men, in the times both of King Edward III, and of the late
King Richard II. They had also borne scot and lot and their
full share of other charges within the City. The Goldsmiths
were now seeking a confirmation of their ancient privileges, and
desired the addition of a new privilege from Parliament enabling
them to supervise all gold and silver work within the City and GoiLmitL.
Suburbs and at country fairs and to redress defaults therein
found, whereas the redress and punishment of defaults found
within the Mistery of Cutlers belonged to the Mayor and Alder-
men on presentation thereof by the Wardens of the said Mistery.
The Cutlers therefore pray both King and Parliament to disannul Opposed by
the confirmation and grant made to the Goldsmiths, that they
and succeeding cutlers in times to come may use and occupy
their craft as freely and completely as they have done in times
past. Another petition, to the same effect but much more
concise, was also presented by the Cutlers (pp. 273-4).
After due consideration of the matter by Parliament, the Reference to
King sent copies of the petitions to the Mayor, for his report to
the King and Parliament after having called the Companies
before him. In his report the Mayor stated that he called
before him the responsible men of both Misteries together with
many other old and substantial men from each Ward of the
City. There were laid before him by the two Misteries, charters, Mayor's
rolls, and evidences touching and concerning the rule, custom, r
assay, and government of the said Misteries. It appeared to
the Mayor that the Cutlers had from ancient times been ao
tomed to work in gold and silver within the City as the times
and their ability then demanded, and that they still work in and
gold and silver as the present time and their skill, according to
the change of years, demand and require. And that tin- us
109
Goldsmiths'
right of
assay.
Peace
restored.
Rivalry of
the Blade-
smiths.
First
Ordinance
of 1408.
Forged
marks
forbidden.
Increase of
price of
blades for-
bidden.
Second Ordi.
nance, 1408.
of the Mistery of Goldsmiths for the time being have been
accustomed from ancient times to have the assay of gold and
silver work made by the Cutlers within the City. The Mayor's
report appears to have been adopted by the King and Parlia-
ment, and the Goldsmiths obtained the confirmation of their
charter with certain other privileges (pp. 277-9). The strife
between the Goldsmiths and Cutlers being thus appeased, and
a good working arrangement between the two Crafts having
been effected, a permanent peace appears to haye resulted
lasting to the days of simpler tastes, when the decoration of
cutlers' ware with gold and silver gradually disappeared.
From the beginning of the fifteenth century the Blade-
smiths, who were separately organised as a Mistery and possessed
a Livery, rapidly increased in influence as a Craft, and were
not only independent, but even rivals, of the Cutlers during the
first half of the century. The rivalry reached its height in 1408,
when no less than three sets of Ordinances affecting the two
Misteries were passed by the Court of Aldermen. The first
Ordinance arose out of a joint petition from the Cutlers and
Bladesmiths addressed to the Mayor and Aldermen on the
I2th of October in that year. Complaint was made that
"foreign" cutlers from various parts of England brought for sale
to London knives and blades bearing forged marks of London
bladesmiths, and that the sale of such " faulty and defective "
goods tended to the discredit of the two Misteries and to the
public loss. They therefore prayed that London cutlers should
be forbidden to purchase knives and blades bearing such forged
marks. It was also asked that bladesmiths should not be
permitted to increase the price of blades except by the joint
consent of the Masters of the Cutlers and Bladesmiths. The
petition, which was approved by the Court and ordered to
be observed, will be found on pp. 283-285. The second
ordinance is dated on the following day (i3th October), and
no
evidently represents a compromise arrived at between the two
Crafts on the vexed question of search. The power of search
for faulty ware lay at the root of the control over their trades
by the various Misteries, not the least of the benefits accruing
to the Mistery being the handsome profits that arose from the
seizure of condemned goods. The agreement now reached, and
duly approved by the Court of Aldermen, was that two Masters
of the Cutlers and two of the Bladesmiths should make search Search to be
of all blades offered for sale by members of the Crafts of Cutlers
and Bladesmiths, and also of all blades of English make exposed
for sale elsewhere within the City. This Ordinance is exactly
similar to that of the same year between the Cutlers and
the Sheathers (pp. 282-283). The third Ordinance, dated Third
26th October within a fortnight of the previous order, was Biade
obtained by the Bladesmiths themselves and gave important
powers to their Mistery. The first article, which was reaffirmed
by the Court of Aldermen and ordered to be carried into
effect in March, 1441-2 (Journal 3, f. 114), prohibited the secret
sale of wares. No one, freeman or foreigner, was to sell his
goods in private places nor carry them through the streets for
sale, under pain of forfeiture and heavy fine. For those who
wished to sell their work away from their own houses or shops
three places were assigned where they might " stand openly,"
namely Gracechurch, the Pavement near St. Nicholas Shambles,
and near the Tun in Cornhill. The next provision obliges all
makers of lance-heads, swords, daggers, or knives, to make the
points and edges of such weapons hard throughout, and also
the edges and heads of axes so as to stand the assay. Every
bladesmith was to put his mark upon his work such as heads of
lances, knives, axes, and other large work ; the implied reser- BUde* to be
vation as to small work is important, showing that the knife-
smiths who made the smaller ware were under the super-
vision of the Cutlers. The remaining articles provide that no
i n
bladesmith shall use the mark of another, that the Masters of
Falsework the Mistery shall send to Guildhall for judgment all false work
to go to J *
Guiidhaii. which they find, that none shall teach his journeymen know-
ledge of the trade, that none shall be made free of the Mistery
without being tested and approved by the Wardens as to his
skill in the trade, and that none shall entice away the appren-
tice of another. These Ordinances are printed at length on
pp. 285-287.
5,ulf s of ihe Although there is little doubt that the Rulers of the Blade-
Bladesmiths.
smiths were duly sworn and admitted every year at Guildhall,
the City books furnish us with a very incomplete list of these
officials. This list, which cannot be supplemented from any
other source, appears on p. 247, and records twelve admissions,
viz., in the years 1376, 1416, 1417, 1424, 1425, 1428, 1439, 1441,
1488, 1489, and 1490-1. Notices of some of the more notable
bladesmiths of this and later times are given in a subsequent
Dispute as to chapter. A dispute about a bladesmith's mark came before
a mark.
the Court of Aldermen in August, 1452. On the death of
Robert Hynkeley, citizen and bladesmith, who owned the mark
of the double crescent, the possession of this mark was secured
by John Morth, another bladesmith. Agnes, Hynkeley's widow,
who had become the wife of John Leylond, citizen and skinner,
joined her husband in an appeal to the Court of Aldermen for
the restitution of the mark. Their appeal was successful in
spite of a counter-petition from the Bladesmiths' Mistery, and
Morth was forbidden to use the mark under severe penalty.
Many (See p. 329.) The number of London bladesmiths belonging to
in cutlers- the Cutlers' Mistery must have been considerable. This is clear
from the right of search possessed jointly by the Misteries of
Cutlers and Bladesmiths. It is also shown by the following
extracts from the Cutlers' early accounts: — "1443-4. Money
given of the assent of the Craft to John Chambre Bladsmyth
brother of the same Craft to his relief after that he was
112
mayhemed (maimed), xxs." "1461-2. Paid to a Sergeaunt
for somonyng of the bladesmythes, vii}d." " 1471-2. Paid for
wrytyng of Evidence for Robert Wright Bladesmyth, ijs."
The sum of 8/. "of money of the box of the seid Craft" was
also lent to Robert Wright.
In 1463 further powers were obtained by the Bladesmiths Orders
against
from the Court of Aldermen, by an Ordinance dated 3oth July, " foreyns."
in the third year of the reign of Edward IV. The " foreyns "
continued to give trouble by selling " theire almanere chaff are "
at inns and other private and " unlefull " places, and were now
ordered to take their goods to Leadenhall, " there to be solde
opynly on merkate dayes there accustomed and in non other
places." These strangers, who came not only from " foreyn "
or country towns, but also from places near the suburbs of the
City, and are described in the next article of the Ordinances as
" dwellyng in ferre contrees (counties) of this Reaume," were
still guilty of counterfeiting the marks of City bladesmiths and
selling their wares so stamped as London blades. Such blades
when found and condemned by the Wardens of the Bladesmiths
in their Search were to be declared " vtterly farfette." The
London blades also suffered in public estimation, it was alleged, Regulations
by the work of " vnkonnyng grinders/' and it was therefore
ordered that no " foreyn " grinder should work in the City until
he had obtained his freedom and been " proved " in his work-
manship, under a penalty of I2d. for every defect found. A
still heavier penalty of 2od. awaited the " vnkonnyng " grinder
within the Craft, who was also forbidden to seek for grinding
or other custom outside his house or shop, or to employ a
" foreyn " unless there were no skilled workman enfranchised
in the Craft who could be employed. By another provision Search of
ware carried
the men of the Mistery were forbidden to send cutlery ware out of city,
out of their shops for sale until it had been searched and approved
by the Wardens. The last clause of the Ordinances deals with
the religious duties of the Blacksmiths' Mistery It obliges
„ . every member of the Craft of Bladesmiths ., to paye h.s
duly sette vpon him to the sustinence " of certain lights burning
before the " ymages of oure lady aswell in the Cathedrall Chirche
of Seynt Poule as in the Chirche of the ffreres menours (Friars
Any of the Commonalty who were " obstynat and
woll not bere there parte " were to pay a fine of 4^. or to lose
at every time a pound of wax. The entire document (in English)
is printed from the City Records on pp. 334-336.
Thirty-eight years later, on the same day and month, the
Bladesmiths again approached the Court of Aldermen by
petition. On 3oth July, 1501, they complained that they were
" empoueresshed by the multitude as well of ffremen as of
fforeyns daily vsyng and occupiyng " their craft, and submitted
certain proposals for a remedy. These, after due consideration,
were agreed to by the Court and ordered, as follows That
every°ne following the craft of a bladesmith should be under
.marks, the rule, search, and correction of the Wardens of that Craft,
and that none should strike any mark upon any blades or tools
except such mark as should be assigned to him by the Wardens
of the Craft of Bladesmiths. Also that none should make
search in the Craft of Bladesmiths except the Wardens of that
Craft, under a penalty of 6s. 8d. The next article required all
freemen of the Craft and all other persons using the craft to
Apprentices, present their apprentices before the Wardens within six weeks
after signing the indentures, and to enrol them within the
Craft before the end of twelve months. And that they might
do better service to their masters, the apprentices were to be
" clene of 1ymme and lith in their bodys without any deformite,
for the worshippe of this Cite." The two remaining provisions,
entailing the heavy penalty of 2os. for their breach, forbade
unfitting words in the presence of the Wardens, and going to
law one against another without first submitting the dispute
114
to the Wardens as arbitrators. (See pp. 343-345 for the docu-
ment at length.)
Another ordinance of the Bladesmiths, the last granted
them as a separate Mistery, appears in the City books under the 1506^7
date of 3rd March, 1506-7 ; it is printed on pp. 345-346. The
Armourers had for some time past numbered among their Mistery
a certain number of bladesmiths, and the question of their
supervision soon became a vexed question between the two
Misteries of the Cutlers and Armourers. By this Ordinance
the Court of Aldermen decided, with the " assent of bothe the Assent of the
seid Craftes of Armourers and Bladesmiths," that all blade-
smiths within the Armourers' Mistery should under penalty
of 6s. Sd. be obedient to all the rules and orders of the
Mistery of Bladesmiths. They were forbidden, under the
same penalty, to employ "any foreyn" except as an appren-
tice, and were to pay quarterage and all other lawful Bladesmiths
to control
demands to the Craft of Bladesmiths. Lastly, it was agreed their craft.
that all bladesmiths within the Craft of Armourers should
have a mark assigned to them by the Wardens of the Blade-
smiths and that such mark should be enrolled at the Guild-
hall, as in the case of members of the Bladesmiths' Mistery.
Soon afterwards the Bladesmiths ceased to be a separate
Mistery, and these craftsmen were then incorporated first
with the Armourers and then with the Cutlers ; the occasion
of a struggle between the two Misteries which lasted for
quite a century. Each kept a watchful and jealous eye
upon the other. So early as 1453-4 the Cutlers' accounts
record the purchase for i6d. of "a bill of the Serche of the
Armorers." In 1497-8 two other entries relate to a dispute
concerning one Powle an Armourer : — " Paid for wyne at
Tauern whan the answere was gevyn to the Armorers for
Powle, v]d." "Paid for sendyng for Powle Armorer afore
the Chamberleyn,
K 2
Dispute
between
Cutlers and
Armourers.
Armourers
translated to
Cutlers.
Bladesmiths'
Mistery
dissolved.
United with
Armourers.
Apprentices
transferred.
It is difficult to discover the exact grounds of dispute
between the two Companies. The Cutlers had from very early
times been makers of swords and spear-heads, besides knives,
razors, and other small ware exclusively belonging to their craft.
The Armourers at this period seem to have included makers of
weapons among their members, and especially bladesmiths.
The latter, however, were naturally and by long association more
closely allied to the Cutlers. An instance of this affinity is
recorded in the minutes of the Court of Aldermen under the date
of 8th May, 1515 : — " Item yt ys agreed at this Court that
William Marler & John Pascall, freemen of the Crafte & Mistery
of Armorers forasmoche as they haue no lyvyng or occuping
therof but oonly in the Crafte & f eate of Cutlers shall be accordyng
to their bill of peticion translated from the seyd Crafte of
Armerers vn to the Craft & Mistery of Cutlers & so graunted
by thole assent of this Courte." (Repertory 3, f. 22.)
The Bladesmiths ceased to be a separate Mistery on 25th
September, 1515, on which day the Court of Aldermen sanc-
tioned certain Ordinances submitted for their approval by the
Mistery of Armourers. The document, which is printed on
pp. 347-349, recites a petition to the Court from the Bladesmiths'
Mistery praying the Court " to admytte and putte theym in
vnyon w* the Armorers as oon Company oon Craft oon name &
oon assemblee." A long series of articles follows for the regula-
tion of the Armourers' Craft and of the newly-added blade-
smiths, the rules for the latter being in substance a renewal of
their former Ordinances. Provision is made for transferring to
the Armourers apprentices of the Bladesmiths who had not then
been made free ; the rest of the Bladesmiths were to be translated
as a body, and without paying the usual fees to the Chamber.
Then follow two clauses which clearly anticipated the reluctance
of some bladesmiths, who were more in sympathy with the
Cutlers, to accept the new union with the Armourers. The new
116
comers were sternly forbidden to " make any privy labour to
be translated to any other Craft " under the huge penalty of Armourers
J forbidden.
4/., other offences being punished with the modest fine of 6s. Sd.
A further clause forbade all search among the Craft except by
the Wardens of the Armourers. By another clause all makers
of " edge tools " were to be under the rule and correction of
the Armourers ; as the Cutlers' whole occupation was with
edged tools and weapons, this was practically an absorption of
their Craft as well as that of the Bladesmiths.
The grant of this Ordinance seemed to be a complete
victory for the Armourers, but the Cutlers were resolved not
to submit to defeat, and in the course of the next two years the Cutlers and
dispute broke out anew between the two Crafts. The immediate
cause seems to have been the refusal of William Marler, John
Pascall, and Marion Garard (or Garret, afterwards the King's
bladesmith (see p. 208), to submit to the Armourers' search.
Proceedings against these three were instituted by the Wardens
of the Armourers in August, 1517 (Repertory 3, f. I55b), and
both parties were summoned before the Court of Aldermen and Resistance to
agreed to abide by its decision. Meantime the Recorder and
Common Sergeant were ordered to "see tholde precedents therof
betwen this & fryday cume seuen nyght and then the seyd
parties shalbe before theym to shewe what they can concernyng
the same." (Ibid. foil. 160, I7ib.) It soon appeared that many
other bladesmiths desired separation from the Armourers ; they
received active support from the Cutlers, with the result that on
nth March, 1517-18, the Court of Aldermen's decision practically
annulled the recent union of the Bladesmiths and Armourers. In
a quaintly-worded order (see pp. 349-350) the Court " notw*stand-
yng the seyd vnyon " permitted any bladesmith so desirous to
11 departe from the ffelyship of Armourers vnto the ffelyship of
Cutlers " on paying the Chamberlain's fee for translation ; those c&n.
wi>hing to "contynue styll Armorers" might do so "w*oute
117
Three so
translated.
^frdiinia8nces
entered of
record.
eny farther busynes or Charge in that behalf f.' The above
J J
minute further states that Thomas Oks, John Merser, and Thomas
Jakson, all bladesmiths, were immediately translated into the
Mistery of Cutlers.
Certain new Ordinances, with a petition, were read in a Court
of Aldermen held on 3ist August, 1518, and ordered to be entered
in the Journal. (Repertory 3, f. 226b.) That these did not at
once restore peace is evident from the security given a few days
before by three armourers, Walter Bryot, William Clerk, and
John Rychemond, that their fellow-craftsman, Richard Hunt,
should keep the peace towards the men of the Mistery of Cutlers.
(Ibid. f. 225b.) On the dissolution of the Bladesmiths as a
separate Mistery their authority over the craft passed to the
Armourers, including the power to grant and oversee the makers'
marks. To procure the necessary power to control the marks
in use among the bladesmiths attached to their Mistery, the
Cutlers on 24th January, 1519-20, obtained from the Court of
Aldermen the grant printed on pp. 350-351. A further minute
informs us that on the 17 th February following, "the Wardayns
of Cutlers brought in viij marks in seuerall peces of Stele &
prayed that they myght be entred of Recorde with ther names
to wh°m euery marke belongith." The names and marks
follow, and are reproduced in facsimile opposite. It is in-
teresting to note that the names include those of the three
bladesmiths who refused to submit to the Armourers' search,
and of the other three who were translated to the Cutlers in
March, 1517-18. A truce seems now to have been arrived at
between the contending Crafts, for we hear no more of appeals
to the City authorities for nearly fifty years.
It was necessary to follow the story of the above con-
troversy beyond the period of the present chapter, but the
historical narrative must now be resumed. The material for
this in the fifteenth century is very scanty ; the Company's
118
g ta
* jrs&U
-
r?
ia
•itl
| v ? f% ^ ' SiZ AT «
H nf*^«
j ^ <! t* ; § y i
LJ
- a
- I
^
£ I
U ^
w
Z o
O a.
OS cu
O v
o 5
g 2
1
co
I
o
accounts, which begin in 1442-3 and are dealt with in the
next chapter, throw very little light upon the Company's
public doings, and nothing but incidents more or less isolated
can be obtained from other sources.
A proof of the fraternal feeling existing among the Cutlers Richard
at this period is found in the will of Richard Twyford, cutler, contingent
which was proved on 3ist October, 1406 (See pp. 96-97). theoftiere.
The testator left a third part of his estate to his three children,
but if all of them should die before their majority, this portion
of his property was to belong to the Wardens of the Craft of
Cutlers of London for the time being " for the common use
and profit of all the Craft aforesaid, at the discretion of the
said Wardens, so that the brethren of the same Craft at all
their general gatherings might have his soul in special remem-
brance in their prayers and devotions for ever." This con-
ditional bequest did not reach the Cutlers, the three children,
or some of them, having evidently lived to reach their majority ;
but the intention of Richard Twyford was probably known to
his contemporaries and doubtless helped by its example to
swell the long list of subsequent benefactors.
A very remarkable entry occurs in a list of manuscript Lost city
books extant among the City's Archives in the time of Henry VI. Art of the
The list is found in Letter-Book D, on a fly-leaf following folio
1956, and includes the titles of fourteen manuscripts, of which
eight still remain in the possession of the Corporation. The
ninth book on the list is entitled " Liber de Arte Cultellariorum "
(Book concerning the Craft of the Cutlers). Unfortunately
this volume no longer exists and no other allusion to it can
elsewhere be found. This is most disappointing, for with the
exception of a book on the Assize of Bread the list contains no
other book dealing with a particular Craft ; the information
contained in it would have been invaluable.
119
A Cutler's
fraudulent
Freedom.
City
officials for-
bidden to
accept vest-
ments from
the Mis-
teries.
Cutlers'
Company
incorporated
Need for a
Charter.
Licence
in mortmain
An interesting case of disfranchisement occurred in 1413.
William Wysman, of Walt ham, was then found to have obtained
the freedom of the City through the Coursers (Horse-dealers),
whereas he was following the craft of the Cutlers. For this
fraudulent proceeding he was degraded to the position of a
" foreigner " or non-freeman, and compelled to surrender the
writing that he had of his freedom. The particulars will be
found at length on pp. 287-288.
The intimate connection that existed between the Corpora-
tion of the City and the various Guilds appears in an interesting
light in an ordinance of the Mayor and Aldermen dated I3th
May, 1415. From the preamble it appears that it had " been
consistent with venerable usage for each of the rulers and
officers of the City of London, in support of the honour of the
said city, to receive either a hood or a vestment each year from
the different Crafts of the same city/' but that " the custom is
hardly able now to get a good word even said in its behalf."
The Court, therefore, whilst lamenting " the tendency to obloquy
on the part of some people/' determined that for the future no
Mayor, Alderman, or Sheriff, or any other officer or servant
of the said city should " take any livery or vestment from any
craft or fraternity within the said city, save only that one craft
of which he has been made free/' (Letter-Book I, f. 153.)- The
custom had no doubt been abused, and as there were a large
number of recipients, its abolition must have afforded the
Crafts a welcome relief.
We come now to an important event in the history of the
Cutlers' Company, its incorporation by Royal charter. The
Company received their first charter from King Henry V on
4th December, 1416, the year after that monarch's famous
victory at Agincourt, and the fourth of his reign. A chief
motive which led the Company to seek incorporation was the
need of the Royal authority to hold in mortmain the Watling
120
Street property which had been held in trust for the Company
since 1408. The cost and trouble of obtaining a charter were
very great, and the Company had probably been engaged in the
wearisome task for a considerable time ; unfortunately the
records at Cutlers' Hall do not begin till twenty-six years later,
and we cannot learn in any detail how the Company's first
charter was procured. The preamble to the charter states that JrJ^,^
much distress and poverty existed in the Company through sea-
misfortune befalling its members by losses at sea and else-
where, thus making them dependent for their support upon the
benevolence of Christian people. The Company were therefore
minded to make some sure provision for the relief of their
poorer brethren. The benevolence of the religious Fraternity
connected with the Company had for many years previously
been largely applied to the relief of sufferers by storm at sea,
fire, or theft, it is strange therefore that a plea of this kind
should be urged for the grant of a Royal charter. Perhaps such
an appeal was considered more likely to touch the King's sym-
pathy, the more substantial benefits sought for being kept in
the background. The charter is printed on pp. 288-290.
The incorporation of the Cutlers' Mistery by Royal charter The
J J J re-organised.
entirely re-organised the governing body. The Mistery had
previously been governed by four Rulers or Overseers whose
term of office lasted only a year, although the same names occur
frequently in the list at intervening and sometimes in successive
years. These early officials, too, seem to have had equal autho-
rity, and to have been a kind of executive Committee rather than
a body of officials each performing certain definite duties. In
1415, the year before the grant of the charter, only three Rulers
were elected, but they were sworn like their four predecessors in
previous years to rule the Mistery well and truly. Under the New office*
charter were created the entirely new offices of Master and two and wardens
Wardens which have continued through five centuries to the
121
u>
O
Licence to
hold lands.
Real value of
the Charter
estimated.
Effect on
precedence.
present day. The first Master (whose name appears in the
charter) was Richard Wellom, and the first Wardens (also
appointed by charter) were Martin Godard and John Chadde,
the Master being paramount both in authority and responsibility.
With the authority granted by the charter to hold lands and
houses to the value of twenty pounds a year, the organisation
of the Company was complete, except for the addition of a Court
of Assistants the rudiments of which had long existed in the
" ancients " who had already held office as Rulers and were
doubtless called in for consultation on important occasions.
Too much importance must not be attached to the incor-
poration of the Company in its immediate effect. Apart from
the much-needed licence in mortmain and the creation of a
perpetual Commonalty, the incorporation left things pretty
much as they were before the grant of the charter. The Cutlers
received power to elect Master and Wardens, but this was only
a confirmation of powers enjoyed and exercised long before,
being little more than a change in the names of their rulers.
Similarly, under the u Articles " of the Court of Aldermen
granted in 1344, they had been empowered to elect their Rulers
or Overseers, but like elections had taken place in 1328-9, as
shown in the City books, and doubtless much earlier. The real
value to the Misteries of their charters was seen later, in the
increased independence of those bodies. Having each become
a corporation, like the City itself, with their privileges approved,
confirmed, and often increased, by later charters granted by
successive monarchs, and with the resulting wealth and prestige,
they became more and more their own masters, with all the
obligations and powers attaching to such a condition. The
Cutlers of the sixteenth century were very proud of the antiquity
of their incorporation, and their Charter Book of that date
contains a list of twenty-two of the principal Companies, with
the supposed dates of their first incorporation. The list,
122
obviously a poor piece of work, places the Cutlers ninth in
antiquity. (See p. 290.) The task of preparing such a list,
though easier now than in the days of this sixteenth-century
scribe, is practically impossible, for the earliest charters of
many of the Companies, as well as the material for a complete
search, do not exist. It would also be a waste of time, as even
a successful attempt to ascertain the dates of their first incor-
poration would form most unreliable evidence of the relative
antiquity of the Companies.
Among the Rusting Rolls at Guildhall there is a singular
deed (145, 6), dated 28th March, 1417, which closely concerns <=
the Cutlers' Company and some of its prominent members.
This document, printed at length on pp. 291-293, is a grant
to John Swalwe and Stephen Hermer, cutlers, by John Parker
and Thomas Kynton, cutlers, of an annual rent of five marks Five mark,
J and cloth
sterling and four yards of cloth of such colour, and as often as for livery
vearlv
the Master and Wardens of the Fraternity of the Mistery of
Cutlers are clothed with, from the clothing prescribed in common
for the Fraternity and from the same suit. The grant is for During the
lives of God-
the term of the life of Martin Godard, cutler, and of Marion his ard and
wife, and the survivor of either, and is a charge upon property
acquired by Parker and Kynton from the executors and super-
visor of the will of Adam Fermour, who died in 1395. (See p. 90.)
Of Stephen Hermer nothing more is known, but Parker, Kynton,
and Swalwe, the other parties to the deed, were joint Rulers of
the Mistery (and the last holders of such office) in 1415, the
year before the incorporation of the Company. On 3ist March, charged on
three days after the date of this deed, the property above- whichafter-
mentioned formed part of the estate formally handed over to to the com-
the first Master and Wardens of the Company by Parker and F
Kynton, who held the estate as feoffees. Martin Godard, on
whose life and that of his wife the grant depended, was the Senior
Warden, and had frequently held office as Ruler before the
123
Was this a
livery of the
ry ?
The Frater-
nity had
long had a
livery.
The Livery
a separate
class in the
Mistery.
incorporation. The whole proceeding is full of mystery,
and there are no contemporary records of the Company to
throw light upon it.
The interest of this document lies chiefly in the curious
information it gives as to the Livery or Clothing. The four
yards of cloth yearly granted are to be of the same colour and
of the same suit as the Master and Wardens of the Fraternity
of the Mistery are clothed with and prescribe for the Fraternity.
Whether the Fraternity or the Company is here meant is not
clear. The Fraternity was most probably still in existence,
but was governed by two Masters, whilst the Company since
the grant -of its charter in the previous year was ruled by a
Master and two Wardens.
A Livery had long been in use amongst the Fraternity.
The Ordinances of this body in the year 1370 prescribe that the
brethren shall attend the annual assembly " clad in a suit of
livery of coats/' and one of the duties of the Masters of the
Fraternity was " to buy their clothing for coats or other vesture
for the year next ensuing/' How long the Cutlers in their
secular organisation as a Mistery or Company had used a Livery
does not appear, but their Livery differed from that of the
Fraternity in this important respect, that it was granted only
to a section of the brotherhood. In 1420, three years later than
the Parker and Kynton deed, the grant of the Livery had
become a privilege, separating the members of the Company
into two classes. One of the new Ordinances of that year gives
authority to the Master and Wardens to summon before them
all who practise the Mistery, " as well those who are in the Livery
and Clothing of the said Mistery as those without " ; a fine of
izd. for failure to attend on such summons was laid upon
" every man and woman free of the said Mistery." It is probable
that the governing body at this period was chosen from the
Livery alone, as the above Ordinances granted by the Court of
124
Aldermen were submitted to that Court by the Master and
Wardens " together with the reputable men of the said Mistery."
But although membership of the Livery was a necessary quali-
fication for the offices of Master and Warden, the right of electing
these officials belonged to all who were free of the Company.
The " whole Commonalty " attended the peaceable election
held on 2ist October, 1420, at Marner's Inn, and this assembly
of electors certainly included the freemen, and probably the
free women, of the Mistery. (See pp. 293-299.) The Livery were
now, as in later times, chosen from the wealthier class of the
Commonalty ; in the assessment for the Clerk's wages in 1488,
every person being of the Clothing paid 8^., and every person
not of the Clothing 4^. ; the payment of quarterage also was
qd. quarterly for the Clothing, and 2<t. quarterly for all others
occupying a shop. (See p. 342.) The privilege of wearing Honorary
their livery was also granted by the Company to prominent
persons and to public officials who had been of service to the
Craft. In 1442-3 a hood was given to Sir John Stiward, after-
wards a feoffee of the Company. Two other instances occur
in 1465-6 :— " Given to thomas Ive a hode (hood) clothe of the
lyverey of the Craft price ixs." " Gifen to Percyvale Sergeaunt
an hode clothe of the same lyverey price ixs." Women free of Freedom,
the Company had equal privileges with the men, except that Livery,
they could not obtain the Clothing and so become eligible for S^men.
office. Not only married women and widows but single women
also could carry on business as cutlers, and take boys and girls
as apprentices, such apprenticeship duly qualifying for the
Freedom ; many instances of this will be found in the bio-
graphical chapters of this work.
Less than four years after the grant of the Company'-
charter the City records reveal a state of great disorder among
it- members. On the 6th of July, 1420, the Court of Aldermen
had under their consideration some long-standing disputes that
125
Commission
appointed.
Their report.
Secret
elections.
Arrears of
accounts.
Illegal orders
annulled.
New election
ordered.
had arisen between the Masters and Wardens of the Company
and the great body of the Commonalty. The latter complained
of irregularities in the election of Masters and Wardens, unreason-
able ordinances, unjust fines and penalties, and misuse of the
Company's property. The Court appointed two prominent
citizens, William Estfeld and John Abbot, both members of
the Mercers' Company, to enquire into these charges, in the
presence of William Multon, Richard Hatfeld, Thomas Warde
and John Whestowe, who had not then held office, and were
apparently the spokesmen of the complainants. The two com-
missioners reported on the twelfth of October that one cause
of the dissensions arose from certain irritating injunctions
placed upon the Company's Book of Ordinances, but that the
chief cause of complaint was the secret election, by six or eight
men, of the Masters and Wardens of the Company without
consulting the general body of the Commonalty. They also
summoned before them seven men, viz., Richard Wellom, John
Chadde, Martin Godart, William Graunger, John Munt, John
Parker, and Peter Tomere, who had lately held office as Masters
and Wardens (the first three being the Master and Wardens
appointed by the charter), to make account of all money received
or levied by them during their periods of office. The examina-
tion of their accounts showed arrears amounting to 34! 35. 4^.
due to the Company, which was ordered to be paid before the
ninth of November following. One half of these fines the
Common Serjeant claimed on behalf of the Mayor for the use
of the Chamber, and the other half was returned to the Company
for the relief of their poor. All ordinances entered in the
Company's Book which had not been sanctioned by the Court
of Aldermen were annulled, and a new election was ordered to
be held forthwith under the supervision of the two commissioners,
to ensure an orderly procedure. The election accordingly took
place on the 2ist of October at Marner's Inn in the parish of
126
St. Mary Aldermanbury, where the whole Commonalty attended
and peaceably elected three of the petitioners to the Court of
Aldermen, viz., William Multon as Master, and Richard Hatfield
and John Whestow as Wardens. Their term of office was to
extend to the Feast of the Holy Trinity next following, and
for one clear year beyond until the following Feast of Trinity.
The newly-elected Master and Wardens then submitted to
the Court of Aldermen for their sanction some new ordinances
drafted by them and their colleagues for the future guidance
of the Company. These proposals did not all find favour with
the Court, but the following were approved and ordered to be in part
entered of record. No one was to be elected as Master or Warden
who was not free of the City by birth or apprenticeship within
the Mistery, under a penalty of loos. No one was to be re-
elected to either office within five years after serving in such Restrictions
capacity. The Master and Wardens were empowered to call
together the whole Company when needful and charge them to
observe the lawful ordinances approved by the Court of Alder-
men, under a penalty of izd. for non-attendance. None were Apprentices,
to take as apprentice any person unless he were of free birth and
condition, comely in stature and person, and of full age.*
The above enquiry took place in the fourth Mayoralty of
the celebrated Richard Whittington and offers many points of
interest ; the document in its original Latin, with a transla-
tion, is given at length on pp. 293-299. William Estfeld and
John Abbot, the two Commissioners, discharged their task
wisely and well. They restored peace and quietness to the ^Jeresulta
Company, and although they found the complaints well-founded, commission,
the remedies they proposed met with general acceptance. The
trouble was probably of long standing, and one of its chief
• "Of old no one was made apprentice, or at all event: admitted to (he freedom of the said
City, unless he was known tobt OJ h!j..n : and ow-n if, after he had received the freedom,
it became known that he was a person "I srrvilr ron.iiti.'n. tlm-vi^li ilmt saim- fan In- !<*t the free-
dom ' . ir. K.K>, 1861. p. 30.)
127
causes seems to have arisen from the apathy of the general
body of the Livery and Freemen who neglected to attend the
general assemblies of the Company. As a result, the direction
of affairs was left in the hands of a few leading men who re-
elected each other to the offices of Master and Wardens. This
state of things had existed for several years before the Company's
incorporation in 1416, as a glance at the list of Rulers of the
Mistery will show. (Evidences, p. 242). Both the accused and
the complainants were reputable men of the Company ; the
latter, of whom Richard Hatfield was the most prominent,
were probably busy men who shrank from putting forward
their claims to offices which others were more eager to fill. The
complaint of harsh government was only too well founded, and
the large sum of 34^. 35. 4^. in which those lately holding office
were in arrear, largely arising from fines, discloses a sad absence
of good and honest government and administration. This sum
was promptly claimed by the City, who returned one-half for
the benefit of the Company's poor. The incorporating charter
of 1416 had perhaps been obtained by the influence of a few
leading men of the Mistery who secured for themselves the
complete direction of the corporate affairs. This happened
again nearly two centuries later, and aroused similar opposition
on the part of the general body of the Company. Very interesting
is the last clause of the new ordinances which provides for the
"free birth and condition" and comely appearance of the
apprentices of the Company ; the craft took great pride in
itself in those days.
Funeral of On the last day of August, 1422, the country was plunged
Henry V«
into deep distress by the death, near Paris, in his early manhood,
of the warrior-king Henry V. In the City of London elaborate
preparations were made for the attendance of the citizens,
headed by the Corporation, at his funeral, the details of which,
set out in Letter-Book K, are printed on pp. 299-301. The
128
obsequies in London lasted two days. The Mayor, Sheriffs,
Aldermen, and other officials, clad in black robes, went on foot
to St. George's Bar, Southwark, to meet the funeral procession
and accompany it to St. Paul's Church where the funeral
ceremonies took place, and the next day to Westminster for
the burial. The Misteries provided three hundred of their Attended by
members, clothed in white gowns and hoods, to bear torches, tenes.
and the route of the procession was lined on either side
by the inhabitants of the Wards in which it lay. Thirty-
two Misteries provided torches (the remains of which were
returned to them), varying, according to their ability, from
twelve to two; four being the Cutlers' share. The gowns and
hoods of the torch-bearers were provided by the Chamberlain
at the cost of the Commonalty.
The Grinders have already come under notice as a sub- shear-grind-
ing.
sidiary craft to that of the Cutlers (See p. 33 ). One class of
these workmen known as Shear-grinders worked chiefly for the
Shermen and Drapers, and their independence and excessive
charges were the cause of a curious order made by the Court
of Aldermen, on 6th December, 1423, for their better rule and
governance. This ordinance in the quaint English of the be-
ginning of Henry VTs reign will be found on pp. 301-2. It
appears that the industry was then, and had long been, in the A mono-
hands of a very few workmen, two or three at the most, whose
labour was exclusively confined to grinding and repairing
shermen's shears, which were most necessary tools in the cloth
trade, under the rule of the great Crafts of Drapers and Shermen.
The Mayor and Aldermen, after consultation with these two
Crafts, fixed the price for " gistyng " and grinding a pair of ^^J1",,
new shears at 2s., with a charge of 8d. for grinding and setting
" an other shere redy gisted." A sherman who sent his shears
to be ground was ordered to find two men to turn the stone,
and any dispute as to payment was to be decided by the Wardens
129
A foreign
workman.
A privileged
bodv.
Commons'
Petition for
oversight of
Ordinances
of Guilds.
of the Shermen. Lastly, the shear-grinders were to attend the
Shermen at their houses for all kinds of repair to shears except
grinding. One of these privileged workmen, a naturalised
foreigner, is named in April, 1436, in a list attached to a mandate
to all bailiffs and others " to permit certain foreigners who
have taken an oath of fealty to inhabit the realm peaceably
and enjoy their goods/' He is described as " James Fram-
worthan, shergrynder, born in Worthe in Holand, dwelling in
London." (Patent Roll 14, Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 32.)
These privileged workmen continued to be exempt from the
regulations made for the general class of grinders ; these last
being under the authority of the Bladesmiths, and later under
that of the Cutlers. In the Ordinances of the Bladesmiths of
1463 (p. 335), fines are imposed on grinders for bad work-
manship and for street-hawking, the latter practice continuing
to give trouble to a much later date.
Twenty years after the incorporation of the Cutlers' Com-
pany an important legal enactment was passed which affected
all the Companies, in common with other incorporated guilds
and fraternities, throughout the kingdom. In the fifteenth
year of Henry VI (1436-7), the Commons petitioned the King
complaining that the Masters, Wardens, etc., of several guilds,
fraternities, and other companies incorporate, in various parts
of the kingdom, under colour of their charters, made unreason-
able ordinances, and also corrected offences the punishment of
which solely belonged to the King and others. They therefore
asked that all such incorporated bodies should bring and cause
to be registered of record before the authorities of cities, burghs,
and towns, in which such guilds were situated, all their letters
patent and charters. A translation of the petition is given by
Herbert in his History of the Livery Companies (vol. I, pp. 106-7.)
This petition was granted by the King and became the statute
15 Henry VI, capp. 6, 7. (Rolls of Parliament 4, 507.)
130
In compliance with this statute the Cutlers presented their Charter of
the Cutlers
charter for enrolment in the City's books in 1439. (Letter-Book enrolled.
K, pp. 226-7.) The terms of the charter exactly follow those
of Henry V's grant, but the date is given as 4th December,
4 Henry VI. In the Company's later charters also, reciting
the text of the charter of Henry V, this charter is assigned to
his successor Henry VI. Stow also, and other London his-
torians, assigned the date of the Company's first charter to the
reign of Henry VI ; Maitland alone (in describing the Company's
Arms) gives the reign as that of Henry V, and a correct refer-
ence to the Patent Rolls. (History of London, v. 2, p. 1244.)
Whilst this curious confusion has arisen concerning the grant
of the first charter, which undoubtedly belongs to Henry V's
reign, there is much evidence, both from the Company's own ^2t*Tof
records and from outside sources, to indicate that a confirmatory Henr>- vi.
charter was granted to the Company by Henry VI. As an
instance of this, letters patent of his then Majesty granted to
the Company of Cutlers are cited in a demise to the Company
of their Cloak Lane property, dated 2oth May, 1451, 29 Henry
VI. (Charter Book, fol. 118.) An extended search for this
charter at the Public Record Office has yielded no result.
The officials of the Company seem to have been held in high The Pew-
J tcrcrs con-
reputation for learning and skill in legal matters. In 1461-2 the suit the
Pewterers' Company sought help from the Cutlers, and the fol- oftcSk.
lowing entry appears in their accounts for that year: — "Item
geven to certeyn men at Cutlers halle to axe hem counsell of
certeyn maters touchyng the comon wele, for to drynk, 8d."
(Welch, Hist, of Pewterers' Co., vol. I, p. 28.)
One of the earliest measures of Edward IV's reign, designed Curt^ryro?"
to protect the trade interests of the country, was the Act of
1463 (3 Edw. IV, c. 4) prohibiting the import of " wares ready
wrought," on pain of forfeiture. The list of wares, an extensive
one, includes the following articles of cutlery : " knyves, daggers,
L 9
wodeknyves, boytkyns, sheres for taillours, cisours, rasours,
shethes." Equally desirous of pleasing the citizens by pro-
moting the commerce of London and of the country generally,
Richard III in the first year of his reign prohibited merchant
strangers from bringing into the realm for sale various goods,
including knives, hangers, tailors1 shears, and scissors. (Statute
i Richard III, cap. 12.)
a^ro-d The Cutlers, now increased in wealth and dignity, took
cessions. their fair share in the pomp and show which was so notable a
feature of civic life in the fifteenth century. On the occasion
of a Royal progress through the City, the various Misteries
were summoned by the Mayor to attend him and his civic
brethren in welcoming the sovereign and conducting him through
his City of London. Each Mistery was appointed to furnish,
according to its standing, a certain number of its members clad
in costly attire to take part in the civic procession, and the
details of these requisitions recorded in the City books show
the relative importance of the Misteries at various periods.
^"th^Mis- These lists, of which a selection is printed on pp. 330-334,
teries. throw an interesting light on the varying order of precedence
of the Companies which was not finally settled until a much
later period. The particulars here following are chiefly from
the City books, supplemented by the Company's earliest accounts.
The earliest pageant in which the Cutlers took part of which
reliable particulars are preserved is the reception of Queen
Margaret, newly married to King Henry VI, who passed through
the City on 3Oth April, 1445, on her way to be crowned at
Westminster. The Cutlers " rode " with the other Crafts to
meet the Queen, and the following curious note appended to
the accounts of that year shows that elephants were made for
the occasion, probably as a decoration for the costume or
habiliments used in the pageant : — " Md qd de isto summo
allocavit Magister pro Elephantibus faciendis pro equitatione
132
erga Reginam xxxviijs. Et debet adhuc xxxvs. vii]d. Quos
Magister et gardiani soluerunt super compotum."
On i8th February, 1462-3, the Misteries were summoned to Edward ivs
first visit.
meet King Edward IV on his return to London after his great
victory over the Lancastrians at Towton. The Mayor and
Aldermen were to ride on horseback in their scarlet robes,
accompanied by the Commonalty also mounted and by parties
of horsemen furnished by the various Misteries. The Mercers,
Drapers, Grocers, and Taylors, provided 24 horsemen each, and
the rest of the Guilds according to their ability. The list
(see p. 329) includes 39 Misteries, arranged roughly according
to their importance and standing ; the Cutlers are seventeenth
in order and supplied six horsemen, five of the poorest Misteries Land an<*
r r water
furnished two each. Five days later, on 23rd February, a message pageant,
came from the King that he would come to London from Sheen
(now Richmond) in his barge, upon the water of Thames, where-
upon the City decided to accompany the King in their barges. The cutlers'
The Companies also joined the Royal procession both by water and barge,
and land, the cost to the Cutlers being just under one pound :
' paid for a barge to Westmynstre to the kyng, 6s. 2d." ' Paid
to iiij men of the said Craft toward their costs of their gownes
and horses for to ride to mete the kyng commyng to london,
135. 4^." (Accounts, 2-3 Edw. IV.) The City received only one
day's notice of the King's altered plans, but both they and the
Misteries were ready with their barges. On 26th May, 1465, the
Misteries again assembled to attend the Queen's progress to the
Tower of London before her Coronation at Westminster. They coronation
J of Edward
furnished fifty-six horsemen robed in cloaks of murrey and in the iv»s Queen,
same proportion for each Guild as before, the Cutlers being
twentieth on the list. (See pp. 330-331.) The cloth bought for
these " gownes " cost the Company 405. (Accounts, 4-5 Edw. IV.)
The City records are silent as to Edward's own Coronation,
but the Company's Accounts (1-2 Edw. IV) tell us that 535. 4^.
133
was " paid in money gifen to certayn persones of the said Craft
for their gownes for to ride and mete the kyng commyng than
to his Coronation." Of the above sum 325. 6d. was contributed
by brethren of the Craft. Edward, always assured of a warm
we^come fr°m tne Londoners, frequently visited the City, and
IV- the Cutlers' Accounts tell of three Royal processions later in
his reign. In the Craft-year 1470-1, the King again came to
London by water, when the Cutlers spent "for the hire of
the Barge for to mete the kyng, 8s. 4^.," and "in expenses
for riding ayenst the kyng, 405." The second occasion was
in 1473-4, when 335. 4^. was " paid to Gyles West for vj
yerds and iij quarters for iij Gownes for the seid Maister
and Wardeyns to ryde for to mete the kyng." More details
are given (Accounts, 1475-6) of the expenses incurred at
King Edward's next visit : — " Paid for xiij yerdes and a
half of murrey clothe price the yerde iijs. iiij^. for vj
gownes for the vj men that rode ayenst the kyng. Summa
xlvs." " Item paid to eueryche of the same vj men in reward
ijs. v\d. xvs."
SeEd^l°d v Edward the Fourth's ill-fated son, the young King Edward V,
was met by the citizens on 4th May, 1483, having been brought
to London for the coronation which his untimely fate prevented.
Fifty-two Misteries were represented by 410 horsemen, the
Cutlers again supplying six riders and ranking as the fifteenth
Mistery. (See p. 331.) Richard III was crowned on 6th July
following, but no particulars are preserved of the part taken
visit of by the City Guilds in his coronation procession. The Londoners,
however, joined in another Royal reception in November of the
same fateful year 1483, on the return of Richard from putting
down the rebellion of the Duke of Buckingham. (See p. 332.)
The Cutlers were fifteenth among the fifty-two Guilds, and sent
six murrey-clad horsemen at " costys " to the Craft of 265. Sd.
(Accounts, i Edw. V — i Rich. III.)
134
Five days after his victory on Bosworth Field, Henry VII Hen YII>S
J J J entry into
entered London on 27th August, 1485. The notice must have London,
been short, but the citizens prepared the usual welcome, and
the Cutlers' accounts record the payment of 3/. " for the clothyng
of vj persones of the seid crafte whiche rode with the Maire
for to receyve the kyng into the Citee." There was probably
some fear of disturbances, for the next entry reads : " Item
paid for brede and ale gevyn to diuers other persones of the
seid Crafte whiche wacched within the Citee the same xxvij
day of August, 2od." A similar precaution was observed a few
weeks before, when " the Maire rode aboute the Citee the first
day of August," at a cost to the Company of nd. for like refresh-
ment. The duty of watching the City was often laid upon the J^^b
Misteries at this period. In June, 1483, they were required to i
keep guard in " le Chepe " from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., and in Cornhill
for the same hours, no and 107 men being furnished respectively
for these stations ; sixty-six Misteries took part, the Mercers
supplying 12 watchmen, the Cutlers 3, and several of the smaller
Misteries i each. (See pp. 332-3.) In October following, the call
was for night duty, from 8 p.m. to 6 a.m., when the Cutlers
supplied 2 men only. (Journal 9, f. 36.) In 1496 the Company
paid gs. 40*. " for bendis at the generall watche," I2d. for " mak-
yng " them, and id. " for pynnys " (pins) ; these " bendis "
were perhaps bands or sashes. They also paid 6d. " for brede
and ale geven to the watchemen at the hall." (Accounts,
n-12 Hen. VII.) The duties of watching fell no doubt to
the journeymen or poorer freemen, whilst the horsemen for
" Ridings " were chosen from the wealthier liverymen or
Assistants of the Company. The above service must not be The'-Mmrch
J ing \\.i;
confused with the Marching Watch, a costly pageant which
marched through the City on the eve of St. John the Baptist
(23rd June) and the night of St. Peter (29th June). An entry
in the Account for 16-17 Edw. IV shows that the Cutlers
135
Henry VII' s
Coronation.
The King's
later visits.
The King of
France's
obit.
Visit of the
Queen
Mother.
took their part in this pageant also : — " Paid for hire of archers
to wacche atte seynt Petir nyght, 75. 8d."
Henry was crowned at Westminster on 30th October, when
the Misteries duly attended, and the Cutlers paid " for the hire
of the barge atte the receyuyng of the kyng from Shene to
Westmynster and for vitaill spente vpon the felisship of the seid
crafte the same tyme, 305. 8$d." During the first few years
of his reign Henry VII paid several state visits to the City of
London. At one of these, in October, 1487, sixty-five Guilds
sent 434 of their members clothed in violet, the Cutlers taking
their usual part. (See pp. 333-334.) The accounts for 4-5
Hen. VII show the payment of 195. 6^d. " for the hire of the barge
to receyve the prynce and for mete and drynk and other costs
atte that tyme." Two years later, the modest sum of 3^. was
paid " for brede and ale expendid in our hall when the kyng
came to london " ; on the same occasion the sum of 405. was
" Paid for iiij rydyng gownes at the -rydyng with the kyng."
A very curious and obscure entry appears in the Cutlers' accounts
of 12-13 Hen. VII, " Paid for brede and ale that day the obite
was kept at Powles for the Kyng of ffraunce, 2%d." The King
thus remembered was Charles VIII of France, who died in 1498
and was succeeded by Louis XII ; the Cutlers must have attended
the service at St. Paul's as one of the City Misteries, for there
is no evidence of their having special relations with France
or its Court ; no light is thrown upon the matter by historians
of this period.
The cost to the Company of attending one of these Royal
processions is given in the Accounts of the year 1480-1, when
the Lady Margaret, mother of Henry VII, visited London ;
the items are as follows: — "Paid for the hire of a barge atte the
commyng in of my lady Margarete, 145. 8d. Paid for the dyner
of the Bargemen, zod. Paid for brede and ale spente amongst
the feliship, lod. Paid to the taburretts at the same tyme, 4^.
136
Paid for newe refresshyng of the Baners of the Crafte, 55. Paid
for the hire of a barge at the departyng of my said lady Mar-
garete, I2s. 2d. Paid for brede and ale and vitaill spente
amongs the ffeliship, 8s. 2d. Paid for ale at the Bargeman's
hous, 2s."
Besides their attendance at Royal processions through the
City, the Cutlers took their part each year in the " Ridings "
of the Mayor and the Sheriffs. On I3th October, 1409, the
Court of Aldermen passed an order regulating the attendance of
the Companies at the Mayor's Riding, which had apparently
grown to much excess of display. No minstrels were thence-
forth to ride before any Mistery of the City, but only before
the Mayor, and then only three bands or companies at the most.
(Letter-Book I, f. 87.) In 1442-3, the year of the Cutlers' Com-
pany's earliest Account, the cost of hiring a barge to West-
minster " with the Sheriffs " figures at 45., and at the Mayor's
Riding the beadle was paid Sd. for his horse hire. In 1464-5
there was " Yoven to certeyn persones of the said Craft of
Cotillers for the costs of their dyner whan the Maire rode to
Westminster, i2d." Four years later a similar charge amounted Purchase
J and repair
to 55. ?d. On these gala days the Company brought out their of banners,
banners, which were constantly in need of repairs ; in 1461-2
a considerable sum was thus spent, 9$. was paid for " Tarteron
for the Baners," 35. id. for " frenge," 8d. for " Bokeram," and
John Crosse, Steynour, received the large sum of 465. 8d. for
' betyng of the same Baners " ; I2d. was also paid for a " Baner-
staf." On the accession of Henry VII a supply of new banners
was found necessary, the cost, 3/. i8s. nd., being subscribed
for by " dyuers persones " of the Craft.
Towards the close of this century the Company obtained a Grant of
grant of their Arms, viz., Gules, three pairs of swords in salt in
argent, hilts and pommels or. Crest. An elephant's head couped
gules, armed or. This grant was made by Thomas Holme,
137
Confirma-
tions.
Supporters
and new
Crest, 1622.
Probable
still earlier
Grant.
Clarencieux King of Arms, on 7th May, 1476, and was con-
firmed by later grants. The originals of all these grants are
lost, but some particulars of them are recorded in the College
of Arms in the book of the Visitation of London in 1634 (2nd
C. 24, p. 199), as follows : " The first Armes and Crest were
granted to the worshipfull Company of Cutlers by Thomas
Holme, Clarenceux, vnder the scale of his Armes the 7 of May
anno 1486 (? 1476) wch said Armes and creast were confirmed
& approved by Thomas Benolt, Clarenceux, the 12 of October
in the 22 of H: 8 in his visitacion then made and afterwards
confirmed by Robert Cooke, Clarenceux, 22 of October, 1590.
Last of all Sr Wm Segar K1, Garter principall king of Armes,
being a brother of that Company doth not only confirme the
said Coate and alter the Creast but addeth therevnto Supporters
in Manner as is aboue depicted by Pattent dated 10 of May
20 of King James, ffrancis Cobb Master, Joseph Rogers and
Wm Poulton, Wardens, Robert Jadwin Clarke/' The arms
" aboue depicted/' with the supporters and new crest, are in
trick, and there is another trick of the shield only with the old
crest, but there is no narrative blazon. The date of 1486
assigned in the above record to the Grant by Thomas Holme
is certainly a mistake for 1476, the date given by all other
authorities. The record at the College of Arms is not contem-
porary, and the mistake perhaps arose from the fact that the
Company's arms were confirmed in 1485-6. We learn this from
the Master's accounts for that year : " Paid for silke and frenge
for the said baners and for the betyng of the golde steynyng
and makyng of the same baners and for confermyng of the armes
of the seid crafte as yt apperith by a bill of the parcells therof
shewid atte this accompte, 61. 55. 9^." It is quite possible
that the Company obtained a still earlier grant of Arms (even
before that of 1476) of which no record exists. As early as
1470-1 the elephant appears to have been in common use as a
138
I.
2.
ANCIENT SEALS.
i. Seal of Adam de Masschebury. 2. Seal of William Billok. Matrix (3, 4) and impression
( 5 ) of the Company's official seal.
mark upon their plate. The following entry occurs in the
accounts of that year : " Paid for the amendyng of the bossell
of the maser* with the Oli vaunt in the prynte." When the
Cutlers took part in the City welcome given to Queen Margaret
on her marriage with King Henry VI in 1444-5, they wore
elephants as decorations in their " Riding" either on their coats
or shields. (See p. 132.)
The elephant is the earliest known device adopted by the "
Company and may have figured in their earliest coat. It device,
appears as a sign of a London house early in the fifteenth century ;
on i8th July, 1411, the City records contain an order for " The
sign of the Elephant (signum Olifanti) in Chepe to remain with
Simon Sewale, saddler.'1 (Letter-Book I, f. 1066.) The elephant
and castle belongs to a much later period, being granted to the
Company as their Crest in 1622 ; it will be discussed in a subse-
quent chapter. The use of the elephant by the Cutlers in their ivory used
Arms seems to have reference to the ivory so largely employed
by the Craft in the costly work of hafting swords, knives, and
other weapons (see pp. 327-8) ; it certainly formed a handsome
and (among other City Companies) uniquef design for their
coat-armour. The elephant is seldom found as a device in
English heraldry.
The Company's old seal is a fine piece of fifteenth century Company's
art, the matrix being in perfect preservation. (See illustration
opposite.) It is circular and ij inches in diameter, and bears the
ancient shield of arms and crest, with decorative mantling.
The inscription, in Gothic letters, is " Pervenir a bonne foy "
(To attain fidelity), doubtless the original and correct form
of the Company's motto, which later became " Pour parvenir Ancient
motto.
• A mazer was a highly-prized bowl of maple wood, with a silver rim and an engraved
r boss inserted in the bottom of the vessel.
t The Comb-makers (a seventeenth century Company, long extinct) had for thru crest
an elephant standing on a mount against a tree, and the Royal African Company bore as
thnr principal charge an elephant and castle. (Welch. C^t- Armour of Ikt Livtry
panifs, pp. f*. 37.)
139
Its French
wording
unique.
Craft trans-
lations with-
out City's
consent for-
bidden.
Cutlers'
Ordinances
of 1485.
a bonne foy." It is curious that the Cutlers' is the only City
Company that has or had a French motto, with the single
exception of the Ironmongers, whose old motto (now disused)
was " Assher (Acier) dure," i.e., " Hard steel/' The earliest
notice of the seal is an item in the accounts of 1494-5 recording
the payment of 6s. Sd. by John Carpenter, skinner, for its use
in setting seal to his lease. This seal was probably made soon
after 1476 when the Company received their grant of Arms,
but there may have been an earlier seal, as by their charter
of 1416 they were empowered to hold property and would
require a corporate seal for the necessary deeds ; perhaps the
"olivaunt" in some form or other served this purpose.
In the latter part of the fifteenth century an important
order was made by the Court of Aldermen which was necessi-
tated by the frequent disputes which arose between various
Companies of the City. On the 27th August, 1484, the Mayor
and Aldermen made an act forbidding translations from one
Craft to another without the consent of the Court of Aldermen.
(Rep. 2, f. 516.) This act was confirmed, and ordered to be
observed and kept, in 1508 (24 Henry VII). The authority of
the Mayor and Aldermen was again exercised over the whole
of the Companies on ist December, 1491 (7 Henry VII), when
a gathering of the Wardens of all the Misteries was summoned
to the Guildhall. " This day it is comaunded to the Maisters
and Wardeyns to see that good Rule be kept amongs their
fealiships and that the same Maisters and Wardeyns shall call
their fealiships afore theym and to showe theym the same
Commaundement, chargyng them that they kepe a due ordre
for them and their seruaunts." (Journal 9, f. 282.)
The Company had for some time been in difficulties with
their apprentices and journeymen, and with a view to obtain
extended authority over them approached the Court of Alder-
men for the grant of new Ordinances. On I3th June, 1485, in
140
compliance with their petition, the Court approved certain
articles submitted for the above purpose by the Company, which
will be found printed at length on pp. 337-341. They complain
that " many simple people " take more apprentices than To° man>'
apprentices.
they can susteyn, turning them over at a profit to other
" simple people " who have not the ability to teach them the
" feats " of the said craft. Among the mischievous results of Mischievous
this, so their complaint runs, many apprentices for lack of
employment have left the City to teach trade secrets in other
places, returning again to the City " vnto the grete hurt of the
said Crafte." Other apprentices joined themselves as partners, Partnerships
three or four together, and opened shop in secret places where
they worked by night as well as day in defiance of the Company's
Ordinances. Also to avoid search by the Master and Wardens,
they employ " foreyns," and send out their wares to be wrought
in places outside the jurisdiction of the City. Cutlers who
have duly served their apprenticeship have thus " for lacke of ?J|lembcr8
occupacion become idle and vagabunds and haue none occupacion
wherby they may gete their lyvyng." An offence of a still
more serious character is alleged against many persons of the
Craft, that of working on "vigill Eves" of Saints' days and
" Saterdaies at afternone."
As a remedy for these serious troubles the draft regulations Remedies.
\\liich follow were prepared by the Company, and approved by
the Court of Aldermen. To reduce the number of apprentices
each liveryman was limited to two, and a past Master or Warden
to three at most, it being permitted to take a new apprentice Apprentice,
in the last year of the term of one whose term was about to
expire. The Master and WTardens were also strictly to enforce
the former rule requiring the apprentice to be " not disfigured
in his body." (This is emphasised in the City Letter-Book by
,111 unmistakeable N.B. in the margin.) A fee of 8s. was to be
paid for each apprentice, and a fine of loos, for infraction of
141
Regulation
of night
work.
Various
processes.
Cutlers'
wares.
Secret
working.
Partnership
regulated.
Poor cutlers.
the ordinance. The turning over of apprentices was forbidden
except by licence of the Master and Wardens and the advice
of the Chamberlain ; the sum to be paid by the new Master to
the old was also to be approved or fixed by the Chamberlain.
To make the prohibition of night work more clear it was ordered
that no work should be done before four o'clock in the morning
or after eight o'clock at night between Ladyday and Michaelmas ;
from Michaelmas to Ladyday the hours were six in the morning
and six in the evening. The work so prohibited is described
as "to portraie, gylde, drawe, varnyssh, shave, burnysshe, and
police (polish)." It was permitted, however, " to werke vnto
ix of the Clocke in furbyng and glasyng and to leve werke
than." By the next article it was forbidden to set a pommel
of latten (fine brass) upon a gilt blade. The following provision
gives a curious list of cutlery wares of this date. London
cutlers were forbidden to " put oute or delyuer to be made or
wrought " outside the City's boundaries " woodeknyfes, hangars,
whynyerds, trenchour knyffs, ffyles, syngles, peres, knyffetts,
oyster knyfes, bodekenes." The next clause seems to aim at
the suppression of the small and struggling masters, on the
plea of preventing secret working. It was forbidden to work
' within any Aley Chambre garet or in any other secrete place
but oonly in open Shoppe or open houses by the Strete side "
that the work might be duly searched by the Master and Wardens.
No cutler was to take a " partyng ffelowe " (partner) without
licence from the Master and Wardens ; such partners were not
to occupy any house, shop, or chamber, or any place together
as " party ffelowes," nor to have any tool or instrument per-
taining to the Craft as partners. For such poor craftsmen it
was somewhat harshly provided that since they were not of
ability to take house and shop themselves they should be put
to service " vnto suche tyme as they been of Power to take
hous or Shoppe vppon theym self," under penalty of 2os. for
142
disobedience. All masters and those in their employ were Holy days,
forbidden to work or sell their goods on " any Saturday vigill "
or the eve of any Festival, after three o'clock in the afternoon,
under penalty of 3$. 4^. Any freeman duly apprenticed who Absence
should be absent from the City for a year and a day, and should
teach his craft " without the said ffraunchise," was to be reputed
as a " foreyn " and to be dismissed from the Freedom for ever.
The penalty for not submitting to the rules and ordinances of Fines
the Craft was increased by the Court of Aldermen to 135. 4^.
from 6s. 8^., the amount fixed by the Ordinances of 1379-80.
(See p. 262.)
The strict supervision exercised by the Mayor and Aldermen oversight of
* Ordinances.
over the various Mistenes is shown by an order passed by that
Court on I4th December, 1487. The Misteries were forbidden to
make any ordinances not previously approved by the Court,
whereupon the Wardens of several Guilds brought in their
books, from which the leaves containing the offending ordi-
nances were torn out and the ordinances cancelled. The Cutlers cutlers'
were among the offenders, and on i8th July, 1488, made due
submission to the Mayor and Aldermen, presenting at the same
time certain draft ordinances for their approval. Having
procured from the Aldermen less than three years before a new
set of Ordinances, they passed the ordeal very well. The new
powers sought, which they confessed to have long used without
authority, relate wholly to fees and fines imposed upon their
members ; these were readily granted by the Court. The City
evidently determined to keep absolute control over the Guilds,
and it is probable that instances of severe treatment of their
members by some of the Guilds had been brought under the notice
of the Mayor and Aldermen. This Ordinance, printed at length nance o£
on pp. 341-2, throws interesting light on the inner life of the
Company. The first provision is for payment of quarterage
which is fixed at 4^. quarterly for the livery or clothing, and 2d.
143
Quarterage, for such of the freemen as keep shop. The payment of quarter-
age goes back to the earliest days of the Mistery, and it could
not have needed a sanction in the fifteenth century. Perhaps
an explanation may be found in the increased amount, which
in the case of the livery had risen from the modest penny to
four pence per quarter. It seems likely also that part of the
sum collected went to the Master and Wardens " for diligence
and labor made aboute the Serche," their reward for which
under the Ordinances of 1379-80 was one- third of the fines
clerk's taken from offenders. The remaining provisions of the Ordi-
salary.
Fines. nance refer to the Clerk's salary and to fines. A journey-
For absence, man absent from his master's house without leave was fined
a week's wages, and the fine for a master conniving at such
absence was 35. 4^. To enforce discipline, the heavy penalty
of 135. 4^. was imposed upon any who should " rebuke or revile "
For mis- the Master or Warden. If the above were all the illegalities
behaviour. °
the Cutlers had to declare, the Company must be considered
Articles fortunate. Their petition was favourably received by the
approved.
Aldermen, the articles of the new Ordinance confirmed, and
with the quite recent grant of more extended powers, their
ability to rule the internal concerns of the Craft was firmly
secured for many future years.
Knives not The costliness and profusion of the banquets given at the
provided at
feasts. various City Halls at this period offer a striking contrast to the
Guests bring poverty of the service provided for the guests. The meat was
served to the guests, who cut it up on their trenchers with their
own clasped knives. Chaucer describes the equipment of five
of his Canterbury Pilgrims who were liverymen of City Guilds :
"An Haberdasher, and a Carpenter,
A Webbe, a Deyer, and a Tapiser,
Were alle yclothed in a livere,
Of a solempne and grete fraternite.
Ful freshe and newe hir gere ypiked was.
Hir knives were ychaped not with bras,
But all with silver wrought ful clene and wel."
144
In the " Babees Book " (Early English Text Society, 32,
p. 67), the carver's duties are thus described : — " The Carver
hath authoritye to carve to all at hys maisters messe, and also
vnto other that syt ioyning by them, if he list : see ye haue
Voyders ready for to auoyd the morsels that they doe leaue on
their Trenchours. Then with your Trenchour knyfe take of
(off) such fragments, and put them in your Voyder, and sette
them downe cleane agayne." In an inventory of the Merchant
Taylors' Company of 1491 only one pair of knives is found, inventories,
and these were probably for the carver's use ; from a later
record (i4th July, 1610) it appears that the Company acquired
three table knives, a standing carver's knife, and a chipping
knife, from their carver, who was retiring upon a pension.
(Clode, Early History, 1, pp. 99, 287.)
It is a clear sign of the growing wealth of the Companies Mis^rics
t&xeo for
that they were summoned not only to take their part in the treaty's
costly processions of this period, but also to contribute in their
corporate capacity to the special needs of the City. Each
craftsman householder was called upon in his own ward and
parish to meet the charges of local government, and it is not
surprising that some unwillingness was found on the part of
the citizens to be taxed again in their Misteries. An attempt
in this direction made by the Common Council in 1492 met
with but slight success. On loth June in that year the fol-
lowing entry is found in the City books. (Journal 9, f. 2936.)
Ihise been the Crafts that haue doon their Costs to the Repar- contribute
to
acions of the walls, Mercers, Grocers, Drapers, ffisshmongers, tb
Goldsmythes, Taillours, Skynners. Thise ben the Crafts that
must be desired to do their Cost vppon the Reparacion of the
walls and yit haue nothyng doon The latter list includes
fifty-one Crafts, beginning with the Haberdashers, including the
< utlers, and ending with the Staynours.
145
CHAPTER IV.
INNER LIFE OF THE COMPANY, FROM A.D. 1442 TO A.D. 1499.
°f the fifteenth centurY w
century ®)) no longer dependent wholly upon outside sources
accounts. f^T^^¥/^^\ £ ,. , . „
for particulars concerning the Company, but
have valuable help from the Company's earliest
records. The Cutlers' Company is fortunate in
possessing a series of accounts covering the period between the
Annual roils years 1442-3 and 1498-9. These consist of annual rolls (some
twenty years being wanting) containing details of the Company's
receipts and expenditure kept by the Master and Wardens and
by the Renter respectively. There are thirty-seven rolls in all,
each 8 1 inches in width, composed of long strips of parchment
attached to each other by sewing and forming a continuous roll of
about nine feet in length. The accounts, with a few exceptions,
are in excellent condition, and cover the regnal years 20-21
Henry VI to 13-14 Henry VII ; there are also five Renters'
rolls from 1680 to 1735. (See list on pp. 302-303.) These
rolls were found amongst a large quantity of expired leases
stored away in tin boxes and had evidently not been examined
for a lengthy period, being labelled " old deeds," and some of
them being tied with string which had lost all its virtue through
age. Although beautifully written, it is clear that they must
either have escaped notice for several centuries or have proved
too hard a puzzle to be made out, as there is no record of their
existence in any of the inventories, minute books, or other later
muniments of the Company.* A reproduction in facsimile of a
* The following memorandum in a seventeenth century hand is on the back of the account
for 36-7 Henry VI : " Since this Acc° to y« 27 Yeare of King Charles ye Second Ann0 1675 it is
237 " The calculation is twenty years out, but it appears that someone in Charles II's reign
Well
preserved.
knew of the existence of this old account.
146
, \XL^KJ? 1* ^ x^' • "" u v ^' ^ '^ ^ ^tv^<
r^H
Jt*
HEADING OF THE EARLIEST ACCOUNT, FOR THE YEAR 1442-3
portion of the first account faces this page. In the initial capital
of the account for 1468-9 are the words " Maria gratia."
The series begins twenty-six years after the incorporation
of the Company by Henry V in 1416, and gives a valuable inner life,
picture of the early corporate life of the Company which could
not have been obtained from any other source, carrying down
the story to the early Tudor period. The method of keeping
the accounts in a yearly parchment roll, instead of in a book, is
in itself interesting and somewhat unusual. The subject matter
of these old documents will be best understood by a study
of the first account which is printed in full on pp. 303-310. Analysis of
first account.
It will be seen from the payments of arrears that this account
of 20-21 Henry VI (Trinity, 1442, to Trinity, 1443) is only one
of a series, the earlier items of which went back probably to
very ancient times, but are unfortunately lost. The form of
the account suggests a strong probability that the accounts
appeared in this style before the Company's incorporation in
1416, and indeed for many years previously when the Cutlers
existed only as a fraternity governed by four Wardens.
Further, these interesting documents by comparison with
accounts of other Companies of the same period or earlier, throw
some light upon the vexed question of the origin of the ancient
London guilds. It will be seen that the account is in two parts,
each divided into receipts and payments with totals and a
balance ; the first is kept by the Master and Wardens, the
second by the Rent-gatherer or Renter. The receipts in the
Master's account consist of fees for membership, under the heads
of apprenticeship bindings, admissions of freemen, and quarter-
age paid by members. To these are added receipts for hire of
the Hall and the (pewter) " vessell " of the House. The expen-
diture of the Master is divided into Payments and Allowances.
The former include the up-keep of the Hall, attendance at the
Sin-riffs' pageant, election bread and wine, almsfolks' pensions
147
M 2
The Rent-
gatherer's
account.
The dual
form points
to an earlier
period.
and feast-pence, and payments to the wax-chandler. The
Allowances include charges for the obit at St. Martin's and
the offering at Charterhouse, a hood for Sir John Stiward
(afterwards a feoffee of the Company), and expenses of the
Master and Wardens' dinner. The Master's receipts amount
to 8/. 95. 8d., with a total expenditure of i^l. is. io^d. The
Rent account is more simple. The Receipts consist of pay-
ments of rent and arrears amounting to 2$l. i6s. Sd. The
payments include property charges and repairs, the Rent-
gatherer's fee and potations, payment to the Raker (a parish
official), washing clothes (i.e., cloths or napery), and payments
to the Bedell for his clothing and for the Mayor's Riding.
The payments amount to 4/. 195. yd., showing a favourable
balance of i8/. 8s. gd. Deducting the deficit on the Master's
account, the net balance was I2/. i6s.
The interesting feature of these accounts is their dual form,
which unmistakeably points to the period when the London
Cutlers existed as a Fraternity and a Craft. The Master's
account was the successor of the account of the Fraternity.
This is seen by the inclusion amongst the receipts of Quarterage,
a payment which takes us back to the very origin of the guild*
system. Again, among the payments, the pensions to almsfolk,
expenses of the annual election, and the charges at the religious
service held for the repose of the souls of the brethren, clearly
point to the original constitution of the religious Fraternity. In
some of the older Companies, this first portion of the dual ac-
count was known as the " Box de Dieu," whilst the latter portion
was called the " Temporal Box." This would probably also be
found to have been the case with the Cutlers' Company had the
accounts for some thirty years earlier been preserved.
* The derivation of the word guild from the Anglo-Saxon verb "gildan," to pay, records the
primary obligation of every member of a guild to pay his penny to the common fund. The pay-
ment of Quarterage was not abolished in the Cutlers' Company until 1831, and is still obligatory
in some of the City Companies.
148
The Rent-gatherer's account, representing the old " Tern- The Rent-
gatherer or
poral account/' furnished the chief source of income to the Renter.
Company, arising from property for the most part bequeathed
by the wealthier brethren for the general good of the Craft.
The office of Renter, as it was more generally called, was one
of distinction and led up to the positions of Warden and Master.
John Catour, who filled the post in 1442, received an annual
fee of 135. 4d., and still held office in 1456. In this year, for the importance
of the otticc.
first time, the rental portion of the accounts bears a separate
heading as follows : — " Here followeth the charge of the Rentes
perteynyng to the seid Craft accompted by John Catour Rent-
gatherer from the fest of Easter the xxxiiij yere of the regne of
kyng Henry the vjte vnto the same fest of Easter the xxxvth
yere of the regne of the same kyng that is to sey by a hole yere."
The Master's account ran from Trinity Eve, the day of election,
whilst the Renter's was from Easter, to coincide with the
Quarter days. A list of the early Renters is on p. 303.
The number of apprentices in the Company may be roughly Admission of
guessed from the record of six new admissions for this year, the aad freemen,
large fee of 20$. being paid by the master in each case. This
was evidently a severe tax, especially upon masters newly
admitted to the Freedom. The arrears of payment of these fees
(perhaps for two or more years) were for eighteen apprentices,
six for the whole sum of 20$., and the rest for portions left
unpaid. Among those paying by instalment are such prominent
cutlers as John Dey, Thomas Pakeman, Thomas Otehill, John
Ainrll, and Richard Asser.* The fee for "entre" into the free-
dom (after apprenticeship) was ios., and there was only one
new freeman this year. It is difficult to estimate the number Total mem-
bonhip.
of members of the Company. The sum of 565. was received
as quarterage during the year, but there is no clear evidence as
• The fee for binding an apprentice was reduced in 1449-50 to 6j. &/., and »o continued to the
dote of this series of accounts.
149
Hire of the
Hall.
Pewter
" vessell.
Almsmen.
to the amount of the quarterage fee. Under the ordinances of
the Fraternity in 1370 each of the brethren paid six pence
quarterly, and under the Company's ordinances of 1488 the
liverymen paid four pence and the freemen who kept shop
two pence quarterly towards the cost of the trade Searches
of the Company. This last assessment was the ordinary
amount of the quarterage (Court Min. 1700, p. 327). From the
list of payments of quarterage made both by the " brethren
and sisters " and by the "yong men" of the Company (see
pp. 371-2), the total membership may fairly be estimated at
about two hundred, exclusive of apprentices. The entries of
new freemen and apprentices are printed on pp. 354 et seq.
Very few of the minor Companies possessed halls at this
time, and the Cutlers found willing tenants in the Fullers (who
afterwards with the Shermen, became the Clothworkers) and
the Blacksmiths, each Craft paying a yearly rent of 6s. 3d.
The Company's Hall was well stored with necessaries, and they
were able to lend their pewter " vessell," probably to one or
other of their tenant Crafts, receiving in payment a larger sum
than for the use of the Hall. The pewter was kept clean by
scouring at a cost of 2s. ^\d. for the year, and 2d. was paid for
changing a " Saltsaler." The last entry is to be explained by
a curious custom in the pewter trade. New pewter was never
bought, but changed for old, the latter being melted and re-cast ;
the pewterer paid his customer at a fixed rate per Ib. for the
old pewter, and received for the new a higher price per Ib.,
sufficient to cover the expense of the transaction. Other
instances of exchange are in 1461-2, when 55. 6d. was " paid
for changing of 66 Ib. of peauter vessell," and in 1467-8 when a
further 6 Ib. was changed at a cost of 45. The pewter was not
displayed on the walls of the kitchen, but kept in a chest for
which a key was provided in 1468-9, costing 4^. Five almsmen
appear in this account, two receiving iod., and two others 4^.
150
a week, whilst the fifth had a gift of 135. 4^. Three were invited
to dine with the rest of the brethren at the charge of the Com-
pany, the other two being perhaps too infirm to attend. There
appear to have been three regular festivities during the year ; Feasts,
the Coney Feast (held soon after Christmas), a simple election
repast, and the dinner following the election. At the " Cony-
fest " the brethren paid their own charges, the Company pro-
viding ' ' players " for some kind of interlude or revelry to
follow. The election dinner being at Trinity was a summer Election
feast, costing the Company 405. besides the sum of I2d. for
each of their guests, the brethren who attended paying each
a like amount for themselves and their wives. The guests were
two ecclesiastics, one from the Company's parish church of
St. Michael Paternoster, and the other from the neighbouring
church of St. Martin, where an obit was kept costing 135. 4^.
The yearly offering at Charterhouse cost ios., and i8s. was paid offering at
for the gift of a pair of latten candlesticks to that foundation. house.
The Cutlers' connection with Whittington's College (which gave
its name to College Hill) seems to have been that of near neigh- Wh,il1"
bours, and the payment of i6d. for the yearly quarterage of the
Clerk of the College may mean the admission of that official as
an honorary brother of the Company. Some cutlers were
buried in the College,* as, for instance, the almsman John
Yerd, in 1474-5. (See p. 172.)
The second, or Renter's, account contains the receipts and
outgoings of the two estates then belonging to the Company.
At the time of this account the Walbrook estate comprised,
besides the Hall, six adjoining tenements in the same street.
Two of these, on the east side, were in the parish of St. John,
Walbrook, and were occupied by skinners, Skinners' Hall being
close adjoining in Dowgate Hill. The other four tenements
were to the west of the Hall in the parish of St. Michael
•These burials may have been in a burial ground for the College aluwfolk. or in the parish
church of St. Michael Ateraoster which was made a College by Wellington's endowment
Watling
Street.
Repairs and
arrears.
New powers
obtained.
Paternoster. Each house produced a rent of 205. except that
occupied by William Crompe, skinner, who paid only 135. 4^.
The Watling Street estate was more valuable, and consisted of
six tenements in the parish of Allhallows, Bread Street, produc-
ing an average rent of nearly 3/. One of these tenants, Edward
ffrensh, gave trouble to the Renter, who had to spend <)\d. " in
expenses at Tavern vpon Counsell agenst " him, in recovery of
arrears. The Renter's expenditure was almost entirely for
repairs, for the Cutlers were good landlords. Very little was
spent on the Hall this year, but the house of John Shether, the
skinner, who like ffrensh was behind with his rent, required a
new chimney and much other repair, the details of which are
minutely set out in the account. The above is a brief summary
of the particulars to be gleaned from the earliest (1441-2) of
these fifteenth-century Accounts. Some idea of the condition
and progress of the Company during the next fifty years may be
gathered from the accounts which make up the rest of the series.
It will be convenient to treat of these under the various subjects
to which they refer.
INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. The powers of the Company under
their charter and ordinances were constantly in need of revi-
sion as new experience of their exercise was being gained.
New regulations were made from time to time to deal with
various points as they arose, those not covered by the provisions
of ordinances previously granted being submitted to the Guild-
hall authorities for their approval. Thus, in 1449-50 there
were four payments as follows : — " Paid for a copy of the bill
of the rewle of the Craft, 8d." " Paid for a bill made unto the
maire, Sd." ' Paid for ij copies of ij billes, 2d." " Paid for
the rolle of the rules of the craft, 45." An appeal to higher
authority was found necessary in 1450-1, when 2od. was paid
" For ij Supplicacions & a bill made to the Maire ayenst Henry
Otwey." The following items are found in the accounts of
152
1459-6° : — " P^d f°r writing in to the bokes of the othe & charge
of seruantes alloweces* of the seid Craft, 6d." " Paid for a
supplicacion put to the Maire and Aldermen, I2d."
A new charter (though not recited in any later inspeximus)
was apparently obtained from King Edward IV on his accession
in 1461. To ward off the opposition of the City the Company
pursued the plan, common enough at that time, of presenting
gifts to high officials ; the Recorder's services were professionally
engaged, the Mayor himself was presented with cutlery, and
his clerk rewarded with a handsome gift of money. " Paid to
Maister Roger the Mayres Clerk, 35. 4*2." ' Paid to the Recorder
for ouerseyng of the Charter, 65. Sd." " Item paid for a pair
of table knyves gifen to the Maire, 405." The two following
items appear in the same account : — " Paid for writing of a Copie
of an article of a certeyn ordinaunce made within the said Craft
of Cotillers, ^d." ' Item paid for writing of another article in
the Register of the said Craft of another ordinaunce that is to
say that no persone of the said Craft shall atte eny hereaftir
werke in his chambre nor in eny othir close or secrete place but
for to werke openly by the streete side vpon a certayn payn,
4<2." This last-mentioned order was afterwards embodied in the
Company's Ordinances of 1485 (p. 340). The accounts of this
busy year include a further payment of importance for the
costs of a petition to Parliament to extend the powers of the
Company : — " Item paid in dyuers expenses for suyng of certeyn
matiers in the parlement for the wele and profite of the said
Craft of Cotillers and in money gifen to dyuers persones for to
shewe their gode willes and to be frendely and solicitours in the
same matiers, 5/. 55. 8d." In the next year, 1462-3, are payments
for the services of a scrivener : — " Paid to a Scryvenar for
writing of certeyn things in the boke of the said Craft, 4^."
' I 'aid to a Scryvaner for writyng of the names of the apprentices
* All owes or journeymen. See note on p. $.
153
& seruaunt alowesses of the said Craft, 8d." The Company had
Refractory this year some difficult dealings with one Hobard, who put them
craftsmen.
to the expense of 35. 4^. for counsel's opinion besides smaller
sums: — " Paid for makyng of a bill bitwene Hobard and the said
Craft, I2d." " Paid in drynk spent vpon Hobard, 3^." " Paid
to a man of Counsaill atte seynt Bartholomu spitall, 35. 4^."
There was more serious trouble in 1464-5 in the proceedings
against William Overey which cost 75. 5^., the sum being
defrayed by a collection among the " yong men " or Yeomanry :
Cutlers' — " Receyued of the yong men of the said Craft of Cotillers for
privileges J J
sought by the costs of William Overy, 7s. ^d." Some of the minor Corn-
other Crafts. J '
panics were glad to avail themselves of the legislative and other
privileges secured or enjoyed by the Cutlers, as the following
entries show : — " Receyued of the pynners for the exempli-
fication of the grete Charter, ios." " Receyued of the Carde-
makers for the same exemplification, 65. 8d."
The Company was again busy in 1468-9, both in Parliament
and with the Mayor, in obtaining due confirmation of the
rights secured under their late charter, the services of the
Recorder and of William Dunthorn, the Town Clerk, being
procured by handsome fees :— ' Paid to the Recorder of London
and to the Clerk of the Parlament and to other oure Counsell
for to examyn oure corporacion by the actus of the parlament,
public I5s'ft ' Paid to the same Recorder for to be oure counsell for
officials. certeyn Matiers that we sued to the Maire, ios." ' Item paid
to Maister William the Towne Clerk for his Counsell of the same
matier, 55." Other smaller payments appear in the three
following entries : — " Item paid to the Clerk of Guyldhalle for
writing of a supplicacion that was put to the Maire, 2od."
" Item paid to Robert leget Screvenar for writing of a suppli-
cacion to the Maire, lod." " Item paid to the same Robert for
drawing of the Note of the same supplicacion, 8d." A copy of
the " Corporacion " was bought for the small sum of 4^. ; this
154
was probably the charter granted by Edward IV to the Com-
pany. Some of its provisions may not have been acceptable
to the City, or the help of the Mayor and Aldermen may have
been found necessary to enforce its powers. At all events the
Company again approached the Mayor in the following year,
having first paved the way by the usual gift to the Town Clerk : —
" Geven to Maister William the Towne Clerk for his labour to
the Make, 5s/1 " Paide to a yoman that warned the seid
Maister and Wardeyns when the Maire held Court, I2d." The
following entry in the same year (1469-70) throws some light
upon the constitution of the Craft, possibly under the provisions
of King Edward IV's charter. The twelve persons mentioned
were probably the Master, two Wardens, and nine Assistants
who had served the office of Master ; this may have formed the
rudiments of the body known afterwards as the Court of Assis-
tants :— ' Paid for bread and ale whiche was spent upon the
xij persones of the Craft, 45. 7\d." In 1485 new Ordinances
were granted to the Company by the Court of Aldermen (see "
pp. 337-341), and the Accounts for that year give the cost of
engrossing the new rules in the Company's records :— " Paid
for writyng of a rolle in parchemyn of diuers rulys of the seid
crafte whiche been enrolled in the yeldehall and entred in
the Regestre of the same Crafte, 35. 4^." " Paid for a skyn of
parchemyn. 4^." In the following year the "rolle of the Crafte
required " mendyng," I2d. being paid to Fox of ' Yeldehall "
for its repair, and a gilt dagger costing 2s. 4^. given him in
reward. A further " Supplycacion " was made to the Mayor the
same year (1486-7), probably in respect of their unauthorised
rules (see pp. 341-343) ; after this the Company seems to have
enjoyed its new powers undisturbed, and to have found them-
selves possessed of sufficient authority for another ten years.
In 1496-7 trade difficulties arose with the Blacksmiths, as appears Dispute
from the following entries. This Company having no Hall of Blacksmiths.
155
its own, had been tenants of the Cutlers, a relationship which
ought to have avoided any misunderstanding. No particulars
of the dispute are on record. " Paid for a bill oute of the
Maires Courte to this Crafte, 4^." ' Paid for makyng of a bill
of answer to the Mayre agayn, id." ' Paid for serchyng of the
rewles of the blaksmythes boks, 2d." In the last year of these
accounts, 1498-9, another bill was made to the Mayor " for
goers to fayres." This was a constant source of trouble to all
Evasion of ^ Crafts alike ; the craftsmen seeking to evade the " search " of
their goods by the Company before setting out from London to
attend the country fairs. A curious entry, two years earlier,
may be connected perhaps with the seizure of defective ware
at one of these searches. A modest fish dinner was held at a
cost of 8d. "for saltfysshe and ij grete playces (plaice) at the
receyvyng of the stuf belongyng to the hall." Another entry
in the year 1498-9 refers to an ancient book of ordinances, per-
haps the " Register " above-mentioned, which unfortunately is
not now preserved. " Paid for the settyng in of dyuers nothes
into the blac boke, 8d."
Masters During the period covered by these accounts the term of
office for the Master and Wardens was two years. The Master
was chosen from those who had served the office of Warden, but
not, as in later years, by promoting the Senior Warden to the
office of Master. The Wardens, during the same period, seem
to have had equal authority and precedence, and (in several
instances) served the office more than once. The Master also
was often elected again; in fact, for the years 1442-1499 the names
of only fourteen different Masters appear. (See pp. 244-245.)
Arrears of The binding fee payable by freemen for the enrolment of
binding fees. J J
their apprentices was reduced in 1449-50 (or perhaps earlier, for
there is a gap in the accounts) from 205. to 6s. 8d. It was now
paid more regularly, whereas formerly this item in the accounts
had been continually in arrear, the laxity being quite general
156
from the Master downwards. There was a delinquent, however,
in 1475-6 who owed fees for three apprentices and paid 145. 2d. as
follows:— " Receyued of John Mundes in party of payment of xxs.
for the interesses (entries) of his apprentices, ffirst a brasse potte
weying xliij Ib iij quarters price the Ib ijd. Item a charger vij
platers iij dysshes a rownde potell potte of peauter weiyng all to
geder xxxiij Ib price the Ib ijd ob. Summa xiiijs. ijd."
OFFICIALS. At the beginning of these accounts, and for some The Beadle,
thirty years after, the Beadle was the only paid official of
the Company. He received los. each year " for his clothing,"
and 8d. for horse hire at the Mayor's Riding, with allowances
for occasional services. He collected the assessed contributions
of the members of the Company to grants made to the Crown,
receiving i6d. in 1449-50 as collector for two half-fifteenths, and
2s. Sd. in 1453-4 " for the yeft " of 2,5oo/. to the King. A regular
salary of i6s. 8d. was first paid to the beadle in 1458-9, John occupants
Otys then holding the office. He died shortly afterwards, when
his wife became a pensioner and at her death was buried at the
Company's expense. An entry (which, however, is struck
through) in the account for 1468-9 shows her grateful regard for
the Craft :— ' Received of John Dey for a girdill whiche the wife
of John Otys gave to the vse of the same Craft, 6s. 4^." In
1461-2 John Cobbe, probably the new beadle, received 8s. " for
labouryng of certayn things for the wele and profite of the said
Craft." In 1465-6 John Archer was " bedell," and was suc-
ceeded on his death in 1468-9 by Richard Synger. Synger
died in 1473-4, and was buried with much ceremony in Whit-
tington's College at the charge of the Company, who also helped
his widow with her rent and gave her a pension. The beadle
was provided with apartments within the Hall, apparently rent
free. (See Tenants, p. 326.)
CLERK. The first mention of a Clerk occurs in 1473-4, the year ThC Cierk.
of Synger's death, and the entry contains the word " beadle "
157
erased and " clerk " written over it. No mention is made of
the beadle in the rest of the accounts to 1498-9, and it is clear
that the Company continued to employ but one official, under
a change of name. It is most probable that at this time, as was
the case later, this officer (whether beadle or clerk) was a freeman
of the Company and engaged in its trade. One of the tenements
" within the place of the Craft " was assigned to the Clerk, who
paid a rent of los. (See p. 326.) The first clerk, appointed
in 1473-4, was John Aleyn, who received for his salary and
livery gown, 405. He died in 1483-4, the Fellowship having
given him 235. 2d. " in the tyme of his sikenesse " and
paid 155. for his funeral. Nicholas Asser, the next clerk, was
provided with an official gown containing three yards of cloth
and costing 155. He was a member of the Craft, and in
1456-7 took over Thomas Hamond's shop on London Bridge
at an increased rent of 405. yearly. The last of these early
clerks whose names are on record was John Bull (see p. 205)
who paid 6s. Sd. " for the dette of his fader" John Bull in
1468-9. In 1489-90, one Emmot Asser, a relative of the late
clerk, became a pensioner. The Ordinances of 1488 provide
for payment of the Clerk's salary by contributions from the
brethren. The yearly assessment was for a Master or Past-
Master 20^., for a Warden or Past- Warden izd., for every one
of the Livery or Clothing 8d., and for each of the Freemen
or Yeomanry 4^.
Besides the Company's permanent officials, there were
others whose services were engaged from time to time. This
was the case, as we have seen, with the scrivener, and legal
assistance was also frequently needed. It seems probable that
Thomas Ive was the Company's regular legal adviser, as he was
frequently invited to their feasts. In 1462-3 Ive " and his
man " were guests at the Coney Feast, and later in the year
' the wif of Thomas Ive and hir seruant & mayden " were also
158
entertained. The Company had this year much to do with
the law, extending their hospitality to " Folyoll of the temple &
his man," besides one Herbert, William Overey, and John refreshers.
Straunge, who were all probably lawyers. This legal activity
may have been connected with their newly-granted charter, or
perhaps with the case of Hobard above-mentioned. (See p. 154.)
The fee paid for advice was a quarter of a mark or 35. 4^., instead
of the half mark or 6s. 8d. of the present day ; whilst the " re-
fresher " was more literally true, being supplied at a tavern.
Thus, in 1450-1 there was " Paid to Wangford man of lawe,
35. 4^.," and " In expenses vpon the seid Wangford, 4^." Three
years later the accountants " Paid to Robert He worth man of
lawe for his labour in goyng to Seynt Mary Overyes, 2od. " The
expenses of an action in 1458-9 against John Hole for arrears
of rent cost 75. 6d., 35. 4^. being " allowed and pardoned him."
In 1464-5 " the writing of iij Reconysaunces in to the Registre "
of the Mayor's Court cost 2s., and 2s. qd. was paid to the " Maires
Clerk " for their registration.
HALL. Where the Company fixed their headquarters after they Horseshoe
vacated the House of the Cutlers opposite the Conduit in West street!
Cheap does not appear. Their next Hall of which any record
exists was in Horseshoe Bridge Street (now called Cloak Lane)
in Vintry Ward, and here they were certainly settled early in
the fifteenth century, although they did not become actual
owners of the site until 1451. Nine years before then, as we
learn from the early accounts, the Hall was let to the Fullers,
Smiths, and other Crafts as sub-tenants, whilst the mention of
repairs suggests that the building was by no means new. The An interest-
occupation of this Hall may go back to the grant of the Com-
pany's first charter in 1416, or even earlier. The site was one
of great interest, being close to the ancient City stream known as
the Walbrook, the extreme western boundary of the earliest
Roman settlement in London. Along its course the remains of
159
beautiful villas have been found, and from its bed a matchless
collection of relics of Roman London was recovered in 1873.
Stow writes of the Walbrook as follows :— ' Now from the
North to the South this Citie was of olde time diuided not by
a large high way or streete as from East to West, but by a faire
Brooke of sweete water, which came from out the North fields,
through the wall, and midst of the Citie, into the riuer of Thames,
which diuision is till this day constantly and without change
The maintained. . . This is the course of Walbrooke, which was of
Walbrook. ,,.,.-,, » «• •• r /• i
old time bridged ouer in dmerse places, for passage of horses
and men, as need required : but since, by meanes of encroch-
ment on the banks thereof, the channel being greatly streightned,
and other noyances done thereunto, at length the same by
common consent was arched over with brick, and paued with
stone, equall with the ground where through it passed, and is
now in most places builded vpon, that no man may by the eye
discerne it, and therefore the trace thereof is hardly knowne to
the common people/' (Survey, ed. Kingsford, i, p. 119.) In
the following passage the same writer gives more exact parti-
culars, from which it is clear that the stream was still open when
the Cutlers first occupied their Hall in Horseshoe Bridge Street.
" In the third of Henry the fift, this water course had many
Bridges, since vaulted over with bricke. . . For order was taken
in the second of Edward the Fourth (Letter- Book L, f. lib)
that such as had ground on either side of Walbrooke, should
vault and paue it ouer so farre as his ground extended/'
(Stow, ed. Kingsford, v. I, p. 27.)
its bridges. Although at the close of Elizabeth's reign, when Stow
wrote, the Walbrook had disappeared as a stream, it was in
earlier times navigable by barges up to Bucklersbury, and was
crossed by bridges, as stated above. For the repair of one of
these bridges " near Bokerelesbere," certain merchants known
as the Society or Company of Lucca were, in 1291, jointly liable
160
MAP SHOWING THE SITE OF OLD CUTLERS' HALL AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD.
From Ogilby and Morgans' Map of London, 1677
he Hall was on the south side of Horseshoe Bridge Street
and lay wholly in the parish of St. Michael and in Vintry ward
<~ map); the property included the almshouses ^ w-
adjoining tenements and certain other tenements which the
Company sold as stated below. The whole premises original
6 efat!' acTding to stow- who -*- th--"in
e streete is the Cutlars Hall. Richard de Wilehale
*auie Buteiar
pah «.
S. Michael pater noster church, and S. Johns vpon
Walbrookc, which sometime Lawrens Gisors, and his son Peter
Gisors did possesse, and afterward Hugo de Hingham, and fyeth
betweene the Tenement of the saide Richard towardes tte
south, and the ,ane called Horseshew d s ^he
and betweene the waye called pater noster Church on the West
and the course of Walbrooke on the East, paying yearelyTne
cloue of Gereflowers at Easter, and to the Prior a^ Couem o
unt Mary Query 6s. This house sometime belonged to Simon
Dolesly, Grocer, Mayor 1359." (Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsford
^ 244-5.) Butelar's - house and edifices " reached perha
stThrwm'fr says they were parti-v in iSS2
••»' ^albrook. but the Cutlers' property does not appear
3 extended eastward of the stream of the Walbrook at
Honesh
" * » » * V-4 VX
Honeshoe Mrid-,.. (S^map
161
When
acquired by
the Cutlers.
Property
held by
trustees.
St. Michael
Paternoster
Royal.
The Cutlers' Company must have come into possession of
the above property very early in the fifteenth century, for one
William Malweyn skinner, by his will dated 3ist July, 1420
(proved 1463), left to the church of St. John upon Walbrook
certain rents in the parish of St. Michael " de Paternoster-
chirche," which he had acquired from the Master and Common-
alty of the Mistery of Cutlers. (Rusting Roll 193, 13.) The
terms " Master and Commonalty/' omitting any mention of
' Wardens/' suggest that the sale may have taken place before
the incorporation of the Mistery in 1416. Much later in the
century the Cutlers sold other tenements in St. Michael's
parish which the purchaser, John Bracy, chandler, left to
his wife Agnes, by his will dated loth June, 1467, and
proved ten years later. (Ibid. 207, 13.) This and other
property, including the Watling Street estate, would seem
to have been held by trustees on behalf of the Company
before they obtained the licence in mortmain under their
first charter in 1416. Horseshoebridge Street was called
Cloak Lane about the middle of the seventeenth century, for
a lease granted by the Company on loth August, 1652, to
one Richard Evens and his wife, describes the property as
"the Flower de Luce near the Hall in Cloak Lane als. Shoe-
bridge Street." (Court Min. p. 3876.)
The Company's parish church of St. Michael was founded
anew as a College by the famous Richard Whittington and his
executors early in the fifteenth century, Whittington himself
being buried in the church. An Almshouse or Hospital was
attached for thirteen poor men, one of them to be tutor and to
have i6d. the week, the other twelve i^d. the week for ever.
College Hill (formerly the Riole) takes its name from Whitting-
ton's foundation, and the College being a very near neighbour
of the Cutlers, its Master and other officials figure frequently
in the early Accounts as guests of the Company. Another
162
distinguished neighbour was the Duke of Buckingham, whose
mansion lay on the west side of College Hill.
A very useful help in reconstructing the appearance of S
the Hall and its various apartments may be obtained from
the extracts from the Accounts printed on pp. 315-321. Adjoin-
ing the Hall were the Almshouse, Beadle's house, and other
tenements belonging to the Company, which, with their pictu-
resque gable ends, must have presented an imposing appearance.
In 1458 the cost of paving the road in front of the Hall amounted
to 135. for 19 \ " tese " (or toise),* that is about 130 ft. This
frontage probably comprised the whole of the Company's premises. Frontage.
The apartments and offices included the great Hall and chamber,
a parlour and little parlour, counting-house, kitchen, and store-
house. To these were added at a later date a Yeomanry hall
and other apartments ; there was also a garden, with a well
and vinery. The large hall must have been a handsome room Great hail
with a " bay " (or oriel) recess and window, and a dais. On
great occasions it was hung with arras and " steyned " (painted)
cloths for which a high price was paid ; the floor was tiled and
strewn with rushes. In the high-pitched roof was a " candle-
beam," which was mended and supplied with a new weight in
1443-4. The guests at the high table were seated on forms,
chairs being unknown until much later times.f
For their greater comfort the guests at the high table were s** *°*
supplied with cushions and " bankers/' which were purchased
in 1485 at a cost of 4/. So much were these appreciated, that in
1494 a further supply was procured to the making of which
Simon Newenton contributed gs. ; they were covered with red
and white leather and stuffed with seven and a half stone of
, pavior's measure, variously estimated at from 6 to 7) feet. (Welch, History of
Company, v. I, pp. 5/1., nw.)
fT! mi-, for'! '. .juny, .it (iinnrrs in the Hull continued to
quite modern times ; several long form* with stuffed horsehair seats still remain at Cutlers' Hall.
163
N a
The
Other deco-
rations.
The Par-
lours.
Counting
house.
feathers which cost us. Sd. The good wives of the Cutlers
were not behind with their gifts ; in 1470-1 the account notes
" A table clothe of werkes for the high table of the gift of the
wif of William Haydore." Two small bequests for the general
use of the Craft, each of half a mark, were made respectively
by Robert Dyer in 1480-1 and by Robert Boys in 1485-6. But
the names of many other donors have been lost, for in 1492-3
there appears a charge of 4^. " for makyng of a roll of the names
of the benefactors of oure Crafte." A striking ornament of the
Hall was the " Angel," which seems to have been a representation
of the Holy Trinity to Whom the Company was dedicated ;
there were two figures of the Angel, one in the bay window, and
the other suspended from the beam in the roof. In 1497 2d.
was paid for mending the Angel's wing, and 135. 4^. to a carver
for making a new Angel, the cost of gilding being 20$. In the
centre of the roof was a fomerell or lantern, to let out the smoke,
the fire being placed in the middle of the room. Within the
Hall, or in an adjoining vestibule, was a "table" containing the
names of the brethren and sisters of the Company. The win-
dows were glazed with quarrels which probably contained the
arms of principal members of the Company. Besides the more
expensive "hangings," the Hall was decorated with "holme" or
holly and ivy at Christmas; also with "bowes garlands and
risshes," probably for the election feast in summer.
A " newe parlour," spoken of in 1465, was hung with
steyned cloth, and was most likely used for the meetings of the
Court ; it must have been a fine apartment, judging from the
cost of its construction and decoration in the Accounts (pp.
317-8). The two parlours were doubtless used by the Master and
Wardens for admitting freemen, binding apprentices, and for
administrative details connected with Searches, etc., the smaller
parlour being required for a waiting-room. The counting-house
was walled with "elmynbord" and fitted with benches, its
164
windows were barred, as it contained the records of the Com-
pany, and doubtless its current cash. The rent -gatherer
and clerk perhaps shared the counting-house between them.
The "Chamber" seems to have led out from the Hall, and may
have been appropriated to the sisters of the Company on feast-
days. The kitchen was an important feature of the Hall and Kitchen,
underwent considerable repairs in 1477, four masons and two
labourers being employed for over ten days ; 25 feet of paving
stone (45. 2%d.) and a load of bricks (2s. 6d.) were employed,
and a great stone was bought for 15^., its carriage by water
costing $d. ; four pounds of " cot on candill " were bought for
4^. to enable the paviors to work at night. The kitchen
was floored with free stone, well lighted, and fitted with
ovens, cupboards and dressing boards ; and the cellar was well
stored with ale. A brief glance at the domestic economy of the
Craft is obtained from the following four entries :— ' 1469-70,
Paid to John Johnson Smyth, for makyng of a fire pan, 195."
' 1473-4, Paid for CC and iij quartrons of rede wode price the
C vjs. Summa 135. gd." " 1486-7, Receyued of Edmond
Mannyng for iiij olde potts and a chafyn of brasse to hym solde,
305. lod." " 1496-7, Paid for viij quartrons colys (coals) ayenst
michelmas, ijd." (This was presumably the " lowest summer
price/') The Craft got into trouble with the sanitary authorities Disposal of
of the City in 1452-3, when there was " Paid for a copy of the
enditement of the donghill by the halle, jd." During the great
alterations at the Hall in 1465-6 three loads of "Rubbys" were
carried away, and a labourer was employed to " Gary oute the
le Rubbys in to the strete." If this means that the rubbish
was shot in the street outside the Company's Hall, the indict-
ment is not surprising. Another item records the spending of
yd. " for ale that was dronk whane the rubbes was Caryd outh
and att the makyng clene of the hall." The garden (or rather Garden,
gardens, for there was also a " lit ill ^ardeyn") was not large, but
165
afforded the Company both pleasure and profit. A gardener was
occasionally employed, but the chief care of the garden was
probably undertaken by the Beadle, with help perhaps from the
almsmen. The vine and trees were pruned from time to time
at a cost of <\d. ; the garden " rayles " cost 3^. and the same
sum was paid for a key to the garden gate ; 6d. was paid in
1497-8 to a gardener for seven young vine plants, and 5^.
tor dressing both gardens. (See p. 321.) The Hall was still
ants. °
in request ; in 1452-3 the Scriveners, and in 1456-7 the
Glovers, were hirers of the Hall, the Fullers having now
disappeared. The Smiths (Blacksmiths) continued, and with
the Scriveners were tenants in 1464-5, paying each a reduced
rent of 45. yearly.
The cutlers PROPERTY AND REPAIRS. From the list of fifteenth century
as land- J
lords. tenants on pp. 325-326 it will be seen that the Watting Street
estate continued to attract good tenants. The tenements
have, for the convenience of description, been denoted by
letters. A and B were perhaps a dwelling house and a shop,
as they were occupied by the same tenants, two of whom were
mercers. The house kept up its rent of 4/., but the rent of the
shop was reduced in 1462-3 from 335. 4^. to 265. 8^. William
Aldburgh, who then held both houses, took a lease in 1465-6,
and may have got a reduced rent in consequence ; " atte the
selyng of the endentures " of this lease, 4^. was spent on wine.
Tenement C also had well-to-do tenants, the rent being raised
Troublesome jn 1402-3 from four to seven marks. For tenement D, after
tenants.
the eviction of Edward Frensh, who gave continual trouble
with his rent, the Craft had for a time a succession of substantial
tenants. The cost of engrossing Stevenson's lease of this house
in 1458-9 was Sd. A succeeding tenant, Henry Davy, tailor,
gave much trouble in 1489-90. After a tenancy on lease of
sixteen years, he got six weeks behind in his rent and the Master
and Wardens " bought owte the yeres " of his lease, with the
166
aid of John Flye who was entertained at the King's Head in
Bridge Street and otherwise well treated ; the particulars appear
on p. 324. The rent of tenement E (405.) was doubled in
1496-7, and that of tenement F was reduced in 1489-90 from
335. 4^. to 265. Sd.
In the estate adjoining the Hall, the four houses in St. Houses ad-
joining the
Michael Paternoster parish continued to let at 205. a year, A Hail,
and B being latterly held by a single tenant. Margaret Richard's
tenancy of tenement B in 1449-50 did not last a year, and eleven
years later the Master and Wardens sold for izd. " two olde
chestes " which were " taken for a distresse for partie of payment
of hir housrent." The houses on the East side of the Hall, in
the parish of St. John Walbrook, were of less value. Crompe's
house (tenement A) was reduced in rent from 135. 4^. to los.
and in 1484-5 became the Clerk's house. Tenement B also
had its rent reduced in 1456-7 from 20$. to i6s. Another house
" next the Hall " (tenement D) was built in 1449-50 and let
at 205., the rent being reduced ten years later to i6s. Within
the Hall itself were two chambers (C) tenanted by John Stampet
in 1449-50 at a rent of 8s., and afterwards let to the wife of
Archer the beadle.
The repairs to the Company's property, as seen in the Repairs and
otlior
extracts from the Accounts on pp. 322-323, involved consider- charges,
able outlay, especially those to Rankyn's house in 1449-50 and
1458-9. There were also various quit-rents payable at Guild-
hall, the Hospital of St. Giles, and elsewhere. The garden
at the back of the Hall was charged with a small payment
to the " Lady of Clerkenwell," the head of the Benedictine
Nunnery which gave its name to Clerkenwell Close. A curious
provision is found in a lease of one of the Company's houses
in Horseshoe Bridge Street. The lease is dated I4th May,
5 Edward IV (1465), and prohibits the tenant from using the
trades of a smith, cook, or shearman.
167
Obit at St.
Martin
Vmtry.
Transferred
t.> \Yhit-
tington's
College.
Bede-roll of
brethren
and sisters.
Gifts to the
Charter-
house.
RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES. At the time of the first extant
account (1442-3) there was a yearly obit " holden at Seynt
Martyns " at a cost of 135. 4^. How long it had been performed
does not appear, but the beneficiaries were the brethren and
sisters of the Craft ; much importance was attached to it by the
Company, who invited the " Clerk of Seynt Martyns " to their
dinner. The church meant was doubtless St. Martin Vintry, which
was not rebuilt after the Great Fire, being united with St. Michael
Paternoster Royal. The site of the church was on the north
side of Thames Street, at the west corner of the lane anciently
known as " la Riole," now College Hill. St. Martin's parish
lay due south of that of St. Michael (in which was Cutlers' Hall),
and extended down to the river. The record of this obit
disappears from the Accounts in 1449-50, and in its place is
the following entry of an obit at Whittington's College (the
church of St. Michael Paternoster):— " Expenses upon the obit
holden at the said College for the brethren and sistren of the
said Craft, xiijs.iiijd." It may be that the Cutlers were settled
in the parish of St. Martin Vintry before their Hall in Horseshoe
Bridge Street was acquired, and that they afterwards (in 1449-50)
removed the annual obit to the church of their new parish.
New names were added from time to time to the bede-roll of
brethren and sisters for whom (both living and deceased) prayers
were to be offered. Thus in 1476-7 two pence were " paid for
writyng of a bill of the names of the Craft which were rehersid
at the College." At the same time the religious services at
Charterhouse prescribed by the Ordinances of the Fraternity in
1370 (pp. 249-254) were duly attended, and the expenses formed
part of the Craft's regular outlay. Whether the Fraternity still
existed at this period, either separate from the Craft or at all,
is not clear ; but there was no slackening in the religious devotion
of the Cutlers. (See p. 327.) A costly pair of latten candle-
sticks was given to the Charterhouse Community in 1442-3,
168
and the " table " of the names of the brethren and sisters was
renewed from time to time. The " offeryng " in 1471-2 was
on Trinity Sunday, the election time, and four pence were " paid
for redyng of your evydences whan ye cam from Chart erhous."
Mention has already been made of payments by the Cutlers of
obits and costly burial expenses for their poor members and
almsfolk ; other instances will be found on p. 327.
ALMS. Abundant evidence is furnished in the accounts of the
generosity of the Cutlers to the less fortunate members of their
craft. A typical instance of the various channels in which
their charity flowed is afforded by the case of one of their
almsmen, Thomas Hamond. He filled the office of Warden in
1444-5, an(i was a prosperous cutler on London Bridge, where
he leased a shop from the Bridge Masters at an annual rent of
235. 4^. He seems to have got into difficulties with the rent
of his premises in 1450-1, when the Company came to his aid :—
" Paid for a Relessc made by Thomas Hamond & for serening of
dedes & in other expenses at dyuers tymes, 55. iod." Having
lost his business and fallen into debt, he became an almsman
and gave up the lease of his shop in 1456-7, when the Company
not only paid 465. 8d. for his rent then two years in arrear, but
i6s. 8d. also " for the rent of the hous that the same Thomas
now dwellith in/' The remaining term of the lease was taken
over by the Company, who let the house to Nicholas Asser
(afterwards Clerk) at the increased rent of 405. (See p. 323.)
Another expense, besides his weekly dole of iod., incurred on
Hamond's behalf at this time was 85. Sd. for wood and coal.
He died in 1461-2 and the costs of winding-sheet, " pittc and
knylle," of torches, tapers, and torchbearers, and of the saying
of dirige and masses, were all defrayed by the Company. It
seems that his widow Joan enjoyed a pension soon after (if
not. before) his death, and this was continued until 1475-6, pensioned,
when a sum of 95. 6d. was expended on wax torches at
169
Amount of
ons.
Other gifts
to almsfolk.
burial ; a weekly pension of Sd. was then given to her daughter
Marion. Another kindly custom of the Company was to pay
for the partaking of their almsmen and their wives in public
feasts. Thus we find in 1456 Hamond and five other pensioners
were guests of the Company at their Christmas feast, and five
years later Joan Hamond was similarly invited.
The pensions of the fifteenth century were of varying
amounts, 4^., 6d., and lod. per week being very usual grants,
though there are one or two cases where only 2d. was given,
whilst one fortunate almsman received is. In 1442-3 there
\\vre three men and one woman in receipt of pensions, and this
number seems to have been generally maintained throughout
the century. Now and again names found in other records
appear amongst them. Richard Batell's wife, a pensioner
buried at the Company's expense in 1469-70, was perhaps the
widow of a cutler of whom only a single mention survives. (See
p. 191.) Better known is the surname of Agnes Otehill, another
pensioner, whose funeral expenses about five years later included
6s. for the hire and waste of two tapers and four torches. She
must have been some connection of Thomas Otehill, a very
prominent member of the Craft, possibly his widow, though in
that case she must have fallen into poverty very soon after her
husband's death. (See p. 192.) A more certain case of decayed
circumstances is that of John Amell's sister, presumably the
Margaret Holwey mentioned in his will (see p. 195), who was a
pensioner in 1474-5 notwithstanding the handsome provision her
brother had made for her a few years before. From time to
time the slender incomes of the Company's almsfolk were
supplemented by other gifts. In 1453-4, for example, an
entry records the outlay of 75. on the purchase of " a gown
cloth " for Thomas Warner, and of 2s. j\d. spent on frieze for
its lining. The same Thomas had received 135. 4^. in 1442-3,
and appears as a pensioner some years later. In 1456-7 the
170
sum of 22d. was paid to a woman " for the kepyng of Thomas
Joye," and an alms of 6s. Sd. was granted to Richard Howes,
probably the cutler of that name who is mentioned in 1453.
(See p. 191.)
There is no evidence to show the situation of the house
adjoining
which Thomas Hamond occupied in 1456, but an entry in the Hal1
Accounts seven years earlier proves that the Cutlers had already
adopted the custom of the London Guilds of building homes
for their almsfolk adjoining their Hall. In 1449 a carpenter
working three days on " a Gable ende of the almeshous " received
2s. o\d. for his labour. An entry of 1458-9 recording the expen-
diture of i6s. $\d. on the repair of the almshouse, of which one
item was a key for " Hamondes chambre durre," points to the
conclusion that Thomas spent his last days in the Company's
own almshouse. For various reasons it was desirable that the
abode of the bedesmen should be under the shadow of the Hall
in Horseshoe Bridge Street. It was their duty to be present at ifc^-s""*"
J attended pro-
feasts and funerals alike, and in all corporate attendances at cession
Divine worship the brethren met at the Hall, and the proces-
sion was preceded by the almsmen. For the sake of order
and discipline, too, it was well to keep the almsfolk under
the Company's eye. It is probable, however, that both at this
date and later the almshouse did not provide accommodation
for all the pensioners, since in 1469-70 the Company paid
half a year's rent for one of them, a certain John Hosier. A
payment of 2s. 2d. for work on "the Almes folks Chambers11
is entered in 1498-9.
Some very interesting entries in the Accounts are concerned o*"y i»nn.ii
with the death of the almsfolk of the Craft. As in the case of
Thomas Hamond mentioned above, the chief sources of outlay
are connected with the actual burial, funeral lights, and the
services of the Church. The cost of the first and third items
were small in comparison with the expenditure on the making and
171
waste of tapers and torches and on the hire of their bearers. A
winding-sheet cost from lod. to is., and i^d. or iSd. paid for
knell as well as grave. On the other hand we find 35. io^d.
expended on the material and making of four torches weighing
46^ Ibs., i$d. on the waste of the same, and 155. in all on two
other tapers of less weight, used at the burial of Thomas Hamond.
In 1468-9, 95. 6d. was " paid for light for the buriyng of (John)
Bullys wif." Again, on the death of John Yerd in 1474-5,
6s. were paid to the waxchandler for the hire and waste of two
tapers and four torches. His funeral was conducted by the Master,
priests, and clerks of Whittington's College, to whom and the
four torchbearers a sum of 6s. Sd. was paid, which included the
cost of dirige and requiem mass, knell, and grave-digging. In
one case, the burial in 1467-8 of the wife of John Otys, ale is
one of the items of expenditure, costing with dirige, pit and
knell, 2s. gd. Seven priests and clerks and two children per-
formed the obsequies of Emmot Howes in 1476-7 at the moderate
charge of 2s. 6d., which, with i6d. for the knell, Sd. for grave-
digging, i6d. to the torchbearers, and 2d. to the ringers, made
up only 6s., in contrast to the sum of 95. 6d. then laid out on
wax torches. In 1456-7 the Company paid for an obit for John
Scott, and in 1459-60 the sum of gs. Sd. was expended for the
same purpose on behalf of Margery Westowe, the widow perhaps
of John Westowe. (See p. 188.) The Cutlers had no pall or
hearse-cloth, but hired " a clothe of golde " in 1486-7 for the
burial of John Balle.
Dealings TRADE OFFENCES. The earliest instance of punishment for
with aliens.
trade offences is in the account for 1456-7, when the Master
and Wardens debit themselves with " Receites of ffynes for
Alianez ware," the culprits and their fines being as follows :—
Wyll Getter I2d., John Amel izd., Thomas Pakeman i2d.,
Thomas Pope I2d., Richard Hollys 2s., John Munde I2d.,
William Swome I2d., John Alyn 12^., and William Grey I2d.
172
The offence seems to have been the very common one of buying
and selling with " aliens " or " foreigners/1 Some of the
offenders very probably got into this trouble through the acts
of their servants, as it is hard to believe that such respected
rulers of the Craft as Amell and Pakeman would willingly have
transgressed the ordinances which they had assisted in framing.
For more serious offences the assistance of the Chamberlain was offenders
summoned
sought, and as a last resort the offender was summoned before toGuiidhaii.
the Mayor and Aldermen. The services of the Mayor's officer
or Serjeant were constantly required. He attended the Master
and Wardens in their " Searches " for defective ware ; in 1461-2
a fee of izd. was " Paid to a Sergeaunt for his labour to serche
atte seynt Barthilmewes faire." He was also retained by an
annual fee or douceur, to summon offenders to Guildhall or to
take them to prison. In 1462-3 are the two following entries :—
" Paid to an officer for to somon Thomas Ram ij tymes to appere
afore the Chamberleyn, 8d." " Paid to an officer for to somon
the Pynner ij tymes to come afore the Chamberleyn, 8d." One
Langley gave the Company much trouble in 1465-6, 2od. was
paid to Vail the serjeant for three summonses against him, and
West, another serjeant, received I2d. for bringing him to the
compter. His conviction was regarded as an important matter,
for 8d. was paid for " a Copye of the Juggement that was yoven
to langley afore the Maire and the Aldermen/' whilst the Recorder
received 6s. 8d. " for langleyes matier," and 8s. 4^. for the
' Juggement-" There were still further charges of 3$. 4^. " paid
to Maister William the Maires Clerk/' and 4^. " paid in wyne
yoven to the Maires son and to the Warden of the Craft/' The
following entry in 1468-9 seems to show that an offender had
to pay the cost of his own arrest : — " Receyued of Nicholas Hill
for a sergeannts fee by hym due i2d." The powers obtained by
the Company in their ordinances proved to be no dead letter,
but were exercised with unsparing watchfulness and impartialii v
173
control of
In 1470-1 Thomas Bromeyerd was fined 35. 4^. " for tysyng
of Robert Barton oute of his masters seruyce." In the same
year three other offenders were summoned before the Chamber-
lain at a cost of 2od., obliging the Master and his colleagues to
meet twice at a tavern, at a further cost of g%d. The journeymen
and apprentices gave less trouble, and complaints made against
them by their masters were, as a rule, dealt with by the Company
without any assistance from Guildhall. In 1489-90 John Wode-
cok was fined 8d., Robert Aleyn 35. 4^., and Thomas Laveman
2s. ^d., for living out of their masters' houses. The fine for this
offence by a journeyman was (under the Ordinances of 1488)
a week's wages. (See p. 342.) Two other instances may be
quoted to show the strict use exercised by the Company of their
powers for regulating the trade. In 1489-90 John Pomfrete
was fined 2od. " for workyng oon a Saterday after iij a Clok
atte afternone," and Henry Laurence paid the larger fine of
6s. 8d. " for workyng oute of the Citee of london."
saieof ivory. PRICES OF CUTLERY. The Accounts for the first nine years of
Edward IV's reign give much interesting information about the
price of ivory, which was largely used for the better class of
cutlery ware. At this period the Company bought ivory in
large quantities and sold it to their craftsmen according to their
requirements. The list of purchasers probably includes the
wealthier members of the craft, who are also further distinguished
by the extent of their purchases. The best ivory sold at is. a
pound, and " scravell," of inferior quality, at 6d. or Sd. A
whole tooth, weighing a little over 50 Ibs., sold for Sd. the Ib.
A cutler of Thaxted, an Essex town where cutlery had long
flourished, was allowed to buy 3| Ibs. in 1462-3, but at the
higher rate of 14^. per Ib. The largest purchaser was Agneys
Brown, probably the widow of William Brown, Master in
1442-3 ; she must have been a woman of much energy to carry
on so great a business, and appears earlier as a notable figure
Prices and
purchasers.
in the Company. (See p. 178.) A list of the ivory sales with
the purchasers, amounts, and payments, will be found on
pp. 327-328. The following entries seem to show that purchases saieof wood,
of wood for knife-handles were made by the Craft for sale to the
members : — " 1477-8, Receyvid of the sale of iij cloggis of rede
dogeon, 3<2." " 1478-9, Receyued of William Bromfeld for
C of Rede Dogeon, 55." Digeon (probably boxwood) was
exempted from the prohibition in the Ordinances of 1379-80
against colouring wooden handles of knives. (See p. 261.) As
regards the finished article, the knife of commerce, no informa-
tion as to price can be gathered from the early accounts. There
are many particulars, however, of knives more or less costly Gift knives,
presented by the Company to persons of distinction or to persons
who had rendered them service. Some of these gifts have been
mentioned already, and other instances will be found on
p. 328. The gifts consisted almost exclusively of pairs of
knives varying in value from Sd. for a pair given to the
wife of the Steward of Clerkenwell, to 6os. paid for a pair given
to the Mayor in 1468-9.
FEASTS. The accustomed festivities described in the first Cone>' Feast-
account reappear with additional details in the accounts for the
following years. The Coney Feast or Supper, known later as
the Christmas Feast, was the great winter festival attended by
the brethren and their wives, the sisters or freewomen, the
almsfolk (at the Company's expense), and various guests, a few
of whom seem to have had something approaching to a standing
invitation. Among the latter were the Master and Robert the Guest*.
( l'ik, of Whittington's College, Mistress Ellen Langwith, and
" Mai^t< T \Yilli;mi," the Town Clerk, who was sometimes repre-
sented in his absence by his wife and " hir man and mayde."
Maister William is better known as William Dunthom, whose
compendium of civic lore, called " Liber Dunthorn," is still
preserved in the archives at Guildhall. The Coney Ft-a-t was
Election
Feast.
Dishes sent
to absent
guests.
doubtless a festive gathering of great antiquity, there was no
stint of outlay, and the Hall was bedecked with the old Christmas
decoration of " holm " (the evergreen known as holm-oak or
holm-holly) and ivy. The repast at the election on Trinity Eve
was extremely modest, the bread and wine provided in 1442-3
costing only ijd. ; it was often varied by the substitution of
"bonbrede" and "bonnys" (buns). The Election Feast was
held later, sometimes on the "sonday next after Trinite son-
day." At this time-honoured Midsummer dinner the Hall was
made gay with "bowes and garlonds," and the Craft's hospita-
lity abounded. Besides the Master and Clerk of Whittington's
College, two priests and the parish clerk were invited in 1480-1.
Some important guests were asked to bring their wives and other
relatives, and were attended by their servants. Among the
guests were in 1480-1 "Maister Hert his wyf and his man/'
in 1486-7 Fox (of the Guildhall) and his wife, and in 1489-90
' the good wyf that gave a Towayll to the seid Crafte and her
neybour." In the same year were entertained " Machyn and
his wyf," and " John Fly and his wyf," and in 1492-3 " Mr.
Chamberlain and his Clerk, Mr. Rede, Mr. Harte his wyfe and
his doughter, John Byrall and his wyfe, and Johan (Joan) Toker."
The Cutlers' hospitality did not stop here, but tasty dishes and
sometimes a whole service were sent to the homes of guests who
could not attend the banquet. Three such courteous attentions
were made to John Amell (a great benefactor) in 1473-4 :—
" For a hole messe of mete sente to John Amyll home to his
hows atte Cony feest after Cristmas, 8d." " Paid for a pekerell
sent to John Amell and for brede and ale, 2s. 3^." " Paid
for a Gurnard and a chyne of fresshe samon and for brede and
wyne for the same John Amell atte another tyme, 2s. J\d."
One of the guests, a lady who must have deserved well of the
Company, was also thus honoured. 1476-7, " Paid for a Cony
and a henne which was sent to Elyn langwith, 8d." 1479-80,
176
r' For a hole service for maistres langwyth at the cony feste, p^°r s Day
i6d."* Another annual festive gathering, but of slight impor-
tance at this period, was the repast served to the members of
the Company who attended the Mayor on his passage to West-
minster on 2Qth October. In 1465-6 this refreshment cost only
the modest sum of 2s. 6d., but in 1486-7 there was " Paid for
brede ale and vitaile for the dyner of the felisship of the crafte
atte the hall atte the goyng of the Maire to Westmynstre,
los. i\,d." Two items in the account for 1470-1 :— ' Paid for
a brekefast made in the halle, 8d.," and " Paid the same day
atte soper in the halle, 6d.," point to an all day sitting of the
Master and Wardens on some important business. As we have
already seen, the Company was well supplied with pewter, and Pewter ser-
other kitchen necessaries were supplied from time to time. In
1477-8 the cost of " iiij doseyne of newe Jely dysshis and for
changyng of ij dosseyn disshis " was 205., and in 1497-8 five
dozen jelly-dishes were scoured at a charge of one penny a dozen.
The guests were provided with wooden trenchers, " long trench-
ers " costing 2d., and " other trenchers " from id. to i$d. the
dozen. The chief apartments of the Hall were hung with arras *™ hang-
at the Company's greater festivities, as shown by the three
following entries in the account for 1489-90 :— " Paid for
hangyng vp of the Clothes of Arasse atte Cristmas, 2d."
" Paid for takyng downe of the seid Clothe of Arasse at
Witsontyde, 2d." " Paid for hangyng vp of the same Clothes
of Arasse atte the feest holden the sonday nexte after Trynytee
sonday, 2d." The services of players were engaged at the The players.
Coney Feast, and probably at the summer banquet also ; in
1492-3 the players received 75., and a " messe of mete," costing
i6d. In 1497-8 the charge is " for a play/1 clearly a dramatic
performance.
• Set also pp. 175, 328. This Udy was the widow of John Lam:* it h. tailor. By her will of
(|>r..\«-«| 148} 4) she left |»r..|H-riv in C:inilK-\\ irk Strn-t to the Mrrrhanl Taylors' Company.
and (in then .U-lault ot uust) i., tli,- Company of Cutlers. (Hutting AW/ 213, 30.)
177
Gifts of PLATE. The early accounts give many interesting particulars of
the plate possessed by the Company. It was not the custom
then for the brethren to make gifts of silver on being admitted
to the freedom, or after serving office as Warden or Master, or
as a fine for being discharged from serving office. In later
times the plate thus given was known as " spoon-silver/' and
formed a collection of considerable value. Most of the pieces
in the following entries came to the Company by bequest, but
none of them have unfortunately remained to the present day ;
many valuable pieces were sacrificed, quite down to modern
times, to the unfortunate passion for exchanging old for new.
wniiam The first recorded gift of plate was in 1453-4, when 55. 2d. was
" Paid for the dyner of Brownes wyf whan she brought in the
cup vnto the craft & for an acquytance." This cup was the
bequest of William Brown, Master in 1442-3. In 1461-2 the
" saltsalers " needed repair, 15^. being paid for " pounsing "
(piercing or ornamenting with dots), arid 4^. for a " vise "
(? a twisted stem). A more valuable piece, presented probably
by a wealthy brother or friend of the Craft, was under repair
in 1467-8. " For makyng of a coueryng to a cuppe and for
amelyng gravyng and settyng in of a name in the same Cupp,
95. 2d." In the same year occurs the following curious entry
of which there appears to be no obvious explanation :— ' Re-
ceyued for an vnce and an half of brook (? broken) siluer of
iij peny weight, 45. gd." In 1468-9 the accountants charge
themselves with the receipt of a mazer weighing 4^ oz. troy and
joan Bull's sjx silver spoons weighing 4 oz. 4 dwt. " of the bequest of Johan
Bulle," " gyfen by the forsaid wif of the said John Bulle." The
spoons were somewhat worn, and 2s. *>d. was spent on " makyng
newe," and for silver "to fulfill the weight." In the previous
year's account is the entry " Receyued of the dette of Bullys
wyf, i6s. 8d." The plate and other goods of the Craft were
kept by the Master and Wardens, who handed them over each
year to their successors, an indenture being executed by the
latter for their safe custody. Thus in 1469-70 there was " Paid
for writyng of a peire of indentures of the goodes and Juelx
perteynyng to the said Craft, i6d." In 1471-2, two years
before his death, John Amell, Master in 1459 and 1460, gave
" a stondyng maser with a foot and a bounde (band) of siluer
and ouer gilt and with a Coueryng thereto garnesshed with
siluer and ouergilt," weighing 33^ oz. The gift was much
prized, for the same account records the payment of 55. " for
makyng of a prynte of siluer and ouergilt with the names of
John Amell and his wif whiche prynte is sette within the coueryng
belonging to the stonding maser whiche the said John Amill
hathe youen to the said Craft." This fine piece of plate must
have been well used, for in 1479-80, 6d. was "paid for the amen-
dyng of John Amells maser." Other repairs include " the
gildyng of an olde maser " at a cost of 55. (1474-5), 4^- Pa*d in
1475-6 " for the amendyng of an egle of the coueryng of a
stonding cuppe," and 6d. paid in 1476-7 "' for mendyng of
the knop of a salt saler." The " knop " is the boss on the
stem of the saltcellar. Two spoons " weyng ijvncs" were
bequeathed by John Robert in 1472-3. From the account cost of a
for 1475-6 it appears that one Felix Janvey was bound in
the sum of 555. for a debt of Robert Wright, and also himself
owed the Company a fine of 6s. Sd. For this he gave "in
parti of payment" a maser "weiyng v vncs. price the vnce
iijs. iiijd." This entry is of much interest as giving the gold-
smith's price for a mazer.
PUBLIC SERVICE. The early accounts of the Company contain
only scanty references to its corporate share in the public burdens
of City and State. A payment of 2s. 2d. made to the Beadle
in 1465-6 " for to quyte (acquit) out the pleggs (pledges) that
wore streyned (distrained) for the kynggs money," is perhaps
to be connected with tho City loan to the King in 1462, or with
179
O 2
some similar but later advance. In 1468-9, 6d. was paid " for
the Halle " to the collectors of Edward IV. Twenty years later
the collectors of Henry VII received 55. n$d. " for the lyvelode
(property) belongyng to the seid Crafte sette nexte the Hall/'
and 155. io%d. for the more valuable Watling Street estate.
civic The City assessments include a charge of I2d. in I473~4 and the
next two years for making the Conduit, and 2s. paid for the Hall
" to the Comyn donge hyll." The Beadle of the Ward received
the annual gift of 4^., and the Raker (later known as Scavenger)
was paid 8d. yearly. In 1450-1, 5$- 8d. was paid <cto Maister
Roger the Maires Clerk for entryng of the iugement," and 35.
was paid " for iij paires of knyves geven to iij Clerkes of the
wardmote Maires." A curious entry in 1489-90 records the payment of
4<Z. " for a rewarde to the Warmout quest" (Wardmote Inquest).
This may have been occasioned by negligence of the Company's
servants in not sweeping the street frontage of the Hall, but
the " rewarde " appears to have failed in its effect :- ' Paid
for a fyne to the Chamber of London for swepyng of the Canell
(channel) before the Hall dore of the seid Crafte, 2s."
180
CHAPTER V
'HIS chapter forms a continuation of the
lographical notices contained in Chapter II and
cames on the history of the Company on the
rsonal side to about the year 1584, when the
regular senes of the Company's records begins
181
Robert
Lambe.
John
Denyngton.
Richard
Wellom.
said forge belonging ; and likewise a great mill with a horse
and all the furniture belonging to the said mill, and the tool
for " hoi we " hollow ware. Some interesting bequests were
also made by Robert Lambe : — " to my servant Robert Hurrotte,"
my violet gown picked out cum comculis (? conchulis, little
shells), with one hood of the last clothing of my craft; to Roger
my kinsman all the requisites and implements being in my shop
and belonging to my craft except those reserved to me and my
executors, with one cupboard (almar'), one chest (cista), with
tongs and two casks (cad') with steel in the same shop.
Of two sheathers and one bladesmith, in the early years
of this century, nothing seems to be recorded but the date of
their discharge from service on juries and other public duties
on the ground of old age. These were John Audree or Andree
and Henry Richmond, sheathers, and Adam Ramme, blade-
smith, who obtained this release, John in 1409, Adam in Feb-
ruary, 1411-12, and Henry in February, 1413-14. (Letter-
Book I, pp. 74, 99, 102.) John Denyngton, cutler, one of their
contemporaries, was assessed at 4^. 55. in January, 1411-12,
amongst citizens whose yearly income was 20/. or more. (Lay
Subsidy 144, 20.) Another sheather, Richard Ewayn, is known
to us only through a single fact in his life. This was the robbery
of his wife by William Spicer of Gravesend, " boteman," who
stole from her, on gth December, 1415, goods which included
a gown of green woollen cloth furred with " popyll." (Letter-
Book I, p. 167.)
More details, both of private and public interest, have been
preserved in connection with three other members of the Craft
at this date. The highest in rank was Richard Wellom, the
first Master of the Company, appointed by name in the incor-
porating charter of 1416. In February, 1398-9, he was a joint
party with one John Russell in the conveyance of a tenement
in Aldermanbury. (Rusting Roll 127, 51, 58.) He was
182
associated with Martin Godard and other members of the Mistery
on loth October, 1407, in acquiring the reversion of the portion
of Adam Fermour's estate lying in Watling Street and Bread
Street. (Ibid. 135, 15.) Between 1405 and 1426 he instituted
proceedings in Chancery against Philip Waltham, cutler, to
recover arrears, extending over twelve years and more, of the
rent of a shop in Fleet Street called " le Walsheman sur le
Hope." (Early Chanc. Proc., Bundle 4, no. 12.) A later deed
shows that Richard Wellom and Waltham, together with Richard
Hatfield and others, had been enfeoffed of " le Walsheman,"
now more particularly described as a " tenementum bracinii "
(brewery), with two shops adjoining, of a gate with porch, other
shops, and a plot of empty ground (all in Fleet Street in the
parish of St. Martin), by Thomas Duke and Joan Batly in
February, 1413-14, presumably to the use of Richard Wellom,
who, with his wife Cecily, granted one half of the property to
John Joynour and his wife Ellen on ist October, 1427. (Husting
Roll 156, 13.)
In the same suit the name of Richard Hatfield occurs. He
was elected Senior Warden in 1420 at a special meeting held
to compose the differences then existing within the Company
(see p. 127), and had served the City in various ways before
that time. In 1379 ^e was collector of the poll-tax in " Cord-
wanerstret " (Letter-Book H, p. 130), in 1384 one of " the best
and wisest men of the City " elected by the Common Council
to deliberate on certain matters of importance (Ibid., p. 235),
and also auditor of the accounts of the Chamberlain and of
the Wardens of London Bridge. (Ibid., p. 249.) He was
chosen to serve on other commissions the next year (Ibid.
pp. 252, 271), and in June, 1388, his name appears in Cord-
wainer Ward in a list of " the chief men of the City " who took
<>ath not to suffer the acts lately passed by Parliament to be
repealed. (Pleas and Memoranda Roll, A. 28, m. 13.) In 1416 the city
183
Guardian of
orphan chil-
dren.
Philip
Waltham.
A later
Richard
Hatfield.
he was one of the jurors at the trial of Benedict Wolman and
John Bekeryng on the charge of bringing the Pretender Thomas
Warde als. Trumpyngtone from Scotland under the title of
Richard II. (Letter-Book I, p. 165.) Some particulars of his
private life are on record. In 1388 his wife was Dionisia, the
widow of Richard Claverynge. (Letter-Book H, p. 15.) He
was surety (1377-89) for Katherine Norton in the guardianship
of her children (Ibid., pp. 75-6) ; and was also appointed
guardian of the children of John Parys, late cutler and one of
the legatees under the will of another cutler, John Gerold (p. 105),
for a term of five years from March, 1421-2. (Letter-Book I,
p. 268.)
Richard Hatfield's securities for the due execution of his
trust included Philip Waltham and John Kirtone, cutlers, and
Nicholas Ringwode, bladesmith ; the last-named was living in
1435. (Pat. Roll, 14 Hen. VI, pt. i, no. 28.) His surety
Philip may have been a son of Richard Waltham whose will
is dated 1397, in which year together with John Parker, cutler,
and Henry Cooke, barber, he purchased some lands in Fleet
Street once owned by Adam Fermour. (Husting Roll 126, 22.)
Roger Waltham, apprenticed to John Frantrede in 1443-4, and
Edward Waltham (both cutlers) who obtained the freedom in
1466-7, were probably of the same family. In 1412 Richard
Hatfield had been one of the trustees for lands in Seacoal Lane
in the parishes of St. Sepulchre and St. Bride which had passed
from Henry Blakewyn, cutler, through his widow Marion to
John Blakewyn, cutler, and his wife Margaret. (Ibid. 139, 71.)
The Richard Hatfield, cutler, who took part in the settlement
(by deed enrolled in 1456) of a tenement with wharf and
quay adjoining Fleet Bridge (Ibid. 184, 14) seems to have
belonged to a later generation. He was perhaps the Richard
Hatfield who married Margaret, daughter and heiress of John
Dunstaple and had by her a son, Thomas, and daughter,
184
Magdalene. In February, 1488-9, Thomas and his wife Eliza-
beth surrendered to Henry Snawe, Magdalene's husband, their
right in a tenement and shops in the lane of St. Nicholas Aeon
in the parish of St. Martin Orgar (once owned by John Dun-
staple), and other property. (Husting Roll 219, 9.)
Amongst the contemporaries of the earlier Richard Hatfield
were the three Rulers of the Mistery sworn in 1415, the year
before the incorporation of the Company. John Parker, the first J°h"
of these, was again in office as Master or Warden between 1416
and 1420. He acted with others on behalf of the Company
(in 1407 and 1417) in the acquisition of property both in Watling
Street and in Cloak Lane, and of a shop in Cheap and a tenement
in Dowgate Ward. (Ibid. 135, 15; 145, 7.) In January,
1412-13, he was assessed at 445. amongst owners of a yearly
income of 2O/. and upwards, and he appears to have been acting
as trustee in January, 1423-4 and in 1429. (Ibid. 152, 45 ;
158, 5 ; Lay Subs. 144, 20.) He can hardly be identified with
the John Parker who was Junior Warden in 1442-3 and 1443-4.
One of the two had a grandson, who as John Parker, gentleman,
son and heir of Richard Parker, son and heir of John Parker,
cutler, with his wife Joan, owned property in the parish of St.
Bride, Fleet Street, in the last years of the fifteenth century.
(Husting Roll 225, 62.) Second to Parker, as ruler in 1415,
was Thomas Kyngestone, also a feoffee in 1407 and 1417. (Ibid. Thomas
135, 15 ; 145, 7.) The third Ruler in 1415 was John Swalwe,
to whom, jointly with Stephen Hermer (also a cutler), John
Parker and Thomas Kynton made, in 1417, the curious grant
(printed on pp. 291-293) which is associated with the name of
Martin Godard.
Of John Hyde, co-feoffee of John Parker and Thomas J°hn
Kyngestone in 1407, who had been a Ruler of the Mistery in
1392, we learn from other sources that he at one time held the
office of Escheator Royal in Berkshire, and acted as witness at
185
Henry
Whitby.
Martin
Godard.
Setcombe in the same county as late as 1437. (Westm. Abbey
Records, Deeds 7176, 7399.) Two of his fellow craftsmen,
lately deceased in 1422, were John Lyndesey and Henry Whitby.
(Rusting Rolls 151, 6, 18 ; 160, 30.) Henry had married Isabel,
daughter of John Lye, and a tenement in Fleet Street which
came to them from Richard Lye, Isabel's brother, was sold by
their son and heir, John, by deeds of conveyance dated 1422,
1431, and 1437. (Ibid. 151, 6 ; 160, 30 ; 166, 16.)
Martin Godard is especially worthy of note for the length
of his service, which extended over nearly forty years. He was
Ruler of the Mistery at various dates from 1379 to 1393, and
Senior Warden on its incorporation in 1416 and in 1417, and
possibly held office even later. Adam Craft, stockfishmonger,
and his wife, Cecilia, leased a tenement in Abchurch Lane to
Martin Godard in December, 1391. (Rusting Roll 120, 53.)
Martin was brother of John Godard, goldsmith, with whom he
was associated in 1397 in a settlement of the property of John
Smyth, tailor, and his wife, Alice. (Ibid. 126, 99, 104.) The
next year John Godard appointed his brother, Martin, one of
Associated his executors. (Ibid. 127, 85.) On 3ist January, 1401-2, in
brotherSand discharge of his trust, Martin delivered to the Chamberlain the
°mithsg° property of his two nieces, Katherine and Anne, the charge
being then transferred with his consent to William Sudbury,
draper, who married Cecilia, his late brother's widow. (Letter-
Book I, p. 17.) His name appears in deeds of 1399, 1402-3, and
1412, showing that he transacted business for Stephen and
Solomon Oxney, goldsmiths (Rusting Roll 129, 43), also for
Solomon and his wife, Cecily, late the wife of Thomas Boner, in
connection with certain London properties. (Ibid. 131, 41 ;
139, 82.)
In 1415 Martin was one of a jury summoned to determine
the validity of a marriage contracted by the orphan daughter
of a late Alderman without the consent of the Mayor and
186
Aldermen. (Letter-Book I, p. 142.) He was surety for the
guardianship of John, son of John Oxneye, the same year.
(Ibid., p. 143.) If not himself one of the benefactors of the A trustee
^ , . . , . for the poor
Company, he was certainly concerned in a deed of chanty to oftheCom-
its poorer members. In 1417 he granted a tenement in Dowgate F
Ward in the parish of St. Michael Paternoster Royal which
he had held with Solomon Oxney and John Godard, goldsmiths,
(whether in trust or as private property is not clear) to his
fellow cutlers, John Parker and Thomas Kynton, who settled
it, with other property, for the benefit of the poor men of
their Mistery. (Hasting Rolls 145, 5, 6, 7 ; 162, 25.) To the
same year belongs the grant made by two past officers to two
other members of the Company of an annual rent of five marks
and four yards of coloured cloth as often as new " clothing " ^uan°Ufor the
was issued by the Master and Wardens of the Mistery of Cutlers }g™ of his
to the Brethren of their Fraternity. The grant was to issue
from various properties including certain lands in the parish
of St. Michael Paternoster, acquired by the grantors, Parker
and Kynton, from Martin Godard, and it was limited to the
term of the lives of Martin Godard and his wife, Marion, or thr
survivor. (See pp. 291-3. ) Not long afterwards, Martin Godard
was discharged from further service on juries, etc., on the ground
of increasing old age. (Letter-Book I, p. 181.)
Amongst the Masters and Wardens who served between
1416 and 1420 were William Graunger, John Munt, Peter John Munt.
Tomere, and John Chadde. (Ibid., pp. 249-50.) John Munt
had been executor in 1407 of John Combe, cutler, who left a
daughter, Johanna. (Ibid., pp. 56, 65.) William Graunger,
the husband of Ellen, daughter of John Twyford, cutler, was
appointed executor of the will of his father-in-law on 7th July,
1414. (Archdeacon of London's Registry, Reg. I, f. 330.)
Richard, John's son, also a cutler, was already dead, and John
left Richard's goods to William Graunger's care for tin use of
187
John
Chadde.
A benefac-
tor of the
Company.
his grandchildren. From January, 1416-17, to November,
1420, the guardianship of one of these children, a son, was
entrusted to William. (Letter-Book I, pp. 170, 246.)
Of John Chadde, who was appointed Junior Warden by
the Charter of 1416, somewhat more is known. He had been
one of the pledges of William Hegge on his prosecution for
burglary in or near the Cutlery ten years previously (Letter-
Book F, p. 275) and executor of William Boxsone, late pewterer,
in 1415. (Letter-Book I, p. 140.) In 1424 he was concerned
in a conveyance of lands in All Saints parish in Broad Street
\Yard. (Husting Roll 152, 44.) He had also an interest in
tenements in the same parish (now known as Allhallows, London
Wall) from the solar of which he left rent to his wife, Joan, in
1434, and with the same Joan acquired and owned a tenement
in Conynghopelane, in the parish of St. Mildred, Poultry. The
latter property was to be sold after Joan's death for the benefit
of poor householders (parishioners of St. Mary Colechurch and
St. Mildred), and of poor cutlers. His will, proved in January,
1435-6, also provided for his burial in St. Mildred's church.
(Ibid. 164, 28.) He may perhaps be identified with the John
Chadde, who served in 1429 on a jury to determine what goods
John Coventre, late Alderman, had left. (Letter-Book K,
p. 105.)
The Master elected at the special meeting of 1420 when
Richard Hatfield became Senior Warden (see p. 127) was
William Multone, who with his wife, Agnes, was concerned in
the sale of premises in Colbrook and Stanwell between 1414
and 1421. (Feet of Fines, edd. Hardy and Page, v. i, pp. 178-81.)
He also owned a tenement in the parish of St. Lawrence Jewry
in January, 1438-9. (Husting Roll 167, 26.) In the assembly
above mentioned Thomas Warde took part, and John Whestowe
was elected Junior Warden. In the accounts for the year
28-29 Henry VI (1450-1) it is recorded that the " obit of Wes-
188
towe " cost the Company 35. Of Richard Elyot, bladesmith,
nothing more is known than the burglary and robbery of his
house in the parish of St. Sepulchre by Thomas Broun of
London, " brueresman,11 in 1419. (Letter-Book I, p. 230.) The
name of William Squyer, sheather, of the Ward of Farringdon
Without, has survived in connection with an event of more
general interest. In 1420 he was, in company with other rebel-
lious citizens, committed to gaol for refusing to contribute to a
subsidy of 2,000 marks granted to the King, and for defying the
authority of the Alderman of the Ward of Bread Street. (Ibid.,
p. 245.) Nothing seems to be known of Geoffrey Gyburn,
cutler, beyond the fact that in January, 1433-4, he was associated
with others in the purchase of the reversion of lands in the
parish of Allhallows, Fenchurch Street. (Husting Roll 162,
47.) Another cutler of whom only a single mention is preserved,
John Salman, sold part of his inheritance in Seacoal Lane in
1438. (Ibid. 167, 17.)
Besides the instances already quoted of the employment
of members of the Craft in the guardianship of the orphans of
their fellow citizens, we may also notice Thomas Chymbeham, to
whom the care of John, son of Robert Eland, late draper, was
entrusted in February, 1425-6. (Letter- Book K, p. 50), and
Thomas Belgrave about eight years later guardian, with four Thomas
others, fishmongers, of the children of Richard Gosselyn, late
ironmonger. (Ibid., p. 166.) Belgrave was Junior Warden in
1428, and probably served the higher offices also. In 1433 he
joined with others in purchasing two shops in the parish of
St. Mildred, Poultry, which they sold to Sir William Estfeld,
seven years later. (Husting Rolls 161, 44 ; 169, 30.) He was A large
engaged in similar transactions in 1434, 1436, and 1437 (Ibid. 163, Pn
15, 16 ; 164, 59) when Walter Brightwalton alias Northwold,
fellow Warden of John Howys in 1433, was one of his co-trustees.
(Ibid. 162, 25.) In 1450-1 Belgrave figures much in the accounts
respecting the conveyance of certain property (which cannot be
identified) to the Company. " Paid to Thomas Froddesham for
rnakyng of dedes made by Belgrave & other vnto the seid Maister
company. & Wardeyns, ios." " Item in expenses vpon the seid Belgrade
(sic) in a soper atte kynges hede in Chepe & for a knyfe gyven
vnto the same Belgrade, 35. 4^." There was also a payment of
35. 4<l. " to Eton man of lawe for his counsell in makyng of the
seid dedes," and of 6d. " in expenses on the same Eton." Two
' bedelles " received 55. at taking possession, and 35. 6d. was
further spent in " expenses." In 1464-5 " Belgrave and his
wif " dined with the Company as their guests.
In 1428-9 Thomas Belgrave had taken part, with his fellow
Wardens William Brown and John Newenton, in the prosecution
johnHoke's of Tohn Hoke, cutler, before the Mayor and Aldermen. A
offences.
baselard harnessed with silver of false alloy had been found in
John's house, and on its evidence he was convicted and fined
^od. Within a month he was again charged with a like offence,
two bars of silver of false alloy used for harnessing a girdle being
produced against him. The fine of 6s. &d. then inflicted was
followed eight days later by another of ios. when two lockets
of silver of false alloy used for harnessing a baselard, the property
of John Howys, cutler, brought about a third conviction. The
record states that judgment was passed pursuant to the Ordinance
recorded in Letter-Book F, fol. xc, this Ordinance being the
Cutlers' "Articles" of 1344. (Letter-Book K, pp. 93-4.) The
penalty for a fourth conviction would have been to forswear
the Mistery.
Fines for j ^5 serious violations of the Company's rules than those
&lldlS
wares. just recorded belong to the year 1456-7 when William Getter,
Richard Hollys, John Munde (possibly of the family of John
Munt of 1416-20, p. 187), William Swone, John Alyn, and
William Grey, paid fines for " Alienez wares," as did also their
better known contemporaries John Amell, Thomas Pakeman,
190
and Thomas Pope. John Howys, Warden in 1433, in which
capacity he took part in the conveyance of some of the Com-
pany's property (Husting Roll 162, 26, 42, 43), was probably
the father of Richard Howys, liveryman in 1449-50, who paid
6s. Sd. for the debt of his father in 1452-3.
Thomas Trylle, Master in 1444-5 and again in 1452-3, is
probably the cutler of that name who between 1407 and 1457
sued one John Kirkby, clerk, in Chancery for refusing either
to quit, or pay rent for, his house in the suburbs. (Early Chan.
Proc., Bundle 16, no. 476). A " Thomas Tyll, coteler," who
witnessed a deed of 1429 may possibly be the same person.
(Husting Roll 158, 5.) Trylle acquired lands in " Bogerrowe "
(Budge Row) in the parish of St. John Walbrook in 1432. (Ibid.
161, 23), and in 1433, 1438, and 1451 he was engaged in the A feoffee
conveyance to the Company of their premises in Cloak Lane. Company.
He can hardly be the Thomas Trylle, cutler, discharged in 1443,
as had been Richard Bat ell (another of the same craft) five
years earlier, from service on juries and similar duties on account
of " inert old age " ; for he was buying ivory in 1461-2, and
seems to have been in full possession of his faculties when he HIS win.
made his will, proved the following May, in September, 1465.
(P. C. C. ii Godyn.) In the church of St. John Walbrook,
where he desired to be buried, a priest was to be provided to
celebrate throughout one year at the altar of St. Mary for the
souls of himself and his benefactors. He did not neglect his
apprentices. Agnes, his wife, was directed to excuse one of
them, Thomas Couper, for the last year of his term, or pay him
i6s. Sd. for his service ; and a bequest of 6s. Sd. was left to
another, John Spanby, on condition of his continued good
conduct. This may be the John Spannesby who was a livery- John
man and took William Woodroof as apprentice in 11-12 Edward
IV (1471-2), and held the office of Senior Warden in 9-10
Henry VII (1494-5). Another cutler named John Spannesby
191
paid i os. as freedom fee in 18-19 Edward IV (1478-9). Thomas
Couper, Trylle's other apprentice, was probably of the same
family as John Cowper, " shether," whose will was proved in
January, 1496-7. (See p. 26.) It would seem that Thomas
Trylle died childless, the only near relative mentioned in his
will being Elizabeth, widow of his son William. Besides the
two apprentices above-mentioned, John Pope, Walter Rawn-
sone, and William Sprigge had served him as apprentices.
Thomas Thomas Otehill, citizen and cutler, who was associated with
Otetull.
Thomas Trylle's widow as executor, was an active member of
the Company from 1442 to 1472, a liveryman in 1442-3, Senior
Warden in 1444-5, Master in 1456-7 and again in 1469-70.
He was carrying on his business in 1464-5, when he bought
" a hole tothe " of ivory weighing 51 Ibs. (See p. 328.) Of
two of his apprentices, Thomas Clarence and John Sharp, the
names only seem to have been preserved. Richard Otehill,
probably a kinsman, who was apprenticed to him in 1442-3,
was made free in 1469-70.
wmiam William Seton, apprenticed to Otehill in 1442-3, was a
man of some substance, serving the Company in much the
same way as his Master before him. The records of the sale
of ivory show that he was practising his craft in 1462-3. (See
p. 327.) He was Junior Warden in 1464-5, Rent-gatherer from
1468 to 1470 and in 1471-2, and Master in 1470-2, 1478-80,
1484-6, and 1496-8. He was associated, with his fellow cutlers
William Vale and John Brown, in 1466 in the purchase of lands
in Fleet Street, and seven years later with John Brown and
other citizens in acquiring property in the parish of St. Sepulchre
without Newgate. (Rusting Rolls 196, 18, 19, 20; 203, 26.)
The second purchase seems to have been made on behalf of
William himself, as a deed enrolled in 1536 records the sale by
Lancelot Eyre and his wife Elizabeth, kinswoman and heiress
of the late William Seton, cutler, of lands and tenements in
192
this parish. (Ibid. 241, 46.) From a suit brought against him sued in
in Chancery between 1459 and 1465, it may be assumed that he fo/hS
was something of a Shylock. He had acquired a tenement in d
the parish of St. Olave by the Tower from Richard son of
George Trony in 1461, Robert Trot and another being associated
with him in the purchase. (Ibid. 191, 22.) This tenement and
another in the same parish were given over the next year by
Robert to William and his wife Clemency (Ibid. 192, 2), who
afterwards released to him their rights in both. (Ibid. 193, 3.)
It was probably in connection with this transaction that Robert
became indebted to William for 3O/. He undertook to make
repayment in quarterly instalments of 2os. every Monday after
the quarter-day " at Seynt Thomas of Acres in London at a
certeyn auter ther between viij and x in the morning every
tyme." At first all went well, but when the fourth payment
was due, Robert in his lay ignorance supposed that the next
quarter-day was the Monday after Easter Day, instead of the
Annunciation, and did not appear at the hour appointed. As
soon as " x of the clok was striken," William departed and
refused to receive the money though it was pressed upon him
by the defaulter, who seems to have quickly discovered his
mistake a quarter of an hour later. (Early Chanc. Proc
Bundle 28, no. 292.) The William Seton, cutler, discharged in
1470 from serving on juries owing to deafness and other infir-
mities (Letter- Book L, p. 90), can hardly be identified with a
man who was Master twenty-eight years later, but may have
belonged to the same family.
An illustration of the importance to which members of the John Lane.
< raft some times attained outside the limits of City life is afforded
by a grant of protection made in or before 1441 to John Lane,
ritizen and cutler, for accompanying John, Earl of Huntingdon,
Lieutenant of the Duchy of Aquitaine on a mission for the safe
nd victualling »»i Bordeaux. Though the safe-conduct
193
William
Brown .
Bequest to
the Com-
pany.
Agnes
Brown.
William
Bode.
was afterwards withdrawn " because he tarries in London and
the suburbs thereof'1 (Patent Roll 19 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 4),
it is likely that John's business lay chiefly in foreign parts. He
appears as a liveryman in the first Account, 1442-3, about
which time another John Lane, perhaps his son, was apprenticed
to him.
The first Master whose name appears in the Company's
official records is William Brown, Warden in 1428-9, and the
owner of two shops in " le Baile " without Newgate six years
later. (Rusting Roll 163, 9.) He appears as Master in the
Account for 1442-3 and was Master the following year also,
and again for the two consecutive years 1449-51. In 1431 he
had been associated with William Donne, clerk, as executor of
the will of William Wyllymotte or Wylmot, late of London,
clerk. (Patent Roll 10 Hen. VI, pt. i, m. 28.) He would seem
to have made a bequest to the Company, and died before or in
1453-4*, when the following entry appears in the account :
" Paid for the dyner of Brownes wyf when she brought in the
cup vnto the craft & for an acquytance 55. 2d" The names of
three of his apprentices, Roger Soker bound in 1443-4, Thomas
Stamper in 1444-5, and Edward Manyng in 1450-1, have been
preserved, as also that of Henry Padworth, whom Agnes Brown,
presumably his widow, took as her apprentice in 1461-2. That
Agnes carried on her husband's business with vigour and success
is shown by the account of the sums laid out by her in ivory.
On two occasions, in 1461-2 and 1464-5, she was the largest
purchaser in the Company ; the first time buying 24! Ibs. for
245. 9^., the second 63! Ibs. for 425. 4^. In 1462-3, when she
bought 22f Ibs. for 22$. gd.t she was second only to John Catour.
(See p. 327-)
Of two members of the Craft, William Bode and John
Eland, admitted to the Freedom in 1442-3, the former is only
* Another cutler of this name was living in 1468. (Husting Roll 199, 16).
194
remembered for his misfortunes as surety. He entered into a
bond on behalf of Thomas Hillary who undertook to keep
certain persons harmless against the King, and though, as he
maintained, Thomas fulfilled his engagement, this did not save
William from prosecution for debt before or in 1465. (Early
Chanc. Proc., Bundle 27, no. 410.) His fellow freeman, John
Eland, who took Roger Burford as his apprentice after his
admission, is perhaps the John Aylond to whom Piers Rees was
apprenticed in 1452-3. Either he or a son of the same name
was a liveryman in 1477-8, paying 55., arrears of his entry fee,
in 1483-4, and another 55. the following year, and taking Robert
Traunt and Andrew Wright as apprentices. He may have been
the father of John Eyland, the King's cutler. (See later, p. 209.)
Another of the numerous variations of the name Eland, Aylond,
or Eyland, seems to be the form Alend, one John Alend being
apprenticed to John Madam in 1452-3.
A leading member of the Craft was the elder John Amell, John
a liveryman in 1443-4, when he took John Payn and Walter
Pilsty as his apprentices, Junior Warden in 1452-3, and Master
in 1459-60. His will, a lengthy document of great interest, is
dated 7th February, 1473, and was proved on 26th February
following. (P. C. C. 12 Wattys). From this we learn that he
lived in the parish of St. Magnus the Martyr, London Bridge,
and survived his wife, Joan, his nearest relative being his sister,
Margaret Holwey. Mention is also made of his cousins, John
Amell, of Greenwich, and Cicely Amell, and of Adam Fermour,
his kinsman, a prominent cutler of earlier date. (See p. 92.)
In his testament he provided for his burial " in the myddes of
the body of the parish church or College of seint Mighelle called
Whytyngton's College," and left 6s. Sd. to that church for tin*
purpose. Other clauses contain bequests to the church of
St. Magnus and to " the workes of the Cathedral Church of St.
Paul." Of very human interest is the apportioning, common
195
Distribution
of his effects.
Last will.
Gift to poor
Cutlers.
Association
with Adam
Perm our.
in early wills, of plate and household stuff to various legatees ;
" to Margaret my sister the hangyng Bankers and Quyshens
in myn hall hoole as thei be, my bed in my Chambre
my two siluer spones being in my boxe, all my peauter vessell
goyng a brode, all my pottes of Peauter, an holy water stoupe of
Peauter, two Candelstikkes of laton " (and other items). To
John Amell " all my bedding being in my Chambre at Wai worth
and all my weryng clothes except my best blue gowne and my
Murrey goune engreyned." The residue of his personal property
was to be sold to provide masses for his own soul and all Christian
souls, and for the relief of poor prisoners and other necessitous
persons. The last will, which follows the testament, deals
with his real property. A cottage and curtilage in Aldgate
Street and land in " Baaffeld in Stebbenhugh," in which Margaret
Holwey had a life interest, were to remain after her death to
the use of the Master, Wardens, and Commonalty of the Craft
of Cutlers of London to disburse 265. Sd. every quarter " to
6 poor men of the said Crafte of goode and vertuous disposicion
suche as falle vnto pouertee by the Infortunitee of the world and
nott by any other mysguydyng. . . . vnder this fourme that
euery such poure man haue at euery such terme xiijd. to relieve
his poure degree their with which amounteth among the vj per-
sones att euery terme vjs. vjd. And the ijd. thanne remaynyng of
euery such vjs. viijd. atte a terme I woll they be deliuered to the
saide vj poure men they to bestowe it in good ale and make them
mery their with." Part of the remaining issues of the property
was to be expended in associating the names of the donor and his
wife in the masses said by the Cutlers' Company for the soul of
Adam Fermour. Richard Arnold, one of Amell's executors, and a
fellow parishioner of St. Magnus, London Bridge, was a well-known
antiquary and chronicler, whose work entitled the '•" Customs of
London " or " Arnold's Chronicle " contains the earliest known
version of the interesting " Ballade of ye Notte-browne Mayde."
196
The name of Walter Lucy would seem, in the absence of Waiter
evidence for their identification as one man, to have been borne Lucy<
by two members of the Craft. In 1429 the elder of these, who
had been admitted into the freedom of the City as a Cutler
about twenty-eight years before, petitioned to be translated
into the Mistery of Haberdashers, having followed that calling
for a considerable time past. (Letter-Book K, p. 109.) His
prayer, seconded by the Master and good men of the Mistery
of Haberdashers, was granted, and in the course of the next
two years he became one of the Masters of his adopted Mistery.
(Ibid., p. 143.) Possibly the Walter Lucy, citizen and cutler, Perhaps two
who was one of the creditors of Thomas Bolle of Eltham in named.
1444, was his son or relative. (Pat. Roll, 23 Hen. VI, pt. i,
m. 28.) Of William Scot, cutler, it is recorded that in 1447 woiiam
Simon Sigale, a Genoese merchant, undertook under penalty s
of 4O/. to do him no harm. (Ibid., 25 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 27.) A
Henry Scot, perhaps William's son, was apprenticed to Nicholas
Asser in 1462-3. James Begaraunt, who took part as Warden
in the formal acquisition of the Cloak Lane site in May, 1451,
bound Thomas Baret as his apprentice the following year. Ten Thomas
years later, this Thomas, now himself a cutler, was associated
with William Seton and others in a conveyance of property near
the Tower. (Husting Roll 192, i.) He seems to have increased
his business considerably in the course of the next few years,
for in 1461-2 he bought 2 Ibs. of ivory, in 1462-3, 12 Ibs., whilst
in 1464-5 his name appears as the purchaser of " a hole tothe
of Ivory wayng 52^ Ibs." (See pp. 327-328.)
Between 1467 (or possibly 1433) and 1472 several members
<»1 the Craft figured in Chancery suits. The first of these, John
Kynge, described as bladesmith but also a member of the Cutlers'
Company, being a liveryman in 1452-3 and taking William wiiiiam
Bardall as apprentice in 1461-2, petitioned against his imprison-
ment in Ludgate prison pending an action for debt brought
Robert
Pykmere.
Bequest to
the Com-
pany.
Thomas
Pykmere.
against him by Thomas Person. (Early Chan. Proc., Bundle 46,
no. 321.) During the same period William Ingland summoned
a brother cutler, John Calker, on a bond for sale to him of an
apprentice who died soon after the transfer. (Ibid., Bundle 10,
no. 124.) John Calker, who had himself been apprenticed to
John Fordham in 1453-4, was again in trouble for some irre-
gularity in connection with an apprentice in 1485-6. The name
of John Fordham appears in a settlement of 1458 (Husting Roll
187, 8, 15), and again in 1461-2 as a purchaser of ivory. (See
P- 327.)
Of high standing and reputation, if we may judge by his
service in the Company, was Robert Pykmere, liveryman in
1442-3, Senior Warden in 1453-4, Rent-gatherer in 1458-9 and
1467-8, and Master five times between the years 1468 and 1484.
The names of his apprentices John Wodecot, Henry Pykmere,
Michael Acres, John Russell, Roger Pykmere, William Hedon,
Edmond Hall, and John Dawne, have been preserved. In his
will of 7th February, 1487, proved on 5th May following (P.C.C.
/ Milles), he leaves " to the Commonalte of my crauft of Cuttelers
in the Citte of london a fyne new bord cloth of diapre werk
werkid \\rt Crosse diamondis conteynyng viij yards in lenght
and a yarde and halfe in brede." He provides for his burial
with his late wife Johanne in the church of St. Bride, Fleet Street,
before the north door ; leaving 45. to four " poore persones of
my craufte " who were to act as bearers. One of his executors,
Robert Gate, described as " shether," is not named amongst
the members of the Company, from which it appears that at
this date the Sheathers had not been incorporated with the Cut-
lers. To Thomas Pykmere " myn cosin Citezen and Cutteler,"
Robert Pykmere left a standing mazer mounted in " siluer and
ouergilte." Thomas himself became a liveryman about thi^date,
and held the offices of Junior and Senior Warden in the latter
years of the century. An apprentice bound to him in 13-14
198
Henry VII, one Humphrey Pykmere, was probably, like the
Henry and Roger who served his cousin in the same capacity,
one of the same family. Among his other apprentices were
Thomas Bromehurst and John Farby.
Another legatee, and the overseer of Robert Pykmere's
will, was William Vale, liveryman in 1461-2, afterwards rising
through the offices of Warden and Rent-gatherer, to become
Master in 1481-2 and again in 1486-7. William, who was one
of the securities for Thomas Covell, a Warden of the Dyers'
Company, in 1486 (Journal 9, f. 123.), was probably a relative
of John Vale, Senior Warden in 1464-5, and of the same family
as Richard Vale, Senior Warden in 1572. The extent of his
business, as in the case of his friend and colleague, is shown by
the list of apprentices bound to him ; William More, 1461-2 ;
Robert Morteyn, 1468-9 ; John Cotteman, 1470-1 ; John
Preston, 1473-4 ; Thomas Preston, 1478-9 ; Thomas Horneclyf,
1480-1 ; and Richard Percyvale, 1489-90. His will, dated
1452, with seal attached, is preserved amongst the records of
St. Paul's Cathedral. (Hist. MSS. Com. gth Rep., App. p. 48.)
He leaves certain tenements in Distaff Lane and in St. Lawrence
Lane to maintain a chantry in the crypt of St. Paul's Cathedral,
for the good estate in this life or that to come of Sir William
Say, Dean Say, Henry, Earl of Essex, Lord Mount joy, many
members of the Say family, and Dean Shirborne.
Another prominent member of the Craft, John Dey, livery- John
man in 1442-3, was three times Master, in 1468-9, 1475-6, and
1476-7. A settlement of all their property in the City on
certain trustees, amongst whom was John Dey, cutler, was
made by Richard and Alice Hay ward in 1460-1. (Husting Roll
189, 20.) In 1468 John was one of a jury appointed to settle
the differences between William Rotheley, goldsmith, and John
Johnson, butcher, touching lands in Woolwich. (Letter-Book K,
p. 393.) He entered into a bond on behalf of Felix Brynknell,
199
His will. widow, in February, 1472-3 (Letter-Book L, p. no), and in his
will of 5th September, 1475, left marriage portions of two marks
each to her daughters Isabella and Matilda. (P. C.C.2I Wattys. )
Among many other pious and charitable bequests was a sum of
5/. for distribution amongst the poor, especially those of his
own Craft, who were householders in the City and suburbs of
London. He was probably a native of Watford where he held
lands, for he left J_5/. for the repair of bad and ruinous ways
charitable between London and Watford, and six marks for the poor of
the parish to be laid out in cloth, linen, and wool. A life-
interest in his lands in Watford and his tenement and shops in
the Old Jewry was enjoyed by his widow Margaret, a daughter
of John Pykton, citizen of London. Their sons, Robert, Richard
and John, and their daughter Isabella, were minors at their
father's death, but William the eldest son and a daughter Mar-
garet seem to have been of age. In July, 1476, Margaret Dey,
with John Toker, cutler, and others, entered into a bond for
payment of her husband's legacies to their children Robert and
Isabella, of whom she was appointed guardian by his will.
(Letter-Book L, pp. 142-3.) John Dey, one of the younger sons,
was admitted to the Freedom in 1483-4.
johnCatour. Little is known of the private history of John Catour,
another leading cutler of this period, beyond the fact that he
was a man of some substance in 1412-13, when he was assessed
at 6s. Sd. as the owner of an income of not less than 2O/. a year.
(Lay Subs. 144, 19.) He seems to have been actively engaged
in trade most of his life, for he bought ivory in considerable
quantities between 1461 and 1469. (See pp. 327-328.) As
Warden he took part in the acquisition of the Cloak Lane site in
May, 1451 ; he had been Rent-gatherer in 1442-3, and was twice
Master, in 1458-9 and 1465-6. In 1461 he was associated with
William Hubberd, bladesmith, and other trustees, in the acquisi-
tion of a tenement in Fleet Street once called " le Rose on the
200
hoop," but then known as " le Chirche on the Hope " (Hasting
Roll 191, 5), and of lands in the parish of St. Martin in the
Vintry. (Ibid. 191, 6.) Some land in the parish of St. Law-
rence Jewry, which John Catour had held jointly with William
Brown and William Brynkenell, cutlers, and Richard Hayward,
mercer, were demised by him to John Dey in 1468, when his
associates were dead. (Ibid. 199, 16.) William Hubberd, the
bladesmith above mentioned, and his wife Agnes, acquired land
in the parish of St. Martin Ludgate in January, 1448-9. (Ibid.
177, 20, 21.) William took part in another purchase in 1461.
(Ibid. 191, 25.)
In 1450 John Deynes, of Halesworth, Suffolk, cutler, failed Robert
to appear before the Justices of the Bench on the summons of
Robert Hynkeley, citizen and bladesmith of London. (Pat.
Roll, 28 Hen. VI, pt. i, m. 20.) Robert was dead two years
later, when his widow Agnes and her second husband, John
Leylond, skinner, were allowed the use of his mark, the double Dispute as
crescent, notwithstanding the petition of the Mistery of Blade-
smiths, John Morth, bladesmith, being at the same time com-
pelled to relinquish the same mark. (Journal 6, f. 249.) This
mark is drawn in the Ordinance of 23rd January, 1519-20,
where it is assigned to Thomas Jakson. (See p. 118.) Another
bladesmith of this period, John Benet, in 1458 acquired with
others a rent from tenements in Fleet Street which had formerly
passed through the hands of John Parker. (Husting Roll 187,
30.)
Three members of the family of Harrison were connected The
with the Company in the second half of the fifteenth century,
Kb hard apprrnticed to John Goffe in 1461-2, Thomas appivn
tired to John Chamber in 1489-90, and a second Richard wh<>
obtained the freedom in 1496-7. Thomas Harrison seems to
Ix the bladesmith of that name associated in 1486 with another
bladesmith, Richard Wilcocks, as surety for the appearance of
JO I
John Dober before the Mayor and Aldermen. (Journal 9,
f. 126.) All three afterwards served the Bladesmiths' Mistery
as Warden ; Dober in 1488, Wilcocks in 1489, and Thomas
Harrison in 1490-1 in place of Wilcocks deceased. (Ibid.,
f. 3036.) Wilcocks, like Harrison, was a member of both Crafts,
having become a freeman of the Cutlers in 1465-6. The above
City record preserves the names of the following cutlers ; living,
Richard Colle and Peter Forster in 1486-7, Thomas Piguier in
1488, Robert Serle, William Humfrey and Robert Bewyke in
1489, and William Wall in 1490. (Ibid., ff. 1446, 2176, 2316,
Thomas 241, 2636.) Of Thomas Read, cutler, two facts only are recorded,
his marriage with Elizabeth, one of the daughters and co-heirs
of Henry and Elizabeth Skete, and their surrender in 1466 of
their right to a tenement in the parish of St. Michael Cornhill,
which the elder Elizabeth had once held. (Rusting Roll 196, 26. )
wniiam A good deal more is known of William Hertwell, who became
a freeman in 1469-70, Junior Warden in 1476-8, and Senior
Warden in 1480-1 ; he was Rent-gatherer from 1483 to 1487,
and twice Master, in 1489-90 and 1495-6. John Adamson,
John Storurre, William Hynkys, John Cokkys (possibly a
descendant of James Cokkes of the early years of this century,
see p. 181), William Cotteman, and William Parker were all
His win. apprenticed to him. In his will, dated 3oth July, 1497, he
provided for his burial in the cloister of the churchyard of
St. Magnus " nygh the brigge of London/' and for the burning
about his body of eight new tapers of wax and four torches.
Four of these tapers were bequeathed to the same church, of
which he was a parishioner, and two priests of its Fraternity
were to pray daily for his soul during four years. He also
provided for the singing of masses for his soul in the church of
St. Magnus and by the religious of the Charterhouse and the
Greyfriars. Ten marks each and gifts of plate were bequeathed
to his son and his daughter Alice, wife of another cutler, John
202
Wylford. (P. C. C. 19 Moone.) John Wylford, who was John
apprenticed in 1478-9 to John Brown, a member of the Craft
in 1466 and probably earlier (Husting Rolls 196, 18, 19, 20 ;
203, 26), was Senior Warden soon after the death of his father-
in-law, who had made him one of his executors. More than
forty years later, in 1537, he served in the same capacity for
his friend William Heth (P. C. C. 3 Dingeley), and in 1547 ne
was still a member of the Court of Assistants. (See p. 353.)
Two members of the Pope family seem to belong entirely I1101™/-
to the fifteenth century, and were perhaps father and son. A andsim.
still earlier Thomas Pope, not known to be a cutler, was a
Common Councilman for Cheap ward in 1383-4. (Pleas and
Mem. Roll A, 27.) Thomas Pope, the elder, was a liveryman
in 1449-50, when the binding fee of his apprentice Thomas
Hedeley was reduced to 6s. 8d. and promptly paid. Junior
Warden in 1459-60, and Senior Warden in 1465-6, he did not
attain the office of Master, but died in 1470-1. Of John Pope,
the younger, it is only recorded that he was apprenticed to Thomas
Trylle in 1452-3, and between 1473 and 1475 petitioned the
Court of Chancery touching an action brought against him by
John Brown, of London, leatherseller. (Early Chan. Proc.,
Bundle 48, no. 86.) At a later date, and probably near the end
of the period 1475-1485 (since his apprenticeship to William
Asser, a kinsman probably of Richard Asser, cutler, living in
1447, had only begun in 1468-9), another litigant of the Craft,
John Hill, complained in Chancery against the Steward and John urn
Marshal of the Marshalsea for two malicious actions brought
nst him contrary to statute by John Whyte, brewer, for
debt and trespass. He had been arrested, so his complaint ran,
contrary to statute, " for both parties should be of the Kinges
honourable housold wher in trouth nether partie is nor atte
eny tyme hath been of the seid housold." (Ibid., Bundle 60,
no. 232.)
John
Chaumbrc.
John
Martyn.
Thomas
Pakeman.
A prisoner
in Ludgate.
One of Hill's contemporaries, John Chaumbre, was probably
son of the cutler of that name who owned land in " Burton
Hamelette," Chesterford, Essex, before 1447. (Westminster
Abbey Records, Deeds 3136, 3176.) John Chaumbre the
younger, who was made free in 1474-5, petitioned the Court of
Chancery between the years 1473 and 1475. He had been
attorney and factor of one Robert Colyns, cofferer, whose
executor afterwards brought an action against him. (Early
Chan. Proc., Bundle 48, no. 181.) In 1481-2 John was Rent-
gatherer, and Senior Warden in 1489-90. About the same
time (1473-5) another member of the Craft, John Martyn,
entered a complaint against the Steward of the Court of the
Savoy. One Thomas Moris, tailor, had delivered him a pair of
" briganders " and two sleeves of mail in pledge for a loan of
2os., these goods Humphrey Wilkyngham, " a man abidyng
within the Seyntuary of Westminster," assumed to be his own
property and sued John Martyn in the Court of the Savoy,
though they had been delivered in the parish of St. Bride Fleet
Street within the boundaries of the City of London. (Ibid.,
Bundle 48, no. 69.) William Martyn, apprenticed to William
Haydour, 1468-9, was probably of the same family as John.
Thomas Pakeman, liveryman in 1442-3, and Master in
1465-6, fell into decay in the latter years of his life and being
" a worshipfull man in the parish where he dwellid in/' obtained
a loan of 8/. los. from his neighbour, William Bolley. This
debt William purposed to forgive, but when he and Thomas
were both dead his widow Gertrude, then re-married to Richard
Alder, sued Elizabeth, widow of Thomas, and her second hus-
band, John Shipman, for the money. (Ibid., Bundle 63, no.
120.) Pakeman never held office, but was a much respected
brother, for whose " quytyng oute of Ludgate " prison in 1476-7
the Company paid the costs. (Accounts, 16-17 Edw. IV.) He
was buying ivory for his trade in 1464-5 (see p. 328), but there
204
is no evidence to show that he carried it on later. An alien
member of the Craft, Godfrey Vincentio, dwelling with his wife
Antonia, his daughter Margaret, and a servant, within the City,
contributed to the subsidy granted in 1483. (Subs. Roll 144,
750.) About three years later we meet the first cutler of the
royal household, one Laudus Ramson, who received a life grant
of the office of King's Cutler on igth November, 1485 (Pat. Roll,
i Hen. VII, pt. i, m. 34), doubtless for some good service to
the House of Lancaster. His name suggests a foreign nation-
ality, but he is described as a cutler of the City of London. This
being the earliest reference to the office, the document is printed
in the Evidences (pp. 336-337).
The names of William Bromefeld, William Leyfield, and
Thomas Shaa, cutlers, survive in connection with certain bonds.
In 1467 William Bromefeld bound himself in 20/. for the payment
of a like sum by Gilbert Vyncent to Thomas, son of John Hop-
kyns, late goldsmith, on his coming of age. (Letter-Book L,
p. 75.) From the Company's Accounts for 1478-9 it appears
that he bought (for 55.) a " C (100) of rede Dogeon," probably
wood for the handles of knives. William Leyfield and Thomas
Shaa became sureties in 1484 for the delivery by Thomas Hober-
thorn, grocer, of iql. and a carriage and four horses to the use
of Roger, son of William Clopham, on attaining his majority.
(Ibid., p. 213.) In 1498 Robert Tyler, cutler, took part in a
settlement of property on Andrew Teuwynter. (Hasting Roll
225, 25.) Of earlier date was John Bull, cutler, who was John Bull,
engaged in 1472 and 1473-4 in a suit touching messuages and
ndem in the parish of St. Botolph without Aldgate. (Husting
rieas of Lcuvd 168, mm. 2$d, 2&d.) He became Clerk in 1489-90,
and was probably a son of the John Bull whose wife bequeathed
some plate to the Company in or before 1468-9. (See p. 178.)
Another John Bull, probably of the same family, was a member
of the Company in 1537-8. (See p. 351.)
205
William
Heth.
His will.
Leaves a
" juell" to
the Com-
pany.
Funeral
repasts.
William Heth, like his friend John Wylford, belongs both
to the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Though his name does
not appear as a liveryman until 1498-9, and his mark, a W
(interlaced Vs), was entered on 23rd January, 1519-20 (Letter-
Book N, f. 1320. See illustration p. 118), he must have been
established in business long before. As early as 1479-80 he
took as his apprentice one William Hynkys (presumably " turned
over " to William Hertwell the next year), who is probably
the " Hynke " named in his will, proved in 1537, as amongst
his intimates. (P. C. C. 3 Dyngeley.) Another of these
" famyliar friends and lovers " was Thomas Garrard who had
been apprenticed to Denys Deraunt in 1475-6. It is probable
that William Heth served the higher offices in the Company,
but the records of the early years of the sixteenth century have
not been preserved. He left two sons, neither of whom fol-
lowed his father's calling ; one of them, Nicholas, being clerk
and Master of Arts, the other, William, a mercer. To Agnes,
his wife, he bequeathed his landed property in the parish of
St. Botolph without Aldgate, with remainder (on her death or
marriage) to his son William. He gave instructions for his
burial in the church of St. Martin Ludgate in which parish he
lived, and left money for its rood light, Fraternity high altar,
and ornaments, and also for an obit and masses there. To his
fellow craftsmen, John Wylford and John Eyland, he bequeathed
nl. in trust to be applied in the following way : " vij/. therof
for sum Juell for the crafte of Cutlers wherin my name may be
sett for a remembraunce to be prayed for by the Comminaltie
of the same Crafte, and xls. therof to be for a Repaaste to be
made to my said company of Cutlers, and the xls. residue to
be distributed and disposed amongest the most honest poure
people of the said Crafte of Cutlers after the discressions of
the said John Wylford and John Eyland/' " Repasts " figure
somewhat largely in this will, thirteen shillings and four pence
206
out of a bequest of 205. to the yeomanry of the Company were For the
devoted to " a repast or Recreation," and a similar festivity ^
was provided for the testator's fellow parishioners. " Item I
woll that myn honest neighburs of the said parishe of seynt
Martyn shalbe called to the Taverne called seynt Johns hede
on the morow next after my buryall that ys to sey as many of
them as there can conuenyently assemble, and there they to
have a Repaast ordeyned for them, for the whiche Repaast to
be made I bequethe xl.s. sterlings. And I desire and hartely
pray my seid honest neighburs that after the seyd Repaast Fo.r£j*
shalbe doon that they of ther charityes do say De profundis
for my soule and all Cristen soules." Nor was this the only
funeral feast. Twenty shillings sterling were set apart for a
" Recreacion " to be made within six or eight days after the
testator's death to and for his " famyliar trends and lovers—
Maister Southworth, Garrard, Hynke, William Chertesey, Wil-
liam Cottyngham, John Wysshe, and William Darking," with
such neighbours and at such place as they should appoint.
Other gifts consisted of los. apiece to his apprentices, of coal charitable
and money to the poor householders of his own parish, of money
and bread to hospitals and prisons, and his wife Agnes was
intreated to be " lovyng and frendly in disposicion of dedes of
charite for the welth of my soule," and also to her husband's
poor kinsfolk and familiar acquaintance.
A contemporary of William Heth was Simon Newenton or sjmon
.- . . Newyngton.
Newyngton, who in 1494 gave 95. towards making cushions for
Cutlers' Hall. He was Junior Warden in 1482 and 1483, Senior
Warden in 1486 and 1487, and Master in 1492-3 and 1498-9.
In 1497 William Hertwell appointed him overseer of his will.
;md left him los. (P. C. C. 19 Moone.) Twelve years later,
i8th June, 1509, Simon in his own will bequeathed a messuage Executet
called th< Woolsack and certain lands adjacent, forming the carter's
important Houndsditch estate, to the Company of Cutlers. beque
207
Marion
Garret.
William
Croft.
The Court
in 1540.
These had formerly belonged to Agnes Carter, and were made
over to the Company on the condition of the observance of a
yearly obit on the 7th of June for her soul and the souls of
Robert Duk, John Ball, and others. (Rusting Roll 236, 63.)
Another cutler of the reign of Henry VIII, and the King's own
bladesmith, was Marion or Marryn Garret, whose mark, a cinque-
foil pierced (see illustration, p. 118), was entered in the City
books at the same time as that of William Heth. He was
a Norman by birth, and the record of his denization is dated
I5th May, 1514. (Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII, v. i, 5080.)
In 1531 he received from the Privy Purse the sum of 61. i6d.
in payment for his bill (Nicolas, Privy Purse Expences of
Hen. VIII, p. 108). His place in the list of 1537 shows that
he must have held office. (See p. 351.) William Croft, cutler,
of the parish of St. Martin Ludgate, left at his death in 1551
sons named John and Lawrence and brothers named John and
Robert, to whom no other reference has been found in the
records of the Company. (Archdeacon of London's Registry,
Reg. 2, f. ^id.) The Master of the Company in 1522 was William
Patrick, perhaps descended from the thirteenth century cutlers
of that name. (See p. 60.)
A fragment surviving from one volume of the perished
records of the Company gives the following list of those
who attended a meeting of the Court at Cutlers' Hall on
8th April, 1540. There were present Hugh Holmes, Master,
Thomas Atkynson and John Gyles, Wardens, John Wylford,
John Haryson (who had been Senior Warden in 1522), John
Aylain, William Marler, John Hawkyns, Richard Carter, Thomas
Clyff, John Smyth (Master in 1550), and Christopher Alee,
whose names all appear in the 1537-8 list of the members of
the Company. (See pp. 351-2.) One of these, John Aylain,
belonged probably to the family of Eyland or Ayland (with its
other numerous and perplexing spellings) already well known
208
in the records of the Company. John Eyland, cutler to the
King, took part in 1522 in a settlement of land on another King's'
cutler, William Hythe. (Husting Roll 239, 4.) The name °
Hythe is probably a variant of Hethe, certain powers being
entrusted to John Eyland by William Heth under his will of
1535. (See p. 206.) Eyland was present on 2ist May, 1551,
when certain property in Mark Lane was taken into possession, *™£^OT
and in 1553 granted rent from property in Watling Street to Panv
his fellow cutlers Thomas Atkinson and Richard Carter, appar-
ently on behalf of the Company. Two years later he acquired
from John Gregory of Gray's Inn and his wife Anne, a messuage
and shops on Ludgate Hill, together with a shop west of the
same messuage which he already occupied. (Husting Roll 248,
19.) In 1558 he and his wife Alice surrendered to Richard
Hylle and William Peterson their right in three messuages and
five gardens on Tower Hill. (Ibid. 249, 59.) He is perhaps A common
the Common Councilman of the name of Eiland who was elected
a governor of Bridewell Hospital in 1566 (Letter- Book V, f. 490),
and the Mr. Ayland, cutler, who held a lease of his house in
Laurence Pountney Lane under the Drapers' Company in
1571-2. He is probably the John " Hand," who was Master
in 1573 ; the same office had been held by him or by an earlier
John Eyland in 1541, and one of the two was Senior Warden
in 1550. An Eyland, apprenticed in 1585 to James Short and
turned over to Edward Chilton the next year, probably belonged
to the younger generation of this family.
Richard Carter, whose name also occurs in the above list
of 1540, was the Company's Renter in 1547, Warden in 1541,
Master in 1548, and member of the Court of Assistants until
February, 1563-4. He supplied the Drapers' Company in
1557-8 with swords for the French War at 2s. Sd. " the pece,"
and was paid 2 is. 6d. on two occasions " for the newe dressinge
<>i the swordes daggers skabards chapes and suche lyke thinges."
209
William
Watson.
The Cytyes
ij polaxes.
Christopher
Alee.
The
head in the
pott."
The Drapers also bought swords from William Slower, Michael
Hudson, and William Reason ; morris-pikes from Mr. Hasel-
foote and Mr. Watson ; and pikes and bill-blades from James
Tanner, Edmond Bradley, and others. (Johnson, History, v. 2,
pp. 411-14.) These makers of weapons were probably cutlers
and members of the Company; the Mr. 'Watson" above-
mentioned was certainly a cutler, and presented the City with
two ceremonial weapons (? halberds) some five years later :
" 4th February, 1562-3. Item yt was this daye ordered by the
Court here that the ij pollaxes latelye yeoven vnto this Cytie by
one William Watson Cutler for and in consideracion of his favor-
able admyssyon into the ffredome of the same Cytie shalbe
delyuerd ouer wthowt delaye by the Chamberleyn who nowe
hathe the custodye of them to my lord Mayre to be vsed by
his L. in his howse duryng the tyme of his Offyce of Mayrealtye
and then to be delyuerd by his L. by Inventory among other
things to his successor & so from hensfurthe yerely from lord
mayer to lord maier successively to be vsed as aforesaid as
longe as they will endure." (Rep. 15, f. ] ||.) Thomas Clyffe,
another who took part in the above meeting, was Junior Warden
about a year later, and still had a seat on the Court in 1550.
More is known of the private history of Christopher Alee.
In 1545 he owned two messuages in the parish of St. Bride
Fleet Street (Pleas of Land, Roll 179, m. 64), in one of which,
called the White Lion, he lived. These are probably the two
messuages, once belonging to John Atkinson, which Christopher
bought from Edmund Deye and his wife Margaret in the April
of this year. (Husting Roll 244, 32, 33.) A third messuage in
the same parish and six in Shoe Lane formed part of his pro-
perty at his death in or before 1558. (Inq. p. m. Lond. and
Middx., v. i, p. 177.) In 1574 a second inquiry into the tenure
of his possessions mentions one of the messuages by the name of
" the Dogges head in the Pott " (Ibid., v. 2, p. 187) ; a house
210
with the same name in Watling Street was one of the earliest
properties belonging to the Company. It is probable that the
surname of Christopher Lee, Senior Warden, 1546-7, is a mistake
for Alee. Christopher Alee seems to have had no children by
his first wife Agnes nor by his second wife Anne, widow of one
Dunkene, to whose daughter Agnes, wife of Simon Southwell,
one of his two messuages in Fleet Street passed on Anne's death.
(Husting Roll 251, 51.) The messuages in Shoe Lane came to
his great nephew and heir John Alee (another cutler, and son
and heir of Cuthbert Alee, cutler, son of Christopher's brother
John), who, with his wife Elizabeth, sold them about 1592.
(Ibid. 273, 4.)
Nearest to Christopher in blood, however, was George George
Harrison, cutler (Inq. p. m. Lond. Middx., v. i, p. 177), probably
a kinsman of the John Harrison of 1522 and 1540, of the William
and Robert Harrison who were members of the Company in
1537-8 (see pp. 351-2), and of the earlier Harrisons (also cutlers)
of the fifteenth century. (See p. 201.) He may have been the
father of Christopher Harison, cutler, who died in 1574 leaving
bequests to his brother John and to his apprentice Simon
Tuper. George Harrison was Junior Warden in 1558, the year
of Christopher Alee's death, and had a seat on the Court of
Assistants in February, 1563-4. Christopher's will preserves the
name of another cutler, Roger Farren, tenant of his house called
the White Hart. Thomas Atkinson, a parishioner of St. Martin Thomas
Ludgate, who was Senior Warden in 1540 and Master in 1547,
died before 5th May, 1558. In his will, proved at that date,
after provision for his family, he leaves to Thomas Lynne " my
prentyse he seruing out his yeres w* my wif a vice in the Shope
and my beste Sawe and a dosen of fyles and Rapes together
and a longe pynde hammer w' a flate ende." (Archdeacon of
London's Registry, Reg. 2, f. 224.) At this datr thr N-niur
\\\inlrn of tlu- Companv \va^ William Hodgeson, who is named
211
as holding this office in the Charter granted by Philip and Mary,
7th June, 1558. An earlier member of his family was perhaps
John Hoggeson, the apprentice of Richard Robertson in 1492-3.
William, who was Renter in 1563 and party to a deed concerning
the Bell Savage estate in 1569, lived to 1580, his will dated
His will. i6th July of that year being proved on the following I2th
August. In it, after giving instructions for his burial " in the
greene Chriche yarde of the parrishe of Sainte Dunstane in the
Weste withoute any Coffyn," he leaves his two houses in Fleet
Lane to his wife Elynor for life with remainder to his sons
William and Edmond. (P. C. C. 31 Arundel.) One of the
supervisors of this will was Laurence Hill, another cutler, who
took Henry Sibthorp as apprentice in 1585, for which he was
fined I2d. The following year he glazed a window with his arms
in Cutlers' Hall.
Thomas Another contemporary of Christopher Alee and William
Edlyn.
Hodgeson was Thomas Edlyn, once the apprentice of Hugh
Holmes (Master in 1540), whose widow Anne left all her goods,
after payment of debts, to " Thomas Edlyn citizen and cutler
of London, sometime my servant, and Joan Edlyn his wife,
and their children, to the intent that Thomas and Joan be
gentle and Curteis vnto me while I am here lyenge and to gyue
me gentill wordes and to see that I lacke nothinge to their
power." Edlyn and his wife resided with the testatrix until
her death, when she left them the remaining term of the lease
of her house. The above will was made on 7th February, 1551-2,
Legatee and and proved on 5th May, 1552 ; it superseded a previous will of
9th July, 1550. (Archdeacon of London's Registry, Reg. 2,
ff. 52, 53.) The house referred to may have been one on Ludgate
Hill, belonging to a John Macell, which Edlyn was occupying
as a tenant on 2ist October, 1559. (Inq. p. m. Loud, and
Middx., v. i, p. 173.) Edlyn was Senior Warden in 1570-1,
and probably became Master. The widow Holmes appointed as
212
f ///.;// v,,,;r //
'( I K/firr jclin ( '/y/y //irrnc.
r/'f/V//y /v/v/y <-//••//-,••.;.; /,-• //,/,; ( Vv///jf/// // . < ^L.(t).
her executors Thomas Edlyn and " John Smythe, citizen and John
cutler, sometime my servant and now Master of the Commonaltie
or mystery of Cutlers of London." Smythe was a member of
the Company in 1537-8 (see p. 351), and present at the Court
held in 1540 ; he was Renter in 1549, anc^ Master in 1550 and
1551. Little is known of John Jerom beyond that he was a John
member of the Company in 1537-8, an Assistant in September,
1547, and Junior Warden in 1550. To this period also belongs
Hugh Porter, cutler, son and heir of another cutler, John Porter, Hugh
who was a liveryman in 1537-8, Assistant in 1547, and deceased
before 1556. In that year Hugh, with his mother and his wife
(both named Agnes), surrendered to Thomas Reason, black-
smith, and his wife and son their right in a messuage and shops
in Fleet Street, once held by John, and then in the occupation
of Thomas. (Husting Roll 248, 55.)
The records which preserve the memory of John Cray- c?aythome
thorne, a member of the Company in 1537, Junior Warden in
1548-9, and mentioned as Master in Queen Elizabeth's charter
of 1560, throw light also on the history of one of the most inter-
esting of the early possessions of the Company. In December,
1555, John and his wife Margaret bought from Thomas Punchon,
of Plumstead, and his wife Katherine a messuage in Fleet Street
in the parish of St. Bride, called " le bell Savage," or " le bell
Savoy " (Ibid. 248, 58), which they leased fourteen months
later to John Ricardes for a period of forty years on the con-
dition that it should be always used " as a common Inne and
for lodginge of honest gestes." (Ibid. 251, 79.) A stable and Bequest to
t In* C om •
hayloft, part of the premises, together with free access to the panyof
garden, were at the same time reserved for their own use, and inn.
set aside for Margaret by her husband in his will of 2ist Novem-
ber, 1568. She retained also a life interest in the fee simple of
the whole property which was to pass on her death to the Com-
pany of Cutlers charged with two conditions. One of these was
213
Oxford and
Cambridge
exhibitions.
Further
bequest for
charities.
Humphrey
Hide.
William
Wood.
James
Clovell.
the expenditure of io/. a year, in quarterly instalments, on coal
for distribution amongst the poorest of the parishioners of
St. Bride, whilst the other set apart 61. 135. 4^. " towardes the
fyndinge and kepynge of two schollers within the uniuersities
of Oxenforde and Cambridge." John also owned property in
the parish of Great Bursted, Essex, which he bequeathed to
his wife for life, with remainder to James Clovell, citizen and
cutler of London, " if he please my said wife," otherwise it was
to belong to Margaret and her heirs for ever. The house in
Fleet Street, known by " the signe of the Rose," where John
lived was also left to the Company on his wife's death. It was
charged with two conditions, one the distribution every Christ-
mas of 3/. amongst the poor prisoners of Newgate, the King's
Bench, the Marshalsea, and the Gatehouse at Westminster, the
other the expenditure of 5/. upon the wainscotting of the upper
part of the Cutlers' Hall. Craythorne's will, dated 2ist Novem-
ber, 1568, was proved 20th July, 1569. (P. C. C. 16 Sheffeld.)
His arms were " Argent, an anulett pierced sable, on a chiefe
of the seconde 3 piles of the first recontract in point." (Harl.
MS. 1438, f. 586.) The subsequent history of the Craythorne
bequests will be found in a later chapter. Another will of the
same year is that of Humphrey Hide, of this Company, who
left a wife Elizabeth and a son Peter. (Archdeacon of London s
Registry, Reg. 3, f. 2296.) More than seven years later, 2ist
December, 1576, was proved the will of another member of the
Craft, William Wood, to whom and to his wife John Craythorne
had left each a black gown. Among other bequests, William,
who had' been Senior Warden in 1563 and Master in 1572, left
to his " company e of Cutlers for a drinking amongst them 20$. "
(P. C. C. 39 Carew.)
James Clovell did not live to enter on the remainder of the
property in Great Bursted which was dependent on the approval
of Margaret Craythorne. It seems, however, to have consisted
214
of the house and lands in Bursted called Outwood, of which
James speaks in his will (P. C. C. 41 Sainberbe), as given him
by his uncle Craythorne, from which we may conclude that
Margaret had surrendered her life interest in his favour. He
left this and other property, land lately purchased at Sturtford, His
Herts, and the leaseholds of several houses, one of them " hard
above the Bell Savage gate," to his sister Joan. To his " loving
Aunt Margaret Craythorne," whom he appointed sole executrix
with the direction of his burial, he bequeathed certain goods
and chattels and " a peece of grogaraine that I haue in my
Chest to make her a erowne withall." A sum of 2os. was to be A"drinck-
mge" for
given to such members of the Yeomanry of the Cutlers as should Yeomanry.
' beare me companie to my buriall ... to be bestowed on a
drinckinge for them at my funerall."
Amongst the earlier contemporaries of John Craythorne, John
and senior to James Clovell, his nephew by blood or marriage,
was John Leycester, a liveryman in 1537-8, Warden in 1547
and 1548, and Master in 1558, when the charter of Philip and
Mary was granted. His family was connected with the Company
at the close of the fifteenth century, William Leycester having
been apprenticed to William Salman in 1496-7, and Robert
Leycester to Robert Kimber in 1498-9. Kimber was a pur- Robert
chaser of ivory from the Company in 1468-9. (See p. 328.)
Other cutlers of the same period are Thomas Buck and Thomas
Fereby (named as Wardens in Queen Elizabeth's charter of
1560), Fereby having been a liveryman since 1537-8 ; John
Dylland who gave 2os. towards the cost of the site of Gresham's
Burse ; Richard Rome, a liveryman in 1537-8, and still living
in 1562 ; and John Stanby and John Spencer, living respectively
in 1571 and 1576. (Rusting Rolls 252, 3 ; 256, 152 ; 261, 59.)
Thomas Buck, Senior Warden in 1559 and probably Master Thomas
13uclc*
later, whose will bears date 3rd December, 1566, was a man of
owning lands, messuages, and gardens in Fleet Lane
215
Bequest to
the Com-
pany.
Cambridge
scholarship
founded.
Richard
Hawes.
Simon
Hatfield.
(where he lived), Fleet Street, and in the parishes of St. Dunstan
in the West and St. Sepulchre without Newgate, and in Eghani,
Surrey. A life interest in all these was to be enjoyed by his
wife Joan, at whose death they were to remain to the Company
of Cutlers, charged with certain conditions. These included the
provision of annuities for Thomas and John, sons of the testator's
late brother John Buck, of Wilberton, and for Henry and Richard,
sons of his brother Robert Buck, of the same place. Payments
were also to be made by the Company to the poor of Wilberton
(especially those of the family of Buck), to Christ's and St.
Thomas's Hospitals, and to the church of St. Sepulchre. Of
more general interest was an annuity of 3/. 6s. Sd. for the main-
tenance at St. John's College, Cambridge, of a scholar, if possible
of the testator's name and kin within the Isle of Ely or elsewhere,
otherwise one whose father was free of the Company. A yearly
payment of 135. 4^. was also to be made by the Cutlers to the
Company of Armourers. The provisions of this interesting
bequest are more fully dealt with in a later chapter.
Thomas Buck's will mentions two of his fellow craftsmen.
One of these, Richard Hawes, tenant of Buck's messuage in
Fleet Street, must have been a young man in 1566. From
1584 to 1587 he served as Renter, was Master in 1590 and 1591,
overseer of Richard Mathew's will in 1591, and in 1600 took
an apprentice, probably his son, of the name of Hawes. The
other, Simon Hatfield, one of the overseers of Thomas Buck's
will, Junior Warden in 1573 and probably a descendant of
Richard Hatfield of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, was
in 1567 trustee for a tenement known by the sign of the " Kath-
eryn Whele," in the parish of St. Sepulchre Newgate. (Husting
Roll 255, 100.) He seems to have been a parishioner of this
church, desiring to be buried in the chancel of Our Lady as near
as possible to his own pew. He left to his brethren the Cutlers
of London, 2os. for a " recreation," by his will dated loth July,
216
1576- (P- C. C. 19 Carew.) About two years later, I5th
November, 1578, a similar bequest was made by his brother
Lawrence, in this case, however, coupled with the condition
" that they do accompany my body to the church." His will
contains bequests to his apprentices, William Roy and Thomas.
(P. C. C. i Bakon.) Lawrence's name appears in Simon's will
in connection with an annuity to their mother Joan who was
still alive in 1578. To his sons, John and Christopher, Simon
left messuages and lands on condition of certain payments to
his wife Agnes, and " all my Towlles (tools) as viz. : — ffordge, Bequest of
Sheares, Hammers, Presses, Shelves and all other Towlls belong-
inge to my occupation."
Though this bequest points to the conclusion that both
brothers followed their father's calling, no later mention of John
occurs. Probably he did not long survive his father, and
Christopher carried on the business alone. Christopher was Christopher
Junior Warden in 1600, but does not seem to have held higher
office, though he lived nineteen or twenty years longer, his will
(dated I3th May, 1619) being proved on i8th August, 1620.
(P. C. C. 83 Soame.) He followed his father and uncle in
bequeathing money, in this case 3/., to be expended on a funeral
banquet. In 1602 his son Henry had been admitted to the Henry
/. . Hatficld.
freedom of the Company by patrimony. Henry was dead in
1619, having left a daughter Elizabeth, for whom her grand-
father made provision ; Christopher's other sons, William and
Simon, do not figure in the records of the Company. The elder
Simon and Lawrence had also a brother, Thomas Hatfield, who Thomas
was one of the overseers of Lawrence's will (P. C. C. i Bakon), l
and is mentioned in the Company's Accounts of 1585 as paying
I2d. " towards shooting." He, like Christopher, belonged to
the parish of St. Sepulchre Newgate, and left instructions for
his burial in the church at his pew door. (P. C. C. 36 Harring-
ton.) From his will we learn that the three brothers had a Hisw.n.
217
Bequests to
the Com-
pany.
William
Hefford or
Hcyford.
Richard
Morley.
sister Isabel, wife of another cutler, William Percivall, of whom
nothing is recorded beyond his assessment at 6s. Sd. in 1585
" for the charges of the last Musters." (Accts. 1584-1621,
pp. 10-12.) Besides the sum of 405. to provide a repast for
those members of the Company of Cutlers who should attend
his funeral, Thomas left 61. 135. 4^. to the Master and Wardens
" to thintente that thei shall allwaies lende the same to suche
of the pooreste state to doe them good freelie and w'out intte
paienge to haue for twoe yeers." He seems to have left no
children at his death, which took place before nth April, 1592,
and as he does not mention Thomas and Agnes the children of
his brother Lawrence, it may perhaps be assumed that they
died before this time.
One William Hefford, apprenticed to Christopher Hatfield
in 1585, to whom Thomas Hatfield left lot. if living, with the
alternative bequest of 4/. to his sister Joan in the event of his
death, survived to obtain the freedom of the Company in 1592
and open shop in 1595. It is noteworthy in connection with
this name that Simon Hatfield had made bequests of 405. each
to William Hey ford and his sister Katherine, to the former on
the attainment of the age of 24 or the completion of his appren-
ticeship, to the latter on her marriage or majority. To another
apprentice, Thomas Eton, Simon had left los. on condition
that he should " applie his booke and serue God." (P. C. C.
19 Carew.) Another cutler of the sixteenth century, Richard
Morley, in 1562 left to the Master and Wardens of his Mistery a
sum of 61. 135. 4^. for the use of poor beginners in the craft,
the money to be lent to a young freeman for two years to set
him up in trade. (P. C. C. 31 Streate.) Two other cutlers of
this time, Thomas Gibson and Thomas Abday, are only known
through the will of the former (proved 23rd June, 1565), who
left to " Thomas Abdaye of London, Cutler, my late Master,"
in payment for loans made by him, some property in Yorkshire.
218
(P. C. C. 21 Morrison.) Some months earlier, Miles Baylie,
a cutler, resident like so many of his craft in the parish of St.
Bride Fleet Street, had provided for his burial in that church
" at my pue dore." (P. C. C. 28 Stevenson.)
The names of William Tedcastell, cutler, and his wife Agnes,
Tcdcastell.
survive in the will of Thomas Domela als Doumbelowe, skinner,
who in July, 1564, bequeathed to them and John Dixon three
messuages in Mark Lane. (Husting Roll 262, 24.) In 1565
William Tedcastell gave 405. towards the cost of the site of
Gresham's Burse, and served as the Company's Renter in 1587.
Another contributor (of 2os.) to the Gresham fund was Thomas
Malledge, possibly the Thomas Malynger who was one of the JIh°ra?s
Yeomanry in 1537-8 (see p. 352) ; he was Junior Warden
in 1563, and seems to have lived in Southwark. In his will,
proved i6th March, 1579, he gave instructions for his burial in
the church of St. Olave, Southwark, and left 5/. each to the
parishes of St. Magnus, London Bridge, and St. Olave, as mar-
riage portions of poor maidens, parishioners thereof, at the rate
of 2s. 6d. each maiden. He bequeathed to the " Cumpany of
Cutilers in London a Nest of ffrench Booles (bowls) of Sylver
parcell gilt with their lether cases/' and five marks for a dinner
or recreation after his burial. It does not appear that his son
Thomas, to whom he left only 405., followed his father's calling.
More ample provision was made for a nephew, John Malledge
als. Brown son of the testator's sister Agnes Brown, so/, being
left in trust for him, whilst a moiety of the residue of the elder
Thomas's personal goods was to be delivered to him after li
IKH! M-rvrd thr remainder of his apprenticeship to thr widow
Klk-n. (P. C. C. ii Holney.) In 1571 Francis Soyrenoyc,
cutler, was tenant of a newly-built house in Blackfriars, the
property of Richard Onslow. (Inq. p. m. Lond. and Middx.,
v. 2, p. 139.) Contemporary with him were Richard Awsten,
Junior Warden in 1572 and Senior Warden in 1573, and another
219
Kdward cutler, Edward Johnes ah. Jones, who acquired two messuages
Johncs or
j cmes. in the parish of St. Mary Aldermanbury in 1569 (Husting Roll
256, 62) which he left, with a tenement called Doddes in Chig-
well, Essex, to his wife Elizabeth. In his will of I7th October,
1576, enrolled on 3ist May, 1578, Johnes mentions his mother
Margaret and a brother-in-law Richard Coulson, to whom he
leaves 2,1. at the end of his apprenticeship. (Ibid. 262, 21.) Of
Richard Burton nothing more is known than that he was Junior
Warden in 1570, an office held by Edmund Ellis six years later.
The burial of Richard son of Richard Ellis, cutler, on 3oth June,
1578, was followed the next day by that of his father (Bur. Reg.
of St. Helen's Bishopsgate), who may possibly be the Richard
Ellis who was Junior Warden in 1522.
Another cutler prominent in the second half of the sixteenth
G^ccnT00 century was Lawrence Greene, Master in 1563 and 1570, and in
1565 donor of 405. to the cost of the site of Gresham's Burse.
In 1564 he acted as executor of a fellow cutler Myles Wilson
who left to his son William " a whele and two vices " (Arch-
deacon of London's Registry, Reg. 3, f. 966), and in 1569 he was
party to a deed concerning the Bell Savage estate. (Transcript
His will. of Charters, p. 99.) In his own will, made in 1580, Lawrence
left 405. to the Cutlers' Company on condition of their attendance
at his funeral. Amongst his charitable bequests were 6d. to the
poor people of St. Magnus on the day of his burial and 4/. to
St. Thomas's Hospital. (P. C. C. 8 Darcy.) His landed pro-
perty included tenements in Thrumms Alley in the parish of
St. Margaret, Lothbury, acquired in January, 1572-3. (Husting
Roll 258, 27.) The rest of his estate, in Bread Street, Blackman
Street, Southwark, and in Lincolnshire, he left to his wife Mar-
garet on condition of her finding for his three sons, Lawrence,
Thomas, and John, " meate dryncke and other necessaryes
vntill theie shalbe preferred to some prefermente in the vniuer-
sities or otherwise yf she so long lyve."
220
Of the same family, probably, as Lawrence, but his junior Thomas
in years, was Thomas Greene who served as Warden in 1584-5,
and was Master in 1594-5 and 1595-6. The relationship between
the two is not clear, though the prevalence of the same Christian
names in their families may be taken as evidence of its existence.
Thomas, however, was not a Londoner by birth, but a native
of Naverstock in Essex. He seems to have amassed consider- arcoc
able wealth by his trade, and before his death in 1616 or 1617
he had bought the manor of Boys Hall in his native town, besides
messuages and lands in Essex and Bedfordshire. His will con-
tains many legacies to children kinsfolk and friends, and a number
of charitable bequests, amongst which was a gift of loan money Gift to the
to the Company. From the fact that he left 405. apiece to
Lawrence and Thomas Greene, " my late wyves bretheren," it
would appear that he married a daughter of the elder Lawrence
Greene, two of whose sons bore these Christian names. (See
p. 220.) Like Lawrence, Thomas had three sons named John,
Lawrence and Thomas, all of whom survived him. Of his own
brothers, William, Reginald and Robert, the second may possibly
be identified with another leading cutler of this time, Reginald
or Reynold Greene, Junior Warden in 1598-9 and 1599-1600, Reynold
Senior Warden in 1602-3 an(i 1603-4, an^ Master in 1611-12
and 1612-13. Reynold, to whom Lawrence Greene, grocer, sold
half a messuage in the parish of St. Stephen, Walbrook, between
1596 and 1600 (Rusting Roll 280, 19), died in 1624 leaving
amongst other children a son James. He mentions in his will
the children of his late brothers William and Edward Greene,
and a brother Lawrence. (P. C. C. 95 Byrde.) Jeremiah
Greene, who filled the offices both of Junior and Senior Warden
in 1664 and was Master in 1666, may have represented one of
the various branches of this family in a later generation.
A contemporary of the earlier Greenes, William Collinson,
• ;mic from Godley in Leicestershire and owned landed property
221
Richard
Atkinson.
Bequests to
the Com-
pany.
Richard
Mathew.
A sword
gevin to y*
Cyty by
Mathue.
in Staffordshire. He lived in " Gracious " Street, in the parish
of Allhallows, Lombard Street, and left 505. to the Livery of the
Cutlers' Company for a funeral supper. (P. C. C. 31 Weldon.)
More definite were the bequests of Richard Atkinson, who was
an Assistant in February, 1563-4 and Master in 1576, Roger
Knowlls, then Senior Warden, became Master (perhaps for a
second time) in 1584. Richard Atkinson was probably a kinsman
of Thomas Atkinson. (See p. 211.) By his will of 28th April,
1582, proved 25th May, 1583, the Master, Wardens and Company
of the Cutlers received 3/. " to make them and their wyves a
recreacion or dyner drinckinge," and 61. 135. 4^. "to be lent
from time to time to a freeman of the Company." (P. C. C.
29 Rowe.) His wife Isabel was to enjoy a life interest in her
husband's dwelling-house in Fleet Street called the Cross Keys,
and in another near it in Pepinioye (? Popingay) Alley. Both
were to descend at her death to her husband's godson, Richard
Pluckett, son of his fellow craftsman, Oliver Pluckett, on con-
dition of certain payments to William and Thomas Atkinson,
the latter of whom was apprenticed to the testator, presumably
his kinsman. Another apprentice was William Lyne to whom
Richard Atkinson excused two of the remaining years of his
apprenticeship on condition of faithful service to the widow
Isabel for the rest of his term. After Isabel's death 205. from
the yearly rent of the two messuages were to be devoted to the
purchase of bread for the poor of St. Bride's, parish on St.
Thomas's day. Among the witnesses of the will were Hugh
Warman, cutler, and Robert Atkinson of Skipton-upon-Craven,
yeoman, the testator's brother.
Richard Mathew, who belongs to the close of our present
period, was a notable cutler in his day. In 1562-3 he made
and presented to the City a Sword of State which is still possessed
by the Corporation. r' nth January, 1562-3. Item this day
Richard Mathue cytyzen & cutler of this Cyty of his owne
222
francke harte & good will yl he hath & berethe towards this
Cyty dyd here present vnto this Court a very fayer & goodly
sword well & workmenly wrought & gylded & a scaberd of
crymsyn velvet for y* same very well garnisshed & trymed
w°h he gave frely to y* Cyty desiringe onely y* reasonable favor
of this Court in suche his honest sutes as he by eny iust
occasion shall hereafter have cause to make to y* same &
nothing els." (Rep. 15, f. i-ggj.) Mathew's sword is used
as the Sword of Justice, and is thus described by Sir W. St.
John Hope : " The Old Bailey sword is constantly fixed over NOW the
the judge's seat in the Central Criminal Court at the Old sword.
Bailey. Its blade is of no great antiquity, but the pommel and
quillons, which are of copper-gilt and handsomely wrought,
belong to the sixteenth century, and very possibly to the sword
given to the City by Richard Matthew, citizen and cutler, in
1563. The scabbard is covered with purple velvet, and retains
its original six lockets and chape of copper-gilt with intermediate
devices of recent date." He contributed 2os. to the site of
Gresham's Burse in 1565, was party to a deed concerning the
Bell Savage estate in June, 1569 (Transcript of Charters, p. 99),
and trustee in a settlement made the next month. (Husting
Roll 255, 161.) In 1569-70 he received payment from the
Drapers' Company for 10 swords and 10 daggers at the rate of
75. the sword and dagger.
Mathew again showed his love for the City in 1580 by a gift Rychard
of knives for use at the Lord Mayor's table : " I3th October, 1580. gave \\\}
Item this daie Richarde Mathewe Cutler did of his owne free theystate°of
will geve vnto the Lorde Maior, Aldremen and Comynaltye of *
this citie two faire table knyves and two karving knyves of
yron and steele, to be vsed in the howse of the Lord Mayor of
the same cittie for the tyme beinge. Whiche saide knyves
weare presentlye deliuered to the Custodye of the Chambrelcinc
of the sayd Cytye." (Rep. 20, f. 1246.) His proficiency in
223
His reputa-
tion as a
cutler.
Obtains a
monopoly.
his craft is attested by Stow, who, unacquainted with the fine
work of London cutlers before his own day, gives him the fol-
lowing extravagant praise : " Knives for hundreds of Years (past
all memory) were made in this Kingdom, but coarse and un-
comely. But in King James the First his time, the best and
finest Knives in the World were made in London. Richard
Matthew at Fleetbridge was the first Englishman that attained
to the Skill of making fine Knives and Knife-hafts ; and 5
Elizabeth he obtained a Prohibition against all Strangers and
others, from bringing any Knives into England from beyond
Seas : which until that time were brought in by Ship loads
from Flanders, and other Places. The same Richard Matthew,
about the middle of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, got a Privilege
from her Majesty under her Great Seal, for the making of Knives
and Daggers with a new kind of Hafts. But this was complained
to have been, and further would be, the Decay and Overthrow
of the whole Company of Cutlers within the City, besides their
Wives, Children and Apprentices ; and the Prices of Knives
and Daggers excessively enhaunced, prejudicial to the Queen's
Subjects." (Survey of London, 1720, Bk. 5, p. 211.)
Matthew must have filled the highest offices in the Company
(perhaps more than once) before 1584 when the records again
begin. As Warden in 1557-8 he presented a petition on behalf
of the Cutlers' Company for a reformation in the wearing of long
cuttiers byii swords, rapiers, and daggers. The entry in the City records runs
for reforma- _. ...... f, , .. _. ..
conofswords as follows i — " Jovis xnjcl° die ffebruanj Anno Domini 157(7)
Annoque xxmo Elizabeth Regine. Item this daye vpon the
readinge of the supplycacon exhibetyd vnto this Corte by
Rychard Mathewe Warden of the Company of the Cutlers of
this Cytie, yt was orderyd by the same Corte that yt shall
and maye be lawfull for the sayd Mathewe or any of his
Company to make humble sute vnto the lords and others
of her Maties most honorable pryvie Councell for a generall
224
ref ormacon to be had and taken agaynste the wearynge of longe
swords rapyers and daggers wth the lyke pykes in bucklers
accordinge to the lawfull requeste mencyoned in the sayd
byll." (Repertory 19, f. 3|;.i). In 1584 he took Thomas
Beckwith as apprentice. He was Master in 1585-6, 1588-9, Three times
AAftSiCF.
and 1589-90, and died before loth February, 1590-1. From
his will, made I4th May, 1590, and proved i8th February,
1590-1 (P. C. C. 15 Harrington), it seems that his dwelling-
house at Fleet Bridge, probably the messuage in the parish of
St. Bride " late of the Bakers' Mistery," which he had acquired
in 1551 (Rusting Roll 247, 17), was of very considerable value.
He gave instructions for its sale and the division of the proceeds
into six parts. Five of these were appropriated to his sons
Nathaniel, Paul and Richard, and his unmarried daughters
Susan and Anne, whilst the other sixth was to provide certain
legacies of which the sum total amounted to about 65^. Like
so many of his fellows, Richard Mathew made a bequest to his Bequest to
•* the Corn-
Company, the sum in this case being 4/. which he wished to be
spent amongst them in remembrance of him.
225
ONT/
EVIDENCES.
ILLUSTRATING, FROM ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, THE FOREGOING
CHAPTERS.
K a
EVIDENCES.
ILLUSTRATING CHAPTERS I TO v.
NOTE. — Abbreviations ic/uc/i are not extended are detioted either by
an apostroptie or a full-point.
I. DEED, WITH SEAL, OF RICHARD, SON OF
ROBERT LE CNIFSMITH. (Temp. Hen. Ill, 1216-1272.)
(A facsimile of this deed faces p. 53.)
Sciant presentes & futuri quod Ego Ricardus filius Roberti fabri concessi
& present! carta mea confirmaui domino Ade de Basinghes Ciui London' &
heredibus suis uel eius assignatis totam terram illam cum pertinentibus in
parochia sancti Egidii leprosorum quam ipse tenet de Herewardo le Megucer &
de ysabell de spreiton, & omne ius meum & clamium quod habui uel quod habere
potui in perpetuum sine omni clamio & impedimento mei & heredum meorum.
Ita quod Ego nee heredes mei nee aliquis per nos uel pro nobis in tota dicta terra
cum pertinentibus nichil debemus nee poterimus aliquo iure exigere uel aliquid
venditare in perpetuum. Pro qua nostra concessione & confirmacione dictus
Adam dedit michi & dicte ysabelle duas marcas argenti. In cuius rei testimonium
presenti scripto sigillum apposui. Hiis testibus Willielmo de Kancia, Jacobo ad
nouum redditum, Roberto de purtepol, Radulffo Clonche, Willielmo dispensario,
Willielmo de Leicestr' & aliis.
Endorsed: — le confermement Richart le fiz Robert le Cnifsmith de la terre
vers seint Gilin. (Ancient Deeds ; B. 2387.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it known to all men now and to come that I Richard the son of Robert
the smith have granted and by my present charter have confirmed to "Sir" Adam
de Basinghes citizen of London and to his heirs or his assigns all that land with
appurtenances in the parish of St. Giles of the Lepers which he holds of
Hereward le Megucer and Ysabell de Spreiton, and all my right and claim
which I had or might have had for ever without any claim and hindrance of me
and of my heirs. So that neither I nor my heirs nor any one through us or on our
behalf in all the said land with appurtenances own aught nor can by any right
demand or sell aught for ever. For which our grant and confirmation the said
229
Adam has given to me and to the said Ysabell two silver marks. In testimony
whereof to the present writing I have affixed (my) seal. These being witnesses
William de Kent, James at the New Rent, Robert de Purtepol, Ralph Clonche,
William the Dispenser, William de Leicester, and others.
Endorsed. — The confirmation (by) Richard the son of Robert the Knifesmith
of the land at St. Giles.
II. WILLIAM DE LAUFARE'S GUARDIANSHIP OF ROBERT
DEUMARS. 1290-1.
Die sabbati proximo post festum Sancti Gregorii Anno regni regis Edwardi
dccimo octauo Willelmus de I^aufare cotiler qui Custodiam habuit Roberti Deumars
filii Roberti Deumars per Maiorem et Aldermannos Ciuitatis Lond' qui pro tempore
fuerunt anno regni dicti regis Edwardi sexto venit coram dominis Johanne de
Banquell' Aldermanno Willelmo de Bettoyn' tune Camerario Gyhall' Lond' et
Aldermanno et aliis ibidem tune presentibus et reddidit compotum de ix li. vjs. viijd.
receptis in argento et de xiijs. annui Redditus exeuntis de quadam domo in eadem
Ciuitate. Et omnibus misis et custibus predicti Roberti et domus predicte factis
computat' et allocacio respondit de xx li. de claro ad opus predicti Roberti. Que
quidem xx li. ex consensu predictorum auditorum et Cristiane matris dicti Roberti
et aliorum amicorum suorum remanent in custodia dicti Willelmi de Laufare. Ita
quod eas in vsus et commodum predicti Roberti facial et ponat vbi et quando ad
hoc requisic' fuerit. Et inde idem Willelmus profert securitatem videlicet ....
(Letter-Book A, f. 54 b.)
Die martis proximo ante festum Pent' anno regni Regis Edwardi decimo nono
Robertus de Sutton' admissus in custodiam Roberti filii Johannis (sic) Deumars
Cristiana Deumars mater predicti Roberti ac alij amici dicti Roberti venerunt coram
R de Sandwyco tune Custode Lond' Johanne de Cant' Johanne le Blunt et Willelmo
de Betoynne tune Camerario Gyhald' Lond'et cognouerunt quod de redditibus et aliis
bonis et catallis dicti Roberti Deumars traditis in custodiam Willelmi de Laufare
Cotellar' Lond' et de appruamento eorundem computarunt cum predicto Willelmo et
omnibus computatis et inter eos allocatis remanserunt in custodia predicti Willelmi de
claro quadraginta et due libre sterl' in denarr' Cotellar' prout idem Willelmus et alij
amici predicti Roberti recognouerunt de quibus adm' Willelmus tenetur respondere ad
Regtciam etatem predicti Roberti etc. et de appruamento eorundem. Et sciend' est
quod omnia scripta et alia monumenta prius inter eos facta tune temporis fuerunt
adnichilata et cancellata de consensu partium predictarum etc. et aliorum amicorum
predicti Roberti etc. et concesserunt quod omnia prius facta tam in recognicionibus
quam placitis ac aliis irrotulamentis Inana essent et vacua cuiusmodi condiciones
fuerunt etc. (Ibid. f. 84.)
230
TRANSLATION.
On Sunday next after the Feast of St. Gregory in the eighteenth year of the
reign of King Edward (I.) William de I^aufare, cotiler, who in the sixth year of the
reign of the said King had the guardianship of Robert Deumars the son of Robert
Deumars (granted him) by the then Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London,
came before Sirs John de Banquell, Alderman, William de Bettoyne then Chamber-
lain of the Guildhall of London and Alderman, and others there and then present,
and rendered an account of gt. 6s. &/. received in money and of 1 35. of annual
rent issuing from a certain house in the same City. And after discharging all
payments and expenses of the aforesaid Robert and of the aforesaid house, an
account and statement was rendered of 2o/. clear to the use of the aforesaid Robert
The which 2o/., with the consent of the aforesaid auditors and of Cristiana the
mother of the said Robert and of other of his friends, remain in the charge of the
said William de Laufare, in order that he may expend and put them to the use and
profit of the aforesaid Robert, where and when it shall be thereunto required.
And hereupon the same William offers security, namely . . .
On Tuesday next before the Feast of Pentecost in the nineteenth year of the
reign of King Edward, Robert de Sutton, admitted to the guardianship of Robert
the son of John Deumars, Cristiana the mother of the aforesaid Robert, and other
friends of the said Robert, came before Ralph de Sandwich then Warden of
I>ondon, John of Kent, John le Blunt, and William de Betoynne then Chamberlain
of the Guildhall of London, and acknowledged that as touching the rents and other
goods and chattels of the said Robert Deumars delivered into the custody of
William de Laufare, cutler of London, and the increase of the same, they had
entered into an account with the aforesaid William and everything having been
reckoned up and allowed between them, there remained clear in the custody of the
aforesaid William forty-two pounds sterling in money of the Cutlers, as the same
William and other friends of the aforesaid Robert acknowledged, for which and for
the increase of the same the said William is bound to account at the coming of age
of the aforesaid Robert. And be it known that all writings and other records made
between them before the present time were made void and cancelled by the consent
of the parties aforesaid etc. and of other friends of the aforesaid Robert, etc., and
they agreed that all former proceedings, as well by recognisances as by pleas and
other enrolments, should be void and of none effect, of what kind soever were the
conditions etc.
231
Seek freedom
for self-rule.
No stranger to
sell false ware.
City cutlers
also forbidden.
Similar powers
sought over
other towns.
The King's
decision.
Seek freedom
for self-rule.
III. PETITION OF THE CUTLERS TO THE KING AND HIS
COUNCIL.
(Undated. Late Edward I or Edward II.)
['/'/it's document is in bad condition, and in parts i I legible.}
A nostre seignour le roy & son counsail monstront le bonez gentz del Mester
de Cutelrie de Loundres & prient qils pussent auoir lour fraunchise sicom les
autres mesters de mesme la Cite onnte issint qe nul mester ne se medle de eaux ne
a lour miester mes qils pussent estre reules de certeynes gentz de mesme la myster
qe soient loiaux & couenables a nostre seignour le Roy & a tut la pople issint qe
si nul aliene ou autre viegne on mesme la cite ou fause Cotelrie sicom auant ses
houres ount fait & fount de iour en autre en graunt preiudise del dit mycster &
damage au Roy & desceite a tot la pople qils pussent estre redresseez de mesme
ceaux gentz certeynes & loaux du dit miester & lour fause cotelrie estre forfaitez si
pour tiels soient attaintz.
Auxint prient le bon gentz du dit miester qe si eaux ou nul de eaux facent
ou face fause cotelrie en dessait del peple du Roialme qils pussent estre atteintz
par mesmes ceaux gentz esleux del dit miester soiont forfaites & qils pussent estre
iugez par certeines gentz de mesme la mester si qe leur fraunchise ne seyt blemuz.
Auxint prient les ditz gentz qils pussent auoyr mesme la fraunchise en chescon
Cite & burgh pour ceo qe lez (gentz) del mester oueront prisement en diuers viles
du roialme Cite & burgh (sanz mesfaire) delz gentz du dit mestier de Loundres
pour quel chose .... les bones gentz demourantz en Loundres grauntement
esclanderie. Purquay ils priont sil vous plaise qe ils pussent iustiser ceaux ....
auxiben en chascun vile del roialme com en loundres .... pusse estre .... par s . .
si qe nul soyt medle ou (anoye) si qe ils pussons seruir loalment nostre seignour
le Roy & tut la roialme.
Endorsed. Soit fait ceo quest demande par ceste peticion en Loundres
le meyre sauue de ceo qe louche or & argent la quele chose ait fait par les orfeveres
& ceux du mestier deins escrit par lavisement du dit meire. Et quant as autres
bones villes Dengleterre le Roi fera ordeiner en meisme la maniere. (Ancient
Petitions, file 260, no. 12975.)
TRANSLATION.
To our .lord the King and his Council show the good people of the Mistery
of Cutlery of London and pray that they may have their franchise as the other
crafts of the same City have, so that no craft meddle with them or their trade, but
that they may be ruled by certain people of the same Mistery such as are loyal and
amenable to our lord the King and to all the people, so that if any foreigner or
232
other come within the same city with false Cutlery, as before these times they No stranger to
have done and do from day to day, to the great prejudice of the said Mistery and
damage to the King and deceit of all the people, that they may be corrected by
those same certain and loyal people of the said Mister)- and their false cutlery be
forfeited if for such they be convicted.
The good people of the said Mistery also pray that if they or any one of City cutlers
them make or makes false cutlery in deceit of the people of the Realm, they may
be convicted by those same people elected from the said Mistery, (and their false
cutlery) may be forfeited, and they may be judged by certain people of the same
Mistery so that their franchise be not blamed.
The said people also pray that they may have the same franchise in every Similar powers
City and borough in order that the people of the trade shall have apprizement in
divers towns of the Realm, City, and borough, (without hurt) to the people of the
said craft of London for which thing ..... the good people living in London (have
suffered) great dishonour. Wherefore they pray, if it please you, that they may-
punish those ..... as well in each town of the Realm as in Ix>ndon, so that none
may be interfered with or annoyed, but that they may loyally serve our lord the
King and all the Realm.
Endorsed. Let there be done in London what is asked by this petition ..... The. Ki
the Mayor ; save that which concerns gold and silver, the which article has been
made by the goldsmiths and those of the trade within written by the advice of the
said Mayor. And as to the other good towns of England the King will make
ordinance in the same manner.
IV. CORRODY FROM THE ABBOT AND CONVENT OF
WESTMINSTER TO ADAM DE MASSCHEBURY,
CUTLER, AND HIS WIFE ISABEL.
(Monday after St. Bartholomew's Day, 1319.)
Pat cat vniuersis per presentes quod nos Willielmus Curtlyngton
diuina Abbas West, et eiusdem loci Couent' ex vnanimi assensu Capituli nostri
dedimus et concessimus Ade de Maschebery et Isabelle vxori sue tres albos panes
Conuentuales et duos Gazones ceruisie Conuentalis ad totam vitam vtriusqur
tantum singulis diebus de Celario Conuentus nostri percipiend'. Conceditmis
tamen eisdem ex gracia nostra special) quod dictos panes et ceruisiam semel in
Ebdomeda vel bis si voluerint pro ipsa Ebdomada percipiant London seu alibi pro
lihito sue voluntatis liberc deferendos. Et cum contigerit vnum ipsorum in fata
decedere alter qui superstes fuerit ipsos panes et ceruisiam ad vitam ipsius plenarie
In ruins rci teslimonium Sigillum Commune r.ipituli in-stii vna cum
Sigillis dictorum Ade et Isabella huic scripto Indentato alternatim sunt appensa.
Dat' in Capitulo nostro Westm. die lune proxima post festum Sancti Bartholomei
Apostoli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi fil. Regis Edwardi Tertio decimo. ( Westm.
Abbey Records, Deed No. 5911.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it manifest to all by these presents that we William Curtlyngton, by Divine
permission Abbot of Westminster, and the Convent of the same place have, with
the unanimous assent of our Chapter, given and granted to Adam de Maschebery
and Isabel his wife three white Convent loaves and two gallons of Convent ale, for
the whole life of each of them only, to be received every day from the Cellarer of
our Convent. We have also of our special favour granted to the same that they
may receive the said loaves and ale once a week, or twice in the week if they wish,
either in London or elsewhere to be freely delivered at their will and pleasure.
And when it shall chance that one of them depart this life, the other who survives
shall receive the loaves and ale in full for his life. In witness whereof the common
seal of our Chapter, together with the seals of the said Adam and Isabel, have been
interchangeably attached to this writing of indenture. Given in our Chapter at
Westminster, on Monday next after the Feast of St. Bartholomew the Apostle
(24th August), in the thirteenth year of the reign of King Edward the son of
King Edward (1319).
Quedam
Ordinacio pro
Vaginariis
London.
John Brond's
Petition.
None to work
at night.
Nor on Sun-
el ays or Feasts.
None to em-
ploy another's
workmen.
V. ORDINANCE FOR THE SHEATHERS OF LONDON.
(Tuesday after i2th March, 1326-7.)
Memorandum quod die Martis proximo post festum sancti Gregorij pape anno
regni Regis Edwardi tercij post Conquestum primo venit Johannes Brond Schether
& in pleno Hustengo de communibus placitis sursum liberauit Hamoni de Chigwell
tenenti locum Ricardi de Beton' Maioris London' quandam billam cuius tenor
sequitur . . . hec verba Au Meire & ala bone Commune de Loundr' monstrent les
bones gentz del office de Shatheres pour le profit de la Citee & du people enp'ant
pour commun profit que les pointz apres escrites lour soient grauntez & afferrnez
atenir durant le mester Preincrement que nuly qui vit del dit Mester ne oeure de
nuyt ne ne veille pour oureir en le dit Mester nulautre Item que nuly qui soit del
dit Mester ou pour le temp auanir seerra ne oeure en le Mester iours de dymeynge
ne des grauntz festes cest assauoir des Apostles Martirs ne Confessours q' especiale-
ment sont atenir par ordinance de seint eglise. Item que nuly qui soit del dit Mester
ne recette ne resceyue en son seruice autri seruant ne autre vallet tant com il
demoert ou ad premerment fait couenant a son mestre ademorer tant que son terme
soit accompli ou qil eyt fait le gre son mestre a son departir ou deuant sont departir
234
Item qe nuly del dit Mester ne resceiue en le Mester nul estraunge pour oureir Strange work-
en le office sil ne peusse trouer suffisante seurte destre bon & leal al dit Mester & ala sureties. "
Citee ou qil soit fait fraunk de la Citee et enfraunchi Ceux pointz auantdit/
prient les auantditz bones gentz que lour soient grauntez & affermez pour commun
profit & entrez en la Gyhalde atenir en la fourme auantdite car les oeures que sont
fait nulautre ne sont pas si profitables ne si bones come ceux que sont faitz de iours xighi work
sous la peyne que serra s. . . . ordene par bones gentz de descrecon. Et est la u"l>ro
j>eyne tele que est ordene que si nul del dit Mester soit trouveuenant les ditz dbobedi
articles & de ceo soit atteint deuant le Maire ou les viscontes : a la premere foit/
soit amercie a xl.d. & si autre foitz soit atteint : soit amercie a dj. mar. cS: a la tierce
foitz foriure le Mester. Quibus quidem articulis in dicta billa contcntis visis auditis Petition con -
\* intellects concordatum est quod maiores £ meliores de Mestero de Shetheres in "fdcrmci?' ^
singulis partibus Ciuitatis premuniantur quod sint hie ad diem Lime proximum Ku]cr> Of tnc
venturum ac certificandum Maiorem si istam Billam prosequi velint quia predictus ^JJJP' lc
Johannes solus fuit quando billam liberauit ad quem diem venerunt per summoni-
cionem predictus Johannes & Simon Brond Galfridus Le Shethere Johannes Moton
Rogerus de Kent Willielmus Bock Thomas de Hyde Willielmus Pykeman Walterus
de Pomfreyt Ricardus de Ware Robertus de Marchamstede Simon May Ricardus
Ixi Wylde Willielmus Le Tableter Dicun de Essex Willielmus of the veste & They support
Johannes de Southwerk in pleno Hustengo de placitis terre & supplicarunt Maiori ll
\ Aldermannis ac toti curie quod pro communi vtilitate tarn populi quam hominum
de dicto Mestero articuli infrascripti obseruarentur et concessum est eis tarn pro se Ordinance
quam pro omnibus alijs de dicto Mestero et super hoc per assensum Maioris &
Curie ad eorum rogatum electi sunt predicti Simon Brond Johannes Brond Rogerus
de Kent Johannes Motun & Galfridus Le Shethere & iurati sunt quod custodiri Rulers sworn
facient articulos infrascriptos et omnes prescripti tarn pro se quam pro al:is de illo J^j^11
M- stero concesserunt g'ntant' amerciari in forma predicta si articulos predictos in
aliquo contrauenerint &c. (Pleas and Memoranda, Roll Ai, No. viii.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it remembered that on Tuesday next after the Feast of Saint Gregory the A certain
Pope, in the first year of the reign of King Edward the Third after the Conquest, the'sSShen
there came John Brond, Sheathcr, and in full Husting of Common Pleas presented of London,
to Hamo de Chigwell locum tentns of Richard de Beton Mayor of London a certain
petition, the tenor whereof follows in these words. To the Mayor and the good John Brand's
Commons of Ix>ndon the good folks of the trade of Sheathers submit that, for the
profit of the City and of the people, as well as for their common profit, the points
after-written may be granted to them, and affirmed to be held throughout the
Mistcr\ . l-'irst that no one who lives by the said trade shall work by night nor None to work
oblige another to work by night in the said trade. Also that no one who is of the
235
Nor on Sun-
days or Feasts.
None to em-
ploy another's
workmen.
Strange work-
men to find
sureties.
Ni},'ht work
unprofitable.
Penalties for
disobedience.
Petition con-
sidered by the
Aldermen.
Rulers of the
Mistery to
attend.
They support
the Petition.
Ordinance
approved.
Rulers sworn
to keep its
Articles.
said trade, or shall be in time to come, work in the trade on Sundays or the great
Festivals, that is to say of the Apostles, Martyrs, or Confessors, that are especially
to be observed by order of Holy Church. Also that no one who is of the said trade
accept or receive into his service another man's servant or another's employe
whilst he remains, or has previously made agreement to remain with his master,
until his term is completed, or he has gained the consent of his master at his departure
or before his departure. Also that no one of the said Mistery shall receive into the
Mister)- any foreigner to work in the trade, unless he can find sufficient surety to be
good and loyal to the said Mistery and to the City, or that he be made free of the
City and enfranchised. The aforesaid good folks pray that these points aforesaid
may be granted to them and affirmed for the common profit and entered in the
Guildhall to be held in form aforesaid, for work that is done by night is not so
profitable or so good as that which is done by day, under the penalty that shall be
. . . ordained by good folks of discretion. And the penalty is such as is ordained
that if any of the said Mistery be a contravener of the said articles and thereof be
convicted before the Mayor or the Sheriffs : at the first time let him be fined xl d.,
and if he be convicted a second time let him be fined half a mark, and at the third
time to forswear the Mistery.
The which articles contained in the said petition having been seen, heard, and
understood, it was agreed that the more important and influential men of the
Mistery of Sheathers in each part of the City be summoned to be here on Monday
next and to certify the Mayor whether they wish to follow up that petition ; as the
aforesaid John was alone when he presented the petition. On the which day there
came by summons the aforesaid John and Simon Brond, Geoffrey Le Shethere,
John Moton, Roger de Kent, William Bock, Thomas de Hyde, William Pykeman,
Walter de Pomfreyt, Richard de Ware, Robert de Marchamstede, Simon May,
Richard Le Wylde, William Le Tableter, Dicun de Essex, William of the veste, and
John de Southwerk, in full Husting of pleas of land, and besought the Mayor and
Aldermen and the whole Court that for the common weal as well of the people as
of the men of the said trade the articles within-written might be observed, and it
was granted them, as well for themselves as for all others of the said Mistery. And
thereupon by assent of the Mayor and Court at their request the aforesaid Simon
Brond, John Brond, Roger de Kent, John Motun, and Geoffrey Le Shethere were
elected and sworn to cause the within-written articles to be kept, and all the men
above-written, both for themselves and for the others of that Mistery, consented
... to be fined in form aforesaid if they should in any respect offend against
the aforesaid articles.
VI. ARTICLES OF THE CUTLERS.
(Friday after 2Qth August, 1344, 18 Edward III.)
Memorandum quod die veneris proximo post festum Decollacionis Sancti
Johannis Bapt' anno predicto xviij0 articuli subscript! lecti fuerunt coram Johanne
Hamond Maiore Rogero de Depham Johanne de Causton & alijs Alderm' et quia
competentes acceptati & intrati in hec uerba. A de primes qe certeyne persones Searchers to
del Cotelrie seonnt eslutz par lauvys de Meire Aldermans & par lassent des
Cotelers issint qils cerchent & facent lassay de tote manere de cotelrie que
troueronnt en mesonns & hors des mesonns tannt en mayns des ouerours com en
mayns des marchauntz saunz esp'uir ascun riche ou pouere. Et que auxi souent
come ils troueronnt ascune fauxe oueraigne tochaunt le dit mester qils facent
prendre & porter deuaunt le Meire & Aldermans de la dite Citee & illoeqes estre Penahu
aiugge solonc ceo que troue sera issint que la faussete de ses faux ouerours £ des
marchauntz qe les vendent en decite du poeple puisse estre defait & anyenti solonc
la discrecion des ditz Maire & Alderm'. Et celui que ent sera atteint pay a la
primer foitz a la Chaumbr' de la Gihall de Loundres xl d a la secounde foitz dj'
marc a la tierce foitz x s & a la quatre foitz foriurgge le Mester. Item qe Mestre Wardens not
ne gardeyn del dit Mester mayntiegne nully de quel condicion qil soil en son tort J^JJJj^
countre les gentz del dit Mester p' quey ils peussent en ascun point estre empeirez
ou endamagez sous peyne a payer dj' marc a la dite Chaumbre auxi souent com
ascun ent sera atteint. Item que nul Coteler ne face nule commune vent p> Sunday
dimenges p' ceo que lour Lowytz & lour Apprentitz onnt degastez & loynez lez forbidden,
biens de lours Mestres tannt come onnt este a lour eglises parochials ou ayllours.
Item que nul ne pregne apprentitz a meyns que a terme de vij annz. Item que nul Apprentices
Cotiller ne tiegne shope ne apprentitz resceiue sil ne soit fraunk de la Citee. Item *
que toutz yceux del dit Mester qu ne voillent estre iustizez par les gardeyns de le Right of
dit Mester que seronnt pour le temps deschoses tochauntz le dit Mester que les *
nouns dyceux seonnt presentez au Meire & as Aldermans & illoeqes iusticez de
tort ou de fauxme qils onnt fait et sils soient atteintz payent a la Chaumbre dj' marc.
Item totes les articles q' sonnt ore ordinetz tochauntz le dit Mester seient affermez These :u
en tiele manere qils ne soient autre foitz dedits. Item p' ceo que plusours JJJJ11
oueraignes tochauntz le dit Mester que onnt este faites de nuyt ne onnt pas este Night work
couenables ne profitable^ pour le commun poeple come y dussent estre p' ceo qils ne '
feurent pas assayetz par les gardeyns del dit Mester come ils deussent & onnt estee
enuoiet/. priucment a uendre en diuers counteez du Roialmc & en deceite & damage
del commun poeple & en prejudice & esclaundre des gentz del dit Mester soit
& graunte que desormes chescun - tochaunt le dit Mester soit fait
de iour & ne pas de nuyt, issint quc les -.ir.lcyni del dit Mester cut juiissent
mum il'l'-ni' >it hta lastly aunnnt <jil soil mys a In vcntc sous prync <lc <1|' marc a
237
Enticing
apprentices
forbidden.
Overseers
elected.
New
Overseers
elected.
Searchers to
be elected.
Penalties for
false work.
Wardens not
to support
offenders.
Sunday
trading
forbidden.
paier a la dite Chaumbre. Item que nul del Mester ne receiue autri apprentitz ne
autri lowyz en prejudice nen damage de son Mestre taunqe son terme soil pleyne-
ment acompli sous peyne a paier a la dite Chaumbre auxi souent com ile ent sera
atteint dj' marc.
Et super hoc Galfridus de Gedeleston, Ricardus Baldewyn, Johannes de
Trillowe, Johannes de Lauuare, Ricardus1 de Toppesfeld, Johannes de fflete,
Johannes de Gaunt, Johannes atte Watre, Johannes atte Watre iunior, electi
fuerunt & Jurati ad superuidend' & custodiend' Articulos predictos &c.
Quia omnes prescript! Custodes articulorum predictorum mortui sunt die
veneris proximo ante festum Sancti Martini anno xxiij0 loco predictorum mortuorum
electi fuerunt per homines de dicto Mestero Johannes de Hertepol, Robertus
Godw>rn, Willielmus de Spaldyng, Johannes de Haukeshale, Johannes Porre, &
Simon atte Nax, ad custodiend' articulos suprascriptos. (Letter-Book F, f. gob.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it remembered, that on Friday next after the Feast of the Decollation of
St. John the Baptist (29 August), in the eighteenth year aforesaid, the Articles
underwritten were read before John Hamond, Mayor, Roger de Depham, John de
Caustone, and other Aldermen ; and, since they were befitting, were accepted and
entered, in these words :
In the first place, that certain persons of the (trade of) Cutlery shall be chosen
by the advice of the Mayor and Aldermen, and by assent of the Cutlers, that so
they may search and make assay of all manner of cutlery that they shall find, both
in houses and out of houses, as well in the hands of workmen as in the hands of
dealers, without sparing any person, rich or poor. And that so often as they shall
find any false work, touching the said trade, they shall cause the same to be taken,
and brought before the Mayor and Aldermen of the said City, and there adjudged
upon, according as shall be found ; that so the falseness of the false workmen and
of the dealers who sell such things, in deceit of the people, may be detected and
defeated, according to the discretion of the said Mayor and Aldermen. And he
who shall be convicted thereof, shall pay, the first time, to the Chamber of the
Guildhall of London forty pence, the second time half a mark, the third time ten
shillings, and the fourth time he shall forswear the trade. Also, that no Master or
Warden of the said trade shall maintain any person, of whatsoever condition he
may be, wrongfully against the folks of the said trade, whereby they may be in any
point injured or damnified, on pain of paying half a mark to the Chamber, so often
as he shall be convicted thereof. Also, that no cutler shall make any common
sale on Sundays ; since their journeymen and their apprentices have wasted and
purloined the property of their masters, while they have been at their parish churches,
1 Name crossed through in original.
238
or elsewhere. Also, that no one shall take an apprentice for a less term than seven
years. Also, that no cutler shall keep a shop, or receive an apprentice, if he be Apprentices
not free of the City. Also, that as to all those of the said trade who do not wish and Frecdom-
to be judged by the Wardens of the said trade for the time being, upon matters
touching the said trade, the names of such shall be presented to the Mayor and to Right of
the Aldermen, and there they shall be judged as to the wrong or falsity which they
have committed ; and, if they be convicted, let them pay to the Chamber half a
mark. Also, all the Articles which are now ordained touching the said trade, shall These articles
be confirmed in such manner that they cannot another time be contradicted. Also, fi^einain
whereas many pieces of work, touching the said trade, which have been made by
night, have not been convenient or profitable to the common people, as they Night work
should be, since they have not be assayed by the Wardens of the said trade, as they
ought to be ; and (such work) has been sent privily to sell in divers Counties of the
realm, in deceit, and to the loss, of the common people, and to the prejudice and
scandal of the folks of the said trade ; be it ordained and granted, that from hence
forth every work touching the said trade shall be made by day, and not at night ;
that so, the Wardens of the said trade may conveniently make assay thereof before
it be set for sale ; under penalty of half a mark, to be paid to the said Chamber.
Also, that no one of the trade shall receive the apprentice or journeyman of Enticing
another, in prejudice, or to the loss, of his master, until his term shall be fully
accomplished ; on pain of paying to the said Chamber, so often as he shall be
convicted thereof, half a mark.
And thereupon Geoffrey de Gedeleston, Richard Baldewyn, John de Trillowe, Overseers
John de Lauvare, Richard de Toppesfeld, John de Flete, John de Gaunt, John
atte Watre, and John atte Watre, junior, were elected and sworn to supervise and
keep the articles aforesaid.
Forasmuch as all the before written Guardians of the articles aforesaid were New
dead, there were elected by the men of the said Mistery on Friday before the Feast ^ectcT"
of St. Martin (n Nov.) in the twenty-third year (of Edward III, A.D. 1349), in the
place of the aforesaid deceased, John de Hertepol, Robert Godwyn, William de
Spaldyng, John de Haukeshale, John Porre, and Simon atte Nax, to keep thr
articles above written.
VII. ARTICLES OF THE FURBOURS.
(Monday after 29th June, 1350, 24 Kdward III.)
Ceux sonnt les pointz & ordinauncez queux les bones gentz flburbours de la Le* Article*
Citee de Loundres demandent a auoir & tenir fermes & estables as toux iours en
honor & sauuacioun de lour Mistier & a graunt profit de la Commune du Roialme
trade, unleas A
Adeprimes quo mil for. in <lr <•••! Mistier m- telgM shopc ne eel Mestier ne vse ne freeman.
239
Wardens to
approve ad-
missions to
Freedom.
Penalty for
enticing
apprentices.
And for not en-
rolling them.
Untried work-
men not to be
employed.
False work to
be sei2ed.
Good steel to
be used for
sword pom-
mels and hilts.
Broken swords
not to be re-
paired.
Examination
of foreign
workmen.
Articles
approved.
Overseers
appointed.
vende ne achate sil ne soil fraunk homme de la Citee. Item que mil de eel
Mistier ne soit resceu en la ffraunchise de la dite Citee sanz lassent des gardeyns
de mesme le Mistier iurez ou de la greinde (sic) partie de eux eiant regarde que
nule persone couenable destre ffraunkt soit destourbe par malice. Item que nul de
eel mistier ne p'igne ne procure autri seruant hors du seruice son mestre taunt
come il est tenuz par couenant de luy seruir s' peine de xl s. al oeps de la Chaumbre
si de ceo deuant Meire & Audermans soit atteynt par gentz du dit mistier. Item
si ascun del dit mistier ne resceu vn apprentiz pour lui seruir a terme de vij anz
ou plus'st ne lui face enrouler en la Chaumbre de deinz le premer an du terme
entre le mestre & lui acorde par escrite entre eux fait que le mestre perd'e sa
ffraunchise tanqil auera de nouel reachate par lassent des gardeins de son mistier.
Item que nul du dit mistier ne p'igne nul manere oeure a oeurerir de ascun graunt
seign' ne dautre sil ne soit homme parfit & homme sachant son mistier par
testmoignaunce des bones (gentz) de mesme le mestier pour perils que pourrount
avenir as seign' de la terre & as autres gentz de pople par cause de fatice oueraine
£ en graunt esclaunder des gentz du dit mistier. Item si nul del dit mistier soit
troue oueraunte fauce oueraigne soit attache par les gardeyns du dit mistier oue
mesme cele fauce oueraigne & amesne deuant les Meire & Audermans & deuant
eux soit aiugge cele oueraigne pour tiel come il sera troue par serment des gentz du
dit mistier & louerour soit punuy solonc la descresoeun des ditz Meire &
Audermans. Item que nul du dit mistier ne face ne soeffre estre fait en son hostel
pomels ne hiltes desespoies sils ne soient de bon feor & astor & que les escanbers
soient faitz des bones peaus de veel & si nul soit troue fesant le contraire qil perde
eel fauce oeure & soit puny solonc le descrescioun des Meire & Audermans. Item
que nul du dit mistier ne face reparailer ne refaire espoie de brusee par couetise ou
soubtilite en deseite du pople sur la peine auantdit. Item si nul homme estraunge
du dit mistier viegne en la Citee a demeurer en y cele que nul de mesme le mistier
ne lui resceiue pour ouerir sil ne soit examine deuant les Meire £ Audermans
& conn quil soit bon ouerour par gentz de mesme le mistier.
Et recreatis articulis predictis coram Waltero Turk Maiore & Aldermannis die
lune proximo post festum Apostolorum Petri £ Pauli anno xxiiij predict! articuli
acceptati fuerunt. Galfridus de Melton, Edwardus Thorburn, Willielmus de
Leycestre, Nicholaus de Wyllesthorpe, Stephanus de Beddeford, jurati ad
custodiend' articulos predictos. (Letter- Book F, f. 184 b.)
TRANSLATION.
Articles of the These are the points and Ordinances which the good folks, the Fourbours of
Fourbours (or th £jt of ijOndon, ask to have and to hold firm and established for ever, to the
Furbishers).
honour and safeguard of their trade, and to the great profit of the community
240
of the realm. First That no stranger of this trade shall keep shop or follow the No stranger to
trade, or sell or buy, if he be not a freeman of the City. Also. That no one of freeman.
this trade shall be admitted to the freedom of the said City without the assent of Wardens to
approve ad-
the sworn Wardens of the same trade, or of the greater part of them, regard being missions to
had that no person who is eligible to be free shall by malice be kept out. Also. That penaltTfi.r
no one of this trade shall take or entice another's servant away from the service of enticing
his master, whilst he is bound by covenant to serve him ; under the penalty of 405.
to the use of the Chamber, if he shall be thereof convicted before the Mayor and
Aldermen by the folks of the said trade. Also. If any one of the said trade shall
have received an apprentice to serve him for a term of seven years or more, and
shall not cause him to be enrolled in the Chamber within the first year of the term Amlfornoten-
between the master and him agreed upon, by writing between them made; the
master shall lose his freedom, until he shall have bought it anew by the assent of
the Wardens of his trade. Also. That no one of the said trade shall take any Untried work
manner of work for working at, from any great lord or other person, if he be not employed?
a man perfect and a man knowing his trade by the testimony of the good (folks) of
the same trade ; by reason of the perils which might befall the lords of the land
and other folks of the people because of false workmanship, and to the great
scandal of the folks of the said trade. Also. If any one of the said trade shall be False work to
found making false work, let him be arrested by the Wardens of the said trade, ** se'ze<^-
together with the same false work, and brought before the Mayor and Aldermen ;
and before them let such work be adjudged to be such as it shall be found to be,
by the oath of the folks of the said trade; and let the maker be punished at
the discretion of the said Mayor and Aldermen. Also. That no one of the said Good steel to
trade shall make in his house, or allow to be made, pommels or hilts of swords, if Jj^JJJ*1
they be not of good iron and steel, and the scabbards be made of good calf-leather ; mels ami hilts.
and if any one shall be found doing the contrary, let him lose such false work, and
be punished at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen. Also. That no one of
the said trade shall cause a broken sword to be repaired or made up again, by Broken swords
greed or subtlety, to the deceit of the people, under the penalty aforesaid. Also, *"
That if any strange man of the said trade shall come into the City, to dwell therein,
no one of the same trade shall receive him to work, if he be not examined before Examm.it i..;,
the Mayor and Aldermen, and it be known that he is a good workman by the folks ^..^e,"
of the same trade.
And the aforesaid Arti< U s having been rehearsed before Walter Turk, Mayor, Articles
and the Aldermen, on Monday next after the Feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul
in the 24th year, the Articles aforesaid were accepted. Geoffrey de Melton, Overseers
K.lw.ml Timrliurii, William de Leicester, Nicholas de Wyllesthorpe, and Stephen W
de Beddeford were sworn to keep the aforesaid Arti
241
VIII. EARLY OVERSEERS, WARDENS, OR RULERS OF THE
MISTERY OF CUTLERS BEFORE ITS INCORPORATION IN 1416.
NOTE. — The references within brackets are to tht Letter-Books (Calendar).
1328-9. Ralph de Flete, William atte Gate, John de Pelham, Geoffrey de
Gedelestone, Bartholomew le Coteler, Robert de Ponte, John atte
Nasshe.
Elected and sworn for the government and instruction of the Mistery.
(E. p. 233.)
1 340. Monday after Geoffrey le Cotiller
25 Nov. William atte Gate
Richard de Toppesfeld
John de Laufare
Sworn to safeguard everything belonging to the Craft.
Richard Baldwyne
John atte Watre
John de Gaunt
John de Thrillowe
(F. P- S7-)
John de Flete
John de Gaunt
John atte Watre
John atte Watre junior
T 344. Friday after Geoffrey de Gedelestone
29 Aug. Richard Baldewyn
John de Trillowe
John de Lauvare
Richard de Toppesfeld
Elected to supervise and keep the " Articles
1349. Friday before John de Hertelpol
1 1 Nov. Robert Godwyn
William de Spaldyng
Elected as supervisors of the "Articles" of 1344, in place of the foregoing
who were dead. (F. no.)
1372. Friday before Nicholas Michel John Twyford
6 Nov. Thomas Ermelyn Nicholas Horwode
Elected and sworn to govern the Mistery. (G. p. 294 b.)
of the same date. (F. p. no.)
John de Haukeshale
John Porre
Simon atte Nax
1375- 31 Oct.
1377-
1379-
1380.
1 6 Nov.
1 6 July.
13 June.
1381. 3 Oct.
Richard Goudchyld
Richard Shirebourne
Simon atte Nax
William Stane
John Salle
William de Kave
Robert Austyn
William Latham
Edmund Wodhille
Richard Dyne
(H.p.i3)
(H. p. 76)
(H. p. 132)
(H. p. 133)
(H. p. 170)
Simon atte Nax
John de Lenne
Richard Shirbourne
Richard Pulle
Walter Kyntone
Martin Godard
Richard Pol
Nicholas Stonpet
William Stanes
Thomas Northward
242
1382. 1 8 June. Adam Fermer
Richard Jarkevile
1383. 28 May. Walter Kyntone
Thomas Ermyn (Ermelyn)
1384. 22 June. Edmund Wodhulle
John Byle
1 385. 20 Sept. Martin Godard
Richard Dyne
1389 28 July. Richard Twyford
Richard Pull
1390 (?). Richard Waltham
Robert Austyn
1392. 9 Aug. Edmund Wodehulle
William Latham
'393- 25 June Robert Austyn
Martin Godard
'394- 7 June- Richard Pulle
Walter Kyntone
1415. i July. John Parker Thomas Kyngtone
(H.p. 171)
(H. p. 202)
(H. p. 222)
(il- P. 273)
(H. p. 346)
(H. p. 356)
(H. p. 388)
(H. p. 397)
(H. p. 403)
John Twyford
Richard Sandwelle
Robert Austyn
John Huwet
Richard Pulle
Richard Knc:
Robert Ausiyn
Thomas Kirtone
Robert Austyn
Matthew (sit) Godard
Martin Godard
John Byle
Richard Dyne
John Hyde
Richard Dyne
Richard Twyford
Richard Twyford
Thomas Ermelyn
John Swalwe
Sworn to rule the Mister)- well and truly. (I. p.
IX. LIST OF THE MASTERS AND WARDENS OF THE
CUTLERS' COMPANY.
From its Incorporation in 1416 to 1576.
NOTK. — The tenure of office was biennial from about the middle of the
fifteenth century and perhaps earlier, and so continued for nearly two hundred
years. The names supplied in italics, though not found in the Company's
records, are probably and for the most part correct. The references within brackets
arc to the Letter-Books.
VKAR.
1416
h K.
Richard Wellom
Richard Wellom
i 1 1 7 t<> 1420
John Chadde
John Mum
John Chadde
William Graunger
Peter Ton.
WARDENS.
Martin Godard John Chadde
Martin Godard
Martin Godard
John Parker
The above persons served as Masters and Wardens In-iwcrn 1417 and Oct. 1420,
but their exact precedence in office cannot be determined. (I. pp. 249-250.)
i 1 20 21 Oct. William Multone Richard Hatfield John W!KM<
(I. p. 250.)
243
S 2
YEAR.
1428
MASTER.
ioDec. William Broun
WARDENS.
John Newenton Thomas Belgrave
Sworn Wardens (K. pp. 93-4).
1433 John Newenton John Howys
(Ousting Aointil, 25, 26, 42, 43.)
1441 27 June Richard Asser John Marchall
Sworn Wardens (K. p. 256).
The following names, from 1442 to 1498, are taken chiefly from the Accounts
of the Master and Wardens; a few are from charters, deeds, and other sources.
The year indicates the date of election, which was at Trinitytide.
Walter Brightwalton
(alias Northwold)
John Amell
1442
1443
1444
1445
1449
1450
i452
1453
1454
'455
MS6
1457
1458
1459
1460
1461
1462
1463
1464
1465
1467
1468
1469
1470
1471
1472
M73
1474
William Broun
William Broun
Thomas Trylle
Thomas Trylle
William Broun
William Broun
Thomas Trilk
Thomas Trille
William Brynknell
William Brynkley
William Brynkley
Thomas Otehyll
Thomas Otehyll
John Catour
John Catour
John Amell
John Amell
Robert Pykmere
William Brynknell Robert Pykmere
Thomas Otehill William Smyth
Thomas Otehill
Tohn Catour
John Catour
John Amell
John Amell
William Brynknell
William Brynknell
John Wakeman
John Wakeman
John Catour
John Deye
Robert Pykmere
Robert Pykmere
William Seton
William Seton
Henry Penharger
Henry Penharger
John Dey
William Smyth
William Gydour
William Gydour
John Fordham
John Fordham
Thomas Barret
Thomas Barret
John Vale
John Vale
Thomas Pope
William Haydone
John Walton
John Walton
John Parker
John Parker
Thomas Hamond
Thomas Hamond
James Begeraunt
James Begeraunt
John Roos
John Roos
John Fordham
John Fordham
John Balle
John Balle
John Walton
John Walton
Thomas Pope
Thomas Pope
Henry Penhargair
Henry Penhargair
William Seton
William Seton
John Touker
John Robert
John Aleyn
John Aleyn
William Worthyngbrigge William Vale
William Worthyngbrigge William Vale
John Ball Ralph Wodecok
John Balle Raufif Wodecok
John Towker William Bromfeld
244
YEAR
1475
1476
U77
1478
'479
1480
1481
1482
1483
1484
1485
1486
1487
1488
1489
1490
1491
1492
'493
1494
1495
1496
'497
1498
'499
MA TER.
John Dey
Robert Pykmere
Robert Pykmere
William Seton
William Seton
William Vale
William Vale
Robert Pykmere
Robert Pykmere
William Seton
William Seton
William Vale
William Vale
William Hertwell
William Hertwell
William Vale
William Vale
Symon Newenton
Simon Newenton
William Hartwell
William Hartwell
William Seton
William Seton
Symon Newyngton
Symon Newyngton
WARDENS.
John Towkcr
William Vale
William Vale
John Walton
John Walton
William Hertwell
William Hertwell
Thomas Chamber ley n
Thomas Chamberleyn
John Walton
John Walton
Symon Newyngton
Symon Newyngton
John Chamber
John Chamber
Thomas Chamberleyn
Thomas Chamberleyn
Thomas Pykmere
Thomas Pykmere
Robert Vynsent
Robert Vynsent
Thomas Chamberleyn
Thomas Chamberleyn
John Wylford
William Bromfeld
William Hertwell
William Hertwell
Rauf Wodecok
Rauf Wodecok
John a Chamber
John Chamber
Symon Newyngton
Symon Newyngton
Edmond Manning
Edmond Manning
Thomas Chamberleyn
Thomas Chamberleyn
Edmond Manning
Edmond Manning
John Robyns
John Robyns
Robert Vynsent
Robert Vyncent
John Spannysby
John Spannysby
Thomas Pykmere
Thomas Pykmere
William Wall
William Wall
John Wylford
There is a break in the Accounts here for 85 years. The scanty material for
filling up the gap in the list has been obtained from old leases and other ancient
deeds. The year given is that of the deed ; it does not therefore coincide with
the beginning of the year of office.
John Harryson Richard Ellis
Thomas Atkynson John Gyles
Richard Carter Thomas C'lyff
Christopher Lee John Leycesu-r
John Leycester John Craythorn
John Eylande John Jerom
1522
1540 April
1541 Nov.
1547 Sept.
1548-9 Mar.
1550 Oct.
William Patrick
Hugh Holmes
John Ayland
Thomas Atkynson
Richard Carter
John Smyth
1551-2 7 Feb. John Smyth
1558 7 June John Lcyrestcr
1559 Nov. John Craythorne
William Hodgeson
Thomas Buck
George Hn
Thomas Ferebie
245
YEAR. MASTER. WARDFNS.
1563-4 Feb. Laurans Grene \Villiam Wood Thomas Malyge
1571 April Laurauns Greene Thomas Edlen Roger Burston
1572 William Wood Richard Vale Richard Awsten
1573 Nov. John Hand Richard Awsten Symon Hatfeilde
X576 7 July Richard Atkinson Roger Knolls Edmond Ellys
The continuous list from 1584 onwards is printed in a later volume.
X. RULERS OF THE MISTERY OF SHEATHERS, 1326-1441.
NOTE. — The references within brackets are to the Letter-Books,
except where otherwise stated.
1326-7 Tuesday after Simon Brond John Motun
1 2 Mar. John Brond Geoffrey le Shethere
Roger de Kent
Elected and sworn to enforce the Ordinances. (Pleas and Memoranda Roll
AT, no. viii.)
1348 Friday after Stephen de Excestre Richard Brond
20 Nov. John Fichet Robert Deverous
John de Ely Robert Petlyngge
Sworn to keep the Articles of the Mistery and to supervise all workers
thereof. (F, p. 186.)
1349 Friday before Walter de Rychemond Peter de Berdefeld
20 Nov. Richard Warde '97'} John de Shirbourn
1375 Thursday after Thomas Rose Bernard Rayner
24 June. Thomas Baysham John Leche
1377 ii Aug. John Kent Nicholas Castelle
Richard Trumpetone Simon Wermestone
1378 4 Nov. John Andrew Thomas Kendale. (H, p. 96.)
1379 i Dec. John Rasene Thomas Bonne. (H, p. 133.)
1380 10 Dec. Bernard Reyner Richard Trumpyngtone. (H, p. 152.)
1381 9 Dec. Richard Warde John Kent (H, p. 170.)
1382-3 8 Jan. John Andre Simon Shethere John Ryelee. (H, p. 202.)
1383-4 1 3 Jan. John Rasyn Robert Pountfreit John Leche (H, p. 221.)
1384-5 23 Jan. William Solyngtone Richard Warde Richard Trumpyngtone
(H, p. 250.)
1 385-6 15 Jan. Thomas Rose William Man John Kent. (H, p. 274.)
1392 1 8 May Simon Wormetone Henry Richemond. (H, p. 388.)
J393 20 June Thomas Man John Rychemond (H, p. 397.)
246
!394~5 12 Jan. William Man Richard Trumpyngtune (H, p. 416.)
1416 5 Oct. John Rasyn John Richemond. (I, p. 153.)
1417 22 Sept. William Gilbert Thomas Silkirke. (I, p. 173.)
1418 4 Oct. John Audery William Squyer. (I, p. 207.)
1425 4 Oct William Gilbert Ralph Sandone. (K, p. 52.)
1427 2 Oct. William Gilberd Ralph Sandoll. (K, p. ;;
1438 12 Oct. John Richemond Henry Gately. (K, p. 222.)
1459 18 Sept. William Pays John Clerk. (K, p. 232.)
1441 27 June John Clerk William Pais. (K, p. 256.)
XL RULERS OF THE MISTERY OF BLADESMITHS, 1376-1491.
NOTL. — The first nint references are to the Letter- Books.
1376 30 Aug. John Neuby John Kent
John Meire John Bryklcs
William Albon John Marcham
Sworn as Masters of Bladesmiths and Blacksmiths. (H, p. 45.)
1376 Tuesd. after 8 Sept. Robert Roderam Thomas Pynnok. (H, p. 45.)
1416 \ Sept. Richard Ryngwode John Leyne. (I, p. 144.)
1417 31 Aug. Richard Elyot Walter Smyth. (I, p. 173.)
1424 21) Aug. John Layner John Golyght. (K, p. 30.)
1425 30 Aug. Thomas Racton William Lister. (K, p. 43.)
1428 26 Aug. John Leyne John Parys. (K, p. 78.)
1439 27 Aug. John Chambre William Hoberd. (K, p, 232.)
1441 29 Aug. John Layner William Huberd. (K, p. 256.)
1488 3 Sept. John Cope John Dober. (Journal 9, f. 322.)
1489 28 Aug. Richard Wilcokks Thomas Swayn. (Journal 9, f. 3 1 1 b. )
1490-1 14 Mar. Thomas Harrison loco Richard Wilcocks dec. ( fourita/ 9,
XII. PUNISHMENT FOR DISOBEDIENCE TO MISTERIES.
(1364.)
Item ordeyne est que touz les mestiers de la Cite de loundrcs soicnt loialment * .
ordinal* He
reules & goucrnes chescun en sa nature en due inanere issint que nulc faucyne Hits qui sum
ne fauce ouereygne ne deceyte soient troueez en nule manere des dytz mestiers ]£0
pur honor des bones gentz du (lit/ nustirr.s \ pour comunc profit du poeplc
(jur (It- < -hi-si -un in .'Mil Hirnx \' iurec/ i]ii;itrc one sit/ mi plus <m moyns
solonc ceo qm tier bosineru les qiu-ix gent/ issint esleu\ \ uucs .
pleyn power du meirc de ceo bien 6: loialment feire & porfournu-i. l.t si asqun
247
Of the punish-
ment ordained
for those who
are rebellious
against their
Mistery.
des ditz mestiers soil rebel contrariant ou desstourbant quils ne poent lour
office duement parfourmer et de ceo soil ateynt qil demoura al primer foytz en
prison par x iours & paiera a la comonaltie pur le contempt x s & al secunde
foytz demoura en prison par xx iours & paiera a la comonaltie xx s & al tierce
foitz demoura en prison par xxx iours & paiera al comonaltie xxx s & al quatre
foitz demoura en prisoun par xl iours & paiera al comonaltie xl s. (Letter-Book
G, f. .35b.)
TRANSLATION.
Also it is ordained that all the Misteries of the City of London be truly
ruled and governed, each in its degree in due manner, so that no falseness, no
false work, nor deceit, be found in any manner in the said Misteries ; for the
honour of the good folk of the said Misteries, and for the common profit of the
people. And that from each Mistery there be chosen and sworn four or six, or
more or less according as the Mistery shall need ; which persons so chosen and
sworn shall have full power from the Mayor well and truly to do and perform
the same. And if any person of the said Misteries shall be rebellious, contradictory,
or disturbing, that so such persons may not duly perform their office, and shall
thereof be attainted, he shall remain in prison, the first time, ten days, and shall
pay to the Commonalty ten shillings for such contempt ; and the second time, he
shall remain in prison twenty days, and shall pay twenty shillings to the
Commonalty ; and the third time, he shall remain in prison thirty days, and shall
pay thirty shillings to the Commonalty ; and the fourth time, he shall remain in
prison forty days, and shall pay forty shillings to the Commonalty.
XIII. KING'S WRIT FOR MARKING SWORDS, KNIVES AND
OTHER WEAPONS.
(26th June, 1365, 39 Edward III.)
Breve pro Edwardus Dei gracia Rex Anglic Dominus Hibernie £ Aquitanie dilectis sibi
Maiori & Vicecomitibus London salutem. Quia volumus quod ffabri gladiorum &
gladiorum cc
cultellorum & cultellorum & aliorum armorum in Ciuitate nostra london certa signa sua super
aliorum .,
armorum de omnibus operacionibus suis ponant quod eedem operaciones dictis signis signate
signis suis. coram Maiore Vicecomitibus £ Aldermannis London in Gildehalla nostra Ciuitatis
predicte vt cuiuslibet operacio per eius signum cognosci valeat ostendat' & quod si
predicti ffabri aliquas operaciones dictis signis suis non consignetis vendiderint
ijdem ffabri operaciones huiusmodi vel eorum pertin' nobis forisfaciant vobis
mandamus quod premissa omnia & singula in Ciuitate predicta & suburbijs eiusdem
vbi expedire videritis publice proclamari & teneri fac' in forma predicta & omnes
operaciones fabrorum predictorum dictis signis non consignatos quos in Ciuitate &
248
Suburbijs predictis per ipsos ffabros venditos vel vendicacioni cxpositos inucneritis
tanquam nobis forisfactos in manum nostram capi & seisiri & nobis inde responded
fac'. Teste me ipso apud Westm' xxvj die Jun' anno regni nostri tricesimo nono.
(Letter- Book G, f. 1580.)
TRANSLATION.
Edward by the grace of God King of England, Lord of Ireland and Aquitaine Writ for
to his beloved Mayor and Sheriffs of London greeting. Forasmuch as we desire
that makers of swords and knives and other arms in our City of London shall put and other
their true marks upon all their work that the same work marked with the said marks f^the?"0'
may appear before the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Aldermen in the Guildhall of our City marks-
aforesaid and the work of every one may be known by his mark, and that if the afore-
said makers put to sale any work not marked with their said marks the same makers
shall forfeit to us such works or their value, we command you that ye cause all and
singular the premises to be publicly proclaimed and observed in form aforesaid
where ye shall see fit in the aforesaid City and in the suburbs of the same, and
cause to be taken and seized as forfeited to us into our hand all works of the
aforesaid makers not marked with the said marks which ye shall find sold or
exposed for sale by those makers in the City and suburbs aforesaid, and make
account thereof to us. Witness myself at Westminster the twenty-sixth day of June
in the thirty-ninth year of our reign.
XIV. ORDINANCES OF THE FRATERNITY OF THE MISTERY
OF CUTLERS. A.D. 1370.
(Facsimile faces p. 15.)
(En lon)or de notre sieur ihu. Crist & de sa douce Mier & de toutz seyntz Fraternity
ascuns des bons gentz du Mistier de Cotellers de loundres ont comoncez vn
ffraternitie entre eux en sustenance de deux Tapers pour ard .... [yma]ge notre
dame en lesglise del Annunciacion notre dame appelle le Charterhous ioust
Smythfeld Ian du grace mil ccc Ixx.
Priinerment ordeigne est que chescun que soit entre en la dite ffraternilie soil I:'tllmn
"' K'M>
de bon fame & de couenable port. Et que nul que soit entre en la dite ffraternitie »n<T bearing,
ne vse en le dit Cite ne dehors querant ffoliez coutcls medles ne nul autre ryot
en esclandre les bons gentz de la dite ffraternitie p' la quel ryot ou coutcl il
, ,.
batu naulrc ou en ascun manere de none ou endamagc estoise a son lone <x a ^tmc or
son d . . . . de mesme sanz nul recouerer ou nul answere de nul du dite ffraternitie c001"11"
auoir. Et si nul isoit q' sur luy voudra pleindre soit il attache sanz nul socour en
mainprisr de nul du elite ffraternitie auoir tanq' la ley de la terre pour luy ad paste.
Item <jue chescun du tin niu asscmblera en certain plan limite par Quarterly
les mcistrcs .jui scront pour le temps chescun quartre del an cestassauoir le second
249
Two light* dymenge apres le fyn de chescun quartre p. ... son quartrage cestassauoir vj d
Charterhouse en mayntenance & sustenance des ditz ij Tapers pour enlumere en lesglise del
Annunciacon notre dame suisdit sous peyne dune Ib de Cier mesq' il soil maladie
ou hors de ville.
Annual
liveries ^
To hear Mass.
Election feast
at Trinity.
Attendance at
funerals.
Item accorde est entre les confrers du dite ffraternitie qils assembleront
chescun an en le dit esglise del Annunciacion notre dame vestuz dune Suyte del
liuere des Cotes ou autre vestuz en le ffest del Annunciacion pour oier vn messe de
mesme le ffest & pour offrer a dit Messe chescun deux j d en lonour de Jhu. Crist
& de notre dame seynt Marie & de toutz seyntz & puis apres pour assembler
en vn certain (place) limite pour manger & boyer a semble cestassauoir le premier
dymenge apres la Trinitie a quel assemble ils eslurent deux bonz gentz & loialx
du dite ffraternitie pour cuiller & garder largent pour les ditz Tapers & pour
acchater lour vesture pour cotes ou autre vesture pour Ian proschein ensuant.
Item accorde est que les ditz ij bons gentz ferront del remaunt del argent q'
rcmaynt des ditz ij Tapers iiij Torchez & v Tapers rondes issint que si nul du dit
ffraternitie devie ou sa feme auera les ditz iiij torchez & v tapers a lour enterrement
al Placebo & Dirige & a v messes. Et que chescun du dite ffraternitie serra illeoqs'
entour lenterement de cestuy qui est mort en sa vesture du dit ffraternitie en la
veyle al dirige & en le iour pour offrer a les v messes auantditz. Et si ascun de
eux soit absent a dirige & a messes auantditz il paiera a dit ffraternitie vn Ib de cier
mesq' il soit maladie ou hors du ville.
Cy que dieu defend si ascun meschief auendra a nul deux par tempest de
meere ou arsure de fieu ou robberie ou nul autre maladie q'conge sodeynement
sedant par lordinance de dieu . . . chescun semaigne durant la dit meschief de
lour comune Boyste x d paie al fyn de chescun moys.
Settlement of
disputes.
Admission of
new members.
Item si ascun debate ou trespas soit p . . . ve ou comence entre ascunz gentz
du dite ffraternitie celuy se sente agreue vendra a les ij bons gentz esluz & lour
certefier sa greuance ... el ... bons gentz atreteront acordement entre eux qui
sont issint discordez &: sils ne pourent bonement Recorder a lour attretement adonqs
soient accordez par comune ley & celuy q' soit troue en le default soit mayntenuz
par nul de ses confreres auant ditz.
Item que les ditz meistres du dit ffraternitie ne receyuoient nul confrere en
jour ^jte ffraternitie si non par comune assent de toutz les bons gentz du dit
fraternitie q' ils seront eslut en le iour de lour comune assemble nemye autrement
& si celuy q' voudra entrer en la dite ffraternitie auera trespas deuers ascuns de ses
confrers ia ne entra deuant qil ad fait amendcs par comune assent de les confreres
resonablement a celuy . . . le trespas fuist fait.
250
Item quc nul du dite ffratenutie desore soit mayntenour des pules ou bordelles None to be of
evil life,
ou bordel tenant pour viurc de son corps en esclandre de les bons gentz du dite
ffraternitie ne (chascun) du dito ffraternitie soit mayntenour des cours damours
comunement ne de seismes en la dite cite ne dehors ne mayntenour de nul autre
folye en esclandre les ditz bons gentz du dit ffraternitie ne en desturbance de la
paix (de) notre sieur le Roy. Et si nul soit troue que dieu defende soit il pris \
enprisone a la suyte de toutz les bons gentz auantditz & par auisement dc eux
& par assent del niair <S: viscontz de la cite greuousment puny issint q' autres
mesfesours soient garnys par encheson de luy.
Item que nul du dit fratemitic p'igne devers luy ne coilli autri seruant ne Apprentices
apprentys durant le couenant en son meistre & luy et si nul du dit ffraternitie tiel *"t *T™
tort face . . . auysement des bones gentz du dit ffraternitie restora les damages enticed,
que son mestre en ad vst par defaut du seruice du dit seruant ou apprentys & le dit
seruant ou apprentys a nul d[u dit frajternitie . . . [tanjq' les amendes par luy
soyent faitz a toutz les bons gentz du dite ffraternitie.
Item si ascun du dite fraternitie soit troue rebelle ou contrarious encontres Rebellious and
nulles des poyntz auantditz ou de male fame ou mendysant constontablement i^thJ^o be
encontre ascuns de p . . . & ne voet en nul manere se retrer ne amender dismissed,
hastement soit il voidy hors du dite ffraternitie tanq' il auera fait gree & amendes
ul partie qil ad fait tort & q' ia ne entra . . . assent de toutz ses confreiv
Item si nul du dite ffraternitie ne paie al fyn de chescun quartre son quartrage Fines for non-
come auant est dit & auxi sil ne soit a dirige & a Messes quant nul des ditz
confreres ou sa femme soit mort qil paiera les amercimentz auanditz. Et sil
from funerals,
ne voet paier ses ditz amercimentz qil soit ouste hors du dite ffraternitie par
auisement de tout le dit ffraternitie tanq' il ad fait gre au dit fraternitie de les
amercimentz come auant est dit.
Item accorde fuist fait par entre toutz les confreres du dite fraternitie al temp* Fixed charges
que John Baker Reynand Erchedekne furent mestres du dite ffraternitie que
chescun des ditz confreres dcueruil paier pour son corps de mesnie a lour mangeric
ij s & pour sa feme xij d & vnges ne encresteront pluis cestassauoir al iour a mang'
& a nuyt al sop' & a demayn a dyner.
THOMAS EKYNKUN,
Mais
I HOM \s KYKKETON,
Endorsed
la ffraternite de Cotellers. {Chancery .\[isc(llaneu, Bundle 42, no. 215.)
TK \NSI.ATION.
In honour of our Lord Jesus Christ and of 1 1 and of all saints, ]/ratn
certain of the good folks of the Mistery of Cutlers of London have begun a founded.
Fraternity among themselves in support of two tapers to burn (before the image of)
Our Lady in the Church of the Annunciation of Our Lady called the Charterhouse,
West Smithfield, the year of grace 1370.
First it is ordained that everyone who shall be admitted into the said
Fraternity shall be of good fame and of seemly bearing ; and that no one who is
admitted into the said Fraternity shall practise, either within or without the said
Brethren to be City, quarrels, follies, disorders, affrays, or any other riot, in disgrace of the good folks
°^ tne ^'^ Fraternity, by the which riot or disturbance he might be beaten,
wounded, either in any kind of folly or be damaged through his own folly and to
Not quarrel- his own . . . without recovering anything or having any answer from any of the
contentious. said Fraternity.* And if there be any who would complain against him, let him be
arrested without having help by bail from any of the said Fraternity until the law
of the land have passed for him.
Quarterly Also that everyone of the said Fraternity shall meet in a certain place,
assemblies. appointed by the Masters for the time being, every quarter of the year, to wit, on
Two lights the secon<i Sunday after the end of each quarter (to pay) his quarterage, namely
kept in 5^ \n maintenance and support of the said two tapers to burn in the Church of
Charterhouse. .. . r
the Annunciation of our Lady abovesaid, under penalty of a pound of wax, unless
he be sick or out of town.
Annual Also it is agreed among the brethren of the said Fraternity that they shall
hV^Tcs^ m meet everv vear *n t^ie sa^ Church of the Annunciation of our Lady clad in a suit
of the livery of coats, or otherwise clad, at the Feast of the Annunciation to hear
To hear Mass, a mass of the same Feast, and to offer at the said mass everyone of them a penny
in honour of Jesu Christ and of our Lady Saint Mary and of all saints, and then
afterwards to meet in a certain appointed place to eat and drink together, to wit,
Election feast on tne ^rst Sunday after Trinity, at the which assembly they shall elect two good and
at Trinity. iOyai folks of the said Fraternity to collect and keep the money for the said Tapers,
and to buy their clothing for coats or other vesture for the year next ensuing.
Attendance at Also it is agreed that the said two good folks shall make from the remainder
funerals. of tjie money that remains from the said two Tapers, four torches and five round
tapers, so that if any one of the said Fraternity, or his wife, die he shall have the
said four torches and five tapers at their burial, at the Placebo and Dirige, and
at the five masses. And that everyone of the said Fraternity shall be there at
the burial of the one who is dead, in his clothing of the said Fraternity, on the eve
at Dirige, and on the day to offer at the five masses aforesaid. And if any one of
them be absent at Dirige and at the masses aforesaid, he shall pay to the said
Fraternity a pound of wax, unless he be sick or out of town.
* Original defective and obscure.
252
If, which God forbid, any mischief shall befall any one of them by storm at Relief of
sea, or conflagration of fire, or theft, or any other sudden mischance whatsoever k >
... by visitation of God . . . (let there be) paid io</.* every week during the said ^°rfm' fire» or
mischance from their common Box, at the end of each month.
Also if any contention or injury be stirred up or begun among any folks of the Settlement of
said Fraternity, he who feels himself aggrieved shall come to the two good men elected
and shall inform them of his complaint * ... the good men shall endeavour an
accord between those who are so at variance, and if they can not well reconcile them
by their endeavour, then let them be reconciled by the common law, and let not
him who is found in the wrong be upheld by any of his brethren aforesaid.
Also that the said Masters of the said Fraternity shall not receive any brother Admission «»f
new inemlters.
into their said Fraternity except by general assent of all the good folks of the said
Fraternity ; that they shall be elected on the day of their general assembly and not
otherwise ; and if he who wishes to enter into the said Fraternity shall have done
wrong against any of his brethren, then he shall not enter until he has reasonably
made amends, by general assent of the brethren, to him (against) whom the
wrong was done.
Also that no one of the said Fraternity henceforth be a supporter des putes ou None to be of
bordelles or a keeper of a bordel for his livelihood, to the dishonour of the good
folks of the said Fraternity ; that none of the said Fraternity be a keeper des cours
damours comunement nor of * ... in the said City or without, nor a supporter of
any other folly to the disgrace of the said good folks of the said Fraternity nor in
disturbance of the peace of our lord the King. And if any such be found, which
God forbid, let him be taken and imprisoned at the suit of all the good folks
aforesaid, and by their counsel and by assent of the Mayor and Sheriffs of the City
grievously punished so that other ill-doers may be warned by his punishment.
Also that no one of the said Fraternity entice or attach to himself the servant Appm
or apprentice of another during the agreement between his master and him ; and if nol to ^
anyone of the said Fraternity do such wrong, by determination of the good folks en;
of the said Fraternity, he shall restore the loss that his master has sustained by
default of the service of the said servant or apprentice, and the said servant or
apprentice ... to none of the said Fraternity until amends be made by him to all
the good folks of the said Fraternity.
Also if any of the said Fraternity be found rebellious or refractory against any kcU-ilinuund
of the articles aforesaid, or of evil repute, or constantly maligning against any of l^HSuo lie
. . . , and will not in any way retract or amend, let him promptly be dismissed out dinnhMd.
* Original defective and obscure.
253
Fines for non-
payment of
quarterage
and absence
from funerals
Fixed charges
for feasts.
of the said Fraternity until he have made accord and amends to the person he has
wronged, and let him not enter* . . . assent of all his brethren.
Also if any of the said Fraternity pay not his quarterage at the end of each
quarter as is aforesaid, and also if he be not at Dirige and at Masses when any of
his brethren or his wife be dead, let him pay the fines aforesaid. And if he will
not pay his said fines, let him be expelled out of the said Fraternity, by resolution
of all the said Fraternity, until he have made accord to the said Fraternity of the
fines as is aforesaid.
Also agreement was made among all the brethren of the said Fraternity at the
time when John Baker, Reynand Erchedekne, were Masters of the said Fraternity,
that each of the said brethren ought to pay for himself at their feast 2S. and for his
wife i2//., and that they should never be more increased, to wit, on the day for a
repast, and at night for supper, and on the morrow for dinner.
THOMAS KRYNELIN
Endorsed THOMAS KYRRETON
The Fraternity of Cutlers.
Masters.
Ordinaciones
de Shethers.
Previous
Ordinances of
i Edw. III.
Request for
their confirm-
ation.
And enforce-
ment.
Except pro-
hibition of
night work.
Power to elect
Searchers.
XV. ORDINANCES OF THE SHEATHERS.
(aoth September, 1375, 49 Edward III.)
Vicesimo die Septembris anno regni Regis Edwardi Tertij post Conquestum
xlix° probi homines de mistere de Shethers london venerunt coram Maiore &
Aldermannis & liberaverunt hie quandam billam in hec verba. As honorables
& sages Mair & Audermans de la Citee de loundres supplionnt les bones gentz del
mistier de Shethers qe come Ian notre sieur le Roi qceest primiere par le Meir &
Audermans del assent del commune del dite Citee pour commune profyt furont
grauntez & ordeignez certeins Articles & poyntz touchantz le dit mistier les queux
Articles p' defaute de persones iurez p' lealment assercher & presenter les defautes
touchantz le dit mistier ont este meynz bien gardez. Plese graunter & ordeigner
as ditz gentz pour confirmacion & meintenance des ditz Articles et sibien pour
commune profit come pour honeste &: loialte del dit mistier les pointz de
suchescript. Adeprimis que les ordenances touchantz le dit mistier grauntez &
faitz Ian notre sieur le Roi qceest primere soient tenuz a toutz poyntz forsque la
defence deouerer de nuyt la quele defence pour ce que ele ne constraint pas
cotellers le queux oueronnt de nuyt en le dit mistier, prionnt les ditz bones gentz
pour commune profyt qil soil defait & que les ditz bonez gentz pouronnt estre si
frankes pour ouerer de nuyt en lour mistier come cotillers ou autres pour ouerer de
nuyt en mesme la mistier. Item que la communealte del dit mistier pouronnt dc
an en an eslyre qatre prudhommes qui seronnt resseux & iurez deuannt le mair qui
* Original defective and obscure.
254
sera pur le temps en la Gyhalle a loialment sercher les defautez touchantz le dit
mistier & les presenter as ditz Mair & Audermans afyn qils soient par eux
redresses & les amercimentz ent ordignez leuez a la profyt de la Chambre.
Item que touz les ouereignes del dit mistier faitz de fauz matiere ou faucement False work to
faitz en qui maynes ils soient trouez a vendre par nul des ditz serchours deinz la Ihc'makers1111
dite Citee soient forfaitz al oeps de la Chambre & le fesour amercie selonc la fin«d-
quantite del aunciens ordinances par auis & assent del Mair & Audermans. Item
que nul del dit Mistier resceiue allowys qui ne fuist pas apprentiz en la dite Citee Journeymen
sil ne soit assaie deuannt par les ditz serchours sil soit able deuerer en le dit prenticedtobe
mistier come lowiz ou nemye et si null del dit mistier tigne asoni come lowiz par vn lcste^-
semaigne puis qil est certifie & garny par les ditz serchours que nest pas able
encourge lauantdit peyne. Item si nul del dit Mistier soit rebell' ou deshobeisaunt Penalty for
a nuls des ditz serchours si qil ne voet luy suffrer entrer en sa meson en du temps
oue vn seriaunte de la Chambre a ceo assigne par le Mair ou par le Chambreleyn
pour enserche due encourge la peyn solonc lordinance auandit. Item que nul soit New freemen
fait frank en le dit Mistier sil ne poet trouer ameyns qatre franks del dit Mistier J£ |£ ^ £jfied
pur tesmoigner al Chamberleyn sa ablesse. Item que nul du dit Mester ne fasse ability.
Fixed wages
certein couenaunt pour don a son lowys pour ouerer en mesme le mester plus que for joumey-
amoinc xxx s. par an outre sa table & si nul face le contrarie encourge la dite peyne. mcn*
Item si nul del dit mester soit rebel a lur gardeins si qil sanz cause resonable Penalties for
reffuse puis qil soit duement garny de venir a lur assembles ordeines pour redresser
deffautes tochaunz le dit mester a profit & honor si bien del dit mester come de la
dite Citee encourge la dite peyne. Item sil soit proue que les ditz gardiens soient Penalty for
laches & negligent encontre lur serment de faire lur office tochant le dit mester
encourge la dite peyne. (Letter-Book H, f. 22 b.)
TRANSLATION.
On the 2oth day of September in the 49th year of the reign of King Edward Ordinances of
the Third after the Conquest came the reputable men of the Mistery of Shethers of l
London before the Mayor and Aldermen and delivered here a certain petition in
these words. To the honourable and discreet Mayor and Aldermen of the City
of London pray the good folks of the Mistery of Shethers that forasmuch as in
tlir first year of our present lord the King there were granted and ordained by the Previous
.nd Aldermen with the assent of the Commonalty of the said ( it\. , V.'hV
for the common profit, certain articles and points touching the said Mister)',
tiich articles by the default of the persons sworn faithfully to search out
and present defaults touching the said Mistery have been too little observed.
it please -rant and ordain to the said folks the underwritten |>oints Request for
for the confirmation and maintenance of the said Artie Us and as well for the atjon. '
255
And enforce-
ment.
Except pro-
hibition of
night work.
Power to elect
Searchers.
False work to
be seized, and
the makers
fined.
Journeymen
not ap-
prenticed to be
tested.
Penalty for
hindrance of
Searchers.
New freemen
to be certified
as to their
ability.
Fixed wages
for journey-
men.
Penalties for
absence from
meetings.
Penalty for
Wardens if
negligent.
common profit as well for the honesty and loyalty of the said Mistery. First. That
the Ordinances touching the said Mistery granted and made in the first year
of our present lord the King shall be held in all particulars, except the prohibition
to work at night, the which prohibition, since it does not restrain the Cutlers who
work at night in the said trade, the said good folks pray for the common profit
that it may be annulled, and that the said good folks may be as free to work
at night in their trade as are the Cutlers or others to work in the same trade at
night. Also. That the commonalty of the said Mistery may from year to year
elect four worthy men who shall be received and sworn in the Guildhall before the
Mayor for the time being, to faithfully search the defaults touching the said trade
and present them to the said Mayor and Aldermen in order that they may be by
them redressed and the penalties thereto ordained be levied to the profit of the
Chamber. Also. That all work of the said trade made of false material or
deceitfully made in whosesoever hands they may be found, for sale, by any of the
said Searchers within the said City, be forfeit to the use of the Chamber, and
the maker fined according to the amount of the old ordinances by advice and
assent of the Mayor and Aldermen. Also. That no one of the said Mistery
receive a journeyman who has not been an apprentice in the said City unless
he be previously tested by the said Searchers whether he be able to work in
the said trade as a journeyman or not, and if any of the said trade take him
as a journeyman for a week after being notified and warned by the said Searchers
that he is not fit, let him suffer the penalty aforesaid. Also. If any of the
said Mistery be rebellious or disobedient to any of the said Searchers, so that he
suffer him not to enter into his house at a reasonable time, with a Serjeant of the
Chamber thereto assigned by the Mayor or by the Chamberlain to make due
search, let him suffer the penalty according to the aforesaid ordinance. Also.
That no one be made free in the said Mistery unless he can find at least four
freemen of the said Mistery to certify his ability to the Chamberlain. Also.
That no one of the said Mistery make sure agreement to give his journeyman for
working in the same trade more than at least 30^. a year besides his food, and
if any do the contrary let him suffer the said penalty. Also. If any of the said
Mistery be disobedient to their Wardens, so that without reasonable cause he
refuse, when duly warned, to come to their meetings appointed for redress of
defaults touching the said Mistery, for the profit and honour as well of the said
Mistery as of the said City, let him suffer the said penalty. Also. If it be
proved that the said Wardens are lax and negligent concerning their oath to
perform their office touching the said Mistery, let them suffer the said penalty.
256
XVI. OATH OF THE COMMON COUNCIL OF THE MISTERIES.
(9th August, 1376, 50 Edward III.)
Memorandum quod nono die Augusti anno regni Regis Edwardi tercij post
conquestum quinquagesimo coram Johanne VVarde, Maiore, Willielmo Halden,
Recordatore, Johanne Chichestre, Adam Stable, Robert Hatfeld, Johanne Aubrey,
Bartholomeo ffrestlynge, Nicholao Twyford, Johanne Maryns, Johanne Haddele,
Heruico Begge, Ad* de Sancto Juoue, Aldermannis, in camera Gyhalde london ad
sumonicionem dicti Maioris venit immensa Communitas de Misteris subscriptis &
optulerunt nomina personarum subscriptarum per quodlibet misterum generaliter
electarum & deputatarum pro consilio ciuitatis vsque ad oneracionem noui maioris
que quidem persone fuerunt tune separatim per mistera sua vocate & onerate per
sacrum suum vt sequitur. Vous iurez que vous vendrez parfitement quant vous
serez sommones pour comune conseil de la Citee si vous neiez loial & resonable
excusation, & bon & loial conseil donez solonc votre sen & sauoir, & pour nul
fauour meyntendres nul singuler profit encontre le comun profit de la Citee sauant
a chescun mestir ses vsages resonables, & quant vous serez issint venuz ne
departirez sanz resonable cause ou conge du Mair ou deuant que le Mair & ses
compaignons departent. (Letter-Book H, f. 46b.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it remembered that on the ninth day of August in the fiftieth year of the
reign of King Edward the Third after the Conquest in the presence of John
Warde, Mayor, William Halden, Recorder, John Chichestre, Adam Stable, Robert
Hatfeld, John Aubrey, Bartholomew Frestlynge, Nicholas Twyford, John Maryns,
John Haddele, Hervy Begge, Adam de St. Ive, Aldermen, there came into the
Chamber of the Guildhall, London, at the summons of the said Mayor, an immense
assembly of the underwritten Misteries, and presented the names of the persons
underwritten by each of the Misteries generally elected and deputed for the Council
of the City until the charge of the new Mayor, the which persons were then
separately called, each by his Mistery, and charged upon his oath as follows. You
shall swear that you will readily come when you shall be summoned for a Common
Council of the City, unless you have lawful and reasonable excuse, and good and
lawful counsel you shall give according to your wit and knowledge, and for no
favour shall you maintain any private benefit against the common profit of the
City, preserving to each Mistery its reasonable customs, and when you shall so
come you shall not depart without reasonable cause, or the Mayor's leave, or
before the Mayor and his Im-thrm depart.
257
Ortlinacio
cultellariorum.
Silver knife-
handles to be
of sterling
quality.
Wooden
handles not to
be coloured.
Wages of
journeymen to
be fixed ac-
cording to
their ability.
No cutlery to
be taken out
of the City
until
"viewed."
XVII. ORDINANCE OF THE CUTLERS.
(January 1379-80, 3 Richard II.)
As honorables seigneurs mair & Aldermans de la Citee de loundres monstront
& suppliont en comune touz les prudeshomes del mestier des Cotillers de mesme
la Cite que come al honour de dieu & pur comune profist si bien a tout le roialme
come del dite Citee en amendement & correccioun des plusours defautes q' ont
estee vsez en mesme le mestier si ont ils par comune acord & meure deliberacion
entre eux fait escrire certeins articles tochantz lour dit mestier * guelt chose vous
priont ils q1 vous pleise de vos bones discrecionz & sages auys oyer les articles q'
sensuont. Issint que enapres ils puissent estre enroullez entrez & escriptz en vn
liure en la chambre A fyn le meulx destre tenuz en temps auenir.
j. Enprimes ordeigne soit que nul face ouerir ne vende coteulx oue manches
ne gaynes harnoisez ouesque argent si largent ny soyt dauxi fyn allaye come
lestarlyng sur payne de paier al chambreleyn al oeps de la Citee vj s. viij d. ou plus
selonc ceo que semble as ditz Mair & Aldermans resonables pur la quantite
du trespas.
ij. Item pur eschuer desceite al poeple en eel part ordeigne soit que null'
manches darbre forsque digeon soyent colourez mais soient nue ment vendus come
lour droit nature demande Et si ascun tiel soit trouve a vendre si encourge le
vendour en la payne auantdite.
iij. Item pur redresser lexcessive alloer de les alloes del dit mestier ordeigne
soit que nul allowys ouerour dicel mestier qui nest frank de la Citee nad este
apprentis del dit mestier & accomplis son terme en la dite Citee ou autrement
serui vij ans en le dite Citee en le dit miestier soit resceu de ouerir el dit mestier
si tiel allowys ne soit primerement assaie par les surueours iurez del dit mester de
sa science combien il est digne deprendre par la iourne par la semaigne ou par
entier terme & selonc ceo qils trouont selonc lour consciences que tiel allowys bien
poet deseruir lui agardent les dit surueours deprendre Et que celui qui done a tiel
allowys outre lextente fait par les ditz surueours encourge mesme la paine Et puis
que les ditz surveours issint ont resonablement mys tiel allowys al extente come
dessus est dit ne soit a nullui persone le prise de tiel allowys outre tiel extente mys
plus haut ne baas sur paine susdit atanqe il soit apris de plus deseruir.
iiij. Item que nul del dit mestier par lui mesmes ne par autre meene persone
face carier cotillerie fait en la Citee hors de la Cite a vendre tanque les surueours
du dit mestier iurez qui pur le temps seront layent vewes sil soit auoable ou nemye
sur paigne susdit. Les queux mestres serront iurez de parfitement venir a ces
* The words in italics are crossed through in the original.
258
voire quant ils a ceo soyent requis Et si nul des ditz mestres ne voet venir afaire
la vewe que celui qamesne tiel cotillerie hors du dite Citee soit tenuz pur escuse.
v. Item que null soit suffert de vser le dit mestier par lui ne par les siens dans All who follow
la cite sil ne voet estier al reule des surveours iurez & eslieux par le dit mestier pur 0^y7hee
le temps Et auxint tenir touz les ordenances approuez del dit mestier auxi auant Kulers and
,. Ordinances.
come ascun homme del dit mestier a son poer sur paine susdit ht que nul du dit Wofk b ^ ^
mestier ouere par nuyt null manere cotillerie ne ueprofre (?) a vendre ouertement and on
en les dymenges sur paine susdit. forbidden.
vj. Item que nul del dit mester naporte nenvoie a vendre cotillerie a Cutlery not to
Euechepyng ne as hostilleries mais le vende en sa meson de meene ou shope sur
payne auantdit & forfaiture dil cotillerie que poet estre troue issint a vendre Si inn-.
noun que ascun graunt sieur ou autre prude homme envoie apres tiel cotillerie
pur son oeps a sa place ou a son hostel a voer si lui plest ou noun.
vij. Item quant ascun chose tochant le dit mestier soit presente deuant mair Appeal
ou chamberleyn par les ditz surveours iurez come faux & forfai table & le defendant
lour voet trauerser disant que ele soit avoable qadonqs' le mair & chamberleyn judgment
envoiant apres quatre prudes hommes del dit mestier lex queux soient iurez pur ent
le voir dire Et si celle chose soit troue par lour serment nient auouable soit ele
forfaiie & le defendant encourge la paine susdit Et si soit troue avouable adonqs'
encourgent les mestres qui issint atort la presentment en la paine auantdit & outre
de rendre damage resonable al pleintif pur lour faux pleinte.
viij. Item ordeigne soit & assentuz par touz les prudeshommes del dit mestier Election of
pur lour bone & honeste gouernance que chescun an les surveours eslieux & iurez "f
(1«1 dit mestier garnisent touz les bones gentz de meisme le mestier destre
assemblez en vne couenable place deins la Citee pur eslire lour surveours del dit
mestier pur Ian ensuant quant ils seront eslieux les primers surveours pursueront al
chamberleyn & comune sergeant defaire venir les nouell' surveours ala Gihall pur
prendre lour charge illoeqs & ceo deins quinsze iours apres le feste del Seint
Trinite sur paigne auantdit.
ix. Item que nul homme del dit mestier ne voet venir pur sa malice al
ussement des ditz surveours qui pur lr t< mps seront as tieux assembles
couenables & necessaries si bien pur comune profit de la Citee conic pur la bone
reule del dit UK-SI ic r ou sil ne voet estier al resonable assent des ditz surveours ou
la plus graunt partie des bones gentz & vaillantz du dit mestier encourge
:sdit.
x. Item ordeigne cst & assentuz que a chescun foitz que ascun del dit mcst; y for
t troue faulif en ascun des arti« 1. auantdit/. paie al rluinherleyn la paine c
259
T 2
Fees for
Searchers.
None to be
admitted by
redemption
unless of
proved ability.
A Serjeant to
assist the
Wardens.
Power of
Mayor and
Aldermen to
amend the
Articles.
Ordinances
approved.
Ordinance of
the Cutlers.
auantdite cest assauoir vj s. viij d. &c. Et ceo si bien les surveours iurez come
autres sils soient trouez en defaute ou laches ou negligentz defaire ceo que a lour
office apartient encourgent la paine auantdit.
xj. Item pleise a vos treshonorables seignours graunter que les surueours qui
seront pur le temps del dit mestier pur lour trauall & diligence de cercher &
presenter les defautes trouez en la dite mestier eyent la tierce partie des fyns leuez
pur defautes par eux presentez.
xij. Item que nul homme soit enfranchise en le dit mestier par redempcioun
si non par tesmoignance de vj prudes hommes du dit mestier de sa ablesse
cestassauoir les iiij gardeins & autres deux prudes hommes de meisme le mestier.
xiij. Item encas si auient que les gardeins du dit mestier ne sont de poer de
rouler & mettre en execucion les Articles auantdit que adonqs pleise a vos
treshonorez seigneurs mair & aldermen eux assigner ascun seriant quel vos plest de
la chambre en eide de eux Sauuant toteforth poer as Mair & Aldermen qui pur le
temps seront damender & chaunger amenuser & aiustier as articles auaunt dit a
quel hoeur que lour semble pur comune profit busoignable a ceo faire & auxi a due
correccioun & droite faire a ceux qui se pleindrent par colour des ascuns des ditz
articles estre torcenousement greuez.
Memorandum quod billa suprascripta cum articulis suis pp'orta fuit per probos
homines misteri cultell' ex assensu omnium eiusdem misteri in plena congregacione
Johannis Hadle Maioris & Aldermannorum ad Hust' de communibus placitis in
london die lune proximo post festum sancti Hillarii anno regni Regis Ricardi
secundi tercio & habito inde auisamento & plena deliberacione inter dictos
Maiorem & Aldermannos in Camera Gihalde videbatur eisdem dictam peticionem
esse racionabilem Et ideo preceptum fuerat sic intrari in firmo robore permans'.
(Letter-Book H, f. 118.)
TRANSLATION.
To the honourable lords, the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London,
show and pray in common all the reputable men of the trade of Cutlers of the
same City, that forasmuch as, as well to the honour of God as to the common
profit both of all the realm and of the said city, in amendment and correction
of many defaults which have been customary in the same trade, they have by
common accord, and with mature deliberation among them, caused to be written
certain Articles touching their said trade ; may it please you, of your good discretion
and wise consideration, to hear the Articles which follow; that so, they may
afterwards be enrolled, entered, and written, in a book in the Chamber, to the end
that they may be the better observed in time to come.
260
1. In the first place, be it ordained, that no one shall cause to be made, Silver knife-
or shall sell, knives with handles, or gaynes, harnessed with silver, if the silver be Of sterling
not of as fine alloy as sterling silver ; on pain of paying to the Chamberlain to the <luallty-
use of the City, 6s. 8</. or more, according as it shall seem reasonable to the
said Mayor and Aldermen, for the extent of the offence.
2. Also, in order to avoid deceit of the people in this behalf, be it ordained, Wooden
that no handles of wood, except digeon, shall be coloured ; but let them be sold be coloured,
only according as their right nature demands. And that if any such shall be found
for sale, the vendor shall incur the penalty aforesaid.
3. Also, to provide against the excessive wages of the journeymen of the said Wages of
trade, be it ordained, that no journeyman working in the same trade, who is not
free of the City, or who has not been an apprentice in the said trade, and has not
completed his term in the said City, or otherwise served seven years within the
said City in the said trade, shall be admitted to work in the said trade, if such
journeyman have not first been tried by the sworn overseers of the said trade as to
his skill, to ascertain how much he is deserving to take by the day, by the week, or
for a whole term ; and as they shall find, according to their consciences, that such
journeyman can well deserve, let the said overseers award him what he is to take.
And let him who shall give to such journeyman in excess of the valuation so made
by the said overseers, incur the same penalty. And after that the said overseers
shall have so reasonably set such journeyman at his value, as is above stated, that
for no person the wage of such journeyman shall be beyond the sum so assessed,
cither higher or lower, on the pain abovesaid, until he shall have learned to
deserve more.
4. Also, that no one of the said trade, himself, or by any other intermediate No cutlery to
person, shall cause cutlery made in the City to be carried out of the City for sale, Of the City
until the sworn overseers of the said trade for the time being shall have viewed it, "ny|ewe<i »
to see if it is allowable or not, on the pain abovesaid : the which Masters shall be
sworn readily to come to such view, when required thereto. And if any one of the
said Masters will not come to make such inspection, then he who carries such
cutlery out of the said City shall be held as excused.
5. Also, that no one shall be permitted to follow the said trade, himself or by All who Mi..*
his people, within the City, if he will not stand by the rule of the overseers 6
n and chosen by the said trade for the time being ; and also, hold all the
ordinances approved of the said trade, as much as any man of the said trade may,
to the best of his power; on the abovesaid penalty. And that no one of the Work by night
said trade shall work by night at any manner of cutlery, or shall offer it for sale
openly on Sundays, on the pain abovesaid.
26l
Cutlery not to
be sold at
markets or
Appeal
against
Overseers'
judgment
allowed.
Election of
new Rulers
at Trinity.
Nota—
Penalty for
absence from
Assemblies.
Penalty for
defaults.
Fees for
Searchers.
6. Also, that no one of the said trade shall carry, or send to be sold, any
cutlery to Evechepyng or to hostelries ; but he is to sell it in his own house or
shop, on the pain aforesaid, and forfeiture of such cutlery as shall be so found
for sale: unless some great lord or other reputable man shall send after such
cutlery, for his own use, to be brought to his place or to his hostel, to see whether
it pleases him or not.
7. Also, when anything touching the said trade shall be presented before the
Mayor or Chamberlain by the said sworn overseers, as being false and forfeitable,
and the defendant shall wish to contradict them, saying that it is allowable ; then the
Mayor and Chamberlain shall send for four reputable men of the said trade, who
shall be sworn to say the truth as to the same ; and if such thing shall be found on
their oath to be not allowable, the same shall be forfeited, and the defendant shall
incur the penalty abovesaid. And if it shall be found to be allowable, then
the Masters who so wrongly presented it, shall incur the penalty aforesaid, and
further, shall pay reasonable damages to the plaintiff for their false plaint.
8. Also, be it ordained and assented to by all the reputable men of the said
trade, for their good and honest governance, that each year the overseers chosen
and sworn of the said trade, shall warn all the good folks of the same trade to be
assembled in some befitting place in the City, to choose their overseers of the
said trade for the following year ; and that when they are chosen, the former
overseers shall make suit to the Chamberlain and Common Serjeant, to summon
the new overseers to the Guildhall, to take their charge there, and this, within
fifteen days after the Feast of the Holy Trinity, on the pain aforesaid.
9. Also, if any man of the said trade will not come, by reason of his own
waywardness, at the warning of the said overseers for the time being, to such
assemblies, befitting and necessary, as well for the common profit of the City,
as for the good rule of the said trade ; or if he will not submit to the reasonable
award of the said overseers, or the greater part of the good and substantial persons
of the said trade, such person shall incur the penalty abovesaid.
10. Also, it is ordained and assented to, that every time that any person of the
said trade shall be found in default as regards any one of the Articles aforesaid, he
shall pay to the Chamberlain the aforesaid penalty, namely, 6s. 8<£ £c. And this,
as well the sworn overseers, as others, if they be found in default, or lax, or
negligent, in doing that which unto their office pertains ; in which case they are
to incur the penalty aforesaid.
11. Also, may it please your very honourable Lordships, to grant that the
overseers of the said trade, for the time being, for their trouble and diligence in
searching for and presenting defaults found in the said trade, shall have the third
part of the fines levied for the defaults so by them presented.
262
1 2. Also, that no man shall be enfranchised by redemption in the said trade, None to be
except on the testimony as to his ability of six reputable men of the said trade ; redemption
that is say, the four Wardens, and other two reputable men of the same trade.
13. Also, that in case it shall happen that the Wardens of the said trade have A Serjeant to
not the power to enforce and put in execution the Articles aforesaid, then may it
please your very honourable Lordships, the Mayor and Aldermen, to assign them
such serjeant of the Chamber as it may please you, in aid of them. Saving always Power of
unto the Mayor and Aldermen, for the time being, power to amend and change, A^en
to curtail and adjust, the Articles aforesaid, at any time that unto them it may seem amend the
requisite, for the common profit, so to do ; and also, to make due and rightful
correction in behalf of those who shall complain that under colour of any of
the said Articles they have been wrongfully aggrieved.
Be it remembered thar the petition above-written, with its Articles, was Ordinances
brought forward by the reputable men of the Mistery of Cutlers, with the assent appr°
of the whole of the same Mistery, in full congregation of John Hadle, Mayor,
and the Aldermen, at the Husting of Common Pleas, in London, on Monday
next after the Feast of St. Hilary (i3th January), in the third year of the reign
of King Richard II: and after consideration and full consultation had thereon
among the said Mayor and Aldermen in the Chamber of the Guildhall, it seemed
to them that the said petition was reasonable ; and it was therefore ordered that
it be so entered and remain in full force.
XVIII. PETITION OF THE CUTLERS, BOWYERS, AND OTHER
CRAFTS AGAINST NICHOLAS BREMBRE.
(1386, 10 Richard II.)
[This document is much decayed, and is in many places illegible. Passages or words supplied
from other sources are indicated by italics, conjectural emendations are enclosed in brackets. ]
[A tresexcellent & tresredoute le] Roi nostre tressoueraigne & liege seigneur petition to
et as tresnobles & puissantz seigneurs de cest present parlement [Supplicnt tics pj"|^"^nt ,,
liumblement ses poueres ligez des] Mestiers de Coutellers Bowyers ffleidu; nary
1 lours & Bladesmythes de loundres enucrs monsieur Nichol Brcmbrc qe come
sur ceo qe Ian du Roy nostre dit souuerain seigneur sisme Johan Northampton
en la dicte Cite de loundres] encontre le fest de Seint Edward Ian dessus dit
fist garnir les bonnes & franches gentz de mesme la Citee comme la (franchise est
& viage de mesme la Citee desire a le Gildhalle en mesme le fest [de Seint Edward] Citucn*
, . over-awed at
monsieur Nichol ouec ses complices mesme le lour ymagenant a dcstruire la bonne (nc Mayoralty
gouemance de la dite Citee ordeyna certayins mesfesours de son assent armes
pour yceluy jour eslire le dit monsieur Nichol [CM Mane du dicte Citee encontre la
263
Who got him-
self elected,
6 Richard II.
Rights of
citizens again
usurped in
election of
7 Richard II.
Election
packed by
Brembre's
followers.
None but his
own party
summoned.
Armed men
keep the rest
away.
Brembre came
with armed
men into
Cheap, and
imprisoned
several people.
corone] du Roy nostre dit seigneur et la franchise de la dicte Citee Et aucuns de
son assent qui ouec luy y furent present baterent & trayrent certaynes certaines gens
ainsi qe les bons gens qui y furent pour [duement auoir fait la election de lour maire
noeseront pas] demourer pour double de lour vies siqe le dit monsieur Nichol fut
esleu en son primer an on quel temps il acrocha sur lui Royal pouuoir encontre la
Coronne du Roy nostre dit seigneur [par quoy] Plese a vostre droiturelle seigneurs
ordener & fere deu remedis sur ceste horible matire pour dieu et en oeure de
charite.
[Item se pleignont les auauntdis] suppliantz de ce qe le dit monsieur Nichol
ouec lassent dautres ses complices acrocha sur lui Royal pouuoir de ce qe par la ou
il a este vse en loundres du temps dont memoire ne court qe [par lour chartre du
Roy grauntez & conferme quant le Maire de loundres] sera esleu il sera esleu par
toute la comminalte de la Citee desusdicte & la les auantdis monsieur Nichol & les
autres ses dis complices par lour conspiracie & fauce ymaginacion pour destruire
lez lois et [bone gouernaile et encon]tre la franchise fyerent somondre certaines
gens qui furent de lour assent destre a le Gildhalle de loundres en le feste de saint
Edward le Roy Ian du regne du Roy nostre dit seigneur septisme [pour eslire vne
Meire Et le dite] monsieur Nichol par lassent de toutz les autres a lui complices
fist crier en diuerses parties de loundres & charger chescun homme de la Citee sur
paine de emprisonement & sur la paine qe ils [purroient forfaire deuers le Roy]
que nul ne serroit si hardy destre a la dicte eleccion forspris ceux qui furent somonez
le queux furent somonnez par lour assent Et mesme le iour a celle eleccion qe fut
faite encontre lour franchise le dit [monsieur Nichol et les autres de son assent]
ordeinerent certaines gens auxi bien foreines come deseines a celle eleccion les
queux furent armes a le Gildhalle de loundres pour faire celle eleccion & pour
auoir mis au mort [toutz autres gentz qui ne furent] somonez & ils y eussent venuz
pour la dicte eleccion. Pour quoi plese au Roy nostre dit souurain seigneur & aux
dis tresnobles & puissans seigneurs de ceste present parliement de ceste horrible
[chose fait encontre] la corone ordeiner & faire due remedie pour dieu & en oeure
de charite.
[Item se pleignont les auauntdis suppliantz vers] cellui monsieur Nichol de ce
qe il ouec lassent des dis ses complices acrocha sur lui Royal pouvoir en ce qe il
vient en Chepe oue graunt multitude de gens d[e son assent armez a graunt doute
des bonez gentz du] dicte Citee & plusieurs gens de mesme la Citee furent
emprissonnes a graunt double de lour vies & grauns perdes de lour biens & damage
de lour corps sanz response Pour quoi ple[se a nostre dit seigneur le Roy et les
nob]les & puissans seigneurs de ceste present parliement de ceste chose faite
encontre la Coronne du Roy nostre dit seigneur & lez loyes de son Royalme
ordeiner & fere punir lez dit mes/essours pour dieu et en oeure de charite.
264
[Item se plaignont les auauntdis] supphans vers le dit monsieur Nichol de ce Citizens falsely
., indicted and
qe il ouec lassent & aide des dis sez complices acrocha sur lui Royal pouuoir en ce accused.
qe ils conspirerent & ymaginerent [pour auoir mys a mort plusours bones gentz
de loundres] et pour ceo qe ils ne pouroient fere celle chose sans aucun cause ils
conspirerent de eulx enditer de felonie & mistrent sur les enquestes pour enditer
ceux qui fuerent de l[affinite & assent du dit monsieur Nichol et queux fuerent de
male fame] come il serra ouuertement prouuee si lez enditemens fuissent deuant vous
par quoi plese au Roy nostre dit souurain seigneur & aux dessusdis tresnobles
& puissant seigneurs de ceste present [parlemente diceste horrible matire faire] deu
remedie & y charger Nicholas Exton ore maire de loundres de fere venir deuant Exton, the
r present Mayor,
vous touz lez enditemens acusemens & appels esteans en sa garde en au[antage du can produce
Roy pour dieu et en oeure de charite]. evidence.
[Item se pleignont les auantdis supplians vers] le dit monsieur Nichol de ce qe il Conspiracy
ouec lassent & aide des dis sez complices acrocha sur lui Royal pouuoir en ce qe
ils firent vne grande assemblee [en diuerses lieux de la dite Citee par diuerses foitz
par diuerses] gens de la dicte Citee & la conspirerent entre eulx comme ils pourroient
maintenir lour fauxine qe ils eurent au deuant commencez pour destruire les
apresent plaignants [et tous autres queux] furont endites par lour faux ymaginacion
& conspiracie fut ordene de lour commun assent de prendre des dictes gens qui
furent de lour assent a ycelie fauxine grandes somes dargent [laquelle]
torcenouse prise dorgent a este continue de le temps qe Johan Northampton fut
ouste de son office & le dit monsieur Nichol esleu par la manere desusdite tanque en
ca et en<r<?r est [continue par le maire qui] ore est et les autres qui sont de son
assent par quoy plese au Roy nostre dit souurain seigneur et aux dis tresnobles &
puissans seigneurs de ceste present parliement ordenir qe ceste fauxe [conspiracie &
ymaginacion soit] puniz solon la loy & qe les malfassours en ont deserui pour dieu
& en oeure de charite.
[Item monstrent] les dis supplians qe le statut fait au parlement tenu a Westm' Statute
Ian du regne du Roy nostre dit souurain seigneur qui ore est Sisme que commence v^nai;
en ces parolles Item ordinatum est [& statutum quod nee in Ciuitate London'] hold municipal
nee in aliis Ciuitatibus Burgis villis vel portubus maris per totum regnum predictum kept.
aliquis vitallarius officium Judiciale neque occupet quovismodo nisi in villis vbi alia
persona fsufficiens ad huius statum] habendum reperiri non poterit dum tamcn
idem Judex pro tempore quo in officio illo steterit excercitio vitallario sub pen a
foris facture victualium suorum sic venditorum penitus cesset & se [abstineat pro se
& suis omnino] ab eodem le contraie du quele estatut est vse en mesme la dicte
Citee Que plese au Roy nostre dit souurain seigneur & aux desusdis seigneurs do
ceste present parliement [que le dite estatut soit tenuz si bien en] mesme la Citee
comme aillours & maintcnant mis en execucion pour dieu & oeure de charite.
265
Pardon ob- [Item monstrent les auantdis] supplians coment le dit monsieur Nichol & lez
theKingunder autres sez dis complices quant ils auoient enditez grant nombre de gens de la Citee
false pretence, fa iouncires par lour fauxe ymaginacion & conspiracie [le dit monsieur Nichol &]
les desusdis sez complices suyrent au Roy nostre dit tressouurain seigneur pour vne
Chartre de pardoun la quelle lour fut ottroye solon la pourport de la Copie dycelle
Chartre la quelle Copie a [ceste bille annexe monstre bien] qe ceux qui furent
enditez nauvoient mye congnoissance de la chartre. Par quoy plase au Roy nostre
dit tresouurain seigneur & aux dis tresnobles (seignours) de cest present parliement
sur ceste fauxine 6^ conspiracie ordener & fere deu & couenable remedye pour
dieu et en oeure de charite.
Book called [Item les auauntdis] supplians se plaignent vers Nicholas Exton ore maire de
loundres par eleccion du dit monsieur Nichol Brembre & ses complices encontre
Exton, the nostre franchise & franche eleccion que la ou fut compris [en vn liuere appelle le]
Jubile tous les bons Articles appourtenans au bon gouuernaille de la dicte Citee &
a tous ces Articles comprises dedens tel liure furent iurez ycellui Nicholas monsieur
Nichol Brembre & William [Cheyne touz lez Aldermans & touz lez bonnes
communez de sustenir mesmes Articles le quel liure de dit Nicholas Exton & ses
complices ont ars sanz] consent de la bone commune de la dicte Citee sique
par ce a le dit Nicholas ouec lassent de sez dis complices acroche sur lui Royal
pouuoir encontre la Corone & son serement. Par quoy plese au Roy nostre dit
souurain seigneur & aux tresnobles seigneurs de cest present parliement ordener &
fere de ceste horrible trespas deu remede pour dieu & en oeure de charite.
Pray for Item les auantdis supplians suppliont qe Nicholas Exton ore Maire de loundres
E^torTthe so^ descharge de son Office pour ce qe il fut forsiuge en la Gyldhalle de loundres
Mayor. de tous maneres de Offices pour tous iours et pour ce qe il ne fut esleu comme
la loy de la franchise de la dicte Citee voet sinon par le dit monsieur Nichol & par
certaines gens de lour assent pour ce qe le dit Nicholas Exton veut sustenir lez
fauxete & extorcions qui furent comences par le dit monsieur Nichol & les autres
de son affinite comme dist est Par quoy soit il oustre de son dit Office pour dieu &
en oeure de charite.
And of Cheyne [Item les] auantdis supplians suppliont qe William Cheyne Recordour & Hugh
ffastolf Viscounte de loundres soient descharges de lour Offices pour tous iours par
ce qe ils furent complices au dit monsieur Nichol les poins desusdis
& autres.
Wines sold [Item monstrent] les auantdis supplians qe come il fut ordene par lestatut en
StatuteVrices. vn Partement tenu a Westmonstre Ian quint' du Roy nostre dit seigneur qui ore est
qe nul Tonnel de meillour vin de Gascoigne de Oseye ou despaygne ne serroit
vendu a plus haut prix qe c. s. & autres Tonnelx de commun vin de mesmes les
266
paijs pour meindre prix solon la value comme pour sept mars six mars & demi & six
mars et le Tonnel de meillour vin de la Rochel pour six mars et le Tonnel dautre tiel
vin de meindre prix solon la value comme pour v. mars & demi cynk mars quatre
mars & demi & quatre mars et pipes & autres vesselz de meindre quantite solon la
quantite dycelles vins soient venduz aux dis prix solon lafferant des tonnelx comme
pleinement piert par le dit estatut. Tous les Maires & viscountez qui ont estre en
loundres depuis en ca [font] le dit estatut ...... dos & sauffers tous les vendours
de vins vendre au contraire dycellui estatut Concelant le proufit du Roy de lez
forffaitoure a [grant damage] de tous lez seigneurs [et le comm]un peuple de tout
le [dite Citee] Que plese a vostre haute discrecion & droiturelle seigneurie con-
siderer lez poins & matires desus exprimees & y ordener le remede qe ent appartient
fere solon les loys d'Angleterre et ...... sur ce le dit estatut soit renouuelle en
cest present parliement pour dieu & en oeure de charite. (Ancient Petitions, file 21,
No. 1006.)
TRANSLATION.
To the most excellent and most dread King our most sovereign and liege lord Petition to
and to the most noble and puissant lords of this present parliament. Pray very parhament
humbly their poor lieges of the Crafts of Cutlers, Bowyers, Fletchers, Spurriers, and mililarx
Bladesmiths of London against master Nicholas Brembre, that whereas in the sixth
year of the King our said sovereign lord, John Northampton, mayor in the said City
of London, against the feast of Saint Edward in the above year, warned the good
and free folks of the same City, as is the liberty and custom of the same City, to
be at the Guildhall at the same feast of Saint Edward ; master Nicholas with his
accomplices the same day, with intent to destroy the good government of the said Cituens
City, arrayed certain evildoers of his following, armed for that day, to elect the said
master Nicholas as Mayor of the said City, against the crown of the King our election by
said lord and the franchise of the said City. And some of his following, who were
there present with him, beat and dragged certain folks, so that the good folks who
were there for duly making the election of their mayor durst not tarry for dread of
their lives, so that the said master Nicholas was elected in his first year, at the Who got him-
which time he took upon him Royal power against the crown of the King our said 0 Richard II.
lord ; wherefore may it please your just lordships to ordain and make due remedy
upon this horrible matter. For God and as work of charity.
Also make their complaint the aforesaid suppliants that the said ma-:
Nicholas, with the accord of others his accomplices, took upon him Royal power; U^JJJ {**"
that whereas it has been used in London from time whereof memory runneth not, election ..f
th.it by thru charter granted and confirmed by the King, when the Mayor of London
shall be elected he shall be elected by all the Commonalty of the aforesaid City,
whereupon the aforesaid master Nicholas and the others his said accomplices, by
267
Election
packed by
Brembre's
followers.
None but his
own party
summoned.
Armed men
keep the rest
away.
Brembre came
with armed
men into
Cheap, and
imprisoned
several people.
Citizens falsely
indicted and
accused.
Exton, the
present Mayor,
can produce
evidence.
their conspiracy and false device to destroy the laws and good governance and
against the franchise, convoked certain people who were of their accord to be at
the Guildhall of London on the feast of Saint Edward the King in the seventh year
of the reign of the King our said lord to elect a Mayor. And the said master
Nicholas, by the accord of all the others accomplices with him, caused proclamation
to be made in various parts of London and each man of the City to be charged, on
penalty of imprisonment and on pain of offending against the King, that none
should be so bold as to be at the said election save those who were summoned, the
which were summoned by their accord. And the same day at that election, which
was made against their franchise, the said master Nicholas and the others of
his accord appointed certain people, as well strangers as denizens, for that election,
the which were armed at the Guildhall of London to make that election, and to
have put to death all other people who were not summoned if they had come
there for the said election. Wherefore may it please the King our said sovereign
lord and the said very noble and puissant lords of this present parliament to
ordain and make due remedy for this horrible thing done against the crown.
For God and as work of charity.
Also the aforesaid suppliants make their complaint against that master Nicholas
for that he, with the accord of his said accomplices, took upon him Royal power, in
that he came into Cheap with a great multitude of people of his accord, armed to
the great dread of the good people of the said City, and several people of the same
City were imprisoned to the great dread of their lives and great loss of their goods
and hurt of their persons without relief. Wherefore may it please our said lord the
King and the noble and puissant lords of this present parliament to ordain concern-
ing this thing done against the Crown of the King our said lord and the laws of his
realm, and to punish the said evildoers. For God and as work of charity.
Also make their complaint the aforesaid suppliants against the said master
Nicholas, that he with the accord and aid of his said accomplices took upon him
Royal power in that they conspired and devised to have put to death several good
people of London, and because they could not do that thing without any cause they
conspired to indite them of felony and put on the inquests for indictment those who
were of affinity and accord with the said master Nicholas and who were of evil
fame, as it should be openly proved if the indictments were before you, wherefore
may it please the King our said sovereign lord and the abovesaid very noble and
puissant lords of this present parliament of this horrible matter to make due remedy,
and thereon to charge Nicholas Exton, now mayor of London, to produce before
you all the indictments, accusations, and appeals, being in his keeping, to the
advantage of the King. For God and as work of charity.
268
Also make their complaint the aforesaid suppliants against the said master Conspiracy
Nicholas, that he with the accord and aid of his said accomplices took on him p^^nt corn-
Royal power, in that they made a great assembly in divers places of the said City, PIainants-
at divers times, by divers people of the said City, and there conspired among them
how they might maintain their villainy which they had before begun, to destroy the
present complainants and all others who were indicted by their false device and
conspiracy, and it was ordained by their common accord to take of the said people
who were of their accord for that villainy large sums of money ....... the which
wrongful taking of money has been continued from the time that John Northampton
was thrust from his office and the said master Nicholas elected in the manner
abovesaid, as then and still is continued by the mayor who now is, and the others
who are of his accord. Wherefore may it please the King our said sovereign lord
and the said very noble and puissant lords of this present parliament to ordain that
this false conspiracy and device be punished according to the law, and as the evil
doers thereof have deserved. For God and as work of charity.
Also show the said suppliants that the statute made at the parliament held at Statute
Westminster in the sixth year of the reign of the King our said sovereign lord that victuallers to
now is, which begins with these words "Also it is ordained and appointed that
neither in the City of London, nor in other Cities, Boroughs, towns, or seaports, kept.
through the whole of the aforesaid kingdom, may any victualler occupy Judicial
office in any way, except in towns where no other person sufficient to hold this
position can be found, on condition moreover that the same Judge for the time in
which he continues in that office wholly cease from the victualler's trade, under
penalty of forfeiture of his victuals thus sold, and that he, for himself and his
household, altogether abstain from the same " ; the contrary of which statute is
practised in the said City. That it may please the King our said sovereign lord and
the abovesaid lords of this present parliament that the said statute be kept, as well
in the same City as elsewhere, and now put in execution. For God and as
work of charity.
Also show the aforesaid suppliants how the said master Nicholas and the Pardon ob-
others his said accomplices, when they had indicted a great number of the people
of the City of London by their false device and conspiracy, the said master Nicholas
and the abovesaid his accomplices sued to the King our said very sovereign lord for
a Charter of pardon, the which was granted them according to the purport of the
Copy of the same Charter, the which Copy, to this bill annexed, shows well that
those who were indicted had no knowledge of the charter. Wherefore may it please
thr King our said very sovereign lord and the said very noble lords of this present
parliament, upon this villainy and conspiracy to ordain and make due and suitable
remedy. For ('.<><! and as work of charity.
269
Book called
the "Jubilee"
burnt by
Exton, the
present Mayor.
Also the aforesaid suppliants complain against Nicholas Exton, now mayor of
London by election of the said master Nicholas Brembre and his accomplices
against our franchise and free election, that whereas there was contained in a book
called the Jubilee all the good Articles appertaining to the good governance of the
said City, and to all these Articles contained within such book were sworn that same
Nicholas, master Nicholas Brembre, and William Cheyne, all the Aldermen,
and all the good commons, to maintain the same Articles, which book the
said Nicholas Exton and his accomplices have burnt without the consent of the
good commons of the said City, so that by this the said Nicholas with the accord of
his said accomplices has taken on him Royal power against the Crown and his oath.
Wherefore may it please the King our said sovereign lord and the very noble lords
of this present parliament to ordain and make of this horrible trespass due remedy.
For God and as work of charity.
Also the aforesaid suppliants pray that Nicholas Exton, now Mayor of London,
be discharged from his Office, for that he was deprived in the Guildhall of London
of all manner of Offices for ever, and for that he was not elected as the law of the
franchise of the said City willeth, but only by the said master Nicholas and by
certain people of their accord, and for that the said Nicholas Exton willeth to
maintain the villainy and extortions which were begun by the said master Nicholas
and the others of his party as is said. Wherfore may he be ousted from his said
Office. For God and as work of charity.
Amlof Cheyne Also the aforesaid suppliants pray that William Cheyne, Recorder, and Hugh
Fastolf, Sheriff of London, be discharged from their offices for ever, because they
were accomplices of the said master Nicholas the matters
aforesaid and others.
For dismissal
of Exton, the
Mayor.
Wines sold
contrary to
Statute prices.
Also show the aforesaid suppliants, that although it was ordained by statute in
a parliament held at Westminster in the fifth year of the King our said lord who now
is, that no tun of the better wine of Gascony, of Oseye, or of Spain should be sold at
a higher price than IOQS. and other tuns of common wine of the same countries for
less price, according to the value, as for seven marks, six marks and a half, and six
marks ; and the tun of better wine of La Rochelle for six marks, and the tun of
other such wine at less price according to the value, as for five marks and a half, five
marks, four marks and a half, and four marks, and pipes and other vessels of less
quantity be sold, according to the quantity of those wines, at the said prices
according to the proportion of the tuns, as plainly appears by the said statute.
All the Mayors and sheriffs who have been in London since then make the said
statute and suffer all the sellers of wines to sell contrary to that statute,
concealing the profit of the King from the forfeitures, to the great damage of all the
270
lords and the common people of all the said City. May it please your high
discretion and rightful authority to consider the points and matters above expressed
and thereof to ordain the remedy which appertains to be made therefore according
to the laws of England, and that the said statute be renewed in this present
parliament. For God and as work of charity.
XIX. OATH TAKEN BY THE CHIEF MEN OF THE CITY.
(June, 1388, ii Richard II.)
Vous iurez que vous ne assenterez ne ne suffrerez en qant qen vous est qascun
iugement estatut ou ordenance fait ou rendez en cest present parlement soit ascune-
ment adnullez reuersez ou repellez en ascun temps auenir & en outre que vous
susteindrez les bones leis & vsages de roialme auant ces heures faitz & vsez &
fermement garderez £ ferrez garder la bone paix quiete & tranquillite en la
Roialme sanz les destourber en ascun manere a votre poair si deux vous eide & ses
seintz. (Letter-Book H, f. 228.)
TRANSLATION.
You shall swear that you will not permit nor allow, so far as in you lies,
any decree statute or ordinance made or passed in this present Parliament to be
anywise annulled reversed or repealed at any time to come ; and further that you
will uphold the good laws and customs of the kingdom aforetime made and used,
and will firmly keep and cause to be kept, according to your ability, good peace,
repose, and tranquillity within the realm, without disturbing them in any way,
as God you help and his saints.
XX. COMMISSION OF LEADING CITIZENS AT THE TOWER OF
LONDON TO INQUIRE INTO ALLEGATIONS OF EXTORTION AND
OPPRESSION IN THE MANAGEMENT OF THE CITY PRISONS.
(1402. 4 Henry IV.)
Commissioners appointed to assemble in the Tower of London with the Quurgetby
Mayor and Aldermen in the presence of the Earl of Worcester, Lord Lovell, "
Lord Say, and others, to determine as to certain allegations brought by John
<';iv. ndi^i, citizen of London, of certain defaults by oppression and extortion
against the Sheriffs and other officials concerning the management of the City
prisons.
The Petition which led to the appointment of the above Commission (Ancient Petition to
Petitions, file 22, no. 1094), runs as follows :— IMeise a nostre tres redoute soignour piSSuncnt.
le Roy & a lez honorable/, seignours de ceste present (Parlement ordeign que le 1>jndon
Mair &) Aldrrmans \- rerteins Comuners de la Citeede Loundres desouth excriptez citiccns t<> j«.m
in the- Inquiry.
271
And assemble
at the Tower.
Places of those
absent to be
supplied.
Names of the
Companies'
delegates.
puisent (assembler a une certeyne jour en la) Tour de Loundres ou en asqune
autre lieu a la volonte nostre treshaute seignour (le Roy en presence de Mons' le)
Counte de Wircestre le Seignour de Louell le Seignour de Say les Chieff Justices
de lun Ban(nk £ de 1'autre le Chief Baron) del Esche(qer) monsieur John Cheyne
monsieur Thomas Pikworth chrs. £ John Durward (Esquiere pur avoir plein)
informacion £ conisaunce de la verite de toutz les matires presentez a nostre
seigneur le (Roy par une John Cavendish) Et qe nostre dite seignour le Roy £
son tressage Consaill purrent ent ordeigner due reme(die en sustentacion de les
bones) laiez Custumes £ vsagez vsez deins la Franchise du dite Citee en temps del
(tresnoble Roy E. Tierce q' Dieu) assoile Et si aveigne qe asqune seignour deuant
escript soit absent vouz please pur prendre une autre en son lieu qe le remedie £
execucion dez ditz matirs ne soit tariez. les nouns (de Comuners ceux q'ensuent,
c'est assavoir.)
\The words in brackets are illegible in the original and are stipplied from the
Rolls of Parliament]
John Creek
y )
\
n j
„
Grocers
John Moore ) ^
\ Mercers
John Lane )
William Chicheley
Robert Wydmgto
Stephen Thorpe ) „
\ Goldsmiths
John Lincoln 3
Thomas Duke ) rt
_ ..... \ Skinners
Robert Polhill j
Roger Wangford )
....... XT \ Drapers
William Norton }
Sewall Hoddesdon
John Proffite 1
Robert Mersk > Fishmongers
Nicholas Turk )
John Whitewell, Jeweller
Thomas Clerk, Lyndraper
Henry Julyan )
T-U /- A. ( Ismongers
Thomas Crafte j
Henry Poumfreit, Sadler
John Atte Lee, Chaundeler
Simon Hugh )
Wolmongers
John Bayning )
John Scutt ) _
\ Marchant Leche
John Bradmore )
Taillours
Cotillers
Peuterers
Thomas Sibsey
Robert Austyn
Richard Pull
John Pound, Pouchemaker
Gilbert Ashurst, Wodmonger
Robert Brendewod ) „
(. gaiters
William Eustace )
Thomas Fulham
John Grace
John Odyke | .
Will' Bonauntre 1 apIC
Bartilmew Dekene, Founder
Will' Sewall, Girdler
Gilbert Baker j
Will' atte Sele J
John Moore
John Staunton
Walter Beaw
Robert Edward
John Kirkeby )
Henry Grenecobbe j
Aleyn Walsingham )
r^u r u \ Cordwaners
Robert Chesterfeld
Bakers
Brewers
„
Bochers
272
Les queux avaunt ditz xlviii Comuners puisent aver plein informacion (&
conusance de touz les pursuitz faitez) par le dite John Cavendish s'ils sont loials
&. profitables a touz les ditz (Comunes ou non).
William Cresw> k Richard Turner, Draper Six Special
Nich' Sunkok Richard Forster
James Cokkes, Cotiller Stephen Spelman
Les queux vi Comuners recordent verite pur nostre seignour le Roy & ses ditz
Com(unes).
TRANSLATION.
May it please our most dread lord the King and the honourable lords of Ixmdon
this present Parliament to ordain that the Mayor and Aldermen and certain
Commoners of the City of London hereunder written may meet on a certain
day at the Tower of London, or at any other place at the pleasure of our most
high lord the King, in the presence of the Earl of Worcester, Lord Lovell, Lord de And assemble
Say, the Chief Justices of both Benches, the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, a
Master John Cheyne, Master Thomas Pikworth, [illegible], and John Durward,
Esquire, to have full information and knowledge of the truth of all the matters
laid before our lord the King by one John Cavendish. And that our said lord
the King and his most wise Council may ordain thereon due remedy in support
of the good laws, customs, and usages employed within the Franchise of the
said City in the time of the most noble King Edward the Third whom God
assoil. And if it happen that any lord above-written be absent may it please you to places of those
take another in his place that the remedy and execution of the said matters be not absef.tJ10 **
' supplied.
delayed. The names of the Commoners are those which follow, that is to say : —
(Here follow (he names of tlie delegates, as above.)
The which aforesaid xlviii Commoners may procure full information and
knowledge of all the doings of the said John Cavendish, whether they are loyal
and profitable to all the said Commons or not.
William Creswyk Richard Turner, Draper Six Special
Nich' Sunkok Richard Forster Commission-
James Cokkes, Cotiller Stephen Spelman
The which six Commoners shall make a true record for our lord the King
and his said Commons.
XXI. PETITION OF THE CUTLERS TO PARLIAMENT.
(1403-4, 5 Henry IV.)
As treshonorables & tressages seigneurs de cest present parlamcnt suppliont Cutlers have
humblement vos poueres oratours & Citezonis de londres del Artifice de Cotellarie '
(lacuna) que come eux & lours predecessours de tout temps ont ouerez or &
273
And had
four Wardens
to correct
faults.
The gold-
smiths seek
powers of
oversight.
Cutlers pray
that they may
not be
granted.
Cutlers have
always worked
in gold and
silver on
knives.
And had
four Wardens
to correct
faults.
The gold-
smiths seek
powers of
oversight.
Cutlers pray
that they may
not be
granted.
argent sur cotelx & baselardes en lour dite artifice & ont evez qatre gardeins deux
mesmes eslut (desoutz le maire) du dite Citee & iurrez deuant lui pour amender
toux les defautes deinz mesme lartifice et ore tard les orfeurs du dice Citee ont
faitz vn suggestion (a vous) nient veritable sicome ils sont informez disant qe les
dites Cotellers ont ouerez or & argent nient couenable au tiel entent qe les dites
orfeurs aueroient le gouernaunce des dices Cotellers qe serait outre destruccion &
subuercion de vos dices oratours qe please a votres tresgracious seigneuries de
eaider voz dices oratours qe lour droit & ffraunchises soient sauez issint qils
purront eier (aver) & enioier lour ffraunchise en le manere come ils & lours
predecessours ont evez deuant ces heurs & qe nulle chartre soit grante au contrarie
pour dieux & en oeuere de charite. (Ancient Petitions^ file 198, no. 9889.)
TRANSLATION.
To the very honourable and very discreet Lords of this present Parliament humbly
pray your poor petitioners and citizens of London of the craft of Cutlery ....
Whereas they and their predecessors of all time have worked gold and silver on
knives and baselards in their said craft and have had four Wardens elected from
themselves under the Mayor of the said City and sworn before him to amend
all the defaults within the same craft ; arid now lately the Goldsmiths of the said
City have made a false suggestion to you, as they are informed, saying that the
said Cutlers have worked gold and silver unsuitably, to the intent that the said
Goldsmiths should have the government of the said Cutlers which would be the
utter destruction and ruin of your said petitioners. May it please your very gracious
Lordships to help your said petitioners that their right and franchises may be
saved, so that they may have and enjoy their franchise in the same manner as they
and their predecessors have had them before now, and that no charter may be
granted to the contrary. For God and charity's sake.
Petition of
Wardens and
Commonalty
of the Gold-
smiths.
Have had of
old time search
of gold and
silver wares.
XXII. GOLDSMITHS' PETITION TO THE KING AND PARLIAMENT.
(1403-4, 5 Henry IV.)
Item une Petition feust bailie en Parlement de par les Orefeours de Londres
en les parols q'enseuent. A nostre tres redouble & tres soveraigne Seigneur le Roy
& as tres sages Seigneurs de cest present Parlement, supplient voz humbles lieges,
William Grantham, Salamon Oxeneye, Thomas Senyele, & Robert Hall, Citezeins
& Orfeours de vostre Citee de Londres & Gardeins del Mistere d'Orfeours de vostre
dicte Citee, & toute la Communaltee de mesme la Mistere que come les ditz
Gardeins & toutz autres q'ont este Gardeins de la dite Mistere deinz la dite Citee,
du temps dont memorie ne court, ont eus & usez d'avoir la serche, surveiu assaie &
274
governance de tout manere d'Ore & d'Argent oeverez si bien deinz mesme la
Citee come aillours deinz vostre Roialme d'Engleterre Et come le noble Roy
Edward vostre aiel, que Dieux assoile, sur certeines defautes monstrez a luy & a
son Conseil en son Parlement tenuz a Westm' Tan de son regne primere, touchant Edward III
1'overaigne d'Argent par les Cotellers fait du dite Citee sur Cutelles, granta a les
Orfeours de mesme la Citee, q'ils puissent eslire bones gentz & sufficeantz de lour cutlers' silver
Mistere d' Orfevres, de enquerere & sercher les ditz defautes, & les defautes trovez
en la dite Mistere amender & redresser, & due punissement mettre as contrariantz
par aide des Maire & Viscontz du dite Citee quant mistire (su) serra. Et ore les Cutlers now
ditz Cutellers usont d'oeverer d'Ore & d'Argent en autre manere que ne userent wo.rkdl{ferenj-
ly in gold and
au temps suis dit. Sur quoy par les defautes £ subtiltees en 1' overaigne des ditz silver.
Cutellers grande esclandre & arrerissement y purra avener a dite mistere d'Orfeours
si remedie ne soit mys. Qe pleise a vostre Roiale Mageste grauntir as ditz
suppliantz que les ditz Cutellers, n'autres Artificers qeconqes, ne usent en apres Cutlers and
autre manere d'overaigne d'Ore ou d'Argent q'ils ne userent a temps du Graunte
de votre tres noble aiel suis dit. Et outre ceo, de vostre pluis habundante grace work in gold
grauntir as ditz Gardeins q'ils, £ lour successours Gardeinz du dite Mistire
d'Orfevrie, aient as toutz jours le serche, survieu, assaie, & governance de tout Goldsmiths to
manere d'overaigne oeverez & a oeverer, d'Ore & d'Argent, & deuorrez ou aiVsuc^work*
suiss-orrez par ascune persone, de queconque Mistere si bien deinz la dite Citee
come aillours deinz vostre dit Roialme, & sur ceo de mettre due punissement &
redresse en les overaignes defectives & deceivables, si bien par aide des Maire & In London
Viscontz du dite Citee, quant bosoigne serra, come par aide des Maires, Viscontz,
Baillifs, ou autres Officers quielconqes aillours parmy le Roialme pur le temps
esteantz, qant bosoigne serra, en manere come mesmes les Orfevres ont usez devaunt
ces heures toutz jours. Reservant a les Seigneurs du Franchises les profitz que a eux Saving rights
puissent perteigner, a cause de tielx faux overaignes issint trovez & provez deinz 5^^^°
lour Franchises par les Gardeinz de la Mistere suis dite, pur Dieux, & en oevere de
charitee.
Quelle Petition lue devaunt le Roy & les Seigneurs en Parlement, & illeoqes Answer to the
pleinement entendue, feust respondue en la fourme q'enseute. Soit si bien le tenure P61
de ceste Petition, come la tenure de la Petition des Cotillers de Londrez baillez en
I'arlement, envoiez par Brief al Meire de la Citee de Londres, & eit mesme le Petition, and
Meire poair par auctoritee de Parlement de faire venir devaunt luy si bien les gentz '
del Mistere d'Orfevrie de Londres, come les gentz del Mistere del Cotellerie; & referred im he
monstrez devaunt le dit Maire les evidences & usages eus & eusez, si bien de Tune
panic come de 1'autrc, deinz la dite Citee de veil temps passez, & par inquisition Whoistnhr.u
ent a faire s'il embosoigne, cvrtifu- mesme le Meir au Roy & son Conseil en cest and reporuo
present Parlement saunz del&ie ces q'il trovera en ceste matire ; aufyn que mesme lhl
Com
275
u a
Petition of
Wardens and
Commonalty
of the Gold-
smiths.
Have had of
old time search
of gold and
silver wares.
Edward III
granted them
survey of
cutlers' silver
work.
Cutlers now
work different-
ly in gold and
silver.
Cutlers and
others to be
forbidden to
work in gold
and silver.
Goldsmiths to
have search of
all such work.
In London
and the whole
Kingdom.
nostre Seigneur le Roy, cue sur ce deliberation & advys des Seigneurs Espirituelx
& Temporelx en Parlement, ent purra faire ceo que mielx luy semblera en celle cas.
(Rolls of Par/., v. 3, p. 536a.)
TRANSLATION.
Also a Petition was delivered in Parliament on the part of the Goldsmiths
of London, in the following words. To our most dread and most sovereign Lord
the King, and to the very wise Lords of this present Parliament, pray your humble
lieges, William Grantham, Salamon Oxeneye, Thomas Senyele, and Robert Hall,
citizens and goldsmiths of your City of London, and Wardens of the Mistery
of Goldsmiths of your said City, and all the Commonalty of the same Mistery.
Whereas the said Wardens and all others who have been Wardens of the said
Mistery within the said City, from time whereof memory runneth not, have had
and used to have the search, survey, assay, and government of all manner of
works of gold and of silver, as well within the same City as elsewhere within
your Kingdom of England. And whereas the noble King Edward, your ancestor,
whom God assoil, upon certain defaults shown to him and to his Council in
his Parliament held at Westminster in the first year of his reign, touching works
of silver done by the cutlers of the said City upon knives, granted to the gold-
smiths of the same City, that they might choose good and competent people of
their Mistery of Goldsmiths, to inquire into and search the said defaults, and to
amend and redress the faults found in the said Mistery, and due punishment
to give to the offenders by aid of the Mayor and Sheriffs of the said City, when
need should be. And now the said cutlers are wont to work in gold and in
silver in a different manner from what they did in the time aforesaid; whereby,
through the defaults and subtleties in the work of the said cutlers, great scandal
and drawbacks will come to the said Mistery of Goldsmiths if remedy be not
applied. May it please your Royal Majesty to grant to the said suppliants, that
neither the said cutlers nor any other craftsmen whatsoever, may henceforth use
any other kind of work in gold or silver than they used at the time of the grant
of your most noble ancestor aforesaid. And further, of your more abundant
grace, to grant to the said Wardens that they and their successors, Wardens of
the Mistery of Goldsmithry may always have the search, survey, assay, and
governance of every kind of work of gold and silver done, and to be done, in
time past or in time to come, by any person, of any Mistery whatsoever, as well
in the said City as elsewhere within your said Kingdom, and thereupon to impose
due punishment and redress on defective and deceptive works, as well by aid
of the Mayor and Sheriffs of the said City, as need shall be, as by aid of the
Mayors, Sheriffs, Bailiffs, or other officers whatsoever, for the time being, else-
where through the Kingdom, as need shall be, in the same way as the same
276
Goldsmiths have hitherto always used. Reserving to the lords of Franchises the
profits which to them may belong on account of such false works so found and Saving rights
°
proven within their Franchises by the Wardens of the aforesaid Mistery : for God,
and as work of charity.
Which Petition, being read before the King and the Lords in Parliament, Answer to the
and there fully understood, was answered in the following terms : — I^et the tenor
of this petition, as well as the tenor of the petition of the Cutlers of London
delivered in this Parliament, be sent by writ to the Mayor of the City of London :
and let the same Mayor be empowered by authority of Parliament, to summon before Petition, and
him both the men of the Mistery of Goldsmithry in London and the men of Cutlers,
the Mistery of Cutlery, and let them show before the said Mayor the evidences ^"^ lo thc
and usages had and used of old times past, as well on the one side as the
other, within the said City: and let the same Mayor, by inquisition thereof
made if need be, certify to the King and his Council in this present Parliament, Who is to hear
without delay, what he shall find concerning this matter : to the end that the and report to
same our lord the King, on consideration and advice thereon had of the Lords ^J^]8 and
Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament, may be able to do that which shall seem
best to him in this case.
XXIII. DECISION OF KING AND PARLIAMENT ON THE
GOLDSMITHS' AND CUTLERS' PETITIONS.
(ist March, 1403-4, 5 Henry IV.)
Sur queux Petitions & Responses Briefs isserent al Meire de la Citee de Petitions sent
Ixmdres, si bien pur les ditz Orfeours come pur les ditz Cotellers ; desqueux Briefs
les tenures s'enseuent.
Henricus Dei gratia Rex Anglic & Francie & Dominus Hibernie Majori The Kings
Civitatis sue London Salutem. Tenorem cujusdam Petitionis coram Nobis in
present! Parliamento nostro per Aurifabros (Cultellarios) Civitatis nostre predicte
exhibite, una cum tenore indorsamenti ejusdem Petitionis vobis mittimus presuiti
bus interclusum, Mandantes, ut inspectis tenoribus predictis, ulterius indc fieri
fac' prout in hac parte fore videritis faciend', Nos de toto facto vero in premissis in Mayor t.»
Parliamentum nostrum predictum sub sigillo vestro distincte & aperte sine dilatione his seat
reddentes certiores, ut ulterius inde, de avisamento Dominorum tarn Spiritualium
quam Temporalium in eodem Parliament©, ordinare & disponere valeamus prout
melius fore videbitur faciendum, hoc Breve Nobis n-mittentes. Teste Meipso
apud West in', primo die Martii, Anno regni nostri quinto.
Queux Briefs feurent rutourne/ en dit Parlement, & respondux severalment Mayor's reply.
par le dit Mein- en la fuurme q'enseute. Responsio hujus Brevis patet in quadam
277
Attendance
before him.
Charters and
other eviden-
ces produced.
Cutlers work
in gold and
silver.
Goldsmiths
have right of
assay.
Goldsmiths'
charter con-
firmed with
new privileges.
Petitions sent
to the Mayor.
The King's
writ.
Mayor to
report under
his seal.
Cedula huic Brevi consuta. Virtute duorum Brevium Domini Regis michi,
Willielmo Askham Majori London' directorum, & huic Cedule consutorum,
Inspectis tenoribus duarum Peticionum dicto Domino Regi in present! Parliaments
suo per Cultellarios & Aurifabros Civitatis predicte separatim exhibitarum, una cum
tenoribus indorsamentorum Petitionum earundem huic etiam Cedule consutorum,
Venire feci coram me prefato Majore, apud Guyhaldam Civitatis predicte, tarn
probos homines Misterarum predictarum, quam plures alios & sufficientes homines
antiquos singularum Wardarum dicte Civitatis, & monstratis coram Me ibidem
per dictas Misteras cartis, irrotulamentis, & evidentiis tarn scriptis quam non
scriptis, regulam, usum, assayum, & gubernacionem Misterarum predictarum tan-
gentibus & concernentibus, Compertum est coram Majore memorato, quod
Cultellarii Gives Civitatis predicte ab antique tempore usi fuerunt operari Aurum &
Argentum infra Libertatem Civitatis predicte, prout tempus & eorum scientia adtunc
exigebant, & adhuc iidem Cultellarii operantur in dicta Civitate Aurum & Argentum,
prout tempus & eorum scientia juxta seculi mutacionem exigunt & requirunt. Et
quod Custodes Mistere artis Aurifabrorum predictorum qui pro tempore fuerint,
per supervisum Majoris & Aldermannorum dicte Civitatis pro tempore existentium,
ab antiquo tempore usi fuerunt habere assayum Auri & Argenti per dictos
Cultellarios infra dicte Civitatis Libertatem operatorum.
Sur quelles matires nostre dit Seigneur le Roy cue deliberation & advys
ovesque les Seigneurs en mesme le Parlement, de 1'assent des mesmes les Seigneurs
granta as ditz Orfeours confirmation de lour Chartre a eux grauntee par le Roy
Edward, aiel nostre Sieur le Roy q'or est, 1'an de son regne primere, ove clause de
Licet, ensemblement ovesque certeins autres Libertees & Franchises come par les
ditz Confirmation & Grante, & 1'enrollement ent fait en la Chancellarie, y purra
apparoir pluis au plein. (Rolls of Par/., v. 3, pp. 536b-537a.)
TRANSLATION.
On which Petitions and Replies Writs were issued to the Mayor of the
City of London, as well for the said Goldsmiths as for the said Cutlers, the
terms of the which Briefs follow.
Henry by the grace of God King of England and France, and Lord of
Ireland to the Mayor of his City of London greeting. We send you enclosed
by these presents the tenor of a certain Petition presented before Us in our present
Parliament by the Cutlers (Goldsmiths) of our City aforesaid, together with the
tenor of the endorsement of the same Petition, Commanding that having examined
the tenors (of the Petitions) aforesaid, you may see what should further be done
in this matter, certifying Us under your seal, clearly, openly, and without delay,
concerning the whole truth of the matter in the premisses, in our Parliament
aforesaid, that We with the advice of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal in
278
the same Parliament, on the return of this Writ to Us, may order and arrange
further thereon according as shall seem best to be done. Witness Myself at
Westminster, the first day of March, in the fifth year of Our reign.
The which Writs were returned in the said Parliament, and answered severally Mayor's reply,
by the said Mayor in form as follows. The answer to this Writ appears in a
certain Schedule to this Writ attached. By virtue of two Writs of the Lord the
King to me, William Askham, Mayor of London, directed and to this Schedule
attached, Having examined the tenors of two Petitions severally exhibited to the
said Lord the King in his present Parliament by the Cutlers and Goldsmiths
of the City aforesaid, together with the tenors of the endorsements of the same
Petitions to this Schedule also attached, I summoned before me the aforesaid Attendance
Mayor, at the Guildhall of the City aforesaid, as well the reputable men of
the aforesaid Misteries as many other and sufficient men of old standing of each
of the Wards of the said City, and there before me were shown by the said
Misteries charters, enrolments, and evidences both written and unwritten, touch- Charters and
. , other eviden-
ing and concerning the rule, custom, assay, and government of the aforesaid ces produced.
Misteries, and it appeared before the said Mayor, that the Cutlers citizens of the
aforesaid City have from ancient time used to work in Gold and Silver within
the Liberty of the City aforesaid, as the times and their ability were then wont
to require, and the same Cutlers still work in gold and silver in the said City, Cutlers work
as the times and their ability according to the change of time require and demand. MJ£"'
And that the Wardens of the Mistery of the craft of Goldsmiths aforesaid for
the time being, have from ancient time been accustomed, under supervision of the
Mayor and Aldermen of the said City for the time being, to have the assay of gold Goldsni
and silver worked by the said Cutlers within the Liberty of the said City. may*
On the which matters our said Lord the King, after consideration and counsel
had with the Lords in the same Parliament, with the assent of the same Lords,
granted to the said Goldsmiths confirmation of their charter granted to them Cioldsm.
by King Edward, grandfather to our present Lord the King, in the first year of his f,rmcd witn
reign, with clause of Licet, together with certain other Liberties and Franchises as new privileges.
by the said Confirmation and Grant, and the enrolment thereof made in the
Chancery, may there more plainly appear.
279
Cutlers have
worked in gold
and silver.
Their wardens
have corrected
faults.
From Edw.
Ill's days.
Goldsmiths'
new charter.
Gives power
of oversight.
Infringing
City's rights.
Damaging to
Cutlers.
Prayer for its
repeal.
XXIV. PETITION OF THE CUTLERS TO THE KING AND
PARLIAMENT.
(Undated. Early Henry IV.)
[ This document is defective and in parts illegible ; words sitpplied from the printed Rolls of
Parliament are printed in italics, those within brackets are conjectural additions,}
A tresredoute & tresexcellent seigneur nostre seigneur le Roy & as tressages
seigneurs de cest present parlement. Supplient les poueres genz del artifice de
Cutillers deinz la Citee de loundres que come Us 6° lours predecessours de mesme
le artifice du temps dont memoire ne court eient vsez douerir or & argent (sur
Cotelx) dagers & baselardes & tout autre oueraigne a mesme lartifice appendant &
este (gouernez dessous) le Maire de londres par quatre gardeins de eux mesmes
annuelment esluz & iurez deuaunt le dit (Maire pour) amender touz les defautes
de mesme lartifice les queux vsages sont affermez approuez & enrollez en la
Guihalle de londres deuaunt le Maire & Aldremannes dicelle sibien en temps
(le Roy Edward) aiel nostre tresexcellent seigneur le Roy come en temps le Roy
Richard le darrein solonc leffect & pourport de la grande chartre des fraunchises
de la Citee suisdicte et eient auxi les ditz suppliantz ouesque la Commun-
altee de mesme la Citee a Scotte & lotte & as autres charges a lour poair deinz la
Citee auaundicte Nientmains les orfeours de la dicte Citee purchacerent en le
darrein confirmacion de certeins libertees a eux danciens temps grauntez en
la quele confirmacion adioustez estoit par nouel graunt en dit parlement que les ditz
Orfeours & lour successours a touz iours (eient) les surueue serchee & assaie &
gouernance de tout manere dor & argent oueriz ou a ouerir deinz la dicte Citee &
en les suburbes dicelle & en les communes feires deinz la roialme (et de punir)
& redresser les defautes trouez es ditz oueraignes la ou le punissement & redresse
des defautes trouez es dit mestier des Cutillers tousiours appartenoit & doit
appartenir au Maire (de la dicte) Citee pour le temps esteant par presentement ent
a lui fait par les quatre gardeins du dit mestier les queux confirmacion & graunt sils
heussent este executez ne tourneroient seulement (a la subuersion) de les libertees
& franchises de la dicte Citee mes a final destruccion & deffesance du mestier des
Cutillers susditz & serroient en cause de graunt trouble dentre les ditz mestiers
& damages irreparables pourroient sourdre que dieu defende Par quoy plese a
nostre dit seigneur le Roy & a voz tressages discrecions par consideracion de ceo
que auant est dit en cest present parlement de les suisditz confirmacion &
graunt ensi faitz as ditz Orfeours & dabundant graunter as ditz suppliantz qils & lour
successours Cutillers a touz iours puissent vser occupier & exercer (lour) mestier
aussi franchement & entierment come les ditz suppliantz & lour predecessours ont
vsez & excercez en temps passe pour dieu & en oeuere de charite. (Ancient
Petitions, file 102, No. 5,070.)
280
TRANSLATION.
To the very dread and most excellent lord our lord the King and to the Cutlers have
very wise lords of this present Parliament. Pray the poor people of the craft of and silver.
Cutlers within the City of London, that (although they and their predecessors)
of the same craft, from time whereof memory runneth not, have been used to
work gold and silver (upon knives), daggers, and baselards, and all other work
belonging to the same craft, and to be (governed, under) the Mayor of London, Their wardens
by four wardens from themselves yearly elected and sworn before the said (Mayor fauits.
to) amend all the defaults of the same craft ; the which usages have been con-
firmed, approved, and enrolled, in the Guildhall of London before the Mayor and From Edw.
Aldermen thereof, as well in the time (of the King Edward) grandfather of our
most excellent lord the King, as in the time of the late King Richard, accord-
ing to the effect and purport of the great charter of the franchises of the City
abovesaid ; and (although) the said (suppliants) have also (been assessed) with Goldsmiths'
the Commonalty of the same City for scot and lot and for other charges according r
to their ability within the aforesaid City, nevertheless the Goldsmiths of the said
City purchased in the last (Parliament) confirmation of certain privileges granted
to them from ancient times, in the which confirmation was added, by new grant in Gives p
the said parliament, that the said Goldsmiths and their successors for ever (shall
have) the survey, search, and assay, and governance of all manner of gold
and silver worked or to be worked within the said City and in the suburbs thereof,
and in the common fairs within the realm, (and to punish) and correct the defaults
found in the said works, whereas the punishment and correction of the faults found Infringinc
in the said craft of the Cutlers always belonged and ought to belong to the Mayor Clly s "e *"
(of the said) City for the time being, by presentment thereof made to him by the four
wardens of the said craft ; the which confirmation and grant, if they had been executed,
would turn not only (to the subversion) of the privileges and franchises of the Damaging to
said City, but to the final destruction and undoing of the craft of the aforesaid
Cutlers, and would be cause of great trouble between the said crafts, and
irreparable damages might arise, which God forbid. Wherefore may it please
our said lord the King and your most wise discretions, in consideration of what Prayer for its
has afore been said, in this present Parliament to (revoke) the aforesaid con-
firmation and grant thus made to the said Goldsmiths, and of abundant (grace)
to grant to the said suppliants that they and their successors the Cutlers for
ever may use, occupy and exercise (their) craft as freely and wholly as the said
suppliants and their predecessors have used and exercised (it) in time past.
For God and as work of charity.
281
inter
Cultellarios et
Vaginanos pro
Scrutinio
Cutlers"
petition to the
Mayor and
Aldermen.
selTcompiete
knives.
But the trade
has three
Bladesmiths
Cutlers.
Bad work
Cutlers.
Bad work of
has not bee"5
"presented"
to the
Chamt)crlain.
Masters of the
1
these com-
Ordered that
the Masters of
andSheathers
make joint
Mayor and
Aldermen to
hx penalty for
defaults.
Ordinance
between the
the1 Sheathers
XXV. ORDINANCE BETWEEN THE CUTLERS AND SHEATHERS
FOR MAKING SEARCH.
(i6th August, 1408, 9 Henry IV.)
Memorandum quod sextodecimo die Augusti Anno regni Regis Henrici quarti
t conqUestUm nono Venerunt hie coram Maiore et Aldermannis london tarn
r
magistri artis Cultellariorum dicte Ciuitatis quam alij plures probi homines eiusdem
art's eisdem Maiori & Aldermannis cum instancia debita monstrantes quomodo
jpsj et eorum predecessores dicte Ciuitatis Cultellarij cultellos integre apparatos
& ornatos vendere solebant ementibus quibuscumque. Tamen pro eo quod
cu^te^us Per tres artes diuisim fabricatur videlicet primo ferrum per fabros
Bladsmythes vocatos, manubrium et alie operaciones congruentes per Cultellarios
& vagina per vagmanos. Que si bona nant laus : si vero mala vitupenum &
scandalum dicte arti Cultellariorum rependitur & infertur. Et pro eo quod laus
(sic) siue vituperium dicte arti Cultellariorum pro defectu vaginarum minus debite
confectarum ad dictam artem Cultellariorum obprobrium non modicum deuenit
& scandalum et tam tocius regni quam Communitatis Ciuitatis predicte dampnum
manifestum. Super quo dicti magistri et probi homines artis Cultellariorum
predictorum dictos Maiorem et Aldermannos cum instancia debita requesierunt
desicut tam dicti vaginarij quam alij plures dicte artis Cultellariorum vaginas operari
nituntur, quarum superuisus correccio vel foris factura per artes predictas totaliter
. ...
visa vel correcta aut Camerano vt decuit mmime sunt presentata ad comune
dampnum & dicte artis Cultellariorum scandalum manifestum. Et super hoc dicti
Maior & Aldermanni premissa considerantes venire fecerunt coram eis magistros
dicte artis vaginariorum eis premissa notificantes qui deliberacione matura
decreuerunt & ordinarunt quod de cetero pro vaginis rite fiendis duo de Magistris
Cultellariorum qui nunc sunt vel pro tempore erunt duos magistros vaginariorum
nunc assistentes vel affuturos premunient tempore debito & congruo scrutinium
vaginarum per se tantum tam infra artem Cultellariorum quam vaginariorum
predictorum aut aliorum quorumcumque infra regnum Anglic factorum & infra
dictam Ciuitatem vendicioni expositarum corrigere superuidere examinare sufficienter
& probare : defectus vero si quos inuenerint Camerano Ciuitatis predicte pro
tempore existenti indilate presentare sub pena per Maiorem & Aldermannos pro
tempore existentes imponenda et vt per eosdem Maiorem & Aldermannos Ciuitatis
predicte pro tempore existentes super defectu inuento iuxta eorum summam
debita fiat inde punicio. (Letter Book I, f. 71.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it remembered that on the i6th day of August in the gth year of the reign
°^ King Henry the Fourth after the Conquest there came here, before the Mayor
and Aldermen of London, as well the Masters of the trade of Cutlers of the said
282
city, as many other reputable men of the same trade, shewing unto the same Mayor Cutlers'
and Aldermen, with all due urgency, how that they and their predecessors, cutlers Mayor and
of the said city, were wont to sell knives wholly prepared and decorated, to all Aldermen.
buyers whatsoever ; but that every knife is prepared separately by three different sell complete
crafts, viz. : first, the blade by the smiths called " Bladsmythes," the handle and the i^fhe trade
other fitting work by the cutlers, and the sheath by the sheathers ; and that if the h*5 three
articles are good, commendation is the result, but if bad, then blame and scandal Bladesmiths.
falls and is charged upon the said trade of the Cutlers. And seeing that for any sheathers
default in the sheaths, being not properly made, no little blame and scandal falls Ra{j
upon the said trade of the Cutlers, and manifest damage ensues therefrom, as well to Brings dis-
credit to the
the whole realm as to the community of the City aforesaid ; therefore, the said Cutlers.
Masters and reputable men of the trade of the aforesaid Cutlers, with all due
urgency, represented unto the said Mayor and Aldermen, that as well the said
sheathers, as many others of the said trade of Cutlers, applied themselves to
making sheaths, of which the supervision, correction, or liability to forfeiture, had Bad work of
been entirely seen to or taken in hand by the crafts aforesaid, or presentation ^ ^
very rarely made thereof to the Chamberlain, as it ought to be ; to the common "
loss, and to the manifest scandal, of the said trade of the Cutlers. Chamberlain.
And hereupon, the said Mayor and Aldermen, considering the matters Masters of the
aforesaid, sent for the Masters of the said trade of Sheathers, notifying unto them
the matters aforesaid ; who, after mature deliberation, determined and ordained lhese com-
plaints.
that in future, for the proper making of sheaths, two of the present or future
Masters of the Cutlers should at due and fitting times warn two of the present or lne Masters of
future Masters of the Sheathers, for the time being, to make scrutiny of sheaths, by
themselves only, as well in the trade of the Cutlers as of the Sheathers aforesaid, or make joint
in the hands of any other makers thereof within the kingdom of England, and in
the said city exposed for sale ; and to correct, oversee, sufficiently examine, and
prove the same ; and such defaults, if any, as they should find, to present without
delay to the Chamberlain of the aforesaid City for the time being, under a penalty
by the Mayor and Aldermen for the time being to be imposed ; and that by the Mayor and
same Mayor and Aldermen of the aforesaid City for the time being due punish- ^x Dimity <<>r
ment should be inflicted for default found, according to the extent thereof. dcfa
XXVI. ORDINANCE BETWEEN THE CUTLERS AND BLADESMITHS.
(i2th October, 1408, 10 Henry IV.)
Duodecimo die Octobris Anno regni Regis Henrici quarti post conquestum prdinacio
decimo Magistri et probi homines Misterarum Cultellariorum & fabrorum J^^fabros
Bladesmythes vocatorum Ciues dicte Ciuitatis venerunt hie coram Maiore & Bladesmythes
VoC.ll' is.
Aldcrmannis, quandam billam vcrba subsequencia continentem porrigentes :
283
Joint petition
to the Mayor
and Aldermen.
Marks of the
Bladesmiths
forged by
"foreigners."
None to buy
knives or
blades with
forged marks.
Bladesmiths
not to raise
the price of
blades.
Under penalty
of 6s. 8d.
Fines to be
shared by
Masters of the
two Misteries.
Petition
granted, and
its provisions
ordered to be
observed.
Ordinance
between the
Cutlers and
smiths called
Bladesmiths.
Joint petition
to the Mayor
and Aldermen.
Marks of the
Bladesmiths
forged by
"foreigners."
None to buy
knives or
blades with
forged marks.
Bladesmiths
not to raise
the price of
blades.
Under penalty
of 6s. 8d.
As honurables seignours Mair & Audermans de la Cite de loundres monstrent
toutz lez bones gentz des mestiers des Cotellers & Bladesmythes francs de la dice
Cite coment gentz foreins de diuerses parties Dengleterre vendent as cotillers &
autres du dite Citee tannt bien Cotielx come ferres mercheez des merches
semblablez as merches dez bladesmythes francs du dite Cite les queux Cotelx &
ferres sonnt fauces & defectifs a tresgraund esclaundre dez ditz mestiers des
cotillers & Bladesmythes & damage comune. Si please a voz tressages discrecions
ordeigner que null du dit mestier de Cotillers de null autre achate decy enauaunt
nulle tielx cotelx ou ferres faitz en pais oue merches feignez semblablez tauntbien
pur honure des ditz mestiers come pur comune profit de la Cite. Et que le pris
des ferres faitz ou affaire deins la dicte Cite ne soit decy enauaunt encreasse par lez
ditz Bladsmythes sinon par auys des Mestres des Cotillers & Bladesmythes
ensemble sur peyne de paier a la Chambre a chescun foitz vjs. viijd. parensy
que les mestres des Cotillers & Bladesmythes purrount auoir lun moyte pur
departir entre eux pur lour labour. Qua billa lecta & plenius intellecta ad comune
commodum publicum sustendandum & dampnum publicum auferendum & pro
honestate dictarum Misterarum conseruandum (sic) concordatum fuit per dictos
Maiorem & Aldermannos quod peticio predicta forma qua petitur decetero
obseruetur. (Letter- Book I, f. 7ib.)
TRANSLATION.
On the 1 2th day of October, in the loth year of the reign of King Henry the
Fifth after the Conquest, the Masters and reputable men of the misteries of Cutlers
and smiths called Bladesmythes, citizens of the said City, came here, before the
Mayor and Aldermen, and presented a certain petition, containing the words that
follow : — Unto the honourable Lords, the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of
London, shew all the good folks of the misteries of the Cutlers and Bladesmythes,
free of the said City, how that foreign folks, from divers parts of England, do sell
unto the cutlers and others of the said City as well knives as blades, marked with
marks resembling the marks of the bladesmythes free of the said City ; the which
knives and blades are faulty and defective, to the very great scandal of the said
misteries of the Cutlers and Bladesmythes, and to the common hurt. May it there-
fore please your very wise discreetness to ordain, that no one of the said mistery of
Cutlers shall buy of any other person from henceforth any such knives or blades
made in the country with marks forged in resemblance [of such], as well for the
honour of the said misteries, as for the common profit of the City. And that the
price of blades made or to be made, within the said City, shall not from henceforth
be increased by the said Bladesmythes except by advice of the Masters of the
Cutlers and Bladesmythes jointly ; on pain of paying to the Chamber 6s. 8d. each
284
time; the trades of the Cutlers and the Bladesmythes to have one half thereof to Fines to be
be divided between them for their trouble. Masters of the
Which petition having been read and fully understood, to support the common *
and public advantage, and to avert damage to the public, as also, for preserving granted, and
the character of the said trades, it was agreed by the said Mayor and Aldermen
that the petition aforesaid should in the form presented be henceforth observed. observed.
XXVII. ARTICLES OF THE MISTERY OF BLADESMITHS.
(26th October, 1408, 10 Henry IV.)
Vicesimo sexto die Octobris Anno regni Regis Henrici quarti post conquestum Articuli
decimo Magistri & probi homines Mistere Fabrorum Bladesmythes vocatorum
Ciues Ciuitatis London' venerunt hie coram Maiore & Aldermannis eiusdem
Ciuitatis quandam billam articulos subsequentes continentem porrigentes, Primer-
ment pur ceo que plusours del dit mestier sibien deinzseinz comes foreins qui False work
being sold
demurrent en foreins venels mandonnt lour oeueraigne a vendre en mucettes en secretly and
place priue & nemye en place ouerte par cause que la dite oeueraigne nest pas
avouable & couenable si que la comunalte est deceu et grauntment endamage.
Ordeigne est que nulle del dit mistier ne face apporter nulle faux oeueraigne par it js forbidden
les viowes a vendre deinz la dite Citee nen le Suburbe dicelle ne nulle ne voyse to naw,k \l
3 through the
Wageraunt deinz la dice Citee nen le Suburbe oue tiel faux oeueraigne. Mais streets.
ceux qui vuillent maunder lour oeueraigne a vendre hors de lour maisons ou Those who
wish to sell
schopes les mandent & estoisent ouertement oue celle oueraigne a vendre a their ware
Greschirche ou sur le pauement ioust Seint Nich' Flesshameles ou pres de le Jhdf shops
tonelle sur Cornhille sur peyne de forfaiture dicelle oeueraigne cestassauoir lun must offer it at
moyte al oeps del Chambre de la Guyhalle & lautre moyte al oeps du dit mestier Qr o
& de paicr al primer foitz qil serra de ceo ency atteint vj. s. viij. d. al secound Pavement, or
foitz x. s. al tierce foitz xiij. s. iiij d. et issint a chescun foitz qil serra ency
atteint xiij. s. iiij d. appaiers toutz foitz lun moyte dicelle al Chambre suisdice Penalties for
& lautre moyte al dit mestier. Item que chescun du dite mestier qui est °
oeuerour & faisour des Testes des launces despees daggers ou de cotelx qil face blades must
lez pointes & egges dicelle toutz dures & auxi les egges et testes des haches dures ^ h*l|[out
dapprouer al assaie sur la peyne del forfaiture dicelle en manere & fourme come Makers to
deuaunt est espccifiez. Item que chescun maistre del dit mestier mette son stnilT th<-ir
propre Marche a son oeueraigne come as testes des launces cotelx & haches & thnr..\\n
grosses ocueraignes que homme puisse conustre qui les fist si defaute soil "
troue en ycelle sur la peyne auauntdice. Item que nulle du dit mestier ne No „!&„ to
counterfaite autry marche counterfait a son oueraigne mes qil vse & mette son forgcthcm.uk
of .uii it lici .
propre merche a son oeueraigne sur la peyne auntdite. Item que les mesters du p^ u
lit mistier queux pur le temps scrronnt duz facent apporter a la Guyhalle le fauce ^
285
Trade secrets oeueraigne qils trouerount estre fait en mestier destre illoques aiugge en qi mains
to be kept qjj sojt troue. Item que nulle du dite mestier nappreigne son alowes les sciences
journeymen, de son dit mestier come il ferroit a son apprentys sur la peyne auauntdice. Item
Those que nuiie ne soit enfraunchise en la dice mestier deuaunt qil soit par les gardeins
admitted to be *"•_.*• j
first tested as du dice mestier & autres bons gentz de mesme la mestier tesmoigne ne recorde
to their s M SQjt ^ ^ fajr ^ yser ja ^jte mestier sur peyne auauntdice. Item que nulle
in the trade.
None to entice du dit mestier ne retraye ne purloigne autry apprentys hors del seruice son maister
an apprentice dedeins son terme sur peyne de xx. s. ne nulle lowys hors de seruice son maistre
or a journey-
man from his deins son terme sur peyne de vj. s. vuj d. de payer lun moyte dicelle au dit
Chambre & lautre moyte al mistier suisdite. Quibus articulis lectis & plenius
Articles intellects ad comune commodum publicum sustentandum & dampnum publicum
approved and auferen(jum & pro honestate conseruanda concordatum fuit per dictos Maiorem
ordered to l>e
kept. & Aldermannos quod articuli predicti forma qua petuntur decetero obseruentur.
(Letter-Book I, f. 73.)
TRANSLATION.
Articuli On the 26th day of October, in the loth year of the reign of King Henry the
Bladesmythes Fourth after the Conquest, the Masters and reputable men of the Mistery of
Smiths, called Bladesmiths, citizens of the City of London, came here before the
Mayor and Aldermen of the same city, and presented a certain petition, containing
the following Articles : —
False work In the first place, whereas many persons of the said mistery, as well denizens
secretl^and as foreign61"8* wno dwell in foreign lanes, do send their work for sale secretly in
not in open some private place, and not in an open place, because that the said work is not
avowable and proper ; so that the commonalty is deceived and greatly damaged
It is forbidden thereby : it is ordained, that no one of the said mistery shall cause any false work
ttooiThthe to ^e C3iTTie^ through the streets for sale within the said city, or in the suburb
streets. thereof; and that no one shall go wandering about with such false work, within
Those who tne sajd cjty or m tjie SUDurb thereof. But those who shall wish to send their
wish to sell
their ware work for sale out of their own houses or shops, are to send the same to, and to
thm shops stand openly with such work for sale at, Greschirche, or on the Pavement west of
must offer it at St. Nicholas Flesshameles, or near to the Tun on Cornhille ; on pain of forfeiture
G r acechu rch .
Q , of such work, that is to say, one half to the use of the Chamber of the Guildhall,
Pavement, or and the other half to the use of the said mistery ; and of paying, the first time that
orTcornhill. a person shall be so convicted thereof, 6s. 8d. ; the second time, los. ; the third
Penalties for time, 135. 4d. ; and so, 135. 4d. every time that he shall be so convicted; one
half thereof to be paid each time to the Chamber aforesaid, and the other half to
Edges of the said mistery. Also, that every person of the said mistery, who is a worker and
"111 maker of lance-heads, swords, daggers, or knives, must make the points and edges
throughout. thereof hard throughout ; and also, the edges and heads of axes hard enough to
286
stand the assay ; on pain of forfeiture thereof, in manner and form as before
stated. Also, that every master of the said mistery shall put his own mark upon Makers to
his work, such as heads of lances, knives, and axes, and other large work, that it workPwithr
may be known who made the same, if default be found therein ; on the pain thei* own
aforesaid. Also, that no one of the said mistery shall counterfeit the mark of NO maker to
another maker upon his own work ; but let him use and put his own mark upon forge the m:irk
his own work, on the pain aforesaid. Also, that the Masters of the said mistery, ~ .
chosen for the time being, shall cause to be brought to the Guildhall such false work be brought to
as they shall find to be made in the mistery, to be there adjudged upon, in the hands
of whatsoever person the same shall be found. Also, that no one of the said Trade secrets
mistery shall teach his journeymen the secrets (or knowledge) of his said trade, as he }°o|^ kel>l
would his apprentice, on the pain aforesaid. Also that no one shall be made free journeymen,
in the said mistery, before that it has been by the Wardens of the said mistery, ^ 10:c
and the other good folks thereof, attested and recorded that he is able to follow first tested as
and take up the said mistery, on the pain aforesaid. Also, that no one of the j° the'trade1
said mistery shall withdraw or entice away the apprentice of another, during his None to entice
term, from the service of his master, on the pain of paying 2os. ; nor yet any *" a Bourne1"
journeyman from the service of his master, within his term, on pain of 6s. 8d. j man from his
one half thereof to be paid to the said Chamber, and the other half to the mistery
aforesaid.
Which Articles having been read and fully understood, to support the common The atx>vc
public good, and to avert damage to the public, and for preserving honesty (of approved and
dealing) it was agreed by the said Mayor and Aldermen that the articles aforesaid peered to **
should in future, in the form in which they were presented, be observed.
XXVIII. DISFRANCHISEMENT FOR FRAUDENTLY OBTAINING
THE FREEDOM OF THE CITY.
(ist December, 1413, i Henry V.)
ffait a remembr1 que le primer iour de Decembre Ian du regne le Roy Henry Adnullacio
quint puis le conquest primer par lez Gardeins & bones gentz del mistier de
Cotillers de la Cite de loundres suggestion feut faite as Mair Audermans & Wysman tjui
Chamberlein de mesme la Cite que vn William Wysman de Waltham en le Counte venii in
dessex' forein feut accepte en la fraunchise du dice Cite par gentz del mistier de l
corsours come celluy qui vsoit lour mestier la ou celluy William vsoit encell' temps
deuant & puis lart de Cotillers & nonpas le dit mistier de Corsours. Sur quoy le
dit William par somounce a luy fait sur la dit cornpleint vient deuant les ditz Mair
Aucfermans & Chamberlain en la Chambre de Guyhalle de loundres le iij" iour de
Decembre dongs' prosch' le quel William a mesme le iour dit & confessa qau t<
287
Annulling the
Freedom of
William
Wysman who
came falsely
into the
Freedom.
Many cutlers
impoverished
by losses at
sea.
de son accepter en la dice fraunchise deuant & apres il vsoit lart de Cotelrye & ne
pas le dit mistier de Corsours. Pour quoy parce que le dit William auient a la dice
fraunchise en maner suisdice nient duement mais en destemable maner & encountre
la custume du dice Citee par les ditz Mair Audermans & Chamberlein agarde feut
que celle acceptacion en la dice fraunchise soit tenuz par null' & qil paie pur sez
merces & merchaundises desore enauaunt custumes & toutz aultres choses come
celluy qest forein & null fraunchise nad en la dice Cite. Et oultre qil reporte
au dit Chamberlein la bille qil auoit de sa fraunchise le quel le dit Will' fist
mesme le iour &c. (Letter-Book I, f. 131.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it remembered, that on the first day of December, in the first year of
the reign of King Henry the Fifth after the Conquest, by the Wardens and good
folks of the Mistery of Cutlers of the City of London, information was given unto
the Mayor, Aldermen, and Chamberlain, of the same City, that one William
Wysman, of Waltham, in the County of Essex, a foreigner, had been admitted
to the freedom of the said City by folks of the Mistery of Coursers, as one who
followed their calling; whereas the same William was at that time, and before
and since, following the craft of the Cutlers, and not the said trade of Coursers.
Whereupon the said William, by summons on him made touching the said
complaint, came before the said Mayor, Aldermen, and Chamberlain, in the
Chamber of the Guildhall of London, on the 3rd day of December following;
the which William on the same day said and confessed that at the time of his
being admitted to the said freedom, and before and after, he was following the
craft of Cutlery, and not the said trade of Coursers. Wherefore, because that the
said William obtained the freedom in manner aforesaid, not duly, but in a deceitful
manner, and against the custom of the said City, by the said Mayor, Aldermen,
and Chamberlain, it was awarded that such admission to the said freedom should
be held as null, and that he should pay for his wares and merchandizes from
thenceforth custom and all other things, the same as one who is a foreigner, and
enjoys no freedom in the said City. And further, that he should bring back to
the said Chamberlain the writing that he had had of his freedom : which the
said William did, on the same day.
XXIX. THE FIRST CHARTER OF THE CUTLERS' COMPANY.
(4th December, 1416, 4 Henry V.)
Rex Omnibus ad quos etc. salutem. Sciatis quod cum quam plures homines
mistere Cultellariorum Ciuitatis nostre london. ante hec tempora per maris
infortunium & alia infortunia casualia ad tantam deuenerint paupertatem & inopiam
quod non habeant vnde viuere valeant nisi ex elemosinis Christi fidelium eis
288
subueniencium eoque pretextu dilecti ligei nostri dicte mistere Ciuitatis predicte Men of the
in voluntate & proposito existant ordinandi aliquam certitudinem ad honorem to
Dei pro sustentacione pauperum predictorum. Nos ad premissa consideracionem
habentes de gratia nostra speciali concessimus & licenciam dedimus pro nobis &
heredibus nostris quantum in nobis est predictis Cultellariis hominibus dicte Licence to
mistere in Ciuitate nostra predicta quod ipsi de cetero vnam Communitatem [^^tua*
perpetuam de se ipsis habeant, et quod eadem Communitas eligere & facere possit Commonalty.
Ricardum Wellom magistrum Communitatis & mistere predictarum Martinum
Godard & Johannem Chadde custodes dictarum Communitatis & mistere pro
vno anno £ sic quolibet anno vnum Magistrum & duos Custodes de hominibus Master and
predictarum Communitatis & mistere ad superuidend' & gubernand' easdem BpnoinSl
misteram & Communitatem & omnes homines personas ac eorum negocia
imperpetuum. Et vlterius de vbcriori gratia nostra concessimus & licenciam Licence to
dedimus pro nobis & heredibus nostris predictis prefatis Magistro Custodibus et
Communitati quod ipsi £ successores sui Magistri Custodes & Communitas mistere
predicte pro tempore existentes adquirere possint terras tenementa & redditus ad
valorem viginti librarum per annum tam in Ciuitate nostra predicta quam in To the value
suburbiis eiusdem habend' &: tenend' eisdem Magistro Custodibus & Communitati
& successoribus suis in auxilium & supportacionem pauperum hominum Com-
munitatis & mistere predictarum imperpetuum iuxta ordinacionem & disposicionem
Magistri Custodum & Communitatis ac successorum suorum in hac parte Statute of
faciendam Statuto de terris & tenementis ad manum mortuam non ponendis edito
siue aliquo alio statuto ante hec tempora in contrarium facto aut eo quod dicte
terre tenementa siue redditus in Ciuitate nostra predicta & suburbiis eiusdem sic
adquirendas de nobis in Burgagio teneantur sicut tola Ciuitas nostra predicta
tenetur non obstante. In cuius etc. Teste Rege apud Westm' quarto die
Decembris per ipsum Regem. (Patent Roll^ 4 Hen. V, membrane 7.)
TRANSLATION.
The King to all to whom etc. greeting. Know ye that since many men of Many cu
the Mistery of Cutlers of our City of London in times past by misfortune at sea Uy'lol^s at
and other unfortunate chances have reached so great poverty and need that they s«*-
have not means of livelihood except from the alms of Christ's faithful people
coming to their help, and on this ground our beloved lieges of the said Mistery of
the City aforesaid are minded and propose to ordain some certainty to the honour
of God for the support of the aforesaid poor people. We having consideration Men of the
of the premises of our especial grace have granted and given licence, on behalf ,
of u and our heirs as much as in us lies, to the aforesaid Cutlers men of the
said Mistery in our City aforesaid that they henceforth may have one perpetual become a°
Commonalty of themselves and that the same Commonalty may elect and make
289
Master and
two Wardens
appointed.
Licence to
hold lands.
To the value
of 20!. yearly.
Statute of
mortmain not-
withstanding.
Richard Wellom Master of the aforesaid Commonalty and Mistery Martin Godard
and John Chadde Wardens of the said Commonalty and Mistery for one year, and
so in each year one Master and two Wardens from the men of the Commonalty
and Mistery aforesaid to oversee and govern the same Mistery and Commonalty
and all the men their persons and trades for ever. And further of our more
abundant grace we have granted and given licence on behalf of us and our heirs
aforesaid to the aforesaid Master Wardens and Commonalty that they and their
successors Masters Wardens and Commonalty of the aforesaid Mistery for the
time being may acquire lands tenements and rents to the value of twenty pounds
yearly as well in our City aforesaid as in the suburbs of the same, To have and to
hold to the same Master Wardens and Commonalty and their successors for the
aid and support of the poor men of the aforesaid Commonalty and Mistery for
ever, according to the ordinance and regulation of the Master Wardens and
Commonalty and their successors in that respect to be made, notwithstanding the
Statute promulgated for not placing lands and tenements in mortmain or any
other statute made to the contrary in times past, or that the said lands tenements
or rents in our City aforesaid and the suburbs of the same so to be acquired
should be held from us in Burgage as our whole City aforesaid is held. In
witness etc. Witness the King at Westminster the fourth day of December
(1416). By the King himself.
pri
pr.
XXX. A SIXTEENTH CENTURY LIST OF THE COMPANIES, WITH
SUPPOSED DATES OF INCORPORATION. (See pp. 122-3.)
The Antiquitie of the Corporacons of divers Companys of the Citie of
London as they ar vppon record in the Towere of London. (Cutlers' Company's
Precept Book, f. ib.)
(The date in the year of Our Lord is inte?ided to be that of the Kings Accession.}
Weavers. E. i. 1271.
Diers. E. 3.
Taillors and Jackmakers, called
lynnen Armorers. 17 £.3.
Skynners. 18 E. 3. 1326.
Drapers. 38 E. 3.
Girdlers. R. 2.
Gouldsmiths. R. 2.
Saulters. 18 R. 2. 1377.
ffishemongers. 22 R. 2.
Cutlers. H. 5. 1412.
Mercers. 3 H. 6.
Grocers. 7 H. 6.
Vynteners. 15 H. 6.
Brasiers. 16 H. 6. 1422.
Tanners & Tawyers. 17 H. 6.
parishe Clarcks. 20 H. 6.
Lethersellers. 22 H. 6.
Haberdashers. 26 H. 6.
Barbor surgeons. E. 4.
Tallowchaundlers. 2 E. 4.
lermongers. 3 E. 4. 1460.
Pewterers. 13 E. 4.
Carpenters. 17 £.4.
Cooks. 22 £.4.
parsons & vicars a fraternite
290
XXXI GRANT BY JOHN PARKER AND THOMAS KYNTON,
CITIZENS AND CUTLERS, TO JOHN SWALWE AND STEPHEN
HERMER, CUTLERS. (28th March 1417, 5 Henry V.)
Omnibus ad quos presens scriptum indentatum peruenerit Johannes Parker Scriptum in-
& Thomas Kynton Ciues & Cultellarii london salutem in domino sempitemam.
Noueritis nos prefatos Johannem et Thomam dedisse concessisse & hoc presenti s\v:ii\ve£
scripto nostro indentato confirmasse Johanni Swalwe & Stephano Hermer Ciuibus i termer Cul-
•\: Cultellariis dicte Ciuitatis quendam annuum redditum quinque marcarum
Sterlingorum dedisse & concessisse eciam prefatis Johanni Swalwe & Stephano 1'arkci
quatuor virgas panni coloris tociens quociens sicut Magister & Custodes ffraternitatis Kynton™1
Mistere Cultellariorum qui pro tempore fuerint de vestura pro ffraternitate predicta (-u'tellarios.
communit' ordinal' vestiant' & de eadem secta habend' & tenend' ac percipiend'
eisdem Johanni Swalwe & Stephano ac assignatis eorum ad terminum vite Martini
Godard Ciuis & Cultellarii eiusdem Ciuitatis £ Marione vxoris eius & eorum
alterius diucius viuentis de omnibus terris & tenementis nostris cum omnibus suis
pertinentibus que nos cum alijs nuper coniunctim habuimus ex dono & feoffamento
Johannis Askwyth Ricardi Pulle Thome Ermyn & Johannis Smyth Ciuium &
Cultellariorum dicte Ciuitatis in parochiis Omnium Sanctorum de Bredestrete
Sancti Johannis Euangeliste & Sancti Augustini in Watlingstrete london et de toto
illo tenemento cum omnibus suis pertinentibus quod nuper habuimus ex dono &
feoffamento dicti Martini in Warda de Dowegate in parochia Sancti Michaelis de
Paternosterchirche in Riola london ad quatuor anni terminos princi pales in Ciuitate
london vsuales per consuetudinem Ciuitatis predicte per equales porciones. Et si
contigat dictum annuum redditum quinque marcarum vel quatuor virgas panni
Coloris in parte vel in toto vltra aliquem terminum terminorum predictorum aretro
fore non solutum quo solui debeat extunc bene liceat prefatis Johanni Swalwe &
Stephano & assignatis eorum in omnibus predictis terris & tenementis cum suis
pertinentibus intrare & distringere districciones quos licite asportare fugare \
retinere quousque de omnibus arreragiis predictus redditus eis plenarie fuerit
aatisfactus £ persolutus. Et si contingat dictum annuum redditum quinque
marcarum vel predictas quatuor virgas panni coloris in parte vel in toto per
quindecim dies post aliquem terminum solutum (sic) aretro esse non solutum extunc
bene liceat prefatis Johanni Swalwe & Stephano & assignatis eorum in omnibus
predictis terris & tenementis cum omnibus suis pertinentibus & in qualibet parcella
eorimdem videlicet pro qualihrt solutione sic deficientc tociens quociens fuerit
intrare \ distringere districciones quos asportare £ retinere pro summa viginti
sulidorum quousque satisl'.n ti<» fiinit de tali solutione sinnil cum dampnis occasione
ra nnn scilut' inde apix)sit' «!v f.u t'. Kt nos predict! Johannes P.irker \ I'h
£ heredes nostri totum prrjif tum aiuuiiiiu redditum quinque man -.inun stei lingo: u in
291
Indenture to
John Swalwe
and Stephen
Hermer,
cutlers, l>y
John Parker
and Thomas
Kynton,
cutlers.
& quatuor virgas panni coloris prefatis Johanni Swalwe & Stephano & assignatis
eorum ad terminum vite predictorum Martini & Marione & eorum alterius diucius
viuentis contra omnes gentes Warantizabimus & defendemus per presentes. De
quo quidem redditu prefatos Johannem Swalowe £ Stephanum per solutionem
sex denariorum posuimus in plenam possessionem & seisinam. In cuius rei
testimonium tam sigilla nostra predictorum Johannis Parker & Thome quam
sigilla dictorum Johannis Swalwe & Stephani huic present! scripto indentato
alternatim sunt appensa hijs testibus Salomone Oxney Aurifabro Edmundo Mille
Scriptore Johanne Smyth Cissore Ciuibus london' £ alijs. Dat' london' vicesimo
octauo die mensis Marcij Anno regni Regis Henrici quinti post conquestum Anglic
quinto. (Husting J?0//145, 6.)
TRANSLATION.
To all to whom the present writing of indenture shall come John Parker and
Thomas Kynton, citizens and cutlers of London (send) greeting eternal in the Lord.
Know ye that we the aforesaid John and Thomas have given, granted, and by this
our present writing of indenture have confirmed, to John Swalwe & Stephen Hermer,
citizens and cutlers of the said City, a certain annual rent of five marks sterling (and
that we) have likewise given and granted to the aforesaid John Swalwe and Stephen
four yards of cloth of such colour and as often as the Master and Wardens of
the Fraternity of the Mistery of Cutlers for the time being are clothed with,
from the clothing prescribed in common for the Fraternity and from the same
suit. To have and to hold and to take to the same John Swalwe and Stephen
and their assigns for the term of the life of Martin Godard citizen and cutler of the
same City and Marion his wife and of either the longer liver, from all our lands
and tenements with all their appurtenances which we jointly with others lately had
of the gift and feoffment of John Askwith, Richard Pulle, Thomas Ermyn, and
John Smyth, citizens and cutlers of the said City, in the parishes of Allhallows
Bread Street, St. John the Evangelist, and St Augustine, in Watling Street London,
and of all that tenement with all its appurtenances which we lately had of the gift
and feoffment of the said Martin in the Ward of Dowgate in the parish of St.
Michael Paternosterchurch in the Riola London, by equal portions at the four
principal terms of the year usual in the City of London by the custom of the City
aforesaid. And if it happen that the said annual rent of five marks or the four
yards of coloured cloth in part or in the whole be in arrear and unpaid beyond any
term of the terms aforesaid in which it ought to be paid, it shall then be lawful for
the aforesaid John Swalwe and Stephen and their assigns to enter upon all the
aforesaid lands and tenements with their appurtenances and make distraints which
they may lawfully carry away withdraw and keep until full satisfaction and payment
be made to them for all the arrears of the aforesaid rent. And if it happen that
292
the said annual rent of five marks or the aforesaid four yards of coloured cloth in
part or in the whole be in arrear and not paid for fifteen days after any term of
payment, then it shall be lawful for the aforesaid John Swalwe and Stephen and
their assigns to enter upon all the lands and tenements aforesaid with all their
appurtenances and upon any portion of the same, to wit for any payment so
lacking as often as it shall be so lacking, and make distraints which they may carry
away and keep to the amount of twenty shillings until they shall be satisfied for
such payment together with the losses by occasion of the non-payment thereof
thereunto appointed and made. And we the aforesaid John Parker and Thomas
and our heirs will warrant and defend by these presents against all men all the
aforesaid rent of five marks sterling and the four yards of coloured cloth to the
aforesaid John Swalwe and Stephen and their assigns for the term of the life of the
aforesaid Martin and Marion and of either the longer liver. In full possession and
seisin of the which rent we have put the aforesaid John Swalwe and Stephen
by the payment of six pence. In witness whereof to this present writing of
indenture have been alternately affixed both the seals of us the aforesaid John
Parker and Thomas and the seals of the said John Swalwe and Stephen, these
being witnesses Salomon Oxney goldsmith, Edmund Mille writer, John Smyth
tailor, citizens of London, and others. Given at London, the twenty-eighth day
of the month of March in the fifth year of the reign of King Henry the Fifth
after the Conquest of England.
XXXII. REFORMATION OF DIVERS EXCESSES AND DEFECTS IN Reformacio
THE MISTERY OF CUTLERS. (6th July, 1420, 8 Henry V.)
Memorandum quod cum diuerse lites discenciones & discordie de diu mote
fuerant exorte inter magistros & custodes Mistere Cultellariorum Ciuitatis london CotIHers-
ex vna parte & Communitatem dicte Mistere ex altera super eiusdem Mistere
Macistrorum & Custodum eleccionis animaduusione (sit) ordinacionum irracion- 9onJP'a'nt ^X
the Common-
dbilium confeccione plurimorum finium & amerciamentorum iniuriosa leuacione & alty against
bonorum dicte Mistere per certos Magistros & Custodes eiusdem hactenus iniusta an^ w^t
disposicione pro quarum litum discencionum et discordiarum reformacione Sexto
die Julij anno regni Regis Henrici quinti post conquestum octauo Ricardus Two Com-
Whityngton Maior & Aldermanni ad instanciam Comunitatis Mistere predicte pro appoint*
eo quod Curia ad hec vocare (sic) non potuit assignarunt duas personas prouidas et ^^["V
indifferentes videlicet Williclnuini Estfeld & Johannem Abbot merceres ad to hold an
audiendam & examinandam in presencia Willielmi Multon Ricardi Hatfeld Thome
VVarde & Johannis Whestowe proborum hominum de dicta Mistera Cultellariorum
tocius facti veritatem in hac parte & de omni eo quod magistros aliquos vel
Custodes dicte Mistere preterites per iniustas expendicionem disposicionem aut
2Q3
To report as
to the irregxi-
larities and
propose a
remedy.
They report
as to the chief
causes of the
troubles.
Unreasonable
orders in the
lxx)k of the
Mistery.
Secret choice
and election
of Masters
and Wardens.
A statement
of accounts,
from rent,
fines, &c.,
required.
Arrears of
33!. iijs. iiijd.
ordered to be
paid.
Common
Sergeant
claims half
of the fines
for the City.
The other
half ordered
to be paid to
the Mistery.
Unreasonable
ordinances in
the book of
the Mistery to
be annulled.
leuacionem bonorum Mistere predicte fact' in arreragiis reperire poterunt ad
ordinacionem vel detenu inacionem aliquani inde iuxta discreciones suas faciend' &
tarn de ordinacionibus & determinacionibus huiusmodi quam de omnibus alijs
defectibus et mesprisionibus ob defectum bone gubernacionis in dicta Mistera
hactenus habitis hie huic Curie reportandis erga duodecimum diem Octobris tune
proxime sequentis etc. Qui quidem Willielmus Estfeld & Johannes Abbot postea
ad eundem duodecimum diem reportarunt hie coram dictis Maiore & Aldermannis
quod magna occasio litium discencionum & discordiarum predictarum extitit
confcccio plurimarum irracionabilium rerum & ordinacionum in libro Mistere
predicte hie huic Curie prolato contentarum &: quod maxima causa omnium litium
discencionum & discordiarum predictarum fuit & est priuata et separalis eleccio
Magistrorum et Custodum dicte Mistere quam sex vel octo eiusdem Mistere
communiter annuatim faciunt inter se sine scitu vel assensu residue Communitatis
Mistere predicte. Et similiter reportarunt hie quod ipsi miserunt Ricardum Wellom
Johannem Chadde Martinum Godart Willielmum Graunger Johannem Munt
Johannem Parkere & Petrum Tomere nuper Magistros & Custodes Mistere
predicte ad computandum coram cis de omnibus denariorum summis tarn ex
redditu Mistere predicte pertinente quam ex finibus amerciamentis &: alijs exitibus
quocumque pretextu per eos de temporibus suis susceptis vel leuatis vsque ad
nonum diem Octobris vltimi preteriti super quo compoto predicti Ricardus Wellom
Johannes Chadde Martinus Godart Willielmus Graunger Johannes Munt Johannes
Parker & Petrus Tomere remanserunt de arreragijs Communitati dicte Mistere in
xxxiiij 1. iij s. iiij d. sterlingorum quos ijdem Willielmus Estfeld & Johannes Abbot
iudicarunt infra octo dies post festum Omnium Sanctorum tune proxime sequ'
soluend' &c prout per certas indenturas tripertitas super determinacione compoti
predicti factas & hie huic Curie prolatas patenter declaratur et super hoc adtunc &
ibidem pro eo quod maior pars denariorum predictorum ex finibus & amercia-
mentis prouenit sicut per particulas Compoti apparet que quidem fines & amersia-
menta Camere Guyhalde ad opus Communitatis Ciuitatis &c de iure pertinerent
petitum fuit per Johannem Weston communem seruientem legis dicte Ciuitatis
quod omnes denarii predicti vel saltern medietas inde ad dictum opus conuertatur.
Et Communitas Mistere predicte pro tune existens ibidem concessit medietatem
predictam occasione premissa Communitati london pertinere & solui. Et super
hoc per dictos Maiorem & Aldermannos quo ad arreragia predicta consideratum fuit
quod vna medietas inde Communitati Ciuitatis London & altera medietas
Communitati dicte Mistere remaneat soluend' ad dies predictos. Et quoad
irracionabiles ordinaciones in libro dicte Mistere contentas consideratum est quod
omnes ordinaciones in libro predicto contente preter illas que per hanc Curiam
autorizantur & intrantur in eadem de recordo revocentur cassentur £ adnullentur.
294
t quo ad pacificam eleccionem Magistrorum & Custodum de cetero faciendam in
Mistera predicta consideratum est quod Communitas dicte Mistere de cetero Commonalty
singulis annis circa festum Trinitatis in honcsto loco sicut solebant infra dictam Master ami
Ciuitatem honesto modo conveniant & ibidem racionabiliter & pacifice sine Wa^«ns-
murmure nominent & eligant Magistros & Custodes suos pro anno tune future.
Et eos hie huic Curie presentent ad Capiendum Sacramentum suum sicut Magistri
aliarum Misterarum annuatim faciunt & accipiunt &c. Et quia eleccio huiusmodi The two Com-
^ missioners to
(juiecius fore videtur facienda si prius auctoritate Curie ducatur in exemplum. supervise next
Ideo |>er dictos Maiorem & Aldermannos iniunctum est communitati dicte Mistere
quod vicesimo primo die Octobris tune proxime sequ* conueniant in aliquo loco
congruent! infra Ciuitatem & ibidem coram prefatis Willielmo Estfeld & Johanni
(sic) Abbot eleccionem faciant de Magistro & Custodibus Mistere predicte et ipsos
sic electos hie huic Curie presentent ad iurandum & faciendum vt premuttitur (sif).
Et dictum est prefatis Willielmo Estfeld & Johanni Abbot quod modum & formam
inde reportent hie ad eundem diem. Ad quem diem venit hie Communitas Klection
dicte Mistere & similiter dicti Willielmus & Johannes Abbot venerunt qui Marncrs' Inn.
reportarunt quod eodem vicesimo primo die Octobris in quodam hospicio vocato
Marnersynne in parochia sancte Marie de Aldermanbury london' tota Communitas
dicte Mistere honorabiliter congregata modo pacifico elegit Willielmum Multon in
Magistrum ac Ricardum Hatfeld & Johannem Whestowe in Custodes dicte Mistere
Cultellariorum ad standum in officiis predictis a dicto die &c. vsque ad festum
sancte Trinitatis tune proximum & abinde vsque ad festum Trinitatis tune proxime
sequ' per vnum annum integrum petentes ipsos admitti &c. secundum &c. Et Thl* ncw
super hoc prefati Willielmus Multon Ricardus Hatfeld & Johannes Whestowe Wardens
admissi fuerunt & Jurati ad bene fideliter superuidendam Misteram predictam & ^^'ued
« mines bonas regulas & ordinaciones eiusdem &c. custodiendas & custodiri
faciendas ac defectus in eadem Mistera repertos hie huic Curie reportandos nulli
ndo pro fauore nee aliquem grauando per maliciam &c. Qui quidem M
Dented by
& Custodes postea simul cum probis hominibus dicte Mistere pro bono & the Mistery
totius Mistere predicte prouiderunt certos articulos & eos in quadam
billa Maiori \* Aldermannis hie porrexerunt petentes introitum eorumdem de
do sibi concedi. De quibus quidem articulis certi subscript! sibi concessi C*rl
de rctero obseruandi hec intrari iussi de recordo. and
In primis videlicet quod nullus de cetero tict vel eligetur in Magistrum vel N
Custodem Mi^trn- predicte nisi talis qui liber fuerit Ciuitatis per Natiuitatem vel Master or
Apprenticietatem in Mistera predicta deseruitam & hoc sub pena Centum rec by
solidorum soluendorum vnam Medietatem ad opus Communitatis Ciuitatis predicte patrimony or
& alteram Medietatem in elemosinam ad releuacionem pauperum de Mistera
predicta &c.
295
No Master or
Warden to be
re-elected
within five
years after
serving.
Power to the
Master and
Wardens to
call assemblies
of the Livery
and Freemen.
Penalty for
disobeying the
summons.
Apprentices
to be of full
age and
physically fit.
Reformation
of divers ex-
cesses and
defects in the
Mistery of
Cutlers.
Complaint by
the Common-
alty against
the Masters
and Wardens.
Two Com-
missioners
appointed by
the Mayor
and Aldermen
to hold an
inquiry.
Item quod nullus dicte Mistere a tempore quo semel Magister vel Gustos
extitent per quinque annos integros postmodum in Magistrum vel Custodem
eiusdem Mistere reeligatur prouiso semper quod bene liceat Communitati dicte
Mistere si voluerit eligere vnum de Custodibus suis in Magistrum non obstante
quod nuper perantea fuerit Gustos eiusdem Mistere.
Item quod Magister & Custodes Mistere predicte qui pro tempore erunt
habeant sufficientem potestatem & auctoritatem quotiens opus fuerit & necesse ad
venire faciendum per summonicionem vel aliter coram eis in aliquo loco competent!
infra Ciuitatem omnes vsitantes Misteram predictam tarn illos qui sunt infra
liberatam & vesturam dicte Mistere quam extra & ad ipsos onerandos &: onerari
faciendos deseruando & manutenendo omnes bonas & licitas ordinaciones dicte
Mistere per hanc Curiam approbatas. Item quod omnis liber homo & femina
de dicta Mistera presto veniat ad huiusmodi summonicionem sibi factam sub
pena xijd. in forma predicta participanda & soluenda quociens defaltam fecerit
in premissis nisi racionabiliter fuerit excusatus. Item quod nullus de mistera
predicta capiat in apprenticium aliquam personam nisi sit libere natiuitatis &
condicionis ac formosus in statura habens membra recta & decencia & quod sit
plene etatis iuxta formam statuti de apprentices nuper editi apud Cantebrigiam sub
pena xl s. participanda & soluenda in forma predicta. (Letter-Book I, f. 258 b.)
TRANSLATION.
Be it remembered that whereas sundry strifes, dissensions and quarrels had for
long been excited and had arisen between the Masters and Wardens of the Mistery
of Cutlers of the City of London on the one part and the Commonalty of the said
Mistery on the other part with respect to irregularity in the election of Masters and
Wardens of the same Mistery, making unreasonable ordinances, the unjust levy of
numerous fines and penalties, and the wrongful disposal hitherto of the goods of
the said Mistery by certain Masters and Wardens of the same, for the reformation
of which strifes dissensions and differences on the sixth day of July in the eighth
year of the reign of King Henry the Fifth after the Conquest Richard Whityngton
Maior and the Aldermen at the urgent request of the Commonalty of the aforesaid
Mistery, since it was impossible to summon a Court for these matters, appointed
two prudent and impartial persons namely William Estfeld and John Abbot,
mercers, to hear and examine in the presence of William Multon Richard Hatfeld
Thomas Warde and John Whestowe reputable men of the said Mistery of Cutlers
(concerning) the truth of the whole matter in this respect, and concerning all that
they can discover as to arrerages caused by certain past Masters or Wardens of the
said Mistery by unjust outlay, disposal, or levy of the goods of the aforesaid
Mistery ; with a view to making some order or settlement thereof according to
296
their judgments, and as well concerning such orders and settlements, as concerning To report as
all other defects and misprisions hitherto existing in the said Mistery from the Unties and
absence of good government : report to be made here to this Court by the twelfth f
day of October then next ensuing &c. And afterwards on the same twelfth day j^ey report
William Estfeld and John Abbot reported here in the presence of the said Mayor ** to tne chicf
causes of the
and Aldermen that a great cause of the aforesaid strifes dissensions and quarrels troubles.
was the making of very many unreasonable matters and ordinances contained Unreasonable
in the book of the aforesaid Mistery here produced to this Court, and that the
chief cause of all the strifes dissensions and quarrels aforesaid was and is the
private and secretive election of Masters and Wardens of the said Mistery which Secret choice
six or eight of the same Mistery make annually altogether among themselves *f M^ste'rl'"
without the knowledge or assent of the rest of the Commonalty of the aforesaid *nd Wardens.
Mi-tery. And they likewise reported here that they sent for Richard Wellom, A^ statement
John Chadde, Martin Godart, William Graunger, John Munt, John Parker, and
Peter Tomere, late Masters and Wardens of the aforesaid Mistery, to account Hnes.» &.c- »
required.
before them for all the sums of money as well from rent belonging to the Mistery
aforesaid, as from fines amerciaments and other proceeds received or levied by
them, under whatsoever pretext, during their periods (of office) up to the ninth
day of October last past ; on which account the aforesaid Richard Wellom, John
Chadde, Martin Godart, William Graunger, John Munt, John Parker, and Peter
Tomere, remained 34!. 35. 4d. sterling in arrear to the Commonalty of the said Arrears of
Mistery which the same William Estfeld and John Abbot ordered to be paid ordered to'tl
within eight days after the feast of All Saints then next following, as by certain P*id-
indentures tripartite made at the settlement of the aforesaid account and here
produced to this Court plainly is declared. And furthermore, since the greater
part of the aforesaid money came from fines and amerciaments, as by the details of
the account appears, which fines and amerciaments of right belonged to the Chamber
of the Guildhall to the use of the Commonalty of the City &c., it was then and
there claimed by John Weston Common Serjeant of Law of the said City that Common
all the money aforesaid or at least half thereof should be applied to the said ciamvshaif
use. And the Commonalty of the aforesaid Mistery for the time being, there <>f tn*
(assembled), agreed that the moiety aforesaid, under the circumstances, should
belong and be paid to the Commonalty of Ixmdon. Whereu|x>n it was considered The other
by the said Mayor anil Aldermen with regard to the aforesaid arrears that one lo \^ pt.
half thereof should remain to the Commonalty of the City of London and the lhe Mi-
other half to the Commonalty of the said Mistery to be paid at the days aforesaid.
And as to the unreasonable ordinances contained in the book of the said Mistery it Unreasonable
was resolved that all ordinances contained in the aforesaid book, except those Jhc^i
which are authorised by this Court and entered in the same of record, be revoked Jne MiM
be annulled.
297
Commonalty
to elect
Master and
\Y,udcns.
The two Com-
mU-ioners to
su)>ervise next
election.
Election
quietly held at
Marners' Inn.
The new
Master and
Wardens
sworn and
admitted.
:\ew Articles
presented by
the Mistery
/or approval.
Certain of
them approved
and confirmed.
No one to l>e
elected
Master or
Warden,
unless free by
patrimony or
apprentice-
ship.
abolished and annulled. And in order to provide in future for the peaceable
election of the Masters and Wardens in the aforesaid Mistery it was resolved that
the Commonalty of the said Mistery should in future assemble in goodly fashion
every year about the Feast of Trinity in a goodly place, as they were accustomed,
within the said City, and there reasonably and peaceably without complaint
nominate and elect their Masters and Wardens for the year then ensuing, and
present them here to this Court to take their oath as the Masters of other Misteries
annually do and take &c. And since it appears that an election of this kind
would be conducted more quietly if it were held first by authority of this Court
for an example, it is therefore by the said Mayor and Aldermen enjoined upon the
Commonalty of the said Mistery that on the twenty-first day of October then next
ensuing they meet in some suitable place within the City, and there in the presence
of the aforesaid William Estfeld and John Abbot make the election of a Master
and Wardens of the aforesaid Mistery and present those so elected here to this
Court to be sworn and admitted as is prescribed. And the aforesaid William
Estfeld and John Abbot were directed to report the manner and form thereof here
on the same day. On the which day there came hither the Commonalty of the
said Mistery and likewise came the said William (Estfeld) and John Abbot who
reported that on the same twenty-first day of October the whole Commonalty of
the said Mistery, being honourably assembled in a certain inn called Marnersynne
in the parish of St. Mary Aldermanbury London, peaceably elected William
Multon as Master and Richard Hatfeld and John Whestow as Wardens of the
said Mistery of Cutlers to continue in the aforesaid offices from the said day &c.
until the feast of the Holy Trinity then next ensuing, and from thence until the
Feast of the Holy Trinity then next ensuing for one whole year, praying that they
might be admitted &c. according &c. And thereupon the aforesaid William
Multon, Richard Hatfeld, and John Whestowe were admitted and sworn well and
truly to oversee the aforesaid Mistery and to keep and cause to be kept all the
good rules and ordinances of the same and the defects found in the same Mistery
to make known here to this Court sparing none for favour nor injuring any by
malice &c. Afterwards the Master and Wardens together with the reputable men
of the said Mistery provided certain articles for the welfare and credit of the whole
Mistery aforesaid and presented them here to the Mayor and Aldermen in a
certain petition praying that the entry of the same of record might be granted to
them. Of the which articles certain hereunder written were granted them as to be
observed henceforth ; these were ordered to be entered of record, namely : —
First, that no one in future shall become or be elected as Master or Warden
of the aforesaid Mistery but such as are free of the City by birth or by apprentice-
ship served in the aforesaid Mistery, and this under penalty of one hundred
298
shillings payable one half to the use of the Commonalty of the City aforesaid
and the other hall as alms for the relief of the poor of the aforesaid Mistery &c.
Also that no one of the said Mistery be re-elected afterwards as Master or No Master or
Warden of the same Mistery for five whole years from the time when he was once rc-elected°
Master or Warden, provided always that it may be lawful to the Commonalty of ******!
the said Mistery to elect if it pleases one of its Wardens as Master notwithstanding serving.
that he may have recently in time past been Warden of the same Mistery.
Also that the Master and Wardens of the aforesaid Mistery for the time being Tower to the
shall have sufficient power and authority, as often as need and necessity require, \\ar.ln
11 before them, by summons or otherwise in some suitable place \\ithin the ^^seinc
of the Li
City, all who practise the aforesaid Mistery, as well those who are in the Livery and and Freemen.
Clothing of the said Mistery as (those) without, and to charge them and cau>e
them to be charged with the observance and maintenance of all the good and
lawful ordinances of the said Mistery approved by this Court.
Also that every man and woman free of the said Mistery shall immediately Penalty for
attend on receipt of such summons under penalty of i2d. to be divided and paid
in form aforesaid as often as he shall make default in the premises, unless he have
reasonable excuse.
Also that no one of the aforesaid Mistery take any person as apprentice unless Appn.-
lie be of free birth and condition and comely in stature, having straight and
ful limbs and that he be of full age according to the tenor of the Statute
of Apprentices lately made at Cambridge under penalty of 405. to be divided and
paid in form aforesaid.
XXXIII. ATTENDANCE OF THE COMPANIES AT THE FUNERAL
OF KING HENRY V. (1422.)
[ The original is much decayed and in many places illegible. ]
Hec est prouisio facta per Willielmum Waldern Maiorem & Aldermannos I'mvis.
erga aduentum cadaveris siue corporis Illustrissimi & victoriosissimi IVinripis
domini Henrici (juinti nuper Regis Anglie . . . . dis Regent ffrancie dudum obientis ,
Ke^
apud Vyncent Boys in ffrancia sepeliendi apud Westmonasterium videlicet quod quint i.
mundatis vicis Ciuitatis & Burgi de Suthwerk Maior Vicecomites Rccordator
Aldermanni iV* omnes omYiarij ac sufficienciores persone tocius Community t is nigris
induti vestimentis vnacum triscentis torticibus per triscentas personas albis vestitas
togis & copicijs portandis vsque Barram sancti Georgij pedester graderentur \ ihi
iete salutarent corpus sequentes illud prima die vsque ecclesiam sancti Pauli
vbi (illt^ible) essent exequijs funeralibus ibidem & secunda die vsque West-
monasterium, \( . Et prouisus cst similiter quod per totum istum vicum postibus
299
No*.
Provision
made for the
arrival of the
body of King
Henry the
Fifth.
siue s[tul]pis ad finem pontis versus Suthwerk situat' vsque cornerium quadriuij de
Estchepe torticij <\(ilkgible)s singule ecclesie & valide persone Wardarum Pontis
Billyngesgate (///<f£/#/<r)eren {(illegible)^ illuminat' ex vtraque parte vici. Et quod
Capelli omnium ecclesiarum & Capellarum infra [dictas] Wardas (illegible) optimis
& ditissimis capis suis induti deferent' thuribila auri vel argenti in manibus quales
(illegible) distincti & diuisi starent in hostio ecclesiarum versus dictum vicum
(erasure) cantantes solempniter antiph(///<sg/<M?) ^(illegible) uenite & thurificantes
corpus dum pertransiret. Consimili que modo fieret per Wardas (Dowgate?)
langbourn Algate Portsoken & lymstrete a cornerio dicti quadriuij de Estchepe
vsque (illegible) de Cornhill et per Wardas de Cornhill Bradstrete Walbroke & Vintrye
a Cornerio de qu(adriuij) (illegible) vsque lestokkes et per Wardas de Colmanstrete
Bassieshawe Bredstret & Baynardcas (illegible) de lestokkes vsque magnum con-
ductum et per Ward (sic) de Chepe Cordewanerstrete Crepilgate (illegible) (Aldri)che-
gate a dicto magno conductu vsque hostium occidentale ecclesie sancti Pauli &c.
Hec sunt nomina (illegible) (torti)ciorum quorum reliquie non expense Misteris
vnde fuer' remanebant &c.
Mercers
Grocers
Drapers
Pelters
Vinters
Pissoners
Taillours .
Irmongers .
Orpheours .
Sadellers .
Bruers
Bochers
Cordewaners
Wexchandelers
Chandelers .
fflecchers &
Bowyers
Et nota quod Camerarius ad custas Communitatis dedit singulis portitoribus
torticiorum predictorum vnam togam & capucium de Blanqueto &c. (Letter- Book
K, f. i b.)
TRANSLATION.
This is the provision made by William Waldern, Mayor, and the Aldermen
for the arrival of the corpse or body of the most illustrious and most victorious
Prince, the Lord Henry the Fifth, late King of England, . . . Regent of France,
300
xij Tortic'
Peautrers
. vj Tortic'
xij T
Diers .
• vjT
xijT
Armorers
. vjT
xij T
Shermen
. iiij T
xij T
Salters .
. iiij T
xij T
Girdelers
. iiij T
xij T
Haberdasshers
. iiij T
viij T
Cotillers
. iiij T
viij T
Barbours
. iiij T
viij T
Glouers .
. iiij T
viij T
ffoundours
. iiij T
viij T
Brasyers
. iijT
viij T
Hatters .
. ijT
vj T
Peyntours
. iijT
vjT
ffullers .
. iijT
vjT
.^siim mn
rrvi f^r^Ko
lately deceased at Vyncent Boys (Bois de Vincennes) in France, to be buried at
Westminster ; namely, that after the thoroughfares of the City and the Borough of
South wark have been cleansed, the Mayor, Sheriffs, Recorder, Aldermen, and all
the officers, and the more sufficient persons of the whole Commonalty, clad in black
vestments, together with three hundred torches borne by three hundred persons
clothed in white gowns and hoods, shall proceed on foot up to St. George's Bar,
and there tenderly salute the corpse, following it the first day to St. Paul's Church,
where (they shall attend) the funeral solemnities, and the next day to West-
minster, &c. And it was likewise provided that through the whole of that street
from the posts or stulps situate at the end of the Bridge towards Southwark as
far as the cross-ways of Eastcheap torches ...... of every church, and substantial
persons of the Wards of Bridge, Billingsgate ...... lighted (torches) on either side
of the way. Also that the chaplains of all churches and chapels within the said
Wards shall stand at the door of the churches facing the said street robed in their
best and richest vestments, bearing in their hands censers of gold and silver ......
solemnly and antiphonally chanting the ...... and Venite and cense the corpse
on its passage. In like manner shall be done through the Wards of Dowgate,
Langbourn, Aldgate, Portsoken, and Limestreet from the corner of the said cross-
ways of Eastcheap to the ....... of Cornhill, and through the Wards of Cornhill,
Broad Street, Walbrook, and Vintry, from the corner of the cross-ways of ......
to the Stocks and through the Wards of Coleman Street, Bassishaw, Bread Street,
and Castle Baynard ......... of the Stocks to the Great Conduit, and through
the Wards of Cheap, Cordwainer Street, Cripplegate, ...... Aldersgate, from the
said Great Conduit to the west door of the Church of St. Paul, &c. These are
the names ........ of torches, the remains of which, unconsumed, were retained
by the Misteries providing them, &c. (The list of Misteries follows.) Total,
2 1 1 torches.
And note that the Chamberlain at the expense of the Commonalty gave to NOTE.
each bearer of *he aforesaid torches a gown and hood of blanket.
XXXIV. ORDER FOR THE SHEAR GRINDERS.
(6th December, 1423, 2 Henry VI.)
For as mochell as here to fore many dayes |>e makyng and gryndyng and of»er Ordinacio
apparaillyng of Shermennes sheres hath stond and stondeth in poccupacion and
exercise of tweyn or thre persones atte most withynne |>is Cite Whiche for |>cii m,u two or
singuler profitt and comone harme haue taken and taken fro day to day so
excessiflich for |>eir occupacion ahoute pe making grinding and apparailing of
suche shermen sheres pat it is shame and dole for to here Wherforc pe vj day of
Decembre J* ycre of Kyng Henry )>e sixte after )>e conquest second William
301
Maor and
2s. for gistin
pair of *
8<l. for
Shermen to
men \* turn
Wardens of
disputes.
Grinders to
[hasher!*'
men's houses.
And be ready
a" all times.6' ™
Crowmer Meir and Aldermen of )>e Cite of Ixmdon hauyng consideration as well
to |>e comone proffit as to )>estate and resonable gayne and getyng of suche
Sheregrinders be gode aduys after ripe communicacion hadde with )>e worthy of
J>e craftes of Drapers and Shermen in J>e seide Cite Han ordeyned }>at no
Sheregrynder from )>is day forward take more for a paire of newe Sherys gistyng
an(* gryndyng ]>an ijs. And whan }>e same Shere hath ben vsed a xiiij or xv dayes
)>an J>e Sheregrynder shall glace J>e forseid newe Sheres at his owne coste and
make hem able to werk and |>an he be well and trewly paide for his labour And
for an other shere redy gisted )>ei to haue for J>e gryndyng and settyng viijd. and
no more ^or a P6*1"6 And ^n I*6 owener to naue nem home and prove hem v or
vj dayes if }>ei be well do And when J>ei be well and profitably do J>ei to be paied
for her trauaill And also accorded is be J>e forseid Meir and Aldermen ]>at ]>e
forseid Shermen of London shull fynde at alle tymes whiles her sheres be a
grynctyng or amendyng two men to tourne J>e ston Also awarded is be ]>e same
Meir and Aldermen |>at if any strif or debate falle betwen )>e seid Shermen and
Sheregrynders for none paiement ]>at J»an )>e Sheregrinders shull pleyne to )>e
Wardens of )>e Shermen being for J>e tyme And )>ei shull do hem to be paied or
ejies paye hem hemself with ynne thre dayes next after her compleynt vpon peyne
of xls. to be paide to J>e Chambre of ]>e yildhall of London as often as )>ei renne
in |>e payne And at alle tymes it is ordeyned be ]>e same Meir and Aldermen
|»at }>e Sheregrynders shull go home to )>e Shermenhous and there to sette and
amende alle maner defautes longyng to here Sheres except only J>e gryndyng And
)>ei to be well and trewly paide as it is a forseid Also accorded is be J>e same
Meir and Aldermen as touching other Sheres }>at be crakked fflaved or fawty be
necligence of J>e oweners or eny of hise for alle suche Sheres )>e Sheregrynders
to take for hem as J>e seide Shermen and Sheregrynders mowe accorde And also
^ ^s accorded by JHJ saide Mair and Aldermen }>' J>e same Sheregrynders be and
shull be redy at alle tymes when J>ei godely mowe and be resonably required to
serue J>e saide Shermen in gryndyng and amendyng of her Sheres on peyne
abouesaide &c. (Letter-Book K, f. i4b.)
XXXV. CUTLERS' COMPANY'S RECORDS. ROLLS OF MASTER
AND WARDENS' AND RENTER'S ACCOUNTS.
(From 1442-3 to 1498-9.)
1442-3
1443-4
1444-5
r449-5°
1450-1
20-21 Henry VI.
21-22 Henry VI.
22~23 Henry VI.
27-28 Henry VI.
28-29 Henry VI.
1452-3
1453-4
i456~7
i458~9
1459-60
3Q-31 Henry VI.
31-32 Henry VI.
34~35 Henry VI.
36~37 Henry VI.
37-38 Henry VI.
302
1461-2 1-2 Edward IV.
1462-3 2-3 Edward IV.
1464-5 4-5 Edward IV.
1465-6 5-6 Edward IV.
1467-8 7-8 Edward IV.
1468-9 8-9 Edward IV.
1469-70 9-10 Edward IV.
1470-1 10- 1 1 Edward IV.
1471-2 11-12 Edward IV.
'473-4 13-14 Edward IV.
'474-5 14-* 5 Edward IV.
1475-6 15-16 Edward IV.
1476-7 16-17 Edward IV.
1477-8 17-18 Edward IV.
1478-9 18-19 Edward IV.
1479-80 19-20 Edward IV.
1480-1 20-21 Edward IV.
1483-4 i Edward V.-i Richard III.
1484-5 1-2 Richard III.
1485-6 2 Richard III.-i Henry VII.
1486-7 1-2 Henry VII.
1489-90 4-5 Henry VI I.
1492-3 7-8 Henry VII.
'494-5 9~'° Henry VII.
1496-7 1 1 -i 2 Henry VII.
1497-8 12-13 Henry VII.
1498-9 13-14 Henry VII.
Renter's Accounts. 1681-2, 1696-7, 1702-3, 1703-4, 1735-6.
XXXVI. RENT-GATHERERS OF THE CUTLERS' COMPANY.
(1442-3 to 1492-3.)
1442-3 John Catour.
1458-9 Robert Pykmere (Catour elected Master).
1468-9 William Seton (Pykmere elected Master).
1470-1 John Aleyn (Seton elected Master).
1473-4 William Vale (Aleyn appointed Clerk).
1480-1 John a Chamber (Vale elected Master).
1484-5 William Hertwell.
1489-90 Simon Newyngton (Hertwell elected Master).
1492-3 Edmond Mannyng (Newyngton elected Master).
XXXVII. EARLIEST EXTANT ACCOUNT OF THE COMPANY.
(Trinity Eve 1442 to Trinity Eve 1443. 20 & 21 Henry VI.)
This is the Accomptes of William Broun Maist^r of the Craft of Cotillers of
london and of William lironkcley and John Parker Wardeyns of the same Craft
fr<> the fest of the Trinitc th« \\ y, -re of the reigne of King Henry the vjte vnto
the fest nt tin: Trinite than next suyng the xxjlh yere of the reigne of tin-
kyng that is to say by a hole yere.
ftirst resceyued of John Dry in j>art of payment of .\\viijs. behyiulr
for William Smyth ami John liy^wodc his appmitirrs . . . vjs.
Item in ryued of John Roos in partir of paymnu ot vjs. \iijcl.
Nicholas Thomeson his apprentice
vjs.
\\\^. nijd.
303
Item receyued of John Welles of arrerages for William Stanes his
apprentices (sic] .......... xiijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of Godyngbrigge in partie of payment of xvjs. viijd.
behynde for Robert Holy his apprentice xs.
Item receyued of John Archer in partie of payment of xs. behynde
for his Entree iijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of Thomas Otehill in partie of payment of xvjs. viijd.
behinde for William Seton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Item receyued of John Chilton in partie of payment of xvjs. viijd.
behinde for Richard Arker his apprentice ..... vjs. viijd.
Item receyued of Richard Asser and John Amell vndertakers for xxs.
due to the Craft by James Beaugraunt for Thomas Baron his
apprentice xxs.
Item receyued of John Amell in part of payment of xls. behinde for
John Payn and Walter Pilsty his apprentices .... vjs. viijd.
Item receyued of John Marchal in payment of xls. behynde for
John Sylverton and Thomas Siluerton his apprentices . . . vjs. viijd.
Sr/0;ma . iiij li. iijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of the bretherhode of the said Craft for their quarterage
by the said yere of this present accomptes Ivjs.
Swwma . Ivjs.
Item receyued of William Bode for his Entre ..... xs.
Swwma . xs.
Item receyued of the ffullers for the hire of the hall .... vjs. viijd.
Item receyued of the Smythes for the hire of the hall . . . vjs. viijd.
Item receyued for the hire of the vessell longing to the Craft of
Cotillers vijs.
Swwma . xxs. iiijd.
Si/wma to/al/V of the Charge . viij li. ixs. viijd.
Whereof payed for the hire of a Barge to Westm' with the Sherryfs
this yere iiijs.
Item for C ffaget bought this yere for the vse of the Craft . . iijs. viijd.
Item payed for the scouryng of the vessell of the Craft . . . ijs. iiijd. ob
Item payed Chaungyng of a Saltsaler ...... ijd.
Item payed for ij wipyng clothes ... . . ijd.
Item payed for the makyng of an hole in a post for a brake . . jd.
Item payed to the players atte Conyfest ...... iijs. iiijd.
Item for the Soper of iij almes men atte Conyfest .... xijd.
304
Item paled for brede and wyne at the election xvijd.
Item payed to the Clerk of Whityngtons College for his quarterage
by the yere xvjd.
Item payed for talliage of the said hall of the Craft .... iiijd.
Item payed for a peir of laton Candelstikes given to Charterhous . xviijs.
Item payed to John Kirton of almes for a hole yere after xd. by the
weke ............ xliijs. iiijd.
Item paied to Walter Spenser of Almesse for a hole yere after xd. by
weke ............ xliijs. iiijd.
Item payed to John Norton of Almesse for a hole yere after iiijd. by
weke xvijs. iiijd.
Item payed to Anneys Humfrey of Almes for an hole yere after iiijd.
by weke ........... xvijs. iiijd.
Item payed to William Reynold wexchaundeller for wex . . . xxs. vijd.
Item payed to William Broke wexchaundeller for wex . . . xjs. jd.
S//7//ma . ixli. viijs. xd. oh.
Item the said Maister and Wardeyns askyn allowance for the dyner
of the Clerk of Seynt Martyns xijd.
Item for the dyner of the Clerk of Pater noster Chirch . . . xijd.
Item for the dyner of iij Almesmen ....... iijs.
Item for the Obite holden at Seynt Martyns xiijs. iiijd.
Item for the Offeryng at Charterhous xs.
Item for money given to Thomas Warner of Almes .... xiijs. iiijd.
Item in allowance for the expenses of the said Mais/Vr and Wardeyns
at the dyner xls.
Item for the hode of Sir John Stiward viijs.
Item for the writyng of this accomptes iijs. iiijd.
S//wma iiijli. xiijs.
Summa of all the paymentes & allowances xiiij li. xxijd. ob. and so the
payments & allowance excede the Receites Cxijs. ijd. ob. the which is due to the
accomptantz by the Craft.
Here foloweth the charge of the rentes pertenyng to the said Craft,
ffirst the said accomptantes receyued of John Shether of arrerages of
his ferme of the yere passed iijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of Edward ffrenssh in part (sic) of payment of xlvjs.
viijd. behinde of arrerages of rent ...... xlvjs. viijd.
Summa Is.
Item receyued of John Shether Skynner for the terme of his rent in
the parissh of Seynt John of Walbroke by a hole yere . . . xxs.
305
Item receyued of William Crompe Skynner for the ferme of a
tenement in the same parissh by the said yere .... xiijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of John Coke for a tenement in the parissh of
Paternoster Chirch by the said yere xxs.
Item receyued of John Eland for a tenement in the same parissh by
the said yere xxs.
Item receyued of Mabell Rocheford for a tenement in the same
parissh by the said yere xxs.
Item receyued of Alice Cangborne for a tenement there by the same
yere xxs.
Item receyued of John Rankyn for a tenement in the parissh of
Alhalowe in Watlyngstrete by the said yere iiij li.
Item receyued of Walter Lyghtfote for a tenement in the same
parissh by the said yere xxxiijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of Richard Benton for a tenement there by the same
yere ............ Ixxiijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of Edward ffrenssh for a tenement there by the said
yere iiij li. xiijs. iiijd.
Item receyued of John Kayle Peyntour for a tenement there by the
said yere ........... xls.
Item receyued of William Costantyne for a tenement there by the
said yere ........... xxxiijs. iiijd.
Summa . xxiij li. vjs. viijd.
Summa totalis of the Charge of the Rent with Is. of the Arrerages xxv li. xvjs. viijd.
Whereof paied to the Guyldhall for quyte rente by a yere . . iiijs.
Item paied to Seynt Gyles for quyte rent by a yere .... viijs.
Item paied in costes of reparacion of the hous that John Shether
dwelleth in that is to say : ffirst to a laborer by a day brekyng
down a Chymeney ......... vd. ob.
Item for a mauntelshide for a Chymeney there ..... viijd.
Item for a post and a Traunsom to bere the mauntelshide . . xijd.
Item for a logge of iiij fote and an half and for a somer £ a post . xd.
Item for a Quarter pece to bere vp the ende of the Somer . . iiijd.
Item for v long Quarterpeces for the Chymney .... iijs. iiijd.
Item for iiij quarterpeces for traunsoms and Braces .... xvjd.
Item for a plate iiijd.
Item for nayles iiijd.
Item for iij quarterpeces ......... xijd.
Item for ij Quarterpeces . . . . . . . . . viijd.
306
Item for Spykynges ijd. ob.
Item for ij quarterpieces viijd.
Item for a bord and an ende of a horde iijd.
Item for vj peny nayle ijd.
Item paied to a Carpenter for his Workmanship .... iijs. iiijd.
Item paied for ij lode lombe (loam) . .... viijd.
Item for ij lodes Sonde \<j.
Item for a lode and iiij Sakkes Lyme x\d.
Item for ij m1 (2000) Sprigge xvjd.
Item for iij c (300) Saplath xvd.
Item for lathes ... jd.
Item paied to ij Dawbers by iiij dayes vs. viijd.
Item paid to a laborer by iiij dayes xxijd.
Item to a laborer by ij dayes xjd.
Ifem paid to a plommer for mendyng of a Goter in the hous of John
Shether iiijd.
Item for lath and nayll ijd. ob.
Item for cc of Rofnayll (200 roof nails) ijd. ob.
Item to a Tyler and his man, by a day xiiijd.
Item for a Water borde for the said Chymeney .... ijd.
Item paied in expenses of reparacion atte hous of Edward ffrenssh
that is to say for the mendyng of a peyntys viijd.
Item paied for a borde for a fflore in the same hous .... jd.
Item for nayll .......... ob.
Item paied in expenses of reparacion in the hous of John Rankyn that
is to say for lath nayll and tyle pynnes iijd.
Item for ix sakkys lyme xviijd.
Item to ij Tylers and to ij laborers by a day ..... ijs. vjd.
Item for the cariyng awey of iij lode Ruboys (rubbish) . . . ixd.
Item xxv Ib dj. (25^ Ibs.) of lede and for the mending of a Goter in
the same Hous ijs. jd. ob.
Item paied in expenses of reparacion of the hous of Alys Cangbome
that is for to say for a lok and a key vijd.
Item in expenses of reparacion in the hous of John Kayle, Peyntour,
that is to say for two Sakkys lyme ...... iiijd.
Item to a Tyler and hi^ man by a day
Item for ij lodes lombe \ijd.
Item in expenses of reparacion in the houses of tin- said John Kayle,
William Costantyin , F.dward ffrenssh, & Richard Benton tluit is to
say for iij sakky Is me vijd. ob.
307
V 3
Item for a lode lombe iiijd.
Item for strawe .......... ijd.
Item for lath and Nayll vijd.
Item to a dawber by iiij dayes ijs. xd.
Item to a laborer for iiij dayes ........ xxijd.
Item for a Sak of lyme ......... ijd. ob.
Item for ij quarterpeces . . . . . . . . . iiijd.
Item for ij bordes for a wyndowe . . . . . . . iijd.
Item for legges and a Traunsome ijd.
Item for nayll iijd.
Item to a Carpenter by a day viijd. ob.
Item for ij keyes to the bak gate of the hall vjd.
Item for a key to the botery dorre iijd.
Item for mendyng of a lokke to the hall dorre ..... ijd.
Item for a holowe key to a Chest iijd.
Item for a ryng of Iron ......... iijd.
Item for the mendyng of a lok to the bedelles Chambre dorre . . ijd.
Item for vj haspes and xij staples to the Shop of Edward ffrenssh . xijd.
Item for a Garnet to the same Shop ..... . iiijd.
Item for a hoke and a staple to the same Shop ..... iijd.
Item for a new lok and a key to the Corner hous next the hall dqre . viijd.
Item for a newe key to the hous next Waynesford .... iijd.
Item for a hasp and ij staples to the same dore ijd.
Item for a Garnet to the Cupbord iiijd.
Item for ij grete hokes for Bentons dorre iiijd.
Item for a Shovell to the hall iiijd.
Item for cariyng of v lode Ruboys from the hall .... xvjd.
Item payed to the Rakyer for Quarterage by a yere .... viijd.
Item payed in potacions iiijs.
Summa . Ixxiijs. ixd. ob.
Item paied to the Bedell for his clothyng xs.
Item for his hors hire atte Mairs Ridyng viijd.
Item for clothes wasshing ......... vjd.
Item for the fe of John Catour Rentgaderer for this yere* . . . xiijs. iiijd.
Item in expenses at Tavern vpon Counsell ayenst Edward ffrenssh . ixd. ob.
Item for a peir Endentures bitwix William Costantyne plegge for the
said Edward and the Craft ijd.
Summa xxvs. ixd. ob.
* John Catour was renter but does not appear as the accountant until the year 1456. See p. 149.
308
Somme of all the paymentes and Expenses iiij li. xixs. vijd. and so there is
due of the Rent and arrerages xx li. xvijs. jd.
Wherof John Shether oweth ........ xiijs. iiijd.
Mabile Rocheford .......... vs.
Walter lyghtfote .......... vjs. viijd.
Edward ffrenssh .......... xxiijs. iiijd.
The accomputantes ........ \viij li. viijs. ixd.
Of the which xviij li. viijs. ixd. the said Maister and Wardeyns ask allowance
of cxijs. ijd. oh. of the surplusage of their accomptes above. And so trier is
clerly due to the Craft xij li. xvjs. vjd. on. The which the seid Maister and
Wardeyns haue paied to the Craft vpon this accomptes And so they be quyte.
But ther is due of arrerages of apprenticehodes and entres — xiij li. xiijs.
ffirst by John Dey behinde of William Smyth and John Bygwode his
apprentices ........... xxjs. iiijd.
John Roos for Nicholas Thomesson his apprentice .... iijs. iiijd.
.... Godynbrygge for Robert holy his apprentice .... vjs. viijd.
John Archer behinde of his entre ....... vjs. viijd.
Hugh Kenneston behind for (erasure) ...... xxs.
Thomas Pakeman for Gregory Walker his apprentice . . . xvjs. viijd.
John Sanston for (blank) his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Thomas Otehill for .... Seton his apprentice xs.
John Shilton for Richard Arker his apprentice ..... xs.
Gefferey Guybon for (blank) his apprentice by obligacion . . xxs.
Richard Whitchere for Richard Bekenshawe his apprentice . . xxs.
John Trege for John Daborn his apprentice ..... xxs.
John Amel for John Payn and Walter Pilsty his apprentices . . xxxiijs. iiijd.
John Marchall for John Silverton and Thomas Silverton his apprentices xxxiijs. iiijd.
Richard Asser for Robert (blank) his apprentice .... xxs.
John Hosyer for William Rys otherwise called William Prentys his
apprentice ........... xxs.
Item the same John of arrerages of his entre ..... vs.
Summa . xiij li xiijs.
There is due by John Chilton that come in this yere for his entre . XS,
Summa . xs.
This money is due to the Craft for the newe apprentices that come in \t* yere.
ffirst John Grygge prentice with William Smyth .... xxs,
Richard Otehill prentice with Thomas Otehill .... xxs.
John Lane apprentice with John Lane
309
John Huchons apprentice with John Howys xxs.
John Hert prentice with Thomas Hamond xxs.
Richard lekevey prentice with Robert Pykmere .... xxs.
Summa . vj li.
Summa totalis due to the Craft of arrerages of apprentices and entrees of old tyme
and of this same yere . xx li iijs.
XXXVIII. EARLY ACCOUNTS OF THE COMPANY.
(Trinity 1497 to Trinity 1498. 12 & 13 Henry VII.)
This ys thaccompt of William Seton Maister of the Crafte of Cotelers of
London and Thomas Chamberleyn and Thomas Pykmere Wardeyns of the same
Crafte ffrom the ffeest of the Holy Trynyte In the xijth yere of the reigne of Kyng
Henry \F vijth vnto the same ffeest of the Holy Trynyte In the xiijth yere of the
reigne of the same Kyng J>1 ys to sey by one hole yere.
Interesse of new Brethern and Susters.
rTyrst receyved of John Messenger for his interesse into the said
Crafte xs.
Summa . xs.
Receyts of arrerage of interesse of brethern and Susters
rTyrst receyvid nil.
Summa . nil.
Quarterages of the brethern and susters.
Item receyvid of the Brethern and susters of the said Craft for theyr
quarterages within the tyme of this accompt ..... xlijs.
Summa . xlijs.
Interesse of apprentices.
Item receyvid of Maren Caret for William Phillip his apprentice . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of William Wall for Roger Marche his apprentice . . . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of harry howden for John ffanclyffe his apprentice . . . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of John Richardson for Robert Wyndeowte his apprentice . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of Mr. Seton for harry Tanner his apprentice . , . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of Mr. Newyngton for John Dove his apprentice . . . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of hugh Rycheman for Richard Wilkynson his apprentice . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of John Whytyngton for Thomas Danyell his apprentice . vjs. viijd.
It' rec' of Gilyce Goulde for John Benyson his apprentice . . vjs. viijd.
Summa . iij. li.
310
Receyts of arrerage of interesse of apprentices.
Item receyvid of nil.
Suinma . nil.
ffynes and forene Receyts.
Item receyvid of (sic)
Sum ma of all the sayd Receyts ys . vli. xijs.
Whereof paid for C fagot for the hall this yere .... iijs. iiijd.
It' paid for barge hyre whan the Shryves went to Westm' and for a
rewarde gevyn to the bargemen ....... viijs. viijd.
It' paid to John Bull Clerke of the Crafte for his yeres wages . . xls.
It' paid to the Raker for this yere ....... viijd.
It1 paid to the prioresse of Clerkenwell for quyte rente for this yere at
Michelmas ........... ijs.
It' paid for barge hire whan the Maire went to Westm' and for a
rewarde gevyn to the bargemen viijs. viijd.
It* for russhes for the barge the same tyme ..... iiijd.
It' for the dyner at the hall whan the maire went to Westm' . . xijs. iijd. ob.
It' paid for hangyng vp of the best cloth at Cristmas . . . ijd.
It' paid to the Clarke of Whittyngtons collage for his yeres wages . xvjd.
It' for holme and Ive for the hall at Cristmas ijd.
It' paid to the Bedill of the warde for a yere at Cristmas . . . iiijd.
It' paid for the obite done at Whittyngtons collage for the Brethern
and susters of the said Crafte xiijs. iiijd.
It' paid for xiiij quarters of colys for the hall this yere ... vs. vd.
It' paid for the play at the Cony ffeeste vijs.
It' for the dyner of the Master of the College and his Company . xvjd.
It' for the dyner of Mr. Chamberleyn and his Company . . . xvjd.
It' for the dyner of Agneys Jacom Alice Walton Kateryn ball and
Emmot Asser xvjd.
It' for the dyner of John Collard and John Aylemer and their wyfes
It' for the pleyers messe of mete xvjd.
It* spent at taueren vppon the Councell of my lady of Clarkenwell for
the voide grounde on the bak' side of the hall .... vjd. oh.
It' paid for the grete wyker for the hy deyce xd.
It' paid for takyng downe of the best cloth after Cristmas . . . ijd.
It' paid for mendyng of the Canstykkes at Charterhous . . . viijd.
It' paid for wyne at Taueren whan the answere was gevyn to the
Armerers for Powle vjd.
It' paid for a payre of Ivery knyves with vyralls of sillier and lokked
and chapcd gilt gevyn to the lady of Clarkenwell .... viijd.
It' paid for a payre of endentures of covenauntes made betwene the
said lady of Clarkenwell and vs for the voide ground . . . ijs.
It' paid for the Covent seall of Clarkenwell xs.
It' for a rewarde gevyn to the Steward of Clarkenwell . . . iijs. iiijd.
It' for a payre of Ivery knyves for his wyf ..... viijd.
It' for expences at tavern aboute the same besynes .... xd.
It' paid for dressy ng and mendyng of the litill gardeyn . . . vjd.
It' paid for hangyng vp of the best cloth on trynyte evyn . ijd.
It' paid for bonbrede and for ij gallons of bastard on Trynyte evyn at
the eleccion ijs. ijd.
It' paid for scoryng of vj doseyn Jely disshes ... . vd.
It' paid for brede and ale that day the obite was kept at powles for
the Kyng of ffraunce ijd. ob.
It' paid for taynter hokes for the hall ijd.
It' for offeryng at Charterhous on Trynyte Sonday . . xs.
It' paid to the sexten ther for kepyng or lightes & scoryng the
canstikkes . xijd.
It' paid to Monke wexchaundeler for wex spent ther this yere . . xxiijs. jd.
It' paid for wasshyng of clothes this yere .... . ijs. iiijd.
It' the said Mr. askyth allowaunce towards his costs at the pryncipall
dynner xls.
It' for the dyner of the Mr of the Collage and his Company . vjs. viijd.
It' for the dynner of John Collard and his wyf ijs.
It' for the dynner of John Aylemere and his wyf .... ijs.
It' for the dynner of Alice Walton Kateryn Ball and Emmot Asser . iijs.
It' paid for the buriyng of Robert Kyng iijs. viijd.
It' paid for sendyng for powle Armerer afore the Chamberleyn . . iiijd.
It' paid for makyng and Wrytyng of this accompte . . . . iijs. iiijd.
It' paid to Alice Walton in almys for all the tyme of this accompt . Iijs.
It' paid to John Collard in almys for the same tyme of this accompt . xvijs. iiijd.
It' paid to John Aylemere in Almes for the time of this accompt . xvijs. iiijd.
It' paid to Kateryn Ball in Almes this yere xxvjs.
It' paid to Emmot Asser in almes for the tyme of )>is accompte . . xvijs. iiijd.
It' paid for settyng in of ij names in the table at the Charterhouse . ijd
Summa . xviij li. xijs. xd. ob.
Arrerage of interesse of newe brethern and susters in )>is accompte.
ffyrst ther ys due and owyng by (sic). Summa .
Arrerage of interesse of apprentices within this accompte.
Item ther ys due (sic). Summa .
Summa of all the saide expences and allowcacions commys to xviij li. xijs. xd. ob.
312
Here folowith the charge of the rentes perteynyng to the saide Crafte accomptid
by Edmond Mannyng Rentgaderer frome the ffeest of Ester In the xijth yere of the
reigne of Kyng Henry the vijth vnto the same ffeest of Ester In the xiijth yere of the
reigne of the same Kyng that ys to sey by one hole yere.
Receytes of arrerage of rentes. [Nil.]
Receits of rentes belongyng to \t said Crafte.
Item the said Renter answerith that he hath receyved of herry Broke
(Miller) for the ferme of the tenement that he occupieth for one
hole yere endid at or lady day thannunciacion within the tyme of
I*'-" accompte .... vli. vjs. viijd.
Item receyvid of John Carpenter Skynner for the ferme that he
occupieth for one hole yere endid at the said ffeest of the Annun-
ciacion. .......... iiij li. xiijs. iiijd.
It' rec' of John lenton for the ferme of the tenement that he occupieth
for one hole yere endid at the same feest of the Annunciacion . iiij li.
It' rec' of John polgrave for the fferme of the tenement that he
occupieth for one hole yere endid at the same ffeest . . . iiij li.
It' rec' of William Danyell for ferme of the tenement that he
occupieth for one hole yere endid at the same feest . . . xls.
It' rec' of Thomas lubbished for ferme of the tenement that he occu-
pieth for one hole yere endid at the said ffeesft] .... xxs.
It' rec' of William Burton for ferme of \>c tenement that he occupieth
for a hole yere endid at the feest aforsaid ..... xxs.
It' rec' of John Spede for ferme of the tenement that he occupieth for
one hole yere endid at the same ffeest xvjs.
It' rec' of John Bull for ferme of the tenement that he occupieth for
one hole yere endid at the said ffeest xs.
It' rec' of John larnbe for ferme of the tenement that he occupieth
for one hole yere endid at the feest aforsaid xvjs.
It' rec' of the same John lambe for ferme of the gardeyn that he
occupieth for a hole yere endid at the same ffeest of Annunciacion iiijs. vjd.
Summa . xxiiij li. vjs. vjd.
Summa of all the said Receytys commys to xxiiij li. vjs. vjd.
Wherof paid to the master of Seynt Gylis for quyte rente for one hole
yere within the tyme of this accompte . xjs.
Summa . xjs.
Reparations done in the hall and other tenements.
Item paid to Byrde the Carpenter for hangyng of p angell in )>* hall. iiijd.
It' for hed nayle for the wiker of the hy dece & for Ib. candell . \"jd.
313
It' for iij spykyngs ijd.
It' paid to the Smyth for vj staples for hangyng of the said Angell . vjd.
It' for mendyng of the wyng of the same Angell .... ijd.
It' for scoryng of the olde chaynes of the beanie .... iiijd.
It' paid for mendyng of the ij cokks for the laver .... vd. oh.
It' paid for haspis and staples at spedies house .... vd.
It' paid for a bokket at the hall viijd.
It' paid for a Cole basket for the hall ijd.
It' paid to a karver for makyng of the Angell for the beame . . xiijs. iiijd.
It' for xiij yerdis of laton cheyne for the beanie price le yerde vijd.
summa vijs. vijd.
It' paid for gyldyng of the said angell xxs.
It' paid for mendyng of a Cheyne and Iron hopis for the nevve bokket xvjd.
It' paid for a key to the hall dore ....... iiijd.
It' for hopyng and mendyng of the tubbis of the hall . . . xijd.
It' paid for a pece tymber for the vyce ...... iijd.
Item for polys and pynnys for the beame. ..... vijd.
It' for xx fadam [fathom] corde ....... vd.
It' paid for workemanship of the beame ...... xvjd.
It' paid for mendyng of the whele of the well ..... iijd.
It' paid for viij ledges for the hy dece ijs.
It' paid for workemanship of the same vjd.
It' paid for iij fote di' of tymber for trussyng vp of a flore in Danyells
house ............ vijd.
It' paid for workemanship of the same vjd.
Summa . liiijs. iijd. ob.
ffynes & foren expences
Item the said Rentgaderer askyth allowaunce for his fee ]>is yere . xiijs. iiijd.
Item for his potacions in gaderyng of the said rents .... vs.
Summa . xviijs. iiijd.
Rentes remaynyng in tenauntes handis [nil].
Summa of all the saide payments reparacions and allowcacions ys
iiij li. iijs. vijd. ob.
And so the said Rentgaderer owith to the said Crafte xxj li. ijs. xd. ob. whiche he
hath delyuered at the yeldyng vp of this accompte and so quyte.
314
XXXIX. THE OLD HALL.
(Extracts from Early Accounts, 1442-3 to 1498-9.)
The totals art printed in modern figures.
1442-3. Item payed to the Clerk of Whityngtons College for his quarterage 20-1 Hen. VI.
by the yere, i6</.
Item payed for tailliage of the said hall of the Craft, ^d.
For the mendyng of a lok to the bedelles Chambre dorre, 2d.
Item for a new lok and a key to the Corner hous next the hall dore, 8</.
1443-4. Item paied for writyng of the names of the brethered in the tabill 21-2 Hen. vi.
and for the lymyng of the same table, 45.
Item for payntyng of the same table, 6s. Sd.
Item for the mendyng of the Candel beme in the hall, 3*. 4</.
Item for lede to the peys (weight) of the same beme, 2s.
Item toward }>* makyng of the latys in the hall, 6d.
Item for the cariyng awey of viij lode Robys out of the hall, 2s. %d.
Item paied for makyng of the well atte hall, 131. $d.
Item for the fermyng of the same well, 4^.
Item paied ij water fattes atte hall, \2d.
Item paid for ij formes atte hall, i8</.
1444-5. For the makyng of a wyndowe in the kichyn and for a legge to the Table 22 3 Hen. vi.
in the halle, $\d.
Paied to a Glasyer for the making of xiij fote and a half and iiij quarreles for the
wyndowes in the hall, 4*.
Paid for a lether for the beme in the Hall, 2d.
For a pece of tymber for a pewe to the wyndowe, 2d.
For a ladder with brode steppys, 1 2d.
For a here brussh, 4</.
1449-50. Paid for the makyng of an ovyn at the Hall, 2$. 6d. 27-8 Hen. vi.
Paid for ij mattes for the Hall, $d.
Paid Ij elles di' (51^ ells) of lynnen clothe for the hangyng of the Hall, pris the
ell v d. ob. (5i</.) 231. 6ji/.
Item for sewyng of the same & for lyre (edging) 3*.
Item for cc (200) rynges for the same, 8</.
Item for the steynyng of the same, 4/.
Paid to Ph' Orwell loquyer for henges hokes haspes staples lokkes keyes & other
thynges to the Hall & to the tenantries as it appereth by parcelles, 31. io</.
Item for a forme of xiij fote of length for the Hall, 1 2d.
Item for iij quarters of Elme for the benches, gd.
Item for borde for sconches to the pentices at the Hall, 2</.
315
Item for horde & legges to the wyndowes there, \d,
Item paid to a carpenter workyng a Gable ende of the almeshous by iij daies,
2S. ob. (25. okd.)
30-1 Hen. VI. 1452-3. Received of the Scriveners for the hire of the Hall, 6s. 8d.
Paid for a copy of the enditement of the donghill by the halle, }d.
Paid for a paynted clothe in the halle, 1 75. 6d.
31-2 Hen. VI. 1453-4. For holme & ivye at Cristmasse, id. (In 1464-5. For holme and ivy
and Risshes, $d. For bowes garlands and Risshes, $d.)
Paid to the Sporyer (sic) for makyng of the walle atte Hall, 6d.
34-5 Hen. VI. 1456-7. Receyved of the Glovers for the hyre of the Halle, 65. Sd.
For ij fourmes atte high table, 6s. Sd. (Chairs, even for distinguished guests were
not yet in use.)
36-7 Hen. VI. 1458-9. This year there were considerable additions and repairs to the Hall,
the total cost amounting to 8/. 25. Sd.
Paide for xxj fote of stone for the Base of the Bay wyndowe at the hall and for
cariyng of the same stone, i Sd.
Paid to a mason workyng there by v daies dj' (5^ days) for to make the same
Base and for to make the wall evyn takyng by the day viijd. ob. (tyd.) $s. lod.
Item to a laborer laboryng there by thre daies, i6d.
Item for a dogge of Iren weiyng iiij li.dj' (4^ Ibs.) to bynd in the reisyng pece of
the halle, Sd.
Item for x sakkis of lyme, 2od.
Item paid to Jacob Carpenter for makyng of the Bay wyndowe and of other
wyndowes in the hall, v li.vjs. viijd.
Item to the same Jacob for makyng of a benche vnder the bay wyndowe in
the hall, 4^.
Item paid to Thomas Bee glasier for xij fote of glasse for the small daies (dais) of
of the bay wyndowe, 8j.
Item to the same Thomas for newe settyng and skoryng of the olde wyndowes
that is to sey for vj Ib. of pavid lede, \2d. Item for two Ib. of vnpaved
lede, 2d.
Item for spikynges for the Aungell in the Bay wyndowe, ob.
(The other items of the outlay are for lead, solder, nails, and workmanship.)
Item paid for ij lode stone for the pament at the Hall, "4*.
Item for vij lode gravell, 25. $d.
Item paid vnto a pavior for xix tese dj'. (19^ toise), 135. (See p. 163 n.)
37-8 Hen. VI. 1459-60. Paid for ij hokes for the Candell beme in the Hall, id.
Paid to Henry Johnson for a lok oyletts and hokes to the grete table in the
same halle, Sd.
316
Paid for makyng of a boket with a poleye (pulley) and a swevell & a rope to the
welle of the said Halle, 25.
For a fote to an alestole in the celer of the Halle of the said Craft and for
nayles, i^d.
1462-3. Paid for a keye to the forcer, $d. 2-3 Edw. IV.
In reparacon doon vpon the pament afore the Halle:—
First paid to Robert Bober pavyor for pavyng of xv Teys (toise) there, price the
teys viijd. los.
Item paid xvij lodes of gravell price the lode iiijd., 5*. Sd.
Item paid a laborer for abatyng and enhaunsyng of the grounde there by vj dayes
takyng by the day vd., 2s. 6d.
Item paid for stones to performe the same pament, 4^.
Item paid for a lode (of) stone, 2s.
Paid for a pece of tymber for to bere the steire and Steppes in Otys hous, id.
Item paid for ix fote of quarter borde for the Chamber within the hall and for a
wedir (weather) borde, 6d.
Item paid for a stulp (post) whiche stondithe atte the Corner of Drybyes stall and
for nayle and werkmanship, \d.
1464-5. This year the Hall was let to the Smiths and Scriveners as usual, but at 4-5 Edw. IV.
the lower rate of 41. ; for the hire of their " vessell " the Craft received 1 2 s.
just three times as much.
Paid for nayles for the Creests & for teynter hokes for the steyned clothis in the
halle and for werkmanship, $\d.
1465-6. Receyued for certeyn peces of lynnyn cloth remaynyng of the clothe that 56 Kd\\. iv.
was steyned for the newe parlour, io^d.
Paid for Ij (51) Ib. of newe lede to keuere (cover) the Gable ende of the parloure
wyndowe, 3*. yd.
Paid for a Countor, Ss. Sd.
Paid for xv foot of tymber for the mounyns ( ? mullions) of the parlour wyndowe,
2S. 6d.
Paid for xx foot of elmyn Bord to the Benche in the parlour, 6d.
Paid for leggys for the wyndowe, Sd.
Paid for halfe a C and xij (62) foot of quarter bord for the comptyng howse durre,
25. 6d.
Paid for xviij foot of elmyn bord to the popeys of the Benche, 6d.
Paid for a lokke to the Comptyng howse durre, &d.
Paid for iij barris of Iren for the glasse wyndowe of the parlour ix Ib. and a halfe
B the Ib. ijd., i8</.
Paid for v foot of newe glasse to the parlour wyndowys price the foot vijd., 25. i id.
317
Paid for newe settyng of a wyndowe of glasse in the parloure & the perfourmyng of
a wold wyndowe, i&d.
Paid for Sope to Skowre the glassyn wyndowys withall, W.
Paid for ale the same tyme, id.
Paid for ij ml (2000) of Tyles, IO.T
Paid for a busshell of tyle pynnys, 6d.
Paid to ij Tylers workyng there by vj dayes to Tyle the parloure and the hall and
Chambour takyng eueryche of them by the day viijd., 8s.
Paid to a dauber daubyng there by vj dayes takyng by the day viijd., 4^.
Paid to a laborer to make dene the hall and the parloure and the gardyn, $\d.
Paid to Thomas Kyng Tiler pavyng there by a day to pave the flowre of the
parler, 8^.
Paid to a laborer to serue the same Thomas by the same day, 5^.
Paid for caryyng awaye of iij lode of Rubbys, 8d.
Paid to a laborer to Gary oute the saide Rubbys in to the strete & to lath the
storehouse wallys workyng there by ij dayes takyng by the day v d. ob. (s?j</.)>
nd.
Paid for mattys to the parlour, 1 2d.
Paid for a m1 (1000) of Breks (bricks) to make the owuenys (ovens) withall, $s.
Paid for ij ownys mowthis (ovens' mouths) and the fflorys of free stone and the
borderrys of the same ovune, us.
Paid for the Cariage of the same stone, $d.
Paid to a Masson werkyng there by xij days for to make the same ovynnys and the
makyng of the arche ouer the cobberd and vnder penne (underpin) the stonne
wall by the stret sid, takyng by the day viijd., 8s.
Paid for halfe a C of fagott for to nele (anneal) the ovenys, 2 2d.
Paid in reward for the good atendyng to the masons and laborers, $d.
Paid for ale for that was dronk whane the rubbes was Caryd outh and att the
makyng clene of the hall, id.
Paid for a lokke to the cole howse durre and a noder to the storehouse durre and
ij garnetis to the Table in the parloure, i$d.
Paid for ij paire of garnetts (hinges) to the seruyng bord, $d.
Paid to a dauber werkyng there by vij dayes to wasshe the halle and sele (ceil) the
parler takyng by the day viijd., 41. %d.
Paid for a C foot & a half & iij foot (153 ft.) of elmynbord for to borde the wallys
of the Comptyng hous, 35. bd.
Paid for a chest, 2s.
Paid for x yerds & a d' (10^ yds.) of crests, 2od.
Paid for lynyng of the Brace for waynyscote and workemanship,
318
Paid to a Carpenter workyng there by ij dayes for bordyng of the wallys and layng
of the plankys by the Benches in the Comptyng hous, 1 6J.
Paid to a carpynter for lettyng in the Barris of the wyndows in the comptyng hous
workyng there by half a day, 4^.
Paid for half a C of x peny nayle for to nayle the traunsomes to geder and the
plankys of the floure in the comptyng hous, $d.
Paid for x peny nayle for the Curbe of the welle, \d.
This year's (5-6 Edw. IV) account records extensive repairs to the Hall. The
above entries form only a small portion of the whole. The cost of the various
works amounted to the large sum of i4/. 19^. i^/., and the particulars are
contained in 113 separate items. The 72 items not transcribed consist of payments
to plumbers, daubers, carpenters, and labourers, and the purchase of timber, lime,
sand, paving and roof tiles, nails, £c.
1465-6. Paid to William Alburgh mercer for xvj ellys & iij quarters of clouth for 56 Edw. l\ .
to steyne for the parlour price the ell v d. ob., "j's. id.
Paid for hemyng and sowyng of the same clouth, $d.
Paid for steynyng of xxj yerdys & iij quarters of the clouth in the parlour price the
yerd vjd., los. $d.
1467-8. The repairs to the Hall still continued and cost this year 7/. us. 2\d. 7-8 Edw. IV.
They included lead for the "gapier" window and 6d. "paid for a leistowe."
1468-9. Paid for barris of Iren for the high gabill wyndowe in the Halle weiyng 8-9 Edw. IV.
xlvij Ib. price the Ib. jd. ob. qa (i ;}</.)» 6s. $d.
Paid to a Carpenter for makyng of a pentys ouer the Chamber wyndowe sette ouer
the gabill wyndowe in the said Hall, 4</.
Paid for ij Ib. souder (solder) for to sowde the laver (large bason) by the same Hall
price the Ib. vjd., i zd.
Paid for ij newe holowe keys for the durre of the litell parlour, Bd.
Paid for a newe fferment wyndowe in a gutter of the west side of the Halle weiyng
ix Ib. price the Ib. ijd., iSd.
Paid for a newe hoke and a staple to a durre by the said wyndowe, $d.
Paid for an oyleet to the high table in the Halle, \d.
1469-70. Paid for a Ib. of souder for the gutter ouer the beddels hous, 6d. 9-10 Edw iv
For a new boket to the well, i od.
1470-1. Reparations doon in the lytill parloure in the Halle:— 10-11 Kdw.
Paid for the frame of tymber in the Countyng hous, 2S. $d.
(And other small charges for workmen and materials)
1'ai.l for the amendyng of a steyned clothe in the halle, 6d.
1473-4. Paid the iij rakkes in the hall to hang clothes vpon, i^i f3-'4 Kllwjv
1475-6. Paid for mattys for the hall, 2$d. 15-16
319
i6-i; Edw. 1476-7. Paid for pavyng of xxviij tayce (toise) before the halle and the tenements
price the tayce viijd., iSs. 8d.
18-19 Edw. 1478-9. Paid to a Tyler workyng there a day takyng downe the Fomerell ouer the
Hall, Sd. (A fomerell or fumerelle was a lantern in the roof to let out smoke).
Paid for a holowe key for the counter that the books lieth in in the hall, 4</.
Paid for a holowe key for a litill Cofre, 4</.
Paid for vij fote of newe glasse in the grete parlour the fote vjd., 3*. 6d.
Paid for clensyng and mendyng of the glass wyndowes in the parlour and in the
Hall, 2S. 4*
19-20 Edw. 1479-80. The large sum of i37/. 45. n\d. was spent this year in repairs, the
particulars being given in a separate statement which does not exist. These
repairs are spoken of in the accounts of 20-21 Edw. IV. as "the new work"
to which special contributions were made. Was it rebuilding the Hall ?
20-1 Edw. IV. 1480-1. Paid for mendyng of the selyng in the Tresans at the Hall dore, 2d.
1-2 Rich. III. 1484-5. Paid for renewyng of the table of the names of the Brethern and susters
of the seid crafte, 2s. Sd.
2 Rich. HI.— 1485-6. Paid to a peynter for makyng of a patron of the hangyng for the hall of
the seid craft, 6.. 8*
Paid for to by a clothe of Aras for the high deise of the seid Hall, 8/. ; and for to bye
quysshens and bankers (cloth covers for seats) for the seid hall, 4/.
Paid for planyng of the dressyng bourde atte the hall of the seid crafte ageynst the
Conyfest and for a newe trestill fote, 6d.
1-2 Hen. VII. 1486-7. Paid for a newe cheste to putte in dyuers necessaries belongyng to the
seid Crafte, y. Sd. For a key to the same Cheste, ^d.
4-5 Hen. VII. 1489-90. Paid for brychyn bowes for the hall this yere, 2d.
Paid for vj leves of selyng borde sette betwene the crestes in the Hall, 25. 6d.
Paid to a Joyner workyng in the seid Hall by v dayes in makyng of the Chests
withoute the Hall dore and for makyng of the glasse cases and the popy in the
Hall takyng by the day viij d., 35. $d.
Paid for makyng clene of the cheynes for the beme of the Hall, $d.
Paid for a planke whereof the foreseid popy was made, yd.
Paid for ij Cleket keyes for the grete gate of the hall delyuered to John Walton, ^d.
Paid to a mason and his laborer for makyng of the pament without the hall dore
where the forseid Chests stond by the space of a day, i $d.
Paid for a plate pece whiche lyeth in the Porche withoute the hall dore, ^d.
7-8 Hen. VII. 1492-3. No less than forty-five entries are devoted to the " mendyng of oure halle
gate." The cost was 38*. 4^d., and the items vary in amount from id. to 6s. 2d.
9-10 Hen. 1494-5. Receyued of Symon Newenton toward the makyng of the quysshens, 9*.
Paid for vij stone di' (7^ stone) of ffethers for the quysshens, us. Sd.
320
Paid for xvj red skynnys for the same quysshens, 5*. qi.
Paid for xj white skynnys for the same quysshens, 2s. 6d.
Paid to a bedmaker for makyng of xvij quysshens, 4J. 2d.
Paid for scoryng and sheryng of xvij quysshen clothes, 9^.
Paid for makyng the lauer at the hall & for lede £ sowder to the same, 6s.
Paid for ij newe cokks to the same lauer, 31. ^d.
Paid to the Couper for a wyne pype,
1496-7. Paid for saltfysshe and ij grete playces at the receyvyng of the stuf 11-12 Hen.
belongyng to the hall, 8</.
Paid for vij newe keys to the Gofers to ley in your evydences and for mendyng of
the lokks of the same Gofers, 25. ^d.
1497-98. Paid for the grete wyker for the hy deyce (high dais), 71. icx/. I2-i3 Hen.
Paid to Byrde the Carpenter for hangyng of the angell in the hall, 4</.
Paid to the Smyth for vj staples for hangyng of the said Angell, 6d.
For mendyng of the wyng of the same Angell, id.
For scoryng of the olde chaynes of the beame, $d.
Paid to a karver for makyng of the Angell for the beame, 13*. \d.
For xiij yerdis of laton cheyn for the beame price le yerde vijd., summa 71. id.
Paid for gyldyng of the said angell, 20*.
Paid for a bokket at the hall, ijd.
Paid for mendyng of a Cheyn and Iron hopis for the newe bokket, i6d.
Paid for viij ledgs for the hy dece, 2S.
Paid for the workemanship of the same, 6d.
1498-9. For xj fote di' (n^ ft.) of tymber for the partisshon betwene the store- 13-14 Hen.
house & the gardeyn, 2$d.
THE HALL GARDEN.
1453-4. Paid for the cuttyng of the vyne & the tre in the gardyn atte halle, $d. 31-2 Hen. VI.
Item for rayles for the same gardyn, 3</.
1459-60. Paid for makyng of the gardyn of the said halle and for cuttyng of the 37-8 Hen. VI.
vyne in the same gardyn, id.
1 468-9. Paid for a key to the garden gate, yi. 8-9 Edw. IV.
1485-6. Paid to a gardener for makyng of the gardeyn, 6d. *
1497-8. Paid for dressyng and mendyng of the litill gardeyn, 6</. 12-13 Hen.
1498-9. Paid to a Gardyner for vij yong vyne plants, 6d. 13-14 Hen
Paid to a Gardyner for dressyng the gardeyns at the hall, 5</. vn
321
XL. REPAIRS TO PROPERTY.
(Selected extracts from the Early Accounts, 1442-3 to 1498-9.)
27-8 Hen. VI. 1449-50. Item for the makyng of a wyndowe in the hous of John Rankyn & for
legges bord & werkmanship to the same, i id.
Item for iij shelles to a wyndyng steyre in the same hous pris the pece vjd., iSd.
Item for iij hordes to the same steyer, i2d.
Item for iij quarters of tymbre to the same pris the pece, ijd., 6d.
Item paid to ij Carpenters workyng vpon the same stayer by a day either of hem at
vijd. by the day, 14^. (Nine other items, apparently belonging to the work of
the "steyre," amount to 35-. y\d.)
Item for the makyng of an herth a Reredose & a new ovyn as it appereth by
parcelles here folowyng : —
Item for viijc breke (800 bricks) to the same with the cariage, 5^. 4^.
Item for a lode of Tylesherdes with the cariage, 14^.
Item for iiij lode & iij sakkes lyme, 5*. $d.
Item for iij lodes sonde, iSd.
Item for a quartron of okyn borde & nayles for the seid herth, 1 2d.
Item for the cariage of iij lodes of ruboys, gd.
(Four other " parcelles " of payments to woikmen and labourers under the
above head amount to 115-. $\d.
31-2 Hen. VI. 1453-4. For a cisterne (Constantine's house) tyd.
For xxij fote of plancherborde for a gutter there, & for the hillyng of the same, gd.
Paid to a plummer for the castyng of old lede & for new lede & soudor (solder) for
a gutter & a cisterne. Pondus cisterne iiijc j quartron xxxiij Ib. to the
tenements of Robert Frosteyne & William Constantyne, 501. nd.
For ij hopes (hoops) set vpon a tyne borowed, 2d.
36-7 Hen. VI. 1458-9. Received of William Alborow towards the makyng of his cowntyng hous
dore and for turnyng of a stayer (stair), 6s. 8d.
Received for a signe and for a dressy ng Iren, $d. (From a house vacated by a
tenant.)
Received of John Burgh peyntour towards the makyng of a spence, 6d.
(The repairs to John Rankyn's house this year were considerable, including the
following items.)
Item paid for a dog of Iren weiyng iiij Ib.dj. for the mownten pece of the kechyn,
Item for the mendyng of a bolte of iren for the durre betwix the shop and the hall
and for ij clekettis for the wiket of the same durre, $d.
Item for a lok and a key for the warehous durre, in the entre, 6d.
322
Item for a nother lok and a key for the yerd durre, &/.
Item for a nother lok & a key for the litill spence durre vnder the staier in the
parlour, 6d.
Item for a key to the botery dore in the yerde, $d.
Item for a lacche and a cacche for the bultyng (sifting) hous, id.
Item for a lok to the Cowntyng hous dore, &/.
Item for a nother bolte for the brusshyng hous durre ouer the yerde, id.
i459-6o. Paid to Saward plummer for a pipe of newe lede to (Botiller's) hous, yl. 37-8 Hen. M.
(Bricks for two chimneys were bought at 5*. per 1000.)
1462-3. Item for iij fote of tymber for ij Somers for the litill Celer (cellar), i\d. 2~3 ™* IV
Item paid for a quarter for to furre with the raftirs, id.
1465-6. Paid to John Deke for half a C of pavying stone for to pave the yerd, 5-6 Ed*. iv.
5*-
Paid for xij foot of goter (gutter) stone to the same yerd, 2s. 6d.
Paid for a C & a quartren of Brabyn stone bought att quene heith (Queenhithe),
81. yd.
1468-9. Paid for a plate for the stalle (in Burton's house), ql.\ a bord for the 8-9 Edw. IV.
stall, $d. ; a bar for a window in the shop, *\d.
Paid to Thomas kyng Tyler for pychyng of the herth of the said Danyells hous and
for pychyng of the herth of John Aungers hous and for vnder pynnyng of
William Burtons stalle workyng by a day, &J.
Paid for a hakoday for polys (Pole's) durre, $d.
1479-80. Paid for v leggis (ledges) to the durre atte the stewe ende (Davy's and 19-20 Edw.
Botiller's houses), 2d.
1498-9. Paid to the Chayne maker for vij yerds & iij quarters of Cheyn, 45. id. 13-14 Hen.
XLI. LEASES, ETC., OF PROPERTY.
(From Early Accounts, 1442-3 to 1498-9.)
1442-3. Paied to the Guyldhall for quyte rente by a yere, 41. ao-i Hen. VI.
Item paied to Seynt Gyles for quyte rent by a yere, Ss.
1 456-7. Received for a tenement vpon London Brigge that Thomas Hamond 34 5 Hen. \ I.
almesman late had for terme of certein yeres of the lesse of the Maisters of the
seid brigge for xxiijs. iiijd. by yere the which is now laten to Nicholas Asser
for xls. by yere that is to sey for the termes of Seint Michell tharchaungel
Cristemasse & Easter, 30*.
1458-9. Received of Nicholas Asser of encrece of rent of a tenement vpon 36-7 Hen. VI.
London brigge that Thomas Hamond almesman now late held for terme of
certen yeres of the lesse of the brigge at xxiijs. iiijd. by yere now leten to the
seid Nicholas for xls., 161. &J.
323
Z 1
For writying of an endenture of the lesse of an hous to Thomas Stevynson, Sd.
1-2 Edw. IV. 1461-2. Item receyued for two olde chestes whiche were late Margarete Richards
and whiche were taken for a distresse for partie of payment of hir housrent,
i2d.
5-6 Edw. IV. 1465-6. Paid in wyne atte the selyng of the endentures of the leesse of William
Alburghes hous, 4^.
IO-H Edw. 1470-1. Paid to the Vndershiref for the seyng of the Evidences of the lyvelode
(property) of the seid Crafte, $s. $d.
13-14 Edw. 1473-4. Paid to a lerned man for hys Counsell for the londe of Copy hold of the
said John Amell, Algate, $s. 4^.
Paid to a Screvener for makyng and writyng of ij notes in papir for the seid Copy
lande, 2od.
17-18 Edw. 1477-8. Paid for wrytyng of a Copy of a dede of certeyn quyterents goyng oute
to dyuers persones of the tenements next adioynyng to the Hall of the said
Crafte in Walbroke, 1 2d.
20-1 Edw. 1480-1. Paid to the Steward of Clarkynwell for the ferm (rent) of a gardeyne
grounde for a yere, 2s. (This was paid to the "Lady" of Clerkenwell in
1497-8.)
4-5 Hen. VII. 1489-90. Paid to Maister More man of lawe for his Counsayll, 2od.
Paid for makyng and writyng of a note to remembre that the Maister and Wardeyns
of the seid Crafte shuld entre in to Herry Davyes house because the same
Kerry was behynde of paiyng of his rente by vj weks after the terme of the
payment therof, 1 2d.
Paid to the forseid John fflye for a rewarde to pardon and relesse his title and
Interesse of and in the terme of yeres of and in the seid house which the said
Henry Davy late held and occupied, 405-.
Paid for brede and wyne whan the foreseid Maister and Wardeyns toke entres in
the seid hous of Henry Davy, i*]\d.
Paid for wyne spent vpon the Eschetour of london and John Flye, ^d.
Paid for wyne spente vpon the seid John Flye atte the kyngs hede in Briggestrete,
Paid for wyne spente vpon the same John Flye whan the seid Maister and Wardeyns
bought owte the yeres of the forseid Henry Davy, i^d.
Geven in rewarde to a seruaunte of the seid John Flye, 4^.
9-10 Hen. 1494-5. Paid for the lees of John Carpenters house late Harry Davys house, i2d.
(Among the tenements repaired was one described as the " White Horse.")
12-13 Hen- T497-8. Spent at tauern vppon the Councell of my lady of Clerkenwell for the
voide grounde on the bak side of the hall,
Paid for a payre of endentures of covenants made betwene the said lady of
Clerkenwell and vs for the voide grounde, 2S.
324
Paid for the Covent seall of Clerkenwell, 105.
Rewarde gevyn to the Steward, 3*. 4//.
Payre of Ivery knyves for his wyf, &/.
Expences at tavern aboute the same besynes,
XLII. THE COMPANY'S FIFTEENTH CENTURY TENANTS.
PARISH OF ALLHALLOWS WATL1NG STREET.
I442-3'
1449-50.
1462-3.
1476-7-
1480-1.
1485-6.
Tenement A.
John Rankyn
John Rankyn
William Alburgh -
John Seman, mercer
John Anmere, mercer
Henry Wygley
1489-90. Henry Brook
1498-9. William Milller
1442-3.
1449-50.
1462-3.
1476-7.
1480-1.
1485-6.
Tenement B.
Walter Lightfote -
John Rankyn -
William Alburgh -
335. $d.
33*. $d.
265. Sd.
John Seman, mercer 265. Sd.
John Anmere - 261. Sd.
Henry Wygley
1489-90. Henry Brook
1498-9. William Miller
26s. Sd.
26s. Sd.
26s. Sd.
Tenement C.
1442-3. Richard Benton - 73*. 4</.
1453-4. The tenant occupying Ben-
ton's house gave 6s. Sd.
towards planking the shop.
'456-7. Roger Waryn,taillour, 73*. 4^.
1476-7. Thomas Huetson - 735.4^.
1492-3. Rouland Henson 4/. ly. $d.
1494-5. John Carpenter, Skin-
ner - 4/. iy. ^d.
rARISH OF ST. MICHAEL PATERNOSTER.
Tenement A.
1442-3. John Coke
1444-5. Richard 1 )ryby - - 2OJ.
1449-50. John Dry by - - 2OJ.
1468-9. William Daniell - 20*.
Tenement D.
1442-3. Edward Frensh
1 443-4. Litigation with Frensh. He
was finally released from
payment of 23*. \d. arrears
of rent on surrendering
his lease.
1443-4. John Halle - 4/. 131. 4d.
1458-9. Thomas Stevenson, Gold-
smith 4/.
1 468-9. Wife of Thomas Stevenson 4/.
1473-4. Henry Davy, tailor - 4/.
1492-3. John Lenton - 4/.
Tenement E.
1442-3. John Kayle, peintour - 401.
1452-3. Robert Frosteyne - 40*.
1470-1. Harry Botiller - - 405.
Lease to Botiller, and grant of
46*. Sd. towards his repairs.
1480-1. Richard Elys - 40*
1489-90. William Batyson - 401.
1496-7. John Polgrave - - 4/.
Tenement F.
William Constantyne 331. *d.
Walter Ryburgh - 335. 4</.
- Hely, skinner - 33*. $d.
Harry Boteler - 33^.4^.
Richard Elys - 335. 4</.
1489-90. William Batyson - 26*. Sd.
(Horseshoe Bridge Strut.}
Tenement B.
1442-3. John Eland - - 201.
1449-50. John Pom - 20J.
'459-6o. John Dryby - 2OJ.
1468-9. William Daniell - 2OJ.
1442-3.
1456-7.
1458-9-
1458-9.
1480-1.
325
Tenement C.
1442-3. Mabel Rochford
1449-50. Robert Dryflfeld
1456-7. Dryffeld's wife -
1461-2. Nicholas Mille -
1464-5. Robert Pole
1471-2. Nicholas Pole -
1484-5. Nicholas Pole's wife
1485-6. William Pole's wife
1486-7. Thomas Lupshed (Lubbi-
shed) - - - 20J.
PARISH OF ST. JOHN W ALB ROOK. (Tenements ' within the place of the Craft:}
Tenement D.
2 OS.
1442-3.
Alice Cangborne
- 205.
2 OS.
1453-4-
John Lambert -
- 20S.
205.
i456-7-
Robert Stone -
- 2OS.
2 OS.
1458-9.
William Griffith
- 2 OS.
20S.
1467-8.
William Burton -
- 2OS.
2 OS.
1471-2.
Lease to Burton
2 OS.
20S.
Tenement A.
(Later, the Clerk's house.)
1442-3.
Crompe, Skin- 1494-5.
135.
35.
William
ner -
1449-50. John Harryes -
1452-3. John Harryes i qr.
1452-3. Isabel Pope - 55.
1453-4. Isabel Pope, ^ year to Easter.
1453-4. William Budde, £ year to
Christmas.
1456-7. John Harryes, baker los.
(In tenure of — Dauber.)
1464-5. Robert Baker - - los.
1467-8. John Palmer - - IQS.
1474-5. John Aleyn, Clerk - los.
1483-4. William Aleyn - 105.
1484-5. Nicholas Asser, Clerk IQS.
1 489-90. * Late held ' by N. Asser 1 05.
1492-3. John Bull, Clerk - los.
B. Tenement next the Hall.
1442-3. John Shether, Skinner 205.
1449-50. Margaret Richard - 205.
1450-1. — Spark \ year - los.
1452-3. Richard Huchons - 2os.
1453-4. Edward St. John ^ year
1456-7. Thomas Richard
1456-7. John Long, Steyn our - 165.
1474-5. John Long's wife - 165.
1478-9. Denys Bonvilde - i6j.
Tenement B.-
1492-3. John Lambe
ontd.
- 165.
John Lambe (garden) 4*. 6d.
C. (' Tivo chambers within the Hall:)
1449-50. John Stampet - - 8s.
1453-4. Empty.
1456-7. John Stampet - - 45.
1458-9. Empty.
1461-2. Empty.
1462-3. Empty.
1468-9. New buttery to house of
'Archers (the Beadle's) wif
within the Halle.'
D. The ' other ' new tenement next
the Hall.
1449-50. John Arthour - - 2os.
1453-4. Isabel Pope f year to Christ-
mas.
1453-4. William Budde £ year to
Easter.
1456-7. William Wyld.
1458-9. Thomas Nicholl.
1459-60. John Clerk - i6s.
1461-2. John Stone.
1462-3. John Bunche - - i6s.
1464-5. John Nightingale - i6s.
1468-9. John Aunger - - i6s.
1483-4. John Spede - - i6s.
326
XLIII. RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES AT THE CHARTERHOUSE.
( Extracts from Accounts^ 1442-3 to 1498-9.)
1442-3. Item payed for a peir of laton Candelstikes given to Charterhous, i&r. *>~l Hcn VI
Item payed to William Reynold wexchaundeller for wex, 20*. id.
Item payed to William Broke wexchaundeller for wex, us. id.
Item for the Offeryng at Charterhous, 105.
1443-4. To a Clerk of the Charterhous for scouring the candelstick and keeping 21-2 Hen. vi.
the light, 1 2d.
'453-4- For a garnet & ij bokes for the table at Charterhous, 4^. 3» * Hen. VI.
i459-6o- For a cofyn (box) for the letter of the fraternite of Charterhous, id. 37-8 Hen. VI.
1468-9. Paid for renuyng of the tabull atte Charterhous, 31. ^d. 8-9 Edw. IV.
1496-7. Paid for redyng of your evydences whan ye cam from Charterhous, ^d. 11-12
Paid for offeryng at Charterhous on trynyte Sonday, los.
1497-8. Paid for settyng in of ij names in the table at the Charterhouse, id. 12-13
Hen. VII.
OBITS AND BURIALS AT OTHER CHURCHES.
1449-50. For the obit of Anneys Bartholmewe, 2*. 8</. 27-8 Hen. vi.
Paid to the waxchaundeler for wex for the obit of the seid Anneys Bartholmewe,
us. 2d.
1450-1. Expenses for the Obite of Westowe, y. 28-9 Hen. vi.
1453-4. For wex for the obyt of Walter Norwold with hyre of Candelstyks, 191. $d. 31-2 Hen. vi.
1464-5. Paid for the makyng of iiij Torches for the buriyng of the wif of John 4-5 Edw. IV.
Roos, wayng Ixxiiij Ib di' (74^ Ibs.) price the makyng of euery Ib jd, 6s. 2</.
Paid for the wast of the same iij Ib di' (3^ Ibs.), 2S. ^d.
Paid for the makyng of ij Tapirs for the same buriyng weiyng xv Ib price the
makyng of euery Ib jd, i6d.
Item for the wast of the same ij Tapirs, ^d.
XLIV. EXTRACTS FROM EARLY ACCOUNTS. SALE OF IVORY.
(1461-2 to 1497-8.)
1461-2. Agneys Brown 24! Ibs. 245. gd. »-* Edw. IV.
Thomas Trylle 14$ Ibs. 7J. $d.
John Bowdon i Ib. 6d.
John Fordam if Ibs. is. ^d.
Thomas Baret 2 Ibs. i v &/.
1462-3. Agneys Broun 22! Ibs. 22*. yl. *~3 Edw. IV.
John Catour 28 Ibs. 281.
Thomas Barret 1 2 Ibs. . 1 2s.
William Seton 13 Ibs. iy.
327
4-5 Edw. IV. 1464-5.
5-6 Edw. IV. 1465-6.
7-8 Edw. IV.
8-9 Edw. IV.
1467-8.
1468-9.
A man of Thaxtede
John Catour
Agneys Broun
Thomas Pakeman
Thomas Baret
John Archer
Thomas Otehill
John Balle
John Walton
Ibs. @ i4d. 4s. id.
Ibs.) 23*. 9d.
63^ Ibs. @ Sd. ... ... 425. 4d.
24 Ibs. 2 oz. of Scravell @ Sd. ... i6s. id.
a hole tothe of Ivory wayng
52jlbs. @ Sd.... 351.
2J Ibs. of Scravell @ Sd. ... 22d.
a hole tothe, 51 Ibs., @ Sd. ... 345.
i2\ Ibs. of Scravell @ 6d. ... 65. \d.
20^ Ibs. @ Sd. ... ... 135. Sd.
Spent mete and drink vpon certeyn persones whan the
ivory was weyed 22d.
Receipts for ivory, u/. 35. $d. No details.
Robert Kymber, for ivory, 2Ss.
Richard Robert, for ivory, 65. Sd.
John Catour, for ivory, 205. 4d.
COST OF PRESENTATION KNIVES.
27-8 Hen. VI. 1449-50. Paid for a peire of knyves geven to William Shadworth, 35. 4^.
28-9 Hen. VI. 1450-1. Paid for iij paires of knyves geven to iij Clerkes of the Maires, 35.
4-5 Edw. IV. 1464-5. Paid for j paire knyves yoven to Maister Taillor Alderman, 2s. (This
was William Taillor, Grocer, Mayor in 1468-9; knighted 2ist
May, 1471 ; Alderman of Queenhithe, 1460-8.)
Item for j paire knyves yoven to the Chamberleyn, 2s.
Item for j paire knyves to Maister William the Towne Clerk, Sd.
Paid for a peire of knyves whiche was geven to the Maire, 6os.
Paid for a knyf whiche was geven to the Recorder in reward for to
be of oure Counsell, i2d.
Paid for a peire of knyves whiche was gefen to Elen langwith, 2s.
1469-70. Paid for a knyf which was gefen to the Maister of Whitington
Collage, i2d.
1486-7. Paid for a dager gylt gevyn to Fox of yeldehall for a rewarde for
mendyng of dyuers thyngs in the rolle of the seid Crafte, 25. $d.
1497-8. Paid for a payre of Ivery knyves with vyralls of siluer and lokked and
chaped gilt geven to the lady of Clerkenwell, 23. ^d.
For a rewarde to the Steward of Clarkenwell 31. ^d.
For a payre of Ivery knyves for his wyf, Sd.
8-9 Edw. IV. 1468-9.
9-10 Edw. IV.
1-2 Hen. VII.
12-13 Hen.
VII.
328
XLV. GRANT OF A BLADESMITH'S MARK.
(Twenty (?) th August, 1452. Gregory Mayor.)
Isto die concessum & consensum est per Maiorem & Aldermannos supra-
dictos quod Johannes leylond Ciuis & Pelliparius london & Agnes vxor eius qui
fuit vxor Roberti Hynkeley Ciuis dum vixit & Bladsmyth london restituti sint
& rehabeant marquam suam pristinam de le double Cressaunt non obstante billa
porrecta in contrarium per misteram de lez Bladsmythes. Et quod Johannes
Morth bladsmyth decetero non vtatur marqua ilia sed quod omnino inhibeatur sub
periculo incumbent' &c. (Journal 6, f. 249.)
TRANSLATION.
On that day it was granted and agreed by the Mayor and Aldermen above-
said that John Leylond, citizen and skinner of London and Agnes his wife who
was the wife of Robert Hynkeley late citizen and bladesmith of London should be
restored and have again their old mark of the double crescent notwithstanding
the petition to the contrary presented by the Mistery of Bladesmiths. And that
John Morth bladesmith shall not further use that mark but shall be altogether
forbidden under the penalty attaching, etc.
XLVI. PAGEANTRY. EDWARD IV's VISIT TO LONDON.
(24th February, 1462-3.)
Isto die (i8th Feb. 2 Edw. IV.) concessum est quod in proximum aduentum
Regis a partibus borialibus ad Ciuitatem Maior & Aldermanni obuient sibi super
Equis in Scarletto & quod Coiarij obuient eciam Regi super Equis induti Togis
blodijs Calepestris & leripipijs nigris & quod de omnibus misteris subscriptis
equitent certe persone prout inferius limitantur videlicet : —
Mercers .
xxiiij
Bruers .
X
Bowyers .
. iiij
Drapers .
xxiiij
Bochers .
viij
Cordewaners
• vj
Grocers .
xxiiij
Bakers .
vj
Armorers .
. iiij
ffyssh mongers .
XX
Cotillers
vi
Brouderers
• U
Goldsmythes .
XX
Diers .
vj
ffletchers .
• vj
Vynters .
xij
Taloughchaundillers
viij
Hurers
^
Skynners
xj
Wexchaundillers
vj
Stacioners
. iiij
Tailours
xxiiij
Carpenters
vj
Vyholders
• vj
Iremongers .
X
Peautrc rs
vj
Pynners .
ij
Salters .
viij
Sadillers .
viij
Plumers .
ij
Haberdasshers
xij
Shermen
vj
Pastelers .
• 'J
Girdillers
vj
ffullers .
vj
Sporyours
• ij
Lethersellers .
viij
Scryvaners
iiij
barbours .
X
329
In die mercurij scilicet xxiij die mensis predicti tune proximo sequente datum
fuit intelligi Maiori & Aldermannis quod Rex venierit de villa Shene ad Ciuitatem
londinensem in bargea sua per Aquam Thamisie. Igitur concordatum fuit per
eosdem quod Maior Aldermanni & Coiatij obuiarent Regi in bargijs suis ornati
eodem apparatu quo soliti sunt ornari qn' Maior sumit sacrum suum apud Westm' ;
quod in die Jouis tune proximo sequente videlicet in festo Sancti Mathie factum
fuit. (Journal 7, f. 2ib.)
TRANSLATION.
On that day it was agreed that at the approaching visit of the King from the
Northern parts to the City, the Mayor and Aldermen should meet him on horseback
(clad) in scarlet, and that the Commonalty should also meet the King on horseback
clothed in sanguine gowns, hoods, and black liripipes, and that from all the
Misteries hereunder written should ride certain persons as are appointed below,
namely : —
(List of 39 Misteries.)
On Wednesday then next following, to wit the twenty-third day of the month
aforesaid, information was given to the Mayor and Aldermen that the King would
come from the village of Sheen to the City of London in his barge by the Water
of Thames. Therefore it was agreed by the same that the Mayor and Aldermen
and Commonalty should meet the King in their barges robed in the same apparel
in which they were accustomed to be robed when the Mayor takes his oath at
Westminster ; which was done on the Thursday then next following, namely on the
Feast of St. Matthias.
XLVII. CORONATION PROCESSION OF ELIZABETH,
QUEEN OF EDWARD IV.
(26th May, 1465.)
Item in isto Communi Consilio (2nd May, 5 Edw. IV.) concordatum fuit cjuod
de qualibet mistera misterarum subscriptarum equitent certe persone versus
dominam Reginam in aduentu suo ad turrim londinensem ante Coronacionem
suam in togis Colons de murrey prout inferius limitantur : —
Mercers .
xxiiij
Irmongers
X
Drapers .
xxiiij
Salters .
viij
Grocers .
xxiiij
Haberdasshers
xij
ffysshmongers .
XX
Girdlers .
vj
Goldsmythes .
XX
lethersellers .
viij
Vynters .
xij
Paynters .
»j
Skynners
xvj
Wolpakkers .
ij
Talours .
xxiiij
ffuystours (?) .
ij
Bruers .
Bochers .
Bakers .
Cotlers .
Diers
Taloughchaundlers
Waxchaundlers
Carpenters
xx
xij
vj
vj
vj
viij
vj
vj
330
Peautrers .
Sadlers
Shermen
ffullers
Scryvaners .
Bowyers
Patynmakers
(Illegible) .
(Illegible) .
Cordwaners
Armurers .
(Journal 7, f. 97.)
vj Brouderers
. viij fflechers
vj hurers
vj Stacyoners
. iiij Vpholders
. iiij Pynners
iij Plummers
. — Pastelers
. — Sporyors
vj Barbours
. iiij Concurs
ij Hostlers .
vj Glovers .
vj (Illegible)
iiij lorymers .
ij ffruterers .
ij Tumours .
ij Coupers .
ij Pullers
ij Staynours .
xj Greytawyers
vj
ij
iiij
XLVIII. CITY RECEPTION OF KING EDWARD V.
(4th May, 1483.)
Concessum est per Maiorem & Aldermannos quod de qualibet mistera
subscripta certe persone equitent erga dominum Regem venientem ad Ciuitatem
londinensem ad Coronacionem suam, indute Togis colons murrey ; numerus
personarum eorundem subscribitur. (Journal 9, f. i8b. 2ist April, i Edw. V.)
Goldsmythes .
XXX
Wexchaundelers
. iiij
Wolmen .
vj
Mercers .
XXX
Talughchaundlers
- vj
Plomers .
ij
Drapers .
XXX
Shermen
. viij
Slacioners
ij
Grocers .
XXX
ffullers .
. viij
flounders .
iij
ffisshemongers
XXX
Girdelers
. iiij
Paynlers .
ij
Skynners
XX
Bochers .
X
Slaynours
ij
Sailers .
X
Bakers .
• vj
Wodemongers .
ij
Vynlers .
viij
Bruers .
X
Turners .
ij
Tail lours
XXX
lelhersellers .
X
Curreours
vj
Iremongers
X
Hurers .
- iij
Pullers .
ij
Haberdasshers
XX
Vpholders
. iiij
Paistlers .
ij
Scryvaners
iiij
Cordewaners .
. iij
Coupers .
ij
Dyers .
X
Joynours
• ij
Wiremongers .
ij
Peaulerers
vj
Masons .
i ij
Glasiers .
ij
Cullers .
vj
Carpenlers
- iij
Tilers .
iij
Sadlers .
viij
fflelchers
• ij
lynendrapers .
ij
Barbours
viij
Bowiers .
• ij
Armurers
iiij
Inholders
. iiij
Sum ma iiijcx persones.
331
XLIX. RICHARD Ill's VISIT TO LONDON.
(November, 1483.)
In isto Communi Consilio (20th Nov., i Ric. Ill) concordatum est quod de
qualibet mistera equitent serte persone induti togis de murrey erga Aduentum
domini Regis ad istam Ciuitatem secundum numerum subscriptum videlicet : —
Haberdasshers xxiij
Wexchaundlers
iiij
Wolmen .
- vj
Mercers . . xxx
Taloughchaundlers .
vj
Plomers .
• ij
Drapers . . xxx
Shermen
viij
Stacioners
• ij
Grocers . . xxx
ffullers .
viij
ffounders .
. iij
fishmongers . xxx
Girdlers .
iiij
Payntours
• ij
Goldsmythes . xxiiij
Bochers .
x
Steynours
• ij
Skynners . xxiiij
Bakers .
vj
Wodmongers
• iJ
Salters . . x
Bruers .
X
Tumours .
• U
Vynters . . viij
lethersellers .
X
Curriours .
• vj
Taillours . xxx
hurers
iij
Pultours .
• ij
Ismongers . x
Vpholders
iiij
Paistelers
• ij
Scriveners . iiij
Cordwaners .
iij
Cowpers .
• ij
Diers . . x
Joynours
ij
Wyremongers
- iJ
Peauterers . vj
Masons .
ii
Glasiers .
• U
Cutlers . . vj
Carpenters
ij
Tilers .
• ij
Sadlers . . viij
ffletchers
ij
lynnendrapers
• ij
Barbours . viij
Bowiers .
iij
Armurers . iiij
Inholders
iiij
(Journal 9, ff. 39~39b.)
Summa iiijcvj
persones.
L. WATCH KEPT IN
THE CITY BY THE
MEN
OF THE MISTERIES.
(June, 1483.)
Vigilie facte in le Chepe ab hora septima
ante
nonam vsque
ad horam
septimam post nonam &c
.
Goldsmythes . x
lethersellers .
vj
Wodmongers
j
Mercers . . xij
Joynours
ij
Tumours .
j
Grocers . . xij
Bowiers .
iij
Pullers .
j
{fishmongers . x
Inholders
iij
Paistelers .
j
Skynners . x
Stacioners
ij
Cowpers .
j
Haberdasshers viij
ffounders
ij
Pynners .
j
Cutlers . . iij
Peyntours
ij
Blaksmythes
• J
Sadlers . . iij
Steynours
ij
Bladesmythes
j
Girdlers . . iiij
Hatters .
iij
Brewers . . iiij
Browderers
ij
r
V
332
Vigilie facte in Cornhull ab hora septima ante nonam vsque (ad) horam
septimam post nonam &c.
Drapers .
xij
Shermen
. iiij
Salters .
iiij
ffullers .
. iiij
Vynters .
iiij
Bochers .
. iiij
Taillours
xij
Bakers .
. iiij
Irmongers
iiij
Glouers .
• U
Scrivenours .
ij
Hurers .
• >j
Diers .
i»j
Cumours
• "J
Peauterers
'ij
Vpholders
• U
Barbours
"j
Cordewaners .
• U
Armurers
U
Masons .
• ij
Wexchaundlers
»j
Carpenters
• ij
Talough-
ffletchers
• U
chaundlers .
iiij
Wolmen .
iiij
(Journal 9, f. 26. igth June, i Edw. V.)
iiij plomers .
Patynmakers .
iiij Weuers .
iiij Sporiours .
ij lorymours
homers .
wyremongers .
lynnendrapers .
ffuystours .
ffruterers .
Chesemongers .
Glasiers .
Tilers .
Cvij.
LI. HENRY VII's VISIT TO LONDON.
(October, 1487.)
Item in isto Communi Concilio (9th Oct. 3 Hen. VII) concordatum est quod
in aduentum dicti domini Regis ad istam Ciuitatem certe persone de qualibet
mistera secundum numerum subscriptum equitent uersus eundem dominum Regem
in Togis de vyolet, videlicet : —
Mercers .
XXX
Sadlers
. viij
Cordewaners
. iiij
Grocers .
XXX
Barbours
. viij
Joynours .
• ij
Drapers .
XXX
Armurers
. iiij
Masons
. ij
ffishemongers .
XXX
Wexchaundelers
. iiij
Carpenters
• U
Taillours
XXX
Talugh-
ffletchers .
• U
Goldsmythes .
xxiiij
chaundelers
• vj
Bowiers
• ij
Skynners
XX
Shermen
. viij
Inholders .
. iiij
Haberdasshers .
XX
ffullers .
• vj
Wolmen .
vi
Salters .
X
Girdelers
. iiij
IMomers .
• ij
Vynters .
viij
Bochers
X
Stacioners .
• U
I re mongers
X
Bakers .
• vj
flounders .
i'j
Scryvaners
iiij
Bruers .
X
Paynters .
• ij
Dyers
X
lethersellers .
X
Staynours .
i,
Peauterers
vj
Hurers
. 1IJ
Wodemongers
•j
Cutlers .
vj
Vpholders .
iiij
Turners .
1
333
Curreours . . iiij lynendrapers
Pulters
Paistlers .
Coupers
Wiremongers
Glasiers
Tilers
ij ffelmongers
ij ffruterers
ij hatters
ij Patynmakers
ij Greytawiers
iij Brasiers
ij Weuers . . ij
ij Blaksmythes . j
j Bladesmythes . j
ij Sporiours . . j
ij lorymours . . j
ij purcers . . j
j Glovers . . ij
Summa CCCCxxxiiij persones.
(Journal 9, ff. 1576-158.)
Petition of
the Blade-
smiths.
"Foreign"
bladesmiths
sell their wares
at inns and
other unlawful
places in the
City.
Their wares
to be sold
openly at
Leadenhall on
market days.
Country
dealers forging
the marks of
City blade-
smiths to lose
their goods.
LII. ORDINANCES OF THE BLADESMITHS.
(3oth July, 1463, 3 Edward IV.)
Memorandum quod tricesimo die mensis Julij anno regni Regis Edwardi
quarti post conquestum tercio venerunt hie in Curia Domini Regis in Camera
Guihalde Ciuitatis London coram Thoma Cook Maiore & Aldermannis eiusdem
Ciuitatis Gardiani ac alij quamplures homines mistere de Bladesmythes Ciuitatis
predicte & porrexerunt dictis Maiori & Aldermannis quandam billam siue
supplicacionem verborum sequentium seriem continentem.
Vnto the right honorable and worshipfull Lorde the Mair And to our full
worshipfull souerains his bretheren the Aldermen of the Citee of London.
Mekely besechen the Wardens and ffelisship of the Crafte of Bladesmythes of
the seide Citee That where as diuers fforeyns Bladesmythes aswele of foreyn
townes as of places nygh the Subarbes of the seide Citee comyng and repayryng to
the seide Citee vsen to selle in Innes and other priuat and vnlefull places theire
chaffaire that they bryng to the Citee to sell and not to places therto assigned by
the ordinance of the seid Citee And for to eschue suche vntrew and disseyuable
chaffare so brought and solde to the hurte of the comon people. Please it youre
goode lordeship and wise discrecions to graunt and ordeign that al suche foreyns
that from hensforward comen and vsen the seide Citee shall bryng their almanere
Chaffare to ledenhall there to be solde opynly on merkate dayes there accustumed
and in non other places vpon paynne of forfaiture of all suche chaffare so solde
in eny other place within the ffraunchese of the seide Citee And that all other
actees and ordinances a fore this tyme graunted by youre noble predecessours for
the wele of the seide Crafte entred in the Chambre of the yeldehall of london
be goode and effectuell accordyng to the seide grauntes.
And ouer that forasmoche as diuers fforeyns dwellyng in ferre contrees of this
Reaume counterfeten the markes of Bladesmythes of this Citee and sellen theire
blades to diuers persones of this Citee and by the same persones aren solde ayen
334
for london blades to grete disclaunder of the seide Craft and disceyte of the
kyngs people. It like vnto your full wise discrecions to ordeign and graunte that
all suche blades so retailled and solde from hensforward in whos handes thei
been founde of the seide Citee bi due serche therof made by the Wardens of
the seide Craft of Bladesmythes for the tyme beyng to gider with an Officer of
youres may be vtterly forfette.
Also forasmoche as oftentymes by diuers vnkonnyng Grynders of the seide Good blades
Citee many goode blades and sufficient aren sore appeired to grete disclaunder unskilful^
of the london blades That it please vnto your full wise discrecions to ordeign grind***-
and graunte that from hensforward no maner foreyn take vpon him to vse the
occupacion of Gryndyng of Blades within the seide Citee and fraunchese thereof, Proposed
on lesse than that persone so sette a werke be fraunchesed and proued within
the seide Citee vpon payn of paying at euery tyme founden defect! f xij d.
Also forasmoche as diuers persones enfraunchesed in the seide Crafte have None to sell
custumably vsed to goo sende and offre vntreu and disseyuable Chaffare to sell in ^l™f. T"**
diuers Couert and pryvy places for light chepe to the grete disceyte of the chepe' in
Comon people. Please it youre right sadde and wise discrecions to graunte and p
ordeign that no personne enfraunchesed of the seide Crafte in the same Citee by
him self nor by noon other persone in no wise shall bere no manere chaffare
of the seide Craft out of his house to offre to eny persone to sell vnto suche
tyme that the saide Chaffare be duely serched by the Wardeins of the same
Crafte for the tyme beyng and founde by the seide Wardeins able vpon payn of Penalties for
forfeiture of the same and to make fyne at euery tyme that he therof be founde
defectyf and duely conuicte vpon the same vjs viijd whereof that oon halff to the
seide yeldehall and that other halff to the Comon Boxe of the seide Crafte.
Also forasmoche as often tymes diuers vnkonnyng Grynders of Sheres and Penalties for
fl_&M*ftlVM
blades of the seide Citee goyng aboute in the same Cite aud desiren to haue —£&.£*-
the gryndyng of mennes sheres and blades for right litle value, ffor the Couetisenes
of the which, men taken them there sheres and blades to grynde. And thannc
they been euill grounde and some tyme in stede of gryndyng but whette by the
which the Comon people been gretely disceyued and without remedy wherefore
please it youre saide discrecions to ordeyn and graunte that noo persone
enfraunchesed in the seide Crafte take vpon him to grynde eny mennes sheres
except Shermen sherys that is to sey clothesheris or blades withoute he do it
sufficiently and werkmanly. And if any manne be founde defectif in that poynt
by complaynt made of any persone, that thanne the party so hurte to be
restored to his hurtcs by the discrecion of the Wardeins of the same Crafte
for the- i VHP- beyng And to make fyn to the Comon Boxe of the seide Craft
accordyng to the seide defence, nor that no personnc enfraunchesed in the seide
335
Blacksmiths
not to set their
mark on ware
made by
" foreyns."
Penalty for
disobedience.
The lights be-
fore Our Lady
at St. Paul's '
and the Friars
Minors to be
sustained by
all the
Commonalty.
Crafte shall not goo oute of his house to praye desire nor fecche eny ware or
Chaffare to make or grynde nor that noo personne of the seide Crafte shall not here
nor sende his marke to eny foreyn to be sette vpon eny werke by the foreyn to be
made without that there be noo man enfraunchesed of the seide Crafte of sufficient
konnyng to make the same vppon payne to pay at euery tyme that eny of the
personnes enfraunchesed of the seide Crafte be founde defectif in eny of the
poyntes aforesaid xxd Whereof that oon halff to the yeldehall aforeseid And
that other halff to the comon boxe of the seide Crafte.
And where as the Cominaltie of the seide Crafte to the honoure of god
and of oure blissed lady his moder of long tyme passed haue founde vsed and kept
certeyn lyghtes bernyng bifore the ymages of oure lady aswell in the Cathedrall
Chirche of Seynt Poule as in the Chirch of the ffreres menours dyuers persones
of the seide Crafte been obstynat and woll not bere there parte to the sustinance
of the seide lights nor obey the Somons of there Wardens for suche Correccions
and necessaries as long to the seide Crafte to the grete trouble and hurte of
the same Craft Please it therefore youre lordship and wise discrecions to graunte
and ordeign that euery persone of the seide Craft disobeyng to paye his parte duly
sette vpon him to the sustinaunce of the seide lightes or that disobeyeth eny
Somons made vnto him by the Wardeins of the seide Crafte for the tyme beyng
make fyne of iiij d or ellys to losse at euery tyme a pownde a wexe whereof
that oon halff to the yeldehall aforeseid and that other halff to the Comon Boxe
of the seide Crafte. (Letter-Book L, f. 14 b.)
LIII. GRANT TO LAUDUS RAMSON OF THE OFFICE OF
KING'S CUTLER.
(igth November, 1485, i Henry VII.)
Rex Omnibus ad quos &c. salutem Sciatis quod nos in consideracione seruicij
quod dilectus nostri laudus Ramson de Ciuitate nostra london' Cutteler nobis ante
hec tempora impendit & in posterum impendere intendit de gratia nostra speciali
dedimus & concessimus sibi officium Cultellarij nostri habend' & occupand' idem
officium pro termino vite sue cum omnimodis vadiis feodis proficuis & comodita-
tibus eidem officio ab antique debitis & consuetis in tarn ampl' & larga forma prout
aliqua alia persona officium predictum preantea occupans habuit & percepit in
eodem. In cuius &c. Teste Rege apud Westm' xix die Nouembr. (Patent Roll,
i Henry VII, pt. I., m. 324).
TRANSLATION.
The King to all to whom &c. greeting. Know ye that we in consideration of
the service which our beloved Laudus Ramson, of our City of London, cutler, has
rendered to us in time past and intends in future to render, have of our special
336
grace given and granted to him the office of our cutler, to have and to hold the same
office for the term of his life, with the wages, fees, profits, and commodities of every
kind to the same office from ancient time due and accustomed in as full and ample
a manner as any other person previously occupying the office aforesaid has had and
has received in the same. In witness whereof &c. Witness the King at West-
minster, the nineteenth day of November. (1485.)
LIV. ORDINANCES OF THE CUTLERS.
(i3th June, 1485, 2 Richard III.)
Memorandum quod terciodecimo die Junij Anno Regni Regis Ricardi tercij ivtiiion of the
post conquestum Secundo Magister gardiani ac probi homines Artis Cultellar'
Ciuitatis london venerunt hie in curia dicti domini Regis in Camera Guihald*
Ciuitatis predicte coram Thoma Hille milite maiore £ Aldermannis eiusdem
ciuitatis & porrexerunt eisdem maiori & Aldermannis quandam billam siue suppli-
cacionem Cuius tenor sequitur in hec verba scilicet To the full honourable lorde
the Maire and the Worshipfull Soueraignes thaldermen of the Citee of london
Shewen vnto youre goode lordeship and maistershippes the maister wardeyns and
the good ffblks of the Crafte of Cultellers of the Citee of london that where the
saide Crafte in tyme late passed hathe gretely prospered and encreced by the goode
Rule and demeanyng within the saide Crafte vnto nowe of late many simple people The poorer
contrarie to the good policie of the saide Citee and the goode guydyng of the Crafte ^
aforesaide haue taken so many apprentices that they were not of power to susteyn prr-.
them but solde their terme and set theim ouer vnto other simple people of UK-
same Crafte of none habilite or Connyng to teche and enforme theim the feets
of the same Crafte And after thende of the terme many of the same Apprentices These appren-
for lacke of Occupacion within the said Citee haue departed oute of this Citee
vnto other parties of this Realme and tawght suche Connyng as they hadde vnto lhcir tradc
other people and after that haue resorted agayn vnto the saide Citee vnto tin-
hurt of the said Crafte. Many of the saide Apprentices also haue taken
and daily take Chambres in secret places and som of theym ij. iij. or iiij. togider Others work
been becom partie felows where none of theym by him self is of habilite to *
' *
s« tie vppe open shoppe, and worke deceyvably as well by day as be nyght the
subtcll w.-rks of the said Crafte which in no wyse may truely and perfitly be
wrought by Candell light. And werke also other deceyvable werks which that by
the Maister and Wardeyns of the same Crafte may not be seen and serched
the same persones also and other enfraunchiscd in the same Crafte daily set on
wrrke foreyns in the saide craftc of Cutlers and sende owte their wares vnto "
other places out of the ffraunches of the Citee there to be wrought. So that work
the <
337
2A
Many City
cutlers work
on eves of
Holy days.
New regula-
tions
submitted.
Freemen to
h:ive only one
apprentice ;
liverymen
two; past
Masters and
Wardens
three.
N.B.
Apprentices to
be free born
and comely.
Under penalty
of iooy.
Provision for
turning over.
Only by
licence of Mas-
ter and
Wardens and
Chamberlain.
many of the saide Crafte which haue been Apprentises before for lacke of
occupacion be come Idle and vagabonds and haue none occupacion wherby
they may gete their lyvyng to the grete hurt of all the kyngs liege people and
vtter vndoyng of the Crafte aforesaid without a Remedie therfor rather be
prouided many persones also occuping the said Crafte of Cutlers within the said
Citee not dredyng god werke on holidaies vppon vigill Eves and Saterdaies at
afternone to the grete displeasure of Allmyghty god. Please it therfor your
lordeship & maistershippes the premisses tenderly considered for the pleasure
of god the worship of the Citee and the Avaunsement of the Crafte aforesaid to
graunt thise Articles hereafter folowyng.
ffirst that no man occuping the Crafte of Cutlers the which is not of the
brederhode and clothyng of the same Crafte from this tyme foreward shall take
at ones but oonly oon apprentice. And that no man beyng a brother and in the
Clothyng of the Crafte aforesaid and haue not been before the Maister and
Wardeyn of the same Crafte shall take any mo oonly but ij Apprentices at ones
And he that is or hath been Maister or Wardeyn hereafter shall take no more
apprentices but iij at the most. And that eueriche of the saide persones shall
present his saide apprentice vnto the said Maister & Wardeyns for the tyme beyng
to thentent that they may diligently see and vnderstond that he be free borne and
not disfugured in his body for worship of this Citee payng for euery suche
apprentice so to be taken viijV. to the fyndyng of the poore men of the same
Crafte. And what persone of the saide Crafte or occupying the same Crafte
breke any poynt of this ordenance or any parcell therof pay C s. as ofte as he so
dothe half to the chamber of london and the other half to the sustentacion of the
poore men of the said Crafte. Prouided alway that it shalbe lefull to euery
persone occupying the said Crafte within the Citee of london in the last yeer
of the termes of any suche Apprentice to be taken, to take a nother in place of
hym or of theym that soo that yeer from hym shall departe this ordenance
notwithstandyng Provided also that if any Apprentice hereafter by the dethe or
departyng of his Maister or otherwyse must nedys be set ouer to a nother of the
same Crafte that thanne it shalbe lefull to the Maister & Wardeyns of the same
Crafte by thadvise of the Chamberleyn of the Citee for the tyme beyng to set ouer
the same apprentice to some other persone of the same Craft though that the same
persone haue bifore the full numbre of his apprentises.
Also that no man nor woman enfraunchised in the saide Craft shall set ouer
alien or selle the termes of any of their Apprentises but oonly by the licence of the
Maister and Wardeyns of the same Crafte and by theadvice of the Chamberleyn
of the Citee of london for the tyme beyng so that the saide Chamberleyn Maister
and Wardeyns may provyde a conuenient Maister for the saide Apprentices not
338
oonly for their necessarie fyndyng but also for their techyng and informacion
duryng ther termes And also that the said Maister and Wardeyns by thadvice f
Cliamberlain
of the Chamberleyn may Jugge and deme by their discrecions what money shuld to advise as to
be geven and paide vnto the maister or maisters of the saide apprentices by him
vnto whom the same Apprentices shuld be set ouer or the termes solde as it is
abouesaid. And he that so shall receyve any apprentice shall pay for euery suche
apprentice to hym set ouer viijj. to the Sustentacion of the Almes of the poore folke
of the Crafte aforesaid. And he that dothe contrarie to this ordenaunce shall pay The new
at euery tyme Cs. to be deuided in fourme abouesaid. Prouided alway that if the S^ir.-Ums^o
saide Maister and Wardeyns be not indifferent in suche setting ouer or demyng p'** cu
what shalbe taken than for the said apprentice so set ouer that than the Chamber-
leyn of the Citee for the tyme beyng shall by his discrecion set ouer the same
apprentice and deme what shalbe taken for the same apprentice.
Also that no man occupying the said Crafte of Cutlers within the Citee of I lours of work
London at any tyme hereafter from the (Test of Thannunciacion of oure lady vnto
the ffest of Mighelmas than next ensuyng by him self nor by his seruaunts or
apprentices shall werke or cause to be wrought any maner thyng that belongeth
to the said Crafte of Cutlers before iiij of the Clocke in the mornyng nether aftvi sP-«n«
viij of the Clocke in the nyght vnto iiij in the mornyng next folowyng And from
the ffest of Mighelmas vnto the ffest of thannunciacion of oure lady that (then) next
folowyng that no persone occupying the said Crafte by hym self his seruaunts or his
apprentices shall werke before vj of the Clocke in the mornyng and to leve werke 6a.rn.to6p.ro.
at vj of the Clocke at afternone and in no wise to wirke after that houre vnto
vj in the mornyng than next ensuying. except it shalbe lefull vnto them to werke
vnto ix of the Clocke in furbyng and glasyng and to leve werke than. And that
n<> man occupying the said Crafte of Cutlers within the Citee aforesaid by him self to 9 p.m.
his seruaunts or his apprentices nor by any other shall werke or cause to be
lit any thyng that belongeth to the said Crafte of Cutlers in his house
Shoppe, or Chambre or in any other place within the Citee of Ixmdon by Candell
light after the houres before lymytted except ffurbyng and glasyng as it is aforesaid
nor portraie gylile drawe varnyssh shave Hurnysshe ne police in any wyse l>efore
or after the houres aforesaid. And what so euer he be that bn-ki-th this ordinance Under penalty
in all or in any part* th< -ml shall pay as ofte as he so dothe vjv. viij,/. to be diuided
MCI and forme abouesaid.
Also that no man occupying the saide Crafte of Cutlers within the saide Citee None to pot a
by hym srlf his seruaunts or his apprentices or by any other shall sette or cause to OI1
be set in deceipt of the kings liege people any laten pomell vppon any gilt blade
vppon (payne) of vj*. viij*/. as ofte as he soo dothe contrarie to this ordenaunce
to be diuided aforesaid.
339
ax a
Work not to
be sent out of
the City to be
wrought.
Specified
articles of cut-
lery.
Cutlers to
work only in
open shops by
the street side.
None to take a
partner with-
out licence.
Those unable
to take house
and shop to be
put to service.
Work on eve
of Festivals
prohibited
after 3 p.m.
Freemen leav-
ing the City
for a year and
a day to be
disfranchised.
Also that no man occupying the said Crafte of Cutlers within the Citee of
london at any tyme hereafter put oute or delyuer to be made or wrought oute of
the ffraunchises of the said Citee any maner Woodeknyfes Hangars Whynyerds
Trenchour knyffs ffyles Syngles Peres Knyffetts oyster knyfes Bodekenes ne other
maner thyng or Stuffe perteynyng to the said Crafte of Cutlers nether color ne set
on werke in the same occupacion any foreyn within the ffraunchise of the said Citee
or in any other place without the said ffraunchise Seintwary (sanctuary) or other
vppon payne of xxj. as ofte as he soo dothe to be diuided as it is aforesaid.
Also that no man occupying the saide Crafte of Cutlers within the said Citee
of london nether by hym self his seruaunts his apprentises ne by any other shall
werke any thyng perteynyng to the saide Crafte of Cutlers within any Aley
Chambre garet or in any other secrete place but oonly in open Shoppe or open
houses by the Strete side to thentent that their werks may be duely and truely
serched by the Maister and Wardeyns of the saide Crafte of Cutlers for the tyme
beyng as of olde tyme it hathe been vsed & accustumed. And that no man
occupying the saide Crafte at any tyme hereafter shall take or haue any partyng
ffelowe without licence of the Maister and Wardeyns of the same Crafte for the
tyme beyng. Nor that any suche partyng ffelowes occupie any hous Shoppe or
Chambre or any place togider as party ffelowes in the saide Crafte or occupie any
Tole or Instrument perteynyng to the saide Crafte as ffeleaux but that all such
persones forasmoche as they be not of habilite to take hous and Shoppe of theym
self by the discrecion of the Maister and Wardeyns of the same Crafte be put vnto
seruice vnto suche tyme as they been of Power to take hous or Shoppe vppon
theym self vppon payne of xxs. as ofte as he dothe contrarie to this ordenaunce to
be diuided in maner and fourme aforesaid.
Also that no man occupying the saide Crafte of Cutlers within the Citee
of london at any tyme hereafter neither by him self his seruaunts his apprentises
nor by any other shall werk any Stuffe or any maner thinge or do any besynes
belongyng to the saide Crafte of Cutlers vppon any Saturday vigill or vppon evyn
ffestiuall in the yeere after iij of the Clocke at after none foreward vnto the werke
day than next folowyng vppon payne of n]s. \\\}d. to be diuided as it is aforesaid.
Also that no man occupying the saide Crafte within the Citee of london which
is enfraunchised or hathe serued his termes of apprentishode within the same Citee
from hensforward departe oute of the same Citee or the ffraunchise therof and
teccheth his Crafte without the said ffraunchises and so contynueth and dwelleth
by the space of a yeer and a day. If afterward the same persone resorte vnto the
Citee of london agayn that than he be reputed as a fforeyn and be dysmissed and
put owte of the ffraunchise of the Citee of london foreuer more accordyng to the
lawes of the saide Citee.
340
Also where it was ordeyned in the tyme of John Hadley sumtyme Maire of Penalty of
the Citee of london that no man shuld be suffred to vse the saide Crafte of Cutlers rulecTty the*
by him ne by his within this Citee but if he wold be at the Rule of the Surveyours J/.*51" and
Wardens
and Maister and Wardeyns of the saide Crafte for the tyme beyng And also to increased to
holde all thordenaunces approved of the saide Crafte to his power as any man l**' **
of the saide Crafte shuld doo vpon payne of vjs \\\}d And forasmoche as the saide
penaltie is thought to litle for the breche of this ordenaunce bycause thoffenders
ayenst the same fere ne drede not the saide penaltie Therfor it is ordeyned by
the saide Thomas Hylle Maire and Aldermen of the Citee aforesaid that if any
persone occupying or vsyng the said Crafte within the ffraunchise of the saide Citee
hereafter doo the contrarie of the said ordenaunces that than he shall lose and pay
as often as he so dothe xiijj \\\]d to be diuided in maner and fourme abouesaid.
Qua quidem billa siue supplicacione lecta & per dictos Maiorem & Alder- Ordinance ap-
mannos plenius intellecta quia videtur eisdem Maiori & Aldermannis quod Articuli %££fj[*
in dicta billa siue supplicacione contenti sunt boni & honesti ac Rationi Consoni Aldermen.
vnanimi assensu & voluntate ordinauerunt & decreuerunt quod Articuli predicti
hie intrentur de Recordo modo & forma quibus petuntur futuris temporibus
firmiter obseruand', &c. (Letter-Book L, f. 2ioa.)
LV. ORDINANCES OF THE CUTLERS.
(i8th July, 1488, 3 Henry VII.)
Memorandum quod xviij0 die Julij anno regis Regni Henrici septimi tercio petition of the
magister Gardiani ac alij probi homines Artis siue Mistere Cultellariorum (. "iuit.it is C"'
london venerunt hie in Curia dicti domini Regis Camera Guihalde Ciuitatis
predicte coram Willielmo Home milite Maiore & Aldermannis eiusdem Ciuitatis &
porrexerunt eisdem Maiori & Aldermannis quandam billam siue supplicacionem
cuius tenor sequitur in hec verba scilicet To the right honourable lord the Mair
and Aldermen of the Citee of london. Shewen vnto yor lordeship and maister- Unauthorised
shippes the Maister Wardeyns and ffealiship of the Crafte and mistere of Cutlers
within the Citee of london that where their predecessours longe tyim atou this haue
made many and diuers ordenaunces which haue not been auctorised within the been enjoyed,
said Citee for the politique guydyng of the same mistere which ordenaunces as well
they as tin -ir pndecessours haue peasibly enioyed vnto nowe of late that the
'ul Wardeyns the which nowe been by yor honourable commaundement
brought in their booke of their ordenaunces in to theklhall where ye commaunded They bring in
all suche ordenaunces as were not auctorised by the Auctoritee of this honourable ^jJSJ?
Court to be cancelled and vtterly to be voyde Wherethrugh the said Maister and such order*.
Wardeyns for lacke of ordenaunces be not of power to Rule their said mistere
341
New
ordinances
submitted for
approval.
Livery to pay
4</. as
quarterage.
Freemen, 2ct.
quarterly.
Journeymen
absent with-
out licence to
pay a week's
wages.
Master con-
cealing such
absence fined
35. 4</.
Fine of
i $s. $d. for
reviling
Master or
Wardens.
Fees payable
to the Clerk.
The Articles
approved.
without yor lordeship and maistershippes be shewed vnto theym in that behalf
Pleas it therefore yor said lordeship and maistershippes to graunt vnto yor said
besechers thordenaunces vnderwriten to haue and to enioye the same by youre
Auctorite lyke as they haue vsed and enioyed by their owne Auctoritees and comon
assent, ffirst that euery man enfraunchised in the said mistere of Cutlers beyng in
the Clothyng of the same mistere shall pay quarterly to the Maister and Wardeyns of
the said mistere for the tyme beyng m]d. for diligence and labor made aboute the
Serche in the same Crafte by the same Maister and Wardeyns within the said fealiship
and euery persone enfraunchised in the saide Crafte not beyng of the Clothyng and
occupying a Shoppe shall pay to the said Maister and Wardeyns \}d. quarterly for
the cause abouesaid toward the coste and charge of the said Maister and Wardeyns
and fealiship.
Also if any Allowes or covenaunt seruaunt with any of the said fealiship
of Cutlers absent or withdrawe hym self from his maisters seruice by nyght or by
day or lyeth oute of his maisters hous without licence of his said maister shall pay
at euery tyme that he so dothe to the Maister and Wardeyns of the said mistere for
the tyme beyng the value of a woks wages after the rate of his wages as he shall
take by the yeere towards the sustentacion of the poure menne of the said Crafte.
And if any suche Allowes or covenaunt seruaunt withdrawe or absent hym
self oute of his maisters hous as is abouesaid his maister havyng knowleage thereof
concele it and wilnot compleyn thereof to the said maister shall pay njs. \i\]d. at
euery tyme that he so dothe the oon half thereof to the Chamber of london And
that other half toward the sustentacion of the poure people aforesaid.
Also that no persone of the said Crafte from hensforth rebuke or revile the
Maister or Wardeyns of the said Crafte for the tyme beyng or any other honest
man of the same Crafte, he that so doth shall lose and pay xiijj. iiijd. to be diuided
in maner and fourme aforesaid.
Also that euery persone enfraunchised in the said Crafte hereafter pay vnto the
Clerke of the said Crafte that is to say he that is or hathe been Maister of the said
Crafte shall pay xxd. and he that is or hath been waideyn shall pay xi\d. And that
euery other persone beyng of the Clothyng of the said Crafte pay viij^. And euery
persone not beyng of the Clothyng of the said Crafte pay ii\]d. yeerely.
Qua quidem billa siue supplicacione lecta & per dictos Maiorem & Alder-
mannos plenius intellecta quod videtur eisdem Maiori & Aldermannis quod
Articuli in. dicta billa siue supplicacione contenti sunt boni & honesti ac racioni
consoni manimi assensu & voluntate ordinaverunt & decreuerunt quod articuli
predicti hie intrentur de Recordo modo & forma quibus petuntur futuris temporibus
firmiter obseruand'. (Letter-Book L, f. 259^)
342
The order forbidding Misteries to make ordinances without the approval of the Order as to
Mayor and Aldermen was passed in the previous year, and is as follows : ordinances of
........ , . . _ .the Misteries.
Memorandum quod xiiij0 die decembns anno regm Regis Henna septimi
Tercio consensus est per Willielmum Home militem maiorem & aldermannos
Ciuitatis london quod Gardiani Misterarum dicte Ciuitatis decetero nullo modo
faciant ordinaciones in misteris suis nisi eedem ordinaciones approbentur per
maiorem & aldermannos pro tempore existentes &c. & super hoc Gardiani
diuersarum misterarum importauerunt libros ordinacionum suarum per hanc
curiam non approbatarum que quidem ordinaciones cancellate fuerunt tS: folia
eorum librorum in quibus ordinaciones predicte scribuntur fuerunt abscissa, &c.
(Ibid, f. 238b.)
Translation. Be it remembered that on the fourteenth day of December in
the third year of the reign of King Henry the Seventh (1487) it was agreed by
Sir William Home, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City of London that the
Wardens of the Misteries of the said City should henceforth in no wise make
ordinances in their Misteries unless such ordinances be approved by the Mayor
and Aldermen for the time being &c. And thereupon the Wardens of various
Misteries brought in books of their Ordinances not sanctioned by this Court, the
which Ordinances were cancelled and the leaves of their books on which the
aforesaid Ordinances are written were torn out, &c.
LVI. ORDINANCES OF THE BLADESMITHS.
(3oth July, 1501, 16 Henry VII.)
Memorandum quod tricesimo die Julij anno Regni Regis Henrici septimi Blade >
sextodecimo Gardiani ac alij probi homines Artis siue Mistere de Bladsmythes F
Ciuitatis london venerunt hie in Curia domini Regis in Camera Guihald' Ciuitatis
predicte coram Willielmo Remyngton Maiorc \: Aldermannis eiusdem Ciuitatis &
porrexcrunt eisdem Maori et Aldermannis quandam billam siuc Supplicacioncm
cuius tenor scquitur in hec verba scilicet To the Right honourable lord the M.im
of the Citec of london and the worshipfull soueraynes thaldermen of the same
Shewen vnto youre Gode lordship and maisterships yor poure Oratours tin-
Wardeyns and thonest ffolke of the Crafte of Bladsmythes of the said Citec that
where they and their predeccssours in tymc passed haue weell and Imm^tly lyved
by the same (Craft) and occupacion and also hauc ben of ha hi lite and power to
ilmancr taxes and tallages vppon them leyd and assessed within tin- same
Citee tille nowe of late that they be empoueresshed by the multitude as well of Strangers me
ffremen as of fforeyns daily vsyng and occupiyng the same Crafte of Bladesmythes
hauyng litill ( ) or experience in the same take, vppon them to make bUdys and
343
And make de-
ceitful blades.
Wardens to
rule the whole
Craft.
And assign
marks.
Wardens only
to search.
Apprentices to
be presented
within 6
weeks.
And enrolled
within 12
months.
None to revile
the Wardens.
and other tolys concernyng the said occupacion and Crafte whiche bladys and other
tolys ben sleightely sotilly and deceyuably made for lakk of Connyng and Gode
experience in the same hadde to the comon hurt of alle the kynges Subgiects
Repairyng to the said Citee and also to the grete disclaunder of the same & to
thutter dekay and distruccion at leynthe of the said Crafte and occupacion onles
then a Remedy by youre grete wisdomes the Rather be purvided It may please
therfore your said lordship and maisterships for Reformacion of the premisses to
graunt vnto your said Oratours tharticles herafter folowying to be obserued and
kept for euermore.
ffyrst that euery persone or persones of whate so euer Crafte he or they be fre
of that herafter shall vse exercise or occupie in the said Crafte of Bladesymthes
within the said Citee or libertie of the same be vnder the Rule Serche and
Correccion of the Wardeyns of the said Crafte for the tyme beyng and them obey
in alle thynges consernyng the said Crafte of Bladesmythes And that they nor any
of theym shalle haue nor stryke any marke vpon any bladys or tolys by them or any
of theym hereafter to be made but such marke or markes as shalbe yeven to theym
by the Wardeyns of the same Crafte of Bladesmythes for the tyme beyng and the
same marke or markes firste to be enrolled in the yeldhalle afore it be sette
or stryken vpon any suche blade or tole and that noman take vpon hym to serche
in the said Crafte of Bladsmythes but the Wardeyns for the tyme beyng vppon
peyn to forfeit and pay at euery tyme doyng the contrary hereunto vjs. \\\]d. half
therof to be applied to thuse of the Chamber of london and the other half to the
comon box of the said Crafte of Bladesmythes.
Also that euery persone or persones of the same Crafte or any other occupiyng
the same Crafte that hereafter shalle take any Apprentice or Apprentices present
the same Apprentice or Apprentices before the Wardeyns of the said Crafte for the
tyme beyng within vj wokes next after the Sealyng of his or their Indentures And
then and there to pay xij</. for euery suche apprentice to the comon boxe of the
said Crafte towardes the Charges of the same Crafte vppon peyn to forfeite and
pay \}s. \\\}d. to be applied in maner and fourme abouesaid. And also to enrolle
the same Apprentice or Apprentices within xij monethes next after the sealyng of
their said Indentures And that euery suche apprentice or apprentices at sealyng
of their Indentures be clene of lymme and lith in their bodys without any deformite
for the worshippe of this Cite And that therby they may do the better seruice to
their maisters vpon peyn of losyng of xiijj. \\\]d. to be diuided in maner and fourme
aforseid.
Also that no persone nor persones of the same Crafte nor any other vsyng or
occupyng the same from this tyme forward haue any vnfittyng language nor wordes
to the Wardeyns for the tyme beyng nor theym nor any other in their presence
344
Rebuke nor revile for any malys or evill wille And also that no persone nor
persones of the same Crafte in nowise arrest nor trouble any other of the same
Crafte for any cause or varience betwxt them vnto suche tyme that the persones so Disputes to be
at varience first shewe their Greflfe to the Wardeyns for the tyme beyng to thentent *JIc vv^i"
that the Wardeyns may make an ende therof if they canne And if they cannot
make none ende therof thenne the parties to take the lawe at their pleasure And
who do contrary hereunto shalle forfeite xxj. to be applied as is abouesaid.
Qua quidem billa siue Supplicacione lecta & per dictos Maiorem & Alder- IV
mannos plenius intellecta quia videtur eisdem Maiori & Aldermannis quod Articuli K
in dicta billa siue Supplicacione sunt boni & honcsli & Racioni consoni vnanimi
assensti & voluntate ordinauerunt & decreuerunt quod Articuli predicti hie intrentur
de Recordo modo & forma quibus petuntur futuris temporibus firmiter obseruand'.
(Letter- Book M, f. 3ib.)
LVII. ORDINANCE CONCERNING THE BLADESMITHS AND
ARMOURERS.
(3rd March 22 Henry VII, A.D. 1506-7.)
Vicesimo tercio die Marcij Anno regni Regis Henrici septimi predicti Articles of
IM _ J '.1
vicesimo secundo Maior, Chawry, Remyngton, Knesworth, Jennyns, Broun, an(j
Hawes, Bradbury, Aylmer, Acherley, Shore, Johnson, Coppynger, fritz William, Armourers.
Vicccomites. At this Courte of Aldermen It is comaunded by the seyd Maire &
Aldermen that theys Articles here vnder wryttyn shalbe entred of Recorde and
from hensforth to be obserued and kept by the seid Crafts therin named and
specified and by all other occupying the Craft of Bladesmythes whiche Articles long
tyme before this was made by thassent of bothe the seid Craftes.
Where before thys diuers contrauersies Stryves and debates haue be moved Two
«>f the
bytwene the Wardeyns of Bladesmythes on that oon partie and the Wardens of
Armurers on that other partie of and for oon Thomas Sutton and Thomas
Kyngeston Armurers occupying the seid Craft of Bladesmythes which Thomas
Sutton and Thomas Kyngeston weren admytted into the libertie of the seyd Citir
by Rrdcmprion Neuertheles it ys agreed bytwene the seyd Wardens and the
seyd Thomas Sutton and Thomas Kyngeston and all other persones beyng made
ffree by Redempcion or other wise in the seyd Craft of Armurers occupying the
seid Craft of Bladesmythes shall obey obserue and kepe all mancr serchcs and
ordenaunces of the seid Craft of Bladesmythes whiche ben entred and approved
of Record byfore the Maire and Aldermen in the Chamber of the yeldehall of the
Citie of london vppon peyne of vjj. \\\\d. to be devydide half to the Chambre
and half to the seyd (Craft) of Bladsmythes.
345
Not to employ
any "foreyn."
Blacksmiths of
the Armourers
to pay dues to
the Craft of
Bladesmiths.
And receive
from them
their marks.
Also yt is agreed bytwene the seyd Wardens that the seid Thomas Suttone
and Thomas Kyngeston nor none other of the seyd Crafte of Armurers occupying
the seyd Craft of Bladesmythes shall sett on werke any foreyn to the seyd Craft
of Bladesmythes on lesse than he wolbe apprentice vppon the seyd payne.
Also it is agreed bytwene the seyd Wardens that all the persones enfraunchised
of the seyd Craft of Armurers occupying the seyd Craft of Bladesmythes shall
bere kepe and paye all suche maner duties at iiij quarter daies in the seid Craft
of Bladsmythes assigned as the Brethern of the seid Craft of Bladsmythes done.
Also yt is agreed bytwene the seyd Wardens that all persones of the seyd
Craft of Armurers occupying the seid Craft of Bladsmythes shall haue a marke
by the seyd Wardens of Bladsmythes to theym assigned as euery fireman of the
seyd Craft of Bladsmythes haven. And the seyd marke to be enrolled in theldhall
as all other vsing the occupacion of Bladsmythes don according to an acte made in
the seyd Craft of Bladsmythes so that all suche ware by theym made may be knowen
for good able and profitable for the kings liege people. (Letter-Book M, f. i2yb.)
Armourers
present
Bladesmith.-
petition.
Bladesmiths
seek union
with the
Armourers.
LVIII. PETITION OF THE BLADESMITHS FOR UNION WITH
THE ARMOURERS.
(25th September 1515, 7 Henry VIII.)
Memorandum quod vicesimo quinto die Septembris Anno Regni Regis
Henrici octaui Septimo Gardiani ac alij probi homines Artis siue Mistere de
Armourers Ciuitatis london venerunt hie in Curia dicti Domini Regis in Camera
Guyhalde Ciuitatis predicte coram Georgio Monoux Maiore & Aldermannis
eiusdem Ciuitatis & porrexerunt eisdem Maiori & Aldermannis quandam billam
siue Supplicacionem cuius tenor sequitur in hec verba. To the right honorable
my lord the Maire of this noble Citie & his brethern the Aldremen Moost
tendirley besechen yor lordship & maistershippes yor Orators & Cocitezeins the
hole company & fieliship of Bladesmythes generally that it may pleas you to
Admytte and putte theym in vnyon wl the Armourers and by transmutacion to
haue & bere the name from hensforth of Armourers wloute eny other addicion
And at all tymes to come to be of & wl the seid ffeliship of Armourers as oon
Company oon Craft oon name & oon assemblee and vnder the Rule correccion
and ordre of the ordynaunces hereafter ensuying And they shall euer be bound
to pray for yor prosperities & the honor of this noble Citie long to endure to the
pleasure of God.
(Then follow a set of Ordinances in forty articles for the government of the
Armourers' Company, of which the following relate to the Bladesmiths and their
craft.)
346
Also that euery persone of the same Craft that is a workman & a maker of Edges of
Spere heds Swords daggers or knyves that he make the poynts & edges therof all to*beTilaid!'
hard and also the Edges & heds of Axes hard to prove it at assay vpon peyne of
forfaytyng therof.
And that euery maister of the seid Craft sette his owne propre marke vpon Work to bear
his owne worke as vpon heeds of speres knyves & axes & vpon other groose
workes that it may be knowen whoo made the same bicausc of defawts that
perhaps may be found in the makyng of theym.
And that none of the seid Craft teche his Allowes the Science & Connyng of
the same Craft, but oonly to his Apprentice. trade*ec
And that no fforeyns from hensforth shall put to sale eny maner edge Toole ••Foreym" u>
in eny Innes or other privy places but oonly in opyn markett at ledenhall on
markett daies as in olde tyme is accustumed vpon peyne of fforfaiture of all such
wares sold or put to sale to the contrary.
And that if any foreyn counterfeite the marke of eny ffreeman & sell enymaner Freemen's
blades so marked wl a ffreemans marke to eny ffreeman w'yn this Citie of eny other r
Craft, that than it shalbe liefull to the seid wardeyns wl other certeyn honest
persones of the seid Craft accompanyed wl an officer of the Chambre of london
for the tyme, to make due serche in all places of the Citie where eny such wares
be to be sold, or if that eny such seid wares be wrought deceivably either l>y
ffreeman or fforeyn, the same wares by theym w'yn the Citie so founden in whose
hands so euer they be, to be brought to the Guy hall & vtterly to be forfeited.
And where as oftentymes greate hurte is doon & many a man deceyued by
vnconnyng Grynders of edge Toole be it enacted from hensforth that no persone
of the seid Craft or eny other beyng a Grynder take vpon hym to occupie w«yn
the liberties of this Citie Excepte he be proved & habled by the Wardeyns &
Chief of the honest persones of the Craft aforeseid vpon peyne to pay xij«/. at
euery tyme so founden.
Also that if eny such Grynder of Toolcs & blades in fourmc aforeseid not And to make
atlmytted Or after he be admyttcd hurte eny Chaffer or ware of eny other mannes w,*k injured.
by gryndyng as Sheres & blades wl all other such like stuf or wares Excepte
Shermens Sheres wl the which the seid occupacion doth not enlromyltc That
than eny such persones so offendyng shall make a sufficient amendes to the panic
so hurte. And further he to be adiudged theryn by the discrecions of
Wardeyns of the seid Craft. And that no persone enfraunchised of the seid Craft
shall goo oute of his hous to pray desyre nor fetche eny ware or Chaffer to make
or grynde, nor that eny persone of the seid Craft shall here or sende his marke Mark* not to
to eny fforeyn to be sette vjxjn eny worke by the seid foreyn to be made wkxile «
347
Craft's light
in St. Paul's.
Marks to l>e
entered at
Guildhall.
Makers of
edge tools to
be under the
Armourers.
Date of union
of the two
crafts.
Apprentices
to be
transferred.
None to seek
translation.
there be noman of the seid Craft that hath sufficient connyng to make the same
vpon peyne to pay at euery tyme so offendyng xx<£ to be employed in maner and
fourme aboueseid.
And that the Comonaltie of the seid Craft nowe kepyng a light afore the
ymage of or lady of grace in poules Church shall at all tymes hereafter contynew
the kepyng of the same. And such persones as shalbe found disobedient to be
contributary to the same light to pay to the vse of the seid Craft at euery tyme
so offendyng \\\}d. orells to forfeite jib. of wax.
And that nomaner persone enfraunchised in the seid Craft make eny maner
wares of blades Excepte that he have a mark propre to hymself And the same his
marke to be shewed in presence of the Wardeyns and by the same Wardeyns the
seid marke to be entred in theldehall of Record in eschewyng further preiudice
vpon peyne of forfaiture of xiijj. \\\}d. at euery tyme so offendyng to be employed
in maner & fourme as is aforeseid.
Also that euery persone or persones of what soeuer Craft they be en-
fraunchised vsyng to make eny blades or Edge Tooles w'yn the liberties of this
Citie shall at all tymes hereafter be vnder the searche Rule & correccion of the
seid Wardeyns and theym obey in all thynges concernyng the same and that they
nor eny of theym so occupying & makyng of Edge Tooles to occupie eny marke,
But such as shalbe assigned & given theym fromhensforth by the seid Wardeyns
of Armourers, And euery offender of this Article to pay at euery tyme so denying
to be serched vji. \\\\']d. to be emploied as is aforeseid.
Also forasmuch as the Wardeyns & Comonaltie aswell of Armourers as the
Wardeyns & Comonaltie of Bladesmythes nowe be ioyntly confederat by the
Common assent & consent of both the same parties vniuersally, Be it ordeyned
that fromhensforth both the seid companyes so vnyte £ knyt togiders in to oon
Craft shall fromhensforth that is to sey from the xxvth day of September the yere
of or lord Jesu Crist a m1 vc & xv and the vijth yere of the reigne of Kyng Henry
the viijte be named called & enfraunchised oonly by the name of Armourers
w'oute eny other Addicion in tyme to com foreuermore. And that the apprentices
heretofore bound in the seid Craft of Bladesmythes and not yit made ffree, to
be enfraunchised in the Craft of Armourers vtterly renounsyng the name of
Bladesmythes in eschewyng of Inconuenyences hurtes & preiudice which myght
happen to ensue yf the contrary shuld be vsed.
And that aswele all such persones afore this tyme beyng Armourers as all such
persones as were Bladesmythes and nowe be Armourers and their Successours
shall in nowise make eny privy labour to be translated to eny other Craft aslong
as they shall vse or occupie eny poynt of eny of these two sciences vnder peyne
348
of forfeiture by hym in that behalf offendyng of iiij li. the oon half therof to thuse
of the Chambre and the other half to the vse of the Common Box of the seid Craft
Also that no persone enfranchised aforetyme in the Craft of Armourers or Penally for
aforetyme enfranchised in the Craft of Bladesmythes shall in nowise hereafter hid be^
Revile Rebuke mysname or embraide eny of theym to the other w' eny maner
vngoodly vnfittyng or sedicious words prively or piert, but in goodly maner like
brotherly Citezeyns they shall bere & behave theymself eche to other vnder
peyne of forfaiture of vjj. \\\}d. at euery tyme so offendyng, And to be paied to the
vse aforeseid by cuery partie so offendyng that is to sey euery or either to other
so offendyng seuerally to pay vjs. viijd.
Also that no persone of eny other Craft take vpon hym to search eny maner No other craft
Armour or bladys or other Tooles w'yn the same ffeliship but oonly the wardeyns !'
of the same Craft forasmuch as they have the parfite knowledge therof rather than
eny other persone or persones of eny other science.
Also that it may pleas yor good lordship and maisterships that the seid Fee for
company of Bladesmythes may be generally translated in the Chambre of london [£3Sjj£*
at oon day w'oute further delay And their seid translacion may be freely doon
forasmoch as yor bedemen be not of power to pay eny greate sommes of money
for their greate pouetie. And all yor seid besechers shall euer be bound to pray
for yor good prosperities.
Qua quidem billa siue Supplicacione per dictos Maiorem et Aldermannos Petition
lecta etc. (Approved and ordered to be entered of record. Journal XI, ff. 8
228-232.)
LIX. TRANSLATION OF BLADESMITHS FROM THE ARMOURERS
TO THE CUTLERS.
(nth March, 1517-18, 10 Henry VIII.)
fforasmoche as sythen the vnyon heretofore made of the Armorers & Blade-
smythes & by reason of the same vnyon diuers & many controuersies discords Amowm
& debats haue been moved & dependyng betwene the ffelyship of tharmorers on the *
oon partie and the ffelyship of the Cutlers on thother partie wl contynuell sute vnto
this Courte on bothe their behalfes ffor thappcysyng of which controuersies discords
debats & suts \ in avoydyng & eshewyng of such Inconveniences as myght therof
ensue for lak of Roformacon in that behalff yt ys agreed fully concluded & decreed
the day & yere aboueseyd by the seyd Mayr cS: Aldremen That nolw'standyng the My t
seyd vnyon all suchc as before the seyd vnyon were Bladesmythes which wyll Jj^
departe from the ffelyship of Armorers vnto the ffelyship of Cutlers & so become o« Ptjrfac <"•
Cutlers, That yt shalbe lefull for theym & euery of theym at all tymes hereafter at o*»b«.
349
Three blade-
smiths have so
translated.
their pleasures so to doo doyng in that behalff their dueties to this Courte & to the
Chambre And suche of theym as wyll contynue styll Armorers shall & may so be
& contynewe w'oute eny farther busynes or Charge in that behalff. And at this
Courte the Chamberleyn hath certifyed to the same That Thomas Oks John Merser
& Thomas Jakson which somtyme were Bladesmythes & afterwards by reason of
the seyd vnyon were Armorers haue payed their ffynes to the Chambre & been
translated to the seyd ffelyship of Cutlers. (Repertory, 3, ff,
Petition of the
Cutlers.
Late disputes
between the
Cutlers and
Armourers as
to the blade-
smiths.
Craft of
Bladesmiths
dissolved.-
The Cutlers to
assign marks
to bladesmiths
in their Craft.
LX. THE CUTLERS' COMPANY TO ASSIGN MARKS TO
BLADESMITHS.
(24th January, 1519-20, n Henry VIII.)
Memorandum quod die Martis scilicet xxiiij0 die Januarij anno regni Regis
Henrici Octaui vndecimo Magister Gardiani & alij probi homines artis sine mistere
Cultellariorum Ciuitatis london venerunt hie in curia dicti domini Regis in Camera
Guihald' eiusdem Ciuitatis coram Jacobo yerford milite maiore laurencio Aylmer
milite Georgio Monoux Willielmo Butler milite Johanne Rest Johanne Brugge
Rogero Basford Johanne Milborn Roberto ffenroth(er) Roberto Aldernes Johanne
Mundy Thoma Baldry Willielmo Bayly Johanne Aleyn Thoma Seymer Jacobo
Spencer Johanne Wilkynson & p'trich' Aldermannis ciuitatis predicte Et porrexerunt
eisdem maiori & Aldermannis quandam billam siue supplicacionem cuius tenor
sequitur in hec uerba. To the Right honorable lord the Maier of this Citie of
london and to his worshipfull brethern the Aldermen of the same Mekely shewe
and besech yor good lordshepe & maistershippys yol humble Oratourys the Maister
& Wardens of the Craft of Cutlers in london That where late certen debats and
variaunces were moved & hadde bitwene yor seid Oratours and the Craft of
Armurers Concernyng the translatyng of all the Bladesmythes of this Citie ffor
the appesyng wherof it was ordeigned and Stablisshed by this honorable Court
that all such persones as occupyed makyng of Blades & wold be Cutlers shuld be
translatid to that Craft and such as wold be Armorers shuld be of that Craft by
vertue wherof all the Bladesmythes of this Citie were made Armorers or Cutlers
So that in conclusion the seid Craft of Bladesmythes was then vtterly dissolued and
all ther Ordenaunces & Rules clerely voide and of none Effecte. And yor seid
Oratours dare not presume to make any newe Ordenaunces or rules without favor
& licence of yor good lordship & maistershippes It may therfor pleas the same to
licence yor seid Oratours and to graunt to theym power that they & their Successours
beying Maister & Wardens of the same Craft as oft as nede shall be may appoynt
& assign to euery Brother & freman of the seid Craft of Cutlers occupying makyng
blads a Certen marke to be sett vppon their seuerall Blades which they shall make
350
to thentent yt may be knowen who makyth good & perfite blads and who makyth
disceytfull blads ffurthermore that when such marks be appoynted to suche makers
of Blads their names wl the same marks to euerye of them assigned may be Such mark* to
wretten Regestred & noted in the boks of this honorable Courte here to Remayne the City's
of Recorde to thentent aforeseid. And they shall pray to god for your good lord-
shipe & maistershippes.
Qua quidem billa siue supplicacione lecta & per dictos Maiorem & Alder- Tctition
mannos plenius intellecta quia videtur eisdem Maiori & Aldermannis quod articuli k
in dicta billa siue supplicacione contenti sunt boni & honesti ac racioni consoni
vnanimi assensu et voluntate Ordinauerunt & decreuerunt quod predicti articuli hie
intrentur de recordo modo & forma quibus petuntur futuris temporibus firmiter
obseruand'.
Et postea videlicet xvij die ffebruarij anno predicto Concordatus est >1 sequitur J
At this Court the Wardayns of Cutlers brought in viij marks gravyn in seuerall peces
of Stele & prayed that they myght be entred of Recorde with ther names to whom
euery marke belongith. Et concessus est eis £c.
Wittm ^f hethe Thomas Okys Marian ' Garret John Jf§ Pascall
m ft Marlar John ^rt Mercer Thomas & Jaks
(Letter-Book N, f. 132 a. See facsimile facing p. 118.)
\\ 'ittm ft Marlar John rt Mercer Thomas Jakson Thomas Q lamynan.
LXI. LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE CUTLERS' COMPANY, 1537-8-
(Records of the Exchequer. Misc. Books. Vol. xciii.)
The seuerall companyes of all the Mysteryes Craftes and occupaciones w*in
the Cytie of London wl the names of euery free man beyng householder w'in the
same — [CUTLERS].
Hu^h Holmes Thomas Clyff Thomas Humfrey
Thomas Atkynson John Smythe John Crathorne
John Ci! Cristofer Alee John Thorneton
John Wilford John Barton Richard Rome
John Han yson Thomas Worme Rogier Cunryn
John liayluml John Bull John Jerom
M.iii.-n Cam-it 1 1. nr. Heymond William Haryson
William Symondson John Porter K«>ljert Lashford
Willim. M.irl«-r William Page Hugh Boswell
John Hawks Rogier Griswell John Yeward
Richard Carter John William Symondson
351
John Sterop Arche Wykham Richard ffanser
Robert Bell John Symondson Thomas Colynson
Robert Harryson Nicholas Humfrey Mighell Baker
Myles a Northe Robert Eltham Henry Johnson
Antonye Messyngere Chad Scott Richard Barrett
William Aleyn William Thorpp Richard Coiynson
John Ray Raufe Bryce Thomas Malynger
Antony Togyll John Myghell George Bowre
Thomas Jacson Thomas ffyreby Thomas Thorpp
William Chatborne William Smythe Symond Bowmer
John fforster Thomas Owen
65 names. There are spaces in the original after Richard Carter (nth) and
William Haryson (29th), indicating divisions between the Court of Assistants (n),
the Livery (18), and the Freemen or Yeomanry (36).
LXII. FRAGMENT (PROBABLY) OF THE EARLY BOOK OF
ORDINANCES, KNOWN AS THE " BLAC BOKE." THE
LAST OF FIVE REMAINING LEAVES, numbered 14.
(8th April, 1540.)
Md that there was a Courte kepte in the Cutlars Hall the viijth day of, Aprell
in the xxxjth yere of the Reigne of kyng Henry the viijth and there beyng at the
same courte Hugh Holmes then beyng Maister of the seid Crafte, Thomas
Atkynson and John Gyles then beyng Wardeyns, John Wylford, John Haryson,
John Aylain, William Marler, John Hawkyns, Richard Carter, Thomas Clyfe, John
Smyth and Christofer Alee, and at the same courte theye where alle aggreed that
from that day forthwarde that alle them that be of the lyverey and euery brother of
the crafte shall pay no more but iiijd. a quarter. And also that the maister of the
Crafte shall haue allowed of the crafte for euery high dyner that is kepte iiijli., and
also shall haue allowed euery yere for the cooke xs. And also it was aggreed that
euery man of the lyueree and brothers and their wifes shall paye at euery high
dyner xijd. And also it was at the same courte aggreed that euery man that shall
come in to the lyueree of the Crafte from that day forthward shall pay to the
Maister (of the) Crafte for the tyme beyng iiijs. viijd. And also that (euery man)
at his first enteraunce and comyng into the lyueree of (the seid) Crafte shall pay at
the first high dyner after his enteraunce for hymself and for his wyfe ijs. viijd.
352
LXIII. NAMES OF MEMBERS OF THE COURT OF ASSISTANTS,
TAKEN FROM LEASES GRANTED BY THE COMPANY,
1547-1564, A PERIOD FOR WHICH THE COMPANY'S
RECORDS ARE WANTING.
9 September, i Edward VI. Thomas Atkynson, Christopher Lee, John i$47
Leycetur, with the hole consent of the counsell and body, viz. John Wylforde,
Richard Carter, Renter, John Smythe, Thomas Clyffe, John Porter, Roger
Greswycke, John Crathorn, John Eylande, John Jerom, Thomas Smaledge, Thomas
Worme, Richard Clarke, and William Page.
2 March, 3 Edward VI. Richard Carter, John Leycetur, John Crathorn, with 1549-50.
the consent of the assystents : — Thomas Atkynson, John Smythe, Renter, Christo-
pher Lee, Thomas Clyffe, John Porter, John Eylande, John Jarom, Thomas
Smalledge, Thomas Worme, William Page, and Richard Clarke.
1 6 October, 4 Edward VI. John Smith Mr, John Eylande John Jerom, 1550.
Wardens. Assistants : — Thomas Atkynson, Richarde Carter, Crystofre Lee Renter,
John Leycetur, Thomas Clyffe, John Craithorne, John Porter, Thomas Smalledge,
Thomas Worme, Wyllyam Page, Rycharde Clarke, Wyllyam Thorpe, Wyllyam
Hodgeson, Rycharde Rome, Thomas Bukke, George Haryson, and Laurence Grene.
1 6 February, 6 Eliz. Laurans Grene, William Wood, Thomas Malyge, with 1563-4.
the consent of the Assistants . . . that ys to saye Richard Carter, John Jarame,
William Hodgeson, Renter, Thomas bucke, George Haryson, Thomas Symonds,
Roger burson, Thomas Edlen, and Rychard Atkynson.
LXIV. ADMISSION TO THE FREEDOM OF JOHN SON OF
SAMAN THE KNIFESMITH. (sth March, 1309-10.)
Johannes nlius Samanni knyfsmyth admissus fuit in libertatem Ciuitatis & fcj!??!^ filiu*
jur' &c. coram Maiore & Aldermannis die & anno predictis eo quod compertum kny&mith.
est per vetus papirum quod steterit cum Stephano atte Holte a festo Nativitatis JJjJ?11*
Domini anno regis Edwardi filii regis Edwardi xvj° vsque ad finem decem annorum
& predictus Stephanus venit & testatur quod predictus Johannes sibi bene & ftdeHtgf
deseruiuerit & terminum suum compleuit & ipsum quiet' clam' &c. Et dat
communitati \)s. \\d. (fatter-Book D, f. 4ib.)
TRANSLATION.
J onn ton of
SguUt
John the son of Saman the knifesmith was admitted into the freedom of the
nd A
353
City and sworn &c. before the Mayor and Aldcrnu -n on the day and year aforesaid Fraedon.
Corahill.
2B
for that it appeared by an old record that he served with Stephen atte Holte from
the Feast of the Nativity of Our Lord in the sixteenth year of King Edward the
son of King Edward to the end of ten years, and the aforesaid Stephen came and
testified that the aforesaid John had served him well and faithfully and completed
his term, and he released his claim upon him &c. And he pays 2S. bd. to the
Commonalty.
LXV. APPRENTICES ENROLLED AND FREEMEN ADMITTED.
(1442-1498.)
(Note. — The following names are the only guide to the personality of the Company for the
next generation, owing to the unfortunate gap in the records. The repetition of names
in the entries of "arrerages" has been avoided, except in the first few accounts.)
20-21 Hen. I4d2-*.
VI
resceyued of John Dey in part of payment of xxviijs. behynde for
William Smyth and John Bigwode his apprentices . . . vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Roos in partie of payment of vjs. viijd. behinde for
Nicholas Thomeson his apprentice iijs. iiijd.
receyued of John Welles of arrerages for William Stanes his apprentice xiijs. iiijd.
receyued of (William) Godyngbrigge in partie of payment of xvjs. viijd.
behynde for Robert Holy his apprentice ..... xs.
receyued of John Archer in partie of payment of xs. behynde for his
Entree iijs. iiijd.
receyued of Thomas Otehill in partie of payment of xvjs. viijd. behynde
for William Seton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Chilton in partie of payment of xvjs. viijd. behinde
for Richard Arker his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Richard Asser and John Amell vndertakers for xxs. due
to the Craft by James Beaugraunt for Thomas Baron his apprentice xxs.
receyued of John Amell in part of payment of xls. behinde for John
Payn and Walter Pilsty his apprentices ..... vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Marchal in payment of xls. behynde for John
Sylverton and Thomas Siluerton his apprentices .... vjs. viijd.
receyued of William Bode for his Entre xs.
Arrerages of apprenticehodes and entres.
Hugh Kenneston behind for (erasure) xxs.
Thomas Pakeman for Gregory Walker his apprentice . . . xvjs. viijd.
John Sanston for (blank) his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Gefferey Guybon for (blank) his apprentice by obligacion . . . xxs.
354
Richard Whitchere for Richard Bekenshawe his apprentice
John Trege for John Daborn his apprentice .....
Richard Asser for Robert (blank) his apprentice ....
John Hosyer for William Rys otherwise called William Prentys his
apprentice ........... \\s
Item the same John of arrerages of his entre > s.
There is due by John Chilton that come in this yere for his entre . xs.
This money is due to the Craft for the new apprentices that come in this yere.
ffirst John Grygge prentice with William Smyth .... \\s.
Richard Otehill prentice with Thomas Otehill \xs.
John Lane apprentice with John Lane xxs.
John Huchons apprentice with John Howys xxs.
John Hert prentice with Thomas Hamond xxs.
Richard lekevey prentice with Robert Pykmere .... xxs.
1443-4. 21-2 He
receyued of John Roos in ful payment of xxs. for Nicholas Thomson his
apprentice iijs. iiijd.
receyued of William Godyngbrigge in ful payment of xxs. for Robert Holy his
apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Thomas Otehyll in part of payment of xs. of arrerages for William
Seton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Chilton in part of payment of xs. of arrerages for Richard Arkcr
his apprentice iijs. iiijd.
receyued of John Amell in part of payment of xxxiijs. iiijd. of arrerages for John
Payn and Walter Pilsty his apprentices vjs. viijd.
receyued of Margaret that was the wyf of John Marchal in part of payment of
xxxiijs. iiijd. of arrerages for John Silverton and Thomas Silverton his
apprentices xs.
receyued of Richard Asser in part of payment of xxs. for Robert his
apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Howys in part of payment uf \xs. for John Huchons his
apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Robert Pykmere of olde dette for an apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of the same Robert in part of payment of xxs. for Richard Kekevey
(Lekeley) his apprentice iijs. iiijd.
receyued of Richard Whitehere in part of payment of xxs. for Richard Bekenshawe
his apprentice iijs. iiijd.
receyued of Thomas Pakeman in part of payment of xviijs. viijd. of arrerages for
Gregory W:ilk«-r his apprentice iijs. iiijil.
355
receyued of John Archer in ful payment of xs. for his entre vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Chilton for his entre xs.
by John Dey behinde of William Smythe and John Bygwode his apprentices
xxjs. iiijd.
John Sanstone for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Gefferey Guybon for his apprentice by obligacion xxs.
John Hosyer for William Rye called William Prentys his apprentice xxs.
for his entree vs.
Thomas Otehill for Richard Otehill his apprentice xxs.
John Lane for John Lane his apprentice xiijs. iiijd.
Thomas Hamond for John Hert his apprentice xxs.
Robert Pykmere for Richard Lekeley his apprentice xvjs. viijd.
This is the money due to the Craft for the Newe apprentices that come in this
yere.
William Broun for Roger Soket his apprentice xxs.
John ffantrede for Roger Waltham his apprentice xxs.
Thomas Pakeman for John Barnet his apprentice xxs.
John Dey for Stephen Dey his apprentice xxs.
John Whitby for John Colarde his apprentice xxs.
John Chilton for Richard Robertesson his apprentice xxs.
John Westowe for Henry Stakour his apprentice xxs.
John Boydon for Thomas Lokas his apprentice xxs.
John Eland for Roger Bulford his apprentice xxs.
Roger Lassh for William Sone his apprentice xxs.
Richard Asser for John Hildreton his apprentice xxs.
22-3 Hen. VI. 1444-5.
receyued of John Abyn for his entre xs.
This is the money due to the Craft for newe apprentices that come in this yere.
by William Broun for Thomas Stamper his apprentice xxs.
Thomas Couper for John Brian his apprentice xxs.
Richard Whitehere for William Wilkyn his apprentice xxs.
John Ponde apprentice of John (Richard) Lassh his apprentice xxs.
27-8 Hen. VI. 1449-50.
receyved of Thomas Pope for Thomas Hedeley his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Smythe for John Couper his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Hosyer for William Barcastre his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Walton for Robert Lud his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Payne for John Payne his apprentice vjs. viijd.
356
receyved of Richard Howys for Robert Hylton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Robert Pykmer for John Wodecot his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Henry Kendale for John Alwyn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Heydour for William Stevens his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of the seide Henry Kendale for Richard Nichol his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Thomas Baret (?) for Roger E . . . rd his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of James Begeraunt for [illegible] his apprentice vijs. viijd.
receyved of William Brynkenell for William Bartelot his apprentice vjs. viijd.
- *9Hen.YI.
Receyved of Thomas Pope for Thomas Hedeley his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of the same Thomas Pope for William Shethe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Payne for John Payne his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Richard Howys for Robert Hylton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Brynkenell for William Bartelot his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Broun for Edmund Mannyng his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Amell for Richard ffry his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Nicholas Belle for Roger Symonds his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Smythe for John Skynner his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of the same William for Thomas Higham his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Henry Penhergard for Thomas Nichol his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Nicholas Gonell for John ffromond his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Hosyer for John Drew his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of William Eydour for his entre xs.
received of John Balle in partie of payment of his entre vjs. viijd.
John Balle oweth in partie of payment of his entre iijs. iiijd. solutos per Trille.
Thomas Pope xs. solutos.
Thomas Barret xs. solutis iijs. iiijd.
John Aleyn xs. solutos.
John ffenford xs. mortuus est.
Richard Swayne xxs.
(John) Kyng owcth to the Craft for apprentice of Botery whos terme he bought
vjs. viijd.
1452-3. ja-i Mr
(The Accounts for this vear art much decayed and in parts t/uitt illegible.)
receyved of Rauf Wodcok for John Aleyn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Ayland for Piers Rees his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Boydon for Richard Toker his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Nicholas Gonell for John Suker his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Archer for John Bradnam his apprentice vjs. viijd.
357
receyved of John Sybcnham for John More his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of ..... dall for John Chirburgh his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Walton for William Cowche (?) his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Henry Kendale for ..... his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Thomas Tryll for John ..... his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Richard Lassh for William Kyng his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Johannem Balle pro Roberto Shawe apprenticio suo vjs. viijd.
31-2 Hen. VI. 1453-4-
receyved of John Walton for his entrees .\s.
receyved of Henry Penhergard for his entrees xs.
receyved of Robert fferyby for his entrees xs.
receyved of Thomas Chauntrell for his entrees xs.
receyved of Robert Pykmer for Thomas Shortcote his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John ffordam for Stephen . . . and John Halker his apprentices xiijs. iiijd.
receyved of William Haydour for John Hoton and John Halys his apprentices
xiijs. viijd.
recyved of William Worthyngbrigge for Henry Bret his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of John Walton for Nicholas Cony (mortuus est) his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of John Dawe for William Kyng his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of Richard Howys for John Harryes his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of John ffenford for Benet Horsham his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of John Yerde for Richard Wanbrigge his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of Richard ffurbour for Thomas Braundon his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of Thomas Otehill for Thomas Clarence his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of John Catour for William Bromfeld his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of Thomas Trille for Walter Randson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
recyved of Henry Penhergard for ffelix Yenevey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
34-5 Hen. VI. l^~T- (Receipts of Arrerages.)
the arrerages of the entre of Robert fferyby xs.
the arrerages of the entre of Thomas Chauntrell xs.
the arrerages of the entre of Richard Howys xs.
the arrerages of the entre of William Seyton xs.
the arrerages of the entre of Stephen Plumer xs.
the arrerages of the entre of Nicholas Gouyld xs.
the arrerages of the entre of John Dawe xs.
the arrerages of the entre of John Munde xs.
the arrerages of the entre of Raaf Wodecok xs.
the arrerages of the entre of John hosyer vs.
358
1 458-9- j6-7Hcn.Yl.
the arrerages of the entre of Richard Howys vjs. viijd.
received of Symon Jacond for his entre this yere xd.
received of Thomas Trille for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of Thomas Otehill for his apprentice vjs, viijd.
received of John Aleyn for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of William Seton for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of John Robertson for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of Thomas Pope for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of Stephen plumer for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of John Ball for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
received of henry penhargard for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1459-60 37-SHen.VI.
Entrees of Brethren nil.
Entrees of apprentices nil.
1461-2. i-lEdw. IV.
the Interesse of William Vale this yere xs.
receyued of John Robert in party of payment of vs. by him due at the last accompt
next before this accompt for the entresse of william lemman apprentice \\d.
receyued of John Monde for John Maners his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Otehill for John Sharpe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Roos for William Bus his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Robert Pykmere for henry Pykmere his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John ffordam for John hayward his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Brown for William Whitcop his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Pope for John Garbesham his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Vale for William More his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Agneys Brown for John Crestemas her apprentice vjs. viijd.
of the same Agneys Brown for henry Padworth her apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Rauf Wodecok for Robert lychefeld his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Richard howes for James Standisshe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of the forsaid Robert Pykmer for Michell Acres his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Goffe for Richard Harryson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Robert holy for William Clif his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of henry Penhargare for William lawrence his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1462-3. *-j Edw i\
the entresse of John howseman Bladesmyth this yere xxs.
of John Catour for Thomas Thorp his apprentice vjt. viijd.
359
of Thomas Trill for William Sprigge his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Pope for William Pepir his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Nicholas Asser of arrerages for henry Scot his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Toker of arrerages for William Sypnam his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Roos of arrerages for William Rolf his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by John kyng of arrerages for the entresse of william Bardall his apprentice iijs. iiijd.
by John hillesley for the entresse of John Ouerer his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by John Walton for Stephen fireman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by the same John Walton for Richard Stannesby his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by William Stephens of his arrerages for Robert Siltisson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by Stephen Plumer for Thomas heley his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by William Worthyngbrigge for william Turtilbury his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by William Petite for william Trowe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
4-5 Edw. IV. 1464-5-
the entresse of John Browne xs.
the entresse of Walter Raunsom xs.
the entresse of Robert Lymber xs.
5-6 Edw. IV. 1465-6.
the entresse of William Bromflete this yere xs.
the entresse of Roger Soker xs.
the entresse of Richard Wilcokks Bladesmyth xxs.
the entresse of Morthe Bladesmyth xxs.
the entresse of John Charyet Bladesmyth xxs.
the entresse of Edward Waltham xiijs. iiijd.
the entresse of William Heymond xs.
of John Jetter for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
7-8 Edw. IV. 1 467-8-
entresses of newe Brethirn nil.
interesse of Thomas Clarence xs.
receyued of John Morth by the handes of Thomas Pope in partie of payment of
xxs. for the Interesse of the same John Morth xs.
receyued of William Bromflete for George Masham his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Broun for Robert Byddyk his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Bywell for John Osworth his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Chamberleyn for Kerry Preston his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Water Raunsom for John Carrok his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Aylysmere for Thomas Buschet his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Rauf Wodkok for Roger Grenebank his apprentice vjs. viijd.
360
of John Toker for Nicholas Rowland his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Water Raunsom for Richard Gybson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Asser for John atte hille his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of henry Penhargar for William Partriche his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Robert for William Alynson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Walton for John Bomme his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Seton for George Clerk his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Drue for William Kayn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Hayder for William Martyn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Monde for William Gille his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Goffe for herry fferby his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Clarence for William humfrey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Richard Robertson for John hoggeson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1468-9.
the interesse of Richard Otehill xs.
the Interesse of Denys Duraunt xs.
the Interesse of Thomas Chamberleyn xs.
the Interesse of Thomas Bywell xs.
the Interesse of John Colard xs.
the Interesse of John Nycoll xs.
the Interesse of ffelyx Jenney xs.
the Interesse of John Aylismere xs.
the Interesse of Robert Richers xs.
receuyed of William Haymond in partie of payment of xs. remaynyng by him
vnpaid of his interesse iijs. iiijd.
receyued of Robert Pykmere for Roger Pykmere and John Rassell his apprentices
xiijs. iiijd.
ffelix Jannay for Davy Gough his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Denys Duraunt for John fforthe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Robert Rycheris for John Tarllaric his apprentice vjs. viijd.
William Vale for Robert Morteyn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
William Goffe for Robert ferby his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Symond Newton for John Burre his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Drue in partie of payment of vjs. viijd. for the interesse of his
apprentice William Kayn iijs. iiijd.
receyued of Thomas Chamberleyn in partie of payment of vjs. viijd. for the
interesse of his apprentice Herry Pn-stun \xd.
receyued of Thomas Pope for William Humftry the apprentice of Thomas
Clarence vjs. viijd.
361
Arrerages of Interesse of newe brethern and of apprentices.
Thomas Heyham for the interesse of Richard Holdenby his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Nycolas Asser for interesse of Richard Wilson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
John Morthe remaynyng vnpaid of xxs. for his interesse xs.
9-10 Edw. 1469-7°'
IV* Enteresses of newe Brethirn
the interesses of John White xs.
the interesses of William Colet Bladesmyther xxs.
Receites of arrerages of interesses of Brethern
Receuyed of Thomas Chamberleyn xs.
of Thomas Bywell vs.
of John Collard xs.
of ffelix Janney xs.
of John Ailismere vs.
of Robert Richardes xs.
Interesses of apprentices
Receuyed of Thomas Chamberleyn for William fTorest his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Richard Chirche for William Spicer his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Bromfeld for Hery Laurence his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Layfeld for Hugh Richeman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Calker for Thomas ffordam his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Catour for William Romyng his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Hertwell for John Adamson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Robert for Robert Philip his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Amell for William Bykyll his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Mund for John Wycombe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Pope for John Kenyngale his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Seton for Richard Trot his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Toker for William Grene his apprentice vjs. viijd.
lo-n Edw.
Receytes for ingresses of apprentices
receyued of ffelix Janewey for William fflode his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Asser for John Swan his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Chaunt for William Litilwode his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Nicoll for ..... vjs. viijd.
of John Robertson for John Pye his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Layfeld for John Buktrotte his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Broun for William Walle his apprentice vjs. viijd.
362
of Waltier Rawnson for Richard Edmond his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Edmond Mannyng for John Broun his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Robert Richeres for John Thomburgh his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Robert Pykmere for William Hedon his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Receytis of arrerages of interesse of apprentices.
of Margarete late the wif of Thomas Pope for John Kenyngale his apprentice in
part of payment of vjs. viijd. . . . iiijs.
Arrerages of interesses of newe Brethern and of apprentices \Vithin the tymc
of this Accompt due by dyuers persones vnderwriten.
by Thomas Nicoll for Alysandyr Thlewde (? Lloyd) his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by Nicholas Asser for John Hill (Hall) his apprentice vjs. viijd.
by Richard Chirche for the interesse of Richard Spiser his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1471-2. 11-12 Edw.
Enteresses of new Bretheryn.
receyued of William Layfeld for his interesse xs.
of William Hertwell for his entresse xs.
of Symon Newenton for his entresse xs.
of William Steleman for his entresse xs.
of Richard Chirche for his entresse xs.
of Richard Nycoll for his entresse xs.
of Robert Leger Screvener for his entresse xxs.
receyued of Thomas Nicoll in party of payment of xs. by hym due for his entresse vs.
Receytes for interesses of apprentices.
receyued of William Bromfeld for Robert Botiller his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Waltier Raunson for John Petre his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Steleman in full payment of vjs. viijd. for the entresse of John Kenyn-
gale late the apprentice of Thomas Pope nowe the apprentice of the seid William
ijs. viijd.
of the same William Steleman for Robert Drefeld and Robert Kynj; his apprentices
\iijs. iiijd.
of John Spannesby for William Woderoof his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Seton for Robard Johnson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Herry I'enharger for John Robert his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Vale for John Cotteman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Robert Pykmere for Edmond Hall his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Richard Chirche for Thomas Lichfeld his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Monde for Kerry Malman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of flelix Janewey in party of payment of vjs. viijd. for William fflode his
apprentice iijs. iiijd.
363
13-14 Edw. M73-4-
receuid of William Steleman in full payment of xs. for his interesse vs.
receyuid of John Aylesmere in full payment of xs. for his interesse vs.
Receytes of interesses of apprentices.
receyuid of Roger Soket for William Crosby his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Rawsons Wyf for Robert a Browys hyr apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Robyns for Thomas Letters his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Martyll for Richard Blaknall his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Robertson for John Humfrey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Bromfeld for William Drake hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Balle for Richard Balle hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Rauff Wodecok for John Reede hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Henry Penharger for Robert Wright hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Calcar for William Whytoft his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Symond Neweton for Thomas ffoster hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Shawe for William Hall hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Richard Robertson for Hugh ffletcher hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Vale for John Preston hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Ha .... for John Storurre his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Receytes of arrerages of interesses of apprentices.
receyuid of Thomas Chamberleyn in full payment of vjs. viijd. for John Bernes
hys apprentice vs.
14-15 Edw. 1474-5-
receyuid of John Chamber for arrerages of his interesse at the last accompt xs.
receyued of Thomas Nicoll in full payment of xs. for hys interesse vs.
Receytes of interesses of apprentices.
receyuid of Denys Deraunt for Thomas Garard his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Edmond Mannyng for Kerry Haldon his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Layfeld for Thomas Balke hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Barnfeld for William Barton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Robynson for Robert Andrewe hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of John Chamber for Thomas Lauyngton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Receytes of arrerages of interesses of apprentices.
receyued of John Calcar for William Whytoft hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Symond Newenton for Thomas ffoster his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Thomas Shawe for William Hall his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Richard Robertson for Hugh ffletcher hys apprentice vjs. viijd.
364
of William Bromfeld for William Crosby his apprentice late the apprentice of
Roger Soket vjs. viijd.
of William Steleman for Richard Spycer his apprentice late the apprentice of
Richard Chyrche yjs. viijd.
of John Towker for John Swan hys apprentice late the apprentice of William Asser
vjs. viijd.
1475-6. •"
receyuid of John Monke wexchaundeller for his interesse \
receyuid of John Pykton for his interesse xxs,
receyuid of John Colyn for that he was admytted freman into the seid Craft
xxvjs. viijd.
receyuid of John Drewe for John Albright his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of william Barnfeld for John Barton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of John Robyns for Edward Westwode his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of Robert Pykemere for John Dawne his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of John hyll for John Gonnell his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of John Walton for martyn loryng his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of William Asser for that he vndertoke for Thomas highman for the
Interesse of Richard holdenby apprentice of the seid Thomas highman vjs. viijd.
receyuid of humfrey pares for the interesse of Thomas lychefeld the apprentice of
Richard Chirche vjs. viijd.
receyuid of John Mundes in party of payment of xxs. by hym due and owyng for
the Interesse of william Gyll John Wycombe and herry malman his apprentices
certeyn stuff vnderwryten to the value of xiiijs. vjd. ob. ffirst a brasse potte
weying xliij Ib. iij quarters price the Ib. ijd. Item a charger vij platers iij dyssbes
a rownde potell potte of peauter weiyng all to geder xxxiij Ib. price the Ib. ijd.
ob. Summa xiiijs. ijd.
Item receyuid of John Bull in party of payment of vjs. viijd. old arrerages by hym
due for the Interesse of his apprentice iiijs. ijd.
1476-7-
receyuid of William Barneveld for his Interesse I
receyuid of Thomas Shawe for his interesse xs.
receyuid of Robert Catte for his interesse xs.
receyuid of Robert Catte for Robert Dover his apprentice vjs. \iijil.
aid of Thomas Shawe for John Douell his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of Thomas Pakeman for John Rychards his apprent \ iij»l.
receyuid of Julian Rawson for John Cokson his apprentice vjs. %
receyuid of John Balle for Thomas Gardener his apprentice vjs. riijd.
365
i;-i8 Edw. I477-8-
IV- receyvid of John Aylond for Robert Travnt his apprentice vjs. viijd.
reccyvid of John Rachell for John a Morton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Bedyk for William Belle his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William Barnefeld for John Boys his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Calker for Thomas Mathewe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Thorp for mathewe hayward his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William layfeld for Edmund Germuerdesey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Julian' Rawson for John Baylly her apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John hill for Thomas lamyman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
Receyts of arrerages of quarterages
ffirst of John Chamber xijd.
Item of John Haymond xijd.
18-19 Edw. 1478-9.
receyvid of Edmund mannyng for his intresse xs.
receyvid of John Spanysby for his intresse xs.
receyvid of william higham for Robert fforster his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William Vale for Thomas Preston his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Towker for henry Bonde his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Chamberleyn for John Ryder his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Julyan Rawson for Edmund Terry her apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Ball for Thomas Gardyner his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John hill for Robert Abraham his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Spanysby for John Eton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Broun for John wilforth his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Elismere for Nicolas Bate his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Dame Agnes houseman late the wyf of John houseman for the arrerages
of his quarterages for xj yeres xjs.
19-20 Edw. 1479-80.
receyvid of Robert Boys for his intresse xs.
receyvid of william Barnefeld for Thomas Gobelet his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Robyns for John Elteham his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of the same John Robyns for John ffreeman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William Steleman for William Pillowe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of Richard Robert for William Byndeles his apprentice vjs. viijd.
of William hertwell for William hynkys his apprentice vjs. viijd.
20-21 Edw. 1480-1.
receyvid of William Brownefeld for John Swayne his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Pakeman for Bartylmewe Drewe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
366
receyvid of William Seton for Robert Goldrup his apprentice vjs. \iijd.
receyvid of William layfeld for Robert Berton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Chamberleyne for William Burgh his apprentice vjs. N
receyvid of John Rachell for John Jeram his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Chambyr for George Seman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Boys for William Aythorp his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Petir yerd for Edmund fireman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Shawe for Thomas Tyesdale his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Symond Nevynton for Richard Grote his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Tyler for John Clement his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of henry laurence for Thomas haynes his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Spannysby for Thomas Webbe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William layfeld for William aWere his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyvid of Thomas Shawe for Robert Ryffyn his apprentice vjs. viijtl.
receyvid of John Browne for John Baylle his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Chamberleyn for Richard Wygam his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William Vale for Thomas horneclyf his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William hartewell for William hynkys his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1483-4.
receyuyd of Elizabeth key widowe for her Interesse xxs.
receyuyd of John Aylond in party of payment of xs. for his interesse vs.
receyuyd of John Robynson for Thomas Noell his apprenti< iijd.
receyuyd of John Petyr for John Malgeer his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Stowre for Richard Maxey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John Aylond for Andrewe wright his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Robert Botiller for John Wheryngton his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyuyd of Thomas Smyth for Rychard Tumour his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Thomas Chamberleyn for Richard loryng his apprentice vjs.
receyuyd of William layfeld for John his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Robert Tyler for John Melys his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Steleman for the interesse of Robert de la Ryver his apprentice
vjs. viijd.
,484-5. . a Rk. III.
receyuyd of maister John Dey for his Interesse xs.
receyuyd of Robert Dey for his Interesse xs.
receyuyd of John ffaux for his enteresse xs.
receyuyd of Robert Botiller for his enteresse xs.
receyuyd of William Wall for his enteresse xs.
receyuyd of William Stoim- for his enteresse xs.
307
receyuyd of Richard Edmond for William haslop his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Robert Kyng for Thomas Manchestre his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Stowre for Giles Goulde his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John Robynson for Thomas Bromeherde his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Robert Bedyk for Richard Grey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Thomas Teversham for Richard Maxy his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Edmond Mannyng for Thomas Wodehous his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of the same Edmond for John Watson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Clerk for Thomas Colynson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of herry Penhergard for John messenger his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Grene for John Bartram his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John Chamber for Richard Sybson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John Ball for John Wellys his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John hyll in full payment of vjs. viijd. for the Intresse of John Dercop
his apprentice iijs. iiijd.
2 Ric. Ill— 1485-6.
receyuyd of Richard Edmond for his Interesse xs.
receyuyd of John ffaux in full payment of xs. for the arrerages of his Interesse vs.
receyuyd of John Colard in full payment of xs. for the arrerages of his Interesse
iijs. viijd.
receyued of William Stoure in full payment of xs. for the arrerages of his Interesse
vs.
receyuyd of Robert Boteler in full payment of xs. for the arrerages of his interesse
iijs. iijd.
receyuyd of Robert Tyler in full payment of xs. for the arrerages of his interesse
iijs. iiijd.
receyuyd of William Walle in full payment of xs. for the arrerages of his Interesse
iijs. iiijd.
receyuyd of Thomas Chamberleyn for Thomas Robertson his apprentice
vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Hertwell for John Cokkys his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Thomas Chamberleyn for John Hamond his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John Bulle for Robert Wylson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Wall for John howet his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of henry holden for William Gaynsford his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Thomas Pykmere for William Wolford his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Nicholas Asser for cristofer lancastre his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John Spannesby for John vppislonde his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of John hyll for his apprentice vjs. viijd.
368
1486-7.
receyuyd of William Bromfeld for John Kente his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Nicholas hyll for John Clerke his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Richard Aleyn for William lyndesey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William fforest for Robert Tomson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of Robert Kyng for Thomas Barton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuyd of William Stowre for Robert Pykhaver his apprentice jd.
1489-90.
receyuid of Henry Howden for his Interesse xs.
receyuid of William Vale for Richard Percyvale his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of William Store for John Cokket his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of John Chamber for Thomas harryson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of John Spannesby for William Salman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of the same John for Richard Maxi his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of Elyn Shawe for Edmond Goston his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of Edmond Mannyng for John Brabener his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyuid of Symond Newyngton for George Webbe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1492-3-
receyved of William Ball for Thomas Stodard his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Croket for John Toll his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Thomas Pykmere for Thomas Bromeherst his apprentice vjs, viijd.
receyved of John Richardson for Edward Wrytt his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William hartwell for William Corteman his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Edmond Mannyng for Mighell louthe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Robert Kember for Thomas Dover his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of William Seton for Nicholas Eton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Elteham for Christofer Rutter his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Rasshall for John Glyndell his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Robert Boteler for William Husey his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of the same Robert for Symond Houston his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Harry holden for Robert Skerthe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Stephyn Byrde for John harte his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of Thomas Chamberleyn for John Spenser his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of the same Thomas for Thomas Atkynson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyued of John Spannysby for Richard haryngton his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1494-5-
receyvyd of Dame Agneys Pol ton for her interessc into the brethcred of the said
Crafte xxvs. iiijd.
receyvid of Master William Seton for John Butte his apprentice vjs. ••
369
1-2 Hen. VII.
4-5 Hr
7 ^ Her. VII
9- 10 Hen.
2C
receyvid of William Wall for Roger Glover his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Edmond Mannyng for Archebold Waules his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Pykmere for William Barnard his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Bromeyerde for Water Apewyn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of master william hartwell for William Parker his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Boys for Christofer Creston his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Boteler for William Wittyngto his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Barton for John Byrcheley late apprentice of Mr. hartwell
vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Coltrop for harry Stodard his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Boteler for John Bryg his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William Croket for William Symonson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of harry haymond for John Hardwyke his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Mr. Seton for lowke Barnard his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Chamberleyn for John Boterell his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Richard Harryson for a fyne for Robert Reine his apprentice ijs.
1 1 -12 Hen. I496~7-
VIL receyved of Richard Harryson for his interesse into the Bretherhed of the said
Crafte xs.
receyved of John Richardson for his interesse into the said Bretherhed xs.
receyved of mareyn Caret for his interesse into the said Bretherhed xxs.
receyved of Thomas lavyman for Thomas Nicolson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Croket for Stephyn Bayly his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John pomfret for John Bell his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Thomas a Wodde for John Alevyn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Thomas Stodard for Jeffrey Arnold his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Grene for John Nicholas his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of harry penarger for Robert Wylkynson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of John Rasshall for Robert Warte his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of William Salman for William leyceter his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyved of Thomas Pykmere for Richard Burnop his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Due for the laste payment of all his hole duytee xxd.
12-13 Hen. '497-8.
VII. receyved of John Messenger for his interesse into the said Crafte xs.
receyvid of Maren Caret for William Phillip his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William Wall for Roger Marche his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Harry Howden for John ffanclyffe his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Richardson for Robert Wyndeowte his apprentice vjs. viijd.
370
receyvid of Mr. Seton for Harry Tanner his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Mr. Newyngton for John Dove his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Hugh Rycheman for Richard Wilkynson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Whytyngton for Thomas Danyell his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Gilyce Goulde for John Benyson his apprentice vjs. viijd.
1498-9. 13 14 Ii<
receyvid of John Wylford for Thomas Coleman his apprentice vj*. viijd
receyvid of John Cokks for Richard Came his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of William Seton for Thomas Stable his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of John Calker for Edward Boyle his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Vyncent for John Haunse his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyvid of William Heth for John Blewmer his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyvid of Nicholas Hyll for John Atkyns his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Edmond Mannyng for Robert Chambard his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Thomas Pykmere for Humphry Pykmere his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyvid of the same Thomas for John Farby his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyvid of John Bulle for Peter Plomer his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Robert Kember for Robert Leyster his apprentice vjs. viijd.
receyvid of Richard Harryson for Thomas Atkynson his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyvid of Thomas Chamberleyn for Robert Ratklyff his apprentice vjs. viijd
receyvid of John Spannesby for Godfrey Martyn his apprentice vjs. viijd.
LXVI. RECEIPTS OF QUARTERAGE FROM THE " BROTHERODE"
OF THE CRA1 I
U42-3 56*. 1464-5 4«-3^- U78-9 44*-
H43-4 57^ 1465-6 43'- i479-8o 4«-
1444-5 57*- M67-8 48*. M8o-i 37'- 6*
1449-50 47*. 1468-9 43*- 1483-4 38*
1450-1 52*. 1469-70 6/. 1484-5 34* 4*
1452-3 (illegible) i 170-1 50*. 1485-* 4»- 64
1453-4 45'- I471-* 5"- 3* "486-7 38* 64
1456-7 45' M73-4 43* M89-90
1458-9 48f. M74-5 43*- « 49^-3
1459-60 48*. 1475-6 4"- «49' 35'
1461-2 47'- M76-7 38f. t496-7 43'-
1462-3 44*- M77-8 37'- M97-8
371
Receyved of men of the said Craft whiche been not of the clothyng of the same
Craft for their quarterages.
1462-3 - 13-f. 9</. 1465-6 - 19-r. $d. 1468-9 - nil.
1464-5 - us. 1467-8 - nil.
The above return drops out of the accounts in 1469-70.
372
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