Full text of "A history of the early part of the reign of James the Second : with an introductory chapter. To which is added an appendix"

O i

-E^

HISTORY

O F

THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN

JAMES THE SECOND.

Demy Paper. One Pound Sixteen Shillings, Boards.

fweet.

Richard Fitzpatrick.

"&.

if,

I 1 I v

'A // /
' f? a f

Sj a /I, /(>//<> A^t

;/, e / tt

Richard Fitzpatriolc.

HISTORY

THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN

O F

JAMES THE SECOND;

WITH AN

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

BY THE

RIGHT HON. CHARLES JAMES FOX.

TO WHICH IS ADDED

AN APPENDIX.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR WILLIAM MILLER, ALBEMARLE STREET;

BY WILLIAM SAVAGE, BEDFORD BURY.
1808.

M. A.por;m<*^

Dfl

450

; r

1 1

TO THE READER.

JVlR. Fox was for some years engaged in an his-
torical Work, which he did not live to complete.
The curiosity excited by the knowledge that he
was so employed, would be sufficient to justify
the publication of any Fragment of his labours^
even if it had been found in a more unfinished
state than the chapters which compose the body
of this volume. It is, therefore, conceived, that
although the work is incomplete, any apology
would be misplaced, and that in fact, I only ful-
fil the wishes of the public, in laying before them
all that can now be obtained of a history so ear-
nestly expected from the pen of Mr. Fox.

An explanation, however, of the circumstances

\{ TO THE READER.

attending a posthumous publication, if not neces-
sary for the satisfaction of the reader, is due to
ihe memory and reputation of the author himself.
Some notion of what he projected, seems requi-
site towards forming an estimate of what he per-
formed ; and in this instance, the rumours for-
merly circulated concerning the nature of his un-
dertaking, and the materials which he had col-
lected, render indispensable, a short statement of
his intentions, and of the manner in which he
prosecuted his researches. It will be yet more
necessary to explain the state in which the ma-
nuscript was found, and the course which had
been pursued in printing a work, respecting
which no positive injunctions were ever received
from the author.

The precise period at which Mr. Fox first form-
ed the design of writing a history, cannot be
ascertained. In the year 1797, he announced
publickly his intention of devoting " a greater*
" portion of his time to his private pursuits :"
He was even on the point of relinquishing his
seat in Parliament, and retiring altogether from

. - - . f*\ -f

* Vide Parliamentary Debates, May 26, 1797.

TO THE READER^ ill

publick life, a plan which he had formed many
years before, and to the execution of which he
always looked forward with the greatest delight.
The remonstrances, however, of those friends,
for whose judgment he had the greatest defer-
ence, ultimately prevailed. He consequently
confined his scheme of retreat to a more un-
interrupted residence in the country, than he
had hitherto permitted himself to enjoy. During
his retirement, that love of literature, and fond-
ness for poetry, which neither pleasure nor bu-
siness had ever extinguished, revived with an
ardour, such as few in the eagerness of youth, or
in pursuit of fame or advantage, are capable of
feeling. For some time, however, his studies
were not directed to any particular object. Such
was the happy disposition of his mind, that his
own reflections, whether supplied by conversa-
tion, desultory reading, or the common occur-
rences of a life in the country, were always suffi-
cient to call forth the vigour and exertion of his
faculties. Intercourse with the world had so
little deadened in him the sense of the simplest
enjoyments, that even in the hours of apparent

TO THE READER.

leisure and inactivity, he retained that keen relish
of existence, which, after the first impressions of
life, is so rarely excited but by great interests
and strong passions. Hence it was, that in the
interval between his active attendance in Parlia-
ment, and the undertaking of his History, he
never felt the tedium of a vacant day. A verse in
Cow per, which he frequently repeated,

How various his employments whom the world
Calls idle !

was an accurate description of the life he was
then leading ; and I am persuaded, that if he
had consulted his own gratifications only, it would
have continued to be so. The circumstances
which led him once more to take an active part
in publick discussions, are foreign to the pur-
poses of this Preface. It is sufficient to remark,
that they could not be foreseen, and that his no-
tion of engaging in some literary undertaking
was adopted during his retirement, and with the
prospect of long and uninterrupted leisure before
him. When he had determined upon employing
some part of it in writing, he was, no doubt, ac-

TO THE READER. V

tuated by a variety of considerations, in the choice
of the task he should undertake. His philosophy
had never rendered him insensible to the gratifi-
cation which the hope of posthumous fame so
often produces in great minds ; and, though cri-
ticism might be more congenial to the habits and
amusements of his retreat, an historical work
seemed more of a piece with the tenour of his
former life, and might prove of greater benefit to
the publick, and to posterity. These motives, to-
gether with his intimate knowledge of the Eng-
lish Constitution, naturally led him to prefer the
history of his own country, and to select a period
favourable to the illustration of the great general
principles of freedom, on which it is founded ;
for his attachment to those principles, the result
of practical observation, as well as philosophical
reflection, far from having abated, had acquired
new force and fresh vigour in his retirement.

With these views, it was almost impossible
that he should not fix on the Revolution of 1688.
The event was cheering and animating. It was
the most signal triumph of that cause to which

VI TO THE READER.

his publick life had been devoted ; and in a re-
view of its progress, he could not fail to recog-
nize those principles which had regulated his
own political conduct. But the choice of that
period was recommended by yet higher consi-
derations ; the desire of rescuing from misrepre-
sentation, the most glorious transaction of our
history ; the opportunity of instructing his coun-
trymen in the real nature of their Constitution ;
and the hope of impressing on mankind those
lessons applicable to all times, which are to be
drawn from that memorable occurrence.

The manner in which the most popular histo-
rians, and other writers of eminence, had treated
the subject, was likely to stimulate him more
strongly to such an undertaking. It could not
escape the observation of Mr. Fox, that some,
from the bias of their individual opinions, had
given a false colour to the whole transaction;
that others had wilfully distorted the facts to
serve some temporary purpose ; and that Boling-
broke, in particular, had confounded the distinct
and even opposite views of the two leading

TO THE READER. Vll

parties, who, though they concurred in the mea-
sure, retained even in their union, all their re-
spective tenets and fundamental distinctions.

According to his first crude conceptions of
the work, it would, as far as I recollect, have
begun at the Revolution ; but he altered his
mind, after a careful perusal of the latter part of
Hume's history. An apprehension of the false
impressions which that great historian's partiality,
might have left on the mind of his readers, in-,
duced him to go back to the accession of King-
James the Second, and even to prefix an Intro-
ductory Chapter, on the character and leading
events, of the times immediately preceding.

From the moment his labour commenced, he
generally spoke of his plan as extending no fur-
ther than the settlement at the Revolution. His
friends, however, were not without hopes, that
the habit of composition might engage him more
deeply in literary undertakings, or that the dif-
ferent views which the course of his enquiries
would open, might ultimately allure him on fur-
ther in the history of his country. Some casual
expressions, both in conversation and corre-

Vlll TO THE HEADER.

spondence, seemed to imply that the possibility
of such a result was not entirely out of his own
contemplation. He acknowledged that some papers
which I had the good fortune to procure in Spain,
" though they did not relate to his period exactly,
" might be very useful to him, and at all events
"entertaining; nay, possibly, that they might
" make him go on further than he intended."*
As his work advanced, his allusions to various
literary projects, such as an edition of Dryden,
a Defence of Racine and the French Stage, Essay
on the Beauties of Euripides, &c. &c. became
more frequent, and were more confidently ex-
pressed. In a letter written to me in 1803, after
observing, that a modern writer did not suffici-
ently admire Racine, he adds " It puts me quite
" in a passion. Jeveuxcontre eux faire un jour
un gros livre, as Voltaire says. Even Dryden,
who speaks with proper respect of Corneille
vilipends^ Racine. If ever I publish my edi-
tion of his works, I will give it him for it, you

a
a

* MS. Correspondence.

f Mr. Fox often used this word in ridicule of pedantic expres-

sions.

II
II

TO THE READER. IX

may depend. Oh how I wish that I could make
up my mind to think it right, to devote all the
remaining part of my life to such subjects, and
such only ! Indeed I rather think I shall ; and
yet, if there were a chance of re-establishing
a strong Whig party, (however composed,)

i y

" Non adeo has exosa manus victoria fugit
'' Ut tanta quicquam pro spe tentare recusem.'*

Even while his undertaking was yet fresh, in
the course of an enquiry into some matters re-
lating to the trial of Somerset, in King James
the First's reign, he says to his correspondent,
" But what is all this, you will say, to my his-'
" tory ? Certainly nothing ; but one historical
" enquiry leads to another ; and I recollect that
" the impression upon my mind was, that there
" was more reason than is generally allowed, for
suspecting that Prince Henry was poisoned by
Somerset, and that the King knew of it after
*' the fact. This is not, to be sure, to my pre-
" sent purpose ; but I have thought of prefixing
" to my work, if it ever should be finished, a
" disquisition upon Hume's History of the

. .

X TO THE READER,.

<c Stewarts, and in no part of it would his par-
" tiality appear stronger, than in James the
First."* -r

About the same time he talked of writing,
either in the form of a dedication, or dialogue, a
treatise on the three arts of Poetry, History, and
Oratory; which, to my surprize, he classed in
the order I have related. The plan of such a
work seemed, in a great measure, to be digested
in his head, and from the sketch he drew of his
design to me, it would, if completed, have been
an invaluable monument of the great originality
of thought, and singular philosophical acuteness,
with which he was accustomed to treat of such
subjects in his most careless conversations. But
though a variety of literary projects might occa-
sionally come across him, he was very cautious of
promising too much ; for he was aware, that
whatever he undertook, his progress in it would
necessarily be extremely slow. He could not
but foresee, that as new events arose, his friends
would urge him to return to politicks ; and though
his own inclinations might enable him to resist

'' MS. Correspondence to Lord Lauderdale.

TO THE READER. XI

their entreaties, the very discussion on the pro-
priety of yielding, would produce an attention
to the state of publick affairs, and divert him in
some degree from the pursuit in which he was
engaged. But it was yet more difficult to fortify
himself against the seductions of his own inclina-
tion, which was continually drawing him off from
his historical researches, to critical enquiries,
to the study of the classicks, and to works of
imagination and poetry. Abundant proof exists
of the effect of these interruptions, both on his
labours and on his mind. His letters are filled
with complaints, of such as arose from politicks,
while he speaks with delight and complacency of
whole days devoted to Euripides and Virgil.

The scale which his various pursuits occupied
in his estimation, is very naturally described in
several of his letters. And as it is not entirely
foreign to the purpose of this Preface, my read-
ers may not be displeased, with the insertion
of one, as a specimen of his familiar corres-
pondence.

Xil TO THE READER,

DEAR GREY,

" In defence of my opinion about the night-
" ingales, I find Chaucer, who of all poets seems
" to have been the fondest of the singing of birds,
" calls it a merry note ; and though Theocritus
" mentions nightingales six or seven times, he
" never mentions their note as plaintive or me u
" lancholy. It is true, he does not call it
" any where merry, as Chaucer does ; but by
" mentioning it with the song of the blackbird,
" and as answering it, he seems to imply, that it
" was a chearful note. Sophocles is against us ;
" but even he says, lamenting Itys, and the com-
" parison of her to Electra, is rather as to per-
" severance day and night, than as to sorrow.
" At all events, a tragick poet is not half so good
" authority in this question, as Theocritus and
*' Chaucer. I cannot light upon the passage
in the Odyssey, where Penelope's restlessness
is compared to the nightingale ; but I am sure
'* that it is only as to restlessness and watchful-
ness, that he makes the comparison. If you

(C
t(

K
(

TO THE READER. Xlll

will read the last twelve books of the Odyssey,
you will certainly find it, and I am sure you
will be paid for your hunt, whether you find
it or not. The passage in Chaucer is in the
" Flower and Leaf, p. 99- The one I particular-
ly allude to in Theocritus, is in his Epigrams,
I think in the fourth. Dryden has transferred
" the word merry to the goldfinch, in the Flower
" and the Leaf; in deference, may be, to the
vulgar error; but pray read his description
" of the nightingale there : It is quite cle-
" lightful. I am afraid I like these researches
" as much better than those that relate to
" Shaftesbury, Sunderland, &c. as I do those
" better than attending the House of Commons.

" Your's, affectionately,

-'. --Mi: :> ".--- .:<:.-.<" C. J. FOX."

The fact is, he struggled so little against such
inclinations, that when pre.ssed to sacrifice his
Greek studies for a time, he answers, " I have
" no thoughts of throwing away my Greek books,

XIV TO THE READER.

" and would give up the whole plan if I thought
" it incompatible with my giving a little time to
" them."*

But it was not merely the interference of other
occupations, whether of business or amusement,
that impeded the progress of his work.

Pie knew by experience, that he was as slow
in composition, as he was rapid in publick speak-
ing. He had employed many days in writing
his Letter to the Electors of Westminster, in
1793 ; and even the publication of his Speech -j-
011 the late Duke of Bedford, (the only instance

' MS. Correspondence.

t Having mentioned these works, I take this opportunity of
adding, that, with the exception of the 14th, 16th, and perhaps a
few other numbers of a periodical publication in 1779, called the
Englishman, and an Epitaph on the late Bishop of Downe, they
are the only pieces of prose he ever printed ; unless indeed, one
were to reckon his Advertisements to Electors, and the Parliament-
ary Papers which he may have drawn up.

There are several specimens of his composition in verse, in differ-
ent languages : but the Lines on Mrs. Crewe, and those to Mrs.
Fqx, on her birthday, are, as far as I recollect, all that have been
printed. An Ode to Poverty, and an Epigram upon Gibbon,
though very generally attributed to him, are certainly not his com-
positions.

TO THE READER. XV

in which he ever revised what he had delivered
in publick,) occupied a greater portion of his
time than could be easily imagined, by those who
were unacquainted with his scrupulous attention
to all the niceties of language. In addition to
these circumstances he soon perceived that his
scrupulous exactness, with respect to all the cir-
cumstances of any fact which he was obliged
either to relate or advert to, would retard him
by the multiplicity and minuteness of the re-
searches it would occasion. " History goes on,
" (he remarked,) but it goes on very slowly.
" The fact is, I am a very slow writer, but I
promise I will persevere. I believe I am too
scrupulous both about language and facts ;
though with respect to the latter, it is hardly
possible. It is astonishing how many facts
" one finds related, for which there is no au-
" thority whatever. Tradition, you will say,
" does in some cases, but it will not apply to
" others/'*

Even while he was employed in the Introduc-
tion, in which, " as it was rather a discussion al-

* MS. Correspondence.

t.
ft
(f
tt

XVI -TO THE READER.

" hiding to known facts, than a minute enquiry
into disputed points," * he acknowledged that
it was not so important to be exact to a nicety ;"
he nevertheless found some difficulty in trac-
ing the information of historians to their ori-
ginal sources. Upon this, as upon all other oc-
casions, where he stood in need of active assist-
ance, he had recourse to the advice and friend-
ship of Lord Lauderdale ; and the following let-
ter was the first step he took in those researches,
which, after a long series of enquiries, enabled
him both to ascertain the nature, and the fate of
the Scotch College Manuscripts, and to procure
a valuable collection of papers from the Depot of
Foreign Affairs at Paris.

To the EARL of LAUDERDALE. *j*

" DEAR LAUDERDALE,

" I am seriously thinking of becoming an his-
torian, and have indeed begun ; but my pro-
" gress hitherto is so little, that it is not worth

* MS. Correspondence.

t This letter was written in the beginning of the year 1800.

TO THE READER. XV11

f .,1,.! .

mentioning, except upon the principle of dimi-
dium qui cepit. As to what people may ex-
pect, I know not. If much, they will be dis-
appointed ; but I certainly do not intend to
decline the labour of any search, which I am
able to make, and much less to refuse any as-
sistance I can have in such research. I hope.
" therefore, you will not be satisfied with merely
" recommending to me to make use of assistance,
" but give me some hint of what nature, and
" from whom I may get it. To enable you to
" do this better, it is necessary to inform you,
" that the death of Charles the Second is the
" period from which I commence my history ;
" though in my Introduction, I take a pretty
" full view of his reign, and consequently, should
<l be glad enough to get new lights with regard
" to it. Even this Introductory Chapter, how-
" ever, is not yet finished. Next, it is fit you
" should know, that so far from having as yet
" examined, or even looked into any manuscript
" papers, or other documents not generally
known, I do not even know where any such
' exist, and, therefore, any information on that

ei
tt

TO THE READER.

" head will be very welcome. I find one of my

" greatest difficulties to be, how to discover the

" authorities upon which historians advance

" their facts, for they very often do not refer to

" them. Hitherto, where I am only taking a

" cursory review, this is of no great importance.

" But in regard to the Popish and Rye-house

" plots particularly, I find both Rapin and

tf Hume advancing so many facts, for which I

" cannot guess their authorities, that if I were

" to give a regular history of these transactions,

" I should be much puzzled. Now, when I am

" under difficulties of this sort, can you either

" direct me to whom I can apply for a solution

" of them? or if I send queries to you, can you

" give me answers to them 1"

With both the above requests Lord Lauderdale
complied ; and by his own diligence, and the as-
sistance of Mr. Laing, was enabled to transmit
to Mr. Fox much useful information. In a very
short time afterwards that Gentleman published
his History of Scotland, a work which Mr. Fox
emphatically termed " a treasure/' and which so

T*O THE READER. XIX

animated his labours, by opening new sources of
information, and new views of transactions, that
at no period was he so ardent in the prosecution
of his plan, as when fresh from the perusal of
that valuable performance. The advantages he
derived from it he frequently declared to be in-
calculable ; and it certainly was not among the
least, that it afforded him an opportunity of cul-
tivating the friendship of the Author, and con-
sulting him on many points connected with his
own undertaking. As the early part of his cor-
respondence is of a general nature, I subjoin his
first letter, and an extract from the second.

To MALCOLM LAING, Esq.

w ' r ' SIR, ,:v" ;; * :' . .. ,

-)''?*> --K * ' > -

" I ought long since to have acknowledged
'* the receipt of your History of Scotland, and
" to have returned you my thanks for your
* early communication to me of that excellent
" work. It has given me the greatest satisfac-
" tion ; and there are several points relating to

XX TO THE READER.

" English history in it, which you appear to me
" to have cleared up much more than any other
" of those historians who have professedly treated
" of them.

" What you say in answer to Hume, upon
" the subject of Glamorgan's powers, is quite
" conclusive ; but I rather regret that you have
" not taken notice of that part of his argument
" which is built upon what he calls Glamorgan's
" defeazance, and which is the most plausible
" part of it.

" In Charles the Second's reign, I observe
" that you do not mention the atrocious case of
" Wier, which Hume details ; but that which
" you say of Laurie of Blackwood is very like
" what he relates of Wier. Would it be too
" much trouble to ask of you to let me know
" whether Hume's statement of Wier is a cor-
" rect one ?

" I had detected the trick of Hume's theatrical
" ' and false representation of Charles the First
" hearing the noise of his scaffold, but did not
" know that he had had Herbert's authentick
" account so lately under his eye. In general,

TO THE READER, XXI

" I think you treat him (Hume) too tenderly.
" He was an excellent man, and of great powers
" of mind, but his partiality to kings and princes
" is intolerable. Nay, it is, in my opinion, quite
" ridiculous, and is more like the foolish admi-
" ration which women and children sometimes
" have for kings, than the opinion, right or
" wrong, of a philosopher.

" I wanted no conviction on the point of Os-
sian ; but if I had, you afforded abundance.
" Whether your book, coming out at a period
when the principles upon which it appears to
be written are becoming so unfashionable, will
be a popular one or not, I know not ; but to
" all who wish to have a true knowledge of the
" history of your country, it is a most valuable
acquisition, and will serve to counteract the
mischief which Hume, Dalrymple, Macpher-
" son, Somervile, and others of your country-
" men have done. You will easily believe
" that I do not class Hume with the others*
" except as to the bad tendency of their repre-
" sentations.

ie
<e

Xxii TO THE READER.

" I shall desire my friend, Lord Lauderdale,
" to transmit this to you.

" I am, with great regard,

" SIR,
" Your most obedient Servant,

St. Anne's Hill, (( C* T FO1C '

Sept. 24, 1800.

Extract from a Second Letter to Mr. LA ING.

" Many thanks to you, my dear Sir, for yours
" of the 10th. I have found the place in Ralph,
" and a great deal more important matter relative
" to the transactions of those times, which is but
" slightly touched by other historians. I am
" every day more and more surprized, that Ralph
" should have had so much less reputation as an
" historian than he seems to deserve.

" I will trouble you freely when I shall have
" farther questions to ask ; but I should take it
" very ill if you were so to confine your answer
" to mere matter of reference, as not to give me
" your opinion, when you form any, upon the
" points in question."

TO THE READER. XXlll

A correspondence ensued, from which it ap-
pears that he took indefatigable pains to investi-
gate the authority for every assertion in the
writers he consulted, and to correct the slightest
variation in their accounts, though apparently of
little importance. Before he drew any inference
whatever, the weight of evidence was so carefully
balanced in his mind, that the authority for each
particular circumstance was separately examined,
and distinctly ascertained. Indeed the necessity
and even use of such extreme circumspection,
such scrupulous sifting of his most minute mate-
rials, might at first sight appear questionable.
But many parts of the work are sufficient to
prove that such labours were far from being
fruitless. An instance is easily selected. His en-
quiries concerning the seizure and execution of
the Earl of Argyle, are contained in the corres-
pondence with Mr. Laing, and they are of the
nature I have described ; but on reading his nar-
rative of those events, the advantages he derived
from the circumstantial minuteness of his mate-
rials, will not be found less striking, than his di-
ligence in procuring and analyzing them.

XXIV TO TEE READER.

One of the earliest and greatest difficulties that
he encountered in the course of his labours, arose
from the ^manner in which Mr. Macpherson and
Sir J. Dalrymple had explained and conducted
their respective publications, and which he al-
ways considered as unsatisfactory. His com-
plaints of both these authors were frequent ; and
the more he examined and studied their books,
the more he perceived the necessity of making
some further researches. He was anxious, if
possible, to consult the original documents from
which their extracts were made ; and he was at
first apprehensive, that nothing short of an exa-
mination of all the manuscripts of the Scotch
College at Paris, could enable him to determine
the degree of credit due to the extracts of Mac-
pherson. But he must very soon have despaired
of obtaining that satisfaction, for he had strong
reasons to suspect, even before his journey to
Paris in 1802, that the most valuable part, if not
the whole of them, had been destroyed. Three
important points however, might yet be ascer-
tained : 1st, Of what the manuscripts, so long
preserved in the Scotch College at Paris, actually

TO THE READER, XXV

consisted ; 2ndly, To what part of them either
Carte or Macpherson had access ; 3dly, Whether
any portion, copies, or fragments, of the papers
were still in existence. The result of his enquiries
will be hest given in his own words, though upon
the first point he had ascertained* something
more than appears from the following extract of
his letter to Mr. Laing.

" With respect to Carte's extract, I have no
doubt but it is faithfully copied ; but on this ex-
tract it is necessary to make an observation,
which applies to all the rest, both of Carte's

t
it

* Among Mr. Fox's papers were found a list of " the works
" which were placed in the Scotch College at Paris, soon after the
" death of James the Second, and were there at the time of the
" French Revolution." It is as follows:

f Memoirs in James the Second's own

Four volumes folio, six) nand wr i t i n g, beginning from the time
volumes quarto, ( t ^ at h e W as sixteen years of age.

^Containing letters from Charles the

^Second's ministers to James the Second
Two thin quarto volumes, <

l(then Duke of York, ) when he was at

^Brussels and in Scotland, MS.
C Containing Letters from Charles the

Two thin quarto volumes, ^Second to his brother, James Duke of

(York, MS.

TO THE READER.

" Carte's and Macpherson's, and which leads to
" the detection of an imposture of the latter, as
impudent as Ossian itself. The extracts are evi-
dently made, not from a journal, but from a
" narrative ; and / have now ascertained beyond
" all doubt, that there were in the Scotch Col-
" lege two distinct manuscripts, one in James's
" own hand, consisting of papers of different
" sizes bound up together, and the other a sort
" of historical narrative, compiled from the for-
" mer. The narrative was said to have been re-
" vised and corrected, as to style, by Dryden*
" the poet, (meaning probably Charles Dryden,
" the great poet's son,) and it was not known in
" the College whether it was drawn up in James's
" life, or by the direction of his son, the Pre-
" tender. I doubt whether Carte ever saw the
" original journal ; but I learn, from undoubted
" authority, that Macpherson never did ; and yet
" to read his Preface, page 6 and J, (which pray
" advert to,) one would have supposed, not only

* It is the opinion of the present possessor of the narrative, that
it was compiled from the original documents by Thomas Innes,
one of the Superiors of the College, and author of a work entitled,
A Critical Essay on the ancient Inhabitants of Scotland.

TO THE READER. XXV11

<s that he had inspected it accurately, but that
" all his extracts at least, if not Carte's also, were
" taken from it. Macpherson's impudence in at-
" tempting such an imposition, at a time when
" almost any man could have detected him,
" would have been in another man, incredible, if
" the internal evidence of the extracts themselves-
" against him were not corroborated by the tes-
" timony of the principal persons of the College.
" And this leads me to a point of more import-
" ance to me. Principal Gordon thought, when
" I saw him at Paris, in October 1802, that all
" the papers were lost. I now hear from a well-.
" informed person, that the most material, viz.
" those written in James's own hand-writing,
" were indeed lost, and in the way mentioned
" by Gordon, but that the Narrative, from which
" only Macpherson made his extracts, is still ex.
" isting, and that Mr. Alexander Cameron,
" Blackfriars Wynd, Edinburgh, either has it
" himself, or knows where it is to be found."

The above information was correct. There is
strong presumptive evidence, that the Manu-
scripts of King James the Second were destroy
ed, but the Narrative, as described, was then,

XXVlil TO THE HEADER.

and is now, in the hands of Dr. Cameron, Ro-
man Catholick Bishop in Edinburgh. It could
not be in possession of a person who is better
qualified to judge of its merits, and on whose fi-
delity, should he be induced to print it, the pub-
lick might more implicitly rely. I am indebted
to his accuracy and friendship, for some additional
information respecting the manner in which the
Manuscripts of the Scotch College were lost. As
the facts are in themselves curious, I lay before
the reader his succinct and interesting relation of
them, contained in a letter to me, dated Edin-
burgh, March 2, 1808.

" Before Lord Gower, the British Embassador,
" left Paris, in the beginning of the French Re-
" volution, he wrote to Principal Gordon, and
" offered to take charge of those valuable papers,
(King James's Manuscripts, &c.) and deposit
them in some place of safety in Britain. I
know not what answer was returned, but
nothing was done. Not long thereafter, the
Principal came to England, and the care of
every thing in the College devolved on Mr.
Alexander Innes, the only British subject who

tt
t

. .

t.t

TO THE READER. XXltX

" remained in it. About the same time, Mr.
Stapleton, then President of the English Col-
.' lege of St. Omer, afterwards Bishop in Eng-
land, went to Paris, previously to his retiring
" from France, and Mr. Innes, who had resolv-
" ed not to abandon his post, consulted with him
" about the means of preserving the manuscripts.
" Mr. Stapleton thought, if he had them at St.
" Omer, he could, with small risk convey them
" to England. It was therefore resolved, that
" they should be carefully packed up, addressed
" to a Frenchman, a confidential friend of Mr.
Stapleton, and remitted by some publick car-
riage. Some other things were put up with
the Manuscripts. The whole arrived without
any accident, and was laid in a cellar. But the
patriotism of the Frenchman becoming suspi-
cious, perhaps upon account of his connection
with the English College, he was put in pri-
' son ; and his wife apprehensive of the conse-
quences of being found to have English manu-
scripts, richly bound and ornamented with
Royal arms, in her house, cut off the boards,
and destroyed them. The Manuscripts thus
disfigured, and more easily huddled up in any

< t
a

. .

H
It

t(
it

..
. .
((
((

XXX TO THE READER.

" sort of bundle, were secretly carried, with
papers belonging to the Frenchman himself, to
his country-house ; and buried in the garden.
They were not, however, permitted to remain
long there ; the lady's fears increased, and the
" Manuscripts were taken up and reduced to
11 ashes.

" This is the substance of the account given
" to Mr. Innes, and reported by him to me in
" June, 1802, in Paris. I desired it might be au-
" thenticated by a proces verbale. A letter was
" therefore written to St. Omer, either by Mr.
Innes, or by. Mr. Cleghorn, a lay gentleman,
" who had resided in the English College of
" St. Omer, and waspersonally acquainted with
" the Frenchman, and happened to be at Paris
" at this time. The answer given to this letter
" was, that the good man, under the pressure of
old age and other infirmities, was alarmed by
the proposal of a discussion and investigation,
" which revived in his memory past sufferings
and might, perhaps, lead to a renewal of them.
Any further correspondence upon the subject
" seemed useless, especially as I instructed Mr.
" Innes to go to St. Omer, and clear up every

(1C

i.'.

. .

TO THE READER. XXXI

doubt, in a formal and legal manner, that some
authentic document might be handed down to
" posterity concerning those valuable Manu-
" scripts. I did not foresee that war was to be
" kindled up anew, or that my friend Mr. Innes
" was to die so soon.

" Mr. Cleghorn, whom I mentioned above, is
' at present in the Catholick seminary of Old
Hall Green, Puckeridge, Hertfordshire. He can
probably name another gentleman who saw the
" Manuscripts at St. Omer, and saved some
small things, (but unconnected with the Ma-
nuscripts,) which he carried away in his
" pocket, and has still in his possession.

" I need not trouble your Lordship with my
" reflections upon this relation : but I ought not
" to omit that I was told, sometimes, that all the
" Manuscripts, as well as their boards, were con-
" sumed by fire in the cellar in which they had
been deposited upon their arrival at St. Omer.

.*... [.*'( . ).

The gentleman alluded to in the latter part of

the above letter, is Mr. Mostyn, from whom Mr.
Butler of Lincoln's Inn very kindly procured a
statement of the particulars relating to this sub-

XXXli TO THE READER.

jeet, in the year 1804, and transmitted it to Mr.
Fox. It contains in substance, though with some
additional circumstances, and slight variations, the
game account as Mr. Cameron's, up to the period
of the writer's leaving St. Omer, which was pre-
vious to the imprisonment of the Frenchman.*

Mr. Fox, in a letter to Mr. Laing, remarks,
that, " to know that a paper is lost, is next best
" to getting a sight of it, and in some instances
" nearly as good." So many rumours have been
circulated, and so many misapprehensions pre-
vailed, respecting the contents and the fate of the
manuscripts formerly deposited in the Scotch
College at Paris, that it is hoped the above ac-
count, the result of the Historian's researches, will
not be deemed out of its place in a Preface to a
History of the times to which those manuscripts
related.

The Scotch College papers were not, however,
the only, nor even the chief object of Mr. Fox's
historical enquiries at Paris, He had remarked,

* Mr. Mostyn's letter to Mr. Butler was published in one of the
Magazines, it would therefore be superfluous to reprint it. The
name of the Frenchman was Mr. Charpentier, and his country
house was at St. Momelin, near St. Omer.

TO THE READER. XXXlll

that Sir John Dalryinple frequently " quotes, or
rather refers to,*" documents in the Depot des
Affaires Etrangeres, without printing the letter,
or extracting the passage from which his state-
ments are taken, and his inferences drawn. This
made him particularly desirous of examining the
Original Letters of Barillon ; and he was not
without hopes that many other papers in the Dep6t
desAJfairesEtrangeres,m\gh\, prove equally interest-
ing and important. It was obvious, however, that
during war, he could not have personal access to
such documents. He was therefore on the point
of applying, through some private friend at Paris,
for a copy of such letters as he could distinctly
describe to his correspondent, when the restora-
tion of peace enabled him to repair thither ; and
the liberality of the French Government opened
to him the archives of the Foreign A flairs without
reserve, and afforded him every facility and con-
venience for consulting and copying such papers
as appeared to him to be material. He lost no
time in availing himself of this permission, and
while he remained at Paris, he passed a great part
of every morning at the Dep6t des Affaires Etran-

* MS. Correspondence.

TO THE READER.

g&res, accompanied by his friends Lord St. John,
Mr. Adair, and Mr. Trotter, who assisted him in
examining and transcribing the original papers.

The correspondence of Barillon did not dis-
appoint his expectations. He thought the addi-
tional information contained in those parts of it,
which Sir John Dalrymple had omitted to extract
or to publish, so important, that he procured
copies of them all; he observed to one of his cor-
respondents, " my studies at Paris have been use-
" ful beyond what I can describe :" and his ex-
pression to me was, that " Barillon's letters were
" worth their weight in gold."* It should seem
that he discovered some curious circumstances from
the correspondence of D'Avaux, for he copied
out those letters also at length, though a large
collection or abstract of them had been formerly
published.

The correspondence of the above mentioned
French Ministers with their Court, formed the
chief materials which he brought over with him
from France. He was disappointed at my failing
to procure him that of the Spanish Ambassador,f

* MS. Correspondence.

t Don Pedro Ronquillo. Mr. Fox commissioned me to obtain

TO THE READER. XXXV

resident in London during the same period,
" which, he said, would have given him advan-
*' tages of the greatest consequence over all other
" historians." The papers, however, of which
he was already in possession were, in his judg-
ment, sufficient to throw new light upon many
transactions of the reign of King James the Se-
cond. If, therefore, unforeseen circumstances
had not occurred, soon after his return, to retard
the progress of his Work, there can be little doubt,
but he would have composed more during that
year, than he had been able to complete since the
commencement of the undertaking. He was at first
occupied in inserting into the parts he had finish-
ed, such additional information as he had drawn
from the sources opened to him by his researches
at Paris. This was to him a task of greater labour
than at first sight might be expected. " I find,"
he says, " piecing in the bits which I have writ-
" ten from my Parisian materials, a troublesome
" job."* It is indeed probable, that his diffi-

v^oH

for him, copies of his Letters from 1685 to 1688 inclusive. By a
perverse piece of luck, I fell in with and purchased his orginal
Letters from 1689 to 1691 ; but could never find any traces what-
ever of his previous correspondence.
* MS. Correspondence.

XXXVI TO THE READER.

culties upon this occasion, were greater than any
other modern historian would have had to en-
counter. I have mentioned them more particu-
larly, because they in some measure arose from
his scrupulous attention to certain notions he en-
tertained on the nature of an historical composi-
tion. If indeed the work were finished, the na-
ture of his design would be best collected from
his execution of it ; but as it is unfortunately in an
incomplete and unfinished state, his conception
of the duties of an historian may very possibly be
misunderstood. The consequence would be, that
some passages, which, according to modern taste,
must be called peculiarities^ might, with super-
ficial critics, pass for defects which he had over-
looked, or imperfections which he intended to
correct. It is, therefore, necessary to observe,
that he had formed his plan so exclusively on the
model of ancient writers, that he not only felt
some repugnance to the modern practice of
notes, but he thought that all which an historian
wished to say, should be introduced as part of
a continued narration, and never assume the ap-
pearance of a digression, much less of a disserta*
tion annexed to it. From the period therefore

TO THE READER. XXXV11

that he closed his Introductory Chapter, he defin-
ed his duty as an author, to consist in recount-
ing the facts as they arose, or in his simple and
forcible language, in telling the story of those
times. A conversation which passed on the subject
of the literature of the age of James the Second,
proves his rigid adherence to these ideas, and per-
haps the substance of it may serve to illustrate
and explain them. In speaking of the writers
of that period, he lamented that he had not de-
vised a method of interweaving any account of
them or their works, much less any criticism on
their style, into his History. On my suggesting
the example of Hume and Voltaire, who .had dis.-
cussed such topicks at some length, either at the
end of each reign, or in a separate Chapter, he
observed, with much commendation of their exe-
cution of it, that such a contrivance might be a
good mode of writing critical essays, but that it
was, in his opinion, incompatible with the nature
of his undertaking, which, if it ceased to be a nar-
rative, ceased to be a history.

Such restraints undoubtedly operated as taxes
upon his ingenuity, and added to that labour

XXXV111 TO THE READER.

which the observance of hi general laws of com-
position rendered sufficiently great. On the rules
of writing he had reflected much, and deeply.
His own habits naturally led him to compare them
with those of publick speaking, and the different,
and even opposite principles upon which excel-'
lence is to be attained in these two great arts,
were no unusual topicks of his conversation. The
difference did not, in his judgment, consist so
much in language or diction, as in the arrange-
ment of thoughts, the length and construction of
sentences, and, if I may borrow a phrase familiar
to publick speakers, in the mode of putting an ar-
gument. A writer, to preserve his perspicuity,
must keep distinct and separate those parts of a
discourse, which the orator is enabled by modu-
lation of voice, and with the aid of action, to bring
at once into view, without confounding or per-
plexing his audience. Frequency of allusion,
\/ which in speaking produces the happiest Effect,
in writing renders the sense obscure, and inter-
rupts the simplicity of the discourse. Even those
sudden turns, those unforeseen flashes of wit
which, struck out at the moment, dazzle and de-

TO THE READER. XXXIX

light a publick assembly, appear cold and inani-
mate, when deliberately introduced into a writ-
ten composition.

A perusal of the Letter to the Electors of West-
minster, will show how scrupulously Mr. Fox at-
tended to these distinctions. That work was writ-
ten in the heat of a Session of Parliament. It
treated professedly of subjects upon which the
writer was daily in the habit of speaking, with
his usual force of argument and variety of illus-
tration. Notwithstanding these circumstances, no
political tract of any note in our language, is in
form or style less oratorical, or, with the exception
of one passage, more free from those peculiarities,
which the practice of publick speaking seems cal-
culated to produce. Such a strict observance of
these principles must have cost him great trou-
ble and attention. He was so apprehensive that
his writings might retain some traces of that art,
in the exercise of which he had employed the
greater part of his life, that he frequently reject-
ed passages, which in any other author would not
have appeared liable to such an objection. He
seems even to have distrusted his own judgment
upon this subject ; and after having taken the

TO THE READER.

greatest pains, he was never sufficiently satisfied
of his own success. If we except the account of
the Earl of Argyle, the Introductory Chapter is
unquestionably the most correct and finished part
of the present publication. He did not, however,
conceive it to be entirely exempt from a defect to
which he apprehended that his works must be
peculiarly exposed. He says to his correspondent,
" I have at last finished my Introduction, which
" after all. is more like a speech than it should be."

Simplicity, both in expression and construc-
tion, was the quality in style which he most ad-
mired, and the beauty he chiefly endeavour-
ed to attain. He was the most scrupulously
anxious to preserve this character in his writings,
because he thought that the example of some
great writers had, in his own time, perverted the
taste of the publick, and that their imitators had
corrupted the purity of the English language.
Though he frequently commended both Hume's
and Blackstone's style, and always spoke of Mid-
dleton's with admiration, he once assured me,
that he would admit no word into his book, for
which he had not the authority of Dryden.

He was scarcely less nice about phrases and

TO THE READER.

expressions. It is indeed possible, that those
of his readers, who have formed their taste upon
Johnson or Gibbon, or taken their notions of style
from the criticism of late years, may discover, in
the course of the work, some idioms which are
now seldom admitted into the higher classes of
composition. To speak without reserve upon a
subject in which his judgment, as an author, may
be called in question, it appears to me more likely,
that such phrases should have been introduced
upon system, than that they should have escaped
his observation, and crept in through inadvert-
ence. The work is indeed, " incomplete and un-
" finished;'* but it is not with reference to any
phrases, which may be supposed to be too fami-
liar, or colloquial, that such a description has
been given of it. Such was the Author's abhor-
i-ence of any thing that savoured of pedantry or
affectation, that if he was ever reduced to the al-
ternative of an inflated or homely expression, I
have no doubt but he preferred the latter. This
persuasion, in addition to many other considera-
tions, has induced me religiously to preserve, in
the publication of this Work, every phrase and
word of the Original Manuscript. Those who

TO THE READER.

are disposed to respect his authority, may have
the satisfaction of knowing, that there is not one
syllable in the following Chapters, which is
not the genuine production of Mr. Fox. That
there are several passages, (especially in the lat-
ter end of the text,") which he might, that there
some which he obviously would, have corrected,
is unquestionable; but, with the knowledge of
such scrupulous attention to language in an author,
to have substituted nny word or expression, for
that which he had written, would not have been
presumption only but injustice.

The manuscript book from which this Work
has been printed is, for the most part, in the hand
writing of Mrs. Fox. It was written out under the
inspection of Mr. Fox, and is occasionally corrected
by him. His habi t was seldom or ever to be alone,
when employed in composition. He was accus-
tomed to write on covers of letters or scraps of
paper, sentences which he, in all probability,
had turned in his mind, and, in some degree form-
ed in the course of his walks, or during his hours
of leisure. These he read over to Mrs. Fox ; she
wrote them out in a fair hand in the book ; and
before he destroyed the original paper he examin-

TO THE READER.

cd and approved of the copy. In the-eonrse'of
thus dictating from his own writing^ fee often
altered the language, and even the construction
of the sentence. Though lie generally tore the
scraps of paper as soon as the passages were enter*-
ed in the book, several have been preserved; andl
it is plain, from the erasures and alterations in
them, that they had undergone much revision and
correction before they were read to his Amanu-
ensis.

It is necessary to observe, that I am indebted
to Mr. Laing both for advice and assistance in the
division of the paragraphs, the annexing of mar-
ginal notes and references, the selection of the
Appendix, and the superintendance of the press.
From his judgment and experience, I have de-
rived great benefit ; and his friendship in under-
taking the task has afforded me the further satis-
faction of reflecting, that I have been guided
throughout by that advice to which the Author
himself would have wished me on such an occa-
sion to have recourse.

The Appendix consists, with some few excep-
tions,* of such part of Barillon's correspondence

* The Dispatch, p. ix. Extracts, pp. xviii. xxviii. xli. Ivii. cili.

xIlV TO THE HEADER.

from the death of Charles the Second to the
Prorogation of Parliament in 1685, as Sir John
Dalrymple omitted to publish. As the letters of
a subsequent date, however curious and inte-
resting, have no relation to the short period of
history included in the following Chapters, they
have not been annexed to the present publication.
This account will be sufficient to explain all
the circumstances attending the design, progress,
and state of the Work, as well as the manner in
which it is now brought before the publick. If
any should object to my having entered into so
much detail respecting those points, I have no
other excuse to offer, than the nature of the task
I had undertaken, and the extreme anxiety, that
no fault or omission of the Editor should by any
possibility be attributed to the Author. Perhaps
it may be necessary to forestall an observation of
a very different description. Those who admired
Mr. Fox in publick, and those who loved him in
private, must naturally feel desirous that some
memorial should be preserved of the great and
good qualities of his head and heart. Some
among them may think that the present. account
should not have been confined to such matters

TO THE READER.

only as relate to the unfinished work to which it
is prefixed. It is true that, at the melancholy
period of his death, advantage was taken of the
interest excited by all that concerned him, to
impose upon the publick a variety of memoirs
and anecdotes, (in the form of pamphlets,) as un-
founded in fact, as they were painful to his friends,
and injurious to his memory. The confident pre-
tensions with which many of those publications
were ushered into the world, may have given
them some little circulation at the time ; but the
internal evidence of their falsehood was sufficiently
strong to counteract any impression which their
contents might be calculated to produce. It is
not, therefore, with a view of exposing such mis-
representations, that any authentick account of
the life of Mr. Fox can be deemed necessary. On
the other hand, the objections to such an under-
taking at present are obvious ; and after much
reflection, they have appeared to those connected
with him to be insuperable. A compilation of
his speeches, or of such transactions of his pub-
lick life as are well known, might be, and pro-
bably has already been, executed with as much
fidelity and success by others, as it could be by

TO THE READER.

those who had the advantage of a closer intimacy
or nearer connection with him. If more were
attempted, either many interesting passages of
his life must be omitted, and truth in some in-
stances suppressed, or circumstances which might
wound the feelings of individuals yet living, must
be unnecessarily and wantonly disclosed to the
publick. No allusion is here made to any par-
ticular period, transaction, or person. The ob-
servation is general ; it applies to the memoirs of
every publick man, and must therefore be true in
the instance of Mr. Fox.

These considerations have induced his family
and friends to relinquish, for the present, any
such design. It is, however a duty to the pub-
lick, as well as to the memory of any great and
good man, to preserve with the utmost diligence,
all the materials which may enable a future bio-
grapher to do justice to the events of his life,
and the merits of his character. With this view,
the private letters of Mr. Fox have been care-
fully collected ; and I am already indebted to
several of his correspondents for the originals or
copies of such as were in their possession. It
is hoped, that by these and farther communica-

TO THE READER. xlvil

tions, the means will be secured of perpetuating
the remembrance of his publick and private vir-
tues, and of conveying a faint, but just notion of
his character to posterity.

In the mean while, his friends will contem-
plate with some satisfaction this monument, how-
ever imperfect, of his genius and acquirements;
they will recognize throughout the work those
noble and elevated principles, which animated
his own conduct in life, and in the simplicity of
the thoughts, as well as in the nature of the re-
flections, they cannot fail to discover a picture of
his candid and amiable mind.

VASSALL HOLLAND.

Holland House,
April 25th, 1808.

[ xlviii ]

POSTSCRIPT.

May 4.

SINCE the preceding pages were printed, Ser-
jeant Heywood has obligingly communicated to
me copies of several letters which he received
from Mr. Fox, on subjects connected with his
History. They evince the same anxiety about
facts, and the same minuteness of research, which
have been remarked in his correspondence with
Mr. Laing. But some of his readers may be gra-
tified with the perusal of the following, as it con-
tains his view of the character of Lord Shaftes-
bury, upon which so much difference of opinion
has existed among historians.

" DEAR HEYWOOD,

" I am much obliged to you for your letter ; of
" the hints in which I shall avail myself, when I
" return to this place, (as I hope,) before the end
" of the week. I go to town to-morrow, and
" shall be in the House on Tuesday.

TO THE READER.

" I remember most of the passages in Madame
" de Sevigne", and will trouble you or Mrs. Hey-
" wood to hunt for another, whieh I also re-
" member, and which in some views is of im-
'* portance. If my memory does not deceive me,
" in one of the early volumes, while Barillon is
" in England, she mentions the reports of his
" being getting a great deal of money there ; but
'' I have not lately been able to find the passage.
" Pray observe, that notwithstanding the violence
*' against the Prince of Orange, Madame de
" Sevigne's good sense and candour make her al-
" low, that there is another view of the matter,
" in which the Prince of Orange, fighting and
" conquering for a religion, quil croit la vraye,
" &c. &c. appears a hero. Her account of James,
" both for insensibility and courage, is quite at
" variance with his apparent conduct before he
" went off. Here he appears to have been de-
" ficient in courage, and by no means in sensi-
" bility.

" I am quite glad I have little to do with
" Shaftesbury ; for as to making him a real pa-
" triot, or friend to our ideas of liberty, it is im-
v< possible, at least in my opinion. On the other

il
(f

ts
st

-IT TO THE READER.

" hand, he is very far from being the devil he
" is described. Indeed, he seems to have been
strictly a man of honour, if that praise can be
given to one destitute of public virtue, and who
" did not consider Catholicks as fellow-creatures;
" a feeling very common in those times. Locke
" was probably caught by his splendid qualities,
" his courage, his openness, his party zeal, his elo-
" quence, his fair dealing with his friends, and
his superiority to vulgar corruption. Locke's
partiality might make him, on the other hand,
" blind to the indifference with which he
" (Shaftesbury,) espoused either Monarchical,
" Arbitrary, or Republican principles, as best
" suited his ambition ; but could it make him
blind to the relentless cruelty with which he
persecuted the Papists in the affair of the
Popish Plot, merely, as it should seem, be-
cause it suited the purposes of the party
with which he was then engaged ? You
" know that some of the imputations against
" him are certainly false ; the shutting up the
" Exchequer, for instance. But the two great
" blots of sitting on the Regicides, and his cori-
" duct in the Popish Plot, can never be wiped off.

TO THE READER. H

" The second Dutch war is a bad business, in
" which he engaged heartily, and in which (not-
withstanding all his apologists say,) he would
have persevered, if he had not found the King
was cheating him.

Your's ever,

"C.J. FOX."

Sunday, St. Ann's Hill,
(Chertsey, November 20, 1 803.

Serjeant Heywood, Harpur Street.)

((

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CONTENTS.

Introductory Observations. First Period, from Henry VII. to the Year
1588. Second Period, from 1588 to 1640. Meeting of Parliament.
Redress of Grievances. Strafford's Attainder. The commence-
ment of the Civil War. Treaty from the Isle of Wight. The King's
Execution. Cromwell's Power; his Character. Indifference of the
Nation respecting Forms of Government. The Restoration. Mi-
nistry of Clarendon and Southampton. Cabal. Dutch War. De
Witt. The Prince of Orange. The Popish Plot. The Habeas Cor-
pus Act. The Exclusion Bill. Dissolution of Charles the Second's
last Parliament. His Power; his Tyranny in Scotland; in England.
Exorbitant Fines. Executions. Forfeitures of Charters. Des-
potism established. Despondency of good Men. Charles's Death.
His Character. Reflections upon the probable Consequences of his
Reign and Death.

.113 *flOT'MJ{!( riTVTI

'.o v/Jit". -.MI h&ltmte SI'M>J;> '.;! r,:ito| i.l-noji.-; i.: a;

:K . .Kaecjooa i'lnov/ -yodi ,/-. -^.imf -'-:f.i - Kj ;

iijjti ; i Jo-Jiacnsvog aJi-'Kf -.<?o$fiifo if.'jjiiioqr'
f>iiB ,^ci bluov/ Jio^/ir.i:') if-)';;?.. 'io yjiisl noi ^iJi Jiitlv/

*' 'A l7/ TJTciT'rit>-v ' n f' v '
r e.i U "- HISTORY, ^'"JiJi

ldfido-j r, >ii;idJ I L>f!Ji ,r"i (r 'o Iisvi-^.'

o 'iTr.'Oi

n - M:O-. y/l Ix-iwu '<-.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER,

-miri ykihie

IN reading the history of every country, there are cer- CHAPTER
tain periods at which the mind naturally pauses, to
meditate upon, and consider them, with reference, not
only to their immediate effects, but to their more remote
consequences. After the wars of Marius and Sylla, and
the incorporation, as it were, of all Italy with the city
of Rome, we cannot but stop, to consider the conse-
quences likely to result from these important events ;
and in this instance we find them to be just such as
might have beeij expected.; ,J KI

', J " Xk 4 f$ 4 "-i *

v f

The reign of our Henry the Seventh, affords a field ^'m mcac
of more doubtful speculation. Every one who takes a
retrospective view of the wars of York and Lancaster, 1588

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER and at t en ds to the regulations effected by the policy of
that prince, must see they would necessarily lead to
great and important changes in the government ; but
what the tendency of such changes would be, and
much more, in what manner they would be produced,
ight be a question of gteat^ d1ffifc*ulty7 It is now the

164 -

mig

generally received opinion, and I think a probable opi-
nion, that, to the provisions of thai reigBy-we are to refet
the origin, both of the unlimited power of the Tudors,
and of the liberties wrested by our ancestors from the
Stuarts ; that tyranny was their immediate, and liberty
their remote, consequence ; but he must have great
confidence in his ewn- sagaeifcy-,- -who can satisfy him-
self, that, unaided by the knowledge of subsequent
events, he could> from a consideration of the causes,
have foreseen the succession of effects so different.

tiJlf ' .' Filial! 'ij**i*)'li)ii;J(l ; ^'i*' j ' ! i 1 ' 1 1 - : -

--Another period, that affords ample scope for specu*-
lation of this kind, is that which is ^comprised between
the years fifteen hundred and eighty-eight, and sixteen
hundred and forty ; a period of almost uninterrupted
tranquillity and peace. The general improvement in all
arts of civil life, and* atoove aH, the astonishing progress
of literature, are the most striking among the general
features of that period ;. and are in themselves causes
sufficient to produce effects of the utmost importance.
A country whose language Was enriched by the works
of Hooker, Raleigh, and Bacon, could not but expe-

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

rience a sensible change in its manners, and in its style
of thinking ; and even to speak the same language in
which Spenser and Shakespeare had written, seemed a
sufficient plea to rescue the Commons of England from
the appellation of Brutes, with which Henry the Eighth
had addressed them. Among the more particular effects
of this general improvement, the most material, and
worthy to be considered, appear to me to have been
the frequency of debate in the House of Commons, and
the additional value that came to be set on a seat in
that assembly.

From these circumstances, a sagacious observer may
be led to expect the mostimportantrevolutions; and from
the latter, he may be enabled to foresee that the House
of Commons will be the principal instrument in bring-
ing them to pass. But in what manner will that House
conduct itself? Will it content itself with its regular
share of legislative power, and with the influence which
it cannot fail to possess, whenever it exerts itself upon
the other branches of the legislative, and on the execu-
tive power ? or will it boldly (perhaps rashly) pretend
to a power commensurate with the natural rights of
the representative of the people ? If it should, will
it not be obliged to support its claims by military
force ? And how long will such a force be under its
controul ? How long before it follows the usual course
of all armies, and ranges itself under a single master ?

} INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER Jf suc h a master should arise, will he establish an here-

ditary, or an elective government ? If the first, what

will be gained but a change of dynasty ? If the second,
will not the military force, as it chose the first king or
protector (the name is of no importance) choose in ef-
fect all his successors ? or will he fail, and shall we have
a restoration, usually the most dangerous and worst of
all revolutions ? To some of these questions the answers
may from the experience of past ages, be easy, but to
many of them far otherwise ; and he will read history
with most profit, who the most canvasses questions of
this nature, especially if he can divest his mind for the
time, of the recollection of the event as it in fact suc-
ceeded.

Third Period.

The next period, as it is that which immediately pre-
cedes the commencement of this History, requires a
more detailed examination ; nor is there any more fertile
of matter, whether for reflection or speculation. Between
the year sixteen hundred and forty, and the death of
Charles the Second, we have the opportunity of con-
templating the state in almost every variety of circum-
stances. Religious dispute, political contest in all its
forms and degrees, from the honest exertions of party,
and the corrupt intrigues of faction, to violence and
civil war ; despotism, first in the person of an usurper,
and afterwards in that of an hereditary king ; the most
memorable and salutary improvements in the laws, the

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 9

most abandoned administration of them; in fine, what- CHAPTER

ever can happen to a nation, whether of glorious or ca-

lamitous, makes a part of this astonishing and instruc-
tive picture.

The commencement of this period is marked by exer- < ca-
tions of the people, through their representatives in the
House of Commons, not only justifiable in their princi-
ple, but directed to the properest objects, and in a
manner the most judicious. Many of their leaders were
greatly versed in ancient as well as modern learning,
and were even enthusiastically attached to the great
names of antiquity ; but they never conceived the wild
project of assimilating the government of England to
that of Athens, of Sparta, or of Home. They were con-
tent with applying to the English constitution, and to
the English laws, the spirit of liberty which had animat-
ed, and rendered illustrious, the ancient republicks.
Their first object was to obtain redress of past grievances Redress oi
with a proper regard to the individuals who had suf- sne
fered ; the next, to prevent the recurrence of such
grievances, by the abolition of tyrannical tribunals,
acting upon arbitrary maxims in criminal proceedings,
and most improperly denominated courts of justice.
They then proceeded to establish that fundamental
principle of all free government, the preserving of the ,
purse to the people and their representatives. And
though there may be more difference of opinion upon

10 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER tne j r proposed regulations in regard to the militia, yet

surely, when a contest was to be foreseen, they

could not, consistently with prudence, leave the power
of the sword altogether in the hands of an adverse
party.

Lord straffbrd's The prosecution of Lord Strafford, or rather the man-
attainder, r i , . . . i ' f* I 1 TT

ner in which it was carried on, is less justifiable. He
was doubtless a great delinquent, and well deserved the
severest punishment ; but nothing short of a clearly
proved case of self-defence can justify, or even excuse,
a departure from the sacred rules of criminal justice.
For it can rarely indeed happen, that the mischief to be
apprehended from suffering any criminal, however
guilty, to escape, can be equal to that resulting from
the violation of those rules to which the innocent owe
the security of all that is dear to them. If such cases
have existed, they must have been in instances where
trial has been wholly out of the question, as in that of
Caesar, and other tyrants ; but when a man is once in a
situation to be tried, and his person in the power of his
accusers and his judges, he can no longer be formid-
able in that degree which alone can justify, (if any
thing can,) the violation of the substantial rules of cri-
minal proceedings.

commence- At the breaking out of the civil war, so intemperately
civ?* WIT.' denominated a rebellion by Lord Clarendon and other

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 11

Tory writers, the material question appears to me to be, CHA I 1TEtt

whether or not sufficient attempts were made by the

Parliament and their leaders, to avoid bringing affairs
to such a decision ? That according to the general
principles of morality, they had justice on their side,
cannot fairly be doubted ; but did they sufficiently at-
tend to that great dictum of Tully,* in questions of
civil dissension, wherein he declares his preference of
even an unfair peace to the most just war? Did they
sufficiently weigh the dangers that might ensue even
from victory ; dangers, in such cases, little less formid-
able to the cause of liberty than those which might
follow a defeat ? Did they consider that it is not pecu-
liar to the followers of Pompey, and the civil wars of
Rome, that the event to be looked for is, as the same
Tully describes it, in case of defeat, proscription ; in
that of victory, servitude ? Is the failure of the nego- Treat y of the

J ' Isle of Wight.

tiation when the King was in the Isle of Wight to be
imputed to the suspicions justly entertained of his sin-
cerity ? or to the ambition of the parliamentary leaders ?
If the insincerity of the King was the real cause, ought
not the mischief to be apprehended from his insincerity,
rather to have been guarded against by treaty, than al-
ledged as a pretence for breaking off the negotiation ?
Sad indeed will be the condition of the world, if we are
never to make peace with an adverse party whose sin-

* Iniquissimam pacem juslissimo bello antefero.
c 2

12 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER cer ity we i iave reason to suspect. Even just grounds

for such suspicions will but too often occur, and when

such fail, the proneness of man to impute evil qualities
as well as evil designs to his enemies, will suggest false
ones. In the present case, the suspicion of insincerity
was, it is true, so just, as to amount to a moral cer-
tainty. The example of the Petition of Right was a sa-
tisfactory proof that the King made no point of adher-
ing to concessions which he considered as extorted from
him; and if a philosophical historian, writing above a
century after the time, can deem the pretended hard
usage Charles met with, as a sufficient excuse for his
breaking his faith in the first instance, much more must
that prince himself, with all his prejudices, and notions
of his divine right, have thought it justifiable to retract
concessions, which to, him, no doubt, appeared far more
unreasonable than the Petition of Right, and which,
with much more colour, he might consider as extorted.
These considerations were probably the cause why the
Parliament so long delayed their determination of ac-
cepting the King's offer as a basis for treaty ; but un-
fortunately, they had delayed so long, that when at last
they adopted it, they found themselves without power
to carry it into execution. The army having now ceased
to be the servants, had become the masters of the Parlia-
ment, and being entirely influenced by Cromwell, gave
a commencement to what may, properly speaking, be
called a new reign. The subsequent measures, therefore.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 13

the execution of the King, as well as others, are not to
be considered as acts of the Parliament, but of Cromwell;
and great and respectable as are the names of some who
sat in the high court, they must be regarded, in this in-
stance, rather as ministers of that usurper, than as act-
ing from themselves.

The execution of the Kins; though a far less violent Kiig'

tion.

measure than that of Lord Strafford, is an event of so
singular a nature, that we cannot wonder that it should
have excited more sensation than any other in the annals
of England. This exemplary act of substantial justice,
as it has been called by some, of enormous wickedness
by others, must be considered in two points of view.
First, was it not in itself just and necessary ? Secondly,
was the example of it likely to be salutary or pernicious ?
In regard to the first of these questions, Mr. Hume,
not perhaps intentionally,, makes the best justification
of it, by saying, that while Charles lived, the projected
republick could never be secure. But to justify taking
away the life of an individual, upon the principle of
self-defence, the danger must be not problematical and
remote, but evident and immediate. The danger in this
instance was not of such a nature ; and the imprison-
ment, or even banishment, of Charles, might have
given to the republick such a degree of security as any
government ought to be content with. It must be con-
fessed however on the other side, that if the republican

CHAPTER

14 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER government had suffered the King to escape, it would
have been an act of j ustice and generosity wholly un-
exampled ; and to have granted him even his life,
would have been one among the more rare efforts of
virtue. The short interval between the deposal and
death of princes is become proverbial ; and though
there may be some few examples on the other side, as
far as life is concerned, I doubt whether a single in-
stance can be found, where liberty has been granted to
a deposed monarch. Among the modes of destroying
persons in such a situation, there can be little doubt
but that adopted by Cromwell and his adherents is
the least dishonourable. Edward the Second, Richard
the Second, Henry the Sixth, Edward the Fifth, had
none of them long survived their deposal ; but this
was the first instance, in our history at least, where, of
such an act, it could be truly said, that it was not done
in a corner.

As to the second question, whether the advantage to
be derived from the example was, such as to justify an
act of such violence, it appears to me to be a complete
solution of it to observe, that with respect to Eng-
land, (and I know not upon what ground we are to set
examples for other nations, or in other words, to take
the criminal justice of the world into our hands,) it was
wholly needless, and therefore unjustifiable, to set one
for kings, at a time when it was intended the office of

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 15

King should be abolished, and consequently, that;no
person should be in the situation to make it the rule of
his conduct. Besides, the miseries attendant upon a
deposed monarch, seem to be sufficient to deter any
prince, who thinks of consequences, from running the
risk of being placed in such a situation ; or, if death be
the only evil that can deter him, the fate of former ty-
rants deposed by their subjects, would by no means en-
courage him to hope he could avoid even that catas-
trophe. As far as we can judge from the event, the
example was certainly not very effectual, since both the
sons of Charles, though having their father's fate before
their eyes, yet feared not to violate the liberties of the
people even more than he had attempted to do.

If we consider this question of example in a more
extended view, and look to the general effect produced
upon the minds of men, it cannot be doubted but the
opportunity thus given to Charles, to display his firmness
and piety, has created more respect for his memory than
it could otherwise have obtained. Respect and pity for
the sufferer on one hand, and hatred to his enemies on
the other, soon produce favour and aversion to their
respective causes ; and thus, even though it should be
admitted, (which is doubtful,) that some advantage may
have been gained to the cause of liberty, by the terrour
of the example operating upon the minds of princes,
such advantage is far outweighed by the zeal which ad-

CHAPFER
1.

16 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER m i ra tion for virtue, and pity for sufferings, the best pas-
- - sions of the human heart, have excited in favour of the
royal cause. It has been thought dangerous to the mo-
rals of mankind, even in fiction and romance, to make
us sympathize with characters whose general conduct is
blameable ; but how much greater must the effect be,
when in real history our feelings are interested in favour
of a monarch with whom, to say the least, his subjects
were obliged to contend in arms for their liberty ? After
all, however, notwithstanding what the more reasonable
part of mankind may think upon this question, it is
much to be doubted whether this singular proceeding
has not, as much as any other circumstance, served to
raise the character of the English nation in the opinion
of Europe in general. He who has read, and still more
he who has heard in conversation, discussions upon this
subject, by foreigners, must have perceived, that,

even in the minds of those who condemn the act, the
impression made by it has been far more that of respect
and admiration, than that of disgust and horrour. The
truth is, that the guilt of the action, that is to say, the
taking away the life of the King, is what most men
in the place of Cromwell and his associates would have
incurred ; what there is of splendour and of magnani-
mity in it, I mean the publicity and solemnity of the
act, is what few would be capable of displaying. It is
a degrading fact to human nature, that even the send-
ing away of the Duke of Gloucester was an instance of

KVTIIODUCTOKY CHAPTER. 17

generosity almost unexampled in the history of trans-
actions of this nature.

From the execution of the King to the death of
Cromwell, the government was, with some variation of
forms, in substance monarchical and absolute, as a go-
vernment established by a military force will almost
invariably be, especially when the exertions of such a
force are continued for any length of time. If to this
general rule our own age, and a people whom their
origin and near relation to us would almost warrant us
to call our own nation, have afforded a splendid and
perhaps a solitary exception, we must reflect not only,
that a character of virtues so happily tempered by one
another, and so wholly unalloyed with any vices, as that
of Washington, is hardly to be found in the pages of
history, but that even Washington himself might not
have been able to act his most glorious of all parts,
without the existence of circumstances uncommonly fa-
vourable, and almost peculiar to the country which was
to be the theatre of it. Virtue like his depends not in-
deed upon time or place ; but although in no country
or time would he have degraded himself into a Pisis-
tratus, or a Caesar, or a Cromwell, he might have shared
the fate of a Cato, or a De Witt ; or, like Ludlow and
Sidney, have mourned in exile the lost liberties of his
country.

CromweTi go-
vernment.

18 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER "With tne life O f tne p ro tector almost immediately
ended the government which he had established. The

great talents of this extraordinary person had supported,
during his life, a system condemned equally by reason
and by prejudice; by reason, as wanting freedom ; by
prejudice, as an usurpation ; and it must be confessed
to be no mean testimony to his genius, that, notwith-
standing the radical defects of such a system, the splen-
dour of his character and exploits render the aera of the
Protectorship one of the most brilliant in English history.
It is true his conduct in foreign concerns, is set'off to ad-
vantage, by a comparison of it with that of those who
preceded, and who followed him. Jf he made a mistake
in espousing the French interest instead of the Spanish,
we should recollect, that in examining this question we
must divest our minds entirely of all the considerations
which the subsequent relative state of those two empires
suggest to us, before we can become impartial judges
in it ; and at any rate, we must allow his reign, in re-
gard to European concerns, to have been most glorious
when contrasted with the pusillanimity of James the
First, with the levity of Charles the First, and the mer-
cenary meanness of the two last Princes of the House
of Stuart. Upon the whole, the character of Cromwell
must ever stand high in the list of those, who raised
I themselves to supreme power by the force of their ge-
nius ; and among such, even in respect of moral -virtue.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 19

it would be found to be one of the least exceptionable,
if it had not been tainted with that most odious and de-
grading of all human vices, Hypocrisy.

The short interval between Cromwell's death and the
Restoration, exhibits the picture of a nation either so
wearied with changes as not to feel, or so subdued by
military power as not to dare to show, any care or even
preference with regard to the form of their government.
All was in the army; and that army, by such a con-
currence of fortuitous circumstances as history teaches
us not to be surprised at, had fallen into the hands of
one, than whom a baser could not be found in its lowest
. ranks. Personal courage appears to have been Monk's ^ h a ctei of
only virtue : reserve and dissimulation made up the'
whole stock of his wisdom. But to this man did the
nation look up, ready to receive from his orders the
form of government he should choose to prescribe.
There is reason to believe, that, from the general bias of
the Presbyterians, as well as of the Cavaliers, monarchy
was the prevalent wish ; but it is observable, that al-
though the Parliament was, contrary to the principle
upon which it was pretended to be called, composed
of many avowed royalists, yet none dared to hint at the
restoration of the King, till they had Monk's permission,
or rather command, to receive and consider his letters.
It is impossible, in reviewing the whole of this transac-
tion, not to remark that a general who had gained his

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER ran k } reputation, and station in the service of a repub-

lick, and of what he, as well as others, called, however

falsely, the cause of liberty, made no scruple to lay the
nation prostrate at the feet of a monarch, without a
single provision in favour of that cause ; and if the pro-
mise of indemnity may seem to argue that there was
some attention, at least, paid to the safety of his asso-
ciates in arms, his subsequent conduct gives reason to-
suppose, that even this provision was owing to any
other cause, rather than to any generous feeling of his
breast. For he afterwards not only acquiesced in the
insults so meanly put upon the illustrious corpse of
Blake, under whose auspices and command he had
performed the most creditable services of his life, but
in the trial of Argyle, produced letters of friendship and
confidence, to take away the life of a nobleman,* the
zeal and cordiality of whose co-operation with him,
proved by such documents, was the chief ground of his
execution ; thus gratuitously surpassing in infamy those
miserable wretches who, to save their own lives, are
sometimes persuaded to impeach, and swear away, the
lives of their accomplices.

Restoration.
1680.

The reign of Charles the Second forms one of the
most singular, as well as of the most important periods
of history. It is the aera of good laws and bad govern-

"<tn >; ;
* Burnct. Baillie's Letter?, II; 431.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 21

ment. The abolition of the Court of Wards, the repeal CHA ) >TER
of the Writ De Heretico Comburendo, the triennial Par-
liament Bill, the establishment of the rights of the
House of Commons in regard to impeachment, the ex-
piration of the License Act, and above all, the glorious
statute of Habeas Corpus, have therefore induced a mo-
dern writer of great eminence to fix the year l6?9 as the
period at which our constitution had arrived" at its
greatest theoretical perfection ; but he owns, in a short
note upon the passage alluded to, that the times imme-
diately following were times of great practical oppres-
sion. What a field for meditation does this short obser-
vation, from such a man, furnish ! What reflections does
it not suggest to a thinking mind, upon the inefficacy
of human laws, and the imperfection of human constitu-
tions ! We are called from the contemplation of the
progress of our constitution, and our attention fixed with
the most minute accuracy to a particular point, when it
is said to have risen to its utmost perfection. Here we
are then at the best moment of the best constitution
that ever human wisdom framed. What follows ? A
time of oppression and misery, not arising from external
or accidental causes, such as war, pestilence, or famine,
nor even from any such alteration of the laws as might
be supposed to impair this boasted perfection, but from a
corrupt and wicked administration, which all the so
much admired checks of the constitution were not able
to prevent. How vain then, how idle, how presumptu-

22 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER OUSj is tlie O pi n i on) that laws can do every thing ! and

how weak and pernicious the maxim founded upon it,

that measures, not men, are to be attended to !

Administration The first years of this reign, under the administration

ofSouthampton , ,

and clarendon. o f Southampton and Clarendon, form by far the least
exceptionable part of it, and even in this period, the exe-
cutions of Argyle and Vane, and the whole conduct of
the government with respect to church matters, both in
England and in Scotland, were gross instances of ty-
ranny. With respect to the execution of those who
were accused of having been more immediately con-
cerned in the King's death, that of Scrope, who had
come in upon the proclamation, and of the military of-
ficers who had attended the trial, was a violation of
every principle of law and justice. But the fate of the
others, though highly dishonourable to Monk, whose
'whole power had arisen from his zeal in their service,
and the favour and confidence with which they had re-
warded him, and not perhaps very creditable to the na-
tion, of which many had applauded, more had support-
ed, and almost all had acquiesced in the act, is not cer-
tainly to be imputed as a crime to the King, or to those
of his advisers who were of the Cavalier party. The
passion of revenge, though properly condemned both
by philosophy and religion, yet when it is excited by in*
jurious treatment of persons justly dear to us, is among
the most excusable of human frailties ; and if Charles,

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 2

in his general conduct, had shown stronger feelings of j.

gratitude for services performed to his father, his cha-
racter, in the eyes of many, would be rather raised than
lowered by this example of severity against the regi-
cides. Clarendon is said to have been privy to the
King's receiving money from Lewis the Fourteenth ;
but what proofs exist of this charge, (for a heavy charge
it is,) I know not. Southampton was one of the very few
of the royalist party who preserved any just regard for
the liberties of the people, and the disgust which a per-
son possessed of such sentiments must unavoidably
feel, is said to have determined him to quit the King's
service, and to retire altogether from public affairs.
Whether he would have acted upon this determina-
tion, his death, which happened in the year sixteen
hundred and sixty-seven, prevents us now from ascer-
taining.

After the fall of Clarendon, which soon followed, the The King's m

government.

King entered into that career of misgovernment, which,
that he was able to pursue it to its end, is a disgrace to
the history of our country. If any thing can add to our
disgust at the meanness with which he solicited a de-
pendence upon Lewis the Fourteenth, it is the hypocri-
tical pretence upon which he was continually pressing
that monarch. After having passed a law, making it
penal to affirm, (what was true,) that he was a Papist,
he pretended, (whieh was certainly not true,) to be a

24 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER zea j ous anc j bigoted Papist ; and the uneasiness of his
- conscience at so long delaying a publick avowal of his
conversion, was more than once urged by him, as an ar-
gument to increase the pension, and to accelerate the
assistance he was to receive from France.* In a later
period of his reign, when his interest, as he thought, lay
the other way, that he might at once continue to earn
his wages, and yet put off a publick conversion, he
stated some scruples, contracted, no doubt, by his affec-
tion to the Protestant churches, in relation to the Po-
pish mode of giving the sacrament ; and pretended a
wish, that the Pope might be induced by Lewis, to
consider of some alterations in that respect, to enable
him to reconcile himself to the Roman church with a
clear and pure conscience.-j-

The ministry, known by the name of the Cabal, seems
to have consisted of characters so unprincipled, as justly
to deserve the severity with which they have been treat-
ed by all writers who have mentioned them ; but if it is
probable, that they were ready to betray their King, as
well as their country, it is certain that the King be-
trayed them ; keeping from them the real state of his
connection with France, and, from some of them, at
least, the secret of what he was pleased to call his re-
ligion. Whether this concealment on his part, arose

* Dakymple's Memoirs, II. 33, 8tc. f Ibid. U. 84.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. '2

from his habitual treachery, and from the incapacity CHAPTER

which men of that character feel, of being open and

honest, even when they know it is their interest to be
so ; or from an apprehension that they might demand
for themselves some share of the French money, which
he was unwilling to give them, cannot now be deter-
mined. But to the want of genuine and reciprocal
confidence between him and those ministers, is to be at-
tributed, in a great measure, the escape which the na-
tion at that time experienced ; an escape, however,which
proved to be only a reprieve from that servitude to which
they were afterwards reduced in the latter years of the
reign.

The first Dutch war had been undertaken against all Dutch w r .
maxims of policy, as well as of justice ; but the su-
periour infamy of the second, aggravated by the disap-
pointment of all the hopes entertained by good men,
from the triple alliance, and by the treacherous attempt
at piracy with which it was commenced, seems to have
effaced the impression of it, not only from the minds of
men living at the time, but from most of the writers who
have treated of this reign. The principle, however, of i 8?5 .
both was the same, and arbitrary power at home was the
object of both. The second Dutch war rendered the
King's system and views so apparent to all who were
not determined to shut their eyes against conviction,
that it is difficult to conceive how persons, who had any

26 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER rea | care or regard, either for the liberty or honour of

the country, could trust him afterwards. And yet even

Sir William Temple, who appears to have been one of
the most honest, as well as of the most enlightened,
statesmen of his time, could not believe his treachery
to be quite so deep, as it was in fact ; and seems occa-
sionally to have hoped, that he was in earnest in his pro-
fessed intentions of following the wise and just system
that was recommended to him. Great instances of cre-
dulity and blindness in wise men are often liable to the
suspicion of being pretended, for the purpose of justi-
fying the continuing in situations of power and employ-
ment longer than strict honour would allow. But to
Temple's sincerity his subsequent conduct gives abund-
ant testimony. When he had reason to think that his
services could no longer be useful to his country, he
withdrew wholly from publick business, and resolutely
adhered to the preference of philosophical retirement,
which, in his circumstances, was just, in spite of every
temptation which occurred to bring him back to the
more active scene. The remainder of his life he seems
to have employed in the most noble contemplations, and
the most elegant amusements ; every enjoyment height-
ened, no doubt, by reflecting on the honourable part he
had acted in publick affairs, and without any regret on
his own account, (whatever he might feel for his coun-
try,) at having been driven from them.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 27

Besides the important consequences produced by this
second Dutch war in England, it gave birth to two

De Witt.

great events in Holland; the one as favourable, as the
other was disastrous, to the cause of general liberty.
The catastrophe of De Witt, the wisest, best, and most
truly patriotick minister that ever appeared upon the
publick stage, as it was an act of the most crying in-
justice and ingratitude, so likewise is it the most com-
pletely disencouraging example, that history affords to
the lovers of liberty. If Aristides was banished, he was
also recalled : If Dion was repaid for his services to the
Syracusans by ingratitude, that ingratitude was more
than once repented of: if Sidney and Russel died upon
the scaffold, they had not the cruel mortification of fall-
ing by the hands of the people : ample justice was done
to their memory, and the very sound of their names is
still animating to every Englishman attached to their
glorious cause. But with De Witt fell also his cause and
his party ; and although a name so respected by all
who revere virtue and wisdom, when employed in their
noblest sphere, the political service of the publick, must
undoubtedly be doubly dear to his countrymen, yet 1
do not know that, even to this day, any publick honours
have been paid by them to his memory.

On the other hand, the circumstances attending the P"nce ot
first appearance of the Prince of Orange in publick af-
fairs, were in every respect most fortunate for himself,

28 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER f or England, f or Europe. Of an age to receive the

strongest impressions, and of a character to render such

impressions durable, he entered the world in a moment
Avhen the calamitous situation of the United Provinces,
could not but excite, in every Dutchman, the strongest
detestation of the insolent ambition of Lewis the Four-
teenth, and the greatest contempt of an English govern-
ment, which could so far mistake, or betray, the inte-
rests of the country, as to lend itself to his projects. Ac-
cordingly, the circumstances attending his outset seem
to have given a lasting bias to his character; and
through the whole course of his life, the prevailing sen-
timents of his mind seem to have been those which he
imbibed at this early period. These sentiments were
most peculiarly adapted to the positions in which this
great man was destined to be placed. The light in which
he viewed Lewis rendered him the fittest champion of
the independence of Europe ; and in England, French
influence and arbitrary power were in those times, so in-
timately connected, that he who had not only seen with
disapprobation, but had so sensibly felt, the baneful ef-
fects of Charles's connection with France, seemed edu-r
cated, as it were, to be the defender of English liberty.
This prince's struggles in defence of his country, his
success in rescuing it from a situation to all appear-
ance so desperate, and the consequent failure and mor-
tification of Lewis the Fourteenth, form a scene in his-
tory upon which the mind dwells with unceasing delight.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 29

CHAPTER
I.

One never can read Lewis's famous Declaration against

the Hollanders, knowing the event which is to follow,

without feeling the heart dilate with exultation, and a
kind of triumphant contempt, which, though not quite
consonant to the principles of pure philosophy, never
fails to give the mind inexpressible satisfaction. Did the
relation of such events form the sole, or even any consi-
derable part of the historian's task, pleasant indeed would
be his labours ; but, though far less agreeable, it is not
a less useful or necessary part of his business, to relate
the triumphs of successful wickedness, and the oppres-
sion of truth, justice and liberty.

The interval from the separate peace between Ens;- The conduct

and designs ef

land and the United Provinces, to the peace of Nime- charks.

1674.

guen, was chiefly employed by Charles in attempts to 1<57S -
obtain money from France and other foreign powers, in
which he was sometimes more, sometimes less success-
ful ; and in various false professions, promises, and
other devices to. deceive his parliament and his people,
in which he uniformly failed. Though neither the na-
ture and extent of his connection with France, nor his
design of introducing Popery into England, were known
at that time, as they now are, yet there were not want-
ing many indications of the King's disposition, and of
the general tendency of his designs. Reasonable per-
sons apprehended that the supplies asked were intended
to be used, not for the specious purpose of maintaining

INTRODUCTORY CIIAPTElt.

CHAPTER t j ie balance of Europe, but for that of subduing the
parliament and people who should give them ; and the

Disposition ol t T

the Nation. great antipathy or the bulk or the nation to ropery
caused many to be both more clear-sighted in discover-
ing, and more resolute in resisting, the designs of the
court, than they would probably have shown themselves,
if civil liberty alone had been concerned.

Popish Plot.
1678.

When the minds of men were in the disposition
which such a state of things was naturally calculated to
produce, it is not to be wondered at, that a ready, and
perhaps a too facile, belief should have been accorded to
the rumour of a Popish plot. But with the largest pos-
sible allowance for the just apprehensions which were
entertained, and the consequent irritation of the coun-
try, it is wholly inconceivable how such a plot as that
brought forward by Tongue and Gates could obtain any
general belief. Nor can any stretch of candour make us
admit it to be probable, that all who pretended a be-
lief of it did seriously entertain it. On the other hand,
it seems an absurdity, equal almost in degree to the be-
lief of the plot itself, to suppose that it was a story fa-
bricated by the Earl of Shaftesbury, and the other lead-
ers of the Whig party; and it would be highly unjust,
as well as uncharitable, not to admit, that the generality
of those who were engaged in the prosecution of it were
probably sincere in their belief of it, since it is un-
questionable that at the time very many persons, whose

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 31

political prejudices were of a quite different complexion, CHAPTER
were under the same delusion. The unanimous votes of

The belief of the

the two Houses of Parliament, and the names, as well plot universal.
as the number, of those who pronounced Lord Stafford
to be guilty, seem to put this beyond a doubt. Dryden,
writing soon after the time, says, in his Absalom and
Achitophel, that the plot was

" Bad in itself, but represented worse :"
that

" Some truth there was, but dash'd and brew'd with lies :"
and that

" Succeeding times did equal folly call
" Believing nothing, or believing all."

and Dryden will not, by those who are conversant in
the history and works of that immortal writer, be sus-
pected either of party prejudice in favour of Shaftes-
bury and the Whigs, or of any view to prejudice the
country against the Duke of York's succession to the
crown. The King repeatedly declared his belief of it.
These declarations, if sincere, would have some weight ;
but if insincere, as may be reasonably suspected, they
afford a still stronger testimony to prove that such be-
lief was not exclusively a party opinion, since it cannot
be supposed, that even the crooked politicks of Charles
could have led him to countenance fictions of his ene-

33 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER m i es> which were not adopted by his own party. Where-

fore, if this question were to be decided upon the

ground of authority, the reality of the plot would be
admitted ; and it must be confessed, that, with regard
to facts remote, in respect either of time or place, wise
men generally diffide in their own judgment, and defer
to that of those who have had a nearer view of them.
its absurdity. But there are cases where reason speaks so plainly as
to make all argument drawn from authority of no avail,
and this is surely one of them. Not to mention corres-
pondence by post on the subject of regicide, detailed
commissions from the Pope, silver bullets, &c. &c. and
other circumstances equally ridiculous, we need only ad-
vert to the part attributed to the Spanish government
in this conspiracy, and to the ailed ged intention of
murdering the King, to satisfy ourselves that it was a
forgery.

Disingenuous
justification
ef it.

Rapin, who argues the whole of this affair with a de-
gree of weakness as well as disingenuity very unusual to
him, seems at last to offer us a kind of compromise, and
to be satisfied if we will admit that there was a design
or project to introduce Popery and arbitrary power, at
the head of which were the King and his brother. Of
this I am as much convinced as he can be ; but how
does this justify the prosecution and execution of those
who suffered, since few, if any of them, were in a situa-
tion to be trusted by the royal conspirators with their

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 33

designs ? When he says, therefore, that, that is precisely CHAPTER'

what was understood by the conspiracy, he by no means

justifies those who were the principal prosecutors of the
plot. The design to murder the King, he calls the ap-
pendage of the plot : a strange expression this, to de-
scribe the projected murder of a king ! though not more
strange than the notion itself when applied to a plot,
the object of which was to render that verj' king abso-
lute, and to introduce the religion 'which he most fa-
voured. But it is to be observed, that though in consi-
dering the Bill of Exclusion, the Militia Bill, and other
legislative proceedings, the plot, as he defines it, that is
to say, the design of introducing Popery and arbitrary
power, was the important point to be looked to .; yet in
courts of justice, and for juries and judges, that which
he calls the appendage was, generally speaking, the sole
consideration.

Although therefore, upon a review of this truly shock- The proceedings

J on it disgraceful

ing transaction, we may be fairly justified m adopting to the nation.
the milder alternative, and in imputing to the greater
part of those concerned in it, rather an extrarodinary
degree of blind credulity, than the deliberate wicked-
ness of planning and assisting in the perpetration of le-
gal murder ; yet the proceedings on the Popish plot
must always be considered as an indelible disgrace upon
the English nation, in which King, Parliament, judges,
juries, witnesses, prosecutors, have all their respective,

34 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER though certainly not equal, shares. Witnesses, of such
- a character as not to deserve credit in the most trifling
cause, upon the most immaterial facts, gave evidence so
incredible, or, to speak more properly, so impossible to
be true, that it ought not to have been believed if it
had come from the mouth of Cato ; and upon such evi-
dence, from such witnesses, were innocent men con-
demned to death and executed. Prosecutors, whether
attornies and solicitors-general, or managers of impeach-
ment, acted with the fury which in such circumstances
might be expected ; juries partook naturally enough of
the national ferment ; and judges, whose duty it was to
guard them against such impressions, were scandalously
active in confirming them in their prejudices, and in-
flaming their passions. The King, who is supposed to
have disbelieved the whole of the plot, never once ex-
ercised his glorious prerogative of mercy. It is said he
dared not. His throne, perhaps his life, was at stake ;
and history does not furnish us with the example of
any monarch with whom the lives of innocent, or
even meritorious, subjects ever appeared to be of
much weight, when put in balance against such con-
siderations.

Habeas corpus rpj^ measures o f ^he prevailing party in the House of
Commons, in these times, appear, (with the exception
of their dreadful proceedings in the business of the pre-
tended plot, and of their violence towards those who

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 35

petitioned and addressed against Parliament,) to have
been, in general, highly laudable and meritorious ; and -
yet I am afraid it may be justly suspected, that it was
precisely to that part of their conduct which related to
the plot, and which is most reprehensible, that they
were indebted for their power to make the noble, and,
in some instances successful, struggles for liberty,
which do so much honour to their memory. The dan-
ger to be apprehended from military force, being always,
in the view of wise men, the most urgent, they first
voted the disbanding of the army, and the two Houses
passed a bill for that purpose, to which the King found
himself .oMigexl to consent. But to the bill which fol ^
lowed, for establishing the regular assembling of the mi-
litia, and for providing for their being in arms six weeks
in the year, he opposed his royal negative ; thus making
his stand upon the same point on which his father had
done ; a circumstance which, if events had taken a turn
against him, would not have failed of being much no-
ticed by historians. Civil securities for freedom came to
be afterwards considered ; and it is to be remarked,
that to these times of heat and passion, and to one of
those parliaments, which so disgraced themselves and
the nation, by the countenance given to Gates and
Bedloe, and by the persecution of so many innocent
victims, we are indebted for the Habeas Corpus Act,
the most important barrier against tyranny, and best
framed protection for the liberty of individuals, that

56 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER j ias ever existed in any ancient or modem comnion-

i.
wealth.

kxclusion Bill.
J678.

But the ineffic.acy of mere laws in favour of the sub-
jects, in the case of the administration of them falling
into the hands of persons hostile to the spirit in which
they had been provided, had been so fatally evinced by
the general history of England, ever since the grant of
the Great Charter, and more especially by the transac-
tions of the preceding reign, that the Parliament justly
deemed their work incomplete, unless the Duke of
York were excluded from the succession to the crown.
A bill, therefore, for the purpose of excluding that
prince, was prepared, and passed the House of
Commons ; but being vigorously resisted by the court,
by the church, and by the Tories, was lost in the House
of Lords. The restrictions offered by the King to be
put upon a Popish successour are supposed to have
been among the most powerful of those means to which
he was indebted for his success.

observations The dispute was no longer, whether or not the dan-

upcn it.

gers resulting from James's succession were real, and
such as ought to be guarded against by parliamentary
provisions ; but whether the exclusion, or restrictions,
furnished the most safe, and eligible mode of compass-
ing the object which both sides pretended to have in
view. The argument upon this state of the question is

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 3?

clearly, forcibly, and, I think, convincingly, stated by
Rapin, who exposes very ably the extreme folly of trust-
ing to measures, without consideration of the men who
are to execute them. Even in Hume's statement of
the question, whatever may have been his intention, the
arguments in favour of the exclusion appear to me
greatly to preponderate. Indeed it is not easy to con-
ceive upon what principles even the Tories could justify
their support of the restrictions. Many among them,
no doubt, saw the provisions in the same light in which
the Whigs represented them, as an expedient, admirably
indeed adapted to the real object of upholding the pre-
sent King's power, by the defeat of the exclusion, but
never likely to take effect for their pretended purpose of
controuling that of his successour ; and supported them
for that very reason. But such a principle of conduct
was too fraudulent to be avowed ; nor ought it perhaps,
in candour, to be imputed to the majority of the party.
To those who acted with good faith, and meant that the
restrictions should really take place, and be effectual,
surely it ought to have occurred, (and to those who
most prized the prerogatives of the crown, it ought
most forcibly to have occurred,) that in consenting to
curtail the powers of the crown, rather than to alter
the succession, they were adopting the greater, in order
to avoid the lesser evil. The question of, what are to
be the powers of the crown, is surely of superiour im-
portance to that of, who shall wear it ? Those, at least,

38 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER ^Q consider the royal prerogative as vested in the King,
- not for his sake, but for that of his subjects, must con-
sider the one of these questions as much above the other
in dignity, as the rights of the publick are more valu-
able than those of an individual. In this view the pre-
rogatives of the crown are in substance and effect the
rights of the people ; and these rights of the people
were not to be sacrificed to the purpose of preserving
the succession to the most favoured prince, much less
to one who, on account of his religious persuasion, was
justly feared and suspected. In truth, the question be-
tween the exclusion and restrictions seems peculiarly
calculated to ascertain the different views in which the
different parties in this country have seen, and perhaps
ever will see, the prerogatives of the crown. The Whigs,
who consider them as a trust for the people, a doctrine
which the Tories themselves, when pushed in argument,
will sometimes admit, naturally think it their duty rather
to change the manager of the trust, than to impair the
subject of it; while others, who consider them as the
right or property of the King, will as naturally act as
they would do in the case of any other property, and
consent to the loss or annihilation of any part of it, for
the purpose of preserving the remainder to him, whom
they style the rightful owner. If the people be the so-
vereign, and the King the delegate, it is better to
change the bailiff than to injure the farm ; but if the
King be the proprietor, it is better the farm should be

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 39

impaired, nay, part of it destroyed, than that the whole
should pass over to an usurper. The royal prerogative
ought, according to the Whigs, (not in the case of a
Popish successour only, but in all cases,) to be reduced
to such powers as are in their exercise beneficial to the
people ; and of the benefit of these they will not rashly
suffer the people to be deprived, whether the executive
power be in the hands of an hereditary, or of an elected
King ; of a regent, or of any other denomination of ma-
gistrate ; while on the other hand, they who consider
prerogative with reference only to royalty, will, with
equal readiness, consent either to the extension or the
suspension of its exercise, as the occasional interests of
the prince may seem to require. The senseless plea of a
divine and indefeasable right in James, which even the
legislature was incompetent to set aside, though as in-
consistent with the declarations of Parliament in the
Statute Book, and with the whole practice of the Eng-
lish Constitution, as it is repugnant to nature and com-
mon sense, was yet warmly insisted upon by the high-
church party. Such an argument, as might naturally
be expected, operated rather to provoke the Whigs to
perseverance, than to dissuade them from their measure :
it was, in their eyes, an additional merit belonging to
the Exclusion Bill, that it strengthened, by one instance
more, the authority of former statutes, in reprobating a
doctrine which seems to imply, that man can have a
property in his fellow creatures. By far the best argu-

CHAPTER
I.

40 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER men t i n favour of the restrictions, is the practical one,

that they could be obtained, and that the exclusion could

not ; but the value of this argument is chiefly proved
by the event. The Exclusionists had a fair prospect of
success, and their plan being clearly the best, they were
justified in pursuing it.

The spirit of resistance which the King showed in the
instance of the Militia and the Exclusion Bills, seems
to have been systematically confined to those cases
where he supposed his power to be more immediately
concerne d- I n the prosecution of the aged and innocent
Lord Stafford, he was so far from interfering in behalf
of that nobleman, that many of those most in his confi-
dence, and, as it is affirmed, the Dutchess of Ports-
mouth herself, openly favoured the prosecution. Even
after the dissolution of his last Parliament, when he had
so far subdued his enemies as to be no longer under any
apprehensions from them, he did not think it worth
while to save the life of Plunket, the Popish Archbishop
of Armagh, of whose innocence no doubt could be en-

O '

tertained. But this is not to be wondered at, since, in
all transactions relative to the Popish plot, minds of a
very different cast from Charles's became, as by some
fatality, divested of all their wonted sentiments of jus-
tice and humanity. Who can read without horrour, the
account of that savage murmur of applause, which
broke out upon one of the villains at the bar, swearing

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 41

positively to Stafford's having proposed the murder of CHA P TER

the King ? And how is this horrour deepened, when we

reflect, that in that odious cry were probably mingled
the voices of men to whose memory every lover of the
English constitution is bound to pay the tribute of gra-
titude and respect ! Even after condemnation, Lord
Russel himself, whose character is wholly (this instance
excepted) free from the stain of rancour or cruelty,
stickled for the severer mode of executing the sentence,
in a manner which his fear of the King's establishing a
precedent of pardoning in cases of impeachment, (for
this, no doubt, was his motive,) cannot satisfactorily
excuse.

In an early period of the King's difficulties, Sir "VVil- Tem P Ie>Sil dice
liam Temple, whose life and character is a refutation of
the vulgar notion that philosophy and practical good
sense in business are incompatible attainments, recom-
mended to him the plan of governing by a council,
which was to consist in great part of the most popu-
lar noblemen and gentlemen in the kingdom. Such per-
sons being the natural, as well as the safest, mediators
between princes and discontented subjects, this seems
to have been the best possible expedient. Hume says
it was found too feeble a remedy ; but he does not take
notice that it was never in fact tried, inasmuch as, not
only the King's confidence was withheld from the most
considerable members of the council, but even the most

42 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER important determinations were taken without consult-
' insf the council itself. Nor can there be a doubt but

the King's views, in adopting Temple's advice, were
totally different from those of the adviser, whose only
error in this transaction seems to have consisted in re-
commending a plan, wherein confidence and fair deal-
ing were of necessity to be principal ingredients, to a
prince whom he well knew to be incapable of either.
Accordingly, having appointed the council in April,
with a promise of being governed in important matters
by their advice, he in July dissolved one Parliament
without their concurrence, and in October, forbade them
even to give their opinions upon the propriety of a re-
solution which he had taken of proroguing another.
From that time he probably considered the council" to
be, as it was, virtually dissolved ; and it was not long
before means presented themselves to him, better adapt-
ed, in his estimation, even to his immediate objects, and
certainly more suitable to his general designs. The
union between the court and the church party, which
had been so closely cemented by their successful resist-
ance to the Exclusion Bill, and its authors, had at
length acquired such a degree of strength and consist-
ency, that the King ventured first to appoint Oxford,
instead of London, for the meeting of Parliament ; and
hcs?- then, having secured to himself a good pension from
France, to dissolve the Parliament there met, with a full
resolution never to call another : to which resolution,

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 43

indeed, Lewis had bound him, as one of the conditions
on which he was to receive his stipend.* No measure
was ever attended with more complete success. The
most flattering addresses poured in from all parts of the
kingdom ; divine right, and indiscriminate obedience,
were every where the favourite doctrines ; and men
seemed to vie with each other who should have the ho-
nour of the greatest share in the glorious work of slavery,
by securing to the King, for the present, and, after
hirn, to the Duke, absolute and uncontroulable power.
They, who, either because Charles had been called a
forgiving prince by his flatterers, (upon what ground I
could never discover,) or from some supposed connec-
tion between indolence and good nature, had deceived
themselves into a hope, that his tyranny would be of
the milder sort, found themselves much disappointed in
their expectations.

The whole history of the remaining part of his reign nupow

. tyranny.

exhibits an uninterrupted series of attacks upon the li-
berty, property, and lives of his subjects. The character
of the government appeared first, and with the most
marked and prominent features, in Scotland. The con*-
demnation of Argyle and Weir, the one for having sub-
joined an explanation when he took the test oath, the
other for having kept company with a rebel, whom it

* Dalrymple's Memoiri

i4 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER was no t proved he knew to be such, and who had never

been proclaimed, resemble more the acts .of Tiberius

and Domitian,than those of even the most arbitrary mo-
dern governments. It is true, the sentences were not
executed ; Weir was reprieved ; and whether or not
Argyle, if he had not deemed it more prudent to escape
by flight, would have experienced the same clemency,
cannot now be ascertained. The terrour of these exam-
ples would have been, in the judgment of most men,
abundantly sufficient to teach the people of Scotland
their duty, and to satisfy them that their lives, as well
as every thing else they had been used to call their
own, were now completely in the power of their masters.
But the government did not stop here, and having out-
lawed thousands, upon the same pretence upon which
Weir had been condemned, inflicted capital punishment
upon such criminals of both sexes as refused to answer,
or answered otherwise than was prescribed to them, to
the most ensnaring questions.

In England.

In England, the City of London seemed to hold out
for a certain time, like a strong fortress in a conquered
country ; and, by means of this citadel, Shaftesbury and
others were saved from the vengeance of the court. But
this resistance, however honourable to the corporation
who made it, could not be of long duration.: The wea-
pons of law and justice were found feeble, when op-
posed to the power of a monarch, who was at the head

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 45

CHA1TER
I.

of a numerous and bigoted party of the nation, and

who. which was most material of all, had enabled him-

self to govern without a Parliament. Civil resistance in
this country, even to the most illegal attacks of royal
tyranny, has never, I believe, been successful, unless
when supported by Parliament, or at least by a great
party in one or other of the two Houses. The Court,
having wrested from the Livery of London, partly by
corruption, and partly by violence, the free election of
their mayor and sheriffs, did not wait the accomplish-
ment of their plan for the destruction of the whole cor-
poration, which, from their first success, they justly
deemed certain ; but immediately proceeded to put in
execution their system of oppression. Pilkington, Colt, j^ 3 tbil: " lt
and Gates were fined a hundred thousand pounds each
for having spoken disrespectfully of the Duke of York ;
Barnardiston ten thousand, for having in a private let-
ter expressed sentiments deemed improper ; and Sidney,
Russel, and Armstrong, found that the just and mild
principles which characterise the criminal law of Eng-
land could no longer protect their lives, when the sa-
crifice was called for by the policy or vengeance of the
King. To give an account of all the oppression of this
period, would be to enumerate every arrest, every trial,
every sentence, that took place in questions between the
crown and the subjects.

Of the Rye-house plot it may be said, much more Rye-house pi*.

' 1083.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER'.

tmly than of the Popish, that there was in it some truth,
mixed Avith much falsehood ; and though many of the
circumstances in Kealing's account are nearly as absurd
and ridiculous as those in Oates's, it seems probable that
there was among some of those accused, a notion of as-
sassinating the King ; but whether this notion Avas ever
ripened into Avhat may be called a design, and, much
more, whether it Avere ever evinced by such an overt
act, as the laAv requires for conviction, is very doubtful.
In regard to the conspirators of higher ranks, from
whom all suspicion of participation in the intended as-
sassination has been long since done away, there is un-
questionably reason to believe that they had often met
and consulted, as well for the purpose of ascertaining
the means they actually possessed, as for that of devis-
ing others, for delivering their country from the dread-
ful servitude into Avhich it had fallen ; and thus far their
conduct appears clearly to have been laudable. If they
Avent further, and did any thing Avhich could be fairly
construed into an actual conspiracy, to levy war against
the King, they acted, considering the disposition of the
nation at that period, very indiscreetly. But Avhether
their proceedings had ever gone this length, is far from
certain. Monmouth's communications with the King,
when we reflect upon all the circumstances of those
communications, deserve not the smallest attention ;
nor indeed, if they did, does the letter Avhich he after-
wards withdrew, prove any thing upon this point. And

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTEH.

it is an outrage to common sense to call Lord Grey's
narrative, written, as he himself states in his letter to -
James the Second, while the question of his pardon was
pending, an authentick account. That which is most
certain in this affair is, that they had committed no overt
act, indicating the imagining of the King's death, even
according to the most strained construction of the
statute of Edward the Third ; much less was any such
act legally proved against them. And the conspiring R* s , tlou
to levy war was not treason, except by a recent statute
of Charles the Second, the prosecutions upon which were
expressly limited to a certain time, which in these cases
had elapsed ; so that it is impossible not to assent to the
opinion of those who have ever stigmatized the condem-
nation and execution of Russel as a most flagrant viola-
tion of law and justice.

The proceedings in Sidney's case were still more de-
testable. The production of papers, containing specula-
tive opinions upon government and liberty, written long
before, and perhaps never even intended to be published,
together with the use made of those papers, in consi-
dering them as a substitute for the second witness to the
overt act, exhibited such a compound of wickedness
and nonsense as is hardly to be paralleled in the history
of juridical tyranny. But the validity of pretences was
little attended to, at that time, in the case of a person
whom the court had devoted to destruction, and upon

48 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER-.

CHAPTER e^Jence 9 uch as has been stated, was this great and ex-

cellent man condemned to die. Pardon was not to be

expected. Mr. Hume says, that such an interference
on the part of the King, though it might have been an
act of heroick generosity, could not be regarded as an
indispensable duty. He might have said, with more
propriety, that it was idle to expect that the govern-
ment, after having incurred so much guilt in order to
obtain the sentence, should, by remitting it, relinquish
the object, just when it was within its grasp. The same
historian considers the jury as highly blameable, and so
do I ; but what was their guilt, in comparison of that
of the court who tried, and of the government who pro-
secuted, in this infamous cause ? Yet the jury, being
the only party that can with any colour be stated as
acting independently of the government, is the only one
mentioned by him as blameable. The prosecutor is
wholly omitted in his censure, and so is the court ; this
last, not from any tenderness for the judge, (who, to do
this author justice, is no favourite with him,) but lest the
odious connection between that branch of the judica-
ture and the government should strike the reader too
forcibly ; for JefFeries, in this instance, ought to be re-
garded as the mere tool and instrument, (a fit one, no
doubt,) of the prince who had appointed him for the
purpose of this and similar services. Lastly, the King is
gravely introduced on the question of pardon, as if he
had had no prior concern in the cause, and were now to

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 49

decide upon the propriety of extending mercy to a CHAPTER

criminal condemned by a court of judicature; nor are

we once reminded what that judicature was, by whom
appointed, by whom influenced, by whom called upon,
to receive that detestable evidence, the very recollection
of which, even at this distance of time, fires every honest
heart with indignation. As well might we palliate the
murders of Tiberius, who seldom put to death his vic-
tims without a previous decree of his senate. The mo-
ral of all this seems to be, that whenever a prince can,
by intimidation, corruption, illegal evidence, or other
such means, obtain a verdict against a subject whom he
dislikes, he may cause him to be executed without any
breach of indispensable duty ; nay, that it is an act of
heroick generosity, if he spares him. I never reflect on
Mr. Hume's statement of this matter but with the
deepest regret. Widely as I differ from him upon many
other occasions, this appears to me to be the most re-
prehensible passage of his whole work. A spirit of adu-
lation towards deceased princes, though in good mea-
sure free from the imputation of interested meanness,
which is justly attached to flattery, when applied to
living monarchs ; yet, as it is less intelligible, with re-
spect to its motives, than tlte other, so is it in its conse-
quences, still more pernicious to the general interests of
mankind. Fear of censure from contemporaries will
seldom have much effect upon men in situations of un-
limited authority ; they will too often flatter themselves,

50 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER t h at ^ ne same power which enables them to commit

the crime, will secure them from reproach. The dread
of posthumous infamy, therefore, being the only re-
straint, their consciences excepted, upon the passions of
such persons, it is lamentable that this last defence,
(feeble enough at best,) should in any degree be impair-
ed ; and impaired it must be, if not totally destroyed,
when tyrants can hope to find in a man like Hume, no
less eminent for the integrity and benevolence of his
heart, than for the depth and soundness of his under-
standing, an apologist for even their foulest murders.

Thus fell Russel and Sidney, two names that will, it
is hoped, be for ever dear to every English heart. When
their memory shall cease to be an object of respect and
veneration, it requires no spirit of prophecy to foretell
that English liberty will be fast approaching to its final
consummation. Their deportment was such as might
be expected from men who knew themselves to be suf-
fering, not for their crimes, but for their virtues. In
courage they were equal, but the fortitude of Russel,
who was connected with the world by private and do-
mestic ties, which Sidney had not, was put to the se-
verer trial ; and the story of the last days of this ^ex-
cellent man's life, fills the mind with such a mixture of
tenderness and admiration, that I know not any scene in
history that more powerfully excites our sympathy, or
goes more directly to the heart.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 51

The very day on which Russel was executed, the CHAPTER
University of Oxford passed their famous Decree, con-

. . 11-1 Oxford Decree.

detuning formally, as impious and heretical proposi-
tions, every principle upon which the constitution of
this or any other free country can maintain itself. Nor
was this learned body satisfied with stigmatizing such
principles as contrary to the Holy Scriptures, to the
decrees of Councils, to the writings of the Fathers, to
the faith and profession of the primitive church, as de-
structive of the kingly government, the safety of his Ma-
jesty's person, the publick peace, the laws of nature,
and bounds of human society ; but after enumerating
the several obnoxious propositions, among which was
one declaring all civil authority derived from the peo-
ple ; another, asserting a mutual contract, tacit or ex-
press, between the King and his subjects ; a third, main-
taining the lawfulness of changing the succession to the
crown ; with many others of the like nature, they so-
lemnly decreed all and every of those propositions to be
not only false and seditious, but impious, and that the
books which contained them were fitted to lead to re-
bellion, murder of princes, and atheism itself. Such are
the absurdities which men are not ashamed to utter in
order to cast odious imputations upon their adversaries ;
and such the manner in which churchmen will abuse,
when it suits their policy, the holy name of that religion
whpse first precept is to love one another, for the pur-
pose of teaching us to hate our neighbours with more

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER
I.

than ordinary rancour. If Much ado about Nothing
had been published in those days, the town-clerk's de-
claration, that receiving a thousand ducats for accus-
ing the Lady Hero wrongfully, was flat burglary,
might be supposed to be a satire upon this decree;
yet Shakespeare, well as he knew human nature, not
only as to its general course, but in all its eccentrick
deviations, could never dream, that, in the persons of
Dogberry, Verges, and their followers, he was repre-
senting the vice-chancellors and doctors of our learned
University.

Among the oppressions of this period, most of which
were attended with consequences so much more im-
portant to the several objects of persecution, it may seem
scarcely worth while to notice the expulsion of John
Locke from Christ Church College, Oxford. But be-
sides the interest which every incident in the life of a
person so deservedly eminent, naturally excites, there
appears to have been something in the transaction it-
self characteristick of the spirit of the times, as well as
of the general nature of absolute power. Mr. Locke
was known to have been intimately connected with
Lord Shaftesbury, and had very prudently judged it
advisable for him, to prolong for some time his resi-
dence upon the Continent, to which he had resorted
originally on account of his health. A suspicion, as it
has been since proved, unfounded, that he was the au-

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 53

thor of a pamphlet which gave offence to the govern-
ment, induced the King to insist upon his removal
from his studentship at Christ Church. Sunderland
writes, by the King's command, to Dr. Fell, Bishop of
Oxford, and Dean of Christ Church. The reverend pre-
late answers, that he has long had an eye upon Mr.
Locke's behaviour ; but though frequent attempts had
been made, (attempts of which the Bishop expresses
no disapprobation,) to draw him into imprudent conver-
sation, by attacking, in his company, the reputation,
and insulting the memory, of his late patron and friend,
and thus to make his gratitude, and all the best feelings
of his heart, instrumental to his ruin, these attempts all
proved unsuccessful. Hence the Bishop infers, not the
innocence of Mr. Locke, but that he was a great master
of concealment, both as to words and looks ; for
looks, it is to be supposed, would have furnished a pre-
text for his expulsion, more decent than any which had
yet been discovered. An expedient is then suggested, to
drive Mr. Locke to a dilemma, by summoning him to
attend the College on the first of January ensuing. If
he do not appear, he shall be expelled for contumacy ;
if he come, matter of charge may be found against
him, for what he shall have said at London, or else-
where, where he will have been less upon his guard
than at Oxford. Some have ascribed Fell's hesitation,
if it can be so called, in executing the King's order, to
his unwillingness to injure Locke, who was his friend ;

54 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER o th erSj with more reason, to the doubt of the legality of

the order. However this may have been, neither his

scruple nor his reluctance was regarded by a court who
knew its own power. A peremptory order was accordingly
sent, and immediate obedience ensued.* Thus, while,
without the shadow of a crime, Mr. Locke lost a situa-
tion attended with some emolument, and great conve-
nience, was the University deprived of, or rather thus,
from the base principles of servility, did she cast away,
the man the having produced whom is now her chiefest
glory ; and thus, to those who are not determined to
be blind, did the true nature of absolute power disco-
ver itself, against which the middling station is not more
secure than the most exalted. Tyranny, when glutted
with the blood of the great, and the plunder of the
rich, will condescend to hunt humbler game, and
make a peaceable and innocent fellow of a college the
object of its persecution. In this instance one would al-
most imagine there was some instinctive sagacity in the
government of that time, which pointed out to them,
even before he had made himself known to the world,
the man who was destined to be the most successful ad-
versary of superstition and tyranny.

Forfeiture of The King, during the remainder of his reign, seems,

* Vide Sunderland's correspondence with the Bishop of Oxford, in
the Appendix.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 55

with the exception of Armstrong's execution, which CHAPTER

must be added to the catalogue of his murders, to have

directed his attacks more against the civil rights, pro-
perties, and liberties, than against the lives of his sub-
jects. Convictions against evidence, sentences against
law, enormous fines, cruel imprisonments, were the prin-
cipal engines * employed for the purpose of breaking
the spirit of individuals, and fitting their necks for the
yoke. But it was not thought fit to trust wholly to the
effect which such examples would produce upon the
publick. That the subjugation of the people might be
complete, and despotism be established upon- the most
solid foundation, measures of a more general nature and
effect were adopted ; and first, the charter of London,
and then those of almost all the other corporations in
England, were either forfeited, or forced to surrender.
By this act of violence two important points were
thought to be gained ; one, that in every regular as-
semblage of the people, in any part of the kingdom,
the crown would have a commanding influence ; the
other, that in case the King should find himself com-
pelled to break his engagement to France, and to call a
parliament, a great majority of members would be re-

* The expedient of transporting men among common felons for po-
litical offences was not then invented, which is the more extraordinary,
as it had begun in this reign to be in some degree made use of in reli-
gious persecutions.

56 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER
I.

turned by electors of his nomination, and subject to

his controul. In the affair of the charter of London, it

was seen, as in the case of ship-money, how idle it is to
look to the integrity of judges for a barrier against
royal encroachments, when the courts of justice are not
under the constant and vigilant controul of Parliament.
And it is not to be wondered at that, after such a
warning, and with no hope of seeing a Parliament as-
semble, even they who still retained their attachment
to the true constitution of their country, should rather
give way to the torrent, than make a fruitless and dan-
gerous resistance.

Despotism csta- Charles being thus completely master, was determined
that the relative situation of him and his subjects should
be clearly understood, for which purpose he ordered a
declaration to be framed, wherein, after having stated
that he considered the degree of confidence they had
reposed in him as an honour particular to his reign,
which not one of his predecessors had ever dared even
to hope for, he assured them he would use it with all
possible moderation, and convince even the most vio-
lent republicans, that as the crown was the origin
of the rights and liberties of the people, so was it
their most certain and secure support. This gracious
declaration was ready for the press at the time of the
King's death, and if he had lived to issue it, there can

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 5?

be little doubt how it would have been received, at a
time when

nunquam Liberia* gratior extat
Quatn sub Rege pio,

was the theme of every song, and, by the help of some
perversion of Scripture, the text of every sermon. But
whatever might be the language of flatterers, and how
loud soever the cry of a triumphant, but deluded party,
there were not wanting men of nobler sentiments, and
of more rational views. Minds once thoroughly imbued
with the love of what Sidney, in his last moments, so
emphatically called the good old cause, will not easily
relinquish their principles ; nor was the manner in
which absolute power was exercised, such as to recon-
cile to it, in practice, those who had always been averse
to it in speculation. The hatred of tyranny must, in
such persons, have been exasperated by the experience
of its effects, and their attachment to liberty proportion-
ably confirmed. To them the state of their country must
have been intolerable: to reflect upon the efforts of
their fathers, once their pride and glory, and whom they
themselves had followed with no unequal steps, and to
see the result of all in the scenes that now presented
themselves, must have filled their minds with sensations
of the deepest regret, and feelings bordering at least on

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER

despondency. To us, who have the opportunity of com-
bining, in our view of this period, not only the preced-
ing but subsequent transactions, the consideration of it
may suggest reflections far different, and speculations
more consolatory. Indeed I know not that history can
furnish a more forcible lesson against despondency, than
by recording, that within a short time from those dis-
mal days in which men of the greatest constancy de-
spaired, and had reason to do so, within five years from
the death of Sidney, arose the brightest sera of freedom
known to the annals of our country.

It is said that the King, when at the summit of his
power, was far from happy ; and a notion has been ge-
nerally entertained, that not long before his death he
had resolved upon the recall of Monmouth, and a cor-
respondent change of system. That some such change
was apprehended seems extremely probable, from the
earnest desire which the court of France, as well as the
Duke of York's party in England, entertained, in the
last years of Charles's life, to remove the Marquis of Ha-
lifax, who was supposed to have friendly dispositions
to Monmouth. Among the various objections to that
nobleman's political principles, we find the charge
most relied upon, for the purpose of injuring him in
the mind of the King, was founded on the opinion
he had delivered in council, in favour of modelling

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 59

the charters of the British Colonies in North Ame-
rica upon the principles of the rights and privi-
leges of Englishmen. There was no room to doubt,
(he was accused of saying,) that the same laws under
which we live in England, should be established in
a country composed of Englishmen. He even dilated
upon this, and omitted none of the reasons by which
it can be proved, that an absolute government is
neither so happy nor so safe as that which is tem-
pered by laws, and which limits the authority of the
prince. He exaggerated, it was said, the mischiefs
of a sovereign power, and declared plainly, that he
could not make up his mind to live under a king
who should have it in his power to take, when he
pleased, the money he might have in his pocket.
All the other ministers had combated, as might be
expected, sentiments so extraordinary ; and without
entering into the general question of the comparative
value of different forms of government, maintained
that his Majesty could, and ought to govern countries
so distant, in the manner that should appear to him
most suitable for preserving or augmenting the strength
and riches of the mother country. It had been there-
fore resolved, that the government and council of
the Provinces under the new charter, should not be
obliged to call assemblies of the colonists for the
purpose of imposing taxes, or making other import-
ant regulations, but should do what they thought fit,

60 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER w ithout rendering any account of their actions, ex-

cept to his Britannick Majesty. The affair having

been so decided with a concurrence only short of un-
animity, was no longer considered as a matter of im-
portance, nor would it be worth recording, if the
Duke of York and the French court had not fasten-
ed upon it,* as affording the best evidence of the
danger to be apprehended from having a man of Ha-
lifax's principles in any situation of trust or power.
There is something curious in discovering, that, even
at this early period, a question relative to North Ame-
rican liberty, and even to North American taxation,
was considered as the test of principles friendly, or
adverse, to arbitrary power at home. But the truth
is, that among the several controversies which have
arisen, there is no other wherein the natural rights of
man on the one hand, and the authority of artificial
institution on the other, as applied respectively, by
the Whigs and Tories, to the English constitution, are
so fairly put in issue, nor by which the line of separa-
tion between the two parties is so strongly and dis-
tinctly marked.

Charles's death. There is some reason for believing that the court
Fcb 85 . of Versailles had either wholly discontinued, or at
least had become very remiss in, the payments of

* Vide BariHou'* Dispatches, 7th Dec. 1684. Appendix, p. vii.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

' ''' '' ".*'*'''< '

Charles's pension ; and it is not unlikely that this CHAPTER

consideration may have induced him either really to

think of calling a parliament, or at least to threaten
Lewis with such a measure, in order to make that
prince more punctual in performing his part of their
secret treaty. But whether or not any secret change
was really intended, or if it were, to what extent,
and to what objects directed, are points which can-
not now be ascertained, no publick steps having ever
been taken in this affair, and his Majesty's intentions,
if in truth he had any such, becoming abortive by
the sudden illness which seized him on the first of
February 1685, and which, in a few days afterwards,
put an end to his reign and life. His death was by
many supposed to have been the effect of poison ; but
although there is reason to believe that this suspicion
was harboured by persons very near to him, and among
others, as I have heard, by the Dutchess of Ports-
mouth, it appears, upon the whole, to rest upon very
slender foundations.*

* Mr. Fox had this report from the family of his mother, great-
grandaughter to the Dutchess of Portsmouth. The Dutchess of Ports-
mouth lived to a very advanced age, and retained her faculties to the
period of her death, which happened in 1734, at Aubigny. Mr. Fox's
mother, when very young, saw her at that place ; and many of the Lenox
family, with whom Mr. Fox was subsequently acquainted, had, no doubt,
frequently conversed with her.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER
I.

With respect to the character of this Prince, upon
the delineation of which so much pains have been

His character.

employed, by the various writers who treat of the
history of his time, it must be confessed that the facts
which have been noticed in the foregoing pages,
furnish but too many illustrations of the more unfa-
vourable parts of it. From these we may collect,
that his ambition was directed solely against his sub-
jects, while he was completely indifferent concerning
the figure which he or they might make in the ge-
neral affairs of Europe ; and that his desire of power
was more unmixed with the love of glory than that
of any other man whom history has recorded ; that
he was unprincipled, ungrateful, mean, and treache-
rous, to which may be added vindictive, and re-
morseless. For Burnet, in refusing to him the praise
of clemency and forgiveness seems to be perfectly
justifiable, nor is it conceivable upon what pretence
his partizans have taken this ground of panegyrick.
1 doubt whether a single instance can be produced,
of his having spared the life of any one whom
motives, either of policy, or of revenge, prompted
him to destroy. To alledge that of Monmouth, as it
would be an affront to human nature, so would it
likewise imply the most severe of all satires against
the monarch himself, and we may add too an unde-
served one. For in order to consider it as an act of
meritorious forbearance on his part, that he did not

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 63

follow the example of Constantine, and Philip the CHA

Second, by imbruing his hands in the blood of his

son, we must first suppose him to have been wholly
void of every natural affection, which does not appear
to have been the case. His declaration, that he
would have pardoned Essex, being made when that
nobleman was dead, and not followed by any act
evincing its sincerity, can surely obtain no credit
from men of sense. If he had really had the inten-
tion, he ought not to have made such a declaration,
unless he accompanied it with some mark of kind-
ness to the relations, or with some act of mercy to
the friends, of the deceased. Considering it as a mere
piece of hypocrisy, we cannot help looking upon it
as one of the most odious passages of his life'. This
ill-timed boast of his intended mercy, and the brutal
taunt with which he accompanied his mitigation, (if
so it may be called,) of Russel's sentence, show his
insensibility and hardness to have been such, that
in questions where right and feelings were concerned,
his good sense, and even the good taste for which he
has been so much extolled, seemed wholly to desert
him.

tics.

On the other hand, it would be want of candour HI S good
to maintain, that Charles was entirely destitute of good
qualities ; nor was the propriety of Burnet's com pa-

(34 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER r i son between him and Tiberius ever felt, I imagine,
by any one but its author. He was gay and affable,
and, if incapable of the sentiments belonging to
pride of a laudable sort, he was at least free from
haughtiness and insolence. The praise of politeness,
which the Stoicks are not perhaps wrong in classing
among the moral virtues, provided they admit it to
be one of the lowest order, has never been denied
him, and he had in an eminent degree that facility
of temper which, though considered by some mo-
ralists as nearly allied to vice, yet, inasmuch as it con-
tributes greatly to the happiness of those around us,
is, in itself, not only an engaging, but an estimable
quality. His support of the Queen during the heats
raised by the Popish plot, ought to be taken rather as
a proof that he was not a monster, than to be ascribed
to him as a merit ; but his steadiness to his brother,
though it may and ought, in a great measure, to be ac-
counted for upon selfish principles, had at least a strong
resemblance to virtue.

The best part of this Prince's character seems to
have been his kindness towards his mistresses, and his
affection for his children, and others nearly connected
to him by the ties of blood. His recommendation of
the Dutchess of Portsmouth and Mrs. Gwyn, upon his
death-bed, to his successour, is much to his honour ;

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

and they who censure it, seem, in their zeal to show
themselves strict moralists, to have suffered their no-
tions of vice and virtue to have fallen into strange
confusion. Charles's connection with those ladies might
be vicious, but at a moment when that connection
was upon the point of being finally, and irrevocably
dissolved, to concern himself about their future wel-
fare, and to recommend them to his brother with
earnest tenderness, was virtue. It is not for the interest
of morality that the good and evil actions, even
of bad men, should be confounded. His affection for
the Duke of Gloucester, and for the Dutchess of
Orleans, seems to have been sincere and cordial. To
attribute, as some have done, his grief for the loss of
the first to political considerations, founded upon
ian intended balance of power between his two bro-
thers, Would be an absurd refinement, whatever were
his general disposition ; but when we reflect upon that
carelessness which, especially in his youth, was a con-
spicuous feature of his character, the absurdity becomes
still more striking. And though Burnet more covertly,
and Ludlow more openly, insinuate that his fondness
for his sister was of a criminal nature, I never could
find that there was any ground whatever for such a
Suspicion ; nor does the little that remains of theit
epistolary correspondence give it the smallest counte-
harice. Upon the whole, Charles the Second was a bad

66 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.

CHAPTER man> anc [ a b ac i ki n g . i e t us no t palliate his crimes ; but
- neither let us adopt false or doubtful imputations, for
the purpose of making him a Monster.

Reflections Whoever reviews the interesting period which we

upon the proba- . .

bie consequen- h ave been discussing, upon the principle recommended

ces of his reign _ l

and death. j n ^ ne outset of this chapter, will find, that, from the

consideration of the past, to prognosticate the future,
would, at the moment of Charles's demise, be no easy
task. Between two persons, one of whom should expect
that the country would remain sunk in slavery, the
other, that the cause of freedom would revive and
triumph, it would be difficult to decide, whose reasons
were better supported, whose speculations the more
probable. I should guess that he who desponded, had
looked more at the state of the publick, while he who
was sanguine, had fixed his eyes more attentively
upon the person who was about to mount the throne.
Upon reviewing the two great parties of the nation,
one observation occurs very forcibly, and that is, that
the great strength of the Whigs consisted in their
being able to brand their adversaries as favourers of
Popery ; that of the Tories, (as far as their strength de-
pended upon .opinion, and not merely upon the power
of the crown,) in their finding colour to represent the
Whigs as republicans. From this observation we
may draw a further inference, that, in proportion to

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 6?

the rashness of the Crown, in avowing and pressing
forward the cause of Popery, and to the moderation
and steadiness of the Whigs, in adhering to the form of
monarchy, would be the chance of the people of Eng-
land, for changing an ignominious despotism, for glory,
liberty, and happiness.

CHAPTER
I.

CHAPTER II.

HISTORY OF THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN OF
JAMES THE SECOND.

CONTENTS.

Accession of James II. His Declaration in Council : Acceptable to
" the Nation. Arbitrary Designs of his Reign. Former Ministers
" continued. Money Transactions with France. Revenue levied
" without Authority of Parliament. Persecution of Dissenters. Cha-
" racter of Jefferies. The King's Affectation of Independence.
" Advances to the Prince of Orange. The primary Object of this
" Reign. Transactions in Scotland. Severe Persecutions there.
" Scottish Parliament. Cruelties of Government. English Parlia-
" ment : Its Proceedings. Revenue. Votes concerning Religion.
" Bill for Preservation of the King's Person. Solicitude for the
" Church of England. Reversal of Stafford's Attainder rejected.
" Parliament adjourned. Character of the Tories.Situatien of the
" Whigs." E.

. . - . . -l-'j i :

.; *; . i. '.i :>.;: v<'

S ;i .'.(: '.-:!., .-' '. :'' >' !

[73]

CHAPTER THE SECOND.

V^HARLES the Second expired on the sixth of Fe- CHAPTER
bruary 1684-5, and on the same day his successour was

proclaimed King in London, with the usual formalities, Accession W
by the title of James the Second. The great influence Fe'b. cth.
which this prince was supposed to have possessed in
the government, during the latter years of his brother's
reign, and the expectation which was entertained, in
consequence, that his measures, when monarch, would
be of the same character and complexion with those
which he x was known to have highly approved, and of
which he was thought by many to have been the prin-
cipal author, when a subject, left little room for that
spirit of speculation, which generally attends a demise
of the Crown. And thus an event, which, when appre-
hended a few years before, had, according to a strong
expression of Sir William Temple, been looked upon as

74 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER th e em \ of t ne world, was now deemed to be of small

II*,

comparative importance.

1695.

First steps of his Its tendency, indeed, was rather to ensure persever-
ance than to effect any change in the system which had
been of late years pursued. As there are, however, some
steps indispensably necessary on the accession of a new
prince to the throne, to these the publick attention was
directed, and, though the character of James had been
long so generally understood, as to leave little doubt re-
specting the political maxims and principles by which
his reign would be governed, there was probably much
curiosity, as upon such occasions there always is, with
regard to the conduct he would pursue in matters of
less importance, and to the general language and beha-
viour which he would adopt in his new situation. His
first step was, of course, to assemble the privy council,
to whom he spoke as follows :

" Before I enter upon any other business, I think fit.
" to say something to you. Since it hath pleased Al-
" mighty God to place me in this situation, and I am
" now to succeed so good and gracious a king, as well
" as so very kind a brother, I think it fit to declare to
" you, that I will endeavour to follow his example, and
" most especially in that of his great clemency and
" tenderness to his people. I have been reported to be

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 75

'* be a man for arbitrary power ; but that is not the
" only story that has been made of me : and I shall --
" make it my endeavour to preserve this government,
" both in Church and State, as it is now by law esta-
" blished. I know the principles of the Church of Eng-
" land are for Monarchy, and the members of it have
" shown themselves good and loyal subjects ; therefore
** I shall always take care to defend and support it. I
" know too, that the laws of England are sufficient
" to make the King as great a monarch as I can wish ;
" and as I shall never depart from the just rights and
" prerogatives of the crown, so I shall never invade
" any man's property. I have often heretofore ven-
" tured my life in defence of this nation ; and I shall
" go as far as any man in preserving it in all its just
" rights and liberties." *

With this declaration the council were so hierhlv sa- Acceptable to

. the nation.

tisfied, that they supplicated his Majesty to make it
publick, which was accordingly done ; and it is reported
to have been received with unbounded applause by the
greater part of the nation. Some, perhaps, there were,
who did not think the boast of having ventured his life,
very manly, and who, considering the transactions of
the last years of Charles's reign, were not much en-
couraged by the promise of imitating that monarch in

t! i * Kennet, III., 420.

76 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER demency and tenderness to bis subjects. To these it

might appear, that whatever there was of consolatory

in the King's disclaimer of arbitrary power, and pro-
fessed attachment to the laws, was totally done away, as
well by the consideration of what his Majesty's notions
of power and law were, as by his declaration, that he
would follow the example of a predecessor, whose go-
vernment had not only been marked with the violation,
in particular cases, of all the most sacred laws of the
realm, but had latterly, by the disuse of parliaments
in defiance of the statute of the sixteenth year of his
reign, stood upon a foundation radically and fundamen-
tally illegal. To others it might occur, that even the
promise to the Church of England, though express with
respect to the condition of it, which was no other than
perfect acquiescence in what the King deemed to be
the true principles of monarchy, was rather vague with
regard to the nature, 01 degree of support to which the
royal speaker might conceive himself engaged. The
words, although, in any interpretation of them, they
conveyed more than he possibly ever intended to
perform, did by no means express the sense which at
that time, by his friends, and afterwards by his ene-
mies, was endeavoured to be fixed on them. There was
indeed a promise to support the establishment of the
Church, and consequently the laws upon which that
establishment immediately rested ; but by no means
an engagement to maintain all the collateral provisions

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

which some of its more zealous members might judge CHA TER
necessary for its security.

1685.

But whatever doubts or difficulties might be felt, few To r "
or none were expressed. The Whigs, as a vanquished
party, were either silent, or not listened to, and the
Tories were in a temper of mind which does not easily
admit suspicion. They were not more delighted with the
victory they had obtained over their adversaries, than
with the additional stability which, as they vainly ima-
gined, the accession of the new monarch was likely to
give to their system. The truth is, that, his religion ex-
cepted, (and that objection they were sanguine enough
to consider as done away by a few gracious words in fa-
vour of the Church,) James was every way better suited
to their purpose than his brother. They had entertained
continual apprehensions, not perhaps wholly unfound-
ed, of the late King's returning kindness to Monmouth,
the consequences of which could not easily be calculat-
ed ; whereas, every occurrence that had happened, as
well as every circumstance in James's situation, seemed
to make him utterly irreconcileable with the Whigs.
Besides, after the reproach, as well as alarm, which the
notoriety of Charles's treacherous character must so
often have caused them, the very circumstance of hav-
ing at their head a Prince, of whom they could with
any colour hold out to their adherents, that his word was
to be depended upon, was in itself a matter of triumph

78 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

1685.

CHAPTER an( j exultation. Accordingly the watchword of the
party was every where, We have the word of a King, and
a word never yet broken ; and to such a length was the
spirit of adulation, or perhaps delusion, carried, that
this royal declaration was said to be a better security for
the liberty and religion of the nation, than any which
the law could devise.*

rhe King's ar- 'j^g Kins;, though much pleased, no doubt, with the

balrary designs. O'

popularity which seemed to attend the commencement
of his reign, as a powerful medium for establishing the
system of absolute power, did not suffer himself, by any
show of affection from his people, to be diverted from his
design of rendering his government independent of
them. To this design we must look as the main-spring
of all his actions at this period ; for with regard to the
Roman Catholick religion, it is by no means certain
that he had yet thought of obtaining for it any thing
Ministers re-ap. more than a complete toleration. With this view, there -

pomted.

fore, he could not take a more judicious resolution^than
that which he had declared in his speech to the privy
council, and to which he seems, at this time, to have
stedfastly adhered, of making the government of his
predecessor the model for his own. He therefore con-
tinued in their offices, notwithstanding the personal ob-
jections he might have to some of them, those servants

* Burnet.

16S5.

OK JAMES THK SECOND. 79

of the late King, during whose administration that
Prince had been so successful in subduing his subjects,
and eradicating almost from the minds of Englishmen
every sentiment of liberty.

;> I'.'rfr Y".4f>nVif> !rTJ bnM ..'.'.>' ;o."; :'.'. ?.':~hf&'.
- Even the Marquis of Halifax, who was supposed to
have remonstrated against many of the late measures,
and to have been busy in recommending a change of
system to Charles, was continued in high employment
by James, who told him, that, of all his past conduct,
he should remember only his behaviour upon the Ex-
clusion Bill, to which that nobleman had made a zea-
lous and distinguished opposition ; a handsome expres-
sion, which has been the more noticed, as well because
it is almost the single instance of this Prince's showing
any disposition to forget injuries, as on account of a de-
licacy and propriety in the wording of it by no means
familiar to him.

Lawrence Hyde, Earl of Rochester, whom he ap- Rochester
pointed Lord Treasurer, was in all respects calculated to
be a fit instrument for the purposes then in view. Besides
being upon the worst terms with Halifax, in whom
alone, of all his ministers, James was likely to find any
bias in favour of popular principles, he was, both from
prejudice of education, and from interest, inasmuch as
he had aspired to be the head of the Tories, a great
favourer of those servile principles of the Church of

CHAPTER
II.

X685.

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

England, which had lately been so highly extolled from
the throne. His near relation to the Dutchess of York
might also be some recommendation, but his privity
to the late pecuniary transactions between the courts
of Versailles and London, and the cordiality with which
he concurred in them, were by far more powerful ti-
tles to his new master's confidence. For it must be ob-
served of this minister, as well as of many others
of his party, that his high notions, as they are fre-
quently styled, of power, regarded only the relation
between the King and his subjects, and not that in
which he might stand with respect to foreign Princes ;
so that, provided he could, by a dependence, how-
ever servile, upon Lewis the Fourteenth, be placed
above the controul of his Parliament and people at
home, he considered the honour of the crown un-
sullied.

underland,

Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, who was con-
tinued as Secretary of State, had been at one period a
supporter of the Exclusion Bill, and had been suspected
of having offered the Dutchess of Portsmouth to ob-
tain the succession of the crown for her son, the Duke
of Richmond. Nay more, King James, in his memoirs,
charges him with having intended, just at the time of
Charles's death, to send him into a second banishment;*

* Macpherson's State Papers, I. 147,

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 8l

but with regard to this last point, it appears evident to
me, that many things in those memoirs relative to this
Earl, were written after James's abdication, and in the
greatest bitterness of spirit, when he was probably in a
frame of mind to believe any thing against a person by
whom he conceived himself to have been basely desert-
ed. The reappointment, therefore, of this nobleman to
so important an office, is to be accounted .for partly
upon the general principle above mentioned, of making
the new reign a mere continuation of the former, and
partly upon Sunderland's extraordinary talents for in-
gratiating himself with persons in power, and persuad-
ing them that he was the fittest instrument for their pur-
poses ; a talent in which he seems to have surpassed all
the intriguing statesmen of his time, or perhaps of any
other.

An intimate connection with the court of Versailles
being the principal engine by which the favourite pro- France-
ject of absolute monarchy was to be effected, James,
for the purpose of fixing and cementing that connection,
sent for M. De Barillon, the French ambassadour, the
very day after his accession, and entered into the most
confidential discourse with him. He explained to him
his motives for intending to call a parliament, as well
as his resolution to levy by authority, the revenue which
his predecessor had enjoyed in virtue of a grant of par-
liament which determined with his life. He made

82 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
I).

general professions of attachment to Lewis, declared
that in all affairs of importance it was his intention to

1C8S. I "j I

consult that monarch, and apologized, upon the ground
of the urgency of the case, for acting in the instance
mentioned without his advice. Money was not directly
mentioned, owing, perhaps, to some sense of shame
upon that subject, which his brother had never expe-
rienced ; but lest there should be a doubt whether that
object were implied in the desire of support and pro-
tection, Rochester was directed to explain the matter
more fully, and to give a more distinct interpretation of
these general terms. Accordingly, that minister waited
the next morning upon Barillon, and after having re-
peated, and enlarged upon the reasons for calling a par-
liament, stated, as an additional argument in defence of
the measure, that without it, his master would become
too chargeable to the French King; adding, however,
that the assistance which might be expected from a
Parliament, did not exempt him altogether from the
necessity of resorting to that prince for pecuniary aids,
for that without such, he would be at the mercy of his
subjects, and that upon this beginning would depend
the whole fortune of the reign.* If Rochester actually
expressed himself as .Barillon relates, the use intended
to be made of Parliament, cannot but cause the most
lively indignation, while it furnishes a complete answer

* Barillon's Letter, February ip, 1685, in the Appendix.

1685.

OF J AMI.S TFIK SECOND. 83

to the historians who accuse the parliaments of those
days of unseasonable parsimony in their grants to the
Stuart Kings ; for the grants of the people of England
were not destined, it seems, to enable their Kings to
oppose the power of France, or even to be inde-
pendent of her, but to render the influence which Lewis
was resolved to preserve in this country, less chargeable
to him, by furnishing their quota to the support of his
royal dependant.

The French ambassadoursent immediately a detailed
account of these conversations to his court, where, pro-
bably, they were not received with the less satisfaction
on account of the request contained in them having
been anticipated. AVithin a very few days from that
in which the latter of them had passed, he was em-
powered to accompany the delivery of a letter from his
master, with the agreeable news of having received,
from him bills of exchange to the amount of five hun-
dred thousand livres, to be used in whatever manner
might be convenient to the King of England's service.
The account which Barillon gives, of the manner in
which this sum was received, is altogether ridiculous :
the King's eyes were full of tears, and three of his mi-
nisters, Rochester, Sunderland, and Godolphin, came
severally to the French ambassadour, to express the
sense their master had of the obligation, in terms the

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER

I88S.

most lavish.* Indeed, demonstrations of gratitude from
the King directly, as well as through his ministers, for
this supply, were such, as if they had been used by
some unfortunate individual, who, with his whole fa-
mily, had been saved, by the timely succour of some
kind and powerful protector, from a gaol and all its
hoiTours, would be deemed rather too strong than too
weak. Barillon himself seems surprised when he re-
lates them ; but imputes them to what was probably
their real cause, to the apprehensions that had been
entertained, (very unreasonable ones !) that the King of
France might no longer choose to interfere in the affairs
of England, and consequently his support could not be
relied on for the grand object of assimilating this go-
vernment to his own.

Sagacity and
foresight of
Lewis the Four-
teenth.

If such apprehensions did exist, it is probable that
they were chiefly owing to the very careless manner, to
say the least, in which Lewis had of late fulfilled his pe-
cuniary engagements to Charles, so as to amount, in
the opinion of the English ministers, to an actual breach
of promise. But the circumstances were in some re-
spects altered. The French King had been convinced
that Charles would never call a parliament ; nay fur-
ther, perhaps, that if he did, he would not be trusted

* Barillon's Letter, Feb. 26, in the Appendix,

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 85

by one ; and considering him therefore entirely in his CHAPTER

power, acted from that principle in insolent minds,

which makes them fond of ill-treating and insulting
those whom they have degraded to a dependence on
them, ttut James would probably be obliged at the
commencement of a new reign, to call a parliament,
and if well used by such a body, and abandoned by
France, might give up his project of arbitrary power,
and consent to govern according to the Jaws and con-
stitution. In such an event, Lewis easily foresaw, that,
instead of an useful dependant, he might find upon
the throne of England a formidable enemy. Indeed,
this Prince and his ministers seem all along, with a sa-
gacity that does them credit, to have foreseen, and to
have justly estimated, the dangers to which they would
be liable, if a cordial union should ever take place be-
tween a King of England and his Parliament, and the
British councils be directed by men enlightened and
wanned by the genuine principles of liberty. It was
therefore an object of great moment to bind the new
King, as early as possible, to the system of depen-
dency upon France ; and matter of no less triumph
to the court of Versailles to have retained him
by so moderate a fee, than to that of London to
receive a sum, which, though small, was thought
valuable, as an earnest of better wages, and future
protection.

86 HISTORY 0V THE REIGN

CHAPTER It had for some time been Lewis's favourite object

to annex to his dominion what remained of the Spanish

Treaty with Netherlands, as well on account of their own intrinsic

Spain dispensed . _ T . , _

iih. - value, as to enable him to destroy the United rrovmces
and the Prince of Orange; and this object Charles had
bound himself, by treaty with Spain, to oppose. In the
joy, therefore^ occasioned by this noble manner of pro-
ceeding, (for such it was called by all the parties con-
cerned,) the first step was to agree, without hesitation,
that Ch'arles's treaty with Spain determined with his
life ; a decision which, if the disregard that had been
shown to it, did not render the question concerning it
nugatory, it would be difficult to support upon any
principles of national law or justice. The manner in
which the late King had conducted himself upon the
subject of this treaty, that is to say, the violation of it,
without formally renouncing it, was gravely commend-
ed, and stated to be no more than what might justly be
expected from him ; but the present King was declared
to be still more free, and in no way bound by a treaty,
from the execution of which his brother had judged
himself to be sufficiently dispensed. This appears to
be a nice distinction, and what that degree of obligation
was, from which James was exempt, but which had Iain
upon Charles, who neither thought himself bound, nor
was expected by others to execute the treaty, it is diffi-
cult to conceive.*

* Barillon's Dispatches, Mny 5, 4685. Appendix..

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 87

This preliminary being adjusted, the meaning of CHAPTER

which, through all this contemptible shuffling, was *

that James, by giving up all concern for the Spanish More money

J _ solicited from

Netherlands, should be at liberty to acquiesce in, or
to second, whatever might be the ambitious projects of
the court of Versailles, it was determined that Lord
Churchill should be sent to Paris to obtain further pe-
cuniary aids. But such was the impression made by
the frankness and generosity of Lewis, that there was
no question of discussing or capitulating, but every
thing was remitted to that Prince, and to the informa-
tion his ministers might give him, respecting the exi-
gency of affairs in England. He who had so handsomely
been beforehand, in granting the assistance of five hun-
dred thousand livres, was only to be thanked for past,
not importuned for future, munificence.* Thus ended,
for the present, this disgusting scene of iniquity and
nonsense, in which all the actors seemed to vie with
each other in prostituting the sacred names of friend-
ship, generosity, and gratitude, in one of the mean-
est and most criminal transactions which history re-
cords.

The principal parties in the business, besides the
King himself, to whose capacity, at least, if not to his
situation, it was more suitable, and Lord Churchill, who

* Barillon's Dispatches, Feb. 2G, 1685. Appendix.

J8 frrstOHY OP THE RIGN

CHAPTER ac ted as an inferior agent, were Sunderland, Rochester,

and Godolphin, all rrien of high rank, and considerable

abilities, but whose understandings, as well as their
principles, *eeh*i to have been corrupted by the perni-
cious schemes in : which they were engaged. With re-
spect to the last mentioned nobleman in particular, it
is impossible, without pain, to see'liim engaged in such
transactions. With what self-humiliation must he hot
have reflected upon theiti in subsequent periods Of his
life! How little could Barillon guess that he was ne-
gociating with one who was destined to ; be at the head
of an administration, which, in a few years, would send
the same Lord Churchill, not to Paris to implore Lewis
for succours towards enslaving England, or to thank
him for pensions to her monarch, but to combine all
Europe against him, in the cause of liberty ; to rout his
armies, to take his towns, to humble his pride, and to
shake to the foundation that fabrick of power which it
had been the business of a long life to raise at the ex-
pense of every sentiment of tenderness to his subjects,
and of justice and good faith to foreign nations! It is
with difficulty the reader can persuade himself that the
Godolphin and Churchill here mentioned, are the same
persons who were afterwards, one in the cabinet, one in the
field, the great conductors of the war of the Succession.
How little do they appear in one instance ! how great in
the other ! And the investigation of the cause to which
this excessive difference is principally owing, will pro-

108J.

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

duce a most useful lesson. Is the difference to be attri-
buted to any superiority of genius in the prince whom
they served in the latter period of their lives ? Queen
Anne's capacity appears to have been inferior even to her
father's. Did they enjoy in a greater degree her favour
and confidence ? The very reverse is the fact. But in
one case they were the tools of a King plotting against
his people ; in the other, the ministers of a free govern-
ment acting upon enlarged principles, and with energies
which no state that is not in some degree republican can
supply. How forcibly must the contemplation of these
men in such opposite situations teach persons engaged
in political life, that a free and popular government is
desirable, not only for the publick good, but for their
own greatness and consideration, for every object of ge-
nerous ambition !

The King having;, as has been related, first privately customs levied

* without autho-

communicated his intentions to the French ambassa- ^y_of Partia-

dour, issued proclamations for the meeting of Parlia-

ment, and for levying upon his sole authority, the

customs and other duties which had constituted part

of the late King's revenue, but to which, the acts grant-

ing them having expired with the Prince, James was

not legally entitled. He was advised by Lord Guild-

ford, whom he had continued in the office of Keeper

of the Great Seal, and who upon such a subject there-

fore, was a person likely to have the greatest weight, to

ment.

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

108$.

satisfy himself with directing the money to be kept
in the Exchequer for the disposal of Parliament,
which was shortly to meet; and by others, to take
bonds from the merchants for the duties, to be paid
when Parliament should legalize them.* But these ex-
pedients were not suited to the King's views, who, as
well on account of his engagement with France, as from
his own disposition, was determined to take no step that
might indicate an intention of governing by Parlia-
ments, or a consciousness of his being dependant upon
them for his revenue. He adopted, therefore, the ad-
vice of JefFeries, advice not resulting so much, proba-
bly, either from ignorance or violence of disposition, as
from his knowledge that it would be most agreeable to
his master; and directed the duties to be paid as in the
former reign. It was pretended, that an interruption in
levying some of the duties might be hurtful to trade ;
but as every difficulty of that kind was obviated by the
expedients proposed, this arbitrary and violent measure
can Avith no colour be ascribed to a regard to publick
convenience, nor to any other motive than to a desire
of reviving Charles the First's claims to the power of
taxation, and of furnishing a most intelligible comment
upon his speech to the council on the day of his acces-
sion. It became evident what the King's notions were,
with respect to that regal prerogative from which he
professed himself determined never to depart, and to

* Life of Lord Keeper North.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 91

that property which he would never invade. What were
the remaining rights and liberties of the nation, which
he was to preserve, might be more difficult to discover ;
but that the laws of England, in the royal interpreta-
tion of them, were sufficient to make the King as great
a monarch as he, or indeed any prince, could desire,
was a point that could not be disputed. This violation
of law was in itself most flagrant : it was applied to
a point well understood, and thought to have been so
completely settled by repeated and most explicit decla-
rations, of the legislature, that it must have been doubt-
ful whether even the most corrupt judges, if the ques-
tion had been tried, would have had the audacity to de-
cide it against the subject. But no resistance was made ;
nor did the example of Hampden, which a half cen-
tury before had been so successful, and rendered that
patriot's name so illustrious, tempt any one to emulate
his fame ; so completely had the crafty and sangui-
nary measures of the late reign attained the object
to which they were directed, and rendered all men
either afraid or unwilling to exert themselves in the
cause of liberty.

On the other hand, addresses the most servile were
daily sent to the throne. That of the University of
Oxford stated, that the religion which they professed
bound them to unconditional obedience to their sove-
reign, without restrictions or limitations ; and the So-

HISTORY OP THE REIGN

CHAPTER

deiy of Barristerg and s tu( jents of the Middle Temple
thanked his Majesty for the attention he had shown to
the trade of the kingdom, concerning which, and its ba-
lance, (and upon this last article they laid particular
stress,) they seemed to think themselves peculiarly call-
ed upon to deliver their opinion ; but whatever might
be their knowledge in matters of trade, it was at least
equal to that which these addressers showed in the laws
and constitution of their country, since they boldly af-
firmed the King's right to levy the duties, and declared
that it had never been disputed but by persons engaged
in what they were pleased to call, rebellion against his
royal father. The address concluded with a sort of
prayer, that all his Majesty's subjects might be as good
lawyers as themselves, and disposed to acknowledge the
royal prerogative in all its extent.

If these addresses are remarkable for their servility,
that of the Gentlemen and Freeholders of the county of
Suffolk was no less so for the spirit of party violence
that was displayed in it. They would take care, they
said, to choose representatives who should no more
endure those who had been for the Exclusion Bill,
than the last Parliament had the abhorrers of the asso-
ciation ; and thus not only endeavoured to keep up his
Majesty's resentment against a part of their fellow
subjects, but engaged themselves to imitate, for the
purpose of retaliation, that part of the conduct of their

OP JAMES THE SECOND. 93

adversaries, which they considered as most illegal and CHAPTEa

II.
oppressive.*

them.

It is a remarkable circumstance, that among all the observations on
adulatory addresses of this time, there is not to be
found, in any one of them, any declaration of disbelief
in the Popish Plot, or any charge upon ttie late Parlia-
ment, for having prosecuted it, though it could not but
be well known, that such topicks would, of all others,
be most agreeable to the Court. Hence we may collect
that the delusion on this subject was by no means at an
end, and that they who, out of a desire to render history
conformable to the principles of political justice, at-
tribute the unpopularity, and downfal of the Whigs,
to the indignation excited by their furious and sangui-
nary prosecution of the plot, are egregiously mistaken.
If this had been in any degree the prevailing sentiment,
it is utterly unaccountable, that, so far from its appear-
ing in any of the addresses of these times, this most just
ground of reproach upon the Whig party, and the Par-
liament in which they had had the superiority, was the
only one omitted in them. The fact appears to have
been the very reverse of what such historians suppose,
and the activity of the late parliamentary leaders, in
prosecuting the Popish plot, was the principal circum-
stance which reconciled the nation for a time, to their

* Rapin.

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER O ther proceedings ; that their conduct in that business,

1685.

(now so justly condemned,) was the grand engine of
their power, and that when that failed, they were soon
overpowered by the united forces of bigotry arid cor-
ruption. They were hated by a great part of the nation,
not for their crimes, but for their virtues. To be above
corruption is always odious to the corrupt, and to en-
tertain more enlarged and juster notions of philo-
sophy and government, is often a cause of alarm to
the narrow minded and superstitious. In those days
particularly, it was obvious to refer to the confusion,
greatly exaggerated, of the times of the Commonwealth ;
and it was an excellent watch-word of alarm, to accuse
every lover of law and liberty, of desfgns to revive the
tragical scene which had closed the life of the first
Charles. In this spirit, therefore, the Exclusion Bill, and
the alledged conspiracies of Sidney and Russel were, as
might naturally be expected, the chief charges urged
against the Whigs ; but their conduct on the subject of
the Popish plot, was so far from being the cause of the
hatred borne to them, that it was not even used as a
topick of accusation against them.

In order to keep up that spirit in the nation, which was
thought to be manifested in the addresses, his Majesty
ordered the Declaration, to which allusion was made
in the last chapter, to be published, interwoven with a his-
tory of the Rye-house plot, which is said to have been

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 95

CHAPTER
II.

drawn by Dr. Sprat, Bishop of Rochester. The princi-
pal drift of this publication was, to load the memory of

Sidney and Russel, and to blacken the character of the
Duke of Monmouth, by wickedly confounding the con-
sultations holden by them, with the plot for assassinat-
ing the late King, and in this object, it seems in a
great measure to have succeeded. He also caused to be and attestation

of his dying a

published, an attestation of his brother's having died a s a ^ lick pub ~

Roman Catholick, together with two papers, drawn up

by him, in favour of that persuasion. This is generally

considered to have been a very ill-advised instance of

zeal ; but probably James thought, that, at a time when

people seemed to be so in love with his power, he might

safely venture to indulge himself in a display of his

attachment to his religion ; and perhaps too, it might

be thought good policy, to show that a Prince, who

had been so highly complimented as Charles had

been, for the restoration and prelection of the church,

had, in truth, been a Catholick, and thus, to inculcate

an opinion, that the Church of England might not

only be safe, but highly favoured, under the reign of a

Popish Prince.

Partly from similar motives, and partly to gratify the persecution of
natural vindictiveness of his temper, he persevered in a
most cruel persecution of the Protestant Dissenters,
upon the most frivolous pretences. The courts of jus-
tice, as in Charles's days, were instruments equally

racter.

}O HISTORY OF THE RE1G3C

CH *i TER ready, either for seconding the policy, or for gratifying

the bad passions, of the Monarch ; and Jefferies, whom

the late King had appointed Chief Justice of England,
a little before Sidney's trial, was a man entirely agree-
able to the temper, and suitable to the purposes, of the

Jefferies' cha- present government. He was thought not to be very
learned in his profession ; but what might be wanting
in knowledge, he made up in positiveness ; and indeed
whatever might be the difficulties in questions between
one object and another, the fashionable doctrine which
prevailed at that time, of supporting the King's prero-
gative in its full extent, and without restriction or limit-
ation, rendered, to such as espoused it, all that branch
of law, which is called constitutional, extremely easy
and simple. He was as submissive and mean to those
above him, as he was haughty and insolent to those
who were in any degree in his power ; and if in his own
conduct he did not exhibit a very nice regard for mo-
rality, or even for decency, he never failed to animad-
vert upon, and to punish, the most slight deviation in
others, with the utmost severity, especially if they were
persons whom he suspected to be no favourites of the
Court.

Richard Baiter Before this magistrate was brought for trial, by a jury
sufficiently prepossessed in favour of Tory politicks, the
Rev. Richard Baxter, a dissenting minister; a pious
and learned man x of exemplary character, always re-

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 97

CHAPTER
II.

markable for his attachment to monarchy, and for lean-
ing to moderate measures in the differences between

16S3.

the church, and those of his persuasion. The pretence
for this prosecution was, a supposed reference of some
passages in one of his works, to the bishops of the
church of England ; a reference which was certainly
not intended by him, and which could not have been
made out to any jury that had been less prejudiced,
or under any other direction than that of Jefferies. The
real motive was, the desire of punishing an eminent dis-
senting teacher, whose reputation was high among his
sect, and who was supposed to favour the political opi-
nions of the Whigs. He was found guilty, and Jefferies,
in passing sentence upon him, loaded him with the
coarsest reproaches and bitterest taunts. He called him
sometimes, by way of derision, a saint, sometimes, in
plainer terms, an old rogue ; and classed this respecU
able divine, to whom the only crime imputed, was the
having spoken disrespectfully of the bishops of a com-
munion to which he did not belong, with the infamous
Gates, who had been lately convicted of perjury. He
finished with declaring, that it was matter of publick
notoriety, that there was a formed design to ruin the.
King and the nation, in which this old man was the
principal incendiary. Nor is it improbable that this de-
claration, absurd as it was, might gain belief, at a time
when the credulity of the triumphant party was a^t its
height.

98 HISTORY OP THE REIGN

CHAPTER of this credulity it seems to be no inconsiderable

testimony, that some affected nicety, which James had

credulity of the shown, with regard to the ceremonies to be used towards
the French ambassadour, was highly magnified, and re-
presented to be an indication of the different tone that
was to be taken by the present King, in regard to foreign
powers, and particularly to the court of Versailles.
The King was represented as a Prince eminently jea-
lous of the national honour, and determined to preserve
the balance of power in Europe, by opposing the ambi-
tious projects of France, at the very time when he was
supplicating Lewis to be his pensioner, and expressing
the most extravagant gratitude, for having been accepted
as such. From the information which we now have, it
appears that his applications to Lewis for money were
incessant, and that the difficulties were all on the side
of the French court.* Of the historians who wrote
prior to the inspection of the papers in the Foreign
Office in France, Burnet is the only one who seems to
have known that James's pretensions of independency
with respect to the French King, were, (as he terms
them,) only a show ; but there can now be no reason to
doubt the truth of the anecdote which he relates, that
Lewis, soon after, told the Duke of Villeroy,-f- that if
James showed any apparent uneasiness concerning the

* Vide Appendix passim.

t Vide Burnet, Vol. II. p. 302.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 99

balance of power, (and there is some reason to suppose
he did,) in his conversations with the Spanish, and other
foreign ambassadours, his intention was, probably, to
alarm the Court of Versailles, and thereby to extort pe-
cuniary assistance to a greater extent ; while, on the
other hand, Lewis, secure in the knowledge, that his
views of absolute power must continue him in depend-
ance upon France, seems to have refused further sup-
plies, and even in some measure to have withdrawn
those which had been stipulated, as a mark of his dis-
pleasure with his dependant, for assuming a higher tone
than he thought becoming.*

Whether with a view of giving some countenance to His advances

.... . . the Prince Of

those who were praising him upon the abovementioned orange.
topick, or from what other motive it is now not easy to
conjecture, James seems to have wished to be upon ap-
parent good terms, at least, with the Prince of Orange;
and after some correspondence with that Prince, con-
cerning the protection afforded by him, and the States
General, to Monmouth, and other obnoxious persons, it
appears that he declared himself, in consequence of
certain explanations and concessions, perfectly satisfied.
Jt is to be remarked, however, that he thought it neces-
sary to give the French ambassadour an account of this
transaction, and in a manner to apologize to him for
entering into any sort of terms with a son-in-law, who

* Lewis's Letter to Barillon, April 24. Appendix.

100 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER was SU pposed to be hostile in disposition to the French

King. He assured Barillon, that a change of system, on

the part of the Prince of Orange, in regard to Lewis,
should be a condition of his reconciliation : he after-
wards informed him, that the Prince of Orange had an-
swered him satisfactorily in all other respects, but had
not taken notice of his wish that he should connect
himself with France; but never told him that he had,
notwithstanding the Prince's silence on that material
point, expressed himself completely satisfied with him.*
That a proposition to the Prince of Orange, to connect
himself in politicks with Lewis, would, (if made,) have
been rejected, in the manner in which the King's ac-
count to Barillon implies that it was, there can be no
doubt ; but whether James ever had the assurance to
make it, is more questionable ; for, as he evidently
acted disingenuously with the ambassadour, in conceal-
ing from him the complete satisfaction he had express-
ed of the Prince of Orange's present conduct ;-f- it is
not unreasonable to suppose, that he deceived him still
further, and pretended to have made an application,
which he had never hazarded. However, the ascer-
taining of this fact is by no means necessary for the illus-
tration, either of the general history, or of James's par-
ticular character ; since it appears, that the proposition*

t . : '.'

* Barillon's Dispatches, March 1, and 5. Appendix,
f Dalrymple's Mem. II. 116.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 101

if made, was rejected ; and James is, in any case, equally CHAPTER

convicted of insincerity ; the only point in question -

being, whether he deceived the French ambassadour,

in regard to the fact of his having made the proposi-

tion, or to the sentiments he expressed upon its being

refused. Nothing serves more to show the dependance

in which he considered himself to be upon Lewis, than

these contemptible shifts, to which he condescended,

for the purposes of explaining, and apologizing for,

such parts of his conduct, as might be supposed to be

less agreeable to that monarch than the rest. An English

Parliament acting upon constitutional principles, and

the Prince of Orange, were the two enemies whom Lewis

most dreaded ; and accordingly, whenever James found

it necessary to make approaches to either of them, an

apology was immediately to be offered to the French

ambassadour, to which truth sometimes and honour was

always sacrificed.*

Cte if. 0.1.00 4/w!j >> lUlif SW-i

Mr. Hume says, the King found himself, by degrees,

/ / i i ject of his reign,

under the necessity or lulling into an union with the
French monarch, who could alone assist him, in pro-
moting the Catholick religion in England. But when
that historian wrote, those documents had not been
made publick, from which the account of the commu-
nications with Barillon has been taken, and by which it

* Vide Appendix passim.

HISTORY OF THE llEIG>Vf

PTUI a pp earS) ti iat a connection with France was, as well in
point of time, as in importance, the first object of his
reign, and that the immediate specifick motive, to that
connection, was the same as that of his brother; the
desire of rendering himself independent of Parliament,
and absolute, not that of establishing Poper}' in Eng-
land, which was considered as a more remote contin-
gency.* That this was the case, is evident from all the
circumstances of the transaction, and especially from
the zeal with which he was served in it by Ministers
who were never suspected of any leaning towards Po-
pery, and not one of whom, (Sunderland excepted,)
could be brought to the measures that were afterwards
taken in favour of that religion. It is the more material
to attend to this distinction, because the Tory historians,
especially such of them as are not Jacobites, have
taken much pains to induce us to attribute the violences

by historians. .... _ . . . .

and illegalities or this reign to James s religion, which
was peculiar to him, rather than to that desire of ab-
solute power, which so many other princes have had,
have, and always will have in common with him. The
policy of such misrepresentation is obvious. If this
reign is to be considered as a period insulated, as it
were, and unconnected with the general course of
history, and if the events of it are to be attributed ex-
clusively, to the particular character, and particular at-

* Appendix passim.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. JOS

tachments of the monarch, the sole inference will be, that C
we must not have a Catholick for our King ; whereas, if
we consider it, which history well warrants us to do, as a
part of that system which had been pursued by all the
Stuart Kings, as well prior, as subsequent, to the Re-
storation, the lesson which it affords is very different,
as well as far more instructive. We are taught, gene-
rally, the dangers Englishmen will always be liable to,
if, from favour to a Prince upon the throne, or from a
confidence, however grounded, that his views are agree-
able to our own notions of the constitution, we, in any
considerable degree, abate of that vigilant, and unre-
mitting jealousy of the power of the crown, which can
alone secure ta us the effect of those wise laws that
have been provided for the benefit of the subject ; and
still more particularly, that it is in vain to think of mak-
ing a compromise with power, and by yielding to it in
other points, preserving some favourite object, such,
for instance, as the church in James's case, from its
grasp.

Previous to meeting his English Parliament, James scotish ^re-
directed a parliament which had been summoned in
the preceding reign, to assemble at Edinburgh, and
appointed the Duke of Queensbury his commissioner.
This appointment is, in itself, a strong indication, that
the King's views, with regard to Scotland at least, were

104 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN

CHA u rER similar to those which I have ascribed to him in Eng-
' land ; and that they did not at that time extend to the

1085.

introduction of Popery, but were altogether directed to
the establishment of absolute power as the end, and to
the support of an episcopal church, upon the model of
the church of England, as the means. For Queensbury
had explained himself to his Majesty, in the fullest
manner, upon the subject of religion ; and while he
professed himself to be ready, (as indeed his conduct in
the late reign had sufficiently proved,) to go any length
in supporting royal power, and in persecuting the Pres-
byterians, had made it a condition of his services, that
he might understand from his Majesty, that there was
no intention of changing the established religion ; for if
such was the object, he could not make any one step
with him in that matter. James received this declara-
tion most kindly ; assured him he had no such inten-
tion, and that he would have a parliament, to which he,
Queensbury, should go as commissioner; and giving
all possible assurances in the matter of religion, get the
revenue to be settled, and such other laws to be past,
as might be necessary for the publick safety. With these
promises the Duke was not only satisfied at the time,
but declared, at a subsequent period, that they had
been made in so frank and hearty a manner, as made
him conclude, that it was impossible that the King
should be acting a part. And this nobleman was consi-

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 105

CM AH El
II.

1085.

dared, and is handed down to us by contemporary
writers, as a man of a penetrating genius, nor has it ever
been the national character of the country to which he
belonged, to be more liable to be imposed upon, than
the rest of mankind.

The Scottish Parliament met on the 23d of April, and e Kin s' s let -
was opened by the Commissioner, with the following
letter from the King :

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

" The many experiences we have had of the loyalty,
" and exemplary forwardness of that our ancient
" kingdom, by their representatives in parliament assem-
" bled, in the reign of our deceased, and most entirely
" beloved brother, of ever blessed memory, made us
" desirous to call you at this time, in the beginning of
" our reign, to give you an opportunity, not only of
" showing your duty to us in the same manner, but,
" likewise of being exemplary to others, in your demon-
" strations of affection to our person, and compliance
" with Our desires, as you have most eminently been
" in times past, to a degree never to be forgotten by
ft. us, nor, (we hope,) to be contradicted by your future
" practices. That which we are at this time to pro-
", pose unto you is, what is as necessary for your safety
" as our service, and what has a tendency more to.se-

1685

10(3 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER u cure y 0ur own privileges and properties, than the
" aggrandising our power and authority, (though in it
" consists the greatest security of your rights and inte-
" rests, these never having been in danger, except when
" the royal power was brought too low to protect them,)
" which now we are resolved to maintain in its greatest
" lustre, to the end we may be the more enabled to de-
" fend and protect your religion as established by law;
"and your rights and properties (which was our design
" in calling this parliament) against fanatical contriv-
" ances, murderers and assassins, who having no fear
" of God, more than honour for us, have brought you
" into such difficulties, as only the blessing of God upon
" the steady resolutions, and actings of our said dearest
" royal brother, and those employed by him, (in prose-
" cution of the good and wholesome laws, by you here-
" tofore offered,) could have saved you from the most
" horrid confusions, and inevitable ruin. Nothing has
" been left unattempted by those wild, and inhuman
" traitors, for endeavouring to overturn your peace : and
" therefore, we have good reason to hope, that nothing
" will be wanting in you, to secure yourselves and
" us from their outrages and violence, in time cem-
" ing ; and to take care that such conspirators meet
" with their just deservings, so as others may thereby
" be deterred from courses so little agreeable to religion,
" or their duty and allegiance to us. These things we
" considered to be of so great importance to our royal,

OF JAMES THE SECOND, 107

' as well as the universal, interest of that our kingdom, CHfl ^ EI

" that we were fully resolved, in person, to have pro-

" posed the needful remedies to you. But things having

" so fallen out, as render this impossible for us, we have

" now thqught fit, to send our right trusty, and right

" entirely beloved cousin, and counsellor, William Duke

" of Queensbury, to be our commissioner amongst you ;

" of whose abilities and qualifications we have reason

*' to be fully satisfied, and of whose faithfulness to us,

" and zeal for our interest, we have had signal proofs,

" in the times of our greatest difficulties. Him we have

" fully entrusted in all things relating to our service^

" and your own prosperity and happiness, and there-

" fore, you are to give him entire trust and credit, as you

" now see we have done, from whose prudence, and

" your most dutiful affection to us, we have full confi-

" dence of your entire compliance and assistance in all

" those matters, wherein he is instructed as aforesaid.

" We do therefore, not only recommend unto you, that

" such things be done as are necessary in this juncture,

" for your own peace, and the support of our royal in-

" terest, of which we had so much experience when

" amongst you, that we cannot doubt of your full and

" ample expressing the same on this occasion, by which

" the great concern we have in you, our ancient and

" kindly people, may still increase, and you may traos-

" mit your loyal actions, (as examples of duty,) to your

" posterity. In full confidence whereof we do assure

108 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER y OU o f our rova ] f avour an d protection, in all your

Ida. 1 ..

" concerns ; and so we bid you heartily farewell."

This letter deserves the more attention, because, as
the proceedings of the Scotch parliament, according to
a remarkable expression in the letter itself, were in-
tended to be an example to others, there is the greatest
reason to suppose the matter of it must have been ma-
turely weighed and considered. His Majesty first com-
pliments the Scotch parliament, upon their peculiar
loyalty, and dutiful behaviour in past times, meaning,
no doubt, to contrast their conduct with that of those
English parliaments who had passed the Exclusion Bill,
the Disbanding Act, the Habeas Corpus Act, and other
measures hostile to his favourite principles of govern-
ment. He states the granting of an independant re-
venue, and the supporting the prerogative in its greatest
lustre, if not the aggrandizing of it, to be necessary for
the preservation of their religion, established by law,
(that is the Protestant Episcopacy,) as well as for the
security of their properties against fanatical assassins
and murderers ; thus emphatically announcing a com-
plete union of interests between the Crown and the
Church. He then bestows a complete and unqualified
approbation of the persecuting measures of the last
reign, in which he had borne so great a share : and to
those measures, and to the steadiness with which they
had been persevered in, he ascribes the escape of

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 109

168J.

both church and state from the fanaticks, and ex-
presses his regret that he could not be present, to
propose in person, the other remedies of a similar na-
ture, which he recommended as needful in the present
conjuncture.

Now, it is proper, in this place, to enquire into the j" 1 s a a n "| ons ir
nature of the measures thus extolled, as well for the
purpose of elucidating the characters of the King and
his Scottish ministers, as for that of rendering more in-
telligible the subsequent proceedings of the parliament,
and the other events which soon after took place in that
kingdom. Some general notions may be formed of that
course of proceedings, which, according to his Majesty's
opinion, had been so laudably and resolutely pursued
during the late reign, from the circumstances alluded to
in the preceding chapter, when it is understood, that
the sentences of Argyle and Laurie of Black wood were
not detached instances of oppression, but rather a sam-
ple of the general system of administration. The co-
venant, which had been so solemnly taken by the
whole kingdom, and, among the rest, by the King him-
self, had been declared to be unlawful, and a refusal to
abjure it had been made subject to the severest pe-
nalties. Episcopacy, which was detested by a great
majority of the nation, had been established, and all
publick exercise of religion, in the forms to which the

110

HISTORY Of THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

1685.

Measures of
persecution.

people were most attached, had been prohibited. The
attendance upon field conventicles had been made
highly penal, and the preaching at them capital ; by
which means, according to the computation of a late
writer, no less remarkable for the accuracy of his facts,
than for the force and justness of his reasonings, at least
seventeen thousand persons in one district were involved
in criminality, and became the object of persecution.
After this, letters had been issued by government, for-
bidding the intercommuning with persons who had
neglected, or refused, to appear before the privy coun-
cil, when cited for the above crimes; a proceeding, by
which, not only all succour or assistance to such per-
sons, but, according to the strict sense of the word made
use of, all intercourse with them, was rendered criminal,
and subjected him who disobeyed the prohibition to
the same penalties, whether capital or others, which
were affixed to the alledged crimes of the party with
whom he had intercommuned.*

These measures not proving effectual for the purpose
for which the}' were intended, or, as some say, the ob-
ject of Charles the Second's government being to pro-
voke an insurrection, a demand was made upon the
landholders, in the district supposed to be most disaf-

* Laing's Hist. Vol. IV. 34. 60. 74. Wooclrow.

OF JAMES THE SECOXD.

Ill

fected, of bonds, whereby they were to become respon- CIIA PTER
sible for their wives, families, tenants, and servants ;
and likewise for the wives, families, and servants of
their tenants, and finally, for all persons living upon
their estates ; that they should not withdraw from the
church, frequenter preach at conventicles, nor give any
succour, or have any intercourse with persons with
whom it was forbidden to intercommune ; and the pe-
nalties attached to the breach of this engagement, the
keeping of which was obviously out of the power of
him who was required to make it, were to be the same
as those, whether capital or other, to which the several
persons, for whom he engaged, might be liable. The
landholders, not being willing to subscribe to their own
destruction, refused to execute the bonds, and this was
thought sufficient grounds for considering the district
to which they belonged as in a state of rebellion.
English and Irish armies were ordered to the frontiers ;
a train of artillery, and the militia, were sent into the
district itself; and six thousand Highlanders, who
were let loose upoji its inhabitants, to exercise
every species of pillage and plunder, were connived
at, or rather encouraged, in excesses of a still more
atrocious nature.*

The bonds being still refused, the government had
* Burnet. Woodrow. Laing, IV. 83.

1T2 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER recourse to an expedient of a most extraordinary na-
ture ; and issued what the Scotch called a writ of Law-
burrows, against the whole district. This writ of Law-
burrows is somewhat analogous to what we call swearing
the peace against any one, and had hitherto been sup-
posed, as the other is with us, to be applicable to the
disputes of private individuals, and to the apprehen-
sions, which, in consequence of such disputes, they
may mutually entertain of each other. A Government
swearing the peace against its subjects was a new
spectacle ; but if a private subject, wider fear of another,
hath a right to such a security, how much more the govern-
ment itself? was thought an unanswerable argument.
Such are the sophistries which tyrants deem satisfactory.
Thus are they willing even to descend from their lof-
tiness, into the situation of subjects or private men,
when it is for the purpose of acquiring additional
powers of persecution ; and thus truly formidable and
terrifick are they, when they pretend alarm and fear.
By these writs, the persons against whom they were
directed, were bound, as in case of the former bonds,
to conditions which were not in their power to fulfil,
such as the preventing of conventicles and the like,
under such penalties as the privy council might inflict,
and a disobedience to them was followed by outlawry
and confiscation.

Approved of at The con d uc t of the Duke of Lauderdald who was the

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 113

chief actor in these scenes of violence and iniquity, was
completely approved and justified at Court ; but, in '
consequence, probably, of the state of politicks in Eng-
land, at a time when the Whigs were strongest in the
House of Commons, some of these grievances were in
part redressed, and the Highlanders, and writs of Law-
burrows were recalled. But the country was still treat-
ed like a conquered country. The Highlanders were re-
placed by an army of five thousand regulars, and garri-
sons were placed in private houses. The persecution
of conventicles continued ; and ample indemnity was
granted for every species of violence that might be ex-
ercised by those employed to suppress them. In this

state of things, the assassination and murder of Sharp, Shaj p
Archbishop of St. Andrews, by a troop of fanaticks,
who had been driven to madness by the oppression
of Carmichael, one of that prelate's instruments, while
it gave an additional spur to the vindictive temper of
the government, was considered by it as a justification
for ever} r mode and degree of cruelty and persecution.
The outrage committed by a few individuals, was im-
puted to the whole fanatick sect, as the government
termed them, or, in other words, to a description of
people which composed a great majority of the popula-
tion in the low-lands of Scotland ; and those who at-
tended field or armed conventicles, were ordered to be
indiscriminately massacred.

114 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER j$y Suc i 1 means an insurrection was at last produced,
which, from the weakness, or, as some suppose, from

insurrection of the wicked policy of an ad ministration eager for confis-

Bothwcll Bridge . ,. , ,, '

cations, and desirous or such a state or the country as
might, in some measure, justify their course of govern-
ment, * [made such a progress that the insurgents] be-
came masters of Glasgow, and the country adjacent.
To quell these insurgents, who, undisciplined as they
were, had defeated Graham, afterwards Viscount Dun-
dee, the Duke of Monmouth was sent with an army
from England ; but, lest the generous mildness of his
nature should prevail, he had sealed orders, which he
was not to open till in sight of the rebels, enjoining
him not to treat with them, but to fall upon them, with-
out any previous negotiation. In pursuance of these
orders, the insurgents were attacked at Bothwell Bridge,
where, though they were entirely routed and dispersed,
yet, because those who surrendered at discretion were
, not put to death, and the army, by the strict enforcing
of discipline, were prevented from plunder and other
outrages, it was represented by James, and in some
degree even by the King, that Monmouth had acted as
if he had meant rather to put himself at the head of the

* The words between tlie brackets have been inserted to complete
the sense, there having been evidently an omission in the manuscript
copy. E.

16S5.

OF JAMES THE SECO-ND. 115

fanaticks than to repel them, and were inclined rather CH APTER
to court their friendship thftn to punish their rebellion.
All complaints against Lauderdale were dismissed ; his
power confirmed ; and an act of indemnity, which had
been procured at Monmouth's intercession, was so
clogged with exceptions, as to be of little use to any
but to the agents of tyranny. Several persons, who
Avere neither directly, nor indirectly concerned in the
murder Of the Archbishop, were executed as an expi-
ation for that offence ; * but many more were obliged
to compound for their lives, by submitting to the most
rapacious extortion, which at this particular period,
seems to have been the engine of oppression most
in fashion, and which was extended, not only to those
who had been in any way concerned in the insurrec-
tion, but to those who had neglected to attend the
standard of the King, when displayed against what was
styled, in the usual insulting language of tyrants, a most
unnatural rebellion.

The quiet produced by such means, was, as might be More sevcrf

persecution.

expected, of no long duration. EntUusiasm was in-
creased by persecution, and the fanatick preachers
found no difficulty in persuading their flocks, to throw
off all allegiance to a government which afforded them
no protection. The King was declared to be an apostate

* Laing, IV. 164. Woodrow, II. 87. 90.

116 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER f rom tne Covenant, a tyrant, and an usurper ; and

Cargill, one of the most enthusiastick among the

168$.

preachers, pronounced a formal sentence of excommu-
nication against him, his brother the Duke of York,
and others, their ministers and abettors. This outrage
upon majesty, together with an insurrection, contempti-
ble in point of numbers and strengthen which Cameron,
another field-preacher, had been killed, furnished a pre-
tence which was by no means neglected, for new cruel-
ties, and executions ; but neither death nor torture were
sufficient to subdue the minds of Cargill, and his in-
trepid followers. They all gloried in their sufferings ;
nor could the meanest of them be brought to purchase
their lives by a retractation of their principles, or even
by an}' expression that might be construed into an ap-
probation of their persecutors. The effect of this he-
roick constancy upon the minds of their oppressors, was
to persuade them not to lessen the numbers of execu-
tions, but to render them more private ;* whereby they
exposed the true character of their government, which
was notseverity, but violence, not justice, but vengeance:
for, example being the only legitimate end of punish-
ment, where that is likely to encourage, rather than to
deter, (as the government in these instances seems to
have apprehended,) and consequently to prove more
pernicious than salutary, every punishment inflicted by

* Woodrow, II. 189.

1683.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 117

the magistrate is cruelty ; every execution, murder. The CHAPTER
rage of punishment did not stop even here ; but ques-
tions were put to persons, and in many instances to
persons under torture, who had not been proved to
have been in any of the insurrections, whether they
considered the Archbishop's assassination as murder, the
rising at Bothwcll Bridge rebellion, and Charles a lawful
King. The refusal to answer these questions, or the
answering of them in an unsatisfactory manner, was
deemed a proof of guilt, and immediate execution
ensued.

These last proceedings had taken place while James Actor succes-
sion and Test.

himself had the government in his hands, and under his
immediate directions. Not long after, and when the Ex-
clusionistsin England were supposed to be entirely defeat-
ed, was passed, (James being the King's commissioner,)
the famous Bill of Succession, declaring that no differ-
ence of religion, nor any statute or law grounded upon
such, or any other pretence, could defeat the hereditary
right of the heir to the crown, and that to propose any
limitation upon the future administration of such heir,
was high treason. But the Protestant religion was to be
secured ; for those who were most obsequious to the
Court, and the most willing and forward instruments of
its tyranny, were, nevertheless, zealous Protestants. A
Test was therefore framed for this purpose, which was

118

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

IS8S.

imposed upon all persons exercising any civil or military
functions whatever, the royal family alone excepted ;
but to the declaration of adherence to the Protestant
religion, was added a recognition of the King's supre-
macy in ecclesiastical matters, and a complete renun-
ciation in civil concerns, of every right belonging to a
free subject. An adherence to the Protestant religion,
according to the confession of it referred to in the test,
seemed to some inconsistent with the acknowledgment
of the King's supremacy, and that clause of the oath
which related to civil matters, inasmuch as it declared
against endeavouring at any alteration in the Church
or State, seemed incompatible with the duties of a
counsellor or a member of parliament. Upon these
grounds the Earl of Argyle, in taking the oath, thought
fit to declare as follows :

Argyle con-
demned for his
explanation of
the Test.

" I have considered the test, and I am very desirous
" to give obedience as far as I can. I am confident the
" Parliament never intended to impose contradictory
" oaths ; therefore I think no man can explain it but
" for himself. Accordingly I take it, as far as it is con-
" sistent with itself, and the Protestant religion. And I
" do declare, that I mean not to bind up myself in my
" station, and in a lawful way, to wish and endeavour
" any alteration I think to the advantage of the Church
" or State, not repugnant to the Protestant Religion

1663.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. ] ] Q

" and my loyalty. And this I understand as a part of CHAPTER

" the oath." And for this declaration, though unno

ticed at the time, he was in a few days afterwards com-
mitted, and shortly after sentenced to die.* Nor was
the test applied only to those for whom it had been
originally instituted, but by being offered to those nu-
merous classes of people who were within the reach of
the late severe criminal laws, as an alternative for death
or confiscation, it might fairly be said to be imposed
upon the greater part of the country.

Not long after these transactions, James took his final
leave of the government, and in his parting speech re-
commended, in the strongest terms, the support of the
church. This gracious expression, the sincerity of which
seemed to be evinced by his conduct to the conventi-
clers, and the severity with which he had enforced the
test, obtained him a testimonial from the Bishops of his
affection to their Protestant church ; a testimonial, to
which, upon the principle, that they are the best friends
to the church, who are most willing to persecute such

* The disgusting ease with which James, (iu his Memoirs, Macpher-
son's State Papers, I. 123) speaks of Argyle's case, his pretence, that he
put his life in jeopardy only with a view to seize his property, seem
to destroy all notions of this Prince's having had any honour or con-
science ; nor after this, can we give much credit to the declaration,
that Argyle's life was not aimed at. Note from Mr. Fox's Common-
Place Book.

120

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

1685.

extortions.

as dissent from it, he was, notwithstanding his own non-
conformity, most amply entitled.*

Queensberry's administration ensued, in which the
maxims that had guided his predecessors were so far
from being relinquished, that they were pursued, if
possible, with greater steadiness and activity. Lawrie
of Blackwood was condemned for having holden in-
tercourse with a rebel, whose name was not to be
found in any of the lists of the intercommuned or
proscribed ; and a proclamation was issued, threat-
ening all who were in like circumstances with a si-
milar fate. The intercourse with rebels having been
in great parts of the kingdom promiscuous and uni-
versal, more than twenty thousand persons were
objects of this menace. -f- Fines and extortions of
all kinds were employed to enrich the publick trea-
sury, to which, therefore, the multiplication of crimes
became a fruitful source of revenue ; and lest it
should not be sufficiently so, husbands were made
answerable, (and that too with a retrospect,) for the
absence of their wives from church ; a circum-
stance which the Presbyterian women's aversion to
the episcopal form of worship, had rendered very
general, -f-

* Burnet.

Burnet. Laing, 132.

J Id. 140.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 12-1

This system of government, and especially the rigour CH AJTER

with which those concerned in the late insurrections,

the excommunication of the King.or the other outrages Declaration of

. c the Camero-

complained of, were pursued and hunted, sometimes mans.
by blood-hounds, sometimes by soldiers almost equally
savage, and afterwards shot like wild beasts,* drove
some of those sectaries who were styled Cameronians,
and other proscribed persons, to measures of absolute
desperation. They made a declaration, which they
caused to be affixed to different churches, importing,
that they would use the law of retaliation, and " we
" mill" said they, " punish as enemies to God, and to the
" covenant, suchpersons as shall make it their work to imbrue
" their hands in our blood ; and chiejly, if they shall con-
" tinue obstinately, and with habitual malice to proceed
" against us," with more to the like effect.* Upon such
an occasion, the interference of government became
necessary. The government did indeed interfere, and
by a vote of council, ordered, that whoever owned, or
refused to disown, the Declaration on oath, should be
put to death, in the presence of two witnesses, though
unarmed when taken. The execution of this massacre,

7 naticks.

in the twelve counties which were principally concern-?
ed, 'was committed to the military, and exceeded, if
possible, the order itself. The disowning the Declara-
tion was required to be in a particular form prescribed:

* Woodrow, II. 447. 44Q. Ibid. Apend^l37.

122 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

;HAPTE Women, obstinate in their fanaticism, lest female blood
should be a stain upon the swords of soldiers engaged
in this honourable employment, were drowned. The
habitations, as well of those who had fled to save them-
selves, as of those who suffered, were burnt and de-
stroyed. Such members of the families of the delin-
quents as were above twelve years old, were imprisoned
for the purpose of being afterwards transported. The
brutality of the soldiers was such as might be expected
from an army let loose from all restraint, and employed
to execute the royal justice, as it was called, upon
wretches. Graham, who has been mentioned before,
.and who, under the title of Lord Dundee, a title which
was probably conferred upon him by James for these
or similar services, was afterwards esteemed such a hero
among the Jacobite party, particularly distinguished
himself. Of six unarmed fugitives whom he seized, he
caused four to be shot in his presence, nor did the re-
maining two experience any other mercy from him than
a delay of their doom ; and at another time, having in-
tercepted the flight of one of these victims, he had him
shown to his family, and then murdered in the arms of
his wife ! Th,e example of persons of such high rank,
and who must be presumed to have had an education
in some degree correspondent to their station, could
not fail of operating upon men of a lower order in
society. The carnage became every day more general
and more indiscriminate ; and the murder of peasants

1683.

OF JAMES THE SECOND: 123

in their houses, or while employed at their usual work CHAPTER
in the fields, by the soldiers, was not only not re-
proved or punished, but deemed a meritorious ser-
vice by their superiors.* The demise of Ring Charles,
which happened about this time, caused no suspension
or relaxation in these proceedings, which seemed to
have been the crowning measure, as it were, or fi-
nishing stroke, of that system, for the steady persever-
ance in which James so much admired the resolution of \
his brother.

);.:!'".jirv[ 1l'.i>* "j {':'!*i ::!}' in: ''X^M' H i i!Il. -'(:' 1

It has been judged necessary to detail these transac- Observations.
tions, in a manner which may, to some readers, appear
an impertinent digression from the narrative in which
this history is at present engaged, in order to set in a
clearer light, some points of the greatest importance.
In the first place, from the summary review of (he af-
fairs of Scotland, and from the complacency with which
James looks back to his own share of them, joined to the
general approbation he expressed of the conduct of the
government in that kingdom, we may form a pretty just
notion, as well of his maxims of policy, as of his temper
and disposition, in matters where his bigotry to the Ro-
man Catholick religion had no share. For it is to be 9 n * *'P
observed, and carefully kept in mind, that the church, "

* Burnet. Woodrow. Laing.

124 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHA n rER f which he not only recommends the support, but

which he showed himself ready to maintain, by the

. '

most violent means, is the Episcopalian church of the
Protestants ; that the test which he enforced at the
point of the bayonet was a Protestant test, so much so
indeed, that he himself could not take it ; and that the
more marked character of the conventicles, the objects
of his persecution, was not so much that of hereticks
excommunicated by the Pope, as of dissenters from the
church of England, and irreconcileable enemies to the
Protestant Liturgy and the Protestant Episcopacy.
But he judged the church of England to be a most
fit instrument for rendering the monarchy absolute.
On the other hand, the Presbyterians were thought na-
turally hostile to the principles of passive obedience,
and to one or other, or with more probability, to
both, of these considerations, joined to the natural vio-
lence of his temper, is to be referred the whole of his
conduct, in this part of his life, which in this view,
is rational enough ; but on the supposition of his hav-
ing conceived thus early, the intention of introducing
Popery upon the ruins of the church of England, is
wholly unaccountable, and no less absurd, than if a
general were to put himself to great cost and pains
to furnish with ammunition, and to strengthen with
fortifications, a place of which he was actually meditat-
ing the attack.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 125

The next important observation that occurs, and to .
which even they who are most determined to believe

that this Prince had always Popery in view, and held on the primary

1 * . object of his go-

every other consideration as subordinate to that primary vemmem.
object, must nevertheless subscribe, is, that the most
confidential advisers, as well as the most furious sup-
porters, of the measures we have related, were not Ro-
man Catholicks. Lauderdale and Queensberry were
both Protestants. There is no reason, therefore, to im-j
pute any of James's violence afterwards to the sug-
gestions of his Catholick advisers, since he who had
been engaged in the series of measures above related,
with Protestant counsellors and coadjutors, had surely
nothing to learn from Papists, (whether priests, Jesuits,
or others,) in the science of tyranny. Lastly, from this n <| st te >'
account we are enabled to form some notion of the
state of Scotland, at a time when the parliament of
that kingdom was called to set an example for this,
and we find it to have been a state of more absolute
slavery than at that time subsisted in any part of Christ-
endom.

The affairs of Scotland being in the state which we Proceedings of

the Scotch Par-

have described, it is no wonder that the King's letter
was received with acclamations of applause, and that
the parliament opened, not only with approbation of
the government, but even with an enthusiastick zeal, to
sio-nalize their loyalty, as well by a perfect acquiescence

126 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER to fa e ]j n g' s demands, as by the most fulsome expres-
sions of adulation. " What Prince in Europe- or in the

1685. . f

" whole world," said the Chancellor Perth, " was ever
" like the late King, except his present Majesty, who had
" undergone every trial 'of prosperity and adversity, and
" whose unwearied clemency was not among the least con-
" spicuous of his virtues ? To advance his honour and
" greatness, was the duty of all his subjects, and ought to
" be the endeavour of their lives without reserve." The
Parliament voted an address, scarcely less adulatory
than the Chancellor's speech.

" MAY IT PLEASE YOUR SACRED MAJESTY,

" Your Majesty's gracious and kind remembrance
" of the services done by this, your ancient kingdom^
" to the late King your brother, of ever glorious me-
" mory, shall rather raise in us ardent desires to exceed
" whatever we have done formerly, than make us con-
" sider them as deserving the esteem your Majesty is
" pleased to express of them in your Letter to us, dated
" the twenty-eighth of March. The death of that our
" excellent Monarch is lamented by us to all the de-
" grees of grief that are consistent with our great joy
" for the succession of your Sacred Majesty, who has
" not only continued, but secured the happiness,
" which his wisdom, his justice, and clemency pro-
" cured to us : and having the honour to be the first

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 12?

CHAPTER
II.

" Parliament which meets by your Royal Authority, of

" which we are very sensible, your Majesty may be

1685*

" confident, that we -will offer such laws as may best

" secure your Majesty's sacred person, the royal fa-

" mily, and government, and be so exemplary loyal,

" as to raise your honour and greatness to the utmost

" of our power, which we shall ever esteem both our

" duty and interest. Nor shall we leave any thing un-

" done for extirpating all fanaticism, but especially

" those fanatical murtherers and assassins, and for de-

" tecting and punishing the late conspirators, whose

" pernicious and execrable designs did so much tend

" to subvert your Majesty's government, and ruin us

" and all your Majesty's faithful subjects. We can

" assure your Majesty, that the subjects of this your

" Majesty's ancient kingdom are so desirous to exceed

" all their predecessors in extraordinary marks of affec-

** tion and obedience to your Majesty, that, (God be

" praised,) the only way to be popular with us, is to be

" eminently loyal. Vour Majesty's care of us, when

<f you took us to be your special charge, your wisdom

" in extinguishing the seeds of rebellion and faction

*' amongst us, your justice, which was so great, as to

" be for ever exemplary, but above all, your Majesty's

" free and cheerful securing to us pur religion, when

" you were the late King's, your Royal Brother's Com-

" missioner, now again renewed, when you are our So-

" vereign, are what your subjects here can never forget,

128

CHAPTER
II.

1085.

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

and therefore your Majesty may expect that we will
think your commands sacred as your person, and
that your inclination will prevent our debates ; nor
did ever any who represented our Monarchs as their
Commissioners, (except your royal self,) meet with
greater respect, or more exact observance from a
Parliament, than the Duke of Queensberry, (whom
your Majesty has so wisely chosen to represent you
in this, and of whose eminent loyalty, and great abi-
lities in all his former employments, this nation hath
seen so many proofs,) shall find from

' ( ' I

" May it please your Sacred Majesty,

" your Majesty's most humble, most faithful, and
.<t!j. Si .1 ,'>'.' . iijlfi 'i.k'i/7 _ '/; '(. j; '

" most obedient subjects and servants,

' PERTH, Cancell."

Its tyrannical
acts.

Nor was this spirit of loyalty, (as it was then called,)
of abject slaveiy, and unmanly subservience to the will
of a despot, as it has been justly denominated by the
more impartial judgment of posterity, confined to words
only. Acts were passed to ratify all the late judgments,
however illegal or iniquitous, to indemnify the privy
council, judges, and all officers of the Crown, civil or
military, for all the violences they had committed ; to
authorize the privy council to impose the test upon all

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 129

ranks of people under such penalties as that board CHAPTER

might think fit to impose; to extend the punishment of

death, which had formerly attached upon the preachers
at' field conventicles only, to all their auditors, and like-
wise to the preachers at house conventicles ; to subject
to the penalties of treason, all persons who should give,
or take the covenant, or write in defence thereof, or in
any other way own it to be obligatory ; and lastly, in a
strain of tyranny, for which there was, it is believed, no
precedent, and which certainly has never been surpass-
ed, to enact, that all such persons as, being cited in
cases of high treason, field or house conventicles, or
church irregularities, should refuse to give testimony,
should be liable to the punishment due by law to the
criminals against whom they refused to be witnesses.
It is true that an act was also passed, for confirming all
former statutes in favour of the Protestant religion as
then established, in their whole strength and tenour, as
if they were particularly set down and expressed in the
said act; but when we recollect the notions which
Queensberry at that time entertained of the King's
views, this proceeding forms no exception to the general
system of servility which characterized both ministers
and parliament. All matters in relation to revenue were
of course settled in the manner most agreeable to his
Majesty's wishes, and the recommendation of his Com-
missioner.

130

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

1C85.

vtrnment.

While the legislature was doing its part, the execu-
tive government was not behind hand in pursuing the
cruelty of GO- system which had been so much commended. A re-

f -*rn iv*n*- **

fusal to abjure the Declaration in the terms prescribed,
was every where considered as sufficient cause for im-
mediate execution. In one part of the country, infor-
mation having been received, that a corpse had been
clandestinely buried, an enquiry took place : it was dug
up, and found to be that of a person proscribed. Those
who had interred him, were suspected, not of having
murdered, but of having harboured him. For this crime,
their house was destroyed ; and the women and children
of the family being driven out to wander as vagabonds,
a young man belonging to it was executed by the order
of Johnston of Westerraw. Against this murder even
Graham himself is said to have remonstrated, but was
content with protesting, that the blood was not upon
his head ; and not being able to persuade a Highland
officer to execute the order of Johnston, ordered his
own men to shoot the unhappy victim.* In another
county, three females, one of sixty-three years of age,
one of eighteen, and one of twelve, were charged with
rebellion ; and refusing to abjure the Declaration, were
sentenced to be drowned. The last was let off, upon
condition of her father's giving a bond for a hundred

* Woodrow, II. 507-

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 131

pounds. The elderly woman, who is represented as a

person of eminent piety, bore her fate with the greatest

constancy, nor does it appear that her death excited any
strong sensations in the minds of her savage execu-
tioners. The girl of eighteen was more pitied ; and after
many entreaties, and having been once under water,
was prevailed upon to utter some words, which might
be fairly construed into blessing the King, a mode
of obtaining pardon not unfrequent in cases where
the persecutors were inclined to relent. Upon this
it was thought she was safe ; but the merciless
barbarian who superintended this dreadful business,
was not satisfied, and upon her refusing the abjur-
ation, she was again plunged into the water, where
she expired.* It is to be remarked, that being at Both-
well Bridge and Air's-moss were among the crimes
stated in the indictment of all three, though, when the
last of these affairs happened, one of the girls was only
thirteen, and the other not eight years of age. At the
time of the Bothwell Bridge business, they were still
younger. To recite all the instances of cruelty which
occurred, would be endless ; but it may be necessary
to remark, that no historical facts are better ascer-
tained than the accounts of them which are to be
found in Woodrow. In every instance where there has
been an opportunity of comparing these accounts with

* Woodrow, 11. 506.

132 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER recor( | s> an( j other authentick monuments, they appear
-- to be quite correct.

English Pariia- The Scottish Parliament having thus set, as they had

raent. May 15. .

been required to do, an eminent example or what was
then thought duty to the Crown, the King met his Eng-
lish Parliament, on the IQth of May, 1685, and opened
it with the following speech :

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

" After it pleased Almighty God, to take to his mercy
" the late King my dearest brother, and to bring me
" to the peaceable possession of the throne of my an-
" cestors, I immediately resolved to call a Parliament,
" as the best means to settle every thing upon those
" foundations, as may make my reign both easy and
" happy to you ; towards which, I am disposed tocon-
" tribute all that is fit for me to do.

" What I said to my Privy Council, at my first com-
" ing there, I am desirous to renew to you ; wherein I
" fully declare my opinion concerning the principles of
" the Church of England, whose members have showed
" themselves so eminently loyal in the worst of times,
" in defence of my father, and support of my brother,
" (of blessed memory,) that I will always take care to
" defend and support it. I will make it my endeavour to

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

133

1685.

" preserve this government, both in church and state, CHAPTER

" as it is by law established : And as I will never de-

" part from the just rights and prerogatives of the

" Crown, so 1 will never invade any man's property ; and

" you may be sure, that having heretofore ventured my

" life in the defence of this nation, I will still go as

V far as any man in preserving it in all its just rights and

" liberties.

" And having given this assurance concerning the
care I will have of your religion and property,
which I have chose to do, in the same words which
I used at my first coming to the Crown, the better
to evidence to you, that I spoke them not by chance,
and consequently, that you may firmly rely upon
a promise so solemnly made ; I cannot doubt that
I shall fail of suitable returns from you, with all ima-
ginable duty and kindness on your part, and particu-
larly to what relates to the settling of my revenue,
and continuing it, during my life, as it was in the
lifetime of my brother. I might use many arguments
to enforce this demand, for the benefit of trade, the
support of the navy, the necessity of the Crown, and
the well being of the government itself, which I must
not suffer to be precarious. But I am confident, your
own consideration of what is just and reasonable, will
suggest to you whatsoever might be enlarged upon this
occasion.

II
It
it
It
<c

<c
cc
u

134 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

" There is one popular argument, which, I foresee,
~ " may be used against what I ask of you, from the
" inclination men have for frequent parliaments : which
" some may think would be the best security, by fced-
" ing me from time to time, by such proportions as
" they shall think convenient : And this argument, it
" being the first time I speak to you from the Throne,
" I will answer once for all, that this would be a very
" improper method to take with me ; and that the best
" way to engage me to meet you often, is always to use
" me well.

" I expect therefore, that you will comply with me
" in what I have desired, and that you will doit speed-
" ily ; that it may be a short session, and that we may
" meet again to all our satisfactions."

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

" I must acquaint you, that I have had news this
" morning from Scotland, that Argyle is landed in the
" West Highlands, with the men he brought with him
" from Holland : That there are two Declarations pub-
" lished ; one in the name of all those in arms, the other
" in his own. It would be too long for me to repeat
" the substance of them ; it is sufficient to tell you, I
" am charged with usurpation and tyranny. The shorter

OP JAMES THE SECOND. 135

" of them I have directed to be forthwith communi- n
" cated to you.

" I will take the best care I can, that this Declara-
" tion of their own faction and rebellion may meet with
" the reward it deserves : and I will not doubt but you
" will be the more zealous to support the government,
" and give me my revenue as I have desired it, without
" delay."

The repetition of the words made use of in his first p<=

Speech examw-

speech to the privy council, shows, that in the opinion cd -
of the Court at least, they had been well chosen, and
had answered their purpose ; and even the haughty
language which was added, and was little less than a
menace to parliament, if it should not comply with his
wishes, was not, as it appears, unpleasing to the party
which at that time prevailed, since the revenue enjoyed
by his predecessor, was unanimously, and almost imme-
diately, voted to him for life. It was not remarked, in
publick at least, that the King's threat of governing
without parliament, was an unequivocal manifestation of
his contempt of the law of the country, so distinctly
established, though so ineffectually secured, by the
statute of the l6th of Charles the Second, for holding
triennial parliaments. It is said, Lord Keeper Guild-
ford had prepared a different speech for his Majesty,
but that this was preferred, as being the King's own

1685

13G HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER worc i s .* anc i 5 indeed, that part of it, in which he says
that he must answer once for all, that the Commons'
giving such proportions as they might think conve-
nient, would be a very improper way with him, bears,
as well as some others, the most evident marks of its
royal origin. It is to be observed, however, that in ar-
guing for his demand, as he styles it, of revenue, he says,
not that the parliament ought not, but that he must not
suffer the well-being of the government depending upon
such revenue, to be precarious ; whence it is evident,
that he intended to have it understood, that, if the par-
liament did not grant, he purposed to levy a revenue
Avithout their consent. Jt is impossible that any degree
of party spirit should so have blinded men, as to prevent
them from perceiving, in this speech, a determination
on the part of the King, to conduct his government
upon the principles of absolute monarchy, and to those
who were not so possessed with the love of royalty,
which creates a kind of passionate affection for who-
ever happens to be the wearer of the Crown, the vin-
dictive manner in which he speaks of Argyle's invasion,
might afford sufficient evidence of the temper, in which
his power would be administered. In that part of his
speech he first betrays his personal feelings towards the
unfortunate nobleman, whom, in his brother's reign, he
had so cruelly and treacherously oppressed, by dwelling

* Life of Lord Keeper North. Ralph.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 13?

upon his being charged by Argyle with tyranny and
usurpation, and then declares, that he will take the :

1685.

best care, not according to the usual phrases, to protect
the loyal and well disposed, and to restore tranquillity,
but that the Declaration of the factious and rebellious
may meet with the reward it deserves; thus -marking
out revenge and punishment as the consequences of
victory, upon which he was most intent.

It is impossible, that in a House of Commons, how- of

ever composed, there should not have been many mem-
bers who disapproved the principles of government an-
nounced in the speech, and who were justly alarmed at
the temper in which it was conceived. But these, over-
powered by numbers, and perhaps afraid of the imput-
ation of being concerned in plots and insurrections, (an
imputation which, if they had shown any spirit of liber-
ty, would most infallibly have been thrown on them,)
declined expressing their sentiments ; and, in the short
session which followed, there was an almost uninter-
rupted unanimity in granting every demand, and ac-
quiescing in every wish of the Government. The re-
venue was granted, without any notice being taken of the
illegal manner in which the King had levied it upon his
own authority. Argyle was stigmatised as a traitor, nor
was any desire expressed to examine his Declarations,,
one of which seemed to be purposely withheld from
parliament. Upon the communication of the Duke of
Monmouth's landing in the West, that nobleman was

138

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

1689.

Misrepresenta-
tion of Mr.
Hume's.

immediately attainted by Bill. The King's assurance
was recognized as a sufficient security for the national
religion ; and the liberty of the press was destroyed by
the revival of the statute of the 13th and 14th of Charles
the Second. This last circumstance, important as it is,
does not seem to have excited much attention at the
time, which, considering the general principles then in
fashion, is not surprising. That it should have been
scarcely noticed by any historian, is more wonderful.
It is true, however, that the terror inspired by the late
prosecutions for libels, and the violent conduct of the
courts upon such occasions, rendered a formal destruc-
tion of the liberty of the press a matter of less import-
ance. So little does the magistracy, when it is inclined
to act tyrannically, stand in need of tyrannical laws to
effect its purpose. The bare silence and acquiescence
of the legislature is, in such a case, fully sufficient to
annihilate, practically speaking, every right and liberty
of the subject.

As the grant of revenue was unanimous, so there does
not appear to have been any thing which can justly be
styled a debate upon it : though Hume employs several
pages in giving the arguments which, he affirms, were
actually made use of, and, as he gives us to understand,
in the House of Commons, for and against the ques-
tion ; arguments which, on both sides, seem to imply a
considerable love of freedom, and jealousy of royal

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

power, and are not wholly unmixed even with some

sentiments disrespectful to the King. Now I cannot

find, either from tradition, or from contemporary writ-
ers, any ground to think, that, either the reasons which
Hume has adduced, or indeed any other, were urged in
opposition to the grant. The only speech made upon Mr. Seymour's
the occasion, seems to have been that of Mr. (after- in opposition.
wards Sir Edward,) Seymour, who, though of the Tory
party, a strenuous opposer of the Exclusion Bill, and
in general, supposed to have been an approver, if not
an adviser, of the tyrannical measures of the late reign,
lias the merit of having stood forward singly, to remind
the House of what they owed to themselves and their
constituents. He did not, however, directly oppose the
grant, but stated, that the elections had been carried
on under so much court influence, and in other respects
so illegally, that it was the duty of the House first to
ascertain, who were the legal members, before they
proceeded to other business of importance ? After hav-
ing pressed this point, he observed, that, if ever it were
necessary to adopt such an order of proceeding, it was
more peculiarly so now, when the laws and religion of
the nation were in evident peril ; that the aversion of
the English people to Popery, and their attachment to
the laws, were such, as to secure these blessings from
destruction by any other instrumentality than that of
parliament itself, which, however, might be easity ac-
complished, if there were once a parliament entirely de.

140 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

H U. pendant upon the persons who might harbour such de-
signs ; that it was already rumoured that the Test, and
Habeas Corpus Acts, the two bulwarks of our religion
and liberties, were to be repealed ; that what he
stated was so notorious as to need no proof. Having
descanted with force and ability upon these, and other
topicks of a similar tendency, he urged his conclusion,
that the question of royal revenue ought not to be the
first business of the parliament.* Whether, as Burnet
thinks, because he was too proud to make any previous
communication of his intentions, or that the strain of
his argument was judged to be too bold for the times,
this speech, whatever secret approbation it might ex-
cite, did not receive from any quarter either applause
or support. Under those circumstances it was not
thought necessary to answer him, and the grant was
voted unanimously, without further discussion,

As Barillon, in the relation of parliamentary pro-
ceedings, transmitted by him to his Court, in which
he appears at this time to have been very exact, gives
the same description of Seymour's speech and its effects,
with Burnet, there can be little doubt but their ac-
count is correct. It will be found as well in this, as
in many other instances, that an unfortunate inattention,
on the part of the reverend historian, to forms, has made

* Barillon's Dispatches, June 2d, aud.4tb, Appendix. Burnet, II.
3

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

141

his veracity unjustly called in question. He speaks of
Seymour's speech as if it had been a motion in the
technical sense of the word, for enquiring into the elec-
tions, which had no effect. Now no traces remaining
of such a motion, and, on the other hand, the elections
having been at a subsequent period inquired into,
Ralph almost pronounces the whole account to be erro-
neous ; whereas the only mistake consists in giving the
name of motion to a suggestion, upon the question of
a grant. It is whimsical enough, that it should be from
the account of the French ambassadour, that we are en-
abled to reconcile to the records, and to the forms of
the English House of Commons, a relation made by a
distinguished member of the English House of Lords.
Sir John Reresby docs indeed say, that among the gen-
tlemen of the House of Commons whom he accidently
met, they in general seemed willing to settle a handsome
revenue upon the King, and to give him money ; but
whether their grant should be permanent, or only tem-
porary, and to be renewed from time to time by par-
liament, that the nation might be often consulted, was
the question.* But besides the looseness of the expres-
sion, which may only mean that the point was question-
able, it is to be observed, that he does not relate any
of the arguments which were brought forward, even in

CHA1TKR
11.

1685.

* Reresby 's Memoirs, 192.

HISTORY OF T.HE REIGN

;HAPTEI ^e p r j vate conversations to which he refers ; and when
he afterwards gives an account of what passed in the

168$.

House of Commons ? (where he was present,) he does
not hint at any debate having taken place, but rather
implies the contrary.

This misrepresentation of Mr. Hume's is of no small
importance, inasmuch as, by intimating that such a
question could be debated at all, and much more, that
it was debated with the enlightened views, and bold
topicks of argument with which his genius has supplied
him, he gives us a very false notion of the character of
the parliament, and of the times which he is describing.
It is not improbable, that if the arguments had been
used, which this historian supposes, the utterer of them
would have been expelled, or sent to the Tower ; and it
is certain, that he would not have been heard with any
degree of attention, or even patience.

The unanimous vote for trusting the safety of reli-
gion to the King's Declaration, passed not without ob-
servation ; the rights of the church of England being
the only point upon which, at this time, the parliament
were in any degree jealous of the royal power. The
committee of religion- had voted unanimously, " That it
" is the opinion of the committee, that this House will
" stand by his Majesty with their lives and fortunes,

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 143

168S.

" according to their bounden duty and allegiance, in CHfL
" defence of the reformed Church of England, as it is
" now by law established ; and that an humble address
" be presented to his Majesty, to desire him to issue
" forth his Royal Proclamation, to cause the penal laws
" to be put in execution against all dissenters from the
" Church of England whatsoever." But upon the re-
port of the House, the question of agreeing with the
committee was evaded by a previous question, and the
House, with equal unanimity, resolved, " That this
" House doth acquiesce, and entirely rely, and rest
" wholly satisfied, on his Majesty's gracious word, and
" repeated declaration to support and defend the reli-
" gion of the Church of England, as it is now by law
" established, which is dearer to us than our lives." Mr.
Echard and Bishop Kennet, two writers of different
principles, but both churchmen, assign, as the motive of
this vote, the unwillingness of the party then prevalent
in parliament, to adopt severe measures against the
Protestant dissenters ; but in this notion they are by no
means supported by the account, imperfect as it is,
which Sir John Reresby gives of the debate ; for he
makes no mention of tenderness towards dissenters, but
states, as the chief argument against agreeing with the
committee, that it might excite a jealousy of the King ;*
and Barillon expressly says, that the first vote gave

* Echard. Kennet, 441. Reresby, 198.

144 -HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER g reat O ff ence to the King, still more to .the Queen, and

that orders were, in consequence, issued to the court

members of the House of Commons, to devise '.some
means to get rid of it.* Indeed, the general circum-
stances of the times are decisive against the hypothesis
of the two reverend historians ; nor is it, as far as I
know, adopted by any other historians. The probability
seems to be, that the motion in the committee had been
originally suggested by some Whig member, who could
not, with prudence, speak his real sentiments openly,
and who thought to embarrass the government, by
touching upon a matter, where the union between the
church party and the King, would be put to the severest
test. The zeal of the Tories for persecution, made them
at first give into the snare ; but when, upon reflection,
it occurred, that the involving of the Catholicks in one
common danger with the Protestant dissenters, must be
displeasing to the King, they drew back without delay,
and passed the most comprehensive vote of confidence,
which James could desire.-f-

,j jt .;; :- ; >';i.>. j:ii: ,1;;',.' ;,':"..'? v! JotTO'ir;-. ,:,iww
* Vide Barillon's letter, Appendix.

f- A most curious instance of the circuitous mode, and deep devices
to which the Whigs, if they wished at this time to oppose the court,
were obliged to resort, is a scheme which seems to have been seriously
entertained by them, of moving to disqualify from office all persons who
had voted for the exclusion. Disqualification from offices, which they
had no means of obtaining, was to them of no importance, and by obliging
the King to remove Godolphin, and more especially Sunderland, they
might put the court to considerable difficulties. Vide Appendix-

OP JAMES THE SECOND.

Further to manifest their servility to the King, as ;H *
well as their hostility to every principle, that could -
by implication be supposed to be connected with
Monmouth or his cause, the House of Commons pass- K '''s' 6 1>e " oa
ed a Bill for the Preservation of his Majesty's Person,
in which, after enacting that a written or verbal de-
claration of a treasonable intention, should be tanta-
mount to a treasonable act, they inserted two remark-
able clauses, by one of which, to assert the legiti-
macy of Monmouth's birth by the other, to propose in
parliament any alteration in the succession of the crown,
were made likewise high treason. We learn from Bur-
net,* that the first part of this bill was strenuously and

* Ralph unjustly accuses Burnet of inaccuracy on this occasion, and
asserts, " That unfortunately for us, or this Right Reverend author,
" there is not the least trace of any such bill to be found in any of the
" accounts of this parliament extant ; and therefore we are under a ne-
" cessity to suppose, that if any such clause was offered, it was by way
" of supplement to the bill for the preservation of his Majesty's person
" and government, which, no doubt, was strict enough, and which passed
" the House of Commons while Monmouth was in arms, just before the
" adjournment, but never reached the Lords." 11.911. Now the enact-
ment to which the Bishop alludes, was not, as Ralph supposes, a supplo-
ment to the bill for the preservation of his Majesty's person, but made
part of the very first clause of it; and the only inaccuracy, if indeed it
deserves that name, of which Burnet is guilty, is that of calling the bill
what it really was, a bill for Declaring Treasons, and not giving it its
formal title of a Bill for the Preservation of his Majesty's Person, 8cc.

J46 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
II.

warmly debated, and that it was chiefly opposed by
- Sergeant Maynard, whose arguments made some im-
pression even at that time ; but whether the Sergeant
was supported in his opposition, as the word chiefly
would lead us to imagine, or if supported, by whom,
that historian does not mention ; and unfortunately,
neither of Maynard's speech itself, nor indeed of any
opposition whatever to the bill, is there any other
trace to be found. The crying injustice of the clause,
which subjected a man to the pains of treason, merely
for delivering his opinion upon a controverted fact,
though he should do no act in consequence of such
opinion, was not, as far as we are informed, objected
to, or at all noticed, unless indeed the speech above
alluded to, in which the speaker is said to have des-
canted upon the general danger of making words trea-
sonable, be supposed to have been applied to this
clause, as well as to the former part of the bill. That
the other clause should have passed without opposition,

The bill is fortunately preserved among the papers of the House of Com-
mons, and as it is not, as far as I know, any where in print, I have sub-
joined it in my Appendix. Perhaps some persons might think it more
discreet, to leave such a production in obscurity, lest it should ever be
made use of as a precedent; but whoever peruses with attention some of
our modern statutes, will perceive, that though not adduced as a prece-
dent, on account, perhaps, of the inauspicious reign in which it made its
appearance, it has but too often been used as a model.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 14?

or even observation, must appear still more extraordi-

nary, when we advert, not only to the nature of the -

clause itself, but to the circumstances of there being ac-

tually in the House, no inconsiderable number of mem-

bers who had, in the former reign, repeatedly voted for

the Exclusion Bill.

It is worthy of notice, however, that, while every solicitude for

the Church of

principle of criminal jurisprudence, and every re- England.
gard to the fundamental rights of the deliberative as-
semblies, which make part of the legislature of the
nation, were thus shamelessly sacrificed to the eager-
ness which, at this disgraceful period, so generally
prevailed, of manifesting loyalty, or rather abject
servility to the Sovereign, there still remained no
small degree of tenderness for the interests and safety
of the Church of England, and a sentiment approach-
ing to jealousy upon any matter which might endanger,
even by the most remote consequences, or put any
restriction upon her ministers. With this view, as one
part of the bill did not relate to treasons only, but
imposed new penalties upon such as should by writ-
ing, printing, preaching, or other speaking, attempt
to bring the King or his government into hatred or
contempt, there was a special proviso added, " that
" the asserting, and maintaining by any writing, print-
" ing, preaching, or any other speaking, the doctrine,
" discipline, divine worship, or government of the

148 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER Church of England as it now is by law established,

11(83.

" against Popery or any other different or dissenting
'" opinions, is not intended, and shall not be inter-
" preted, or construed to be any offence within the
" words or meaning of this act."* It cannot escape
the reader, that only such attacks upon Popery as
were made in favour of the doctrine and discipline of
the church of England, and no other, were protected
by this proviso, and consequently that, if there were
any real occasion for such a guard, all Protestant dis-
senters who should write or speak against the Roman
superstition, were wholly unprotected by it, and re-
mained exposed to the danger, whatever it might be,
from which the church was so anxious to exempt her
supporters.

Bill passed the House of Commons, and was
sent up to the House of Lords on the 30th of June.
It was read a first time on that day, but the adjourn-
ment of both houses taking place on the 3d of July,
it could not make any further progress at that time ;
and when the parliament met afterwards in autumn,
there was no longer that passionate affection for the
monarch, nor consequently that ardent zeal for ser-
vitude, which were necessary to make a law with such
clauses and provisos, palatable or even endurable.

* Vide Bill for the Preservation, &c. Appendix.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 149

CHAPTER

II.

163'..

It is not to be considered as an exception to the ge-
neral complaisance of Parliament, that the Speaker,
when he presented the Revenue Bill, made use of some
strong expressions, declaring the attachment of the
Commons to the national religion.* Such sentiments
could not be supposed to be displeasing to James, after
the assurances he had given of his regard for the church
of England. Upon this occasion his Majesty made the
following speech :

>/U OkJ^ '

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
" I thank you very heartily for the bill you have pre- speech

,, T ,1 i IT ,1 T ing the Revenue

' sented me this day ; and 1 assure you, the readiness BUI.
" and cheerfulness that has attended the dispatch of it,
" is as acceptable to me as the bill itself.

" After so happy a beginning, you may believe I
" would not call upon you unnecessarily for an extra-
" ordinary supply : but when I tell you, that the stores
" of the navy and ordinance are extremely exhausted ;
" that the anticipations upon several branches of the

" . -'

* " The Commons of England have here presented your Majesty with
" the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, with all readiness and cheerfulness ;
" and that without any security for their religion, though it be dearer to
" them than their lives, relying wholly on your royal word for thesecu-
" rity of it ; and humbly beseech your Msijesty to accept this their offer,"
&c. Kennet, II. 427.

150

HISTORY OF THE HE1GN

CHAPTER
II.

1885.

" revenue are great and burthensome ; that the debts
" of the King my brother, to his servants and family,
" are such as deserve compassion ; that the rebellion in
" Scotland, without putting more weight upon it than
" it really deserves, must oblige me to a considerable
" expense extraordinary ; I am sure, such considera-
" tions will move you to give me an aid to provide for
" those things, wherein the security, the ease, and the
" happiness of my government are so much concern-
" ed. But above all, I must recommend to you the
" care of the Navy, the strength and glory of this
" nation ; that you will put it into such a condition,
" as may make us considered and respected abroad.
" I cannot express my concern, upon this occasion,
" more suitable to my own thoughts of it, than by
" assuring you, 1 have a true English heart, as jea-
** lous of the honour of the nation as you can be ;
" and I please myself with the hopes, that, by God's
" blessing, and your assistance, I may carry the re-
" putation of it yet higher in the world, than ever it
" has been in the time of any of my ancestors ; and as
" I will not call upon you for supplies, but when they
" are of publick use and advantage ; so I promise you,
" that what you give me upon such occasions, shall be
" managed with good husbandry, and I will take care,
" it shall be employed to the uses for which I ask
" them."

0F JAMES THE SECOND. 151

Rapin, Hume, and Ralph observe upon this speech, CHAPTER
that neither the generosity of the Commons' grant,

11385.

nor the confidence they expressed upon religious mat- Misrepresented

by historians.

ters, could extort a kind word m favour of their reli-
gion. But this observation, whether meant as a re-
proach to him for his want of gracious feeling to a
generous Parliament, or as an oblique compliment to
his sincerity, has no force in it. His Majesty's speech
was spoken immediately upon passing the bills which
the Speaker presented, and he could not therefore
take notice of the Speaker's words, unless he had
spoken extempore; for the custom is not, nor I be-
lieve ever was, for the Speaker to give, beforehand,
copies of addresses of this nature. James would not
certainly have scrupled to repeat the assurances which
he had so lately made in favour of the Protestant re-
ligion, as he did not scruple to talk of his true English
heart, honour of the nation, &c. at a time when he was
engaged with France ; but the speech was prepared for
an answer to a money bill, not for a question of the
Protestant religion and church, and the false professions
in it are adapted to what was supposed to be the only
subject of it.

The only matter in which the King's views were Reversal of star-
in any degree thwarted, was the reversal of Lord
Stafford's attainder, which, having passed the House

151

HISTOHY OF THE KE1GN

1665.

CHAPTER o f L ort [ Sj no t without opposition, was lost in the House
of Commons ; a strong proof that the Popish plot
was still the subject upon which the opposers of the
Court had most credit with the publick. Mr. Hume,
notwithstanding his just indignation at the condemna-
tion of Stafford, and his general inclination to approve
of royal politicks, most unaccountably justifies the
Commons in their rejection of this bill, upon the
principle of its being impolitick at that time to grant
so full a justification of the Catholicks, and to throw
so foul an imputation upon the Protestants. Surely if
there be one moral duty that is binding upon men in
all times, places, and circumstances, and from which
no supposed views of policy can excuse them, it is
that of granting a full justification to the innocent ;
and such Mr. Hume considers the Catholicks, and
especially Lord Stafford, to have been. The only ra-
tional way of accounting for this solitary instance of
non-compliance on the part of the Commons, is either
to suppose that they still believed in the reality of the
Popish plot, and Stafford's guilt, or that the church
party, which was uppermost, had such an antipathy to
Popery, as indeed to every sect, whose tenets differed
from theirs, that they deemed everything lawful against
its professors.

Parliament ad-
journed.

On the 2d of July, parliament was adjourned for the

1885.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 153

purpose of enabling the principal gentlemen to be pre-
sent in their respective counties, at a time when their
services and influence might be so necessary to govern-
ment. It is said that the House of Commons consist-
ed of members so devoted to James, that he declared
there was not forty in it, whom he would not himself
have named. But although this may have been true,
and though from the new-modelling of the corporations,
and the interference of the court in elections, this
Parliament, as far as regards the manner of its being
chosen, was by no means a fair representative of the
legal electors of England, yet there is reason to think
that it afforded a tolerably correct sample of the dispo-
sition of the nation, and especially of the church party,
which was then uppermost.

The general character of the party at this time

r J church party.

appears to have been a high notion of the King's
constitutional power, to which was superadded, a kind
of religious abhorrence of all resistance to the Monarch,
not only in cases where such resistance was directed
against the lawful prerogative, but even in opposi-
tion to encroachments, which the Monarch might
make beyond the extended limits which they assigned
to his prerogative. But these tenets, and still more,
the principle of conduct naturally resulting from them,
were confined to the civil, as contradistinguished from
the ecclesiastical, polity of the country. In church

154 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER ma tters, they neither acknowledged any very high au-

thority in the Crown, nor were they willing to submit

to any royal encroachment on that side ; and a steady
attachment to the church of England, with a pro-
portionable aversion to all dissenters from it, whether
Catholick or Protestant, was almost universally pre-
valent among them. A due consideration of these
distinct features in the character of a party so pow-
. erful in Charles's and James's time, and even when it
was lowest, (that is, during the reigns of the two first
Princes of the House of Brunswick,) by no means
inconsiderable, is exceedingly necessary to the right
understanding of English History. It affords a clue
to many passages otherwise unintelligible. For want
of a proper attention to this circumstance, some his-
torians have- considered the conduct of the Tories in
promoting the Revolution, as an instance of great
inconsistency. Some have supposed, contrary to the
clearest evidence, that their notions of passive obe-
dience, even in civil matters, were limited, and that
their support of the government of Charles and James,
was founded upon a belief, that those Princes would
never abuse their prerogative for the purpose of in-
troducing arbitrary sway. But this hypothesis is con-
trary to the evidence both of their declaration and
their conduct. Obedience without reserve, an ab-
horrence of all resistance, as contrary to the tenets
of their religion, are the principles which they pro-

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 155

fessed in their addresses, their sermons, and their de-
crees at Oxford ; and surely nothing short of such
principles, could make men esteem the latter years of
Charles the Second, and the opening of the reign of
his successour, an era of national happiness, and ex-
emplary government. Yet this is the representation
of that period, which is usually made by historians,
and other writers of the church party. " Never
" were fairer promises on one side, nor greater gene-
" rosity on the other," says Mr. Echard. " The King
" had as yet, in no instance, invaded the rights of his
" subjects," says the author of the Caveat against the
Whigs. Thus, as long as James contented himself with
absolute power in civil matters, and did not make use
of his authority against the church, every thing went
smooth and easy ; nor is it necessary, in order to ac-
count for the satisfaction of the parliament and people,
to have recourse to any implied compromise, by which
the nation was willing to yield its civil liberties as the
price of retaining its religious constitution. The truth
seems to be, that the King, in asserting his unlimited
power, rather fell in with the humour of the prevailing
party, than offered any violence to it. Absolute power
in civil matters, under the specious names of mo-
narchy and prerogative, formed a most essential part
of the Tory creed ; but the order in which Church
and King are placed in the favourite device of the

156 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER party, is not accidental, and is well calculated to sho\v
ttoe genuine principles of such among them as are not
corrupted by influence. Accordingly, as the sequel
of this reign wili abundantly show, when they found
themselves compelled to make an option, they pre-
ferred, without any degree of inconsistency, their
first idol to their second, and when they could not
preserve both church and King, declared for the
former.

situation of the It gives certainly no very flattering picture of the
country, to describe it as being in some sense fairly
represented by this servile Parliament, and not only ac-
quiescing in, but delighted with, the early measures of
James's reign ; the contempt of law exhibited in the
arbitrary mode of raising his revenue; his insulting
menace to the Parliament, that if they did not use him
well, he would govern without them ; his furious perse-
cution of the Protestant dissenters, and the spirit of
despotism which appeared in all his speeches and ac-
tions. But it is to be remembered, that these measures
were in no wise contrary to the principles or prejudices
of the church party, but rather highly agreeable to
them ; and that the Whigs, who atone were possessed
of any just notions of liberty, were so out-numbered,
and discomfited by persecution, that such of them as
did not think fit to engage in the rash schemes of Mon-

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

157

mouth or Argyle, held it to be their interest to interfere
as little as possible in publick affairs, and by no means
to obtrude upon unwilling hearers, opinions and senti-
ments, which, ever since the dissolution of the Oxford
Parliament in 1 681, had been generally discountenanced,
and of which the peaceable, or rather triumphant ac-
cession of James to the throne, was supposed to seal the
condemnation.

CHAPTER
II.

1683.

CHAPTER THE THIRD.

CONTENTS.

Attempts of Argyle and Monmouth. Account of their followers.
" Argyle's Expedition discovered. His descent in Argyleshire. Dis-
" sensions among his followers. Loss of his shipping. His army
" dispersed, and himself taken prisoner. His behaviour in prison.-
" His execution. The fate of his followers. Rumbold's last Decla-
" ration examined. Monmouth's Invasion of England. His first
" success and reception. His delay s, disappointment and despondency.
" Battle of Sedgemore. He is discovered and taken His Letter
" to the King. His interview with James. His preparations for
" death. Circumstances attending his execution. His Character." E.

.!!'.- lli'll

l f : 163 J

CHAPTER THE THIRD.

1685.

IT is now necessary to give some account of those at- CHAPTER
tempts in Scotland by the Earl of Argyle, and in Eng->
land by the Duke of Monmouth, of which the King had
informed his Parliament in the manner recited in the
preceding Chapter. The Earl of Argyle was son to the
Marquis of Argyle, of whose unjust execution, and the
treacherous circumstances accompanying it, notice has
already been taken. He had, in his youth, been strongly
attached to the royal cause, and. 'had refused to lay
down his arms, till, he had the exiled King's positive
orders for that purpose. But the merit of his early ser-
vices could neither save the life of his father, nor even
procure for himself a complete restitution of his family
honours and estates ; and not long after the Restoration,
upon-an accusation of Leasing-Making, an accusation
founded, in this instance, upon a . private letter to a

16'4 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

fellow-subject, in which he spoke with some freedom of

*- his Majesty's Scottish ministry, he was condemned to

death. The sentence was suspended, and finally re-
mitted ; but not till after an imprisonment of twelve
months and upwards. In this affair he was much as-
sisted by the friendship of the Duke of Lauderdale, with
whom he ever afterwards lived upon terms of friendship,
though his principles would not permit him to give
active assistance to that nobleman in his government of
Scotland. Accordingly, we do not during that period,
find Argyle's name among those who held any of those
great employments of state, to which, by his rank and
consequence, he was naturally entitled. When James,
then Duke of York, was appointed to the Scotch go-
vernment, it seems to have been the Earl's intention to
cultivate his Royal Highness' favour, and he was a
strenuous supporter of the Bill which condemned all at-
tempts at exclusions, or other alterations in the succes-
sion of the crown. But having highly offended that
Prince, by insisting on the occasion of the Test, that
the royal family, when in office, should not be exempted
from taking that oath which they- imposed upon sub-
jects in like situations ; his Royal Highness ordered a
prosecution against him, for the explanation with which
he had taken the Test oath at the council board, and
the Earl was, as we have seen, agam condemned to
death. From the time of his escape from prison, he
resided wholly in foreign countries, and was looked to

ICSi,

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1&5

as a principal ally by such of the English patriots as had
at any time entertained thoughts, whether more or less
ripened, of delivering their country.

James Duke of Monmouth was the eldest of the late
King's natural children. In the early part of his life,
he held the first place in his father's affections ; and
even in the height of Charles's displeasure at his politi-
cal conduct, attentive observers thought they could
discern, that the traces of paternal tenderness were by
no means effaced. Appearing at Court in the bloom His character,
of youth, with a beautiful figure, and engaging man-
ners, known to be the darling of the Monarch, it is no
wonder that he was early assailed by the arts of flat-
tery: and it is rather a proof that he had not the
strongest of all minds, than of any extraordinary weak-
ness of character, that he was not proof against them.
He had appeared with some distinction in the Flemish
campaigns; and his conduct had been noticed with the
approbation of the commanders, as well Dutch as
French, under whom he had respectively served. His
courage was allowed by all, his person admired, his
generosity loved, his sincerity confided in. If his ta-
lents were not of the first rate, they were, by no means
contemptible ; and he possessed, in an eminent degree,
qualities which, in popular government, are far more ef-
fective than the most splendid talents ; qualities by
which he inspired those who followed him, not only

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER. w ^ confidence and esteem, but with affection, enthu-
siasm, and even fondness. Thus endowed, it is not

ives.

mbition, surprising that his youthful mind was fired with ambi-
tion, or that he should consider the putting of himself
at the head of a party, (a situation for which he seems
to have been peculiarly qualified by so many advan-
tages,) as the means by which he was most likely to at-
tain his object.

n; s private mo- Many circumstances contributed to outweigh the
scruples which must have harrassed a man of his ex-
cellent nature, when he considered the obligations of
filial duty and gratitude, and when he reflected, that
the particular relation in which he stood to the King
rendered a conduct, which in any other subject would
have been meritorious, doubtful, if not extremely cul-
pable in him. Among these, not the least was the de-
clared enmity which subsisted between him and his un-
cle, the Duke of York. The Earl of Mulgrave, after-
wards Duke of Buckinghamshire, boasted in his Me-
moirs, that this enmity was originally owing to his con-
trivances ; and while he is relating a conduct, upon
which the only doubt can be, whether the object or the
means were the most infamous, seems to applaud him-
self, as if he had atchieved some notable exploit.
While, on the one hand, a prospect of his uncle's succes-
sion to the crown was intolerable to him, as involving

in it a certain destruction of even the most reasonable

OS JAMES THE SECOND. .167

.and limited views of ambition which he might entertain,
.he was easily led to believe on the other hand, that no '

1685.

harm, but the reverse, was intended towards his royal
father, whose reign and life might become precarious,
if he obstinately persevered in supporting his brother ;
whereas, on the contrary, if he could be persuaded, or
even forced, to yield to the wishes of his subjects, he
might long reign a powerful, happy, and popular
Prince.

It is also reasonable to believe, that with those per- Poetical mo-

tives of his

sonal and private motives, others might co-operate of
a publick nature, and of a more noble character. The
Protestant religion, to which he seems to have been
sincerely attached, would be persecuted, or perhaps,
exterminated, if the King should be successful in his
support of the Duke of York, and his faction. At least,
such was the opinion generally prevalent, while, with
respect to the civil liberties of the country, no doubt
could be entertained, that if the Court party prevailed
in the struggle then depending, they would be com-
pletely extinguished. Something may be attributed to
iiis admiration of the talents of some, to his personal
friendship for others, among the leaders of the Whigs,
jnore to the aptitude of a generous nature to adopt,
and, if I may so say, to become enamoured of, those
principles of justice, benevolence, and equality, which
&>r.m the true creed of the party which he espoused.

l6'8 HISTORY OP THE REIGN

CHAPTER j am not inclined to believe that it was his connection

"==^ with Shaftesbury that inspired him with ambitious

views, but rather to reverse cause and effect, and to
suppose, that his ambitious views produced his connec-
tion with that nobleman ; and whoever reads with at-
tention Lord Grey's account of one of the party meet-
ings at which he was present, will perceive that there
was not between them that perfect cordiality which has
been generally supposed, but that Russel, Grey, and
Hampden, were upon a far more confidential footing
with him. It is far easier to determine generally, that
he had high schemes of ambition, than to discover
what was his precise object ; and those who boldly im-
pute to him the intention of succeeding to the crown,
seem to pass by several weighty arguments which
make strongly against their hypothesis ; such as, his
connection with the Dutchess of Portsmouth, who, if
the succession were to go to the King's illegitimate
children, must naturally have been for her own son ;
his unqualified support of the Exclusion Bill, which,
without indeed mentioning her, most unequivocally
settled the Crown, in case of a demise, upon the Prin-
cess of Orange : and above all, the circumstance of
his having, when driven from England, twice chosen
Holland for his asylum. By his cousins he was re-
ceived, not so much with the civility and decorum of
Princes, as'with the kind familiarity of near relations ;
a reception to which he seemed to make every return of

1985.

OP JAMES THE SECOND.

reciprocal cordiality.* It is not rashly to be believed, UL
that he, who has never been accused of hardened wicked-
ness, could have been upon such terms with, and so have
behaved to, persons whom he purposed to disappoint
in their dearest and best grounded hopes, and to de-
fraud of their inheritance.

Whatever his views might be, it is evident that they

, ,., England

were of a nature wholly adverse, not only to those or
the Duke of York, but to the schemes of power enter-
tained by the King, with which the support of his brother
was intimately connected. Monmouth was therefore,
at the suggestion of James, ordered by his father to
leave the country, and deprived of all his offices, civil
and military. The pretence for this exile was a sort of
principle of impartiality, which obliged the King, at
the same time that he ordered his brother to retire to
Flanders, to deal equal measure to his son. Upon the
Duke of York's return, (which was soon after,) Mon-
mouth thought he might without blame return also ;
and persevering in his former measures, and old con-
nections, became deeply involved in the cabals to which
Essex, Russcl, and Sidney fell martyrs. After the
death of Ins friends he surrendered himself, and upon a
promise, that nothing said by him should be used to the
prejudice of any of his surviving friends, wrote a peni-

* D'Avaux.
z

170

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAFFER tentiary letter to his father, consenting at the same time
- to ask pardon of his uncle. A great parade was made
of this by the Court, as if it was designed by all means
to goad the feelings of Monmouth : his Majesty was de-
clared to have pardoned him at the request of the Duke
of York, and his consent was required to the publica-
tion of what was called his confession. This he reso-
lutely refused at all hazards, and was again obliged to
seek refuge abroad, where he had remained to the pe-
riod of which we are now treating.

Ach3 i n Pr"" A little time before Charles's death, he had indulged

pected before

K ' ns s n P es f being recalled, and that his intelligence to
that effect was not quite unfounded, or, if false, was
at least mixed with truth, is clear from the following
circumstance : From the notes found when he was taken,
in his memorandum book, it appears that part of the
plan concerted between the King and Monmouth 's
friend, (probably Halifax,) was that the Duke of York
should go to Scotland,* between which, and his being
sent abroad again, Monmouth and his friends saw no
material difference. Now in Barillon's letters to his Court,
dated the 7th of December, 1684, it appeared that the
Duke of York had told that ambassadour of his in-
tended voyage to Scotland, though he represented it
in a very different point of view, and said that it would

* Welwood's Memoirs.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. l?l

not be attended with any diminutiori of his favour or
credit.-!- This was the light in which Charles, to whom

1685.

the expressions, " to blind my brother, not to make the
" Duke of York fly out," and the like, were familiar,
would certainly have shown the affair to his brother,
and therefore of all the circumstances adduced, this ap-
pears to me to be the strongest in favour of the suppo-
sition, that there WAS in the King's mind, a real inten-
tion of making an important, if not a complete, change
in his councils and measures.

Besides these two leaders, there were on the Continent f xilcs from

Scotland.

at that time, several other gentlemen of great considera-
tion. Sir Patrick Hume of Pol worth had early distinguish-
ed himself in the cause of liberty. When the privy coun-
cil of Scotland passed an order, compelling the coun-
ties to pay the ex pence of the garrisons arbitrarily
placed in them, he refused to pay his quota, and by a
mode of appeal to the Court of Session, which the
Scotch lawyers call a bill of Suspension, endeavoured
to procure redress. The council ordered him to be im-
prisoned, for no other crime, as it should seem, than
that of having thus attempted to procure, by a legal
process, a legal decision upon a point of law. After
having remained in close confinement in Stirling Castle,
for nearly four years, he was set at liberty through the

t See Appendix, p. viii.

172 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

'HAPTE favour and interest of Monmouth. Having afterwards
engaged in schemes connected with those imputed to
Sidney and Russel, orders were issued for seizing him
at his house in Berwickshire ; but having had timely no-
tice of his danger, from his relation, Hume of Nine-
wells, a gentleman attached to the royal cause,* but
whom party spirit had not rendered insensible to the
ties of kindred, and private friendship, he found means
to conceal himself for a time, and shortly after to es>
cape beyond sea. His concealment is said to have been
in the family burial-place, where the means of sustaining
life were brought to him by his daughter, a girl of fif-
teen years of age, whose duty and affection furnished
her with courage to brave the terrours, as well supersti-
tious as real, to which she was necessarily exposed in
an intercourse of this nature.-f-

slun erof Andrew Fletcher of Salton, a young man of great
spirit, had signalized himself in opposition to Lander-
dale's administration of Scotland, and had afterwards
connected himself with Argyle and Russel, and what
was called the council of six. He had,, of course,

* It is hot without some satisfaction,, that I learnt, upon enquiry,
lhat this gentleman was the ancestor of Hume the historian, who, in
similar circumstances, would most certainly have followed his grandfa-
ther's example.

t MS. account of Sir P. Home.

1685.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1?3

thought it prudent to leave Great Britain, and could
not be supposed unwilling to join in any enterprise which
might bid fair to restore him to his country, and his
countrymen to their lost liberties, though, upon the
present occasion, which he seems to have judged to-
be unfit for the purpose, he endeavoured to dissuade
both Argyle and Monmouth from their attempts. He
was a man of much thought and reading, of an honour-
able mind, and a fiery spirit, and from his enthusias-
tick admiration of the ancients, supposed to be warmly
attached, not only to republican principles, but to the
form of a commonwealth. Sir John Cochrane of ?, irj hn

Cocnrane,

Ochiltree had fled his country on account of the trans-
actions of 1683. His property and connections were
considerable, and he was supposed to possess extensive
influence in Airshire and the adjacent counties.

Such were the persons of chief note among the Scot- En e lis
tish emigrants. Among the English, by far" the most
remarkable, was Ford, Lord Grey of Wark. A scan-
dalous love intrigue, with his wife's sister, had fixed a
very deep stain upon his private character; nor were
the circumstances attending this affair, which had all
been brought to light in a court of justice, by any
means calculated to extenuate his guilt. His ancient
family, however, the extensive influence arising from
his large possessions, his talents, which appear to have
been very considerable, and above all, his hitherto un*

174

HISTORY OP THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

1685.

Rumbold.

shaken fidelity in political attachments, and the ge-
neral steadiness of his conduct in publick life, might
in some degree countervail the odium which he had
incurred on account of his private vices. Of Mat-
thews, Wade, and Ayloffe, whose names are men-
tioned, as having both joined the preliminary coun-
cils, and done actual service in the invasions, little
is known by which curiosity could be either gratified
or excited.

Richard Rumbold, on every account, merits more
particular notice. He had formerly served in the re-
publican armies ; and adhering to the principles of li-
berty, which he had imbibed in his youth, though no
wise bigotted to the particular form of a common-
wealth, had been deeply engaged in the politicks of
those who thought they saw an opportunity of rescuing
their country from the tyrannical government of the
late King. He was one of the persons denounced in
Keyling's narrative, and was accused of having con-
spired to assassinate the royal brothers, in their road
to Newmarket ; an accusation belied by the whole te-
nour of his life and conduct, and which, if it had been
true, would have proved him, who was never thought a
weak or foolish man, to be as destitute of common
sense, as of honour and probity. It was pretended,
that the seizure of the Princes was to take place at a
farm called Rye-house, which he occupied in Hert-

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 1 75

fordshire for the purposes of his trade as a malster ; and CH APTER
from this circumstance, was derived the name of the

1685.

Rye-house Plot. Conscious of having done some
acts, which the law, if even fairly interpreted, and
equitably administered, might deem criminal, and certain
that many which he had not done, would be both sworn,
and believed against him, he made his escape, and
passed the remainder of Charles's reign in exile and ob-
scurity ; nor is his name, as far as I can learn, ever men-
tioned, from the time of the Rye- house plot to that of
which we are now treating.

It is not to be understood that there were no other other exiles.
names upon the list of those who fled from the tyranny
of the British government, or thought themselves unsafe
in their native country, on account of its violence, be-
sides those of the persons above mentioned, and of
such as joined in their bold and hazardous enterprize.
Another class of emigrants, not less sensible probably
to the wrongs of their country, but less sanguine in their
hopes of immediate redress, is ennobled by the names
of Burnet the historian, and Mr. Locke. It is difficult
to accede to the opinion, which the first of these seems
to entertain, that though particular injustices had been
committed, the misgovernment had not been of such a
nature as to justify resistance by arms.* But the pru-

* Burnet, H. 309-

HISTORY OF THE 11EIGN

CHAPTER
III.

.dential reasons against resistance at that time were ex-
ceedingly strong ; and there is no point in human con-
cerns, wherein the dictates of virtue, and worldly pru-
dence, are so identified, as in this great question of
resistance by force to established government. Success,
it has been invidiously remarked, constitutes, in most
instances, the sole difference between the traitor and
observations on ^he deliverer of his country. A rational probability of

resistance. * >>

success, it may be truly said, distinguishes the well con-
sidered enterprize of the patriot, from the rash schemes
of the disturber of the publick peace. To command
success, is not in the power of man ; but to deserve suc-
cess, by choosing a proper time, as well as a proper ob-
ject, by the prudence of his means, no less than by the
purity of his views, by a cause not only intrinsically
just, but likely to ensure general support, is the indis-
pensible duty of him, who engages in an insurrection
against an existing government. Upon this subject, the
opinion of Ludlow, who though often misled, appears
to have been an honest and enlightened man, is striking
and forcibly expressed. " We ought," says he, " to be
" very careful and circumspect in that particular, and
" at least be assured of very probable grounds, to be-
" lieve the power under which we engage, to be suf-
" ficiently able to protect us in our undertaking ; other-
" wise, 1 should account myself not only guilty of my
" own blood, but also, in some measure, of the ruin and
" destruction of all those that I should induce to en-

ICbJ.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 177

" gage with me, though the cause were never so just."* CHAPTER
Reasons of this nature, mixed more or less with consi-
derations of personal caution, and in some, perhaps,
with dislike and distrust of their leaders, induced many,
who could not but abhor the British government, to
wait for better opportunities, and to prefer either sub-
mission at home, or exile, to an undertaking, which, if
not hopeless, must have been deemed by all, hazardous
in the extreme.

In the situations in which these two noblemen, Argylc [

luctance to at-

and Monmouth, were placed, it is not to be wondered tempt an inva-
sion.

at, if they were naturally willing to enter into any plan,
by which they might restore themselves to their coun-
try ; nor can it be doubted, but they honestly conceived
their success to be intimately connected with the wel-
fare, and especially with the liberty, of the several king-
doms to which they respectively belonged. Monmouth,
whether because he had begun at this time, as he him-
self said, to wean his mind from ambition,-f- or from the
observations he had made upon the apparently rapid
turn which had taken place in the minds of the English
people, seems to have been very averse to rash counsels,
and to have thought that all attempts against James

. .. ' .,.. , (-r . n ; ,.,_,.,., J,

* Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 235.
f Vide his letter in Wellwood's Memoirs, and in Ralph, I. y53i

A a

178 HISTORY OF THE KEIGN

ought at least to be deferred till some more favourable op-

portunity should present itself. So far from esteeminghis

chance of success the better, on account of there being,
in James's parliament, many members who had voted
for the Exclusion Bill, he considered that circumstance
as unfavourable. These men, of whom however he
seems to have over-rated the number, would, in his
opinion, be more eager than others, to recover the ground
they had lost, by an extraordinary show of zeal and
attachment to the Crown. But if Monmouth was in-
clined to dilatory counsels, far different were the views
and designs of other exiles, who had been obliged to
leave their country on account of their having en-
gaged, if not with him personally, at least in the same
cause with him, and who were naturally enough his
advisers. Among these were Lord Grey of Wark and
Ferguson ; though the latter afterwards denied his hav-
ing had much intercourse with the Duke, and the for-
mer, in his Narrative,* insinuates that he rather dis-
suaded than pressed the invasion.

impadenceof g u ^ if Monmouth was inclined to delay, Argyle

Argyle.

* It is however notorious that he did press Monmouth very much ; and
this circumstance, if any were wanting, would sufficiently prove that his
Narrative is very little to be relied upon, in any point where he conceived
the falsification of a fact might serve him with the King, upon whose
mercy his life at that time depended.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. J79

108*.

seems, on the other hand, to have been impatient in
the extreme to bring matters to a crisis, and was, of
course, anxious that the attempt upon England should
be made in co-operation with his upon Scotland. Ralph,
an historian of great acuteness, as well as diligence,
but who falls sometimes into the common error of judg-
ing too much from the event, seems to think this impa-
tience wholly unaccountable; but Argyle may have
had many motives, which are now unknown to us. He
may not improbably have foreseen, that the friendly
terms upon which James and the Prince of Orange af-
fected at least to be, one with the other, might make
his stay in the United Provinces impracticable, and
that, if obliged to seek another asylum, not only he
might have been deprived, in some measure, of the re-
sources which he derived from his connections at Am-
sterdam, but that the very circumstance of his having
been publickly discountenanced by the Prince of Orange
and the States General, might discredit his enterprize.
His eagerness for action may possibly have proceeded
from the most laudable motives, his sensibility to the
horrours which his countrymen were daily and hourly
suffering, and his ardour to relieve them. The dreadful
state of Scotland, while it affords so honourable an ex-
planation of his impatience, seems to account also, in a
great measure, for his acting against the common no-
tions of prudence, in making his attack without any
previous concert with those whom he expected to join

1685.

180 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER jjj m there. That this was his view of the matter is
plain, as we are informed by Burnet that he depended
not only on an army of his own clan and vassals, but
that he took it for granted, that the western and
southern counties would all at once come about him,
when he had gathered a good force together in his own
country ; and surely, such an expectation, when we re-
flect upon the situation of those counties, was by no
means unreasonable.

Argyle's counsel, backed by Lord Grey and the rest

and plan of in-

vasion. o f Monmouth's advisers, and opposed by none except

Fletcher of Salton, to whom some add Captain Mat-
thews, prevailed, and it was agreed to invade immediately,
and at one time, the two kingdoms. Monmouth had
raised some money from his jewels, and Argyle had a
loan often thousand pounds from a rich widow in Am-

Argyie-sexpedi- sterdam. With these resources, such as they were, ships
and arms were provided, and Argyle sailed from Vly
on the second of May, with three small vessels, accom-
panied by Sir Patrick Hume, Sir John Cochrane, and a
few more Scotch gentlemen, and by two Englishmen,
Ayloffe, a nephew by marriage to Lord Chancellor
Clarendon, and Rumbold the malster, who had been
accused of being principally concerned in that conspi-
racy which, from his farm in Hertfordshire, where it
was pretended Charles the Second was to have been
intercepted in his way from Newmarket, and assassi-

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

181

1685.

nated, had been called the Rye-house plot.* Sir Pa- CHAPTER
trick Hume is said to have advised the shortest passage,
in order to come more unexpectedly upon the enemy ;
but Argyle, who is represented as remarkably tenacious
of his own opinions, persisted in his plan of sailing
round the north of Scotland, as well for the purpose
of landing at once among his own vassals, as for that of
being nearer to the western counties, which had been
most severely oppressed, and from which, of course, he
expected most assistance. Each of these plans had no
doubt its' peculiar advantages ; but, as far as we can
judge at this distance of time, those belonging to the
Earl's scheme seem to preponderate ; for the force he
carried with him was certainly not. sufficient to enable
him, by striking any decisive stroke, to avail himself
even of the most unprepared state in which he could
hope to find the King's government. As he must there-
fore depend entirely upon reinforcements from the
country, it seemed reasonable to make for that part
where succour was most likely to be obtained, even at
the hazard of incurring the disadvantage which must
evidently result from the enemy's having early notice

* Tlie detailed account of the exiles from England and Scotland, from
page 171 to 175, was inserted in the work by Mr. Fox, after tin- passage
was written. As it is there introduced, Mr. Fox would, no doubt, have
erased the repetition of it ; but it has been the object of the Editor to
preserve scrupulously the words of the MSS, E.

182 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER o f hi s attack, and consequently proportionable time

for defence.

188J.

Discovered by Unfortunately, this hazard was converted into a cer-
the Orkneys, tainty, by his sending some men on shore in the Orkneys.
Two of these, Spence and Blackadder, were seized at
Kirkwall by the bishop of the diocese, and sent up
prisoners to Edinburgh, by which means the govern-
ment was not only satisfied of the reality of the intend-
ed invasion, of which, however, they had before had
some intimation,* but could guess with a reasonable cer-
tainty, the part of the coast where the descent was to
take place ; for Argyle could not possibly have sailed so
far to the north with any other view, than of making his
landing either on his own estate, or in some of the
western counties. Among the numberless charges of
imprudence against the unfortunate Argyle, charges
too often inconsiderately urged against him who fails
in any enterprize of moment, that which is founded
upon the circumstance just mentioned appears to me to
be the most weighty, though it is that which is the least
mentioned, and by no author, as far as I recollect, much
enforced. If the landing in the north was merely for
the purpose of gaining intelligence respecting the dis-
position of the country, or for the more frivolous object

* Vide Appendix. Burnct. II. 313. Woodrow, II. 513.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 183

of making some few prisoners, it was indeed imprudent CHAPTER

in the highest degree. That prisoners, such as were

likely to be taken on this occasion, should have been a
consideration with any man of common sense, is im-
possible. The desire of gaining intelligence concerning
the disposition of the people, was indeed a natural cu-
riosity ; but it would be a strong instance of that impa-
tience which has been often alledged, though in no other
case proved, to have been part of the Earl's character,
if, for the sake of gratifying such a desire, he gave the
enemy any important advantage. Of the intelligence
which he sought thus eagerly, it was evident that he
could not, in that place, and at that time, make any im-
mediate use ; whereas, of that which he afforded his
enemies, they could, and did avail themselves against
him. The most favourable account of this proceeding,
and which seems to deserve most credit, is, that having
missed the proper passage through the Orkney islands,
he thought proper to send on shore for pilots, and that
Spence very imprudently took the opportunity of going
to confer with a relation at Kirkwall ;* but it is to be
remarked, that it was not necessary, for the purpose of
getting pilots, to employ men of note, such as Black-
adder and Spence, the latter of whom was the Earl's
Secretary ; and that it was an unpardonable neglect not
to give the strictest injunctions to those who were em-

* Woodrow, II. 513.

184 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER ployed, against going a step further into the country
than was absolutely necessary.

loss.

His descent on Argyle, with his wonted generosity of spirit, was at
first determined to lay siege to Kirkwall, in order to re-
cover his friends ; but partly by the dissuasions of his
followers, and still more by the objections made by the
masters of the ships, to a delay which might make them
lose the favourable winds for their intended voyage, he
was induced to prosecute his course.* In the mean
time the government made the use that it was obvious
they would make, of the information they had obtained,
and when the Earl arrived at his destination, he learned
that considerable forces were got together to repel any
attack that he might meditate. Being prevented by
contrary winds from reaching the isle of Hay, where he
had proposed to make his first landing, he sailed back
to Dunstafnage in Lorn, and there sent ashore his son,
Mr. Charles Campbell, to engage his tenants, and other
friends, and dependants of his family, to rise in his be-
half; but even there he found less encouragement and
assistance than he had expected, and the Laird of
Lochniel, who gave him the best assurances, treache-
rously betrayed him, sent his letter to the Government,
and joined the royal forces under the Marquis of Athol.
He then proceeded southwards, and landed at Camp-

* Woodrow, 11. 531.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 185

belltown in Kin tyre, where his first step was to publish CHAPTER
his Declaration, which appears to have produced little

~ 1685.

or no effect

This bad beginning served, as is usual in such ad- Difference o<
ventures, rather to widen than to reconcile the differ-
ences which had early begun to manifest themselves
between the leader and his followers. Hume and
Cochrane, partly construing perhaps too sanguinely the
intelligence which was received from Airshire, Galloway,
and the other lowland districts in that quarter, partly
from an expectation that where the oppression had
been most grievous, the revolt would be proportionably
the more general, were against any stay, or, as they
termed it, loss of time in the Highlands, but were for
proceeding at once, weak as they were in point of num-
bers, to a country where every man endowed with the
common feelings of human nature, must be their well-
wisher, every man of spirit their coadjutor. Argyle, on
the contrary, who probably considered the discouraging
accounts from the Lowlands as positive and distinct,
while those which were deemed more favourable, ap-
peared to him to be at least uncertain and provisional,
thought the most prudent plan was, to strengthen him-
self in his own country, before he attempted the invasion
of provinces where the enemy was so well prepared to
receive him. He had hopes of gaining time, not only

B b

lots.

186 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER to mcrease n i s own army, but to avail himself of the
Duke of Monmouth's intended invasion of England, an
event which must obviously have great influence upon
his affairs, and which, if he could but maintain himself
in a situation to profit by it, might be productive of ad-
vantages of an importance and extent of which no man
could presume to calculate the limits. Of these two
contrary opinions, it may be difficult at this time of
day to appreciate the value, seeing that so much de-
pends upon the degree of credit due to the different
accounts from the lowland counties, of which our im-
perfect information does not enable us to form any
accurate judgment. But even though we should not
decide absolutely in favour of the cogency of these rea-
sonings which influenced the chief, it must surely be ad-
mitted, that there was at least sufficient probability in
them, to account for his not immediately giving way to
those of his followers, and to rescue his memory from
the reproach of any uncommon obstinacy, or of carrying
things, as Burnet phrases it, with an air of authority
that, was not easy to men who were setting up for li-
berty. On the other hand, it may be more difficult to
exculpate the gentlemen engaged with Argyle, for not
acquiescing more cheerfully, and not entering more
cordially into the views of a man whom they had chosen
for their leader and general ; of whose honour they had
no doubt, and whose opinion, even those who dissented

OP JAMES THE SECOND. 187

The differences upon the general scheme of attack,
led, of course, to others upon points of detail. Upon
every projected expedition there appeared a contrariety
of sentiment, which on some occasions produced the
most violent disputes. The Earl was often thwarted in
his plans, and in one instance actually over-ruled by
the vote of a council of war. Nor were these divisions,
which might of themselves be deemed sufficient to mar
an enterprise of this nature, the only adverse circum-
stances which Argyle had to encounter. By the for-
ward state of preparation on the part of the Govern-
ment, its friends were emboldened ; its enemies, whose
spirit had been already broken by a long series of suf-
ferings, were completely intimidated, and men of fickle
and time-serving dispositions, were fixed in its interests.
Add to all this, that where spirit was not wanting, it
was accompanied with a degree and species of perver-
sity wholly inexplicable, and which can hardly gain be-
lief from any one, whose experience has not made him
acquainted with the extreme difficulty of persuading
men, who pride themselves upon an extravagant love of
liberty, rather to compromise upon some points with
those who have, in the main, the same views with them-
selves, than to give power, (a power which will infallibly
be used for their own destruction,) to an adversary of

from him, must confess to be formed upon no light or
trivial grounds.

1685.

188 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER p r i nc ipi es diametrically opposite ; in other words, rather

to concede something to a friend, than every thing to

an enemy. Hence, those even, whose situation was the
most desperate, who were either wandering about the
fields, or seeking refuge in rocks and caverns, from the
authorized assassins who were on every side pursuing
them, did not all join in Argyle's cause with that frank-
ness and cordiality which was to be expected. The va-
rious schisms which had existed among different classes
of Presbyterians, were still fresh in their memory. Not
even the persecution to which they had been in com-
mon, and almost indiscriminately subjected, had reunited
them. According to a most expressive phrase of an
eminent minister of their church, who sincerely lamented
their disunion. The furnace had not yet healed the
rents and breaches among them.* Some doubted whe-
ther, short of establishing all the doctrines preached by
Cargill and Cameron there was any thing worth contend-
ing for ; while others, still further gone in enthu-
siasm, set no value upon liberty, or even life itself, if
they were to be preserved by the means of a noble-
man, who had, as well by his services to Charles the
Second, as by other instances, been guilty, in the for-
mer parts of his conduct, of what they termed unlaw-
ful compliances.

* Woodrow, II. 530.

. 'hi Y'fi'.<-.T"> t'ijr, ' i '- ' ,-: ; ><:-

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 189

Perplexed, no doubt, but not dismayed, by these CH ^ ER
difficulties, the Earl proceeded to Tarbet, which he had
fixed as the place of rendezvous, and there issued a H ; s j> lan ovef -

ruled.

second Declaration, (that which has been mentioned as
having been laid before the House of Commons,) with
as little effect as the first. He was joined by Sir Duncan
Campbell, who alone, of all his kinsmen, seems to have
afforded him any material assistance, and who brought
with him nearly a thousand men ; but even with this
important reinforcement his whole army does not ap-
pear to have exceeded two thousand. It was here
that he was over-ruled by a council of war, when he
proposed marching to Inverary ; and after much de-
bate, so far was he from being so self-willed as he is re-
presented, that he consented to go over with his army
to that part of Argyleshire called Cowal, and that Sir
John Cochrane should make an attempt upon the
Lowlands ; and he sent with him Major Fullarton, one
of the officers in whom he trusted, and who appears
to have best deserved his confidence. This expedition
could not land in Airshire, where it had at first been in-
tended, owing to the appearance of two king's frigates,
which had been sent into those seas ; and when it did
land near Greenoch, no other advantage was derived
from it, than the procuring from the town a very small
supply of provisions.*

* Woodrow.

190

HISTORY OF THE REIGff

CHAPTER
III.

1685.

Loss of hit
shipping.

When Cochrane, with his detachment, returned to
Cowal, all hopes of success in the Lowlands seemed, for
the present at least, to be at an end, and Argyle's ori-
ginal plan was now necessarily adopted, though under
circumstances greatly disadvantageous. Among these
the most important was, the approach of the frigates,
which obliged the Earl to place his ships under the pro-
tection of the castle of Ellengreg, which he fortified and
garrisoned, as well as his contracted means would per-
mit. Yet even in this situation, deprived of the co-ope-
ration of his little fleet, as well as of that part of his
force which he left to defend it, being well seconded by
the spirit and activity of Rumbold, who had seized the
castle of Ardkinglass near the head of Loch Fine, he
was not without hopes of success in his main en-
terprize against Inverary, when he was called back to
Ellengreg, by intelligence of fresh discontents having
broken out there, upon the nearer approach of the
frigates. Some of the most dissatisfied had even threat-
ened to leave both castle and ships to their fate ; nor
did the appearance of the Earl himself by any means
bring with it that degree of authority which was re-
quisite in such a juncture. His first motion was to dis-
regard the superior force of the men of war, and to en-
gage them with his small fleet ; but he soon discovered
that he was far indeed from being furnished with the
materials necessary to put in execution so bold, or as it
may possibly be thought, so romantick a resolution. His

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

191

CHAPTER
III.

1685.

associates remonstrated, and a mutiny in his ships was
predicted as a certain consequence of the attempt.
Leaving therefore, once more, Ellengreg with a garrison
under the command of the Laird of Lopness, and strict
orders to destroy both ships and fortification, rather
than suffer them to fall into the hands of the enemy, he
marched towards Gareloch. But whether from the in-
adequacy of the provisions with which he was able to
supply it, or from cowardice, misconduct, or treachery,
it does not appear, the castle was soon evacuated without
any proper measures being taken to execute the Earl's
orders, and the military stores in it to a considerable
amount, as well as the ships which had no other defence,
were abandoned to the King's forces.

This was a severe blow ; and all hopes of acting accord- His army *s-
ing to the Earl's plan of establishing himself strongly in
Argyleshire, were now extinguished. He therefore con-
sented to pass the Leven, a little above Dumbarton,
and to march eastwards. In this march he was over-
taken, at a place called Killerne, by Lord Dumbarton
at the head of a large body of the King's troops ; but
he posted himself with so much skill and judgment, that
Dumbarton thought it prudent to wait at least, till the
ensuing morning, before he made his attack. Here
again Argyle was for risking an engagement, and in his
nearly desperate situation, it was probably his best
chance, but his advice, (for his repeated misfortunes had

1S84.

192 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CH *nT ER scarcely left him the shadow of command,) was reject-
ed.* On the other hand, a proposal was made to him,
the most absurd as it should seem, that ever was sug-
gested in similar circumstances, to pass the enemy in
the night, and thus exposing his rear, to subject himself
to the danger of being surrounded, for the sake of ad-
vancing he knew not whither, or for what purpose. To
this he could not consent; and it was at last agreed to
deceive the enemies by lighting fires, and to decamp in
the night.towards Glasgow. The first part of this plan
wasexecuted with success, and the army went offunper-
eeived by the enemy ; but in their night march they were
misled by the ignorance, or the treachery of their guides,
and fell into difficulties which would have caused some
disorder among the most regular and best disciplined
troops. In this case such disorder was fatal, and pro-
duced, as among men circumstanced as Argyle's were,
it necessarily must, an almost general dispersion. Wan-
dering among bogs and morasses, disheartened by fa-
tigue, terrified by rumours of an approaching enemy,
the darkness of the night aggravating at once every real
distress, and adding terrour to every vain alarm ; in this
situation, when even the bravest and the best, (for ac-
cording to one account Rumbold himself was missing
for a time,) were not able to find their leaders, nor
the corps to which they respectively belonged ; it

* Lord Fountainhall's Memoirs, MS. Woodrow, 536.

OP JAMES THE SECOND.

193

is no wonder that many took this opportunity to aban-
don a cause now become desperate, and to effect indi-
vidually that escape which, as a body, they had no
longer any hopes to accomplish.*

When the small remains of this ill-fated army got to-
gether, in the morning, at Kil pat rick, a place far distant
from their destination, its number was reduced to less
than five hundred. Argyle had lost all authority ; nor
indeed, had he retained any, does it appear that he
could now have used it to any salutary purpose. The
same bias which had influenced the two parties in the
time of better hopes, and with regard to their early ope-
rations, still prevailed, now that they were driven to their
last extremity. Sir Patrick Hume and Sir John Cochrane
would not stay even to reason the matter with him
whom, at the onset of their expedition, they had engaged
to obey, but crossed the Clyde, with such as would fol-
low them, to the number of about two hundred, into
Renfrewshire.-f-

Argyle, thus deserted, and almost alone, still looked
to his own country as the sole remaining hope, and sent
off Sir Duncan Campbell, with the two Duncansons, fa-
ther and son, persons all three, by whom he seemed to
have been served with the most exemplary zeal and fi-

CHAPTER
III.

148!.

prisoner.

* Woodrow, II. 535, 536.

c c

1085.

194 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER delity, to attempt new levies there. Having done this,
and settled such means of correspondence as the state
of affairs would permit, he repaired to the house of an
old servant, upon whose attachment he had relied for an
asylum, but was peremptorily denied entrance. Con-
cealment in this part of the country seemed now im-
practicable, and he was forced at last to pass the Clyde,
accompanied by the brave and faithful Fullarton. Upon
coming to a ford of the Inchanon, they were stopped
by some militia men. Fullarton used in vain, all the
best means which his presence of mind suggested to
him, to save his General. He attempted one while by
gentle, and then by harsher language, to detain the
commander of the party till the Earl, who was habited
as a common countryman, and whom he passed for his
guide, should have made his escape. At last, when he
saw them determined to go after his pretended guide,
he offered to surrender himself without a blow, upon
condition of their desisting from their pursuit. This
agreement was accepted, but not adhered to, and two
horsemen were detached to seize Argyle. The Earl,
who was also on horseback, grappled with them, till one
of them and himself came to the ground. He then pre-
sented his pocket pistols, on which the two retired ; but
soon after five more came up, who fired without effect,
and he thought himself like to get rid of them, but they
knocked him down with their swords, and seized him.
When they knew whom they had taken, they seemed

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 195

much troubled, but dared not let him go.* Fullarton,
perceiving that the stipulation on which he had sur-
rendered himself was violated, and determined to de-
fend himself to the last, or at least to wreak, before he
fell, his just vengeance upon his perfidious opponents,
grasped at the sword of one of them, but in vain ; he
was overpowered, and made prisoneivf-

Argyle was immediately carried to Renfrew, thence The indi & n 't'

' / offered to him

to Glasgow, and on the 20th of June was led in triumph
into Edinburgh. The order of the council was parti-
cular ; that he should be led bare-headed, in the midst
of Graham's guards, with their matches cocked, his
hands tied behind his back, and preceded by the com-
mon hangman, in which situation, that he might be the
more exposed to the insults and taunts of the vulgar, it
was directed that he should be carried to the Castle by

* In my relation of the taking of Argyle's person, I have followed his
own account, and mostly in his own words. As the authenticity of the
paper written in prison, wherein he gives this account, has never been
called in question, it seems strange that any historian should have
adopted a different one. 1 take no notice of the story, by which he is
made to exclaim in falling, " Unfortunate Argyle !" and thus to dis-
cover himself. Besides, that there is no authority for it, is has not the air
of a real fact, but rather resembles a clumsy contrivance ia some play,
where the poet is put to his last shift, for means to produce a discovery
necessary to his plot.

t Woodrow, 536, 537.

196

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

1685.

endured with
magnanimity.

a circuitous route.* To the equanimity with which he
bore these indignities, as indeed to the manly spirit ex-
hibited by him throughout, in these last scenes of his
life, ample testimony is borne by all the historians who
have treated of them, even those who are the least par-
tial to him. He had frequent opportunities of convers-
ing, and some of writing, during his imprisonment, and
it is from such parts of these conversations and writings
as have been preserved to us, that we can best form to
ourselves a just notion of his deportment during that
trying period ; at the same time, a true representation
of the temper of his mind, in such circumstances, will
serve, in no small degree, to illustrate his general cha-
racter and disposition.

iff e h ave already seen how he expressed himself with

a*d resignation.

regard to the men, who by taking him, became the im-
mediate cause of his calamity .-f- He seems to feel a sort
of gratitude to. them, for the sorrow he saw,, or fancied
he saw in them, when they knew who he was, and im-
mediately suggests an excuse for them, by saying, that
they did not dare to follow the impulse of their hearts.

* Woodrow, 538.

f " As soon as they knew what I was, they seemed to be much trou-
" bled, but durst not let me go." Woodrow, 537- In another paper, he
says, " Of the militia who wounded and took me, some wept, but durst
not let me go." Id. 538. Supra, 205. E.
5

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

197

Speaking of the supineness of his countrymen, and of
the little assistance he had received from them, he de-
clares with his accustomed piety, his resignation to the
will of God, which was that Scotland should not be de-
livered at this time, nor especially by his hand ; and
then exclaims, with the regret of a patriot, but with no
bitterness of disappointment, " But alas ! who is there
" to be delivered I There may," says he, " be hidden
" ones, but there appears no great party in the country,
" who desire to be relieved."* Justice, in some degree,
but still more, that warm affection for his own kindred
and vassals, which seems to have formed a marked fea-
ture in this nobleman's character, then induces him to
make an exception in favour of his poor friends in Ar-
gyleshire, in treating for whom, though in what parti-
cular way does not appear, he was employing, and with
some hope of success, the few remaining hours of his
life. In recounting the failure of his expedition,, it is
impossible for him not to touch upon what he deemed
the misconduct of his friends ; and this is the subject
upon which, of all others, his temper must have been-
mdst irritable, A certain description of friends, (the
words describing them are omitted,) were all of them,
without exception, his greatest enemies, both to betray

and destroy him ; and ...... and (the names

again omitted,) were the greatest cause of his rout, andl

CHAPTER
111.

168i.

* Woodrow, 538.

198 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER j^ s k e j n g t a k en5 though not designedly he acknowledges,
but by ignorance, cowardice, and faction.* This sen-

tence had scarce escaped him, when, notwithstanding
the qualifying words with which his candour had ac-
quitted the last mentioned persons of intentional trea-
chery, it appeared too harsh to his gentle nature, and
declaring himself displeased with the hard epithets-)- he
had used, he desires they may be put out of any account
that is to be given of these transactions. The manner
in which this request is worded, shows, that the paper
he was writing was intended for a letter, and as it is
supposed, to a Mrs. Smith, who seems to have assisted
him with money ; but whether or not, this lady was the
rich widow of Amsterdam, before alluded to, I have not
been able to learn.

* " friends were our greatest enemies, all without exception,

" both to betray and destroy us ; and indeed and were the

" greatest cause of our rout, and (of) my being taken ; though not de-
" signedly I acknowledge, yet by ignorance, cowardice, and faction." E.

} " I am not pleased with myself. I have such hard epithets of some
" of my countrymen, seeing they are Christians; pray put it out of any
" account you give ; only I must acknowledge, they were not govern-
" able, and the humour you found begun, continued." Woodrow, II.
538. After an ineffectual research to discover the original MS. Mr. Fox
observes in a letter, *' Cochrane And Hume certainly filled up the two prin-
" cipal blanks ; with respect to the other blank, it is more difficult, but
" neither is it very material." Accordingly, the blanks in the text, and
" in the preceding note, may be filled up thus, " ( Cochrane's), friends
" were our greatest enemies," &c. " and indeed Hume and Cochrane,
M were the greatest cause of our rout." &c. E.
2

OP JAMES THE SECOND. 199

1685.

When he is told that he is to be put to the torture, he 1U
neither breaks out into any high-sounding bravado, any
premature vaunts of the resolution with which he will
endure it, nor, on the other hand, into passionate excla-
mations on the cruelty of his enemies, or unmanly la-
mentations of his fate. After stating that orders
were arrived, that he must be tortured, unless he
answers all questions upon oath, he simply adds, that
he hopes God will support him ; and then leaves off
writing, not from any want of spirits to proceed, but
to enjoy the consolation which was yet left him, in
the society of his wife, the Countess being just then
admitted.

Of his interview with Queensberry, who examined His
him in private, little is known, except that he denied his
design having been concerted with any persons in Scot-
land ; that he gave no information with respect to his
associates in England ; and that he boldly and frankly
averred his hopes to have been founded on the cruelty
of the administration, and such a disposition in the peo-
ple to revolt, as he conceived to be the natural conse-
quence of oppression. He owned at the same time, that
he had trusted too much to this principle.* The pre-
cise date of this conversation, whether it took place be-
fore the threat of the torture, whilst that threat was im-

* Burnet, II. 315.

200

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

1(535.
I

Considers his
enterprizc as
lawful.

pending, or, when there was no longer any intention of
putting it into execution, I have not been able to ascer-
tain ; but the probability seems to be, that it was during
the first or second of these periods.

Notwithstanding the ill success that had attended his
enterprise, he never expresses, or even hints the smallest
degree of contrition for having undertaken it : on the
contrary, when Mr. Charteris, an eminent divine, is per-
mitted to wait on him, his first caution to that minister
is, not to try to convince him of the unlawfulness of his
attempt, concerning which his opinion was settled, and
his mind made up.* Of some parts of his past conduct
he does indeed confess that he repents, but these are
the compliances of which he had been guilty in support
of the King, or his predecessors. Possibly in this he
may allude to his having in his youth borne arms
against the Covenant, but with more likelihood to his
concurrence, in the late reign, with some of the mea-
sures of Lauderdale's administration, for whom it is cer-
tain that he entertained a great regard, and to whom he
conceived himself to be principally indebted for his
escape from his first sentence. Friendship and gratitude
might have carried him to lengths which patriotism and
justice must condemn.

* Burnet.

OP JAMES THE SECOND. 201

Religious concerns, in which he seems to have been
very serious and sincere, engaged much of his thoughts ;

but his religion was of that genuine kind, which by re- His detri

3 . on the day of hi

presenting the performance or our duties to our neigh- execution.
bour, as the most acceptable service to God, strengthens
all 'the charities of social life. While he anticipates,
with a hope approaching to certainty, a happy futurity,
he does not forget those who have been justly dear to
him in this world. He writes, on the day of his execu-
tion, to his wife, and to some other relations, for whom
he seems to have entertained a sort of parental tender-
ness, short but the most affectionate letters, wherein he
gives them the greatest satisfaction then in his power,
by assuring them of his composure and tranquillity of
mind, and refers them for further consolations to those
sources from which he derived his own. In his letter to
Mrs. Smith, written on the same day, he says, " While
" any thing was a burden to me, your concern was ;
" which is a cross greater than I can express," (al-
luding probably to the pecuniary loss she had in-
curred,) " but I have, I thank God, overcome all."*
Her name, he adds, could not be concealed, and that he
knows not what may have been discovered from any
paper which may have been taken ; otherwise he has
named none to their disadvantage. He states that those

* Woodrow, II. 541, 542.
Dd

202 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

' H in in whose hands he is, had at first used him hardly, but
that God had melted their hearts, and that he was now

3o85.

treated with civility. As an instance of this, he mentions
the liberty he had obtained of sending this letter to her ;
a liberty which he takes as a kindness on their part,
and which he had sought that she might not think he
had forgotten her.

Never perhaps did a few sentences present so striking
a picture of a mind truly virtuous and honourable. He-
roick courage is the least part of his praise, and vanishes
as it were from our sight, when we contemplate the sensi-
bility with which he acknowledges the kindness, such a&
it is, of the very men who are leading him to the scaffold;
the generous satisfaction which he feels on reflecting
that no confession of his has endangered his associates ;
and above all, his anxiety, in such moments, to perform
all the duties of friendship and gratitude, not only with
the most scrupulous exactness, but with the most con-
siderate attention to the feelings as well as to the in-
terests of the person who was the object of them. In-
deed, it seems throughout, to have been the peculiar
felicity of this man's mind, that every thing was pre-
sent to it that ought to be so ; nothing that ought not.
Of his country he could not be unmindful ; and it was
one among other consequences of his happy temper,
that on this subject he did not entertain those gloomy

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

ideas, which the then state of Scotland was but too well
fitted to inspire. In a conversation with an intimate
friend, he says, that though he does not take upon
him to be a prophet, he doubts not but that deli-
verance will come, and suddenly, of which his fail-
ings had rendered him unworthy to be the instru-
ment. In some verses which he composed on the night
preceding his execution, and which he intended for
his epitaph, he thus expresses this hope still more
distinctly :

Df .' .'(-'..! . : . ;>'!,'; i . , . - .

" On my attempt though Providence did frown,
" His oppressed people God at length shall own;
" Another hand, by more successful speed,
" Shall raise the remnant, bruise the serpent's head."

With respect to the epitaph itself, of which these lines
form a part, it is probable that he composed it chiefly
with a view to amuse and relieve his mind, fatigued
with exertion ; and partly, perhaps, in imitation of the
famous Marquis of Montrose, who, in similar circum-
stances, had written some verses which have been much
celebrated. The poetical merit of the pieces appears
to be nearly equal, and is not in either instance consi-
derable, and they are only in so far valuable, as they
may serve to convey to us some image of the minds by
which they were produced. He who reads them with
this view, will perhaps be of opinion, that the spirit
manifested in the two compositions, is rather equal in

203

CHAPTER
III.

10SS.

1685.

204 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

degree, than like in character; that the courage of
Montrose was more turbulent, that of Argyle more
calm and sedate. If on the one hand it is to be regretted,
that we have not more memorials left of passages so in-
teresting, and that even of those which we do possess, a
great part is obscured by time; it must be confessed,
on the other, that we have quite enough to enable us
to pronounce, that for constancy and equanimity under
the severest trials, few men have equalled, none ever
surpassed, the Earl of Argyle. The most powerful of
all tempters, hope, was not held out to him, so that he
had not, it is true, in addition to his other hard tasks,
that of resisting her seductive influence ; but the pas-
sions of a different class had the fullest scope for their
attacks. These, however, could make no impression
on hisi well-disciplined mind. Anger could not ex-
asperate, fear could not appall him ; and if disap*
pointment and indignation at the misbehaviour of his
followers, and the supineness of the country, did oc-
casionally, as sure they must, cause uneasy sensations,
they had not the power to extort from him one unbe-
coming, or even querulous expression. Let him be
weighed never so scrupulously, and in the nicest
scales, he will not be found, in a single instance, want-
ing in the charity of a Christian, the firmness and be-
nevolence of a patriot, the integrity and fidelity of a
man of honour.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 20.5

The Scotch Parliament had, on the eleventh of June, CHA , P 1 } ER

sent an Address to the King, wherein, after praising his

Majesty as usual for his extraordinary prudence, cou- AnAddressfrom

9 * the Scotch Par-

rage, and conduct, and loading Argyle, whom they style ] cnt asainst
an hereditary traitor, with every reproach they can de-
vise, among others, that of ingratitude for the favours
which he had received, as well from his Majesty, as
from his predecessor, they implore his Majesty that the
Earl may find no favour ; and that the Earl's family,
the heritors, ring-leaders, and preachers who joined him,
should be for ever declared incapable of mercy, or bear-
ing any honour or estate in the kingdom ; and all sub-
jects discharged under the highest pains to intercede for
them in any manner of way. Never was address more
graciously received, or more readily complied with ; and
accordingly, the following letter with the royal signature,
and countersigned by Lord Melford, Secretary of State
for Scotland, was dispatched to the council at Edin-
burgh, and by them entered and registered on the
twenty-ninth of June.

" Whereas, the late Earl of Areyle is, by the provi- The warrant for

'...,.. J his execution.

" dence of God, fallen into our power, it is our will
" and pleasure that you take all ways to know from him
" those things which concern our government most, as
" his assisters with men, arms, and money ; his associates
" and correspondents ; his designs, &c. But this must
" be done, so as no time may be lost in bringing him

206 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER to con( jig n punishment, by causing him to be de-

" meaned as a traitor, within the space of three days

" after this shall come to your hands ; an account of

" which, with what he shall confess, you shall send im-

" mediately to us or our Secretaries ; for doing which,

" this shall be your warrant/'*

When it is recollected that torture had been in com-
mon use in Scotland, and that the persons to whom the
letter was addressed, had often caused it to be inflicted,
the words " It is our will and pleasure that you take all
" ways," seem to convey a positive command for ap-
plying of it in this instance ; yet it is certain that Ar-
gyle was not tortured. What was the cause of this
seeming disregard of the royal injunctions, does not
appear. One would hope, for the honour of human na-
ture, that James, struck with some compunction for the
injuries he had already heaped upon the head of this
unfortunate nobleman, sent some private orders contra-
dictory to this publick letter ; but there is no trace to
be discovered of such a circumstance. The managers

themselves might feel a sympathy for a man of their
own rank, which had no influence in the cases where
only persons of an inferior station were to be the suf-
ferers ; and in those words of the King's letter, which
enjoin a speedy punishment, as the primary object to

* Woodrow, II. 539.

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

207

1685.

which all others must give way ; they might find a pre- CHAPTER
text for overlooking the most odious part of the order,
and of indulging their humanity, such as it was, by ap-
pointing the earliest day possible for the execution. In
order that the triumph of injustice might be complete,
it was determined, that without any new trial, the Earl
should suffer \ipon the iniquitous sentence of sixteen
hundred and eighty -two. Accordingly, the very next
day ensuing was appointed, and on the thirtieth
of June he was brought from the Castle, first to the
Laigh Council-House, and thence to the place of exe-
cution.

Before he left the Castle he had his dinner at the
usual hour, at which he discoursed, not only calmly, li
but even cheerfully with Mr. Charteris and others.
After dinner he retired, as was his custom, to his bed-
chamber, where, it is recorded, that he slept quietly for
about a quarter of an hour. While he was in bed, one
of the members of the council came and intimated to
the attendants & desire to speak with him : upon being
told that the Earl was asleep, and had left orders not to
be disturbed, the manager disbelieved the account,
which he considered as a device to avoid further ques-
tionings. To satisfy him, the door of the bed-chamber
was half opened, and he then beheld, enjoying a sweet
and tranquil slumber, the man, who by the doom of him
and his fellows, was to die within the space of two short

lion.

1685.

208 HISTORY OP THE REIGN

CHAPTER hours! Struck with the sight, he hurried out of the
room, quitted the Castle with the utmost precipitation,
and hid himself in the lodgings of an acquaintance who
lived near, where he flung himself upon the first bed
that presented itself, and had every appearance of a
man suffering the most excruciating torture. His friend,
who had been apprized by the servant of the state he
was in, and who naturally concluded that he was ill,
offered him some wine. He refused, saying, " No, no,
" that will not help me ; I have been in at Argyle, and
" saw him sleeping as pleasantly as ever man did, within

" an hour of eternity. But as for me /'* The name

of the person to whom this anecdote relates, is not
mentioned, and the truth of it may therefore be fairly
considered as liable to that degree of doubt, with which
men of judgment receive every species of traditional
history. Woodrow, however, whose veracity is above
suspicion; says he had it from the most unquestionable
authority. It is not in itself unlikely, and who is there
that would not wish it true ? What a satisfactory spec-
tacle to a philosophical mind, to see. t-he oppressor, in
the zenith of his power, envying his victim ! What an
acknowledgment of the superiority of virtue ! what an
affecting, and forcible testimony to the value of that
peace of mind, which innocence alone can confer ! We
know not who this man was ; but when we reflect, that

taku !>V ;{'>( [> r 3&\ '(d -odw <!' ;. ..,fc

* Woodrow, 11.541.

1883.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 209

the guilt which agonized him was probably incurred for
the sake of some vain title, or at least of some increase
of wealth, which he did not want, and possibly knew
not how to enjoy, our disgust is turned into some-
thing like compassion for that very foolish class of
men, whom the world calls wise in their generation.

Soon after his short repose Argyle was brought, ac-
cording to order, to the Laigh Council-House, from
which place is dated the letter to his wife, and thence
to the place of execution. On the scaffold he had some
discourse, as well with Mr. Annand, a minister appoint-
ed by government to attend him, as with Mr. Charteris.
He desired both of them to pray for him, and prayed
himself with much fervency and devotion. The speech
which he made to the people was such as might be ex-
pected from the passages already related. The same
mixture of firmness and mildness is conspicuous in
every part of it. " We ought not," says he, " to des-
*< pise our afflictions, nor to faint under them. We
" must not suffer ourselves to be exasperated against
" the instruments of our troubles, nor by fraudulent,
nor pusillanimous compliances, bring guilt upon our-
" selves ; faint hearts are ordinarily false hearts, choos-
" ing sin, rather than suffering." He offers his prayers
to God for the three kingdoms of England, Scotland,
and Ireland, and that an end may be put to their pre-

E e

210 HISTORY OP THE REIGN

CH fn rER sen ^ fri^ 8 - Having then asked pardon for his own fail-
: - ings, both of God and man, he would have concluded :
but being reminded that he had said nothing of the
Royal Family, he adds that he refers, in this matter, to
what he had said at his trial concerning the test ; that
he prayed there never might be wanting one of the
Royal Family to support the Protestant Religion, and if
any of them had swerved from the true faith, he prayed
God to turn their hearts, but at any rate to save his peo-
ple from their machinations. When he had ended, he
turned to the south side of the scaffold, and said, "Gen-
" tlemen, I pray you do not misconstruct my behaviour
" this day : 1 freely forgive all men their wrongs and in-
" juries done against me, as I desire to be forgiven of
" God." Mr. Annand repeated these words louder to
the people. The Earl then went to the north side of
the scaffold, and used the same or the like expressions.
Mr. Annand repeated them again, and said, " This no-
" bleman dies a Protestant." The Earl stept forward
again, and said, " I die not only a Protestant, but with
" a heart-hatred of Popery, prelacy, and all superstition
" whatsomever/'* It would perhaps have been better if
these last expressions had never been uttered, as there
appears certainly something of violence in them, unsuit-
able to the general tenour of his language; but it must

*Woodrow, 543, 545.
5

lORi.

OP JAMES THE SECOND. 211

be remembered, first, that the opinion that the Pope is
Antichrist was at that time general among almost all
the zealous Protestants in these kingdoms ; secondly,
that Annand, being employed by government, and
probably an Episcopalian, the Earl might apprehend
that the declaration of such a minister, might not convey
the precise idea, which he, Argyle, affixed to the word
Protestant.

He then embraced his friends, gave some tokens of His e*cuuon.
remembrance to his son-in-law, Lord Maitland, for his
daughter and grand-children, stript himself of part of
his apparel, of which he likewise made presents, and
laid his head upon the block. Having uttered a short
prayer, he gave the signal to the executioner, which
was instantly obeyed, and his head severed from his
body.* Such were the last hours, and such the final
close, of this great man's life. May the like happy se-
renity in such dreadful circumstances, and a death
equally glorious, be the lot of all, whom tyranny, of
whatever denomination or description, shall in any
age, or in any country, call to expiate their virtues on
the scaffold !

Of the followers of Argyle, in the disastrous expedi- Fate

J* . lowers.

tion above recounted, the fortunes were various. Among

<.,.; l-.i }Ofi<i :

* Woodrow, 543, 545.

212 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER those who either surrendered or were taken, some suf-

fered the same fate with their commander, others were

pardoned ; while, on the other hand, of those who escap-
ed to foreign parts, many after a short exile returned tri-
umphantly to their country at the period of the Revo-
lution, and under a system congenial to their principles,
some even attained the highest honours and dignities of
the state. It is to be recollected, that when, after the
disastrous night march from Killerne, a separation took
place at Kilpatrick between Argyle and his confede-
rates, Sir John Cochrane, Sir Patrick Hume, and others,
crossed the Clyde into Renfrewshire, with about, it is
supposed, two hundred men. Upon their landing, they
met with some opposition from a troop of militia horse,
which was however feeble and ineffectual ; but fresh
parties of militia, as well as regular troops drawing to-
gether, a sort of scuffle ensued, near a place called
Muirdyke ; an offer of quarter was made by the King's
troops, but (probably on account of the conditions an-
nexed to it,) was refused ; and Cochrane and the rest,
now reduced to the number of seventy, took shelter in
a fold-dyke, where they were able to resist and repel,
though not without loss on each side, the attack of the
enemy. Their situation was nevertheless still desperate,
and in the night they determined to make their escape.
The King's troops having retired, this was effected with-
out difficulty ; and this remnant of an army being dis-
persed by common consent, every man sought his own

108S.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 213

safety in the best manner he could. Sir John Cochrane
took refuge in the house of an uncle, by whom, or by

whose wife it is said, he was betrayed.. He was however

traycd, and par-

pardoned ; and from this circumstance, coupled with doned -

the constant and seemingly peevish opposition which

he gave to almost all Argyle's plans, a suspicion has

arisen, that he had been treacherous throughout. But

the account given of his pardon by Burnet, who says his

father, Lord Dundonald, who was an opulent noble-

man, purchased it with a considerable sum of money,*

is more credible, as well as more candid ; and it must

be remembered, that in Sir John's disputes with his ge-

neral, he was almost always acting in conjunction with

Sir Patrick Hume, who is proved, by the subsequent

events, and indeed by the whole tenour of his life and

conduct, to have been uniformly sincere and zealous in

the cause of his country. Cochrane was sent to Eng-

land, where he had an interview with the King, and

gave such answers to the questions put to him, as were

deemed satisfactory by his Majesty ; and the informa-

tion thus obtained, whatever might be the real and se-

cret causes, furnished a plausible pretence at least for

the exercise of royal mercy. Sir Patrick Hume, after Humeand

having concealed himself sometime in the house, and w Holland. 1 ** 1

under the protection, of Lady Eleanor Dunbar, sister

.: .'Bui-net, H. 316.

214 HISTORY OF THE UEIGN

CHAPTER to ne Earl o f Eglington, found means to escape to
- Holland, whence he returned in better times, and was
created first Lord Hume of Polwarth, and afterward
Earl of Marchmont. Fullarton, and Campbell of Auch-
inbreak, appear to have escaped, but by what means
is not known. Two sons of Argyle, John and Charles,
and Archibald Campbell, his nephew, were sentenced
to death and forfeiture, but- the capital part of the sen-
Archer txecut- tence was remitted. Thomas Archer, a clergyman, who
had been wounded at Muirdyke, was executed, not-
withstanding many applications in his favour, among
which was one from Lord Drumlanrig, Queensberry's
eldest son. Woodrow, who was himself a Presbyterian
minister, and though a most valuable and correct histo-
rian, was not without a tincture of the prejudices be-
longing to his order, attributes the unrelenting spirit of
the Government in this instance, to their malice against
the clergy of his sect. Some of the holy ministry, he
observes, as Guthrie at the Restoration, Kidd and Mac-
kail after the insurrections at Pentland and Bothwell-
bridge, and now Archer, were upon every occasion to
be sacrificed to the fury of the persecutors.* But to
him who is well acquainted with the history of this
period, the habitual cruelty of the government will
fully account for any particular act of severity ; and it

* Woodrow, 553.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 215

CHAPTER
III.

is only in cases of lenity, such as that of Cochrane, for
instance, that he will look for some hidden or special

IflW.

motive.

Ayloffe, having in vain attempted to kill himself, was, f/1
like Cochrane, sent to London to be examined. His re-
lationship to the King's first wife might perhaps be one
inducement to this measure, or it might be thought
more expedient that he should be executed for the Rye-
house plot, the credit of which it was a favourite object
of the Court to uphold, than for his recent acts of re-
bellion in Scotland. Upon his examination he refused
to give any information, and suffered death upon a sen-
tence of outlawry, which had passed in the former reign.
It is recorded, that James interrogated him personally,
and finding him sullen, and unwilling to speak, said,
" Mr. Ayloffe, you know it is in my power to pardon
" you, therefore say that which may deserve it ; to
which Ayloffe replied, " Though it is in your power, it
" is not in your nature to pardon." This, however,
is one of those anecdotes, which is believed rather
on account of the air of nature that belongs to them,
than upon any very good traditional authority, and
which ought, therefore, when any very material in-
ference, with respect either to fact or character, is
to be drawn from them, to be received with great
caution.

216

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

1085.
Rwnbold.

His denial of the
assassination

Rumbold, covered with wounds, and defending him-
self with uncommon exertions of strength and cou-
rage, was at last taken. However desirable it might
have been thought, to execute in England a man so
deeply implicated in the Rye-house plot, the state of
Rumbold's health made such a project impracticable.
Had it been attempted, he would probably, by a natu-
ral death, have disappointed the views of a government
who were eager to see brought to the block, a man
whom they thought, or pretended to think, guilty of
having projected the assassination of the late and pre-
sent King. Weakened as he was in body, his mind was
firm, his constancy unshaken ; and notwithstanding
some endeavours that were made by drums, and other
instruments, to drown his voice when he was addressing
the people from the scaffold, enough has been preserved
of what he then uttered, to satisfy us, that his personal
courage, the praise of which has not been denied him,
was not of the vulgar or constitutional kind, but was
accompanied with a proportionable vigour of mind.
Upon hearing his sentence, whether in imitation of
Montrose, or from that congeniality of character, which
causes men in similar circumstances to conceive similar
sentiments, he expressed the same wish which that gal-
lant nobleman had done ; he wished he had a limb for
every town in Christendom. With respect to the intend-
ed assassination imputed to him, he protested his inno-
cence, and desired to be believed upon the faith of a

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

217

dying man ; adding, in terms as natural as they are for-
cibly descriptive of a conscious dignity of character,
that he was too well known, for any to have had the
imprudence to make such a proposition to him. He
concluded with plain, and apparently sincere, declara-
tions of his nndiminished attachment to the principles of
liberty, civil and religious ; denied that he was an enemy
to monarchy, affirming, on the contrary, thathe consider-
ed it, when properly limited, as the most eligible form
of government ; but that he never could believe that
any man was born marked by God above another,
" for none comes into the world with a saddle on
" his back, neither any booted and spurred to ride
" him."*

Except by Ralph, who, with a warmth that does ho-
nour to his feelings, expatiates at some length upon the
subject, the circumstances attending the death of this
extraordinary man have been little noticed. Rapin,
Echard, Kennet, Hume, make no mention of them what-
ever ; and yet, exclusively of the interest always excited
by any great display of spirit and magnanimity, his so-
lemn denial of the project of assassination imputed to
him in the affair of the Rye-house plot, is in itself a fact
of great importance, and one which might have been
expected to attract, in no small degree, the attention of

CHAPTER
III.

1985.

* Ralph, I. 872.
Ff

218 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CH 'ui rER the historian. That Hume, who has taken some pains

in canvassing the degree of credit -due to the different

parts of the Rye-house plot, should pass it over in si-
lence, is the more extraordinary, because, in the case
of the Popish plot, he lays, and justly lays, the greatest
stress upon the dying declarations of the sufferers. Bur-
net adverts, as well to the peculiar language used by
Rumbold, as to his denial of the assassination ; but
having before given us to understand, that he believed
that no such crime had been projected, it is the less to
be wondered at, that he does not much dwell upon this
further evidence in favour of his former opinion. Sir
John Dalrymple, upon the authority of a paper which
he does not produce, but from which he quotes enough
to show, that if produced it would not answer his pur-
pose, takes Rumbold's guilt for a decided fact, and
then states his dying protestations of his innocence, as
an instance of aggravated wickedness.* It is to be re-
marked too, that although Sir John is pleased roundly
to assert, that Rumbold denied the share he had had in
the Rye-house plot, yet the particular words which he
cites neither contain, nor express, nor imply any such
denial. He has not even selected those, by which the
design of assassination was denied, (the only denial that
was uttered,) but refers to a general declaration made
by Rumbold, that he had done injustice to no man; a

* Dalrymple's Memoirs, I. 14.1.

1(585.

OP JAMES THE SECOND. 219

declaration which was by no means inconsistent with his CHAPTER
having been a party to a plot, which he, no doubt, con-
sidered as justifiable, and even meritorious. This is not
all : the paper referred to is addressed to Walcot, by
whom Rumbold states himself to have been led on ;
and Walcot with his last breath, denied his own parti-
cipation in any design to murder either Charles or
James. Thus, therefore, whether the declaration of the
sufferer be interpreted in a general, or in a particular
sense, there is no contradiction whatever between it and
the paper adduced ; but thus it is, that the character of
a brave, and, as far as appears, a virtuous man, is
most unjustly and cruelly traduced. An incredible
confusion of head, and an uncommon want of reason-
ing powers, which distinguish the author to whom I re-
fer, are, I should charitably hope, the true sources of
his misrepresentation ; while others may probably im-
pute it to his desire of blackening, upon any pretence, a
person whose name is more or less connected with those
of Sidney and Russel. It ought not, perhaps, to pass
without observation, that this attack upon Rumbold is
introduced only in an oblique manner : the rigour of
government destroyed, says the historian, the morals it
intended to correct, and made the unhappy sufferer add
to his former crimes, the atrocity of declaring a false-
hood in his last moments. Now, what particular in-
stances of rigour are here alluded to, it is difficult to
guess : for surely the execution of a man whom he sets

220 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CH 1n FER down as guilty of a design to murder the two royal bro-

tliers, could not, even in the judgment of persons much

less accustomed than Sir John to palliate the crimes of
princes, be looked upon as an act of blameable seve-
rity ; but it was thought, perhaps, that for the purpose
of conveying a calumny upon the persons concerned, or
accused of being concerned, in the Rye-house plot, an
affected censure upon the government would be the
fittest vehicle.

HIS declaration The fact itself, that Rumbold did, in his last hours,

examined.

solemnly deny the having been concerned in any pro-
ject for assassinating the King or Duke, has not, I be-
lieve, been questioned.* It is not invalidated by the
silence of some historians : it is confirmed by the mis-
representation of others. The first question that natu-
rally presents itself, must be, was this declaration true ?
The asseverations of dying men have always had, and
will always have, great influence upon the minds of
those who do not push their ill opinion of mankind to
the most outrageous and unwarrantable length ; but
though the weight of such asseverations be in all cases
great, it will not be in all equal. It is material there-
fore to consider, first, what are the circumstances which
may tend in particular cases to diminish their credit ;

* It is confirmed, beyond contradiction, by Lord Fbuntainhall's account
of bjs trial and execution. Vide Appendix. E.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 221

and next, how far such circumstances appear to have
existed in the case before us. The case where this spe-
cies of evidence would be the least convincing, would
be where hope of pardon is entertained ; for then the
man is not a dying man in the sense of the proposition,
for he has not that certainty that his falsehood will not
avail him, which is the principal foundation of the cre-
dit due to his assertions. For the same reason, though
in a less degree, he who hopes for favour to his children,
or to other surviving connections, is to be listened to
with some caution ; for the existence of one virtue, does
not necessarily prove, that of another, and he who loves
his children and friends may yet be profligate and un-
principled, or, deceiving himself, may think, that
while his ends are laudable, he ought not to hesitate
concerning the means. Besides these more obvious
temptations to prevarication, there is another, which,
though it may lie somewhat deeper, yet experience
teaches us to be rooted in human nature. I mean that
sort of obstinacy, or false shame, which makes men so
unwilling to retract what they have once advanced,
whether in matter of opinion, or of fact. The general
character of the man is also in this, as in all other hu-
man testimony, a circumstance of the greatest moment.
Where none of the above mentioned objections occur,
and where, therefore, the weight of evidence in question
is confessedly considerable, yet is it still liable to be
balanced or outweighed by evidence in the opposite
scale.

IIISTOllY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER.

Let Rumbold's declaration then, be examined upon
these principles, and we shall find that it has every cha-

16S5. J

racter of truth, without a single circumstance to cliscre-
a P 'pVemiy"ue. dit it. He was so far from entertaining any hope of par-
don, that he did not seem even to wish it ; and indeed,
if he had had any such chimerical object in view, he
must have known, that to have supplied the government
with a proof of the Rye-house Assassination plot, would
be a more likely road at least, than a steady denial, to
obtain it. He left none behind him, for whom to en-
treat favour, or whose welfare or honour were at all af-
fected by any confession or declaration he might make.
If, in a prospective view, he was without temptation,
so neither if he looked back, was he fettered by any for-
mer declaration ; so that he could not be influenced by
that erroneous notion of consistency, to which, it may
be feared, that truth, even in the most awful moments,
has in some cases been sacrificed. His timely escape,
in sixteen hundred and eighty-three, had saved him
from the necessity of making any protestation upon the
subject of his innocence at that time ; and the words of
the letter to Walcot are so far from containing such a
protestation, that they are quoted, (very absurdly, it is
true,) by Sir John Dalrymple, as an avowal of guilt. If
his testimony is free from these particular objections,
much less is it impeached by his general character,
which was that of a bold and daring man, who was
very unlikely to feel shame in avowing what he had not

11)95.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 223

been ashamed to commit, and who seems to have taken CHAPTER
a delight in speaking bold truths, or at least what ap-
peared to him to be such, without regarding the man-
ner in which his hearers were likely to receive them.
With respect to the last consideration, that of the op-
posite evidence, it all depends upon the veracity of
men, who, according to their own account, betrayed
their comrades, and were actuated by the hope either
of pardon or reward.

It appears to be of the more consequence to clear up
this matter, because, if we should be of opinion, as I
think we all must be, that the story of the intended as-
sassination of the King, in his way from Newmarket,
is as fabulous as that of the silver bullets by which lie
was to have been shot at Windsor, a most singular train
of reflections will force itself upon our minds, as well
in regard to the character of the times, as to the means
by which the two causes gained successively the ad-
vantage over each other. The Royalists had found it
impossible to discredit the fiction, gross as it was, of the
Popish plot; nor could they prevent it from being a
powerful engine in the hands of the Whigs, who, dur-
ing the alarm raised by it, gained an irresistible supe-
riority in the House of Commons,' in the City of Lon-
don, and in most parts of the kingdom. But they who
coulc} not quiet a false alarm raised by their adversa-
ries, found little or no difficulty in raising one equally

224

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CH in rER
-

1685.

invaslon.

their own favour, by the supposed detection of
the intended assassination. With regard to the advan-
tages derived to the respective parties from those de-
testable fictions, if it be urged, on one hand, that the pa-
nick spread by the Whigs was more universal, and more
violent in its effects, it must be allowed, on the other,
that the advantages gained by the Tories were, on ac-
count of their alliance with the Crown, more durable and
decisive. There is a superior solidity ever belonging to
the power of the Crown, as compared with that of any
body of men or party, or even with either of the other
branches of the legislature. A party has influence, but,
properly speaking, no power. The Houses of Parlia-
ment have abundance of power, but, as bodies, little or
no influence. The Crown has both power and influence,
which, when exerted with wisdom and steadiness, will
always be found too strong for any opposition what-
ever, till the zeal and fidelity of party attachments
shall be found to increase in proportion to the increased
influence of the executive power.

While these matters were transacting in Scotland, Mon-

, . . . 1 .,

mouth, conformably to his promise to Argyle, set sail
from Holland, and landed at Lyme in Dorsetshire on
the eleventh of June. He was attended by Lord Grey
of Wark, Fletcher of Salton, Colonel Matthews, Fer-
guson, and a few other gentlemen. His reception was,
among the lower ranks, cordial, and for some days, at

OP JAMES TIM5 SECOND. 325

least, if not weeks, there seemed to have been more
foundation for the sanguine hopes of Lord Grey, and

168S.

others, his followers, than the Duke had supposed. The
first step taken by the invader, was to issue a procla-
mation, which he caused to be read in the market-place.
In this instrument he touched upon what were, no
doubt, thought to be the most popular topicks ; and
loaded James, and his Catholick friends, with every
imputation which had at any time been thrown against
them. This declaration appears to have been well re-
ceived, and the numbers that came in to him were very
considerable ; but his means of arming them were limit-
ed, nor had he much confidence, for the purpose of any
important military operation, in men unused to disci-
pline, and wholly unacquainted with the art of war.
Without examining the question, whether or not Mon-
mouth, from his professional prejudices, carried, as
some have alledged he did, his diffidence of unpractised
soldiers, and new levies, too far, it seems clear that, in
his situation, the best, or rather the only chance of suc-
cess, was to be looked for in councils of the boldest
kind. If he could not immediately strike some import-
ant stroke, it was not likely that he ever should ; nor
indeed was he in a condition to wait. He could not
flatter himself, as Argyle had done, that he had a strong
country, full of relations and dependents, where he
might secure himself till the co-operation of his confe-
derate, or some other favourable circumstance, might

226

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
HI.

1685.

His success at
Bridport.

put it in his power to act more efficaciously. Of any
brilliant success in Scotland he could not, at this time,
entertain any hope, nor if he had, could he rationally
expect that any events in that quarter would make the
sort of impression here, which, on the other hand, his
success would produce in Scotland. With money he
was wholly unprovided, nor does it appear, whatever
may have been the inclination of some considerable
men, such as Lords Macclesfield, Brandon, Delamere,
and others, that any persons of that description were
engaged to join in his enterprise. His reception had
been above his hopes, and his recruits more numerous
than could be expected, or than he was able to furnish
with arms ; while on the other hand, the forces in arms
against him consisted chiefly in a militia, formidable
neither from numbers nor discipline, and moreover sus-
pected of disaffection. The present moment therefore,
seemed to offer the most favourable opportunity for en-
terprise of any that was like to occur; but the unfor-
tunate Monmouth judged otherwise, and, as if he were
to defend rather than to attack, directed his chief policy
to the avoiding of a general action.

It being however absolutely necessary to dislodge
some troops which the Earl of Faversham had thrown
into Bridport, a detachment of three hundred men was
made for that purpose, which had the most complete
success, notwithstanding the cowardice of Lord Grey,

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

227

who commanded them. This nobleman, who had been
so instrumental in persuading his friend to the invasion, -
upon the first appearance of danger, is said to have left
the troops whom he commanded, and to have sought
his own personal safety in flight. The troops carried
Bridport, to the shame of the commander who had de-
serted them and returned to Lyme.

It is related by Ferguson, that Monmouth said to
Matthews, " What shall I do with Lord Grey ?" to
which the other answered, " That he was the only ge-
" neral in Europe who would ask such a question ;" in-
tending, no doubt, to reproach the Duke with the ex-
cess to which he pushed his characteristick virtues of
mildness and forbearance. That these virtues formed a
part of his character, is most true, and the personal
friendship in which he lived with Grey, would incline
him still more to the exercise of them upon this occa-
sion : but it is to be remembered also, that the delin-
quent was, in respect of rank, property, and perhaps
too of talent, by far the most considerable man he had
with him ; and therefore, that prudential motives might
concur, to deter a General from proceeding to violent
measures with such a person, especially in a civil war,
where the discipline of an armed party cannot be con-
ducted upon the same system as that of a regular army
serving in a foreign war. Monmouth's disappointment
in Lord Grey was aggravated by the loss of Fletcher of

CHAPTER
III.

1085.

228 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

168$.

Salton, who, in a sort of scuffle that ensued, upon his
being reproached for having seized a horse belonging to
a man of the country, had the misfortune to kill the
owner. Monmouth, however unwilling, thought him-
self obliged to dismiss him ; and thus, while a fatal
concurrence of circumstances forced him to part with
the man he esteemed, and to retain him whom he des-
pised, he found himself at once disappointed of the sup-
port of the two persons upon whom he had most relied.

On the fifteenth of June, his army being now in-
creased to near three thousand men, the Duke marched
from Lyme. He does not appear to have taken this
step with a view to any enterprise of importance, but
rather to avoid the danger which he apprehended from
the motions of the Devonshire and Somerset militias,
whose object it seemed to be to shut him up in Lymc.
In his first day's march, he had opportunities of engag-
ing, or rather of pursuing each of those bodies, who
severally retreated from his forces ; but conceiving it to
be his business, as he said, not to fight but to march
on, he went through Axminster, and encamped in a
strong piece of ground between that town and Chard in
Somersetshire, to which place he proceeded on the en-
suing day. According to Wade's narrative, which ap-
pears to afford by far the most authentic account of
these transactions, here it was that, the first proposition
was made for proclaiming Monmouth King. Ferguson

1685.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 22$

made the proposal, and was supported by Lord Grey,
but it was easily run down, as Wade expresses it, by
those who were against it, and whom, therefore, we must
suppose to have formed a very considerable majority of
the persons deemed of sufficient importance to be con-
sulted on such an occasion. These circumstances are
material, because if that credit be given to them which
they appear to deserve, Ferguson's want of veracity be-
comes so notorious, that it is hardly worth while to at-
tend to any part of his narrative. Where it only corro-
borates accounts given by others, it is of little use; and
where it differs from them, it deserves no credit. I
have therefore wholly disregarded it.

From Chard, Monmouth and his party proceeded to HU reception

at Taunton.

Taunton, a town, where, as well for the tenour of for-
mer occurrences, as from the zeal and number of the
Protestant Dissenters, who formed a great portion of its
inhabitants, he had every reason to expect the most fa-
vourable reception. His expectations were not disap-
pointed. The inhabitants of the upper, as well as the
lower classes vied with each other in testifying their af-
fection for his person, and their zeal for his cause.
While the latter rent the air with applauses and accla-
mations, the former opened their houses to him and to his
followers, and furnished his army with necessaries and
supplies of every kind. His way was strewed with
flowers : the windows were thronged with spectators, all

irisTony OF THE KEIGN

PTER aiix ious to participate in what the warm feelings of the
~ \ ~ moment made them deem a triumph. Husbands pointed
out to their wives, mothers to their children, the brave
and lovely hero, who was destined to be the deliverer of
his country. The beautiful lines which Dryden makes
Achitophel in his highest strain of flattery, apply to this
unfortunate nobleman, were in this instance literally
verified :

" Thee, Saviour, thee, the nation's vows confess,

" And never satisfied with seeing, bless.

" Swift unbespoken pomps thy steps proclaim,

" And stammering babes are taught to lisp thy name."

In the midst of these joyous scenes, twenty-six young
maids, of the best families in the town presented him,
in the name of their townsmen, with colours wrought
by them for the purpose, and with a Bible; upon re-
ceiving which he said, that he had taken the field with
a design to defend the truth contained in that book,
and to seal it with his blood if there was occasion.

He is joined by In such circumstances it is no wonder that his army

no great fami- *

lies - increased ; and indeed, exclusive of individual recruits,

he was here strengthened by the arrival of Colonel Bas-
sett with a considerable corps. But in the midst of these
prosperous circumstances, some of them of such ap-
parent importance to the success of his enterprize, all
of them highly flattering to his feelings, he did not fail

OF JAMES THE SECOND, 231

to observe that one favourable symptom, (and that too
of the most decisive nature,) was still wanting. None
of the considerable families, not a single nobleman, and
scarcely any gentlemen of rank and consequence in the
counties through which he had passed, had declared in
his favour. Popular applause is undoubtedly sweet;
and not only so, it often furnishes most powerful means
to the genius that knows how to make use of them. But
Monrnouth well knew that without the countenance
and assistance of a proportion, at least, of the higher
ranks in the country, there was, for an undertaking
like his, little prospect of success. He could not but
have remarked that the habits and prejudices of the
English people are, in a great degree, aristocratical ;
nor had he before him, nor indeed have we, since his
time, had one single example of an insurrection that
was successful, unaided by the ancient families and
great landed proprietors. He must have felt this the
more, because, in former parts of his political life, he
had been accustomed to act with such coadjutors; and
it is highly probable, that if Lord Russel had been
alive, and could have appeared at the head of one hun-
dred only of his western tenantry, such a reinforcement
would have inspired him with more real confidence,
than the thousands who individually flocked to his
standard.

But though Russel was no more, there were not want- He declare*

himself King.

IBS:..

232 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

. '" ' <

CHAPTER j n g } either in the provinces through which the Duke
passed, or in other parts of the kingdom, many noble
and wealthy families, who were attached to the princi-
ples of the Whigs. To account for their neutrality, and,
if possible, to persuade them to a different conduct, was
naturally among his principal concerns. Their present
coldness might be imputed to the indistinctness of his
declarations, with respect to what was intended to be
the future government. Men zealous for monarchy,
might not choose to embark without some certain
pledge that their favourite form should be perserved.
They would also expect to be satisfied with respect to
the person whom their arms, if successful, were to
place upon the throne. To promise, therefore, the
continuance of a monarchial establishment, and to de-
signate the future monarch, seemed to be necessary for
the purpose of acquiring aristocratical support. What-
ever might be the intrinsick weight of this argument, it
easily made its way with Monmouth in his present situ-
ation. The aspiring temper of mind which is the natu-
ral consequence of popular favour and success, produced
in him a disposition to listen to any suggestion which
tended to his elevation and aggrandisement ; lands
when he could persuade himself upon reasons specious
at least, that the measures which would most gratify
his aspiring desires, would be, at the same time, a
stroke of the soundest policy, it is not to be wondered
at, that it was immediately and impatiently adopted.

1085.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 233

Urged therefore, by these mixed motives, he declared
himself King, and issued divers proclamations in the
royal style ; assigning to those whose approbation he
doubted, the reasons above adverted to, and proscrib-
ing, and threatening with the punishment due to rebel-
lion, such as should resist his mandates, and adhere to
the usurping Duke of York.

If this measure was in reality taken with views of po- Dissatisfaction

f which it occ-

licy, those views were miserably disappointed ; for it sionl -
does not appear that one proselyte was gained. The
threats in the proclamation were received with derision
by the King's army, and no other sentiments were ex-
cited by the assumption of the royal title, than those of
contempt and indignation. The commonwealthsmen
were dissatisfied, of course, with the principle of the
measure : the favourers of hereditary right held it in ab-
horrence, and considered it as a kind of sacrilegious
profanation ; nor even among those who considered
monarchy in a more rational light, and as a magistracy
instituted for the good of the people, could it be at all
agreeable that such a magistrate should be elected by
the army that had thronged to his standard, or by the
particular partiality of a provincial town. Monmouth's
strength therefore, was by no means increased by his new
title, and seemed to be still limited to two descriptions
of persons ; first, those who from thoughtlessness or des-
peration, were willing to join in any attempt at innova-

9 ,'54 IIISTOKY OF THE REIGN

:n AFTER tj on . secondly, such as directing their views to a single

point, considered the destruction of James's tyranny as
the object which, at all hazards, and without regard to
consequences, they were bound to pursue. On the
other hand, his reputation both for moderation and
good faith was considerably impaired, inasmuch, as his
present conduct was in direct contradiction to that part
of his declaration, wherein he had promised to leave the
future adjustment of government, and especially the
consideration of his own claims, to a free and inde-
pendent parliament.

:yat Taun- ^'hg no tion of improving his new levies by discipline,
seems to have taken such possession of Monmouth's
mind, that he overlooked the probable, or rather the
certain consequences of a delay, by which the enemy
would be enabled to bring into the field, forces far bet-
ter disciplined and appointed than any which, even
with the most strenuous and successful exertions, he
could hope to oppose to them. Upon this principle,
and especially as he had not yet fixed upon any definite
object of enterprize, he did not think a stay of a few
days at Taunton would be materially, if at. all prejudi-
cial to his affairs, and it was not till the twenty-first of
June that he proceeded to Bridgewater, where he was re-
ceived in the most cordial manner. In his march the
following day from that town to Glastonbury, he was
alarmed by a party of the Earl of Oxford's horse ; but

OF JAMEtf THE SECOND. 235

CHAPTER

all apprehensions of any material interruptions were re-
moved, by an account of the militia having left Wells, " 108i ~
and retreated to Bath and Bristol. From Glastonbury
he went to Shipton-Mallet, where the project of an at-
tack upon Bristol was first communicated by tlie Duke Design w attack

Bristol*

to his officers. After some discussion, it was agreed
that the attack should be made on the Gloucestershire
side of the city, and with that view, to pass the Avon
at Keynsham-bridge, a few miles from Bath. In their
march from Shipton-Mallet, the troops were again ha-
rassed in their rear by a party of horse and dragoons, but
lodged quietly at night at a village called Pensford. A
detachment was sent early the next morning to possess
itself of Keynsham, and to repair the bridge, which
might probably be broken down, to prevent a passage.
Upon their approach, a troop of the Gloucestershire
horse militia immediately abandoned the town in great
precipitation, leaving behind them two horses and one
man. By break of day, the bridge, which had not
been much injured, was repaired, and before noon
Monmouth, having passed it with his whole army, was
in full inarch to Bristol, which he determined to attack
the ensuing night. But the weather proving rainy and
bad, it was deemed expedient to return to Keynsham,
a measure from which he expected to reap a double ad-
vantage ; to procure dry and commodious quarters for
the soldiery, and to lull the enemy, by a movement
which bore the semblance of a retreat, into a false and

ii!36

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

1085.

CHAPTER delusive security. The event however did not answer
his expectation, for the troops had scarcely taken up
their quarters, when they were disturbed by two parties
of horse, who entered the town at two several places.
An engagement ensued, in which Monmouth lost four-
teen men, and a captain of horse, though in the end
the Royalists were obliged to retire, leaving three pri-
soners. From these the Duke had information that
the King's army was near at hand, and as they said,,
about four thousand strong.

Marches to-
wards Wilt-
shire.

This new state of affairs seemed to demand new-
councils. The projected enterprize upon Bristol was
laid aside, and the question was, whether to make by
forced marches for Gloucester, in order to pass the
Severn at that city, and so to gain the counties of Salop
and Chester where he expected to be met by many
friends, or to march directly into Wiltshire, where, ac-
cording to some intelligence received * [" from one Ad-
lam,"] the day before, there was a considerable body of
horse, (under whose command does not appear,) ready,
by their junction, to afford him a most important and
seasonable support. To the first of these plans, a decisive
objection was stated. The distance by Gloucester was

* Reference is made to Adlam's intelligence, page 238. It is clear
therefore that Mr. Fox had intended to name him, but as he omitted to
do so, the words between the inverted commas, have been inserted by
the Editor.

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

237

so great, that considering the slow marches to which he
would be limited, by the daily attacks with which the
different small bodies of the enemy's cavalry would not
fail to harass his rear, he was in great danger of being
overtaken by the King's forces, and might thus be driven
to risk all in an engagement upon terms the most dis-
advantageous. On the contrary, if joined in Wiltshire
by the expected aids, he might confidently offer battle
to the Royal army ; and provided he could bring them
to an action before they were strengthened by new re-
inforcements, there was no unreasonable prospect of
success. The latter plan was therefore adopted, and
no sooner adopted than put in execution. The army
was in motion without delay, and being before Bath
on the morning of the twenty-sixth of June, summoned
the place> rather, (as it should seem,) in sport than in
earnest, as there was no hope of its surrender. After
this bravado they marched on southward to Philip's-
Norton, where they rested ; the horse in the town, and
the foot in the field.

CHAPTER
111.

1685.

June 25.

While Monmouth was making these marches, there insurrection

" . /.IT at Froomc

were not wanting in many parts or the adjacent country,
strong symptoms of the attachment of the lower orders of
people to his cause, and more especially in those manu-
facturing towns, where the Protestant dissenters were nu-
merous. In Froome, there had been a considerable rising
headed by the constable, who posted up the Duke's De-

238

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

lOij.

CHAPTER c ] ara tion in the market-place. Many of the inhabitants of
the neighbouring towns of \VestburyandWarminster,came
in throngs to the town to join the insurgents; some armed
with fire-arms, but more with such rustick weapons as
opportunity could supply. Such a force, if it had join-
ed the main army, or could have been otherwise directed
by any leader of judgment and authority, might have
proved very serviceable ; but in its present state it was
a mere rabble, and upon the first appearance of the
Earl of Pembroke, who entered the town with a hundred
and sixty horse, and forty rnusqucteers, fell, as might
be expected, into total confusion. The rout was com-
plete ; all the arms of the insurgents were seized ; and
the constable, after having been compelled to abjure
his principles, and confess the enormity of his offence,
was committed to prison.

This transaction took place the twenty-fifth, the day

before Monmouth's arrival at Philip's-Norton, and may-
have, in a considerable degree, contributed to the dis-
appointment, of which we learn from Wade, that he at
this time began bitterly to complain. He was now
upon the confines of Wiltshire, and near enough for the
bodies of horse, upon whose favourable intentions so
much reliance had been placed, to have effected a
junction, if they had been so disposed; but whether that
Adlam's intelligence had been originally bad, or that
Pembroke's proceedings at Froome had intimidated

disappoint-

mem.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 239

them, no symptom of such an intention could be dis-
covered. A desertion took place in his army, which the

J 1685.

exaggerated accounts in the Gazette made to amount to
near two thousand men. These inspiriting circumstances,
added to the complete disappointment of the hopes
entertained from the assumption of the royal title,
produced in him a state of mind but little short of
despondenc}'. He complained that all people had de-
serted him, and is said to have been so dejected, as
hardly to have the spirit requisite for giving the neces-
sary orders.

From this state of torpor however, he appears to have
been effectually roused, by a brisk attack that was made ton -
upon him on the twenty-seventh, in the morning, by
the royalists, under the command of his half-brother,
the Duke of Grafton. That spirited young nobleman,
(whose intrepid courage, conspicuous upon every oc-
casion, led him in this, and many other instances, to
risk a life, which he finally lost * in a better cause,) head-
ing an advanced detachment of Lord Faversham's army,
who had marched from Bath, with a view to fall on the

* At the siege of Cork in 1690. " In this action/' (the taking of Cork
by storm,) " the Duke of Grafton received a shot, of which he died in
" a few days. He was the more lamented, as being the person of all
" King Charles's children, of whom there was the greatest hope ; he was
" brave, and probably would have become a great man at sea." Burnet,
III. 83. He distinguished himself particularly in the action off Beachy-
head that same year. Sir J. Dalrymple, II. 131. E.

240 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CH m TER enemy's rear, marched boldly up a narrow lane leading

to the town, and attacked a barricade, which Monmouth
had caused to be made across the way, at the entrance
of the town. Monmoulh was no sooner apprised of
this brisk attack, than he ordered a party to go out of
the town by a bye-way, who coming on the rear of the
grenadiers, while others of his men were engaged with
their front, had nearly surrounded them, and taken their
commander prisoner, but Grafton forced his way through
the enemy. An engagement ensued between the insur-
gents and the remainder of Faversham's detachment,
The Royalists who lined the hedges which flanked them. The former
were victorious, and after driving the enemy from hedge
to hedge, forced them at last into the open field, where
they joined the rest of the King's forces, newly come up.
The killed and wounded in these rencounters amounted
to about forty on Faversham's side, twenty on Mon-
mouth's ; but among the latter there were several officers,
and some of note, while the loss of the former, with the
exception of two volunteers, Seymour and May, con-
sisted entirely of common soldiers.

The Royalists now drew up on an eminence, about
five hundred paces from the hedges, while Monmouth
having placed of his four field-pieces, two at the mouth
of the lane, and two upon a rising ground near it on the
right, formed his army along the hedge. From these
stations, a firing of artillery was begun on each side,

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 241

and continued near six hours, but with little or no effect ;
Monmouth, according to Wade, losing but one, and -
the Royalists, according to the Gazette, not one man,
by the whole cannonade. In these circumstances, not-
withstanding the recent and convincing experience he
now had, of the ability of his raw troops, to face, in
certain situations at least, the more regular forces .of.his
enemy, Monmouth was advised by some to retreat; but;
upon a more general consultation, this advice was o.ver-
ruled,, and it was determined to cut passages through
the hedges and to offer battle. But, before this could
be effected, the royal army, not willing again to engage
among the inclosures, annoyed in the open field by the
rain, which continued to fall very heavily, and disap-
pointed, no doubt, at the little effect of their artillery,
began their retreat. The little confidence which Mon-
mouth had in his horse, perhaps the ill opinion he now
entertained of their leader, forbad him to think of pur-
suit, and having staid till a late hour in the field, and
leaving large fires burning, he set out on his march iri
the night, and on the twenty-eighth in the morning,
reached Froome, where he put his troops in quarter and
rested two days.

It was here he first heard certain news of Argyle's dis- Rela P ses int

o>/ despondency,

comfiture. It was in vain to seek for any circumstance
in his affairs that might mitigate the effect of the severe
blow indicted by this intelligence, and he relapsed into

i i

242

IIISTOilY OF TIIE REIGN

CHAFFER
III.

1685.

the same low spirits as at Philip's-Norton. No diver-
sion, at least no successful diversion, had been made in
his favour: there was no appearance of the horse, which
had been the principal motive to allure him into that
part of the country; and what was worst of all, no deser-
tion from the King'sarmy. It was manifest, said theDuke's
more timid advisers, that the affair must terminate ill, and
the only measure now to be taken, was, that the General
with his officers should leave the army to shift for itself,
and make severally for the most convenient sea-ports*
whence they might possibly get a safe passage to the con-
tinent. To account for Monmouth's entertaining even for

a moment, a thought so unworthy of him, and so incon-
sistent with the character for spirit he had ever main-
tained, a character unimpeached, even by his enemies,
we must recollect the unwillingness with which he under-
took this fatal expedition ; that his engagement to
Argyle, who was now past help, was perhaps his princi-
pal motive for embarking at that time ; that it was with
;reat reluctance he had torn himself from the arms of

.Lady Harriet Wentworth, with whom he had so firmly
persuaded himself that he could be happy in the most
obscure retirement, that he believed himself weaned
from ambition, which had hitherto been the only pas-
sion of his mind. It is true, that when he once yielded
to the solicitations of his friends, so far as to undertake
a business of such magnitude, it was his duty, (but a
duty that required a stronger mind than his to execute,)

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 215

to discard from his thoughts all the arguments that had .
rendered his compliance reluctant. But it is one of the
great distinctions between an ordinary mind and a su-
perior one, to be able to carry on, without relenting, a
plan we have not originally approved, and especially
when it appears to have turned out ill. This proposal
of disbanding was a step so pusillanimous and dishon-
ourable, that it could not be approved by any council
however composed. It was condemned by all except
Colonel Venner, and was particularly inveighed against
by Lord Grey, who was perhaps desirous of retrieving
by bold words at least, the reputation he had lost at
Bridport. It is possible too, that he might be really un-
conscious of his deficiency in point of personal courage
till the moment of danger arrived, and even forgetful of it
when it was passed. Monmouth was easily persuaded to
give up a plan so uncongenial to his nature, resolved,
though with little hope of success, to remain with his
army to take the chance of events, and at the worst to
stand or fall with men whose attachment to him had laid
him under indelible obligations.

This resolution being; taken, the first plan was to pro- Return to

,.. ...... Bridgewater.

feed to Warmmster, but on the morning or his depar-
ture, hearing, on the one hand, that the King's troops
were likely to cross his march : and on the other, being
informed by a Quaker before known to the Duke, that
there was a great club army, amounting to ten thousand

1085.

244 HISTORY OP THE REIGN

men, ready to join his standard in the marshes to the
westward, he altered his intention, and returned toShip-
ton-Mallet, where he rested that night, his army being
in good quarters. From Shipton-Mallet he proceeded,
on the first of July, to Wells, upon information that
there ^as in that city some carriages belonging to the
King's army, and ill guarded. 'These he found and took,
and stayed that night in the town. The following day
he marched towards Bridgewater, in search of the great
succour he had been taught to expect; but found, of
the promised ten thousand men, only a hundred and
sixty. The army lay that night in the field, and once
again entered Bridgewater on the third of July. That
the Duke's men were not yet completely dispirited or
out of heart, appears from the circumstance of great
numbers of them going from Bridgewater to see their
friends at Taunton, and other places in the neighbour-
hood, and almost all returning the next day according
to their promise. On the fifth an account was received
of the King's army being considerably advanced, and
Monmouth's first thought was to retreat from it imme-
diatety, and marching by Axbridge and Keynsham to
Gloucester, to pursue the plan formerly rejected, of
penetrating into the counties of Chester and Salop.

Battle of sedge- His preparations for this march were all made, when,

'' on the afternoon of the fifth, he learnt, more accurately

than he had before done, the true situation of the royal

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 245

army, and from the information now received, he
thought it expedient to consult his principal officers,
whether it might not be adviseable to attempt to sur-
prise the enemy by a night attack upon their quarters.
The prevailing opinion was, that if the infantry were
not intrenched, the plan w as worth the trial; otherwise
not. Scouts were dispatched to ascertain this point,
and their report being, that there was no intrenchment,
an attack was resolved on. In pursuance of this reso-
lution, at about eleven at night, the whole army was in
march, Lord Grey commanding the horse, and Colonel
Wade the vanguard of the foot. The Duke's orders
were, that the horse should first advance, and pushing
into the enemy's camp, endeavour to prevent their in-
fantry from coming together ; that the cannon should
follow the horse, and the foot the cannon, and draw all
up in one line, and so finish what the cavalry should
have begun, before the King's horse and artillery could
be got in order. But it was now discovered that though
there were no intrenchments, there was a ditch which
served as a drain to the great moor adjacent, of which
no mention had been made by the scouts. To this ditch
the horse under Lord Grey advanced, and no farther;
and whether immediately, as according to some ac-
counts, or after having been considerably harassed by
the enemy in their attempts to find a place to pass, ac-
cording to others, quitted the field. The cavalry be-
ing gone, and the principle upon which the attack had

1685.

246 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

,HAPTE keen undertaken being that of a surprise, the Duke
judged it necessary that the infantry should advance as
speedily as possible. Wade, therefore, when he came
within forty paces of the ditch, was obliged to halt to
put his battalion into that order, which the extreme ra-
pidity of the march had for the time disconcerted. His
plan was to pass the ditch, reserving his fire ; but while
he was arranging his men for that purpose, another bat-
talion, newly come up, began to fire, though at a con-
siderable distance ; a bad example, which it was im-
possible to prevent the vanguard from following, and
it was now no longer in the power of their commander
to persuade them to advance. The King's forces, as
well horse and artillery as foot, had now full time to as-
semble. The Duke had no longer cavalry in the field,
and though his artillery, which consisted only of three
or four iron guns, was well served under the direction of
a Dutch gunner, it was by no means equal to that of
the royal army, which, as soon as it was light, began
to do great execution. In these circumstances the un-
fortunate Monmouth, fearful of being encompassed and
made prisoner by the King's cavalry, who were ap-
proaching upon his flank, and urged, as it is reported,
to flight, by the same person who had stimulated him to
his fatal enterprise, quitted the field, accompanied by
Lord Grey and some others. The left wing, under the
command of Colonel Holmes and Matthews, next gave
way, and AVade's men, after having continued for an

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 24?

hour and a half, a distant and ineffectual fire, seeing
their left discomfited, began a retreat, which soon af-
terwards became a complete rout.

1085.

Thus ended the decisive battle of Sedgemore ; an at- cause of the

defeat.

tack which seems to have been judiciously conceived,
and in many parts spiritedly executed. The General
was deficient neither in courage or conduct ; and the
troops, while they displayed the native bravery of Eng-
lishmen, were under as good discipline as could be ex-
pected from bodies newly raised. Two circumstances
seem to have principally contributed to the loss of the
day ; first, the unforeseen difficulty occasioned by the
ditch, of which the assailants had had no intelligence ;
and secondly, the cowardice of the commander of the
horse. The discovery of the ditch was the more alarm-
ing, because it threw a general doubt upon the informa-
tion of the spies, and the night being dark they could
not ascertain that this was the only impediment of the
kind which they were to expect. The dispersion of the
horse was still more fatal, inasmuch as it deranged the
whole order of the plan, by which it had been concert-
ed that their operations were to facilitate the attack to
be made by the foot. If Lord Grey had possessed a
spirit more suitable to his birth and name, to the illus-
trious friendship with which he had been honoured, and
to the command with which he was intrusted, he would
doubtless have persevered till he found a passage into

248

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
HI.

1685.

The Duke's
escape from
the field.

enemy's camp, which could have been effected at a
ford not far distant : the loss of time occasioned by the
ditch might not have been very material, and the
most important consequences might have ensued; but
it would surely be rashness to assert, as Hume does, that
the army would after all have gained the victory, had
not the misconduct of Monmouth and the cowardice of
Grey prevented it. This rash judgment is the more to
be admired at, as the historian has not pointed out the
instance of misconduct to which he refers. The nuiri-
ber of Monmouth's men killed is computed by some at
two thousand, by others at three hundred:; 'a disparity,
however, which may be easily reconciled, by supposing
that the one account takes in those who were killed in
battle, while the other comprehends the wretched fugi*
tives who were massacred in ditches, corn fields, and
other hiding places, the following da}'.

.!. ;> 'J.'fj U) i: :ll

In general I have thought it right to follow Wade's
narrative, which appears to me by far the most authen*
tick, if not the only authentick account of this import-
ant transaction. It is imperfect, but its imperfection
arises from the narrator's omitting all those circumstances
of which he wasnotan eyewitness, and the greater creditis
on that very account due to him for those which he relates.
With respect to Monmouth's quitting the field, it is not
mentioned by him, nor is it possible to ascertain the
precise poin t, of time at which it happened. That he fled

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 249

while his troops were still fighting, and therefore too JU

soon for his glory, can scarcely be doubted ; and the

account given by Ferguson, whose veracity however is
always to be suspected, that Lord Grey urged him to
the measure, as well by persuasion as by example, seems
not improbable. The misbehaviour of the last mention-
ed nobleman is more certain ; but as, according to Fer-
guson, who has been followed by others, he actually
conversed with Monmouth in the field, and as all ac-
counts make him the companion of his flight, it, is not
to be understood that when he first gave way with hi*
cavalry, he ran away in the literal sense of the words,
or if he did he must have returned. The exact truth.,
with regard to this and many other interesting particu-
lars, is difficult to be discovered ; owing, not more to the
darkness of the night in which they were transacted,
than to the personal partialities and enmities by which
they have been disfigured, in the relations of the differ-
ent contemporary writers.

Monmouth with his suite first directed hi s course to- Discovered,

t ', .. and taken.

wards the Bristol-channel, and as is related by Oldmixon,
was once inclined, at the suggestion of Dr. Oliver, a faith-
ful and honest adviser, to embark for the coast of Wales,
with a view of concealing himself some time in that prin-
cipality. Lord Grey, who appears to have been, in all
instances, his evil genius, dissuaded him from this plan,
and the small party having separated, took each several

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

ways. Monmouth, Grey, and a gentleman of Branden-
1 burg, went southward, with a view to gain the New-
Forest in Hampshire, where, by means of Grey's connec-
tions in that district, and thorough knowledge of the
country, it was hoped they might be in safety, till a
vessel could "be procured to transport them to the con-
tinent. They left their horses, and disguised themselves
as peasants; but the pursuit, stimulated as well by party
zeal, as by the great pecuniary rewards offered for the
capture of Monmouth and Grey, was too vigilant to be
eluded. Grey was taken on the 7th in the evening; and
the German, who shared the same fate early on the next
morning, confessed that he had parted from Monmouth
but a few hours since. The neighbouring country was
immediately and thoroughly searched, and James had
ere night the satisfaction of learning, that his nephew
The situation was in his power. The unfortunate Duke was discover-
was found, ed in a ditch, half concealed by fern and nettles. His
stock of provision, which consisted of some peas gathered
in the fields through which he had fled,was nearly exhaust-
ed, and there is reason to think, that he had little, if
any other sustenance, since he left Bridgewater on the
evening of the 5th. To repose he had been equally a
stranger : how his mind must have been harassed, it is
needless to discuss. Yet that in such circumstances he
appeared dispirited and crest-fallen, is, by the unrelenting
malignity of party writers, imputed to him as cowardice,
and meanness of spirit. That the failure of his enterprise,

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

251

together with the bitter reflection, that he had suffered
himself to be engaged in it against his own better judg-
ment, joined to the other calamitous circumstances of
his situation, had reduced him to a state of despondency
is evident ; and in this frame of mind, he wrote on the
very day of his capture,the following letter to the King:

CHAPTER
III.

JOS5/

tt.
u
a
a

(t
II
tl
it
It
II

" SIB,

" Your Majesty may think it the misfortune I now lie
under, makes me make this application to you ; but
I do assure your Majesty, it is the remorse I now have
in me of the wrong I have done you in several things,
and now in taking up arms against you. For my taking
up arms, it was never in my thoughts since the King
died : The Prince and Princess of Orange will be wit-
ness for me of the assurance I gave them, that I
would never stir against you. But my misfortune
was such, as to meet with some horrid people, that
made me believe things of your Majesty, and gave me
so many false arguments, that I was fully led away
to believe, that it was a shame and a sin before God,
not to do it. But, Sir, I will not trouble your Majesty
at present with many things I could say for rnyse.f,
that I am sure would move your compassion ; the
chief end of this letter being only to beg of you, that I
may have that happiness as to speak to your Majesty ;

252 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAFFER f or j have that to say to you, Sir, that I hope may give
" you a long and happy reign.

1685.

" I am sure, Sir, when you hear me, you will be con-
" vinced of the zeal I have of your preservation, and how
" heartily I repent of what I have done. I can say no
" more to your Majesty now, being this letter must be
" seen by those that keep me. Therefore, Sir, I shall
"make an end, in begging of your Majesty to believe
" so well of me, that I would rather die a thousand
" deaths, than excuse any thing I have done, if I did
" not really think myself the most in the wrong that ever
" a man was ; and had not from the bottom of my heart
"an abhorrence for those that put me upon it, and for
" the action itself. I hope, Sir, God Almighty will
" strike your heart with mercy and compassion for me,
" as he has done mine with abhorrence of what I have
" done : "Wherefore, Sir, I hope I may live to shew you
" how zealous I shall ever be for your service; and could
" I but say one word in this letter, you would be con-
" vinced of it; but it is of that consequence, that I dare
" not do it. Therefore, Sir, I do beg of you once more
" to let me speak to you ; for then you will be convinced
" how much I shall ever be,

" Your Majesty's most humble and dutiful,

'^ MONMOUTfL"

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 253

The only certain conclusion to be drawn from this CHAPTER
letter, which Mr. Echard, in a manner perhaps not so
seemly for a churchman, terms submissive, * is, that
Mon mouth still wished anxiously for life, and was will-
ing to save it, even at the cruel price of begging and re-
ceiving it as a boon from his enemy. Ralph conjectures
with great probability, that this unhappy man's feelings
were all governed by his excessive affection for his mis-
tress ; and that a vain hope of enjoying, with Lady Har-
riet Wentworth, that retirement which he had so unwill-
ingly abandoned, induced him to adopt a conduct,
which he might otherwise have considered as indecent.
At any rate it must be admitted, that to cling to life, is
a strong instinct in human nature, and Mon mouth
might reasonably enough satisfy himself, that when his
death could not by any possibility, benefit either the
publick or his friends, to follow such instinct, even in a
manner that might tarnish the splendour of heroism,
was no impeachment of the moral virtue of a man.

With respect to the mysterious part of the letter, A mysterious

expression in

where he speaks of one word, which would be of such h
infinite importance, it is difficult, if not rather utterly
impossible, to explain it by any rational conjecture.
Mr. Macpherson's favourite hypothesis, that the Prince

1 :.! :: iffeiiHUMti. .\H*t j':-i/9t*,, K;3&.-J>i l>i,iff ~; ' .1.

* Echard, p. 771. " His former spirit sunk into pusillanimity, and he
" meanly endeavoured, by the following submissive letter," &c. E.

254 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER O f Q ran g e had been a party to the late attempt, and

- that Monmou th's intention, when, he wrote the letter,

was to disclose this important fact to the King,* is

totally destroyed by those expressions,, in which the un-

fortunate prisoner tells his Majesty he had assured the

Prince and Princess of Orange that he would never stir

against him. Did he assure the Prince of Orange -that

he would never do that which he was engaged to the

Not applicable Prince of' Orange to do ? Can it be said that this was a

to the Prince , , , .

false fact, and that no such assurances were m truth
given ? To what purpose was the falsehood ? In order to
conceal, from motives whether honourable or otherwise,
his connection with the Prince ? What ? a fiction in one
paragraph of the letter in order to conceal a fact, which
in the next he declares his intention of revealing ? The
thing is impossible, -f-

*; ,);::;: i , D*: v D'i<d ' ,-.h:i iv -If.! 10 ibi'' 1 ;q

The intriguing character of the secretary of state, the
Earl of Sunderland, whose duplicity in many instances
cannot be doubted, and the mystery in which almost
every thing relating to him is involved, might lead us

* Macpherson's Hist.

f Even if this complete refutation were wanting, the whole system of
conduct imputed to the Prince of Orange by the above mentioned author,
by which he is made to act in concert with Monmoutli at this time, is so
contrary to common sense, that the hypothesis never could have been offer-
ed to the belief of mankind by one whose mind was not fortified by some
previous experience of their unbounded credulity.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 255

1689.

to suspect that the expressions point at some discovery in
which thatnobleman was concerned ; and that Monmouth
had it in his power to be of important service to James, by
revealing to him the treachery of'his minister. Such a con-
jecture mightbe strengthened by an anecdote that has had
some currency, and to the truth of which in part, King-
James's memoirs, if the extracts from them can be relied
on, bear testimony. It is said that the Duke of Mon-
mouth told Mr. Ralph Sheldon, one of the King's cham-
ber who came to meet him on his way to London, that
he -had had reason to expect Sunderland's co-operation,
and authorised Sheldon to mention this to the King :
that while Sheldon was relating this to his Majesty,
Sunderland entered, Sheldon hesitated, but was ordered
to go on. " Sunderland seemed at first struck, " (as well
he might whether innocent or guilt}',) " but after a
" short .time, said with a laugh, if that be all he, (Mon-
mouth,) can discover to save his life, it will do him little
" good."* It is to be remarked that in Sheldon's con-
versation, as alluded to by King James, the Prince of
Orange's name is not even mentioned, either as con-
nected with Monmouth or with Sunderland. But on
the other hand, the difficulties that stand in the way of
our interpreting Monmouth's letter as alluding to Sun-
derland, or of supposing that the writer of it had any
well founded accusation against that minister, are in-

Macpherson's State Papejes, I. 14.

256

HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

ICSi.

A third expla-
nation.

surmountable. If he had such an accusation to make,
why did he not make it ? The King says expressly, both
in a letter to the Prince of Orange, and in the extract
from his memoirs, above cited, that Monmouth made
no discovery of consequence, and the explanation sug-
gested, that his silence was owing to Sunderland the
secretary's having assured him of his pardon, seems
wholly inadmissible. Such assurances could have their
influence no longer than while the hope of pardon re-
mained. Why then did he continue silent, when he
found James inexorable ? If he was willing to accuse the
Earl before he had received these assurances, it is in-
conceivable thathe should have any scrupleabout doing
it when they turned out to have been delusive, and
when his mind must have been exasperated by the re-
flection that Sunderland's perfidious promises and self-
interested suggestions, had deterred him from the only

probable means of saving his life.

f., ~". n ''.* j r * '

A third, and perhaps the most plausible, interpreta-
tion of the words in question is, that they point to a
discovery of Monmouth's friends in England, when, in
the dejected state of his mind, at the time of writing,
unmanned as he was by misfortune, he might sincerely
promise what the return of better thoughts forbade him
to perform. This account, however, though free from
the great absurdities belonging to the two others, is by
no means satisfactory. The phrase, " one word," seems

1685.

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 257

to relate rather to some single person, or some single
fact, and can hardly apply to any list of associates that
might be intended to be sacrificed. On the other hand, not satisfactory".
the single denunciation of Lord Delamere,of Lord
Brandon, or even of the Earl of Devonshire, or of any
other private individual, could not be considered as of
that extreme consequence, which Monmouth attaches
to his promised disclosure. I have mentioned Lord
Devonshire, who was certainly not implicated in the en-
terprize, and who was not even suspected, because it
appears from Grey's Narrative, that one of Monmouth's
agents had once given hopes of his support ; and there-
fore there is a bare possibility that Monmouth may
have reckoned upon his assistance. Perhaps, after all,
the letter has been canvassed with too much nicety, and
the words of it weighed more scrupulously, than, proper
allowance being made for the situation and state of
mind of the writer, they ought to have been. They may
have been thrown out at hazard, merely as means to
obtain an interview, of which the unhappy prisoner
thought he might, in some way or other, make his ad-
vantage. If any more precise meaning existed in his
mind, we must be content to pass it over as one of those
obscure points of history, upon which, neither the saga-
city of historians, nor the many documents since made
publick, :nor the great discoverer, Time, has yet thrown
any distinct light.

_ 1

258

HISTORY OP THE REIGN

CHAPTER
III.

1685.
Unfeeling
disposition of
James.

Monmouth and Grey were now to be conveyed to
London, for which purpose they set out on the llth,
and arrived in the vicinity of the metropolis on the
13th of July. In the mean while, the Queen Dowager,
who seems to have behaved with a uniformity of kind-
ness towards her husband's son that does her great ho-
nour, urgently pressed the King to admit his nephew
to an audience. Importuned therefore by intreaties, and
instigated by the curiosity which Monmouth's mysterious
expressions, and Sheldon's story had excited, he consent-
ed, though with a fixed determination to show no mercy.
James was not of the number of those, in whom the
want of an extensive understanding is compensated by
a delicacy of sentiment, or by those right feelings which
are often found to be better guides for the conduct,
than the most accurate reasoning. His nature did not
revolt, his blood did not run cold, at the thoughts of
beholding the son of a brother whom he had loved, em-
bracing his knees, petitioning, and petitioning in vain, for
life ; of interchanging words and looks with a nephew
on whom he was inexorably determined, within forty-
eight short hours, to inflict an ignominious death.

-1/jii ;.>;;..-. *; ';,>/. : oJ -Jny.:nco xi team w r i>niiu

In Macpherson's extract from King James's Memoirs,

it is confessed that the King ought not to have seen, if

he was not disposed to pardon the culprit ; .* but whe-

V (IK

* Macpherson's State Papers, I. 144.

OF -JAMES THE SECOND. 259

ther the observation is made by the exiled Prince him-

self, ; or by him who gives the extract, is in this, as in - -

many other passages of those Mempir, difficult to de-

termine. Surely if t;he King had made this reflection

before Montnouth's execution, it must have occurred

to that Monarch, that if he had inadvertently done

that which he ought not to have done without an inten-

tion to pardon, the only remedy was to correct that part

of his conduct which was still in his power, and since

he could not recall the interview, to grant the pardon.

.vu'UJKf.' }e'jfi;)fltiUf tefiiii o in

Pursuant to this hard-hearted arrangement, Mon- His interview

, f-, i i ,, . with Mon-

moutn and Grey, on the very day or their arrival, were mouth.
brought to Whitehall, where they had severally inter-
views with his Majesty. James, in a letter to the
Prince of Orange,: dated the following day, gives a
short account of both these interviews. Monmouth, he
says, betrayed a weakness, which did not become one
who had claimed the title of King; but made no dis-
covery of consequence. Grey was more ingenuous, * (it
is not cejtain in what sense his Majesty uses the term,
since he does not refer to any discovery made by that
Lord,) and never once begged his life. Short as this
account is, it seems the only authentick one of those in-
terviews. Bishop Kennet, who has been followed by
most of the modern historians, relates that " This un-
, '. .iir.H! '.fritt/h-l .!.-.:. .ill .tocib
* Dalrymple's Memoirs, II. 134.

26(5 HISTORY otf : tilE

CH fn rER " l )a PPy captive, by the intercession of the Queen Dow-

= " ager, was brought to the "King's presence, and fell

" presently at his feet, and confessed he deserved to die ;
" but conjured him, with tears in his eyes, not to use
" him with the severity of justice, and to grant him a
" life, which he would be ever ready to sacrifice for his
" service. He mentioned to him the example of several
" great Princes, who had yielded to the impressibns of
" clemency on the like occasions, and who had never
" afterwards repented of those acts of generosity and
" mercy ; concluding, in a most pathetical manner,
" Remember, Sir, I am your brother's son, and if you
" take my life, it is your own blood that you will shed.
" The King asked him several questions, and made him
" sign a declaration that his father told him he was
" never married to his mother : and then said, he was
" sorry indeed for his misfortunes ; but his crime was of
" too great a consequence to be left unpunished, and
" he must of necessity suffer for it. The Queen is said
" to have insulted him in a very arrogant and unmer-
" ciful manner. So that when the Duke saw there was
" nothing designed by this interview, but to satisfy the
" Queen's revenge, he rose up from his Majesty's feet
** with a new air of bravery, and was carried back to the

" Tower."*

" Jii &ntih'i ,<:iu;nMJfciiI m*ixnu aiij'^o hoi;:

* Rennet, III. 432. Echard, III. 771.

1685,

I OF JAMES THE SECOND. 26l

The topics used by Monmouth are such as he might
naturally have employed, and the demeanour attributed
to him, upon finding- the King inexorable^ is consistent
enough with general probability, and his particular
character : but that the King took care to extract from
him a confession of Charles's declaration with respect to
his illegitimac3 r , before he announced his final refusal
of mercy, and that the Queen was present for the pur-
pose of reviling and insulting him, are circumstances
too atrocious to merit belief, without some more certain
evidence. It must be remarked also, that Burnet, whose
general prejudices would not lead him to doubt any imput-
ations against the Queen, does not mention her Majesty's
being present. Monmouth's offer of changing religion
is mentioned by him, but no authority quoted ; and no
hint of the kind appears either in James's Letters, or irt
the extract from his Memoirs.

From Whitehall Monmouth was at night carried to

. execution"

the lower, where, no longer uncertain as to his rate, he fixed.
seems to have collected his mind, and to have resumed
his wonted fortitude. The Bill of Attainder that had
lately passed, having superseded the necessity of a legal
trial, his execution was fixed for the next day but one
after his commitment. This interval appeared too
short even for the worldly business which he wished
to transact, and he wrote again to the King, on the
14th, desiring some short respite, which was peremptorily

262 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER refused. Thedifficulty of obtainingany certainty concern-

ing facts, even in instances where there has not been any

apparent motive for disguising them, is no where more
Striking, than in the few remaining hours of this unfor-
tunate man's life. According to King James's statement
in his Memoirs, he refused to see his wife, while other ac-
counts assert positively that she refused to see him, un-
less in presence of witnesses. Burnet, who was not
likely to be mistaken in a fact of this kind, says they
did meet, and parted very coldly, a circumstance,
which, if true, gives us no very favourable idea of the
lady's character. There is also mention of a third letter
written by him to the King, which being entrusted to a
perfidious officer of the name of Scott, never reached its
destination ;* but for this there is no foundation. What
seems most certain is, that in the Tower, and not in the
closet, he signed a paper, renouncing his pretensions to
the crown, the same which he afterwards delivered on the
scaffold ; and that he was inclined to make this declara-
tion, not by any vain hope of life, but by his affection
for his children, whose situation he rightly judged would
be safer and better under the reigning monarch and his
successours, when it should be evident that they could
no longer be competitors for the throne.

* * *

HU re ara- Monmouth was very sincere in his religious profes-

lions for death.

HlJ.no tdfU/l >' .*-">';.': ' Of

* Dalrymple's Memoirs, I. 127-
3

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 263

sions, and it is probable that a great portion of this sad
day was passed in devotion and religious discourse with
the two prelates, who had been sent by his Majesty to
assist him in his spiritual concerns. Turner, Bishop of,,
Ely, had been with him early in the morning, and Kenn,
Bishop of Bath and Wells, was sent, upon the refusal
of a respite, to prepare him for the stroke, which it was
now irrevocably fixed he should suffer the ensuing day-
They stayed with him all night, and in the morning of
the fifteenth were joined by Dr. Hooper, afterwards, in
the reign of Anne, made Bishop of Bath arid Wells, and
by Dr. Tennison, who succeeded Tillotson in the see of
Canterbury. This last divine is stated by Burnet to have
been most acceptable to the Duke, and though he joined
the others in some harsh expostulations, to have done
what the right reverend historian conceives to have been
his duty, in a softer and less peremptory manner. Cer-
tain it is, that none of these holy men seem to have erred
on the side of compassion or complaisance to their illus-
trious penitent. Besides endeavouring to convince him of
the guiltof his connection with his beloved Lady Harriet,
of which he could never be brought to a due sense, the/
seem to have repeatedly teased him with controversy ?
and to have been far more solicitous to make him profess
what they deemed the true creed of the church of Eng-
land, than to soften or console his sorrows, or to help
him to that composure of mind so necessary for his si-
tuation. He declared himself to be a member of their

CHAPTER

III.

1885.

264 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CH uZ ER church, but they denied that he could be so, unless he

thoroughly believed the doctrine of passive obedience

and non-resistance. He repented generallj 7 of his sins,
and especially of his late enterprize, but they insisted
that he must repent of it in the way they prescribed to
him, that he must own it to have been a wicked resist-
ance to his lawful King, and a detestable act of rebel-
lion.* Some historians have imputed this seemingly
cruel conduct to the King's particular instructions, who
might be desirous of extracting, or rather extorting, from
the lips of his dying nephew, such a confession as would
be matter of triumph to the royal cause. But the cha-
racter of the two prelates principally concerned, both
for general uprightness, and sincerity as church of
England men, makes it more candid to suppose,
that they did not act from 'motives of servile compliance,
but rather from an intemperate party zeal for the
honour of their church, which they judged would be
signally promoted, if such a man as Monmouth, after
having throughout his life acted in defiance of their
favourite doctrine, could be brought in his last moments
to acknowledge it as a divine truth. It must never be
forgotten, if we would understand the history of this
period, that the truly orthodox members of our church
regarded monarchy not as a human, but as a divine in-
stitution, and passive obedience, and non-resistance, not
as political maxims, but as articles of religion.
c> 'RKUiioifl. K ud i.i ii'MiSiid .Vm;b:-f>
* Burnet, II. 330. Echard, III. 772.

OP JAMES THE SECOND, 265

At ten o'clock on the 15th, Monmouth proceeded in CH A*
a carriage of the Lieutenant of the Tower, to Tower Hill,

1685.

the place destined for his execution. The two bishops circumstances

* Af hipTprntinr

of his execution

were in the carriage with him, and one of them took
that opportunity of informing him, that their controver-
si al altercations were not yet at an end ; and that upon
the scaffold, he would again be pressed for more explicit
and satisfactory declarations of repentance. When
arrived at the bar, which had been put up for the pur-
pose of keeping out the multitude, Monmouth descend-
ed from the carriage, and mounted the scaffold, with a
firm step, attended by his spiritual assistants. The sheriffs
and executioners were already there. The concourse
of spectators was innumerable, and if we are to credit
traditional accounts, never was the general compassion
more affectingly expressed. The tears, sighs, and groans,
which the first sight of this heart-rending spectacle
produced, were soon succeeded by an universal and aw-
ful silence ; a respectful attention, and affectionate
anxiety, to hear every syllable that should pass the lips
of the sufferer. The Duke began by saying he should
speak little ; he came to die, and he should die a Pro-
testant of the church of England. Here he was inter- Persecuted by
rupted by the assistants, and told, that, if he was
of the church of England, he must acknowledge the
doctrine of Non-resistance to be true. In vain did
he reply that if he acknowledged the doctrine of the
church in general, it included all : they insisted he

M m

266 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

C "n PTER should own that doctrine particularly with respect to his
case, and urged much more concerning their favourite
point, upon which, however, they obtained nothing
but a repetition in substance of former answers. He was
tlien proceeding to speak of Lady Harriet Wentworth,
of his high esteem for her, and of his confirmed opinion
that their connection was innocent in the sight of God ;
when Goslin, the sheriff, asked him, with all the unfeeling
bluntness of a vulgar mind, whether he was ever married
to her. The Duke refusing to answer, the same magi-
strate, in the like strain, though changing his subject,
said he hoped to have heard of his repentance for the
treason and bloodshed which had been committed ; to
which the prisoner replied with great mildness, that he
died very penitent. Here the churchmen again inter-
posed, and renewing their demand of particular peni-
tence and public acknowledgment upon publick affairs,
Monmouth referred them to the following paper which
he had signed that morning :

" I declare, that the title of King was forced upon
" me ; and, that it was very much contrary to my
" opinion, when I was proclaimed. For the satisfac-
" tion of the world, I do declare, that the late King
" told me, he was never married to my mother. Hav-
" ing declared this, I hope the King, who is now,
" will not let my children suffer on this account. And

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 267

** to this I put my hand this fifteenth day of July,
" 1685.

1685.

* - >

MONMOUTH."

There was nothing, they said, in that paper about re-
sistance ; nor, though Monmouth, quite worn out with
their importunities, said to one of them, in a most
affecting manner, " I am to die, Pray my Lord, " I
refer to my paper," would these men think it consistent
with their duty to desist. They were only a few words
they desired on one point. The substance of these applica-
tions on one hand, and answers on the other, was repeat-
ed, over and over again, in a manner that could not be
believed, if the facts were not attested by the sig-
nature of the persons principally concerned.* If the
Duke, in declaring his sorrow for what had passed, used
the word invasion, " give it the true name," said they,
" and call it rebellion." " What name you please," re-
plied the mild-tempered Monmouth. He was sure he
was going to everlasting happiness, and considered the
serenity of his mind in his present circumstances, as a
certain earnest of the favour of his Creator. His repent-
ance, he said, must be true for he had no fear of dying,
he should die like a lamb. " Much may come from
natural courage," was the unfeeling and stupid reply

* Vide Somers's Tracts, I. 435.

268 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

f H APTEB.

in. of one of the assistants. Monmouth, with that mo-

1<85 " desty inseparable from true bravery, denied that
he was in general less fearful than other men, main-
taining that his present courage was owing to his
consciousness that God had forgiven him his past
transgressions, of all which generally he repented with
all his soul

At last the reverend assistants consented to join with
him in prayer, but no sooner were they risen from their
kneeling posture, than they returned to their charge.
Not satisfied with what had passed, they exhorted him,
to a true and thorough repentance ; would he not pray
for the King ? and send a dutiful message to his Ma-
jesty, to recommend the Dutchess and his children ? As
" you please ;" was the reply, " I pray for him and for
all men." He now spoke to the executioner, desir-
ing that he might have no cap over his eyes, and began
undressing. One would have thought that in this last sad
ceremony, the poor prisoner mighthave been unmolest-
ed, and that the divines would have been satisfied, that
prayer was the only part of their function for which their
duty now called upon them. They judged differently,
and one of them had the fortitude to request the Duke,
even in this stage of the business, that he would address
himself to the soldiers then present, to tell them he stood
a sad example of rebellion, and entreat the people to
be loyal and obedient to the King, " I have said I will

OF JAMES THE SECOND.

" make no speeches," repeated Monmouth, in a tone
more peremptory than he had before been provoked to ;
" I will make no speeches. I come to die." " My
" Lord, ten words will be enough," said the persevering
divine, to which the Duke made ho answer, but turn-
ing to the executioner, expressed a hope that he would
do his work better now than in the case of Lord Russel.
He then felt the axe, which he apprehended was not
sharp enough, but being assured that it was of proper
sharpness and weight, he laid down his head. In the
meantime, many fervent ejaculations were used by
the reverend assistants, who, it must be observed, even
in these moments of horrour, showed themselves not
unmindful of the points upon which they had been dis-
puting ; praying God to accept his imperfect and general
repentance.

The executioner now struck the blow, but so feebly or
unskilfully, that Monmouth being but slightly wound-
ed, lifted up his head, and ooked him n the face as if
to upbraid him, but said nothing. The two following
strokes were as ineffectual as the first, and the headstnan
in a fit of horrour, declared he could not finish his
work. The sheriffs threatened him ; he was forced again
to make a further trial, and in two more strokes sepa-
rated the head from the body.

Thus fell, in the thirty-sixth year of his age, James,

1669.

Character of

270 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

"CHAPTER Duke of Monmouth, a man against whom all that has

been said by the most inveterate enemies both to him
and his party, amounts to little more than this, that he
had not a mind equal to the situation in which his am-
bition, at different times, engaged him to place himself.
But to judge him with candour, we must make gfeat al-
lowances, not only for the temptations into which he was
led by the splendid prosperity of the earlier parts of his
life, but also for the adverse prejudices with which he
was regarded by almost all the cotemporary writers
from whom his actions and character are described. The
Tories of course are unfavourable to him ; and even
among the AVhigs, there seems, in many, a strong inclin-
ation to disparage him ; some to aecuse themselves

for not having joined him ; others to make a display of
their exclusive attachment to their more successful
leader, King William. Burnet says of Monmouth, that
he was gentle, brave, and sincere : to these praises, from
the united testimony of all who knew him, we may add
that of generosit}% and surely those qualities go a great
way in making up the catalogue of all that is amiable
and estimable in human nature. One of the most con-
spicuous features in his character, seems to have been
a remarkable, and as some think, a culpable degree of
flexibility. That such a disposition is preferable to its
opposite extreme, will be admitted by all who think
that modesty, even in excess, is more nearly allied to
wisdom than conceit and self-sufficiency. He who has

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 271

attentively considered the political, or indeed the gene- in; 1 *
ral, concerns of life, may possibly go still further, and
rank a willingness to be convinced, or in some cases
even without conviction, to concede our own opinion to
that of other men, among the principal ingredients in
the composition of practical wisdom. Monmouth had
suffered this flexibility, so laudable in many cases, to de-
generate into a habit, which made him often follow the
advice, or yield to the entreaties, of persons whose charac-
ters by no means entitled them to such deference. The
sagacity of Shaftesbury, the honour of Russel, the genius-
of Sidney, might in the opinion of a modest man, be
safe and eligible guides. The partiality of friendship,
and the conviction of his firm attachment, might be
some excuse for his listening so much to Grey ; but he
never could, at any period of his life, have mistaken Fer-
guson for an honest man. There is reason to believe
that the advice of the two last mentioned persons had
great weight in persuading him to the unjustifiable step
of declaring himself King. But far the most guilty act
of this unfortunate man's life, was his lending his name
to the Declaration which was published at Lyme, and
in this instance, Ferguson, who penned the paper, waa
both the adviser and the instrument. To accuse the
King of having burnt London, murdered Essex in
the Tower, and finally, poisoned his brother, unsup
ported by evidence to substantiate such dreadful

272 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

CHAPTER ^^g^ was ca i u , nn y of the most atrocious kind ;
but the guilt is still heightened, when we observe,

1685. c

that from no conversation of Monmouth, nor indeed
from any other circumstance whatever, do we col-
lect that he himself believed the horrid accusations
to be true. With regard to Essex's death in particu-
lar, the only one of the three charges which was be-
lieved by any man of common sense, the late King
was as much implicated in the suspicion as James.
That the latter should have dared to be concerned in
such an act without the privacy of his brother, was
too absurd an imputation to be attempted, even in
the days of the Popish plot. On the other hand,
it was certainly not the intention of the son to brand
his father as an assassin. It is too plain, that in the
instance of this Declaration, Monmouth, with a fa-
cility highly criminal, consented to set his name to
whatever Ferguson recommended as advantageous to
the cause. Among the many dreadful circumstances
attending civil wars, perhaps there are few more re-
volting to a good mind, than the wicked calumnies
with which, in the heat of contention, men, other-
wise men of honour, have in all ages and countries
permitted themselves to load their adversaries. It
is remarkable that there is no trace of the Divines
who attended this unfortunate man, having exhorted
him to a particular repentance of his Manifesto, or

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 273

having called for a retraction or disavowal of the
accusations contained in it. They were so intent
upon points more immediately connected with ortho-
doxy of faith, that they omitted pressing their penitent
to the only declaration, by which he could make any
satisfactory atonement to those whom he had injured.

N H

-.7*}*;}?. to fjorh&:i.j-r r,

TfclH

FRAGMENTS,

(I Oil ff cJOiJ IJ,M "I i a rj ' V . ")( i; . I ) iVl'U '';.'.<" u

The following detached paragraphs were probably intended for the
Fourth Chapter. They are here printed in the incomplete and un-
finished state in which they were found.

WHILE the Whigs considered all religious opinions with
a view to politicks, the Tories, on the other hand, refer-
red all political maxims to religion. Thus the former, even
in their hatred to popery, did not so much regard the
superstition, or imputed idolatry of that unpopular sect,
as its tendency to establish arbitrary power in the state,
while the latter revered absolute monarchy as a divine
institution, and cherished the doctrines of passive obe-
dience and non-resistance, as articles of religious faith.

To mark the importance of the late events, his Ma-
jesty caused two medals to be struck ; one of himself,
with the usual inscription, and the motto, Aras et sceptra
tuemur ; the other of Monmouth, without any inscrip-
tion. On the reverse of the former, were represented
the two headless trunks of his lately vanquished enemies,
with other circumstances in the same taste and spirit,
the motto, Ambitio malesuada ruit : on that of the latter
appeared a young man falling in the attempt to climb
a rock with three crowns on it, under which was the in-
sulting motto, Superi mere.

276 HISTORY OF THE REIGN

168it With the lives of Monmouth and Argyle ended, or at
least seemed to end, all prospect of resistance to James's
absolute power; and that class of patriots who feel the
pride of submission, and the dignity of obedience, might
be completely satisfied that the Crown was in its full
lustre.

James was sufficiently conscious of the increased
strength of his situation, and it is probable that the se-
curity he now felt in his power, inspired him with the
design of taking more decided steps in favour of the
Popish religion and its professors, than his connection
with the Church of England party had before allowed
him to entertain. That he from this time attached less
importance to the support and affection of the Tories,
is evident from Lord Rochester's observations, commu-
nicated afterwards to Burnet. This nobleman's abilities
and experience in business, his hereditary merit, as son
of Lord Chancellor Clarendon, and his uniform opposi-
tion to the Exclusion Bill, had raised him high in the
esteem of the Church party. This circumstance, per-
haps, as much, or more than the King's personal kind-
ness to a brother-in-law, had contributed to his advance-
ment to the first office in the state. As long therefore
as James stood in need of the support of the party, as
long as he meant to make them the instruments of his
power, and the channels of his favour, Rochester was,
in every respect, the fittest person in whom to confide ;

OF JAMES THE SECOND. 277

and accordingly, as that nobleman related to Burnet, ..
his Majesty honoured him with daily confidential com-
munications upon all his most secret schemes and pro-
jects. But upon the defeat of the rebellion, an imme-
diate change took place, and from the day of Mou-
mouth's execution, the King confined his conversations
with the Treasurer to the mere business of his office.

t, hi af.nJOidon4firfjt.2i; t yJi
tm .v'jph (Hi?/ fli'4 tern/on";
)<; ,. ! - ci' ieorrf sid'flfi nw{;. r

M ,.. ;> -." , .'.n^ff oof

APPENDIX.

CONTAINING

I. Correspondence between Louis XIV. and M.Barillon on English

from Dec. 1684, to Dec. 1685.

II. Correspondence between the Earl of Sunderland and the Bishop of Ox-

ford respecting Mr. Locke.

III. The Bill for the Preservation of the King's Person.

IV. Account of Rumbold, from LprdFountainhaH's MS. Memoirs, &c.

:.'.. ' (..j-.'j '..'i

CONTENTS OF THE LETTERS BETWEEN LOUIS AND.

BARILLON.

Earillun to the King. Jth Dec 1684.

Changes in the Government of New England sentiments of the Marquis of Halifax
upon them combated by the other Ministers attempts to bring Halifax into disgrace
Charles intends to send the Duke of York into Scotland, p. vii. ix.

The King to Barillon. 13t/i Dec. l6S4.
Louis's opinion of Halifax and of the Duke of York's mission to Scotland, p. ix.

Barillon to the King. 25th Dec. 1684.

Offers of submission and reconciliation from the Prince of Orange rejected by Charles
at the instigation of Sunderland. p. ix. xi.

Earillon to the King.
Charles the Second's illness he declares himself a Catholic his death, p. xi. xv.

Barit/on to the King. IQth Feb. l6S>.

James the Second's accession his speech to the Council proclaimed in London state
of his Court and Ministry sends Lord Churchill to Paris informs Barillon of his
intention to summon a Parliament, and why issues a proclamation for levying the
former King's revenue. his professions of attachment to France promises to esta-
blish the Catholic religion solicits a supply of money from Louis Barillon's opi-
nion of the state of England Duke of Monmouth arrest of one of his servants.
p. xv. xxiv.

The King to Barillon. 10th Feb.

Louis's private instructions to Barillon respecting James and the state of Parties in
England recommends the Earl of Sunderland sends a supply of money for the
King's use- his apprehensions of the designs of the Prince of Orange, and the Duke
of Monmouth orders Barillon to caution the King against them. p. xxiv. xxvii.

The King to Barillon. 26 Feb.

Louis approves of James's resolution to call a Parliament recommends precautions
against the designs of the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Monmouth. p. xxvi.
xxviii.

Barillon to the King. 26 Feb.

Earillon informs James of the supply sent to him by Louis the King's extravagant ex-
pressions of gratitude conversation between Barillon and Rochester respecting the
old subsidy, and the treaty with Spain Jiimes goes publickly to Mass his con-
version with Barillon upon it informs hiniot his designs with regard to the Catho-
lics King Charles the Second's funeral James re-appoints the Household, and why
Rochester made Lord Treasurer Barillon endeavours to prevent the King from
allowing the Prince of Orange to visit England Duke of Moamouth. p.xxix. xxxvii.

t ii 3

Bar Ulan to the King. 1st March. '

Mass publickly celebrated in Whitehall attended by the King and Queen sentiments
of the public upon it further arrangements in the Household the King's reasons
for retaining Halifax and others the additional duties levied as in the former reign
preparations for the coronation Prince of Orange sends Overkerque to effect a re-
conciliation with James Barillon endeavours to prevent it offers of submission
from the Duke of Monmouth- Barillon tells James they are insincere, p. xxxvii.
xlv.

Earillon to the King. 5th March.

The, people alarmed at James's public profession of the Catholic religion proceedings
respecting the ensuing Parliament Catholics discontented at the re-appointment of
the Household James forms a Council of Catholics further conversations between
James and Overkerque on the part of the Prince of Orange confided to Barillon,
who endeavours to prevent any sort of reconciliation Rochester advises a reconci-
liation Sunderlaud opposes it Duke of Monmouth James's conduct with regard
to Spain his professions of attachment to France, p. xliv. lii.

The King to Barillon. t)th March.

Louis satisfied with James promises to afford him succours when wanted sends over
the Marechal de Lorge applauds James's resolution to levy the duties instructs
Barillon to inspire him with a distrust of the Prince of Orange, p. liii. Iv.

The King to Earillon. \6th March.
On the appointment of Roman Catholic Bishops in England, p. Iv. Ivi.

Barillon to the King. l6th April.

James and his Ministers make further demands of succours from Louis various dis-
cussions between Barillon and the Ministers respecting the subsidy granted to Charles
arguments to induce Louis to continue the subsidy James acquaints Barillon
with his designs, and his determination to establish the Catholic religion Barillon
advises Louis to send more money treatment of the Dutch ambassadours indisposi-
tion of the Queen of England, p. Ivi. Ixii.

The King to Earillon.. 2Mk April.

Louis sends over a fresh supply promises to support James, and particularly in esta-
blishing the Catholic religion explanations with regard to Spain, p. Ixii. Ixiv.

Barillon to the King. 30th April.

James's satisfaction at the result of the explanations between the Courts of Versailles
and Madrid he resolves to go to Chapel in state the Earl of Rochester refuses to
accompany him altercation between them Dutch Ambassadours their public
entry- Barillon's account of the state of parties points out to Louis the measures he
ought to adopt to secure James's attachment to his interests, p. Ixv. Ixx.

y-c.-v The King to Earillon, 9ti May.

Louis permits Barillon to complete the payment of the old subsidy promises further
assistance, if James- be obliged to dissolve the Parliament, and use force to carry his
designs- begins to entertain suspicions of a new alliance between England and the
States General, p. Ixxi. Ixxii.

[ iii J

Barillon to the King. 1 4/A May,

Various matter* relating to the States General and the Prince of Orange. temper of

the Parliament its designs against some of the Ministers state of ihe Court in the

last years of Charles the Second's reign Dutchess of Portsmouth designs of the

English exiles at Amsterdam Dutch Ambassadours Scottish Parliament grants the

revenue for life arrest of one of the Duke of Monmouth's equerics. p. Ixxiii. Ixxvii.

Barillon to the King. 1 7th May.

Barillon assures Lonis that James docs not intend to form a treaty with the States or
the Prince of Orange explains his conduct on this head describes the unsettled
state of England urges Louis to grant further supplies discussions between the
English and Dutch East India Companies respecting Bantam James wishes to thwart
the Dutch trade, p. Ixxvii. Ixxxi.

Barillon to the King. 2l/>t May.

Earl of Argyle sails from Holland James's discontent at the conduct of the States and
the Prince of Orange, which Barillon endeavours to encrease trade of the Dutch in
pc-pper, &c. James's precaution against the Earl of Argyle'senterprize state of the
army in Ireland apprehensions of the attempts of the disaffected there a publica-
tion on liberty of conscience by the Duke of Buckingham Trial and condemnation
of Titus Oates. p. Ixxix. Ixxxv.

The King to Barillon. 25tA May.

Louis's observations upon the principal points in the preceding letter refuses to grant
any more money than what is necessary to pay the arrears of the old subsidy, p. Ixxxiv.
Ixxxvii.

The King to Bari/lon. 1st June.

Louis's opinion of the Earl of Argyle's invasion begins to entertain suspicions of James's
intentions, p. Ixxxvii. Ixxxix.

Barillon to the King. 28th May.
Barillon assures Louis of James's attachment to him. p. Ixxxix.

Barillon to the King. 2<f June.

Proceedings in the House of Commons James's professions of attachment to France
Biirillon urges Louis to grant further supplies Lord Montague solicits his pension
from Louis, p. Ixxxix. xcii.

Barillon to the King. 4-th June.

Substance of Mr. Seymour's Speech in Parliament against the validity of the elections,
and the designs of the Court Lord Lorn. p. xciii. xciv.

Barillon to the King. 7th June.

Proceedings of Argyle transactions in Parliament respecting the Catholics James's-
displeasure at them its consequence discussions between the English and Dutch
India Companies further proceedings of Argyle. p. xcv. xcviii.

The King to Barillon. 1 5tk June.

Louis's observations on parts of the preceding letter his opinion of Argyle's invasion
urges the establishment of the Catholic religion in England refuses to grant further
supplies, till James shall undertake it. p. xcviii. e.

[ iv ]

Barillon to the King. 1 8th June.
Reports that Louis secretly foments troubles in England disbelieved by James, p. c. ci.

The King to Barillon. 1 3th July.
Louis's suspicions of thePrince of Orange recalls the sums in Barillon's hands, p. ci. cii.

Barillon to the King. 1 6th July.

Barillon acquaints the King and his Ministers with the suspension of all further supplies
their surprize and embarrassment at it - th?ir vaiious arguments to induce Louis to
continue them abject offers to Louis by James -he declares he cannot establish
Popery without his aid conversations between Barillon and Sunderland Barillon
solicits Louis to allow him to advance a further supply describes the state of affairs
in England, and James's patronage of the Catholics discredits certain reports in
Holland progress of the Duke of Monmouth, and state of the Royal army execu-
tion of Argyle. p. cii. cxvi.

The King to Barillon. 26th July.

Lous censures Barillon for not having deprived James of all hope of further supplies,
p. c.xiv. cxvi.

The King to Barillon. -Aug.

Louis's arguments to induce James to establish Popery his suspicions with regard to
Spain, p. cxvi. cxvii.

The King to Barillon. 24th .'lug.

Ditto. 30th Aug.

Ditto. 4th Sept.

Ditto. 13th Sept.

The above four letters relate principally to James's renewing the treaty with the States
General -Louis instructs Barillon how he is to act in future, and to wave every pro-
posal for a new alliance between England and France orders him to prevent if pos-
sible the renewal of any other treaties by James, p. cxvii. cxxi.

Barillon to the King. 1 Oth Sept.

Substance of a deposition made by one of Monmouth's Equerics, respecting certain de-
signs of the Protestants in France, p. cx\ii.

The King to Barillon. 20lh Sept.

Louis continues to instruct Barillon ta prevent any fresh treaties between England and
other States does not entirely approve of the appointment of Sir W. Trumball to be
ambassadour in France, p. cxxiii. cxxiv.

Barillon to the King. 17th Sept.

Barillon acquaints Louis with the hopes entertained by the Austrian and Spanish mini-
sters, of an alliance with England, p. cxxiv. cxxv.

The King to Barillon. 2Sth Oct.
Respecting the English Parliament, p. cxxv.

to Barillon. 1st. Nov.

The writer of this letter wishes to know from Barillon, upon what authority he had ad-
vanced to James 300,000 livresmore than the arrears of the old subsidy, p. cxxvi.

Barillon to the King. 29th Oct.

James intends to dismiss Halifax, and why an aff ir relating to the Prince and Prin-
cess of Orange Lord Castlemaine appointed Ambassadour to Rome Banllon's ob-
servations on it. p. cxxvii. cxxx.

The King to Barillon. 6th Nov.

Louis's opinion of Halifax hopes James will accomplish the repeal of the Test and
Habeas Corpus acts. p. cxxx.

Barillon to the King. 5th Nov'.

Various circumstances respecting Halifax'sdismissal conjectures upon the conduct ofthft
ensuing Parliament execution of Mr. Cornish and Mrs. Gauut noticed, p. cxxxi.
cxxxiii.

The King to Barillon. 16 Nov.

Louis applauds the dismissal of Halifax entertains suspicions of James's intentions,
p. cxxxiii. cxxxiv.

Earillon to the King. 12th Nov.

State of the Protestant and Catholic Parties in England supposed effect of Halifax's
dismissal upon the other Ministers, p. cxxxv. cxxxvi.

The King to Barillon. 19th Nov.

Louis suspects an approaching alliance between England and Spain instructs Barillon
to excite a spirit of opposition in the principal members of Parliament if he find that
James is determined to make fresh treaties, p. cxxxvii. cxxxviii.

The King to Barillon. 29th Nov.

Observations upon a Letter from Barillon respecting the proceedings in Parliament,
p. cxxxviii. cxxxix.

Barillon to the King 22d Nov.

X.ord Grey is said to have implicated the Earl of Devonshire in Monmouth's rebellion,
p. cxxxix.

Barillon to the King. 26th Nov.

Jr urnal of the proceedings in Parliament Spanish Ambassadour urges the renewal of
the treaty of l6"80 state of the interior of the English Court opposite \iicws of Ro-
chester and Sunderland -their consequences Barillon advises Louis to pension Sun
derland further proceedings in the Parliament, p. cxxxix. cxlviii.

Barillon to the King. 30th Nov.
Prorogation of the Parliament, and its probable consequences, p. cxlviii. cxlix.

The King to Barillon. 6th Dec.

Louis's observations on the Prorogation agrees to allow Sunderlaud an annual ponsiom
of from 5 to GOOO/. p. cxli. cl.

APPENDIX.

I. CORRESPONDENCE between Louis xiv. and M. BARILLO'N. ^

M. de Baritton au Roi.

7 Decembre, 1684, ti Londres.

JAY rec.u la depeche de Votre Majest6 du premier Decembre. J'ay com-
mence a executer 1'prdre que V. M. me donae a l'egard de Milord Halifax.
II s'est passe ici depuis peu une affaire qui a deja donne occasion a M. le
Due de York, etaux autres minislres> cle travailler a le decrediter entierement
avec quelque esp6rance d'envenir a bout.

Le Roi d'Angleterre a donne le gouvernement de la Nouvelle Angleterre
au Colonel Kerque, qui etoit auparavant gouverneur de Tanger. II y avoit
eu devant une Compagnie etablie par des lettres patentes du Roi Jacques,
qui gouvernoit avec une autorite presque souveraine et independante les
pays compris sous le gouvernement de la Nouvelle Angleterre. Les pri-
vileges de cette Compagnie ont etc casses au Bang Royal, et sa Majeste Bri-
tannique e*t rentree dans le pouvoir de donner une nouvelle forme au gouverne-
ment et d'etablir de nouvelles loix, squsjesquelle^ les ,habitans de ces payi
doivent vivre a 1'avenir ; cela a donne lieu a une deliberation dans le ConseiJ
secret. La question a e"te" traitee a fonds, si 1'on y introduiroit le meme,gou-

iii APPENDIX.

4 *

vernement qui est etabli en Angleterre, ou si Ton assujettiroit ceux qui vivent
flans ces pays-la aux ordres d'un gouvevneur et d'un conseil, qui auroient
en leurs mains toute 1'autorite, sans etre- obliges a garder d'aut res regies, que
celles qui leur seroient preterites d'ici. Milord Halifax a pris le party de soute-
iiir avee vehemence qu'il n'y avoit point lieu de douter que les ineines loix,
sous lesquelles on vit en Angleterre ne dussent etre 6tablies en un pays com-
pose d'Anglois. II s'est fort 6iendu sur cela, et n'a omis aucune des raisons,
par lesquelles on peut prouver, qu'un gouvernemenl absolu, n'est ni si heureux,
jii si assur6 que celui, qui est temper*; par les loix, et qui donne des bornes a
1'autorite du Prince. II a exagere les inconveniens du pouvoir souverain, et
s'est dclar6 nettement qu'il ne pouvoit pas s'accommoder de vivre sous un roi
qui auroit en son pouvoir de prendre, quand il lui plairoit, 1'argent qu'il a dans
a a" poche. Ce discours fut combattu fortement par tous les autres ministres, et
sans entrer dans la question, si une forme de gouverneinent en general est
meilleure que 1'autie, ils soutinrent, que sa Majeste Britannique pouvoit, et
devoit, gouverner des pays si eloignes de 1'Angleterre en la maniere qui lui pa-
roitroit la plus convenable pour maintenir le pays, en 1'etat auquel il est,
et pour en augtnenter encore les forces et la richesse. Pour cela il fut re"-
solu, qu'on n'assujetteroit point le gouverneur et le conseil, a faire des as-
semblees de tout le pays, pour faire des impositions, et regler les autres
matieres importanles, mais que le' gouverneur et le conseil feroit ce qu'ils ju-
gevoient a-propos, sans en rendre compte qu'a sa Majeste Britannique. Cette
affaire n'est peut-tre pas en elle-meme fort importante ; mais M. le Due
d'York s'en csl servi, pour faire connoftre au Roi d'Angleterre combien il
y a d'inconveniens de laisser dans le secret de ses affaires un homme aussi
oppose aux inte"rets de la royaut6 qu'est Milord Halifax. Madame de
Portsmouth a le meme dessein, et Milord Sonderland pouvoit ne Hen de-
sirer avec plus d'ardeur. Ils croient Fun. et Fautre y pouvoir r^ussir avcc un
peu de temps.

M. le Due d'York m'a dit en confiance, que le Roi son frere avoit resolu de
Penvoyer au printemps faire un voyage de trois semaines en Ecosse, pour y
tenir une assemblee de Parlement, sans lequel on ne peut confisquer les biens
de ceux qui sont declares rebelles ; que ce sera a-peu-pr^s pendant que la cour
dcmeurera a Neumarquet ; que cependant il a cru m'en devoir avertir de bonne

APPENDIX. IK

heur, sachant bien que ses ennemis tacheroient de donncr & ce voyage mi air
de disgrace, quoique dans le fond, ce soit une nouvelle marque de confiance
et d'amitie du Roi son frcre pour lui. Le Marquis de Huntlcy, chef de la
maison de Gourdon, a ele fait Due, et le Marquis de Winsbery aussi ; ce der-
nier est de la maison de Douglas, et grand tr^sorier d'Ecosse. Ce n'est pas une
chose de petite consequence que le Marquis de Huntley, qui est Catholique,
soit fait Due.

Le Roi & M Barillon.

Versailles, 13 Decembre, 1684.

1-JEs raisonnemens du Sr. Halifax sur la maniere de gouverner la Nouvelle
Angleterre ne meritent gueres la confiance que le Roy d'Angleterre a en luy,
et je ne suis pas surpris d'apprendre que le Due d'York en ayt bien fait retnar-
quer les consequences au Roy son frere. J'ay lieu de croire aussy que ce que
ce Prince doit faire en Ecosse n'apportera aucun changement a 1'etat present
des affairs d'Angleterre, et je suis bien aise de [sfavoir] que ce soit plutot une
marque de la confiance du Roy son frere, qu'un dessein de 1'eloigner de ses
conseils.

London, 21 December, 1684.

* BAHILLON says the Dutchess of P. tells him the King waited till Halifax
gave him some further pretext for dismissing him, but that he represented to
them the danger of delay. They had no apprehensions of Halifax's altering
his conduct, and regaining the King's confidence.

M. de Barillon au Roi,

25 Decembre, 1684, a Londres.

LE Roi d'Angleterre me paroit aussi mal satisfait que jamais de la conduite
de M. le Prince d'Orange. M. Zitters lui a donn6 une lettre de sa part, par la-

* This is printed from a note in Mr. Fox's hand writing.-
b

x APPENDIX.

quelle il 1'assure en terms generaux, qu'il s'stime bien raalheureux d'avoir
perdu ses bonnes graces, sachant bien n'avoir rien fait qui dut lui deplaire. M.
Zitters a ajout6 a cela, que M. le Prince d'Orange etoit fort afflige que ses en-
nemis eussent eu le credit de le mettre aussi mal qu'il est dans 1'esprit de sa
Majeste Britannique, sans qu'il se puisse reprocher d'avoir rien fait qu'il sc,ut
etre oppos6 a sa volont6, ou a ses intentions. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a fait
entendre, que sa teponse a M. Zitters a 6t6, que M. le Prince d'Orange se
moquoit de lui, aussi bien que de M. Zitters, en le chargeant de dire des choses,
qu'il sait n'avoir aucun fondement; que M. le Prince d'Orange n'avoit point
d'eunemis dans sa cour, qui eussent pris soin de lui nuire, mais que lui-meme
avoit fait tout ce qu'il falloit pour cela, s'etant conduit d'une maniere fort op-
posee, a ce qu'il devoit, tant a l'6gard des affaires generates qu'a 1'egaid de M.
le Due de Monmoutb, et des autres factieux. M. Zitters a essaye d'excuser ce
que M. le Prince d'Orange a fait a 1'egaid de M. le Due de Monmouth : sa
Majesle Britannique s'en estmoquee, etlui adit, que M. le Prince d'Orange
6toit plus habile que personne, puis qu'il savoit si bien menager un homme,
dont les desseins ne pouvoient allcr qu'a etablir une republique en Angleterre,
ou a soutenir des pretentious chiineriques, et qui ne peuvent reussir sans la
ruine de M. le Prince d'Orange lui-uieme. L'intention du Roi d'Angleterre
6toit, a ce que j'en puis juger, de couper encore plus court 1'entretien avec M.
de Zitters, mais cela repugne a son humeur. M. le Due de York a parle
fort decisivement a M. Zitters, et ne lui a pas donne lieu de deffendre la con-
duite de M. le Prince d'Orange. M. Zitters a clit a Milord Sunderland, que
M. le Prince d'Orange vouloit faire tout ce qui etoit en son pouvoir pour
rentrer dans les bonnes graces du Roi d'Angleterre, et de M. le Due de
York. Qu'il falloit seulement lui faire connoitre ce qu'il devoit faire pour
cela ; Milord Sunderland repondit, que ce n'etoit pas d'ici qu'il devoit at-
tendre des instructions, et qu'il savoit assez, ce qui avoit pii deplaire au Roi
d'Angleterre dans sa conduite, pour y apporter du changeinent, s'il en avoit

J'ay sgu de M. le Due d*York, qu'en parlant de tout cela avec le Roi d'An-
gleterre, et ses ministres les plus confidens, Milord Sunderland avoit dit qu'il
est de ladignite,'et de I'int6ret de sa Majeste Britannique de laisser M. le
Prince d'Orange prendre d lui-meme Je party qu'il jugera apropos, sans lui

APPENDIX. xi

rien prescrire, ni meme temoigner qu'on attende rien de lui ; qu'apres avoir,
pendant trois ans, fait tout ce qui etoit en son pouvoir, centre les interets et les
desseins du Roi d'Angleterre, il ne devoit pas croire, que ce qu'il a fait ful re-
pare par des complimens; qu'on ne peut marquer a present en quoi il pourroit
temoigner sa bonne volonte et son /ele; qu'il faul peutetre beaucoup de
temps pour en trouver les occasions ; et que tout ce qu'il peut esperer est, que
le Roi d'Angleterre veuille bien considerer qu'elle sera sa conduite a 1'avenir;
que cependant on ne sauroit parler Irop peu et trop decisivement a M. Zitters
jiur une telle matiere. Ce sentiment a etc approuv6 de sa Majestd Britannique '
et il a ete resolu qu'on n'ecouteroit pas seulement M. Zitters, s'il vouloit en
parler encore.

On parle fort ici depuis deux jours de la sedition arrivee a Brussels, et de la
maniere, dont elle a ete appaisee par le Marquis de Grave, c'est-a-dire, en ce-
dant entierement au peuple. Le Roi d'Angleterre en a parle" comme d'un ex-
emple de tres-pernicieuse consequence, et qui porteroit indubitablement les
autres villes du Pays Bas a faire la inenie chose, voyant qu'elle demeure impunic
et recompensee a Brussels.

Dtp&chc de M. Barillon au Roy.

J-jA lettre que je me donne 1'honneur d'ecrire aujourdhuy a votre Majeste est
seuleuient pour lui rendre un compte exact de ce qui s'est passe de plus im-
portant a la mort du feu Roy d'Angleterre. Sa maladie, qui commenc.a le Lundi
12 Fevrier au matin, regut divers changemens les jours suivans, quelquefois on
le croioit hors de danger, et ensuite il arrivoit quelque accident qui faisoit ju-
ger que son mal etoit mortel : enfin le Jeudi quinzieme Fevrier, sur le midi, je
fus avert! d'un bon endroit qu'il n'y avoit plus d'esperance, et que les me deciiu
ne croioient piis qu'il dut passer la nuit ; j'allai aussitot apr^s a Whitehall ; M.
le Due d'York avoit donne ordre aux officiers qui gardoient la porte de 1'anti-
chambre de me laisser passer a toute heure ; il etoit toujours dans la chambre
du Roy son frere, et en sortoit de terns en terns pour donner les ordres sur tout
ee qui se passoit dans la ville ; le bruit se repandoit plusieurs fois par jour que

jii APPENDIX.

le Roy etoit tnort : d'abord que je fus arrive, Monsieur le Due d'York me dit,
" Lea medecins croient que le Roy est en un extreme danger; je vous prie
d'assurer votre maitre qu'il aura toujours en raoi un serviteur fidele et recon-
noissant." Je fus jusqu'a cinq heures dans 1'autichambre du Roy d'Angleterre ;
Monsieur le Due d'York me fit entrer plusieurs fois dans la chambre, et me
parloit de cequi se passoit au-dehors, et des assurances qu'on lui donnoitde
tous cotes que tout 6toit fort tranquille dans la ville, et qu'il y seroit prochime
Roy au moment que le Roy son frere seroit mort. Je sortis pendant quelque
terns pour aller a 1'appartement de Madame de Portsmouth ; je la trouvai dans
une douleur extreme ; les medecins lui avoient ote toute sorte d'espeiance;
cependant, au lieu de me parler de sa douleur, et de la perte qu'elle etoit sur le
point de faire, elle entra dans un petit cabinet, et me dit, " Monsieur 1'Ambas-
sadeur, je m'en vais vous dire le plus grand secret du monde, et il iroit de ma
tete si on le savoit : Le Roy d'Angleterre dans le fonds de son cosur est Catho-
lique, mais il est environn6 des Svesques Protestans, et personne ne lui dit
l'<3tat ou il est, ni ne lui parle de Dieu ; je ne puis plus avec bienseance rentrer
dans la chambre, outre que la Reine y est presque toujours; Monsieur le
Due d'York songe a ses affaires, et en a trop, pour prendre le soin qu'il devroit
de la conscience du Roy ; allez lui dire, que je vous ai conjure de 1'avertir qu'il
songe a ce qui se pourra faire pout sauver 1'ame du Roi ; il est le maitre dans
la chambre ; il peut faire sortir qui il voudra; ne perdez point de terns, car si
on differe tant soil peu, il sera trop tard."

Je retournai ;\ 1'instant trouver Monsieur le Due d'York ; je le priai de faire
jemblant d'aller chez la Reine, qui etoit sortie de la chambre du Roy, et qu'on
venoit de saigner, parcequ'elle s'etoit evanouie : la chambre communique aux
deux appartemens ; je le suivis chez la Reine, et je lui dis ce que Madame de
Portsmouth m'avoit dit. II revint comme d'une profonde lethargic, et me dit,

Vous avez raison ; il n'y & pas de terns a perdre ; je hazarderai tout plustot
que de ne pas faire mon devoir en cette occasion." Une heure apres il revint
me trouver, sous pretexte encore d'aller chez la Reine, et me dit, qu'il avoit parle
au Roy son frere, et qu'il 1'avoit trouv resolu de ne point prendre la cene que
fes evesques Protestans le pressoient de recevoir ; que celales avoit fort surpris,
mais qu'il en demeureroit toujours quelqu'uns d'eux dans sa chambre, s'il ne

APPENDIX. xitf

prenoit un pr6texte de faire sortir tout le moncle, afin de pouvoir parler au Roi
son f'rere avcc liberte, et le disposer a faire une abjuration formelle de 1'heresie,
et a se confesser a un prestre Catholique.

Nous agttames divers expediens ; M. le Due d'York proposa que je deman-
dasse a parler au Roi son frere, pour lui dire quelque chose de secret de la part
de votre Majeste, et qu'on feroit sortir tout le monde. Je m'offris a le faire ;
mais je lui reprsentai qu'outre que cela causeroit un grand bruit, il n'y auroit
pas d'apparence de me faire demeurer en particulier avec lo Roy d'Angleterre
et lui seul, assez longtems pour ce que nous avions a faire. La pensee vint en-
suite a M. le Due d'York, de faire venir la Reine, comme pour dire un dernier
adieu au Roy, et lui demauder pardon si elle lui avoit desobei en qutlque
chose ; que lui feroit aussi la ineme ceretnonie. Enfin M. le Due d'York se re-
solut dc parler au Roi son frere devant tout le monde, mais de faire ensorte que
personne n'entendroit ce qu'il lui diroit, parceque cela oteroit tout soupgon, et
on croiroit seulement qu'il lui parleroit d'affaires d'etat, et de ce qu'il vouloit qui
fut fait apres sa mort ; ainsi, sans autre plus grande precaution, le Due d'York
se pencha a 1'oreille du Roi son frere, apr&s avoir ordonne que personne n'ap-
prochat : j'etois dans la chambre, et plus de vingt personnes a la porte, qui
6toit ouverte, on n'entendoit pas ce que disoit M. le Due d'York ; mais le Roy
d'Angleterre disoit de terns en terns fort haut, Oui, de tout man caur ; il faisoit
quelque foisrepeter M. le Due d'York ce qu'il disoit, parcequ'il n'entendoit pas
aisement; cela dura pres d'un quart d'heure; M. le Due d'York sortit encore
comme pour aller chez la Reine, et me dit ; " Le Roy consent que je lui fasse
venir un prestre ; je n'ose faire venir aucun de ceux de la Duchesse, ils sont trop
connus ; envoyez en chercher un vistement." Je lui dis, que je le ferois de tout
mon cceur, mais que je croiois que Ton perdroit trop de terns, et que je venois
de voir tous les pretres de la Reine dans un cabinet proche de sa chambre. II
me dit, " Vous avez raison ; il appergut en meme terns le Cointe dc Castelmel-
hor, qui embrassa avec chaleur la proposition que je lui fis, et se chargea de
parler a la Reine ; il revint a 1'instant; et me dit, " Quand je hazarderois m*
tete en cecy, je le ferois avec joie, cependant je ne sais aucun pretre de la Reine
qui entende 1'Anglois, et qui le parle." Sur cela nous resolumes d'envoyer chez le
Resident de Venise chercher un prtre Anglois ; mais parceque le terns pressoit,

xiv APPENDIX.

le Comte de Castelmelhor alia ou etoient les pretres de la Reine, et y trouva
parmi eux un pretre Ecossois, nomme Hudelston, qui sauva le Roi d'Angleterre
apres la bataille de Vorchester, et qui. a etc excepte par acte du parlement de
toutes les loix faites centre les Catholiques, et contre les pretres ; on lui donna
une peruque et une casaque pour le deguiser, et le Comte de Castelmelhor le
conduisit a la porte d'un appartement qui repond par un petit degre a la cham-
bre du Roy ; M. le Due d'York, que j'avois averti que tout etoit prest, envoya
Chiffins recevoir et conduire le Sieur Hudeleton : ensuite il dit tout haul,
" Messieurs, le Roy vent que toutle monde se retire a. la reserve du Comte dr
Baths, et du Comle de Feversham." L'un est le premier des gentils-hommes de
la chambre, et le second etoit en semaine etservoit actuellement. Les medecins
entrerent dans un cabinet dont on ferma la porte ; et Chiffin amena le Sieur
Hudelston : M. le Due d'York, en le lui presentant, lui dit, " Sire, voici un
hotnme qui vous a sauve la vie, et qui vient a cette heure pour sauver votre
ame." Le Roy repondit, qu'il soil le bicn venu ; ensuite il se confessa avec de
grands scntimens de devotion et de repentir. Le Comte de Castelmelhor avoit
pris soin de faire instruire Hudelston par un religieux Portugais Carme de-
chausse, de ce qu'il avoit a dire au Roi en une telle occasion, parceque de lui-
meme ce n'etoit pas un grand docteur : mais M. le Due d'York tu'a dit qu'il
s'acquitta fort bien de sa fonction, et qu'il fit fbrmellement promettre au Roi
d'AngleteiTe, de se declarer ouvertement Catholique s'il revenoit en sante : en-
suite il reut 1'absolution, communia, et rec,ut meme 1'extreme onction. Tout
cela dura environ trois quarts d'heure. Chacun se regardoitdans 1'antichambre,
et pcrsonne ne se disoit rien que des yeux et a 1'oreille. La presence de Mi-
lord Baths et de Milord Feversham, qui sont Protestans, a un peu rassure les
evesques; cependant les femmes de la Reine, et les autres pretres, ont vu
tant d'allees et de venues, que je ne pense pas que le secrete puisse etre long-
terns garde.

Depuis que le Roi d'Angleterre eut communie, il y cut un leger amendement
a son mal. II est constant qu'il parloit plus intelligiblement, et qu'il avoit plus
de force ; nous esperions deja que Dieu avoit voulu faire un miracle en le gue-
rissant ; mais les medecins jugerent que le mal n'etoit point dimmue, et que
le Roy ne passeroit pas la nuit : cependant il paroissoit beaucoup plus tranquille,

APPENDIX. XT

et parloit avec plus de sens et de connoissance qu'il n'avoit encore fait, depuis
dix heures du soir jusqu'a huit heures du matin. II parla plusieurs fois tout haul
a M. le Due d'York avecdes termes pleins de tendresse et d'amitie ; il lui re-
command a deux fois Madame de Portsmouth et le Due de Richemont ; il lai
recommanda aussi tous ses autres enfans ; il ne fit aucune mention de M. le
Due de Monmoutb, ni en bien ni en mal : il temoignoit souvent sa confiance
en la misericorde de Dieu. L'evesque de Baths et de Vels, qui etoit son predi-
cateur, faisoit quelques prieres, et lui parloit de Dieu ; le Roy d'Angleterre mar-
quoit de la tete qu'il 1'entendoit : cet evesque ne s'ingera pas de lui dire rien
de particulier, ni de lui proposer de faire une profession de foi ; il apprehen-
doit un refus, et craignoit encore plus, a ce que je crois, d'irriter M. le Due
d'York.

Le Roy d'Angleterre conserva toute lanuit une entiere connoissance, et
de toutes choses avec un grand calme ; il demanda a six heures, qu'elle heure il
etoit, et dit, Faites ouvrir les rideaux afin que je voye encore le jour ; il
souffroit de grandes douleurs, et on le saigna a sept heures dans 1'opinion que
cela adouciroit ses douleurs ; il commena a huit heures et demie a ne plu
parler que tres-difticilement ; et sur les dix heures, il n'avoit plus aucune
connoissance ; il mourut a midi sans aucun affort ni convulsion. Le nou-
veau Roi se retira a son apartement, et fut reconnu unanimement, et ensuite
proclaimed

J'ai cru devoir rendre nn compte exacte a votre Majest6 du detail de ce qui
s'est passe dans cette occasion, el jc ui'estime bien heureux que Dieu m'ait fait
la grace d'y avoir quelque part. Je suis, &c.

M. Barillon au Roi.

19 Fevrier, 1685.

J'INFOHMAI votre Majeste, le seizieme hier au soir, par un courier expres, de
la mort du Roy d'Angleterre, et que le Due d'York avoit etc reconnu et pro-
clame Roi sans aucun trouble ni opposition. Le nouveau Roi d'Angleterre

xvi APPENDIX.

alia dans la chambre- da conseil, un quart d'heurc apres la inort du Roi SOB
frre. Le Garde des Sceaux d'Angleterre, le Garde du Sceau Prive, et les deux
Secretaires d'Etat lui remirent les sceaux, qu'il leur rendit I'instarrt, et dit qu'il
tablissoit le conseil des mesmes personnes, dont il avoit ete compose. Us pre-
terent tous un nouveau serment ; ensuite, sa Majeste Britannique leur dit en
peu de mots, que la douleur de la perte d'un frere, et d'un Roi, pour qui il
avoit autant de respect et d'ainitie , ne lui permettoit pas de leur faire un long
discours ; mats, qu'il se croyoit oblige de leur declarer d'abord, qu'il ne se ser-
viroit du pouvoir que Dieu lui avoit donn6 que pour le maintien des loix
d'Angleterre, et qu'il ne feroit rien, contre la suret6 et la conservation de la reli-
gion Protestante; qu'il apporteroit tous ses soins, pour remplir les devoirs d'un
bon roi a 1'egard de ses sujets, et de ses peoples ; et qu'il s'attendoit aussi que
ses sujets demeureroient dans 1'obeissance et la fidelite qu'ils lui doivent par les
loix divines et humaines. Milord Rochester prit la parole, et demanda a sa
Majest6 Britannique, s'il ne lui plaisoit pas que Ton publiat une Declaration
de ce qu'il lui avoit plu de dire. Cela fut resolu, et la Declaration sera
itnprimee. On donna ensuite les ordres pour la proclamation, et le conseil
se leva pour aller en corps, saluer la Reine regnante; et ensuite la Reine
Douairie're.

-li- . >J ; i i. .i.rron: 'i : '>r.;:r-!i;< ,-.'

De la tout le conseil alia faire faire la publication en plusieurs endroits de la
ville de Londres, oi le Maire se trouva aussi. Les Pairs d'Angleterre qui se
trouverent presens, suivirentle conseil. II y avoit quelques troupes a cheval,
qui percedoient, et des compagnies d'infanterie posters en divers endroits, pour
rSprimer le tumulte et le desordre, s'il en fut arrive. Le peuple fit des accla-
mations ordinaires en pareil cas. II y avoit des gens preposes pour distribuer
du vin, et boire a la sante du Roi Jacques Second.

11 n'y a eu encore aucun cbangement dans les charges. Le Roi d'Angleterre a
cru d'abord devoir laisser les choses comme elles sont, on n'a meme encore rien
chang6 au conseil du cabinet, mais il ne se tient que pour la forme, et le Roi
d'Angleterre a des conferences secrettes avec Milord Sunderland, Milord
Rochester, et Milord Godolphin, ou les choses les plus importantes se resol-
vent. Milord Rochester a plus de part qu'aucun autre a sa confiance. II ne

APPENDIX. xvii

songe plus &. aller en Irlande ; on croit que ce sera, ou le Comte de Clarendon
ou le Due de Beaufort. Le Due d'Ormond pourra bien y demeurer encore
quelque temps.

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il envoyera Milord Churchil incessament
donner part a Votre Majeste de la mort du Roi son fi ere, et de son avenement
a la couronne, ct qu'il 1'a choisi coinme un homme, qui est deja dans, le secret
d'une intime liaison avec V. M. II est gentilhomme de sa chambre, et cet en-
voy le regardoit naturellcment, n'envoyant point le Comte de Peterborough,
qui est le premier gentilhomme de la chambre.

Sa Majest6 Britannique alia voir Madame de Portsmouth, une heure apres
fetre proclame, et lui donna beaucoup d'assurances de sa protection, et de son
amitie. Milord Godolfin, et les autres cotninissaires des finances, demeurent
dans leur fonction, mais on croit, que dans quelque temps Milord Rochester
sera Grand Tresorier, et qu'il a juge lui-meme, plus a-propos, de laisser etablir
les affaires avant que d'avoir ouvertcment l'adminislration des finances.
Milord Sunderland a aussi beaucoup de part a la confiance di^ Roi d'Angle-
terre ; il m'en a parle avec beaucoup d'estime, et coinme le croyant fort propre
a le servir dans les desseins qu'il a. Sa Majeste Britannique a pris soin avant et
depuis la mort du Roi son frere, d'etablir une liaison etroite entre Milord
Rochester et Milord Sunderland. Leur amitie s'etoit un peu refroidie dans
les derniers temps : Milord Sunderland, Madame de Portsmouth, et Milord
Godolfin possedoient seuls toute 1'autorite aupres du feu Roi d'Angleterre,
Milord Rochester, qui le connoissoit, avoit desire d'aller en Irlande, aquoiles
autres 1'avoient servi, pour lui procurer un exil honorable. M. le Due de York
souffroit avec peine la diminution du credit de Milord Rochester, croyant
que cela retournoit sur lui. J'ai ete souvent employe a adoucir ce qui se
passoit.

Milord Churchil est inform^ de tout a fond, et pourra, si V. M. 1'a agre'able,
lui dire beaucoup.de choses, qu'il est impossible d'expliquer par des lettres.
Elles ne sont pas a cette heure fort iinportantes, si ce n'est pour faire micux
connoitre 1'etat du dedans de la cour d'Angleterre, preseutement. Milord

xviii APPENDIX.

Churchil a beaucoup de part aux bonnes graces de son maitre, et le choi.v qu'il
a fait delui pour 1'envoyer a V. M. en est une marque. Je veins, a cette heure
a ce qu'il y a de plus important.

Les revenus du Roi d'Angleterre tombcnt pour la plus grande partie par la
mort du Roi son frere. II est persuade que le gouvernement ne se peut soutenir
avec ce qui lui reste de revenu, qui ne monteroit au plus qu'a sept cens mille
livres sterlin.

II me fit hier au soir entrer dans son cabinet, et apres m'avoir parle de di-
\erses choses du dedans qui ne sont pas de grande importance, il me dit, Vous
allez peutetre etre surpris, mais j'espere que vous vous serez de mon avis quand
je vousaurai dit mes raisons. J'ai resolu de convoquer incessamment mi par-
lement, et de 1'assembler au mois de Mai. Je publierai en meme terns une de-
claration pour me maintenir dans la jouissance des memes revenus qu'avoit le
Roy mon frere. Sans cette proclamation pour un parlement, je hazarderois
trop de m'emparer d'abord de ce qui s'est etabli pendant la vie du feu Roy ;
c'est un coup decisif pour moi d'entrer en possession et en jouissance ; car dans
la suite, il me sera bien plus facile ou d'eloigner le parlement, ou de me main-
tenir par des autres voyes qui me paroitroient bien plus convenables. Beaucoup
de gens diront que je me determine trop promptement a convoquer un parle-
ment ; mais si j'attendois d'avantage, j'en perdrois tout le merite. Je connois les
Anglois; il ne faut pas leur temoigner de crainte dans les cotnmencemens ; les
gens mal-intentionnes auroient forme des cabales pour demander tin parle-
ment, et se seroient attire la faveur de la nation dont ils auroient abuse dans la
suite ; je s^ai bien que je trouverai encore des difficultes a surmonter; mais
j'en viendrai a bout, et me mettrai enetat de reconnoitre les obligations infinies
que j'ai au Roy votre maitre.

Je connois en quels embarras le feu Roy mon frfere s'est jette qnand il s'est
laisse ebranler a 1'egard de la France : j'empecherai bien qu'un parlement ne
se mele des affaires etrangeres ; et je le s6parerai des que je verrai qu'ils feront
paroitre aucune mauvaise volonte .

A-PPENDIX. xix

C'est a vous a expliquer au Roi votre maitre ce que je vous dis, afin qu'il nc
trouve pas a redire que j'aie pris si promptement une resolution si importante,
et sans le consulter, coramejele dois et le veux faire.en tout; mais j'aurois
gate extr&nement mes affaires, si j'avois differe seulement de huit jours, car je
serois demeure prive des revenus que je conserve ; et la moindre opposition, de
la part de ceux qui auroient refuse de payer les droits, m'auroit engag a lea
lever par force, au lieu que je pretendrai avoir la loy pour moi presente-
ment; et il me sera fort ais6 de reduire ceux qui voudront s'opposer a cc
que je fais.

Le Roy d'Angleterre a ajoute a cela toutes sortes de protestations de recon-
noissance et d'attachment pour votre Majeste; il me dit que sans son appui et
sa protection, il ne pouvoit rien entreprendre de ce qu'il avoit dans 1'esprit en
faveur des Catholiques ; qu'il savoit assez, qu'il ne seroit jamais en suret6 que
la liberte de conscience pour f;ux ne fut entitlement etablie en Angleterre ;
que c'est a cela a quoi il travaillera avec une entiere appliquation des qu'il y
Terra de la possibilite ; que j'avois vu avec quelle facilite il avoit ete reconnu
et proclame Roy ; que le reste arrivera de la meme maniere en se conduisant
avec fermete et sagesse.

, Je dis a sa Majeste Britannique que je neprendrois pas le parti de repondre
sur le champ a ce qu'il me faisoit 1'honneur de me dire ; que je ne pouvois
jamais douter de la sincerite de ses sentimens a 1'egard de votre Majeste; et
que je le croiois trop habile et trop sage pour rien faire qui put alterer une liai-
son fondee sur tant d'experience et dc raison ; que je rendrois compte a votre
Majeste de ce qu'il m'avoit dit ; et que quand j'y aurois pense, je lui dirois li-
brement mes sentiments, qui ne devoient etre d'aucun poids jusques a ce que
je parlasse de la part de votre Majesle ; que je lui dirois cependant demoi-
meme, et sans y penser d'avantage, que votre Majeste est en un teltat qu'elle
n'a rien si. desirer pour 1'augmentation de sa puissance et de sa grandeur :
qu'elle a donne des bornes a ses conquetes dans le terns qu'elle auroit pu fa-
cileinentles augmenter : que son amitie pour le feu Roi d'Angleterre et pour lui
a qui j'avois 1'honneur de parler, 1'avoit engage a soutenir leurs interets et ceux
de la Royaute en ce pays-cy; que Dieu avoit bcni les desseins de votre Majeste

xx APPENDIX.

par tout ; et quej'etois assure qu'elle auroit unejoie sensible de son Elevation
au gouvernment de trois royaumes ; que je ne doutois point que sa conduite ne
fut toujours confbrme a ce qu'il devoit a sa reputation, et a ses veritables inte-
rts, qui seront de conserver 1'amitie de votre Majeste ; et qu'il est juste de se
rapporter de ses affaires pour le dedans a ce qu'il en jugera lui-meme. Je rfai
pas cru, Sire, devoir combattre, sans y avoir pense inurement, une resolution
de"ja prise, et que mes raisons n'auroient pas fait changer : j'ai mme estime
qu'il etoit de la d ignite de votre Majeste que je ne parusse pas intirnide d'une
assemblee de parlement, pour les seuls interets de votre Majeste, quandle Roy
d'Angleterre temoignen'en rien apprehender.

Milord Rochester m'est venu trouver ce matin de la part de sa Majeste Bri-
tannique, pour m'espliquer plus au long les motifs de la convocation d'un par-
lement ; il a ajoute a tout ce que le Roi d'Angleterre m'avoit dit, que s'il n'avoit
prevenu les requetes qu'on lui alloit faire, le Garde des Sceaux et le Marquis
d'Halifax n'auroient pas manque dele presser d'assembler un parlement ; qu'il
avoit voulu les prevenir, et faire connoitre que ce qu'il fait, vient de son pur
mouvement; que Favantage present qu'il tire de cette declaration, est de se
mettre en possession du revenu qu'avoit le feu Roy d'Angleterre, aussi bicn
que de sa comonne ; qu'il auroit, etc trop a. charge a votre Majeste s'il avoit
ete oblige de lui demander des secours aussi considerables que ceux dont il
auroit eu besom ; que ce qu'il fait ne 1'exempte pas d'avoir recours a votre
Majeste ; et qu'il espere qu'elle voudra bien dans les commencemens de son
re"gne 1'aider a en soutenir le poids ; que cette nouvelle obligation, jointe &
tant d'autres, 1'engagera encore d'avantage a ne se pas departir du chemin, qu'il
a cru que le feu Roy son frere devoit tenir a 1'egard de votre Majeste ; que ce
sera le moyen de le faire independent du parlement, et de se mettre en etat de
se soutenir sans parlement, si on lui refuse la continuation des revenus dont le
feu Roi jouissoit.

Milord Rochester n'a obmis aucune des raisons qu'il a cm propres a me
convaincre, que votre Majeste" n'hazarde rien en secouranl presentement le
Roi d'Angleterre d'une somme considerable; que c'est soutenir son ouvrage,
et le mettre en etat de ne se jamais dementir ; que pour lui, il n'a point change

APPENDIX. xxi

de sentimens, et que son opinion etoit que le Roi son maitre ne se peut bien
soutenir sans 1'aide et le secours de votre Majest6 : que ce seroit le laisser a la
merci de son peuple, et en etat d'etre ruine, si votre Majeste ne lui donnoit
pas de nouvelles marque* de son amitie dans une occasion si decisive ; et que
de ce commencement dependoit tout le bonheur de son maitre.

Je dis a Milord Rochester, qu'il s'etoit passe tant de choses considerables,
et imprevues, depuis quelques jours, qu'il seroit imprudent a un Stranger
comme moi de vouloir former des jugemens sur ce qui est a faire dans la con-
joncture presente; que le mot de parlement ne me faisoit point de peur, que
je savois, par experience, qu'ils n'avoient de force qu'autant que leur en don-
noit une cabale de cour, etune intelligence avec les ministrcs ; que je connois-
sois la difference du temps passe, a celui-ci, et avec quelle fcrmete le nouveau
Roi d'Angleterre seroit porte par son naturel a conduire les affaires ; que je
voyois bien qu'il est dans une conjoncture delicate et fort perilleuse; que je
ne pouvois cependant qu'approuver la resolution prise de se maintenir dans la
possession de tout le revenu du Roi d'Angleterre ; que la convocation d'un par-
lement donneroit beaucoup d'esperance aux anciens enncmis de M. le Due
d' York et de la royaut6, qu'ils employeroient toute sorte d'artifice pour lejetter
dans ties embarras, dont il ne se pourroit tirer ; qu'on ne lui accorderoit rien
qu'a des conditions fort dures, et qu'il seroit alors egalement perilleux de les
accorder, ou de les refuser ; que, cependant, je ne manquerois pas de rendre
compte a V. M. de 1'etat des affaires, et de ce qui m'a etc dit sur le besoin
present d'un secours considerable ; qu'autrefois une pareille demande auroit
paru incompatible, avec le dessein d'assembler un parlement : que V. M. etoit
prevenue de beaucoup d'estime et de confiance pour le Roi d'Angleterre ; que
j'avois ete assez heureux pour executer avec quelque succes les ordrcs que
j'avois rec,us de V. M. sur son sujet ; qu'il en etoit meilleur temoin que per-
sonne, puisque c'etoit avec lui que j'avois traite pour la conservation du droit de
M. le Due d'York a la couronne, et pour son retotir d'Ecosse, et pour son re-
tablissement dans les conseils, et dans la fonction de 1'amiraute ; que j'etois
tort aisede trailer presentement avec un ministre aussi accreclite quil etoit au-
prt-s d'un grand Roi, dont il a 1'honneur d'etre beau-frere, et que la conduite

xxii APPENDIX.

qu'il a tenue avec moi pendant qu'il avoit la direction des finances, avoit donnfe
beaucoup d'estime pour lui a V. M.

II repondit a. cela en des termes pleins de respect, et me dit, Me voila en-
core employe a vous demander 1'argent. Je ne le ferois pas si hardiment, si
je ne croyois, que ce sera de 1'argent bien employe, et que le Roi votre maitre
n'en sauroitfaire un meilleur usage; soyez assure que vosennemis, et ceuxdu
Hoi mon maitre seroient fort aises que Ton ne fit rien de considerable en France
pour lui en une occasion comme celle-ci. Representez bien au Roi votre
maitre la consequence de mettre le mien en etat de n'avoir besoin que de
son amitie, et de ne pas dependre de ses sujets, ensorte qu'ils puissent lui don-
ner la loi,

Voila, Sire, le recit exact de ce qui s'est passe ici jusqu'a aujourdhui. Je ne
serai pas assez hard! pour former des jugemens certains sur 1'avenir. PAngle-
terre est sujette a trop de revolutions, et a de trop grands changements, pour
pouvoir predire ce qui arrivera. II me paroit, par tout ce que je puis penetrer,
que les factieux n'ont pas abandonne leur desseins, et que les esprits ne sont
pas revenus de leur aversion pour la Religion Catholique. Ceux qui ont of-
fense M. le Due d'York, et qui 1'ont voulu perdre, croient, qu'il s'en souviendra
toujours, et qu'il ne leur pardon nera pas ; cependant tout paroit calme, et c'est
un grand avantage pour sa Majeste Britannique, que d'entrer paisiblement en
possession de sa couronne, et des revenus, qui sont necessaires pour la sou-
tenir. L'utilite presente qu'on peut tirer de la convocation d'un parlement,
c'est que cela contiendra ceux memes qui ont des dessins de brouiller, parqe-
qu'ils croironl : en avoir un pretexte plus plausible quand le parlement sera as-
semble. Si j'ose dire mon avis a V. M. je crois qu'elle commencera par de
tmoignages d'amitie et de confiance au Roi d'Angleterre.

.Fattens de jour a autre une lettre de change de 50,000 livres, qui, jointe a
une autre de pareille somme, qui est deja ici, me mettra en etat de faire un
payement de cent mille francs : je ne le ferai pourtant point sans un ordre ex-
prs, et je ferai en sorte qu'on approuvera ici que je ne me dispense pas des

APPENDIX. xxiii

regies dans un temps auquel rien ne paroit qui puisse troubler le Roi d'Angle-
terre.

p .'.-.'. j/i : '..iY-.it ' .-.t j"' : 1, >V

Je me donnerai 1'honneur par le premier ordinaire de rendre compte aV. M.
de 1'effet qu'aura produit le bruit de la convocation d'un parlement. J'essayerai
de pen6trer less desseins des ministres, et les divers motifs de chacun d'eux.
Us ont et bien aisesd'avoir seulspart a la resolution d'assembler un parlement,
mais 1'entreprise de se saisir des douanes et des revenus de 1'excise, qui de-
vroient fiuir par la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre, causera une gran de rumeur,
et fera juger aux plus senses, que le Roi d'Angleterre veutplaider les mains
garnies. Je n'obmettrai aucun soin pour etre bien informc de tout, afiu que
V. M. me commande ce qui sera de son service. Si elle juge a-propos, de
faire promptement passer ici une somme considerable, je ne donnerai pas
d'avantage pour cela, et ne ferai rien de mon chef, a. moins que je ne visse une
rebellion formee, et qu'il fut d'une absolue necessite de fournir un prompt se-
cours au Roi d'Angleterre.

II est, autant que je le puis juger, fort important que V. M. veuille bien ap-
prouver des facilites sur 1'affaire de 1'ordonnance, qui defend aux vaisseaux An-
glois de transporter des marchandises des Genois. Je ferai le meilleur usage
qu'il me sera possible des ordres, que j'attens de V. M. sur cela. La depeche
du Qe. Fevrier de M. le Marquis de Croissy a deja pourduit un tres-bon effet.
Si les ordres que je recevrai ne sont pas suffisans pour accommoder 1'affaire EI
1'entiere satisfaction de sa Majeste Britannique, j'attendrai que V. M. ait etc
informee de tout ce qui est arrive, et je trouverai bien moyen de gagner du
temps, jusqu'a ce quej'aye reu denouveaux ordres. V. M.juge assez, qu'il
est de consequence que le rgne du Roi d'Augleterre ne commence pas par
une mesintelligence entre V. M. et lui. Le fonds de 1'affaire ne subsiste plus,
puisque les Genois se sont soumis a tout ce qui V. M. leur a prescrit.

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a dit ce soir, Je vous ay envoye" Milord Rochester,
et je n'ai point fait de difficulte d'exposer au Roi votre maitre le besoin que
j'ai de son assistance; vous savez en quel etat je me trouve, et combien la
conjoncture est importante pour moi. II m'a dit ensuite, que par les derniere

xxiv APPENDIX.

lettres de Bruxelles, on y attendoit M. le Due de Monmouth, et que 1'ambas-
sadeur d'Espagne lui avoit demande ce matin de quelle manure il desiroit
qu'on traitat avec M. le Due de Monmouth : qu'il lui avoit repondu, que tout
le monde savoil la conduite qu'a tenue M. le Due de Monmouth a son egard,
et que ce n'etoit pas a lui a rien conseiller sur ce que le Roi d'Espagne, ou ses
ministres, croient devoir faire; qu'ils avoient leurs ordres, on qu'ils en recev-
roient de nouveaux, et que c'etoit a eux de juger ce qui convient au service, et
a la dignite de leur maitre. On a arreste a Douvres un domestique fort confi-
dent de M. le Due de Monmouth, qui s'appelle Jean Guibring; il venoit de
Flandres : il en etoit parti avantla maladie du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; on croit
pourtant decouvrir quelque chose par lui. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a charge ce
soir d'une lettre de sa main pour V. M.

Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, &,c.

19 Fevrier, lf)85. BARILLON.

Le Roi a M. Barillon.

20 Fevrier, 1685.

BARILLON, vos deux lettres des 12, 17, ib. de ce mois m'ont etes
rendues par le courier que vous m'avez depeche, et j'ay appris avec etonne-
ment et un deplaisir bien sensible la mort si subite du Roi d'Angleterre ; ce n'a
pas ete neanmoins une petite consolation pour moi, d'etre informe par ces
memes lettres, de toutes les graces que Dieu a faites a ce prince sur la fin de ses
jours, etdu bonheur qu'il a eu d'en profiler si dignement.

[On tiendra cependant fort secret de ma part tout ce que s'est passe dans ses

derniers moments.]

. Je vous addresse la lettre que j'ecris de ma main au Roi son frere, et vous ne
auriez trop lui exprimer en la lui rendant de ma part, combien je m'interesse
a. tout ce qui le louche, et le plaisir que je me ferai tousjours de procurer ses
avantages et sa satisfaction.

APPENDIX. xxv

Observez bien quelle cstla disposition presente des esprits tant a la cour, oil
vous etes, que dans la ville de Londres, et a la caropagne; quel mouveinent
se donncnt les cabales opposees a 1'autorite royale, et a Religion Catholique ;
quelles sont les intrigues du Prince d'Orange et du Due de Monmsuth ; qui
en sont les principaux promoteurs ; si leurs factions sont puissantes ; quelles
mesures prend le Due d'York.

[Quelle peut elre la force du party Catholique en Angleterre.]

Sur le fait de la religion, s'il pretend faire une proclamation, qui donne le
libre exercise a chaque religion, et par consequent aux Catholiques ? S'il ne
fera pas mettre en liberte les Seigneurs Catholiques detenus dans la Tour ; si
qui le dit Roi distribuera les principales charges ; quelles mesures il pi-end pour
s'assurer des ports de mer, et places les plus importantes; s'il peut se confier
aux troupes entretenues aux depens de la couronne ; si les principaux com-
mandans sont fort attaches a ses interets ; qui sont ceux dont il se doit deficr,
ou sur qui il peut faire un fondeur certain ?

[Quel changemertt ilfait parmi les officiers des dites troupes; quel est le fonds,
qu'il a pour les etitretenirJ]

Ainsi appliquez vous a etre parfaitement informe, et a me rendre un compte
exact de tous les moyens, qu'a le dit Roi de maintenir son autorite, et de tout
ce qu'il doit apprehender, ensorte que je puisse elre bien averti, et je formerai
mes resolutions sur vos avis.

Comme je suis tres-satisfait de la conduite que le Comte de Sunderland a
tenue, depuis qu'il est rentre dans 1'administration des affaires, vous devez lui
rendre aupres du Roi d'Angleterre tous les bons offices qui dependront devous,
et meme faire connoitre, si vous le jugee necessaire, que sa conservation me
sera tres-agreable. Vous pouvez aussi assurer la Duchesse de Portsmouth de
la continuation de ma protection.

Je viens de donner ordre qu'on vous fasse remettre presentement p.ar lettres
de change jusqu'a la sommede cinq cens mille livres, afin que vous puissiez
assister le Roi d'Angleterre, selon les plus pressants bes<5ins qu'il en pourr.'i

xxyf APPENDIX.

avoir dans.le commencement de son gouvernement, nTassurant que vous vous
conduirez en cela, avec toute la prudence necessaire pour rendre ce secours le
plus utile qu'il !c pourra, au bien de ses affaires, et le lui f'aire considerer comme
une preuve la plus essentielle de mon amitie, qui va au-devant de ce qui lui
peut etrc necessaire dans la conjoncture presente.

Je ne doute pas, qu'il ne soit assez porte, par son propre interet, a empecher
que le Prince d'Orange, ou le Due de Monmouth, ne passent en Angleterre ;
mais si, contre mon opinion, il vous paroissoit dispose a y consentir, vous ne
sauriez trop lui representer, combien il lui importe de prendre de bonnes me-
sures, pour empecher qu'ils ne puissent y aborder, et se joindre aux cabales
opposees a raffermissement de son autorite. En un mot, les desseins du Prince
d'Orange non settlement sont incomp alibles avec la surete de sa personne et
de son e tar, mais aussi avec les liaisons qui peuvent s'entretenir avec les Rois
de France et d'Angleterre.

Je rcois encore presentment par la voye de Londres, vos lettres de 12, 14,
et Ifr. qui m'inforuient principalement des circonstances de la maladie et de
la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; et comme elles me font voir aussi que la fer-
meture des ports n'avoit etc ordonnee qu'afin d'empecher que le Priacc
d'Orange ou le Due de Monmouth ne prissent pretexte de la maladie du feu
Roi pour passer en Angleterre, je ne doute pas que le Roi a present regnant
ne prenne encore plus de soin a empecher qu'aucun d'eux n'y aille susciter de
nouveaux troubles centre son gouvernement ; et il ne pourroit point se relacher
ur cette precaution sans se faire un prejudice considerable, et s'exposer a de
grands perils.

Dans 1'etat present des affaires d'Angleterre, je n'ay pas cru pouvoir charger
Milord d'Aran d'une lettre pour le Roi, d'autant plus, que celle que je lui ay
ecrite sur notre affliction commune, et sur son aveuement a la couronne, etoit
meme contre 1'usage, et que ce n'etoit que par un pur motif d'amitie, que j 'ay
passe par-dessus les regies, qui m'auroient oblige d'attendre qu'on m'auroit
fait part de ce changement ; c'est pourquoi je desire, que vous informiez le
Roi de la raison pour la quelle je n'ai pas donne des lettres au Milord ; et

APPENDIX. xxrii

qu'au surplus vous lui rendiez tous lesbons offices qye vous pourrez, pour lui
.procurer aupres du nouveau Roi tous les avantages qui lui peuvent convenir,
le regardant comme une personne qui a tousjours fait paroilre tout 1'attache-
ment pour le service du Roi, que lui pouvoit permettre le zele qu'il avoit
pour le feu Roi d'Angleterre ; et qu'il continuera d'avoir pour le Roi d'a-
. present.

Je ne reponds point aux articles de votre lettre qui regard en t les plaintes que

font les Anglois au sujet de quelques vaisseaux de cette nation qui ont ete pris

ct amenes a. Toulon ; car je m'assure que les ordres que j'ai donnes pour les

faire relacher, et tout ce que je vous ai ecrit, aura pleinement satisfait le Roi

* _ v d'Angleterre, et fait cesser tout sujet de plainte de ses sujets.

Le Roi a M. Barillon.

26 Fevrier,l685.

BARILLON, votre second courier m'a rendu vos lettres des 18 et
19 e do co mois, dont la premiere m'informe exactement de tout ce qui s'est
passe de plus considerable pendant les quatres jours de la maladie du feu Roi
d'Angleierre, et 1'autre, de la resolution qu'a prise le Roi d'a-present de con-
voquer un nouveau parlement, et de 1'assenibler dans le mois de Mars prochain.
Je n'avois rien a desirer Sur le prettiier point, a quoi vous n'ayez pleinement
satisfait ; je vous dirai aussi, qu'apres avoir donne des marques particulieres
au Roi d'Angleterre, de la part que je prenois a sa douleur, je 1'ai temoigne
aussi publiquement, en faisant -cesser d'abord dans inacourles divertissements
de bal et'd'opera, et en prehant'cn'siiite le deuil, que j'ai resolu de porter aussi
fong-tems que 16 feu Rei 1'a garde pour la inort'dela feue Reine'mon epouse.

* ' "'*

Vous avez vu par madepeche du 2Q de ce mois, que j'ai prevenu la demande
qui vous a ete f'aite p;ir le Roi d'Angleterre d'un secours d'argent, et que vous
etes presentement en etat c!e le faire au-dela de ce qu'il pouvoit esperer. J'ap-
prouve aussi la resolution qu'il a prise de convoquer un nouveau parlement, pour
1'assembler au mois de Mars, et les raisons sur lesquelles il se fonde me per-

xxviii APPENDIX.

suadent qu'il ne pouvoit pas prondre, un meilleur parti, ayant d'ailleurs trop
bonne opinion des sa sagesse, pour douter qu'il puisse rien arriver qui soil ca-
pable de le detacher des liaisons qu'il a prises avec moi.

Comme leSieur D'Avaux m'ecrit que le Due de Monmouth est parti de la
Haye la nuit du 2(X fort secretement, pour passer en Angleterre, je m'assure
que j'apprendrai par vos premieres lettres quelles mesures aura prises la Cour
oil vous etes pour s'opposcr aux desseins que peut avoir ce Due, et que vou
me pourrez donner en memes temps une partie des eclaircissements que je
;vous ai demandes par ma dejjeche du 20, y ayant bien del'apparence que lea
cabales du Prince d'Orange et du Due de Monmouth ne demeureront pas sans
action dans ce commencement de regne, et qu'il pourroit aussi etre trouble
par les differentes sectes, qui ont interet d'empecher 1'etablissement de notre
religion.

J'ai fait choix du Marecluil de Lorge pour aller faire compliment au
Roi d'Angleterre sur son avenement a la couronne, et sur la mort du feu
Roy son frere. Je ne puis pas douter que la cour ou vous etes ne soil satis-
faite de ce que je vous ai mande par ma d6pche du 12 e , et par la prece-
dente, au sujet des vaisseaux Anglois qui font leur commerce avec la ville
de Genes, et j'ay donne ordre que le dernier qui a ete envoye a Toulon soil
relache, et qu'a 1'avenir il n'y en ait aucun qui soil detourne de sa route, en-
sorte qu'aussitot que mes ordres auront pu etre rendus a ceux qui comman-
dent mes vaisseaux, il n'arrivera plus rien qui puisse donner sujet de plainte.
aux Anglois.

Je vous envoye une lettre pour la Duchesse de Portsmouth, et vous pou-
vez lui connrmer, en la lui rendant, les assurances que je lui donne de ma
protection.

APPENDIX.

M. Barillon au Roi.

ZftFevrier, \6S5.

JE recjus avant hier ladepeche de votre Majeste du 20 de ce mois, par le re-
tour du courier que j'avois depeche" ; j'allai a 1'instant trouver le Roi d'Angle-
terre ; je lui donnai la lettre de la main de votre Majeste, quil cut la bonte dc
me faire lire ; il me parut recevoir avec une entiere sensibilite les temoignages
de I'amiti6 de votre Majeste ; je crus n'en devoir pas faire a deux fois, et ne
pas difierer a l'informer du soin que votre Majeste avoit eu, d'assembler en si
peu de terns des lettres de change pour la somme de cinq cent mille livres, ct
de melesenvoyer afin quej'en puisse faire 1'usage qui convien:lroit son ser-
vice. Ce Prince fut extremement surpris, et me dit, les larmesaux yeux, " II
n'appartient qu'au Roi votre mat ire d'agir d'une maniere si noble et si pleine d&
bonte pour moi; je vous avoue, que je suis plus sensible a cc qu'il fait en cela,
qu' a tout ce qui peut arriver dans la suite de ma vie; car je vois clairement
le fonds de son creur, et combien il a envie que mes affaires prosperent ;
il a etc au-devant de ce que je pouvois desirer, et a prevenu mes besoins ;
je ne saurois jamais reconnoitre assez uu tel precede ; ttmoignez lui ma
reconnoissance, et soiez garant de Fattachement qui j'aurai toute ma vie
pour lui."

Je ne saurois, Sire, ex primer quelle joie cut ce Prince de voir une si prompte
et si solide marque de I'amiti6 de votre Majeste", et la promptitude avec la
quelle votre Majest avoit envoye une somme aussi considerable. Je lui dis,
que pour ne rien derober a ce qu'il devoit a votre Majeste", je lui avouerois
franchement, que dans le trouble oil je me trouvois au moment de la mort du feu
Roi d'Angleterre, je n'avois songe qu'a depecher un courier pour en informer
votre Majeste, et que je ne lui avois pas represente combien il importoit de lui
envoyer un prompt secours ; que si en cela j'avois fait un manquement, il etoit
bien repar6 par ce que votre Majeste a fait. Le Roy d'Arigletcrre m'interrom-
pit, et dit, qu'il ne pouvoit assez admirer la prevojance de volre Majeste, et le
soin deluidonner si promptement une marque si essentielle de son amitie ; que

APPENDIX.

rotre Majeste n'v seroit point trompee ; et qu'il se souviendroit de ce qu'dle
faisoit poor loi affennir la couronne sur sa tele.

Des que je fas sorti, il s'enferma avec Milord Rochester. Milord Sander-
land, et Milord Godolfin, et leur coma ce que je lui avois dit de la part de
rotre Majeste, en des leruaes qui ajouten: encore a ceux dont il s'etoit servi
avec moi. Us vinrent 1'nn apres 1'autre me dire a 1'oreilie que j'avois donne la
vie au Roi leur rcaitre, el que quoiqu'il se tint assure de i'atn'.tie de votre Ma-
jeste, cette derniere preuve, don nee si a-propos, 1'obligeoit au-dela de tout ce
qn'on pouvoit croire.

Je m'attendois bien, que ce que votre Majeste a fait, produiroit on bon effet,
mais je ne croiois pas en recevoir tant de temoignages de reconnoissance,
et je vois par la, que pent etre avoit-on voulu iospirer au Roi d'Angleterre
quelque crainte que votre Majeste ne feroit pas de grands effoits pour le
sootenir. Je dis pourtant cela de moi-mt-oie, car j'ai vu daus tons les
discours de sa Majeste Britannique une grande eonfiance et Famine de votre
Majeste.

Je dois lui rendre compte de ce qui s'etoit passe la veille ; j'eus une con-
ference avec les trois ministres. Milord Rochester, consme president dti con-
seil, ra'expliquae'n peu de motsce qu'ils avoieni en charge du Roi leur maitre
de me dire, qui se terminoit a representer a votre Majesie le besoin de ses af-
faires, et combien il lui importoit d'etre secouru daas le commencement de

Milord Rochester entra ensuite dans la discussion du traite fait avec le feu
Roi d'Ang'eterre; nous conviomes de tout, meme de ce qui restoit pour le
par fait pavement de trois annees de subside echiifs. Milord Rochester clit
qu'il y avoit en toujours entre lui et rooi un differend sur ce compte, en ce
qu'il s'etoit attendu, et avoit cru, que votre Majeste donneroit deux millions
par an, pendant trois ans; qo'il etoit vrai qce j'avois dit de men c6'e, que je
n avoLs jamais eu pouvoir de promettre que quinze cert mille livres j^our
cbacane des deux deroiers anoees ; que cette difficult^ n'avoit pas etc ter-

APPENDIX.

XXXI

nrinee; et qoe Ton n 'avoit pas mease pane de la Goatrieme annee, qoi est
presqu'echue, parceqa'oo oe prevayoit pas que votre Majeste cot rouJu dbcoo-
tiooer no subside an tea Roy d'Angleterre, doat la conda-te en toat etoit
agreable a votre Majeste, et s'etoit si pen dementie en tomes occasions. Je
repondis a cela. qoe je DC prendrois pas le pani de rien contester sor des ma-
tieres de fait, a moms qu'elles ne fasaent entitlement constantes; qne je
n'avois pa exceder me-* poavoirs, et qoe je ne i'avois pas fait ; ainsi qn'il n'y
aroit qu' a s'en tenir a ce doat nous etions convenus; et qne je ne iaisseroi*
pas de representer a votre Majeste tout ce qui s'etoit dit par eax, afia qa'elle
vit ce qa'elle jogeroit convenabk a son service, et e.u bien des a&ires da Roy
d'Angleterre.

Milord Rochester 6 nit en disant. Nous n'svons jam at en de contestatioD,-
Moosienr 1 Ambassadear et moi ; car comme ce qoe le ROT son maioe a ionrui,
etoit one gratification sans conditions, je n'etois pas en droit de disputer scr le
plos oa le moi as ; je crois poartant, qoe ce qoe noos avons fait ensemble a
et^ pour le serrice des deux Roys, et qne Fun et i'autre ne a'en sont pas oial
trouves : il ajoota qne son sentiment etoit de trailer encore dela mcme ma-
niere, et d'etablir one coofiance et one liaison pareiiie a celie qui a deja si bien.
reusii. Je convias de ce qull avoit avance ; j'y ajoutai que quoiqoe Ve ten Roi
d'Angleterre ne se fut pas oblige fbrmeUement a renoncer a soa traite avec
1 Espagne ii avoit neanmoias teou sur cela la condaite qa'on en devoit atten-
dre ; qoe le Roy d' a-present etoit encore plus libre ; et qn\i n'etoit en aucaa
facpn du monde obiigt a ce traite, de Texecation doqoel le Rov son frere aro'u
jug^ etre sumsamment dispense. Les trois ministres convinrent.de ce que je
disois, et me direct, qoe le Roy lear maitre se tenoit entierenseat de^as^i de
1'obligauoD, ou etoit entre le ten Roy, qoelque legtre qu'elie fur.

Je promis d'ecrire a Totre Majeste ecaoen>ent poor favori^er la demande
qoe devoit faire MiJord Cfcurclul a votre Majeste, d'un secours present et con-
siderable. Noos euuies bier une antre conference par ordre de sa Majeste
Britannique, mais il ne fut plus question de rien de ce qni avoit eie traite dans
la precedente. Les ministres s'efforcerent, Tun apres Tautre, de me faire en-
teadre, qu'ds ne croioient pins devoir ni capiiokr ni d'ucoter ksintereu da

xxxii APPENDIX.

Roy leur maitre avec moi; que votre Majeste les avoit uiis en etat de ne rien
dire ; et qu'un precede si franc et si genereux de sd part avc it oblige le Roy
leur maitre a leur donner ordre de me temoigner sa reconnoissance, et de
meprierdela representer a votre Majeste telle qu'il la ressent ; que Milord
Churchil n'avoit autre charge que de remercier votre Majes'e, et que pour
le surplus, on se remettoit a ce que je conmissois de 1'e at des affaires
pour porter votre Majeste a faire ce qu'il lui plairoit, jugeant que Ton ne
devoit rien demander a un Prince qui a prevenu ce qu'on pouvoit atteodre
de lui.

/ j * *j .' t - r

Le Roy d'Angleterre me parla hier plusieurs fois, et me dit, qu'il estpenetre
de reconnoissance, et qu'il se croit en etat de ne rien craindre, etant assure
comine il Test de 1'amitie de votre Majeste. Je me suis peut-etre trop etendu
sur tout cela, mais il est, ce me semble, a-propos, que votre Majeste connoisse
combien sa Majeste Britannique et ses ministres ont ete sensibles a ce que
votre Majeste a fait. Je n'ai point encore donne d'argent ; il faut quelques
jours pour 1'echeance des lettres de change, dont on ne veut pas meme que je
presse trop le payement, pour ne pas faire soupgonner a la Bourse ce qui se
passe; ainsije recevrai encore des ordres de votre Majeste, avant que je sois
en tat de faire aucun payement considerable. II ne me paroit pas meme
qu'on aitaucune inquietude icy de toucher de 1'argent; on se fie tellement il
votre Majeste, que Ton croit 1'argent aussi bien chez moi que s'il etoit a
Whitehall. Je suis peut-etre trompe, mais je ne pense pas que votre Ma-
jeste puisse rien faire qui lui soil de plus grande utilite pour Kavenir,
que d'avoir prevenu ce que Ton pouvoit desirer en une occasion si im-
portante.

Sa Majeste Britannique me dit encore hier au soir, " Je ne regarde pas
1'etat ou je suis, mais 1'etat ou je pouvois etre. Tout est paisible en An-
gleterre et en Ecosse ; mais le Roy votre maitre m'a secouru dans un terns
qu'il ne pouvoit savoir s'il y auroit une sedition a Londres, et si je n'en serois
pas chasse."

Le Roi d'Angleterre fut hier publiquement si la messe dans une petite cha-

APPENDIX. xxxiri

pelle de la Reine sa femme, dont la porte etoit ouverte ; cela a fait parler le
inoncle fort ouvertement. 11 me dit un jour auparavant, qu'il falloit que chacun
agitselon son sens, etconformementason temperament; qu'une dissimulation
de sa religion etoit opposed a sa maniere d'agir; que les mal-intentionnes au- '
roient pris avantage de sa crainte, s'ilenavoit temoigne ; qiiequand il hazarderoit
quelque chose en cela, il sc croyoit oblige en conscience de professer ouverte*
ment sa religion ; qu'il croyoit que Dieu n'avoit pas permis que le Roy Son
frere put faire une profession publique de sa religion, qu'un peu avant sa mort,
parcequ'il avoit trop craint de se montrer aux yeux des hommes tel qu'il etort',
et que cependant il 1'avoit pu faire en d.iverses rencontres, sans aucun peril;
qu'il espere, que Dieu le protegera, et puisque V. M. le veut soutcnir, et lui t6-
moigner une amitie si sincere, il ne croit pas avoir rien a craindre. : .'

Ce Prince m'expliqua a fonds son dessein a 1'egard des Catholiques, qui est
de les etablir dans une entiere liberte de conscience et d'exercice de la Reli-
gion ; c'est ce qui ne se peut qu'avec du temps, et en conduisant peu-a-peu les-
affaires a ce but. Le plan de sa Majeste Britannique est d'y parvenir par le se*
cours et 1'assistance du parti episcopal, qu'il regarde cooime le parti royal, et
je ne vois pas que son dessein puisse aller a favoriser les Nonconfonnistes et les
Presbiteriens, qu'il regarde comme de vrais republicans.

Cc projet doit etre accompagne de beaucoup de prudence, et recevra de
grandes oppositions dans la suite. Presentement on ne sail rien sur cela, que
ce que le feu Hoi d'Angleterre avoit dejii resolu, c'est-a-dire, que tous les Ca-
tholiques sortiront des prisons, et on fera des defenses expresses a tous lesjuges
de les poursuivre ny inquieter : c'est ce qui est resolu, et qui sera execute avec
ferrnete\ 11 n'y a plus aucuns Seigneurs prisonniers a la Tour.

Le bruit est fort r6pandu id que le feu Roi d'Angleterre est mort Catho-
lique; on en publie meme beaucoup de circonstances, et sa Majeste Britan-
nique ne se met pas en peine de les detruire; son opinion est, qu'on le sauroit
blamer d'avoir aide le Roy son frere a mourir dans la religion dont lui-meme ,
fait une profession ouverte. Cependant, la memoire du feu Roi d'Angleterre
est dechiree sur cela par les Protestans zels, qui lui reprochent, comme une
tromperie, d'avoir fait une profession ouverte d'une religion qu'il n'avoit

xstx'or APPENDIX.

pas dans le coeur : quelquos-uns disent, qu'tl a etc obsede par son frere
dans sa maladie, et force a se declarer Catholique Rouiain. Les plus
fectieux smuiennent qu'on voit clairemcnt a present qu'il y a eu un com-
plofc de Papistes, que k feu Roi d'Angleterre en etoit, aussi bien que le
Jthic d'York, et qae les soupcons qu'on a eus sur cela sont entierement
eonftmwf's.

Le corps du feu Roi d'Angleterre fut avant hier porte a Westminster, et en-
ttafr6 sails ceremonie le soir; tous les pairs et les officiers de la rnaison y etoient;
Jls romptrent sur fe fosse leurs batons, et les marques de leur charge : hier matin
ga Majeste Britannique a confirme tous ceux qui possedoient des charges dont
il n'y avoit point pareilles dans la sienne lorsqu'il etoit Due d'York, c'est-a-dire,
celles -de Grand Maitre, de Grand Chambellan, de Tresorier de la Maison, de
Controlleur, de Vice Chambellan, et d'autres officiers qui ont une espece de
JHrisdictiofti Ce B?est pas la meme chose a 1'egard des Gentilhommes de la
Chainbre, de Gvand Ecuyer, et de Maitre de la Garderobe ; on croit qu'il
en pourvoira ceux qui etoient ia lui. La confirmation des officiers de la
Maison est assez approuvee du monde. Elle n'est pourtant que pour un
temps, etf il y en a parmi eux, ou je me trompe, qui ne seront pas toujours
conserves.

Milord Sunderland a ete fort sensible a ce que je lui ai dit de 1'ordre que
j'avois de 1'appuyer aupres du Roi son maitre, s'il en avoit besoin.

Madame de Portsmouth est en inquietude du traitement qu'elle recevra ici
sur ses affaires. Ce que je lui ai dit de la continuation de la protection de V. M.
lui a donne la seule consolation qu'elle ait cue depuis la mort du feu Roi d'An-
gleterre.

Milord Rochester a ete declare aujourdhui Grand Tresorier, et a pris le ba-
ton. Sa Majeste Britannique me 1'avoit dit il y a deux jours, et qu'il donneroit,
comme il a aussi fait aujourdhui, la charge de Chambellan de la Reine sa femme
a Milord Godolfin, le voulant conserver, aussi bien que Milord Sunderland,
dans sa plus etroite confiance. Us ont dresse tous trois ensemble 1'instruction de
Milord Churchil, qui est parti ce matin. Us m'ont dit que toute 1'instruction sc

APPENDIX.

XXXV

terminoit a remercier V.M,et a lui faire bien comprendrela reconnoissance du
Roi leur maitre, de ce que'V. M. a ete, de son pur mouvement, au-devant de ce
qu'on pourroit lui demander.

On avoit dit a la Cour, que les finances demeureroient entre les mains
des commissaires, jusque a I'assemblee du parlement ; mais le Roi d'Angle-
terre ne 1'a pas juge a-propos. Il-y'-en avoit parmi eux, dont la conduite
passee lui avoit fort deplu, et il a estime que les affaires ne se pourroient
soutenir que par un homme accr6dite et autorise comme le sera Milord
Rochester.

. Les nouvelles d'Ecosse 'portent que la proclamation s'est faite a Edinbourg
avec un grand concours de peuple, et sans aucune difficulte. La meme chose
s'est passee a York, et dans toutes les villes d'Angleterre ; on ne doute pas que
ce ne soit la meme chose en Irlande. Enfin, il n'y a point d'exemples qu'une
si grande succession ait te recueillie plus paisiblement, et avec moins de
troubles.

Le Roi d'Angleterre croit etre assure de tous les ports de mer, dc toute la
flotte, et de toutes les troupes. II salt bien pourtant, qu'il y en a parmi eux de
mal-intentionnes, et qui dans le fond du cosur souhaiteroient des brouilleries ;
mais en meme temps il est persuade quil ne se trouvera pcrsonne, qui ose les
commencer, et que tout le monde connoitque ce seroit s'exposer d'abord a une
mine certaine.

Les Compagnies des Indes Orientates, d'Afrique, etde Hambourg, ont offert
de payer les droits a 1'ordinaire : tout cela durera apparernment jusque a 1'as-
semblee du parlement ; c'est alors que s'il y a de la mauvaise volonte, et des des-
seins formes contre sa Majeste Britannique, ceux qui les ont seront plus hardis
a se decouvrir, et a entreprendre quelque chose.

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a parle plusieurs fois sur le sujet de M. le Prince
d'Orange. J'ai execute ce que V. M. me prescrit, et represent^ a sa Majeste
Britannique, combien il importe a la surete de sa personne, et au repos, de son

xxxvi APPENDIX.;/

6tat, que M. le Prince d'Orange he vienne point prijsentement en ce psvys ick
Je n'ai oublie aucunes des choses que j'ai cru propres a donner des spupcons-
legitimes, et bien fondes, d-ece que peut entreprendre un Prince heritier pre-
somptif dela couroune, par sa femme, etqueles peuplesregarderont comme leur
liberateur, etant de leur religion. 11 m'a paru que toutes ces considerations
font grande impression sur Fesprit du Roi d'Angleterre, et qu'il ade lui-meme
pense les memes choses ; mats cependant, je ne 1'ai pas trouve resolu a refuser
au Prince d'Orange la permission de veuir, s'il accompagne sa demande des
autres choses qui peuvent marquer sa soumission. L'opinion de sa Majeste Bri-
tannique est, qu'en 1'etat oil sont les affaires en ce pays-ci, M. le Prince
d'Orange ne reussira pas, s'il entreprend ouvertement d'y exciter des troubles.
J'ai repiique, qu'il etoit difficile de croire, que M. le Prince d'Orange changeat
si tot de mesures, et de sentiments, et que les regies de la prudence ne per-
mettcnt pas, que dans le commencement d'un regne, qui n'est pas encore af-
fermi, on ne prenne pas toutes les precautions imaginables pour oter aux peuples
tout pretexte de remuer. J'ai ajout6 acela, quela liaison que sa Majeste Bri-
tannique pretend conserver avec V. M. et les secours qu'elle en attend, ne se
peuvent concilier avec les desseins qu'a M.le Prince d'Orange, et dont il se de-
partira fort mal-aisement.

Ce que j'ai dit n'a pas e"te contest^ par le Roi d'Angleterre; mais 1'opinion
qu'il a, de ne devoir temoigner uucune crainte dans le commencement,
1'empeche de s'opposer ouvertement au voyage que le Prince d'Orange deman-
dera peut-etre a faire. II y entre un peu de plaisir que sa Majeste Britannique
prendra de voir ce Prince reduit a se souinettre. Je n'obmettrai aucun soin
pour prevenir les inconveniens qui peuvent arrivcr de ce cote-la; je ne puis
encore rien mander a V. M. de certain sur cela, jusqu'a.ce que 1'on ait des
nouvelles de ce qui se passe en Hollande, et de la manifere dont le Prince

d'Orange se conduira.

/' ' - .

; ..:aii:<; <:

On ne fait ici aucune mention de M. le Due de Monmouth, non plus que
s'il n'avoit jamais ete question de lui. On a su aujourdhui que la proclama-
tion s'etoit faite a Dublia avec la meme tranquillit^ qu'en Ecosse et en An-
gleterre.

APPENDIX. xxxvii

Milord d'Aran est arriv aiijourdhui ; je n'ai pas manque' a lui rendre tous
ics offices que V. M. m'a ordonne. 11 me paroit, par la reponse que m'a fait le
Roi d'Angleterre, qu'il a beaucoup de lieu d'esperer d'etre un des gentils-
hommes de la chambre, c'est ce qui lui convieut d'avantage presentement.

Je suis, &c.

BARILLON.

Sa Majeste Britannique m'a donne ce soir une lettre de sa main pour rc-
ponse i celle que j'ay eu 1'honneur de lui dormer dela part de votre Majeste.
J'arrive presentement de Whitehall. Le Roi d'Angleterre in 'a dit que les
lettres de Hollande etoient arrivees, et que M. le Prince d'Orange envoyoit ici
Overit; qu'ils avoient et6 egalement surpris, M. le Due de Monmouth et
lui, de la nouvelle de la mort du feu Roi d'Angleterre ; qu'ils avoient ete
en une longue conference, et que Monsieur le Due de Monmouth etoit
parti de la Haye, sans qu'on sut ou il alloit. Sa Majeste Britannique ne
croit pas, que M. le Prince d'Orange prenne le parti de lui deinander it
venir ici, et je vois bien qu'il y a moins de disposition clans son esprit a lui
en accorder la permission, etant persuade que les intentions de M. le Prince
d'Orange ne sont pas rectifiees a son egard. Je prendrai le soin que je
dois de faire bien comprendre au Roi d'Angleterre de quelle importance il lui
est, de se pr6cautionner centre les entreprises de M. le Prince d'Orange. Chid-
ley a mande que ce Prince avoit donne quelque argent a M. le Due de Mon-
mouth.

M. Earillon au Roy.

Mars 1, 1685.

TOUT est ici dans une trauquillite entiere. La messe se dit publiquement a
Whitehall, et le Roi et la Reine d'Angleterre y assistent ensemble. La porte
de la chapelle, qui est petite, demeure ouverte, et toute 1'antichambre est retn-
plie de Cathoh'ques et de Protestans. Ces derniers se retirent a 1'elevation,

xxxviii APPENDIX.

pour ne se pas mettre a genonx. II ne paroit pas jusqu'a-present que cela ait
fait aucun effet dangereux dans les esprils des gens qui ont du sens, et de la
raison. J'ai entendu des Protestans zeles dire, qu'il est juste que le Roi d'An-
gleterre ait 1'exercice de sa religiou, aussi bien que les deux Reines, et les mi-
nistres Strangers. Mais la populace de Londres est aigrie, de ce que le Roi
d'Angleterre va publiquement a la messe : et comme ily a dans Londres beau-
coup de Presbiteriensj et de sectaires, qui ne sont point de 1'eglise Anglicane,
ils auroient voulu que le Roy d'Angleterre se fut contente de ne point aller a la
chapelle du feu Roi, et se fut comporte comme font les Non-conformistes. Sa
Majeste Britannique m'a dit, que je verrois, que ce premier pas ne lui nuiroit
point, et que se conduisant dans le reste avec sagesse et prudence, il n'arrivera
point d'inconvenient d'une chose a la quelle il auroit tousjours fallu venir dans
la suite.

Hier Milord Clarendon fut fait Garde du Sceau Prive, et la charge de Pre-
sident du Conseil, qui vaque par la promotion de Milord Rochester a la charge
de Grand Tresorier, fut donnee a Milord Halifax. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a
dit, qu'ayant conserve tons les grands officiers de la inaisondu feu Roi son
frere, il avoit voulu donner encore cette marque de moderation, de ne pas
laisser entierement sans fonction Milord Halifax ; qu'il le connoissoit, et ne
s'y pouvoit jamais fier ; qu'il ne lui donnoit aucune part dans le veritable se-
cret des affaires, et que sa charge de President ne serviroit qu'a montrer
son peu de credit. Ce Prince ajouta a cela, que dans ces commence-
ments, il croyoit etre de son interet de changer le moins de choses qu'il lui
etoit possible, et de faire que ceux, qui lui ont ete le plus opposes, ne se
crussent pas entierement ruines, et sans aucune esperance de se pouvoir
conserver.

Ce Prince est entre fort avant avec moi dans les raisons qui Font oblige de
laisser dans leur fonction ceux qu'on sait avoir ete ses plus dangereux enncmis,
pendant la vie du Roi son frere. II sait que cela a donne de 1'alarme aux Ca-
tholiques en qui il a confiance, et que leur avis etoit, que ces charges eussent
6te d'abord remplies de gens de qualitie, et d''une fidelite eprouvee. Ceux qui
ont e"te toujours du parti de la Cour sont faches que les charges n'ayent pas
ete changees ; chacun d'eux croit qu'il y auroit eu part. Au fonds, cela meme

APPENDIX. xxxix

ne paroit pas nuisible au Roy d'Angleterre presentement, et il lui toit important
de donner quelques marques de douceur dans le commencement, et d'oter au
monde 1'opinion qui est etablie, qu'il ne pardonne jamais. Le veritable motif est
de ne pas desesperer des gens qu'il croit le pouvoir servir a renclre le Parle-
ment plus trai table, et le disposer a lui accorder la continuation de tout le re-
venu dont il s'est mis en possession. Quoiqu'il n'y ait point d'opposition for-
melle sur cette jouissance, le murmure secret est fort grand, et les Anglois
croient tous leurs privileges rompus, de ce que les droits, dont la perception doit
finir par la mort du feu Roi, sont leves comme ils I'etoient de son vivant. Les
actes du Parlement, qui ont concede ces droits, sont directement contraires a ce
qui se fait ; et beaucoup dc gens soutiennent qu'on les auroit plus aisement ob-
tenus du Parlement si on avoit en la consideration et la retenue de ne les lever
que de son consentement.

Cependant, la possession fait une espece de droit, et sa Majeste Britannique
paroit fort resolue de s'y maintcnir a quelquc prix que ce soil, ne croyant pas
se pouvoir maintenir sans cela. II s'est fait uue chose, sur la meme matiere,
qui n'est pas de peu de consequence. L'excise qu'on appelle additionelle (ce
sont des droits augmentes sur les vins, bierres,et autres boissons) a ete concedee
au feu Roi pour sa vie ; mais on retnonstra, que si la ferine de ces droits etoit
en incertitude, on ne pourroit trouver 1'argent dont on avoit besoin alors ; ainsi
il fut resolu, et on mit.dans 1'actc du Parlement, que cette ferine seroit donnee
pour trois ans, et que la jouissance de ces droits continueroit pour le temps qui
resteroit aexpirerdu bail qui auroit precede la fin de la viedu Roi lors regnant.
Pendant les derniers jours de la maladie du Roi d'Angleterre, le bail a ete re-
nouvelle et 1'adjudication faite la vt-illc de sa mort. Sa Majeste Britannique
pretend, que cela s'est fait dans les formes, et aux termes de 1'actc du Parle-
ment; ct ainsi il y a une publication pour continuer la jouissance de cc droit,
qui monte par an a cinq cens mille pieces. C'est une des pins considerables
parties de son revenu.

Le Roi d'Angleterre a resolu de se faire couronner dans 1'eglise de West
minster, avant 1'assemblee du Parlement. II y a aujourdhui un comite etabli
pour regler en quelle maniere cela se fera, et qu'elles ceremonies pourrout

xl APPENDIX.

etreomiseg, et pour mettre la conscience de sa Majeste Britanniquea convert,
et ne pas laisser de faire le ceremonies essentielles du couronnement, qui est
estime en Angleterre comme une chose entitlement necessaire, pour l'6ta-
blissement de 1'autorite royale, apres laquelle tout ce qui peut etre dit ou fait
contre le Roi est repute haute trahison. On croit trouver des expediens
pour concilier Ics difricultes qui se rencontrent a cause de la difference de re-r
ligion.

Le Sicur Overkerque.est arrive ici ; le Roi d'Angleterre in'a dit qu'il lui
avoit apporte une lettre du Prince d'Orange conc,ue en termes respectueux, et
fort soumis ; qu'il ne paroissoit pas avoir aucune intention de venir ici, ny
songer a en demandcr la permission ; que quoique dans le fonds son voyage
ne put etre d'aucun peril n'y inconvenient, il etoit pourtant bien aise que cela
ne fut point, nc sachant pas trop bien comment refuser une telle permission,
sans temoigner une crainte mal fondee, et qui donneroit du courage a ses en-
netnis ; que cepcndant, il a connu, par ce que je lui ai dit, que le sentiment de
V. M. n'est pas qu'il donne presentement la permission a M.le Prince d'Orange
de passer en Angleterre ; que sa resolution est prise dc se conformer, en
tout, a ce qui sera plus agreeable a V. M. et que je puis etre assure, qu'il
lie fera rien, qui ne soit entitlement conforme a ses obligations; qa'il
espere aussi, que V. M. aura assez de confiance en lui pour ne pas desap-
prouver ce qu'il sera oblige de faire pour affermir son autorite, et pour le
bien de ses affaires ; qu'il connoit son veritable interet, et que rien au
monde ne la fera departir de Fattachement qu'il aura, toute sa vie, aux inte-
rets de V. M.

J'ai dit a ce Prince, qu'il etoit vari que V. M. n'estime pas qu'il soit conve-
nable que M. le Prince d'Orange vienne en Angleterre dans la conjoncture
presente; qu'on pent juger assez par sa conduite passe, qu'il n'a point d'au-
tres regies que celles de son ambition, qui va jusqu'a 1'exees, et qui lui a fait
commettre de grandes fautes; qu'etant beritier presomptif de la couronne, les
peuples auront les yeux sur lui, et le favoriseront a cause de la religion ; qiie
cela peut uiettre en grand peril sa personne et son etat ; et qu'il ne paroit au-
cune bonne rai son de s'exposer, sans necessite, a un danger qui ne paroit pas

APPENDIX. xJi

mediocre; qu'il importe, a la verite, de temoigner, dansces commencements
beaucoup de fermete, et de rieii apprehender s;ms fondement, mais qu'il itn-
porte encore plus de prendre toutes ses suretes, et de ne pas exposer legere-
ment un aussi grand etablissement, que celui dont il se voit en possession pai-
sible: que V. M. considere principalement, ce qui imported la siirete de la
personne de sa Majcste Britanaique, et de son etat ; qu'elle croit aussi qu'il lui
est de grancle consequence, dans ces commencements, de ne rieu faire, qui
puisse etrc oppos aux liaisons qu'il veut conserver, et-qu'il croit lui etre avan-
tageuscs ; qu'on ne sauroit douter que 1'unique but de M. le Prince d'Orangc*
ne soit d'affoiblir ces liaisons, et de les miner tout-a-fait s'il en pouvoit venir a
bout; et que sa Majeste Britannique ne peut trop tot, et trop fortement,
oter a ses ennerais toute esperance de s'cbranler, et dc lui faire changer de
mesures.

J'ai cru, Sire, devoir parlor fortement sur cette malicrc ; car, comme j'ai eu
I'honneur de vous le mander, le Roi d'Angleterre ne seroitpas rache.de voir M.
le Prince d'Orange humilie et soumis. Je nc perdrai aucune occasion de lui
represeuter, que la soumission, et le respect de M. le Prince d'Orange, ne se-
ront pas sinceres, et qu'il n'en temoignera qu'autant qu'il y sera forc6 par la
necessite. Tout ce que j'apprens jusquti-present me fait croire, que M. le
Prince d'Orange ne songe pas lui-meme encore a venir, ct qu'il a pris la reso-
lution de conformer sa conduitc, au moins en apparence, u ce que le Roi d'An-
gleterre pourroit dcsirer.

Sa Majesto Britanuique me dit hier que M. le Due de Monmouth avoit etc-
trouver Madame la Princesse d'Orange, et lui avoit fait des protestations d'une
fidelite et d'une soumission entiere, la suppliant instamment de vouloirl'assurer
qu'il n'auroit point a 1'avenir de sujet plus zele, etplus attache a son service.
J'ai dit a ce Prince, que cela ne pourroit etre regarde que comme un ar-
tifice, on un eflet de la pure necessit6 ou M. le Due de Monmouth se
trouve, de parler de cette maniere, ou de venir lui disputer la couronne, ce
qu'il n'est pas en etat de faire; que le concert de M. le Prince d'Orange, et
de M. le Due de Monmouth, lui doit etre fort suspect ; que cependant, je vois
avec beaucoup de joic, que ses ennemis sont forces a se soumettre, et que

xlii APPEiNDIX.

V. M. apprendra avec plaisir combien son autorite se fortifie au-dedans et au-
dehors.

Je pris de la occasion de parler a sa Majeste Britannique des nouvelles de
Hollande. Je lui donnai a lire une copie de la lettre de M. d'Avaux du 20 ; ce
Prince me dit, qu'il savoit les memes choscs a-peu-pres par Chidley ; qu'il
voyoil le soin qu'on a pris de publier beaucoup de faussetes touchant une lettre
qu'on suppose qu'il a ecrite a M. le Prince d'Orange; qu'il me diroit a moi la
pure verite ; que le jour de la inort du Roi son frre, l'ordinaire pour Hollande
partoil, qu'il avoit cru en devoir donner part a. sa fille, sans envoyer d'ex-
pres, et qu'il avoit aussi estime, que c'auroit ete trop d'afFeetatiou de ne
rien mander du tout a M. le Prince d'Orange, qu'il lui avoit ecrit deux lignes
de sa main, pour lui donner simplement part de la nouvelle, sans y ajouter
aucun autre temoignage, n'y d'amitie, n'y de bienveillance; qu'il voyoit
pourtant bien Tusage qu'on faisoit de ce billet, supposant que c'etoit une
lettre remplie d'amitie' et de tendresse ; qu'il en seroit d'avantage sur ces
gardes a 1'avenir pour ne rien faire qui put etre interprete centre ses in-
tentions.

Le Due d'Ormond doit revenir ici au mois de Mars, conformement'a ce qui
avoit ete resolu par le feu Roi d'Angleterre. On ne nomme point encore qui
sera Gouverneur d'Irlande. Le Primal, le Chancelier, et Milord Grenart,
qui commande les troupes, auront 1'administration et le gonvernement
jusque a ce qu'il y ait etc pourvu, ainsi qu'il a ete pratique en diverses ren-
contres.

Le Marquis de Grave a ecrit au Roi d'Angleterre une lettre en termes fort
respectueux, et fort passionnes pour son service. II y mele une congratulation
sur 1'assemblee d'un Parlement, et sur le sujet de M. le Prince d'Orange ; ce
qui a ete regarde de sa Mnjeste" Britannique comme une marque de 1'intention
qu'ont les Espagnols de diriger tous leurs efforts ici par les Parlements, et sur
la diminution de I'autorit6 royale.

^'arrive de Whitehall : le Roi d'Angleterre m'a mene ce soir dans son ca-

APPENDIX. xliii

binet, et m'a dit que le Sieur Ovcrkerque lui avoit fait demander une audience
particuliere un peu avant son souper; que 1'aiant adtnis, illui avoit dit, que M.
le Prince d'Orange non seulement se repentoit tie sa conduite aupres du feu
Roi Angleterre, mais qu'il reconnoissoit de bonne foi les fautes qu'il avoit
commises envers sa Majeste Britannique a present regnante; qu'il fera toute
ce qui sera en son pouvoir pour les reparer, et pour meriter ses bonnes graces
par une^soumission entiere a ses volontes, et un attachement sincere a ses in*
terets ; et qu'il suivroit ponctuellement ce qui lui seroit present. Le Roi d'Au-
gleterre m'a dit, que sa reponse avoit ete, qu'il verroit toujours avec plaisir M.
le Prince d'Orange dans son devoir, et tcinoigoer un veritable repentirdu passe",
mais qu'il ne pouvoit admettre ses soumissions, ni croire les protestations qu'on
lui feroit de sa part sincferes, si sa soumission n'utoit entie're, et sans exception;
que le feu Roi il'Anglcterre et lui, avoient etabli une liaison avec votre Majeste,
a la q.ucllc M. le Prince d'Orange avoit toujours etc oppose, et que s'il vouloit
changer de sentimens al'egard du dedans de 1'Angleterre, il falloit le faire aussi
a 1'egard de volre Majeste, et'tcnir une conduite differente de eel le qu'il a
tenue depuis longtems a son egard ; que ce premier pas etoit d'une absolue ne-
cessite, afin qu'il put ajouter quelquc foi a ce qui lui seroit dit de la partede M.
le Prince d'Orange.

Le Sieur Overkerque n'a rien temoigne a ce discours qu'il n'attendoit pent-
Otre pas. Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit, que je devois des aujourdhui rendre
compte a V. M. de ce qui s'est passe a cet egard, et 1'assurer, qu'il ne sera fait
aucune demarche que de concert avec moi, et selon que V. M. le jugera le plug
a-propos; que la declaration qu'il a faite a Overkerque fera comprendre a M.
le Prince d'Orange, quel chomin il doit tenir pour se raccommoder avec lui.
J'ai dit a sa Majeste Britannique, que je rendrois compte des aujourdhui a
V. M. du diseours de M. Overkerque ; que je prendrois cependant la liberte de
lui reprcsenter, sans avoir eu le temps cl'y songer, qu'une chose de tclle conse-
quence anroit du etre confiee a un homrne plus mur et de plus de poids, que M.
Overkerque; que peut-etre on lui avoit donne conseil d'aller plus avant que M.
le Prince d'Orange ne lui avoit present: que cette soumission entiere, etcette
offre si grande, auroit du etre exprimeed/msla lettrede M.le Prince d'Orange;
que je croyois qu'il seroit sur ses gardes, et ne se laisscroit pas surprendre par
des paroles de compliment qui ne sont que dans la bouche d'un envoye de M.

APPENDIX.

le Prince d'Orange. Sa Majeste Britanniqne m'a clit, Ne croyez pas que'je me
laisse tromper n'y amuser. Vous voyez que j'ai voulu d'abord parler ncttement,
et oter toute esperance au Prince d'Orange que je voulusse settlement 1'ad-
mettre a sa justification qu'il n'ait entierement change de sentiments et de con-
duite a l'6gard du Roi votre maitre.

Je serai applique, comme je le dois, a penetrer cequi se passera, pour en in-
former V. M. J'en connois la consequence. Je suis, 8cc.

M. Barillon au Rot.

5 Mars, 1685.

J'AI reu la depeche de votre Majeste du 26 e . Fevrier par le retourdu second
courier que j'avois depeche. J'ai rendu compte au Roi d'Angleterre de ce que
V. M. m'ordonne de lui dire sur 1'assemblee du parlement, et sur la confiance
que V, M. A, qu'il ne se laissera jamais engager a rien qui le puisse detacher
des liaisons qu'il a prises avec V. M. Ce Prince m'a temoigne apprendre
avec beaucoup de joie, que le projet qu'il a fait d'assembler un parlement au
mois de Mai est approuve de V. M. et que les raisons qu'il a de le faire lui ont
paru solides, et bieu fondees. II est certain, que cctte declaration a beaucoup
servi a calmer d'abord les esprits. Le nom de parlement est tellementagreable
aux Anglois, qu'il peut les empecher de sentir aussi vivement qu'ils le feroient
sans cela, le retablissement de la messe dans Whitehall, et la profession que le
Roi d'Angleterre fait publiquement d'une religion, centre laquelle les loix ont
etabli des peines fort severes. On ne sauroit douter que les esprits ne soient
lortm^contents de cet exercice public que saMajeste Britannique a etabli sans
balancer. Us en con^oivent de grands soupons pour Tavenir, et craignent
que le dessein ne soit prisderuiner la religion Protestante, et de ne souflrirque
la Catholique. C'est un projet si difficile dans son execution, pour ne pas dire
impossible, que les gens senses ne I'appr6hendent pas : mais le peuple est sus-
ceptible de toutes sortes d'impressions, et on leur fait croire qu'ils verront la
persecution centre les Protestants exercec avec autant de rigueur que du temps

APPENDIX. .jclv

de la Reyne Marie, lorsque 1'Angleterre etoit encore plus remplie de Catho
liques que de Protestans.

Le Roi d'Angleterre et ses ministres font leur possible pour dissiper ce*
craintes, et pour convaiacre tous les gens raisonables, que 1'intention de sa Ma-
jeste Biitannique est de gouverner selon les loix, et de ne rien entrepreudre
centre la siirete de la religion Protestante, pourru que le Parlement lui ac-
corde le ruvenu qui est absolument necessaire pour soutenir le gouvernement ;
on presuppose aussi que le Parlement consentira que toute persecution cesse
contreles Catholiques, ensorte qu'ils puissent vivre en repos. Jc suis informe,
que ces questions commencent a etre agitees, et Ton parle dcja de ce que le
Parlement fera, quand il sera assemble. On demeure presque d'accord de part
et d'autre, que les loix pennies centre les Catholiques seront abolies, et que
Ton ne poursuivra plus ceux qui se contenteront de 1'exercice de la re-
ligion Catholique dans le dedans de leur maison ; on ne fait pas meme
de doute que la seance du parlement nc soil rendue aux Seigneurs Ca-
tholiques.

La plus grande difficulte regarde les charges publiqucs de la mi lice et du
gouvernement. C'est surquoi il y a de 1'apparence que le parlement serai
fort ferme. Car 1'inte'ret des principaux Protestans est, de ne pas laisser
1'entree libre clans les charges aux Catholiques, parcequ'ils croient que la plus,
part des charges seroient bientot remplks par eux. On pourra bien trouver-
quelque temperament a cet egard. On propose deja, que les Catholiques
puissent avoir quelques charges dans la Maison du Roi d'Angleterre, pourvu
que ce ne soil pas des charges qui aient de la jurisdiction, ni du com-
mandement.

Le point le plus important, et qui recevra le plus de difficulte. sera celui du
revenu, que le Roi d'Angleterre pretend avoir pour sa vie. Le Parlement, an
contraire, ne le voudra accorder que pour deux ou trois ans, au plus, afin d'eta-
blir unenecessite indispensable d'assembler un parlement de temps en temps.
SaMajeste Britannique fera tous ses efforts pour n'y etre point obligee ; main
si celane se pent autrement peut-etre qu'a la fin le Roi d'Angleterre se content-
era d'obtenir. d'abord pour trois ans la confirmation de son, revenu, parcequ'il

APPENDIX.

croira le pouvoir ensuite obtenir pour sa vie,et qu'il -aura le temps de semettre
en tel etat qu'on nc pourra plus le troublcr dans une jouissance dont il sera en
paisible possession. On pourra peut-etre lui accorder quelque chose pour le re-
tablissement de la flotte ; c'est la depenseque leparlement fait le plus volo ti-
llers, et qui lui doune le moins de jalousie. 11 n'est pas possible qu'on fasse des
propositions dangereuses et nuisibles a la royaut ; mais Jes plus sages crain-
dront d'irriter le Roy d'Angleterre, et de lui fournir un pretexte d'etablir un
gouvernement plus absolu, et d'obtenir par la force ce qui lui aura etc refuse
par le parlement, au quel cas il lui seroit aise d'augmcnter ce qu'il aura une tbis
etabli centre les loix.

II est aussi fort apparent, qu'on lui fera sous main diverses propositions
pour le detacner peu-a-peu des interets de V. M. et 1'engager dans d'autrcs li-
aisons ; inais mon opinion n'est pas, que le Roy d'Angleterre fasse sur cela au-
cune demarche qui puisse lui faire perdre 1'amitie de V.M. II connoit bien
que c'est son plus ferine et son plus solide appui.

Lcs grands efforts a cet egard ne seront pas sitot, et les cabales qui se for-
meront sur cela n'espereront y reussir qu'avec le temps, et lorsqu'ils verront les
affaires de i'Europe dans un autre etat que celui auquel elles sont a-present.
Cependant, il me paroit que le Roi d'Angleterre est principalemcnt applique
a ce qui regarde le parlement, et n'obmet aucun soin pour faire, que les mem-
bres qui composeront la Chambre des Communes lui soient favorabJes, et ne
se portent pas aux resolutions extremes qui ontagite lesderniers parlements ;
on avoit propose un moyen d'exclure les gens, qu'on peut soupgonner eire nial-
intentionnes, en declarant qu' aucun de ceux qui ont ete d'avis d'exclure M. le
Due d'York de la succession ne pourroit etre elu, et admis a la seance du
parlement ; mais cet expedient n'a pas ete approuve ; ce seroit rendre irre-
conciliable beaucoup de gens dont on peut attendre une meilletire conduite a
1'avehir. [/intention idu Roi d'Angleterre est d'abolir autant qu'il se pourra,
la m'inoirc de ce qui s'est passe sur 1'exclusion, d'autant plus que par
un usage etabli depuis longtemps, il n'est pas permis de rechercher, ni de
punir; aucun des membres du parlement pour ce qu'il auroit dit dans 1'as-
semblee.

" - s

i/f.iv '">>' jfiO.- ssh /jo[ijj.jn:tti' i ' 'oi

APPENDIX. xlvii

Les memes raisons ont oblige le Roi d'Angleterre uconfirmerles principaux
officiers de la Maison, et a ne pas chasser Milord Halifax ; cette moderation
est fort loue a Londres, et par les Protestans zeles ? on 1'impnte a Milord Ro-
chester, qu'on croit avoir eu par la. dessein de rnenager les esprits, et de donner
bonne opinion de lui dans le commencement de son ministere. Cette premiere
demarche n'est pas approuvee des Catholiques; ils croient que c'est un com-
mencement de relfichement,etquesile sentiment de Milord Rochester pr6vaiH,
ils se trouveront a. la fin mines par les memes considerations qu'on a presente-
ment de menager les gens mal-intentionnes; contre eux etcontre la royaute. Ils
disent que M. le Due d'York n'a point en d'ennemis si dangereux qne Milord
Arlington ; que c'est lui qui a le premier inspire au feu Roi d'Angleterre les
conseils timides qui 1'ont mis & deux doits de sa mine; qne le Comte cle Danby
n'a fait qne snivre ce plan, el que le parlemeiit n'a et incite a la mine des Ca-
tholiques, et a entreprendre d'oier la succession a M. le Due d'York, que par-
cequ'il soutenoit ce projet, et qu'il faisoit tousjours esp6rer au parlenient, qne
sa Majeste Britannique y donneroit les mains, en lui etablissant un revenn
considerable pendant sa vie.

Les autres officiers conserves, a la reserve du Due d'Ormond, ont toujours
ete fort opposes au parti de M. le Due d'York. On croit qu'ils ne changeront
de conduite qu'en apparence, et que s'ils trouvent une occasion de faire pa-
rottre leur mauvaise volonte, ils nc la manqueront pas ; que ceppndant ils
peuvent faire beaucoup de mal en donnant courage a ceux qui ont creance en
eux, et qui croiront bien faire de suivre les sentiments de gens qui occupentles
charges de la cour. Le Roi d'Angleterre a pris cette resolution, sans beaucoup
consulter les Catholiques en qui il se iie le plus. II m'en a. parle encore depuis
que 1'affaire est declared, et m'a dk, qu'il n'avoit pas cru devoir d'abord faire un
entier changement dans la Maison ; que ceux qui demeurent en possession de
leurs charges craindront de les perdre, et que les autres auront esperance de
les remplir ; que tout cela produira un bon efiet dans 1'assemblee du Parle-
ment ; et qu'il sera toujours assez temps de faire des changements quand
on aura connu comment ceax qui sont dtemeures se conduiront ; qu'il
Fegurd de Milord Arlington, il y auroit en de la duret de le cleposseder
a I'&ge ou il est, d'une charge dont il ne peut jouir long temps, ses af-

jdviii APPENDIX.

faires d'ailleurs n'etant pas en bon etat; que s'il avoit clia nge Icsautrcs,
on auroit dit qu'il renversoit tout ce que le Roi d'Angletcrre avoit etabli,
-et que la resolution etoit prise de changer tout le reste aussi bien que la
Maison.

Sa Majeste Britannique a allegue Ics menies ratsons aux priucipaux Catho-
liques, pour les empecher de paroitre aussi mecontents qu'ils le sont, de ce qui
.s'est passe a cet egard. II y a une espece de conseil etabli de quartre personnes
entre les Catholiques en qui le Roi d'Angleterre a le plus de creance, et dont
les avis sont de plus grands poids aupres de lui. Ce conseil est compose de
Milord Arondel, de Milord Bellasis, des Sieurs Talbot et Germain. Les deux
derniers ont toujours etc attaches a M. le Due de York, ets'attendoient de
voir des changements d'abord. L'un et 1'autre pretend uu titre, et d'etre gen-
.tilhomme de la chambre. Cela pourra etre dans la suite, mais je ne crois
pas que ce soil avant 1'assemblee du Parlemeut. Us craignent que les memes
raisons qui leur servent d'obstacle presentement, ne soient pas aisees a sur-
monter a 1'avenir.

Le Roi d'Angleterre in 'a dit que M. d'Overkcrque lui avoit encore re pete le*
assurances d'unc cntiere soumission de la part du Prince d'Orange, et lui avoit
offcrt ce qu'on appelle la carte blanclie ; qu'il avoit confcre sur cela avec j\li-
lord Rochester, Milord Sunderland, ct.Milord Godolfin, qui avoient tous trois
ete d'avis de repondre d'une maniere qui put faire connoitre, dans la suite, si
les oftVes de M.le Prince d'Orange sont sinceres; que pour cela il lui avoit
ye pete plus au long ce qu'il lui avoit dit d'abord, sur le sujet de V. M., et lui
.avoit declare, qu'a moins que M. le Prince d'Orange ne changeat entierement
de sentiments et de conduite a 1'egard de la France, il lui seroit impossible de
croire que son intention fiat, d'etre v^ritablement dans ses interets, parce'qu'il
n'en avoit point de plus considerable, que de conserver 1'amitie de V. M. ; qu'il
ctoit aussi necessaire de renoncer a toute sorte de commerce et de liaison avec
M. le Due de Monmouth ; et pour donner une preuve claire et certaiue de son
changement a cet egard, il eut a casser incessamment les officiers des troupes
Angloises dont la fid^lite 6toit suspecte, et qu'on a sujet dc croire attaches a
M. le Due de Monmouth ; qu'a moins que M. le Prince d'Orange ne se re-

APPENDIX. xlix

Solve a faire tout cela d'une maniere convenable, le Sieur Chidley ne recevra
point d'ordre de trailer avec lui, n'y de le voir, et sa Majeste Britannique n
croira point que les assurances de sa soumission soient sinceres.

Je dis au Roy d'Angleterre, que j'avois eu le temps de penser it ce qu'il
m'avoit fait 1'honneur de me dire, mais que je ne pouvois rien decider de mon
chef; qu'il falloit attendre ce que V. M. m'ordonneroit, pour lui pouvoir-rien
dire qui fut d'aucun poids ; que cependant, je le priois de considerer s'il y avoit
de 1'apparence que M. le Prince d'Orange cut shot resolu de changer de
inesuresetde conduite, ne pouvant encore savoir avec certitude combien toutest
paisible en Angleterre, qu'ainsi on doit pre"sumer, ou que ce que dit M. Over-
kerque lui est inspire ici, ou que M. le Prince d'Orange pent bien lui avoir
donne ordre de faire toutes sortes de soumissions en cas que les affaires soient
de maniere en Angleterre, qu'il n'y ait aucune apparence de trouble et de de-
sordre ; que M. le Prince d'Orange est nature! lenient si opiniatre, et si peu-
docile, que difficilement se resoudra-t-il a rien promettre que d'oppos6 a tout
ce qu'il a fait jusques a-present ; que quand il le promettroit, et donneroit sur
cela de fortes assurances, il n'y auroit guere d'apparence qu'il renoncat de bonne
foi aux engagements qu'il a pris avec la Maison d'Autriche, et avec les autres
Princes opposes aux mteretsde V. M., et jaloux de sagloire; que V. M., de
son cote, ne redonneroit pas aisement ses bonnes graces a M.le Prince d'Orange,
et qu'apres tout ce qu'il a fait, il ne doit pas esperer qu'un simple compliment
efface le passe, et que V. M. puisse ajoutcr foi aisement aux assurances qui
lui seront donnees de sa part ; que V. M. ne desire rien d'avantage que de voir
sa Majeste Britannique reconnue universellement de ses sujets, eten jouissance
paisible de sa couronne ; mais que je ne doute pas que les soumissions de M. le
Prince d'Orange ne lui paroissent fort dangereuses, et qu'elle ne trouve surtout
beaucoup d'inconveniens et de peril a laisser venir ici M. le Prince d'Orange,
qui pourra, par sa presence, donner du mouvement, et de la force, aux ca-
bales qui sont si aisees a former en une conjoncture comme celle qui est fi
present.
fj.-">yf ' . '

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a repondu, qu'il ne croyoit pas que M. le Prince
d'Orange prit le parti de demander a venir ici sitot ; que s'il y venoit, et que sa
conduite fut tant soit peu douteuse, il sauroit bien les moyens de le remettre

1 APPENDIX.

dans son devoir, et 1'empecheroit d'exciter aucun trouble ; que s'il se souniet-
toit enticement, et qu'il cut assez de sagesse pour changer de conduite a
1'egard des affaires du dedans et de celles du dehors, on le connoitroit bien tot ;
qu'il ne se laisseroit point tromper ; et que son principal soin seroit toujours
de conserver 1'auutie de V. M. et de ne rien faire qui put en aucune faon etre
oppose a ses interets,.

Les Ministres m'ont parle dans le meme sens que sa Majeste Britannique.
Milord Rochester est Grand Tresorier, et a le principal credit, ainsi il desire
tout ce qui peut conserver le repos et la tranquillite, et son sentiment est, que
le Roi son maitre ne hazarde rien d'eprouver quelle sera la conduite du Prince
d'Orange a son egard, et croit qu'on doit lui ouvrir le chemin de rentrer dans
son devoir. II est oncle de la Princesse d'Orange, et par consequent sa pente
seroit de pouvoir concilier les interets du Roi regnant avec celui des heritiers
presomptifs. Mais comme il est bon courtisan, et qu'il connoit fort bien que
le Roi son maitre prendra assez aisement de la jalousie et du soupon contre
ceux qui pencheront trop du cote du Prince d'Orange, il temoigne fort ou-
vertement desirer, preferablement a tout, que sa Majeste Britannique menage
I'amitie de V. M., sans laquelle, il connoit les difficultes qu'il y auroit de sou-
tenir le gouvernement.

Milord Sunderland sent bien la superiorite qu'a sur lui Milord Rochester,
par sa charge de Grand Tresorier. Toute son application est d'entrer aussi
avant qu'aucun autre ministre dans tous les sentiments du Roi son maitre, et
de conserver une part secrette dans sa confiance, en lui faisant connoitre qu'il
ne peut avoir aucun autre attachement qu'a lui ; je sais qu'il a parle avec beau-
coup de chaleur a sa Majeste Britannique, pour montrer combien M. le Prince
d'Orange pouvoit nuire au bon etat ou sont les affaires presentement ; et qu'un
heritier presomptif sera regarde en Angleterre comme pouvant seul remedies
aux inconveniens d'avoir un Roi d'une Religion opposee a celle de ses sujets.
Milord Godolfin penche plutot du cote de Milord Sunderland, avec qui ses an-
ciennes liaisons subsistent. II est encore fort abattu de la perte qu'il a faite. 11
est admis dans les deliberations les plus secretes. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en
paroi t fort content, et m'a dit qu'il lui trouve plus de fermete et de hardiesse,
qu'il n'en attendoit. i

APPENDIX. It

Cependant tout est ici dans un fort grand calme, et il ne paroit ricn qtu
puisse le troubler; mais dans le fond les esprits sont fort agites; Le peuple ne
sauroit voir celebrer la messe dans Whitehall sans un extreme depit,et sans
craindre que cela n'ait des suites. Les gens mal intentionnes fomentent sous
main ces craintes, et inspirent des eoupQons, que le Roi d'Angleterre ne se
croira point en surete qu'il n'ait entierement etabli la religion Catholique en
Angleterre, et qu'il n'ait ote aux Protestans les moyens de leur nuire. II se-
roit fort difficile de juger, si les affaires demeureront dans le calme ou elles
sont; il ne faut qu'un refus de payer les droits dont le Roi d'Angleterre s'est
mis en possession pour former une contestation qui pourroit avoir des suites.
L'opinion des gens les plus habiles est, que tout sera en repos jusques a 1'as-
semblee du parlement, et que si les affaires s'y passent doucement, il ne sera
pas impossible de maintenir ce pays-ci en repos. Le zele de la religion Pro-
testante, et la crainte d'un gouvernement plus absolu, sont des semences de di-
vision dans les esprits, qui peut eclateraux moindres occasions qui s'en pre"-
senteront. Mais les gens sages craignent de voir commencer les desordres ; ils
se souviennent encore des malheurs des guerres civiles, et ceux qui ont a per-
drene se laissent pas emouvoir aisement. Ils sont meme tous dans 1'opiniou
que le parlement peut prendre les precautions necessaires pour empecher les
progres de la religion Catholique, et I'augmentation du pouvoir souverain.
Cela s'agite presentement, et Ton va etre fort occupe dans les provinces des
Elections. On pourra former quelque jugementde ce qui arrivera dans le parle-
ment quand on saura de quelles gens la Chambre des Communes sera composee.
Jesais, que quoique la Cour prenne grand soin d'avoir des deputes favorables,
il y aura beaucop d'endroits ou le parti des patriotes sera superieur, et ou Ton
elira des gens dont les sentiments seront entierement opposes a ce que la Cour
desirera.

J'aurai 1'application que je dois pour savoir quelles cabalea se formeront
pour en informer V. M. J'ai pris des mesures pour lui pouvoir rendrecompte
de ce qu'il lui a plu m'ordonner par sa depeche du 20e. II faut du temps
pour cela. Jusques a-present, les places, les ports de mer, les troupes, et les
vaisseaux paroissent etre dans les mains de gens qui sont fort attaches a la
royautS ; mais tout cela recevroit de grands changements, s'il arrivoit des de-

lii APPENDIX.

sordresj et que la guerre commenc,at sur un pretexte de religion ou de change-
ment des loix.

Je ne vois personne qui croye que le Due de Monmouth ose seulement se
montrer en aucun endroit. II suit assez, que le Hoi d'Angleterre ne lui pardon-
neroit pas. Le pardon qu'il a obtenu du feu Roi n'est valable que pour 1'An-
gleterre, ainsi son proems lui pourroit etre fait en Ecosse fort aisment. On
pretend meme, que depuis son pardon obtenu, il a eu avec quelques uns des
conspirateurs un commerce qui le rend coupable.

L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a demande au Roi d'Angleterre comment il de-
siroitque M. le Due de Monmouth fut traite a Bruxelles ? Sa reponse, si ce
que ce Prince m'a dit, a ete, que ce n'^toit pas une chose sur quoi on le dut
consulter : que la conduite de M. le Due de Monmouth a son egard n'etoit
ignoree de personne ; et qu'a dire la verite, il ne savoit pas quel dessein pouvoit
avoir M. le Due de Monmouth, en demeurant si pres des cotes d'Angleterre
dans la conjoncture presente.

Sa Majeste Britannique m'a dit aussi, que 1'Ambassadeur d'Espagne lui
avoit parle du traite d'alliance, qui avoit ete conclu il y a quelque temps entre
le feu Roi d'Angleterre et sa Majeste Catholique, au quel il ne doutoit pas que
sa Majeste Britannique ne se crut obligee, en la meme fac.on que 1'etoit le feu
Roi son frere; que sa reponse avoit te, qu'il etoit fort pen instruit dans ces
sortes de matieres ; que si 1'Ambassadeur dsiroit quelque eclaircissement sur
cela, il pouvoit presenter un memoire, qui seroit examine par ses Ministres afin
de lui faire une reponse dans les formes. L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a ete em-
barrasse de cette reponse, et a bien compris, que le Roi d'Angleterre ne se
tient pas oblige^ au traite fait par le Roi son frere. Je lui ai dit, qu'outre que
les regies ordinaires ne 1'engageoient pas a ce traite", il se souvenoit que le feu
Roi d'Angleterre s'en tenoitlui meme suffisainment degag6 par le refusdes Es-
pagnols dese soumettre a son arbitrage, et parle changement des affaires de-
puis ce temps 1& ; puis qu'ensuite d'une guerre il s'etoit fait un traite de treve
dans la garantie du quel le Roi d'Angleterre ne s'etoit pas trop mis en peine
d'enlrer, et que c'6toit a lui voir ce qui lui conviendra sur cela. Le Roi d'An-

APPENDIX. Jiii

gleterre m'a di't, Je ne me tiens en aucune f&gon oblige au traite qu'a fait Je
Roi mon frere avec 1'Espagne, mais je me tiens fort oblige a conserver Famine
et 1'appui du Roi votre maitre, et je ferai tnon pos sible pour les meriter.

Je suis, 8tc.

BARILLOX.

Le Roi ci M- Barillon.

Mars Q, 1685.

JVLoNsiEUR BARILLON j'ai recn votre lettre des 26 Fevr. et 1 de ce rnois, et
j'ai vu avec plaisir par la premiere, que le Roi d'Angleterre a ete aussi sensible-
ment touche que je le pouvois desirer des moyens que je vous ai donnes de
1'assister dans ses plus pressans besoins, sans attendre qu'il m'en cut, requis ;
mais quoique je crois que la declaration que vous lui en avez faite sans aucvme
reserve, ait produit de tres-bons efYets, et qu'elle ait parfaitement bien per-
suade ce Prince du solide fondement qu'il doit faire sur mon amitie, et combien
il la ddit preferer a toute autre ; neanmoins, il auroit ete bon, ainsi que je vous
1'ai ordonne par ma depeche du 20 Fevrier, d'attendre qu'il cut eu un plus
pressant besoin de ce secours, y ayant de 1'apparence, qu'a-present que vous
vous en etes entiSrernent explique, ses ministres vous presseront de leur remettre
incessamment tout ce fonds entre les mains. Quoi qu'il en soit, je laisse a-
present a votre prudence, de vous conduire en cela d'une maniere qui ne puisse
point deplaire au Roi ny diminuer 1'obligation qu'il m'a, d'une preuve si essen-
tielle de mon amitie.

Pour ce qui regarde ce que vous m'aviez engage de payer au feu Roi d'An-
gleterre, comme vous avez assez reconnu par les ordres que je vous ai donnas,
et par les lettres que vous m'avez ecrites, que je n'ai accorde deux millions de
livres que pour le premier payement, et quiuze cens mille livres pour chacun
des deux autres qui ont fini au mois d'Avril de I'anne'e derniere, il vous auroit

liv APPENDIX.

etc facile de desabuser le Comte de Rochester, et les autres Ministres, de leur
preventions mal-fondees ; et pour 1'avenir, cornme je ne pretends pas aban-
donner le Roi d'Angleterre dans ses besoins, il faut aussi esperer, que le
nouveau Parlement qu'il convoque sera dispose a lui donner dans le com-
mencement de son regne tous les moyens qui lui sont necessaires pour
soutenir sa dignite. II doit cependant prendre d'autant plus de confi-
ance dans la continuation de mon amitie, que je vous ay mis par avance,
et de mon pur mouvement, en etat de lui en donner des marques bien
effectives.

Le Roi d'Angleterre ne pouvoit prendre un meilleur parti pour le bien de
son 6tat, et le soulagement de sa conscience,[que d'entendre la messe publique-
ment, et cet acte de fermete est plus capable d'inspirer le respect et la crainte
a ses sujets, que de donner de nouvelles forces aux mecontents : vous avez vu
par ma dernitire depeche qu'il a prevenu en cela mes sentiments, et que je
n'aurois pas pu approuver une longue dissimulation de la religion qu'il professe
Vous lui temoignerez aussi, que j'apprens avec plaisir que son autorite s'affer-
mit de jour a autre par la soumission de tous ses sujets, et que je m'assure, que
sa bonne conduite dissipera toutes les cabales qui pourroient troubler le repos
de son regne.

Milord Churchil m'a parle dans le sens que vous m'avez ecrit, et j'ai or-
donne au Marechal de Lorge de partir incessamment pour aller faire mes
complimens de condoleance aux Roi et Reines d'Angleterre, et temoigner an
premier la part que je prens a son heureux av^nement a la couronne de
ses ancetres : quelque murmure que puisse exciter la continuation de la leve"e
des memes droits qui ont etc accordes au feu Roi d'Angleterre, il y a lieu de
croire, quil s'appaisera par la convocation et 1'assemblee du parlement; mais
quelque effet qu'elle produise, le Roi d'Angleterre fait tres-sagement de se
conserver ce moyen de subvenir aux besoins de son etat. II me paroit aussi,
qu'il est plus prudent de se faire courronner avant la tenue du Parlement, que
lorsqu'il sera assemble ; et je serai bien aise que vous m'informiez de toutes les
difficultes qui naitront sur cette affaire, et des temperaments qui seront pris
pour en sortir.

APPENDIX. Iv

Vous avez raison de faire connottre au Roi d'Angleterre qu'il ne doit
pas ajouter une entire croyance a tout ce que le Sieur Overkerque peut
avancer de lui-meme sous le nom du Prince d'Orange : mais quand meme
il seroit bien autorise, le Roi d'Angleterre est trop bien informe des em-
portements que le Prince d'Orange a fait paroitre contre lui lorsqu'il n'etoit
que Due d'York, et contre la religion qu'il professe, meme depuis 1'avene-
ment du dit Roi a la couronne, pour croire, que les protestations qui lui seront
faites de la part du Prince d'Orange soient bien sinceres ; et si le Ministre
d'Angleterre a la Haye rend au dit Roi son maitre un compte fidele de tout ce
qu'il a entendu, et connu par lui-meme, des sentiments du dit Prince
d'Orange, il jugera bien que 1'intention de ce Prince n'est que de se servir,
contre les interets du Roi, non seulement de la facilite qu'il trouvera a se re-
mettre dans ses bonnes graces, mais aussi, des seules marques ext6rieures
qu'il pourra recevoir de la bienveillance du Roi ; et il ne peut pas plus morti-
fier le Prince d'Orange, et le rendre soumis, qu'en rejettant avec hauteur toutes
les propositions qu'il fait pour 1'amuser ; et 1'empechant, sur toutes choses, de
passer en Angleterre.

Continuez a m'informer exactement de tout ce qui se passe de plus consi-
derable a la Cour ou vous etes, ne doutant pas que ce nouveau gouvernement
nevous en fournise d'amples matieres.

Extrait d'une Lettre du Roi ci M. Barillon.

Mars 16, 1685.

IL y a bien de 1'apparence que le Roi d'Angleterre faisant a-present une pro-
fession si publique de la religion Catholique demandera bieutot au Pape des
evtjques de sa communion ; et comme il ne faut pas douter que sa Saintete" ne
les choisisse du clerge d'Angleterre, parmi lesquels je suis averti qu'il y a bien
des gens qui sont imbus de la doctrine de Jansenisme, je serai aise que vous
fassiez connoitre adroitement au Roi 1'interet qu'il a de leg bien discerner, en-

Ivi APPENDIX.

sorte que si le bon exemple qu'il donne a tous ses sujets est aussi suivi qu'il est
a desirer, ce royaume, sortant d'une heresie, ne tombe pas dans im autre qui
ne seroit gures moins dangereuse.

M. Barillon au Roy.

16 Avril, 1685.

J'AI execute avec le plus de ponctualite qu'il m'a ete possible, les ordres de
votrc Majeste portes par sa depeche du 6 Avril. J'ai tache de faire comprendre
au Roi d'Angleterre et a ses Ministres, que votre Majeste lui avoit deja donne
des marques essentielles de son amitie, en prevenant meme ses demandes ; que
V. M. continueroit a le secourir dans ses besoins ; et que son dessein 6toit de
faire plusqu'elle ne promettroit ; que cependant V. M. estimoit qu'il suffisoit
de sa part d'executer plutot que de promettre ; et que sans aucun engagement,
elle m'avoit envoy 6 le fonds d'une somme considerable. Le Roi d'Angleterre
m'a temoigne etre fort sensible a ce que V. M. fait pour lui ; mais il m'a dit
que 1'etat de ses affaires etoit tel qu'il avoit des mesures a prendre de loin, et
qu'il ne pouvoit entreprendre ce qu'il aresolu, sans etre assure positivement de
ce que V. M. voudra faire en sa faveur ; que V. M. connoitra par sa conduite
a 1'avenir quel sera son attachement a ses interets ; qu'il sera toujours au pou-
voir de V. M. de retracter ce qu'elle auroit promis s'il ne se conduisoit pas en
la maniere que V. M. peut desirer ; que puisque V. M. veut bien le secourir,
ce sera une nouvelle obligation de lui vouloir mettre 1'esprit en repos en lui
promettant ce qu'il demande; parce que 1'incertitude sur <;ela ne lui per-
mettroit pas d'agir avec la fermete necessaire, et qu'une conduite douteuse
et incertaine de sa part rendroit ses ennemis plus hardis, et ses amis plus
timides.

Cette rponse m'a fait entrer plus avant en matiere avec ce Prince. Je lui
ai explique ce qui s'etoit pass6 avec le feu Roi d'Angleterre ; je lui ai fait re-
marquer, que le traite, quoiqu'il n'eut ete que verbal, a ete execute et accom
pli ponctuellement de part et d'autre ; que V. M. a acheve le paiement de ce

APPENDIX. Ivii

qui avoit 6"t6 protnis ; et que le feu Roi d'Angleterre. s'etoit aussi tenu exacte-
meut a 1'engagement qu'il avoit pris de favoriser les preventions de V. M.
contre 1'Espagne, et de ne point assembler de parlemeat ; que presentement
V. M. ne demandoit rien de sa Majeste Britannique, qui lui put causer le
moindre embarras, n'ayant rien plus a coeur que I'affermissement de la paixge-
ne"rale ; que cependant son dessein etoit de lui donaer des marques essenti-
dles de son amitie, et de 1'aider a maintenir son autorite, et a e'tablir la re-
ligion Catholique, que ces deux choses paroissoient unies, et ne se pouvoienl
separer; que V. M. avoit resolu d'y contribuer par un motif d'amitie et d'estime
pour la personne de sa Majeste Britannique, et par le zele qu'elle a pour la re-
ligion ; que quoi qu'il n'y ait point de stipulation expresse, V. M. sera suffi-
samtnent engagee parce qu'elle a fait d'abord, a continuer a 1'avenir ce qui est
si bien commence ; qu'ainsi on peut tenir pour assure, que V. M. ne se demen-
tira pas, et voudra soutenir ce qu'elle entreprend sur des fondemeuts qui tie
changeront pas.

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'a r6pondu a cela, qu'il n'etoit pas eu droit d'exigei'
de V. M. plus qu'elle ne croit devoir faire. Mais qu'il a agi franchernent avec
moi en representant ses besoins, et que la detnande qu'il a faite presuppose
toute sorte d'engagemens de sa part, et une volonte determined d'etre entiere-
ment attache a V. M. ; qu'ainsi V. M. n'a qu'a lui prescrire ce qui conviendra
a ses interets, pour lui faire prendre la conduite qui lui sera la plus agreable ;
que quand V. M. sera informee a fonds des affaires de ce pays-ci, elle con-
noitra qu'il est decisif de bien commencer, et de le mettre en etat de ne pas se
relacher d'abord ; qu'on ne peut pourtaut prendre une conduite ferme et haute,
si on n'est bien assure d'un secours qui ne puisse manquer ; et qu'il ne seroit
plus saison de negocier sur le plus ou le moins quand le temps de s'en servir
seroit venu.

J'ai dit a ce Prince, qu'il voyoit que V. M. commence par 1'execution, et
qu'ainsi il n'est pas si essentiel de s'arreter a la forme et a la manie're de pro-
mettre ; qu'il est necessaire seulement que les affaires prennent ici un bon
chemin, et que dans la suite V. M. ne manquera pas d'aider les premiers pro-.
gres, et de faciliter le succ^s des desseins de sa Majeste! Britaunique en faveiu
de la royautd, et de la religion Catholique.

Iviii APPENDIX.

J'ai eu plusieurs conferences avec les Ministres, ensemble et separement;
ils m'ont re"pondu fort froidement lorsque je leur ai parle ensemble; Milord
Rochester, qui porte la parole, m'a repondu, qu'ils avoient deja su ce que
j'avois dit au Roi lour maitre, et que leur sentiment ne pouvoit etre different
du sien; que la necessite cle ses aftaires 1'obligeoit a avoir recours a V. M. ;
qu'il etoit question presentement d'e tablir son auto rite, et de donner une forme
assuree au gouvernement ; que je connoissois assez combien il importe d'etre
en etat ici de donner la loi, et non pas de la reoevoir ; que c'est a moi a le re-
presenter a V. M., et que pour eux, ils se sont acquittes de leur devoir, en
exposant sincerement les besoins de leur maitre a un ami qui pent y remedier
s'il le trouve a-propos.

Je lui ai repondu ce que j'avois deja ditau Hoi d'Angleterre. J'ai entretenu
Milord Rochester en particulier, et nous avons agite les matieres a. fonds; je
me suis renferme a dire, que V. M. execute au lieu de promettre, qu'on voit
par la ce qu'on en pent attend re ; qu'il est inusite de pretendre que V. M.
prenne des engagements pour fournir des subsides pendant plusieurs annees,
quand sa Majeste Britannique, de son cote, n'est oblige a rien ; qu'il est
vrai que V. M. n'a rien a lui demander presentement; qu'aussi croit-elle
etre en droit de lui donner des marques de son amitie sans qu'on exige rien
d'avantage que ce qu'elle croira devoir faire selon les conjonctures qui se pre-
senteront ; que Ton ne pent douter que V. M. ne veuille continuer comme
elle a commence 1 , et qu'on se doit reposer sur sa bonne foi et sur son amitie.

Milord Rochester m'a dit a cela, que s'il ne connoissoit a fonds les desseins
et les intentions du Roi son maitre, il ne m'auroit pas presse de faire ensorte
que V. M. lui fournit d'abord une somme considerable, et lui promit un sub-
side pour trois ans; que ce qu'on fait de la partde V. M. presentement doit
etre considere comme une marque d'amitie, et qu'on s'en accommoderoit ici
mieux que d'un plus grand engagement, si on n'avoit pas resolu de s'unir
etroitement avec V. M., et de ne se pas dementir dans la suite; que si Ton
n'etoit pas de bonne foi, et qu'on ne regardat pas 1'amitie de V. M. comme le
fondement de la conduite qu'on veut tenir; on se contenteroit d'une liaison
prsente: et que le Roi son maitre, apres s'fitre etabli, consideroit quel parti
il a aprendre ; et que, sans manquer aux obligations qu'il avoit a. V. M., U se

APPENDIX. lix

trouveroit alors en 6tat de former un plan de sa conduite, tel qu'il croiroit le
plus convenable a ses interets ; que des a-present il veut prendre un chemin qui
dure autant que son regne, et s'attacher pour toujours; que Ton a vu que la
liaison formee entre V. M. etle feu Koi d'Angleterre aproduitde bons effers
pour 1'un et pour 1'autre, que la meme chose arrivera, si on s'entend bien
d'abord, et qu'on commence de la part de V. M. a mettre le Roi d'Angleterre
en pouvoir de suivre son inclination, et ses veritables interets.

J'ai repondu a ce Ministre, que le traite fait avec le feu Roi d'Angleterre
avoit ete accompli exactement de part et d'autre ; qu'il contenoit des conditions
el des avantages reciproques, que 1'on ne pouvoit pas dire la mume chose de
ce qui se traite a-present, V. M. n 'ay ant rien a souhaiter du Roi d'Angleterre
et voulant pourtant contribuer gratuitement a 1'etablir, et a le rr.ettre en etat
de regner paisiblement, et avec tranquillite. Milord Rochester m'a replique
acela, que le traite que nous avions fait ne contenoit point de conditions reci-
proques; que le feu Roi ne s'etoit point engage a ne point assembler de Par-
lement, ni a renoncer formellement a son traite avec 1'Espagnc; que V. M.
avoit bien connu que dans le fonds elle tireroit les memes avantages, et que le
feu Roi d'Angleterre avoit aussi ete forlifie dans ses resolutions par le secours
que V. M. lui avoit fourni, et s'etoit meme dispense d'assembler son par-
lement, et de defendre 1'Espagne lorsqu'il en a ete le plus presse; que le meme
cas arrivera, et que quoique V. M. n'exige rien du Roi son maitre, il ne
pent prendre le parti de s'attacher a V. M. sans renoncer aux avanlages qu'il
pourroit tirer du Parlement clans d'autres temps, et a tout engagement avec
1'Espagne ; qu'il sera question, dt5s que le Parlement sera assemble, d'obtenir
la continuation des revenus, mais qu'apres cela, il n'en faut rien attendre que
des conditions dures et perilleuses, aux quelles le Roi son maitre ne consentira
jamais; qu'ainsi on subsistera comme on faisoit du temps du feu Roi, et
avec moins de management encore pour les Espagnols, n'ayant point de traite
avec eux, comme il y en avoit un dont on pressoit toujours 1'execution. J'ai
dit acela, qu'il n'etoit pas question presentement d'examiner a quelles con-
ditions nous avions tiaite du temps du feu Roi, puisque le traite avoit ete exe"-
cute et accompli de bonne foi de part et d'autre ; que la conjoncture etoit entiere-
mentdifterente, et que V. M. n'attendoit rien de sa Mfijeste Bitannique,
et n'avoit pour but que de lui donner des marques solides de son amitid. J'ai

tx APPENDIX.

femarqtfe, dans tout ce qui s'est passe entre Milord Rochester et moi, qu'il
ii'est point entre dans la proposition d'un nouveau traite, et il m'a paru au
contraire eviter d'eritendre ce que je lui ai dit sur cela. II s'est toujours ren-
ferme a dire, qu'il faut faire ce qu'on a fait, parce qu'on s'en estbien trouve
de part et d'autre.

Milord Sunderland a compris d'abord qu'il etoit bien plus st-propos de
prendre des engagemens formels et reciproques ; que le Roi son maitre doit
rechercher tout ce qui lui peut assurer Pamitie de votre Majest6. II pose
pour un fbndement assure, que le Parlement, le Prince d'Orange, et la Mai-
son d'Autriche doivent etre considered comme ayantdes interets inseparables,
et qu'il est impossible de desunir ; qu'ainsi pour etre bien avec votre Majeste,
il faut non seuleunent s'abstenir de toute liaison avec eux, mais meme s'en se-
parer avec eclat, et lever le masque quand il en sera tenis; c'est- a-dire, apres
que le Parlement aura accorde les revenus. Je suis demeure dans une grande
relenue sur les nouveaux engagemens qu'on pourroit prendre ; je me suis con-
tente d'insinuer la proposition que votre Majeste m'a ordonne de faire a cet
egardj et j'ai cru devoir Ja faire naitre plus comme une suite naturelle de ce
qui se traitoit, que comme une ouverture de la part de votre Majeste. Milord
Godolfin m'a parle dans le meme sens que Milord Rochester; quoiqu'il
soit du secret, il n'a pas grand credit, et songe seulement a se conserver par
une conduite sage et moder^e. Je ne pense pas que s'il en etoit cru, on prit
des liaisons avec votre Majeste qui pussent aller a se passer entierement de
parlement, et a rompre nettemeut avec le Prince d'Orange.

J'eus hier au soir un long entretien avec le Roi d'Angleterre, nous repe-
tames tout ce qui avoit etc dit avec les Ministres, dont ils lui avoient rendu
compte. Je connus bien que Milord Sunderland lui avoit parle a fond, de ce
que nous avions dit, et lui avoit represente la necessite de ne rien inenager,
pour former uue liaison entiere avec V. M. Ce Prince me dit, que je savois
mieux ses intentions et ses desseins que ses propres^ministres; qu'il ne s'etoit
pas ouvert a eux autant qu'il a fait a moi sur 1'etablissement de la religion
Catholique ; qu'avant la seance du Parlerneut il falloit cacher ses desseins et
ne paslaisser penetrer jusqu'ou il vouloit conduire les affaires; qu'au fond il
connoissoit que sa siircte dependoit d'une etroite union avec V. M. et de

APPENDIX. Ixl

mettre la religion Catholique en etatde ne pouvoir 6tre detruite ; que son des-
seinestd'en venira bout des qu'il le pourra ; que ce pendant, je dois repre-
senter a V. M. combien il lui importe d'etre assiste" dans un si grand dessein ;
que ses premieres demarches avec le Parlement seront decisives ; que ceux
qui le voudront traverser n'oublieront rien pour I'empecher de re"ussir ; que V.
M. connoitra peut-etre trop tard, ce qu'il auroit fallu faire, et que ce qui
sera necessaire presentement est beaucoup moindre que ce que V. M. voudroit
contribuer a 1'avenir si elle voyoit la royaute, et la religion Catholique, en
etat d'etre ruinees en Angleterre.

J'ai dit ace Prince qu'il voyoit quelles sont les intentions de V. M. a son
<;gard, queje pouvois tous les jours 1'avertirde ce qui se passe ici, et qu'il ne
falloit pas douter que V. M. ne pritles resolutions qui conviendront a 1'etat des
affaires ; que votre amide pour sa personne, et votre zele pour la religion, ne
vous permettroient pas de 1'abandonner dans ses besoins ; que la conduite que
V. M. tient a son egard seroit sontenue, et ne se dementira pas ; qu'aussi de
son cote, il doit etre applique a menager une amitie qu'iljuge lui etre si avanta-
geuse. SaMajest6 Britannique me dit, en me congediant, " Je me fie en-
tierement a ce que vous me dites; mais representez au Roi votre maitre, que
ce qu'il fera presentement me mettra 1'esprit en repos, en m'obligcra d'agir
avec une fermete et une confiance queje ne puis avoir si je ne suis pleinemeut
assureV'

De tout ce qui m'a etc dit par le Roi d'Angleterre, et par ses Ministres, il
me paroit que Ton n'insiste pas tant presentement sur la promesse d'un secours
a 1'avenir, que sur une somme presente. J'ai dit, ainsique V. M. me 1'a per-
mis, que j'aurois incessamment un fonds de neuf cens mille livres; mais, si
V. M. ne me permet pas de rien fournir de cette somme, c'est comme s'il n'y
en avoit point ; on ne croira pas meme qu'elle y soil, si on voit que je ne
fasse pas les payemerits quancl ils me seront demaiides.

Le Roi d'Angleterre seroit, a ce que je puis juger, pleinement content si
V. M. prenoit la resolution de faire remettre encore onze cens mille livres ici,
avant la seance du parlement, ensorte qu'il put faire e"tat de toucher deux
inillions pendant que le parlement sera assemble. Cela pourroit dans la suite

Ixii APPENDIX.

repute comme une annee d'un subside, et si on convenoit d'en ac-
corder un pour les annees suivantes, on pourroit ne les faire commencer
que du mois d'Octobre prochain, et peut-etre mme du mois de Janvier 168(5,
V. M. m'ordonnera ee qui sera de son service. Je me tiendrai en etat d'ex-
eculer ses orclres h, la lettre, sans rien faire de mon chef, que ce qui me
sera prescrit.

Les Ambassudeurs de Hollande ont eu une audience particuliere, et sans ce-
rcmonie ; la difficulte subsiste toujours a 1'egard cie Icur entree et de leur au-
dience publique; ils veulcnt avoir un Comtc d'Augleterre, commc aeu 1'Am-
bassadeur de Savoye, il n'y a pas d'apparence qu'ils I'obtienneiit, et le Roi
d'Angleterre paroit resolu de ne rien changer au traitement ordinaire a
leur egard.

La sante de la Reine d'Angleterre n'est pas en bon etat ; les personnes qui
I'approchent de plus pres croient qu'elle ne vivra pas long temps ; son mal est
une espece de fluxion sur la poit! ine :ivec des coliques violcntes qui la repren-
nent souvent ; clle se croit elle-meme en peril.

Je suis, See.

BARILLON.

Le Roi a M. Barillon.

24 Amil, 1685.

BARILLON, j'ai reut vos lettres des 16 et 19 de ce mois, et
quoique je me fusse attendu que le Roi d'Angleterre auroit etc fort content des
grands secours d'argent que je vous fais remettre incessamment pour subvenir,
sans aucune stipulation, a ses plus pressants besoins, au cas que 1'assemblee
prochaine du Parlementnelui accorde pas ce qu'il desire, tant pour 1'etablisse-
ment des memes revenus pendant sa vie dont le feu Roi son frere a joui jusque

APPENDIX. Ixiii

a sa tnort, que pour le libre exercice de la religion Catholique dans son roy-
aume, ne"anmoins cc Prince vous a fait connoitre, que s'il n'etoit pas assure
de ma part d'une assistance plus considerable il se verroit dans la necesshe
d'avoir des managements pour le Parlement, qui seroient fort prejudiciables &
1'affermissem.ent de 1'autorite royale, et par consequent au bien de la religion
Catholique; mais quoiqu'il ait d'autant plus de sujet de prendre une entiere
confiance aux sentiments d'estime et d'amitie que j'ai pour lui, qu'il voye bien
quej'apporte toutes les diligences possibles a lui en faire ressentir les eftets,
sans lui demander aucuns autres engagements dans mes interets que ceux que
sa gratitude et sa bonne foi le pourroit porter a prendre quand les occasions
s'en presenteront, je veux bien toutes fois lui donner encore de plus grandes
preuves de la consideration que je fais sur tout ce qu'il vous a represente, et dc
la sincerite avec laquelle je veux concourir a tout cequi pent etre de ses avan-
tages : c'est pour cet effet qu'outre les cinq cens mille livres que je vous fis re-
mettre aussitot que j'appris la mort du feu Roi, et que vous devez avoir encore
entre les mains, on continuera it vous faire tenir incessamment les neuf cens
millc lirres que je vous ai promis par ma depeche du 6 e , etje ferai joindre en-
core une somine de deux cens millc ecus, afin que vous puissiez avoir en main
pendant 1'assemblee du Parletncnt jusqu'a la concurrence de deux millions ;
mais comme j'apprens avec plaisir que prcsque tous les membres du Parlement
sont tres-bien intentionnes pour les interets du Roi, et qu'a-peine en connoit
on cinq ou six, quiy soient opposes, il y a bien de 1'apparence que ce Prince
n'aura pas besoin d'un grand fonds, pour se rendre favorables les deliberations
du dit Parlement, et qu'en tout cas il se contentera de faire esperer des re-
compenses a. ceux qui feront bien leur devoir : je consens neanmoins, que vous
fassiez payer jusqu' a quatre cens mille livres, pour fournir aux gratifications
que le Roi jugera a-propos de faire pendant cette assemblee; et a I'egard des
seize cens mille livres restans, vous ne vous en desaisirez qu'en cas que la con-
duite du Parlement soil assez maqvaise pour obliger le Roi a le casser, ou qu'il
trouvc d'ailleurs de si fortes oppositions a 1'etablissement d'un libre exercice de
la religion Catholique, qu'il soit oblige d'employer ses armes contre ses propres
sujets.

Enfin, mon intention est dc le secourir de bonne foi, au ciis qu'il en ait ef-
fectivement besoin, pour raffermissement de son autorite, et pour le bien de

Ixiv APPENDIX.

notre religion ; mais, si son Parlement se porte de lui-meme a faire ce que le
Roi desire, moa intention est que vous reserviez le fonds que je vous fais re-
mettre, jusqu' a ce qu'il me paroisse d'une necessite pressante de 1'employer ;
et cependant, jeconsens, ainsi que je viens de TOUS dire, que vous fassiez payer
aux Ministres du Roi, avant la tenue du Parlement, jusqu'a la somme de quatre
cens mille livres, au cas que le dit Roi les demande. Je m'assure qu'apres que
vous aurez fait connoitre a. ce Prince quelles sont mes dernieres intentions, je
n'aurai plus de sa part que des remerciments des efforts que je fais pour pro-
c % urer ses avantages ; mais si, centre mon opinion, on vouloit encore faire quel-
ques tentatives pour tirer de moi de plus grands secours, il est bon que vous
6tiez toute esperance de 1'obtenir, et que vous fassiez meine connoitre, que
j'apprendrois avec deplaisir que le Roi ne fut pas content des grandes preuves
que je lui donne de mon amitie.

II vous sera facile de tirer le Roi d'Angleterre de 1'inquietude que lui donne
la declaration que le Marquis du Feuquieres a fait par mon ordre an Roi
d'Espagne, et a ses ministres, et je vous depeche ce courier expres afin que
vous puissiez informer le Roi d'Angleterre, sans aucun retardement, que je
suis d'aulant plus satisfait de la reponse du dit Roi Catholique, qu'outre qu'il
tr *it !a proposition de ceder au Due de Baviere les Pays Bas, ou de lui en
abandonner le gouvernement, de pure chimere, il me donne d'ailleurs des as-
surances positives d'observer religieusement la treve, et de se conformer en
toutes choses a ce qu'elle contient ; ensorte que je n'ai pas lieu de croire, que
ee Prince veuille apporter aucun changement a 1'etat present des Pays Bas :
et comme je n'ai point eu d'autre intention aussi que de prevenir, par cet eclair-
cissement, tout ce qui pouvoit troubler le repos de 1' Europe, vous pouvez as-
surer le Roi d'Angleterre, que j'apporterai toujours les memes soins a lemain-
tenir, et que tant que le Roi Catholique voudra concourir de sa part, et rejetter
de semblables nouveautes si contraires a la treve, la tranquillite publique ue
pourra etre alteree.

APPENDIX. Ixv

t >

M. Bar i lion au Roi.

SO Avril, 1685.

J'Ai regu la depeche de votre Majeste du 24 Avril par un courier expres'
J'allai aussitot apres trouver le Roi d'Angleterre pour l-'informer de la reponse
faite a M. de Feuquieres par sa Majeste Catholique. On nc sauroit temoigner
plus de joye que ce Prince en fit paroitre d'une nouvelle qui le tire d'une
grande inquietude, et lui met 1'esprit en repos. Ce n'etoit pas sans fonde-
ment qu'il craignoit qu'une rupture entre V. M. et le Roi d'Espagne ne rendit
le Parlement plus difficile qu'il ne le sera, quand tout paroitra calme au
dehors. Sa Majeste Britannique me chargea de remercier V. M. du soin
qu'elle avoit eu de Ten avertir par un courier expres, et me tenioigna que
sa joie se redouble toutes les fois qu'il reoit des marques de 1'amitie de
V. M.

Les Ministres ont appris aussi avec beaucoup de plaisir le succes de la pro-
position de M. de Feuquieres. Milord Rochester est encore plus sensible que
les autres a tout ce qui pent entretenir la paix au-dehors ; il m'a etc aise de
faire voir que 1'huention de V. M. etoit seulcment de prevenir ce qui auroit pu
alterer le repos dont 1'Europe jouit, puisque la reponse qui a ete faite a Ma-
drid, met ces affaires dans un etat de calme et de tranquillite qui, selon les ap-
parences, doit durer.

Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en a parle encore ce matin, avec beaucoup de satis-
faction, et se croit delivre d'un fort grand embarras, oil il croyoit devoir etre
expose, si le Parlement avoit ete assemble quand la guerre auroit commenced
entre et V. M. 1'Espagne. II me paroit que votre Majeste tire quelque avantage
de ce qui a ete agile sur cette matiere, en ce qu'on s'accoutume a entendre
parler du droit de Monseigneur le Dauphin a la couronne d'Espagne, sans
qu'il paroisse qu'on prenne uue trop forte alarme de voir tant de royaumes dans
la possibilite d'etre jeunis a la couronne de France. II semble du moins que

Ixvi APPENDIX.

Ton reconnoisse quesi sa Majeste Catholique mouroitsans enfans, le droitde
Monseigneur le Dauphin, et de ses descendans, seroit beaucoup meilleur que
de ceux qui n'y pourroient pretendre qu'en vertu d'une renonciation remplie
de nullites. Je n'ai parle de tout cela que fort superficiellement comme d'une
chose eloignee, mais je n'ai pas cm aussi devoir supprimer ce que V. M. alle-
guoit pour la principale raison de ce qu'elle avoit dessein de faire pour empe-
cher que 1'Electeur de Baviere, et 1'Archiduchesse fussent mis en possession
des Pays Bas.

II s'est passe une chose dans le dedans de la cour, qui n'est pas de pen de
consequence. Le Roi d'Angleterre ayant resolu d'aller a la chapelle, aceom-
pagne comme 1'etoitle feu Roi, en parla la veille a Milord Rochester, Milord
Sunderland, et Milord Godolfin. II leur dit, qu'ayant fait la demarche d'aller
ouvertement a la messe, il croyoit y devoir aller avec la dignite requise, et ac-
compagn de ses gardes, et de ses principaux officiers ; qu'ils pourroient de
meurer a la porte de la chapelle, et 1'y altendre,ouy revenir apres, dans le temps
qu'il en devroit sortir. Milord Sunderland ne fit point de difficulte, ni Milord
Godolfin, qui cst accoutume, comme Chambellan de la Reyne, de lui donney
la main jusqu'a la porte; mais Milord Rochester combattit avec vehemence
la resolution que sa Majeste Britannique temoignoit avoir prise, et apres avoir
allegue inutilement les raisons dont il se put aviser, il declara nettement qu'a
moins que le Roi d'Angleterre lui commandat expressement de 1'accompagner
jusqu'a la porte de la chapelle, il ne le feroit pas. Sa Majeste Britannique lui
dit, que son intention n'etoit pasde contraindre personne, ni de lui commander
de faire une chose a laquelle il paroissoit avoir tant de repugnance ; que son
scrupule paroissoit mal-fonde, et que ce ne devoit pas etre une excuse pour
une chose qui seroit mal en soi de la faire commander ; qu'il etoit en libcrte de
le faire, ou de ne le faire pas. La contestation alia assez avant ; le Roi d'An-
gleterre ne se rendit pas, et nc voulut pas commander a Milord Rochester de
1'accompagner; Milord Rochester persista a he le pas faire sans ordre, et prit
1'expedient que lui proposa sa Majeste' Britannique d'aller des le memejour a
une raaison de campagne ou il devoit aller le lendemain. Milord Sunderland
et Milord Godolfin, comme habiles courtisans, presserent Milord Rochester
d'avoir cette complaisance pour le Roi, et ne purent rien gagner surson esprit.
V, M. jugera par cet incident quelles oppositions le Roi d'Angleterre pourra

APPENDIX. Ixvii

trouver dans la suite a ce qu'il voudraentreprendreen faveur de la religion Ca-
tholiquo.

Ce detail est fort secret ; il est pourtant assez vraisemblable, que Milord
Rochester s'en voudra fa ire honneur aupres des Protestans zeles, et croira s'au-
toriser parmi eux sans qu'il pense en cela hazarder sa faveur, ni son emploi. 11
essayera dc f'aire croire au Roi d'Angleterre, que ce qu'il en a fait est pour
le service et pour le bien de ses affaires ; qu'il est perilleux de se trop
declarer, et trop tot ; que quoiqu'il puisse arriver, il ne peut avoir d'autres in-
terets que les siens ; mais il a affaire a un Prince fort ferine, et qui souffre tres-
impatiemment la~moindre contradiction.

11 etoil hier ici le jour de Paques ; les chevaliers de 1'ordrc accompagnerent
le Roi d'Angleterre avec leurs colliers jusqu'a la porte de la tribune ou il en-
tend la messe. Le Due de Sommerset portoit 1'epee ; il est demeure a la
porte, coutume n'etant pas que celui qui porte cette epee entre dans 1'eglise,
si ce n'est lorsque le Roi communie. Les Dues de Nordfolk, de Grafton, de
Richemond, et de Northumberland, les Comtes d'Oxford, de Mulgraf, et
plusieurs autres Seigneurs, accompagnerent sa Majeste Britannique en allant
et en revenant. On a remarque que le Due d'Ormond et le Marquis d' Hali-
fax sont demeure's dans I'antichambre. Milord Rochester ne revint qu'hier
au soir de la campagne. Cette resolution que le Roi d'Angleterre a prise
d'aller a 1'eglise avec ses officiers et ses gardes cause autant de bruit, et fait
faire plus de reflexions, que Ton n'en a fait, lorsqu'il alia publiquement a la
messe.

Les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande n'ont fait aucune plainte de ce qui Jeur
est arrive a Gravcsend. M. d'Avaux m'a mande que le Pensionnaire Fagel
leur a fait ordonner par les commissaires aux affaires etrangeres, de ne te-
moigner aucun ressentiment, et de dissimuler ce qui s'est passe. Us n'ont
eu qu'un Milord pour aller au-devant d'eux le jour de leur entree ; ce fut Mi-
lord Tenay, Catholique, et gendre du feu Vicomte Montaigue : cela-meme a
fait parler, et Ton a trouve etrange que le Roi d'Angleterre ait affecte d'em-
ployer un Milord Catholique a la premiere entree qui ait etc fait depuis son
rt-gne, et de 1'envoyer aux Ambassadeurs d'Hollande. Us ont eu audience

Ixviii APPENDIX.

aujourclhui de leurs Majestes Britanniques a Whitehall ; Milord Nortles y i
conduit.

J'ai dit au Roi d'Angleterre ce que V. M. m'a permis touchantles sommes
qui doiveut passer ici incessainment. Je lui ai fait remarquer avec combien
d'application V.M. va au-devant de sesbesoins, et les preuves essentielles
qu'elle lui donne de son amitie. Ce Prince m'a t6moigne etre fort sensible &
ce que V. M. fait en sa faveur. J'espere bien empecher que V. M. ne soit
press6e de long temps d'envoyer de nouveaux fonds, pourvu que V. M. me per-
mette de me servir de ceux qui ceront ici. Je ne me suis point declare au
Roi d'Angleterre, ni a ses Ministres, que V. M. ra'ait donne la permission de
ne fournir quejusqu'a quatre cens mille livres sur les deux millions dont on
peut faire etat : cette declaration, si je la faisois, oteroit tout le tnerite de ce
que V. M. fait pr^sentement en faveur du Roi d'Angleterre, et donneroit oc-
casion ici de croire que 1'intention de V.M. estseulement de 1'aider en cas
qu'il soit expose a une revoke. 'On ne s'attend pas que ce soit la le fonde-
meri't du secours que V. M. veut bien accorder. Sa Majeste Britannique et
ses Ministres ne font aucun doute que V. M. ne veuille bien payer ce qui res-
toit du de 1'ancien subside lorsque le feu Roi d'Angleterre est mort. La
somme de cinq cens mille livres, qne V. M. a envoyee incontinent apres, sera
suffisante pour en faire le parfait payement.

Ce que j'ai dit a Milord Rochester sur 1'envoi de nouveaux fonds 1'a em-
pche de me presser comme il auroit fait sans cela ; mais il ne revoque pas en
doute que cette somme ne soit fournie quand il la demandera :je supplieV. M.
de m'en accorder la permission ; le refus que j'en ferois causeroit, ce me semble,
un prejudice notable au bieu de ses affaires, qui seroitfort difficile a. reparer
dans la suite. Apres 1'ancien subside paye, il restera ici quinze cens milleli-
vres ; jeferai mon possible pour ne point diminuer ce fonds, que lorsque j'en
serai fort presse ; mais j'ose encore representer a V. M., que si j'en ai des de-
fenses expresses, et que je ne puisse faire quelques payements, il me sera impos-
sible de soutenir 1'opinion que le Roi d'Angleterre et ses Ministres on t que
V. M. desire sincerement ses avantages et 1'etablissement de son autorite.

Je n'ai pas explique assez clairement 1'etat des affaires de ce pays-ci quand

APPENDIX.

j'ai donne lieu a V. M. de croire que 1'argent qu'elle fournira sera employe a
des gratifications aux membres du Parlement, pour en obtenir ce que le Ro
d'Angleterre desire tant al'egard des revenus, que du libre exercice dela reli-
gion Catholique ; ce n'est pas la le chemin que ce Prince pretend tenir, et
rien n'est plus oppose a ce qu'il a dessein de faire. I] aura une conduite ferme
,et resolue ; 1'mtroduction faite parle Comte de Danby d'acheter les voix du
Parlementasi rualreussi, qu'on ne songe plus u s'en servir ; et, a dire la ve-
rite, si on rccommengoit a le mettre en pratique, on tomberoit dans les memes
inconveniens. Le Roi d'Angleterre veut que ses affaires se fassent par la neces- .
site ou le parlement se trouvera de lui accorder ce qu'il est resolu de prendre,
si onne le lui accorde pas, c'est-a-dire, les revenusdont le feu Roi jouissoit ;
et, selon toutes les apparences, le parlement les accordera. Mais cela ne met
pas le Roi d'Angleterre en repos, et a son aise ; car il ne peut avec reputation
etavec surete abandonnerla protection des Catholiques ; cependant, il est fort
apparent qu'il trouvera de grandes difficultes a <3tablir une liberte d'excrcice
pour la religion Catholique.

Je sais deja, que les cabales se forment entre les Seigneurs ; on croit qu'il
seront plus difficiles que la Chambre des Communes sur 1'article de la religion.
II est tres-croyable que les revenus seront accordes pour oter an Roi d Angle-
terre le pretexte de dire qu'on lui refuse ce qui est necessaire pour le soutien du
gouvernement ; mais on voudraen merne temps prendre de tellcs precautions
pour la suiete de la religion Protestante, que le Roi d'Angleterre ne les pourra
admettresans setrouveren un et.it fort perilleux et fort incertain. Les Pro-
testants zeles disentdeja tout haut, que ce Prince a manque a. ce qu'il adit au
conseil, et a ce qui est porte dans la declaration qui a etc publiee, ayant pro-
mis formellement de ne rien faire centre la religion Protestante, quoique, de-
puis, il ait donne" un regiment en Irlande au Colonel Talbot; ce qui est,
comme ils le disent, avancerle Papisme, et ccmmencer a detruire la religion
Protestante. V. M. peut done tenir pour un fondement assure, que le Roi
d'Angleterre trouvera d'extremes difficultes a ce qu'il veut faire en faveur de la
religion Catholique. On n'omettra aucuns soinspour Ten detourner, et pour
affoiblir les resolutions qu'il aura prises. V. M. voit par ce qu'a fait Milord
Rochester, ce qu'on doit attendre des autres en des choses de plus grancle cort-
sequence.

Ixx APPENDIX.

Le meilleur moyen, et le plus sur, pour fortifier ce Prince, et le maintenir
dans le bon etat ou il est a l'6gard de la religion Catholique, et des interet?
de V. M., est de se voir assure d'une liaison e" troite avecV. M. et dans une
entiere surete d'en etre puissamment secouru. Jene fais aucun doute qu'il
ne s'engage aussi avant que V. M. le voudra dans la suite, etilcroit deja le
faireen recevantdes gratifications de V. M. Si je cessois toutes sortes depaye-
ments,et que le Roi d'Angleterre et ses ministres prissent le parti de s'expliqucr
avec froideur sur cela, et de ne pas parler de secours comme d'une chose neces-
eaire,je ne douterois pas que ce Prince nese crut en etat et en liberte de
prendre d'autres mesures. Je ne puis representer trop fortement a V. M. com-
bien il importe de ne donnerau Roi d'Angleterre, eta ses Ministres, aucune
occasion de noire que V.M. neveut pas contribuer a sa grandeur et a son eta-
blissement. Je m'appliquerai a rendre un compte si exact de ce qui sc passera
ici que V. M. verra le fonds de tous les interets, autant que je serai capable de
lesdemeler. Cependant, il est, selon mon opinion, tres-necessaire que V. M.
ne suspende pas les payements, et qu'elleme permette defournir au Roi d'Angle-
terre ce que je croirai devoir donner sur les quinze cens mille livres qui restc-
ront apresle parfait payement de 1'ancien subside; j'ose repondre que cet
argent aura un aussi bon effet qu'aucun que V. M.ait pu donner. C'est un
coup decisif pour ce que V. M. a d'avantage a cceur, c'est-a-dire, pourl'etablisse-
ment d'un exercice libre en faveur de la religion Catholique. Jesupplie V. M.
de se souvenir, que j'ai menage les payements du subside passe, en sorte qu'une
annee entiere a et ecoulee sans qu'il en ait ete fait mention. Je ne puis
avoir d'autres vues en tout cela que 1'interet de V. M. qui pourroit, par un seul
contretemps, miner en un jour la confiance qu'elle a etablie icidepuis plusieur ;
annees, d'une amitie sincere pour le feu Roi et pour celui d'a-present. J'esptire
que V. M. me fera la justice d'etre persuade^ que je n'aboncle pas en mon sens,
et quejesais aussi bien que personne obeir aveuglement a ses ordres ; mais il
est de mon devoir de representer les choses comme elles sont, et de me sou-
mettre toujours a ce qu'il plaira a V. M. de commander.

Je suis, avec le plus profond respect, &c.
i BARILLON-

APPENDIX. Ixxi

Le Roi a M. Barillon.

9 Mai, 1685.

JVLoNsiEUR BARILLON, je suis bien aise de voir par votre lettre du 30 Avril,
que le Roi d'Angleterre reconnoisse quelle a ete la sincerite de mes inten-
tions dans la declaration que le Marquis de Feuquieres a faite par mes ordres
au Roi Catholique, et que comme j'ai bien voulu me contcnter de la reponse
qui lui a ete rendue de la part du Roi, elle ait fait cesser aussi toute in-
quietude que cette affaire avoit donne a la cour ou vous etes. Je m'assure que
comme cette claircissement n'aura pas ete inutile a I'affermissement de la
paix, il contribuera beaucoup aussi a" faciliter au Roi d'Angleterre 1'execution
de ses desseins, dans la prochainc assemblee du Parlement, et que par la seule
disposition des affaires presentes de 1'Europe, il obtiendra tout ce qu'il desire,
sans avoir besoin a 1'avenir d'aucune autre assistance que de celle qu'il tirera
de son royaume.

Cependant, je vois par votre lettre que vous etes persuade qu'il eat de mon
service non seuleinent d'achever aussitot qu'il desirera le pavement des subsides
que vous aviez promis de ma part au feu Roi, mais meme de vous donner la
permission de disposer des quinze cens mille livres restants lorsque vous le ju-
gerez necessaire, tant pour le fortifier dans la resolution d'etablir a quelque
prix que ce soit, le libre exercice de notre religion, que pour 1'attacher insepara-
blement a mes interets, etl'empecher de prendre d'autres mesures ; mais, pour
vous eclaircir encore plus particulierementde mes intentions, a fin que vous
ne puissiez point vous 61oigner, je suis bien aise de vous repeter; qu'il est vrai
que le principal motif, ou, pour mieux dire, le seul et unique, qui m'oblige de
vous faire remettre avec tant de diligence une somme aussi considerable qu'est
celle de deux millions, pour en secourir le Roi d'Angleterre dans ses plus pres-
sants besoins, c'est le zele que j'ai pour 1'augmentation de notre religion, se-
conde de mon estime et de mon affection pour le dit Roi ; il doit etre aussi
d'autant plus persuade de cette v6rite, que je ne stipule aucunes conditions de

Ixxii APPENDIX.

lui, et que 1'intention quej'aidemaintenir lapaixdans toute 1'Europe ne me
laisse pas lieu de croire, que j'y puisse trouver assez d' obstacles pour avoir be-
soin d'aucune assistance etrangere ;j'ai assez bonne opinion aussi de la fer-
rnete du Roi d'Angleterre dans la profession qu'il fait de la religion Catholique,
pour etre bien persuade qu'il employera toute son autorite a en etablir le
libre exercice, sans qu'il soitnecessaire de 1'y exciter par une distribution d'ar-
gent prematuree, etqui ne doit pas etre employe si le Parlement lui accorde
le meme revenu dont jouissoit le feu Roi d'Angleterre, et consent aussi a 1'eta-
blissement du libre exercice de notre religion ; aussi inon intention est que vous
continuiez les payements de tout ce qui reste du des subsides promis au feu Roi,
qui monte, suivant le dernier compte que vous m'avez envoye, a 470 mille
livres, ensorte que de la remise qui vous a ete faite par mes ordres le 15 Fev-
rier dernier de la somme de 500 mille livres il ne vous en restera, apres les
payements fails, que celle de trente mille livres, lesquels joints a toutes les re-
mises qui vous ont etc, ou seront faites encore, feront la somme de quinze cens
trente mille livres ; et je veux que vous gardiez ce fonds, pour n'en disposerqu'en
cas que le Roi d'Angleterre ne pouvant pas obtenir de son Parlement la contin-
uation des memes revenus qu'avoit le feu Roi son frere, ou rencontrant trop
d'obstacles a I'etablissement de la religion Catholique, se trouve oblige de le
separer, et d'employer son autorite et ses forces pour reduire ses sujets a la rai-
son ; je consens, en ce cas, que vous 1'assistiez pour lors de touie la somme
de quinze cens trente mille livres, soil en un ou plusieurs payements, ainsi que
vous lejugerez a-propos, et que vous m'en donniez avis dans le meme terns,
par un courier cxpres. Je m'assure que le Roi et ses ministres seront satis-
faits des ordres que je vous donne, au moins n'auront-ils pas raison de se
plaindre, que je ne veuille assister qu'en cas de revoke, et ils verront, au con-
traire, que j'ai d'autant plus d'interet que le parlement seporte'de lui-memea.
contenter ledit Roi, qu'il en aura la principale obligation a la bonne intelli-
gence qui est entre moi et lui ; et comme il ne seroit pas juste, qu'il tournat a
son profit, et init dans son epargne, les secoursque je lui destine par les seuls
motifs queje viens de vous ecrire, il pourra toujours s'assurer de reeevoir les
memes marques de mon affection en cas que la necessite de ses affaires 1'oblige
d'y avoir recours.

Tachez cependam de bien peneti^r quelles seront les negociations qui se

APPENDIX. Ixxiji

fcront a la cour oil vous etes, entre les Ministres du Roi, et les Ambassa-
deurs d'Hollande pour un trait6 d'alliance avec les Etats Generaux ; et !
prenez garde, qu'en agissant d'aussi bonne foi que je fais avec la cour oft
vous etes, elle ne prenne ailleurs des engagements prejudiciables a mes in- 1
terets. i'V.i/ !'-.;'

--, :t '.!. 4 vi^>;.r .!,; . .,*

' '.,)'. ',.!*,-, i, .-...li.- .\lf

M. Barillon au Roi.

- f ' '

14 Mai, 1685.

J K reus hier, par un courier expres, ladepeche de votre Majeste du Q e . Mai.
J'aurai le soin quejedois, de ne rien faire au-dela de ce que V. M. me present ;
je me contenterai de representer El V. M. le fait comme il est, et de suivre en-
suite ses ordres avec la derniere exactitude.

M. d'Avaux m'a envoye la copie des lettres des Ambassadeurs d'HolIande au
Pensionnaire Faigel du 29 Avril: ces lettres portent que Milord Rochester leur
aparle d'une maniere qui leur donnedes esp.erances d'une plus etroite liaison
entre sa Majeste Britanuiqueetles Etats Generaux. Je crois savoir positive-
mentquela conference dont il est fait mention dans ces lettres n'a point etc
tenue ; et si on avoit dessein ici de jetterles fondements d'une. plus ptroite
liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats Generaux, ce ne seroit pas
par une conference des Ambassadeurs avec plusieurs ministres.

J'ai peine a croire aussi ce qui est porte par ces lettres, que Milord Preston
ait et charge de parler a V. M. sur le sujet de M. le Prince d'Orange. Le
Roi d'Angleterre m'en auroit au moins dit quelque chose, s'il avoit envie que
ses offices eussent un bon succes; mais il me parle souvent comme ayant une
grande defiance et fort bien foudee de laconduiteet des intentions de M. le
Prince d'Orange a son egard. Votre Majeste sail bien en quelle maniere
Milord Preston lui a parle sur se siijet du Prince d'Orange. Si cet en-
droit de la lettre des Ambassadeurs est faux, le reste pourroit bien 1'etre
aussi.

Votre Majeste aura vu par les lettres que je me suis donne 1'honneur de liii

Ja*i? APPENDIX.

Genre, qneje crois Ic Roi d'Angleterre dans toutes les dispositions possibles
de conserver une troite liaison avec Votre Majeste, et que c'est sur ce fon-
dement queroulent tous ses desseins. Cependant, il est certain, que touts
1'application des Protestans zeles, et des partisans de M. le Prince d'Orange,
est de le detacher des interets de V. M. On ne lui proposera rien d'abord
qui y soil directement oppose ; mais on voudra insensiblement le faireentrer
en des mesures secretes avec le Prince d'Orange seul, ou avec les Etats G6-
neraux. Je ne pense pas qu'on en vienne a bout; et je croirois plut6t que leg
Ambassadeursd'Hollande se flattent, et prennent des discours generaux pour
des paroles essentielles.

Les affaires du Parlement ne seront pas si faciks qu'on se 1'etoit imagine.
Les esprits de ceux qui composent la Chambre des Communes paroissent dis-
poses a accorder la jouissance des revenus. Mais il se fait tous les jours dans
les cabales, de nouvelles propositions qui donneront de 1'embarras a sa Majes-
te Britannique et ?i ses Ministres.

II y a eu une chose agitee qui est de grande consequence : 1'opinion gene-
ralement repandue est, que Madame de Portsmouth et Milord Sunderland
gont les principales causes de la liaison etroite qui a paru depuis quelqnes an-
nees entre V. M. et le feu Roy d'Angleterre. On les a vus, dans les derniers
temps de son regne, avec tout le credit; on a vu meme Milord Rochester d-
chu de faveur, et pret a partir pour 1'lrlande ; cela fait que la princU
pale haine du passe tombe sur Milord Sunderland et sur Madame de Ports-
mouth, qu'on sait avoir agi en tout de concert. Ony envellope aussi Milord
Godolfin. Les factieux prtendent avoir etc abandonnes par eux, et leur
imputent tous les malheurs dont ils ont etc accables. Sur ce fondement le
dessein est de proposer, ds que le Parlement sera assemble, de chasser de la
Chambre des Communes tous ceux qui ont ete, dans les autres parlements,
d'exclure M.le Due d'York de la succession. C'est une proposition specieuse,
et qui paroit pleine de respect et de zele pour le Roy d'Angleterre; mais le
dessein en cela est d'aigrir les esprits de toute la nation centre lui, et de faire
connoitre (s'il y consent) qu'il n'oublie point ce qui a ete fait centre ses in-
te'rets, et qu'il a toujours envie de s'en venger. C'est aussi un degre pour atta-
cmerceuxdela Chambre Haute qui ont et6 d'avis de son exclusion, et prin-
3

APPENDIX.

cipalement Milord Sunderland et Milord Godolfin, qui ont trnit6 de la part
du feu Roy avec les factieux, et qui les ont porte"s, en ce temps la, si insister
sur une chose a laquelle ils les assuroient que le Prince consentiroil & la fin,
ei on faisoit sa condition bonne.

II est fort apparent que ce projet est soutenu par des gens qui ne sont pas
tout-a-fait hors des affaires. Milord Halifax a toujours une halne fortvive
centre Milord Sunderland, et anime sous main ceux qu'il avoit disposes a lui
mure.

Milord Sunderland a deja parle au Roy d'Angleterre pour prevenir le pie"ge
qu'on lui voudroit tendre sous pre" texte de chasser ceux qu'ori appelle les Exclu-
rionnaires ; mais si le moyen manque, on en tentera d'autres ; et je crois sa-
voir que Milord Sunderland sera fortement altaque, tant par la haine qui reste
de lui de son ministere passe, que parce qu'on prevoit qu'il aura beaucoup de
part a la confiance de son maitre a 1'avenir, si sa liaison subsiste avec V. M.,
et s'il persiste dans le dessein d'etablir la religion Catholique.

Je crois que Milord Rochester sera epargne au commencement par le Parle-
ment. On le croit bon Protestant, et il est regarde comme protecteur du parti
Episcopal : on le voit a la tete des affaires, et les finances entre les mains; il
est, outre cela, beau-frere du Roy: on croiroit en 1'attaquant, fournir & sa
Majeste Britannique un pretexte de casser le Parlement. Mais on s'imagine
pouvoir attaquer les autres ministres impun6ment, et que peut-etre Milord
Rochester ne sera pas fache de ce qui se passera centre ceux qui avoient
prevalu sur lui dans les derniers temps, etqui 1'avoient reduit a se retires en
Irlande.

Les Catholiques sont ouvertement pour Milord Sunderland ; cela rendra en-
core les esprits de la Chambre Basse plus aises a exciter contre lui ; cependant
il a fort bien servi le Roy d'Angleterre, avant qu'il par vint a la couronne, et il a
travaille si utilement ale fairevenir d'Ecosse, et a le retablirdans le conseil, et
dans Pamiraut, que je ne crois pas que ce Prince l'abandonne,ne qu'il souffre
que le Parlement commence par faire une chose aussi prejudiciable & I'autorite"
royale, que le seroitcelle d'altaquer les ministres. ''.>''

Jxxvi APPENDIX.

Madame tie Portsmouth croit nussi devoir tre attaquee ; cela I'obHge
presser son depart avant que |e Parlement s'assemble. De la fagon dont le
Roy d'Angleterre in'aparle" sur son sujet, j'ai lieu decroire qu'elle sera conteme
de ce qu'il a rsolusur ses affaires.

V. M. peut juger par cc que j'ai 1'honneur de lui mander, que les affaires
ne seront pas si paisibles dansle Parlement qu'on se 1'imagine. II est rvrai
que les anciens factieux ne sont pas choisis ; mais ceux qui composent le Par-
lement le deviendrontais6ment : ils ont presque tons une aversion insurmont-
able contre la religion Catholique, et la plupart sont ennemis de la France,
et jaloux de la grandeur de V. M. Ils connoissent bien que du succes de cette
seance depend 1'etablissement des affaires de sa Majesle Britannique, c'est
pourquoi on n'omettra rien pour lui susciter des embarras.

II y a des avis que les Anglois refugies a Amsterdam veulent envoyer des
armes en Ecosse, eton prisdes mesures sur cela; c'est 1'endroit ou il peut plus
aisement arriver des desordres, aussi bien que dansle Nord de 1'Irlande, qui
joint presqu'a 1'Ecosse. Le Roy d'Angleterre ne me paroit point inquiet de
1'avenir, et croit venir a bout de tout aisement.

Les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande ont eu leur audience du Prince et de la Prin-
cesse de Dannemark. Ils m'ont rendu la premiere visile apres la Maison roy-
ale. Selon ce qui m'est rapporte par quelques uns de leurs confidents, ils
ne sont pas si contents qu'ils le temoignentpar leurs lettres. Je ne laisserai
pas de redoubler mes soins pour penetrer ce qui se passera sur ce sujet.

II vint hier de fort bonnes nouvelles d'Ecosse. II a ete question dans le
Parlement, d'accorder a sa Majeste Britannique pour sa vie, les droits de
1'excise et des coutumes qui avoient ete concedes aussi au feu Roy pour sa
vie. Non seulement cela a ete fait, mais le Parlement a annexe ces memes
droits a la couronne pour toujours. C'est le Due d'Hamilton qui en a fait
la proposition aux Seigneurs, et qui 1'a fait reussir par son credit dans le
Parlement..

On a arrete ici un ecuyer de M. le Due de Monmouth ; le Roy d'Angle-

APPENDIX. Ixxvii

terre in 'a dit qu'il ne s'etoit trouve charge de rien, et qu'il ne s'etoit pas cache,
qu'ainsi on 1'avoit elargi, en dormant caution de se representer.

Le Due de Nordfolk a 1'ordre de la jarretiere ; c'est la place qui a vaque par
la-in<>it du feu Roy d'Angleterre. Milord Churchil sera Milord d'Angleterre
ill'etoit sculement d'Ecosse. M. Germain sera aussi fait Milord, etle Colonel
Talbot sera Comte d'Irlande des qu'il y sera arrive. Tout cela sera fait avant
1'assemblee du Parlemenl.

Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, &c.

M. Barillon au Roi.

Ill May, 1685, a Londres.

J E vois par la derniere depeche de V. JVI. que sa resolution est de secourir le
Roy d'Angleterre dans ses besoins; c'est dans cette vile que V. M. envoye ici
des sommes considerables. Cependant il me paroit que V. M. n'est pas sans
soupc,on que le Roy d'Angleterre ne puisse prendre des mesures opposees
ses interets, et former des liaisons avec les Etals Generaux et avec le Prince
d'Orange. Ma principale application doit etre a tacher de le penetrer, et je
n'omettrai rien de ce qui peut m'eclaircir dc ce qui se passe de plus secret
ici. Le commerce intime que j'ai avec le Roy d'Angleterre et avec ses niinis-
tres me met en tel etat, que ce sera ma faute si je suis trompe.

V. M. peut tenir pour assure que le Roy d'Angleterre n'a point tin plan de
liaison avec les Etats Generaux, et encore moins avec le Prince d'Orange.
Je ne prends pas cette confiance mal-a-propos, mais sur beaucoup de choses
qu'il me seroit difficile d'expliquer a V. M. aussi clairement que je les vois.
11 faut convenir, cependant, que le Roy d'Angleterre dissimule ; et il lui est
important dele faire jusque apres la seance du Parlement ; mais je suis con-
vaincu qu'il levera le masque aussitot apres, et qu'il ne se contraindra pas,
comme il 1'a fait jusqu'a present, a cacher sa pente pour les interets de V. M.
et le dessein qu'il a d'etablir 1'exercice libre de la religion Catholique. Je suis

APPENDIX.

persuad^ qu'il trouvera beaucoup de difficultes dans 1'execution de ce dessein :
il n'y a aucune apparence que le Parlement y consente, je doute meme que
sa Majeste" Britannique 1'ose proposer. Cela dependra des premieres resolu-
tions qui se prendront sur les revenus. Mais par avance je sais que la de-
fiance est fort grande dans les esprits de part et d'autre, et que si le Parle-
ment apporte de la facilite a la concession des revenus, il ne se relachera
point sur ce qui regarde la religion Catholique. C'est ce qui m'a fait insister
jusques a-present aupres de V. M. pour la supplier de ne point ordonner
de suspendre les payements auxquels on s'attend ici. Je trouverois meme
beaucoup d'inconvenient a declarer au Roy d'Angleterre et a ses ministres,
qu'apres 1'ancien subside paye V. M. ne lui fournira plus rien, a moins qu'il
ne se trouve oblige de forcer ses sujets a se conformer a ce qu'il desire, tant a
1'egard de ses revenus que du libre exercice de la religion Catholique.

Je vois que V. M. regarde comme un inconvenient que le Roy d'Angle-
terre puisse rnettre dans son 6pargne, et augmenter ses fonds d'unesomme con-
side"rable que V. M. fourniroit dans le temps, qui le inettra en etat de sub-
sister commodement ; etque son autorit6 etant Stabile au-dedans, et ayant
obtenu ce qu'il souhaite a 1'egard de la religion Catholique, il sera en etat de
prendre parti sur les alliances qu'il peut faire au-clehors. Si cela toit ainsi,
jecroirois que V. M. auroit interet de prevenirce Prince par une gratification,
et 1'engager insensiblement dans vos inte"rets par une somme bien moins con-
siderable que ne seroit celle que V. M. donneroit, si une fois il avoit pris
la resolution de se joindre a ceux qui sonljaloux de votre grandeur. Mais
les affaires de ce pays-ci sont fort eloignees d'tin elat si tranquille. V. M.
verra que dans la suite le Roy d'Angleterre trouvera des oppositions beau-
coup plus grandes qu'on ne le croit. 11 y a de"ja des movements parmi les
Montagnards d'Ecosse; le Nord de 1'Irlande n'est pas tranquille ; les factieux
n'ont pas perdu toute esperance, et votre Majeste sait que 1'on a pris des me-
suresen Hollande pour leurenvoyer des armes et des munitions.

Si dansle temps que tout est en mouvement, et que Ton fera les plus grands
efforts pour detacher le Roy d'Angleterre del'amitie" de votre Majeste", je lui
d^clarois, et a ses Ministres, que V. M. ne veut plus le secourir, je fourni-
rois un pretexte fort plausible a ceux qui lui veulent faire prendre un chemia

APPENDIX.

oppose si celui qu'il a resolu de leuir. Je doute encore qu'ils en vinssent a
bout ; mais c'est un peril auquel il n'est pas, ce me semble, nucessaire d'ex-
poser les affaires de ce pays-ci, qui peuvent (si je ne me trompe,) etre-con-
duites avec une enliere surete, sans que V. M. hazarde beaucoup. Je vois
ce qui se passe; il sera mal-aise de me le cacher; ainsi je ne donnerai pas
mal-a-propos ce que j'aurai-pouvoir de donner. J'ose encore supplier V. M.
de me pcrmettre (apres 1'ancien subside paye) de fournir au Roy d'Angleterre,
pendant 1'assemblee du Parlement, jusques a la somme de deux cent mille ecus
sur celle de quinze cent (rente mille livres qui me restera entre les mains, apres
que votre Majeste y aura envoye toute la somme qu'elle a resolu. Je mena-
gerai cette somme de deux cents mille ecus en tclle sorte que V. M. connoitra
par la suite qu'elle lui aura ete mile.

V. M. me permetpar saderniere dcpeche, de donnertoute la somme que je
pourrai avoir entrc les mains, si je vois le Parlement casse, ct que le Roy d'An-
gleterre soil reduit a contraindre ses sujets par la force a se soumettre. II n'est
pas apparent que les affaires viennent tout d'un coup a une rupture ouverte >
etj'aurai toujours assez de temps pour informer V.M. et recevoir ses ordres,
pourvu que je puisse cepenclant fournir quelque somme. Enfin, Sire, les af-
faires sont ici, selon ce que j'en puis juger, en fort bon etat a 1'cgard de V. M.;
maisjen'en repondrois pas, si V. M. m'otoit laliberte de faire aucune sorte
de payement, apres 1'ancien subside paye. II me suffit d'avoir connu ses inten-
tions pour n'aller pas trop loin, quandj'en aurai la permission. Le Roi d'An-
gleterre secroit en quelque faon jugc lui-meme de ses besoins ; si V. M. vent
1'obliger entitlement, et lui temoigner une veritable amitie, elle s'en rappor-
teraalui. Si jejetoisdans son esprit une defiance quoique mal-fondee, j'au-
rois de la peine a le faire revenir, au lieu que presenlement j'ai etabli une con-
fiance que rien ne detruira pourvu que V. M. me permette de faire ce que je
croirai entitlement necessaire pour son service. Je ne serois pas assez impru-
dent pour presser V. M. de faire une chose a laquelle il me paroit qu'elle a de
la repugnance, si je n'en connoissois 1'importance et (1'utilite) la necessite. Je
ne voudrois pas non plus perdreaupres de V. M .le peu de service que je puis
lui avoir rendu en ce pays-ci, en lui conseillant de faire une chose qui pourroit

Ixxx APPENDIX.

dans la suite etre miisible, ou du moins inutile a ses inte~rets. Mais je man-
querois a mon devoir, et a la fidelite que je dois a V. M., si je ne lui represen-
lois, comme je fais, qu'il est absolument necessaire de me laisser la Jiberte de
donner des marques de votre amitie au Roy d'Angleterre, dans le temps que
Ton prendra le plus de soin de 1'ebranler.

La conjoncture presente est decisive : il est question que le Roi d'Angleterre
prenne un parti qu'il soutiendra longteraps. Je crois voir que ce parti est pris
dans son esprit, et qu'il est determine a se tenir etroitement uni avcc V. M. ;
il est seulement necessaire de le main tenir dans cette resolution, et de 1'empe-
cher de donner dans les pieges qui lui seront tendus.

Les lettres que je rcus avant hier de M. d'Avaux me confirment dans 1'opi-
nionque les lettres des Ambassadeurs d'Hollande au Pensionnaire Fagel, dont
on a eu des copies, sont fausses et supposees. II y a beaucoup d'apparence que
c'est un artifice invente pour faire croire en Hollande et ailleurs que le Roi
d'Angleterre est entitlement dispose a former une nouvelle et plus etroitc
liaison avec les Etats Gen6raux, et qu'il y a dejii une parfaite intelligence re-
tablie entre sa Majeste Britannique et le Prince d'Orange. Je suis persuade
que 1'un ni 1'autre n'est veritable. La jalousie du Roy d'Angleterre centre M.
le Prince d'Orange est trop bien fondee, et trop naturelle, pour etre aisement
detruite : je ne vois pas non plus qu'il y ait apparence que les interets de 1'An-
gleterre et des Etats Generaux se puissent aisement concilier sur le point du
commerce, puisqu'au contraire c'est un fondement de division dans rinteret le
plus solide des deux nations.

L'affaire seule de Bantam peut empecher encore longtemps qu'il n'y ait une
liaison entre sa Majeste Britannique et les Etats Generaux : leurs deputes, et
ceux de la Compagnie des Indes d' Amsterdam sont arrives. On va entreren
conference avec eux. Cependant, je vois encore bien des gens persuades, que
cette affaire ne s'accommodera pas. J'ai su par un des principaux interesses
dans la Compagnie des Indes que le Roi d'Angleterre est fort resolu de soute-
nir leur commerce, et de traverser celui des Hollandois. Cette meme personne
m'a dit que sa Majeste Britannique aenvoye depuis peu un homme expres,

APPENDIX. Ixxxi

charge" d'une lettre au Roy de Perse, pour 1'exhorter & ne se point accorder
avecles Hollandois au prejudice des autres nations, et lui offrir mfime du se-
cours, en cas que la guerre que les Hollandois lui font, continue.

Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, 8tc.

M. Barillon au Roy.

21 Mai, 1685, a Londres.

ON regut hier ici des lettres de la Haye, qui portent que trois vaisseaux
charges d'armes et de munitions de guerre avoient fait voile ou pour 1'Ecosse,
ou pour le Nord d'Irlande. Le Roi d'Angleterre m'en a parle, et m'a dit qu'il
voyoit bien le peu de soin que M. le Prince d'Orange avoit pris de mettre
ordre a une chose si importante, et que s'il avoit pris les mesures necessaires
pour cela, il en auroit ete averti le premier, auroit arrete les vaisseaux, et lui
en auroit donne avis ; qu'au lieu de cela, on avoit differe plusieurs jours a la
Haye de rien faire sur les remohtrances du Sieur Skelton, et qu'on 1'avoit oblige
de donner un memoire ; que cependant il auroit ete facile d'arreter les vais-
seaux, si on en avoit eu 1'intention ; que cette lenteur marque peu d'application
et de clmleur de la part des Etats Generaux et de M. le Prince d'Orange et ne
repond pas aux belles paroles qu'on lui dit tous les jours de leur part ; que
son dessein n'etoit point d'en faire des plaintes dans les formes, mais qu'il
connoissoit bien qui sont ceux qui sont veritablement dans ses interets, et dont
il attend des marques d'amiti6 sinceres ; que cependant, il n'est point em-
barrasse ni inquiet de ce qui arrivera de ces vaisseaux ; qu'il a donne des or-
dres necessaires pour prvenir les mouvements que les factieux pourroient ex-
citer en Ecosse ou en Irlande ; qu'il a envoy6 des fregates sur les cotes, et que
dans le fonds il croit n'avoir rien a craindre, etant assure de 1'amitie de votre
Majeste.

Je repondis a sa Majeste Britannique tout ce que je cms devoir augmenter

Ixxxii APPENDIX.

-son soupgon de la conduite de M. le Prince d'Orange, et 1'assurer de 1'ainitie
deV. M. II convint de cc que jelui dis, etmefit entendre qu'il ne croyoit pas
encore devoir se declarer sur cela ouvertement, mais qu'il esperoit n'etre pas
encore longtemps oblige de dissimuler; que c'etoit un personnage qu'il soute-
noit mal, et auquel il n'etoit point propre. J'ai su deputs cela, qu'il avoit
parle avec beaucoup de ressentiment de ce qu'on n'avoit pas prevenu en
Hollande ce que les exiles d'Angleterre pouvoient menager pour 1'execution
de leurs (manoeuvres) mauvais desseins. II a nieme dit tout haul au Con-
seil, que si ceux qui y etoit obliges, avoient fait leur devoir du temps du feu
Roy et du sien, & 1'egard des factieux retires en Hollande, on ne seroit pas en
peine presentement de deliberer des moyens de s'opposer aux efforts qu'ils
font pour exciter des troubles. Cela ne se peut entendre que de M. le Prince
d'Orange.

Les Ambassadeurs d'Hollande paroissent embarrasses de cette nouvelle.
Us disent que Ton a fait toutes les diligences possibles pour arreter les
vaisseaux, des que Mrs. les Etats ont ete avertis par M. Skelton, mais que
leur gouvernement est assujeti a. des formes par-dessus les quelles on ne peut
passer.

Le Roy d'Angleterre parla toathaul, il y deux jours, a M. Ziters sur 1'affaire
de Bantam d'une maniere assez forte, et lui fit entendre que toutes les nations
de 1'Europe, et principalement les Anglois, avoient un grand interet que les
Hollandois ne fussent pas maitres tout seuls du commerce du poivre, et des
autres epiceries. M. Ziters dit que ce commerce leurcoutoit si cher, qu'on ne
devoit pas le leur envier ; que meme ils avoient offert aux marchands Anglois
qni sont dans les Indes, de partager avec eux la moitie des epiceries qu'ils ap-
porteroient en Europe.

Le Roy d'Angleterre repondit qu'il n'etoit pas juste que ce fut eux qui en
fissent la distribution et la part aux autres ; que le commerce devoit etre libre,
et qu'en etant les maitres, ils mettroient le prix qu'ils voudroient aux merchan-
dises. Le Roy d'Angleterre ajouta, en se tournant vers moi ; " On sait bien en
France ce qui en est, et aussi en Daimemark, -car on fait la mme chose a Jeur
egard." 4

APPENDIX. Ixxxiii

Ce discours fait en public a redouble 1' inquietude des Ambassadeurs d'Hol-
lande sur 1'affaire de Bantam : mais je ne pense pas qu'il y ait beaucoup de re-
flexion a f'aire sur ce qui se dit publiquement. C'est plutot, a ce que j'en puis
juger, dans le dessein de porter les Commissaires a faire des offres qui puissent
contenter la Compagnie de Londres.

Sa Majeste Britannique croit que le Comte d' Argile est dans les raontagnes
d'Ecosse. Elle m'a dit qu'elley fera marcher des troupes-reglees et que cepen-
dant les ordres etoient envoy6s pour donner pouvoir aux families ennemies du
Comte d'Argile et des Campbels de s'armer et de leur courirsus. Milord
Dombarton part aujourdhui pour commander les troupes en Ecosse, et les
conduire ou Ton verra que les factieux voudront faire leurs premiers efforts.

Le Colonel Talbot part aussi pour 1'Irlande : on a change quantite d'offi-
ciers dans les troupes qui y sont : on y doit encore faire des changements qui y
sont ncessaires. On attend ici avec impatience de savoirou les trois vaisseaux
charges d'armes et de munitions seront abords : ils sont sortis du Texel il y a
dix jours. LeRoy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il y avoit des horn mes dessus, et
quelques officiers de ceux qui ont ete casses en Hollande. On ne sait point
avec certitude si M. le Due de Monmouth est sur un de ces vaisseaux ; il a ete
depuis pen a Roterdain. On ne doute pas que cette entreprise d'envoyer des
vaisseaux ne soit fondee sur un concert secret avec les factieux du pays ou ils
doivent aborder, et qu'il n'y ait des mesures prises pour prendre les armes aus-
sitot apres. Le peril est que leurs troupes ne grossissent, et que les mecontents
qui sont en grand nombre dans le Nord de 1'Irlande, ne s'assemblent, et ne for-
mentun corps assez considerable pour tenirlacampagne, etresister aux troupes
r6glees qu'on enverra contre eux, a qui meme il n'est pas sur qu'on se puisse
fier entierment. Tout cela fait beancoup parler a Londres, et arrive dans le
temps que le Parlement va s'assembler. Lemuiudre inconvenient qui en pent
resulter est de rendre le Parleinent plus difficile qu'il n'auroit et<j si tout avoit
ete calme.

11 a ete public ici un ecrit, souslenom du Due de Buckingham, en faveur
delaliberte de conscience pour tous les INonconforrnistes. Le Roy d'Angle-
terre n' a pu s'empecher de louer dabord cet ecrit ; iln'en a parle depuis que

Ixxxiv APPENDIX.

comme d'une chose qui ne meYite aucune reflexion. Mais les Episcopaux
n'ont pas laisse d'en tre alarmes, etde trouver fort a redire a cet ecrit. J'ea
envoye une traduction dont V. M. pourra se faire rendre compte : c'est la
matiere la plus importance qui puisse Stre agitee a 1'egard du dedans del'An-
gleterre.

Le parti des e veques etoit regarde, du temps du feu Roy d'Angleterre, comme
le soutien de la Royaute, et les Presbiteriens, aussi bien que les autres sectaires
maintenoient la religion Protestante, et s'opposoient fortement a ce qui
s'appelle l'accroissement du Papisme. Mais 1'etat des affaires de la religion est
bien change en Angleterre, depuis que le Roy fait une profession ouvertede
la religion Catholique. Tous les Nonconformistes se trouvent dans le metne
etat que les Catholiques : les loix sont egalement etablies centre les uns et
les autres : il n'y a plus que 1'Eglise Anglicane qui soil la religion de 1'etat,
et qui puisse s'opposer a toutes les autres sectes ; c'est ce qui la fait regarder
comme 1'unique soutien de la religion Protestante en general, n'y ayant point
d'autre moyen de s'opposer a 1'aggrandissement de la religion dont le Roy
fait profession, qu'en se tenant exactement dans 1'execution des loix
penales. On voit bien cependant qu'il est iinpraticable de poursuivre et
de punir ceux qui ont lameme religion que le Roy regnant ; etil semble ineme
que les loix faites centre les Catholiques torn bent d'elles-memes, et soient, en
quelque sorte, aneanties, quand celui au mon duquel on les poursuit, et au pro-
fit de qui les cond am nations et les amendes sont appliquees, est lui meme de la
religion pour laquelle on pretend les devoir punir.

II y a un autre grand embarras presentement dans tous les serments qui se
pretent parlous les Protestants: ils jurent de ne reconnoitre autre chef de
1'Eglise Anglicane que le Roy d'Angleterre ; cependant, il est de notoriete que
lui-meme reconnoit un autre chef de 1'eglise, et ne croit point 1'etre. Cola
forme des contradictions dirEciles 3. concilier : le moindre relachement des
loix penales sera regarde par les Protestans ze!6s comme un chemina eta-
blir entierement la religion Catholique. La raison essentielle de cela est
que la religion Catholique etoit la religion de 1'etat, etetablie par les loix
sous le regne de la Reine Marie. Les loix faites sous le regne de la Reine
Elizabeth centre les Catholiques ont etabli la religion Anglicane. Si on abo-

APPENDIX. Ixxxv

lit ces loix, ou qu'on les suspende, 1'ancienne religion redevient la religion de
l'etat, et reprend ses premiers droits, et sa premiere force, qui 1'autorise metne
a poursuivre les autres sectes, comme on a fait du temps de la Reine Marie.
Tout cela fera la maliere des deliberations du Parlement, a moins que 1'affaire
des revenus ne soit d'abord achevee, et que le Roy d'Angleterre ne se r-
solve a casser ou a proroger le Parlement aussitot apres, et a prendre de lui-
meme les resolutions qu'il croira convenables.

Le proces a ete fait au Sieur Gates, dont les depositions ont servi de fonde-
ment a la pretendue conspiration des Catholiques : il a ete trouve coupable
de parjure, et on a prouve qu'il etoit a St. Omer lorsqu'il a depose avoir
ete present a une assemblee de Jesuites a. Londres. II s'est defendu avec
beaucoup d'audaceet d'impudence ; il adit que trois Parlements avoieut aprou-
ve ses depositions, et 1'avoient cm ; que presentement il souffre pour la religion
Protestante. Quand il sortit de Westminster, Milord Louvelez, qui est sig-
nale entre les factieux, 1'embrassa, et lui fit un compliment sur sa fermete.
La peine etablie par les loix contre le paijure est d'etre mis au pilori, et d'a-
voir le bout de 1'oreille coupe : le jugement sera execute, et ensuite Gates sera
remisen prison, ou il sera retenu longtemps, etant condamne a de grandes
sommes pour des discours scandaleux tenus contre M. le Due d'York. On
ne peutpar les loix 1'inquieter ni le poursuivre pour les fausettes inventees
par lui contre la Reine Douairiere d'Angleterre, et les Pairs Catholiques, n'y
ayant point de peines etablies contre la calomnie. Quelques uns croyent
qu'on auroit mieux fait de ne point achever presentement le proces d'Oates,
et qu'il auroit ete aussi a-propos de ne le pas poursuivre, puisque la condam-
nation ne va qu'au pilori, qui n'est pas une peine proportionnee a ses crimes

Je suis, avec le profond respect que je dois, &c.

Jxxxvi APPENDIX.

Le Rot <J M. Barillon.

25 May, 1685, a Versailles.

BARILLON, j'airegu votre lettre du 24 May, par la voie ordinaire,
et celle du 21 May par le retour du courier que je vous avois depeche. Je ne
doute pas que vous ne vous serviez utilement de la faussete qui paroit
dans les pretendues lettres des Ambassadeurs d'Hollande au Pensionnaire
Fagel pour faire connoitre au Roy d'Angleterre et a ses Ministres, que le
Prince d'Orange ne recherche que 1'apparence d'une bonne intelligence avec
le dit Roy, pour augmenter par let son credit dans les Provinces Unies, mais
qu'au fonds il veut toujours entretenir une secrete correspondence avec les me-
contents d'Angleterre, et rien n'en peut mjeux persuader la Cour ou vous etes,
que la connivence du dit Prince a rarmement qui a etc" fait en Hollande de
trois vaiaseaux pour porter les chefs des dit mecontents, et autant d'armes et
de munitions de guerre qu'ils en peuvent avoir besoin pour exciter des se"-
ditions et anner les rebelles, soil en Angletterre, en Ecosse, ou en Irlande.
Ainsi vous avez raison de ue pas croire que 1'Envoye d'Angleterre soil charge
dc la part du Roy son maitre de me parler en faveur du Piince d'Orange;
et il a seulcment dit a Croissy qiae le dit Roy s'etoit explique qu'il ne
pouvoit pas avoir d'etroite liaison avec ce Prince, tant qu'il ne seroit pas bien
avec moi.

Je suis, cependant, bien aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre n'ait
aucun sujet d'apprehender le passage du Due de Monmouth, du Compte
d'Argile, et du Sieur Gray, ni tous les efFurts que tous les mecontents pou-
voient faire pendant 1'assemblee du Parlement ; et je in 'assure neanmoins
qu'il prendra toutes les precautions necessaires, pour se garantir de leursmau
vais desseins.

Je ne vois pas aussi qu'il entre dans la proposition qu'on lui veut faire de
chasser du Parlement tous ceux qui ont etc" d'avis, dans les assemblies pr-

APPENDIX. Ixxxvii

cedentes, de 1'exclure de la succession ; et comme le nombre en est grand ,
et que 1'interet qu'ils auront a effacer cette tache par des services con-
siderables, les portera, selon toutes les apparences, a le servir plus utile-
ment que ne pourroient faire ceux qui out toujours ete les plus attaches
& sa personne ; il est de sa prudence et d'une juste et eclairce politique
de faire connoitre qu'il n'a aucun ressentiinent de ce qui s'est fait centre
lui avant qu'il soit parvenu a la couronne, et de reserver seuleinent a faire
dans la suite du temps, la distinction de ceux qui le serviront bien fl'avec
ceux qui feront voir par leur couduite qu'ils n'ont agi que par un pur esprit
de cabale.

Votre derniere me fait voir qu'il y a plus de disposition qu'on n'en croyoit a
quelques mouvements tant en Ecosse qu'en Irlande, et sur ce fondeuient vouz
insistez a ce que je vous permette d'employer, outre les 470 mille livres qui res-
tent a payer du subside promis au feu Roy, au moins 600 mille Hvres sur les
1530 mille livres que vous avez entre les mains apres qu'on vous aura remis
tous les fonds que j'ai destines pour assister le Roy d'Angleterre. Mais comme
1'ordre que je vous ai donne par ma depeche du 9 me paroit suffisant pour
la satisfaction de ce Prince, je ne juge pas a-propos d'y rien changer, d'autant
plus que faisant remettre incessamment a Londres toute la somme que je vous
permets de donner, en cas de besoin, le Roy peut bien juger que je ne refuserai
pas les assistances n6cessaires ; car vous me pouvez avertir journellement de ce
qui se passera : je vous donnerai aussi mes ordres avec la meuie diligence, sui-
vant les differents evenements.

Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy a M. Barillon.

a Versailles, 1 Juin, 1685-

JM. BARILLON vos lettres des 21 et 24 May me font voir qu'encore que
le Roy d'Angleterre ne temoigne aucune inquietude des preparatifs que font
les proscrits d'Angleterre, tant pour y retourner que pour y exciter quelque

Ixxxviii APPENDIX.

mouvement, soit vers 1'Ecosse ou vers le Nord d'Irland; neanmoins la
Cour ou vous etes, et les principaux marchands de la ville de Londres ap-
prehendent que les entreprises de ces factieux n'aient quelques suites qui
troublent le commerce et le repos dont les Anglois jouissent a-present, je
suis bien aise d'apprendre que le dit Roy ait donne de bons ordres pour pre-
venir les desseins des Rebelles, et qu'il mette sa principale confiance dans
mon amitie.

II peut aussi s'en promettre la continuation, tant qu'il demeurera dans les
memes engagements que le feu Roy son frere et lui-meme avoient pris avec
inoi ; et comuie les discours que le public lui fait tenir sur-tout ce qui re-
garde les interets de ma couronne ne conviennent pas a ce que je dois attendre
de lui, vous devez observer bien soigneusement quels sont ses veritables senti-
ments, et m'in former de tout ce que vous apprendrez qu'il aura dit stir ce sujet,
soil dans ses discours particuliers, soit dans les discours qu'il aura tenus aux
Ambassadeurs et ministres etrangers; ensorte qu'apres avoir donne des mar-
ques de mon zele pour le retablissement de la religion Catholique en Angle-
terre, et de mon arnitie pour ce Prince par les secours que je vous fais
incessamment remettre, je ne contribue pas d'avantage, s'il a de mauvais
desseins, a. le mettre en etat de s'opposer a tout ce qui peut etre de ma sa-
tisfaction; et vous ne sauriez me rendre un compte trop exact de la ma-
niere qu'il vous traite, de tout ce qu'il vous dit sur les affaires pri?sentes,
et de ce que vous pouvez penetrer de ses intentions, tant sur les alliances
qu'il pretend faire a Favenir, que sur les mesures qu'il veut prendre avec ses
voisins.

Vous pouvez cependant 1'assurer, qu'il n'y a aucun fondernent a 1'avis qu'ou
lui a donne, que le Marquis de Boufflers avoit ordre d'entrer dans la Navarre
Espagnole ; que pour ce qui regarde 1'escadre de mes vaisseaux que j'ai en
voyee sous le commandement de Sieur de Treuilly vers Cadiz, il n'a ordre
que de faciliter le commerce de mes sujets, et le retour des effets qu'ils ont sur
la flotte des Indes. Vous savez aussi que le Mar6chal d'Estrees doit seulenient
faire la guerre avec les vaisseaux qu'il commando aux Corsaires de Tripoli ;
ainsi il n'y a rien de nouveau dans ces conimandements dont vous n'ayea deja
etc averti.

APPENDIX. Ixxxix

Vous jugez bien que tout ce qui se passera dorenavant en Angleterre me-
rite une grande attention, et je ne doute point que vous ne donniez tous vos
soins a en etre bien averti, et a me rendre un compte exact de ce que vous ap-
prendrez.

Extrait (Tune Lettrc de M. Barillon au Roi.

28 May, 1685, a Londres.

JM. D'AVAUX aura envoye a V. M. la copie d'une lettre des Ambassarleurs
d'Hollande, sur laquelle il me paroit faire beaucoup de reflexion. Je ne doute
pas qu'il n'y ait des ministres qui parlent a ces Ambassadeurs dans le sens qu'il
niandent, et qui ne se flatten! d'esperances sur 1'avenir mais je n'ai aucun lieu
de croire que ces esperances soient bien fondees. Je persiste a ce que j'ai eu
1'honneur de mander a votrc Majeste sur cela.

Le Roy d'Angleterre me paroit tous les jours connoitre d'avantage com-
bien 1'amitie de V. M. lui est n6cessaire. Tous les efforts que 1'on i'era pour
1'ebranler seront inutiles, si V. M.faitde son cote tout ce qui est necessaire
pour le maintenir dans les sentiments oil il est. Je ne serois pas assez im-
prudent pour en assurer V. M. si je ne croyois en avoir des preuves coavain-
cantes.

Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roi.

2 Juin, 1685, a Londres.

LJE chagrin etl'inquietude que cette nouvelle peut dbnner au Roy d'Angleterre
ont ete fort diminues par ce qui se passa hier au Parleiaent : la Chambre des

xc APPENDIX.

Communes a accorde a sa Majeste Britannique, pour sa vie, les memes re-
venus dont le feu Roy son frere jouissoit : la resolution en a ete prise d'un
comun consentement ; M. Seymer seul s'y opposa, et harangua inutilement
centre la forme des elections, et sur le peril ou Ton est de voir introduce la
religion Catholique, et un gouvernement centre les loix. Son discours ne fut
suivi ni applaudi de personne.

La Charabre Haute delibera, en meme temps, sur 1'affaire des Seigneurs ac-
cusds de haute trahison, et cassa un reglement de la |meme Chambre qui or-
donne que les accusations intentees par la Chambre Basse subsisteronl d'un
parlement a 1'autre. Cela s'etoit fait pour perpetuer 1'accusation centre le
Comte de Danby et les Pairs Catholiques, qui par ce moyen demeureront tou-
jours en etat d'etre condamnes sur les temoignages rendus contre eux. Us sont
pr^sentement libres de 1'accusation, et il faudroit pour les poursuivre recom-
mencer une nouvelte accusation, et une nouvelle procedure. Cette delibera-
tion de la Chambre Haute annule tout ce qui a ete fait sur la pretendue con
spiration des Catholiques, qui sans cela auroit subsiste : c'est un coup fort im-
portant a 1'egard de sa Majeste Britannique. Les Milords Devanschaer, An-
glesey, Claire, et Radnor furent d'un avis contraire, et temoignerent settlement
kur mauvaise volonte.

LeRoy d'Angleterre me parla hier au soir avec beaucoup de chaleur de son
attachement pour V. M. et de 1'envie qu'il a de conserver son amitie, et d'aug-
menter, s'il est possible, les liaisons etablies. II me dit qu'il se croyoit encore
plus en etat de se conduire suivant son inclination at ses interets, se trouvant en
possession du revenu dont le feu Roy son frere jouissoit ; que cependant il au-
roit toujours un grand besoin de 1'amitie et des secours de V. M. pour execu-
ter les choses qu'il a dans 1'esprit, et sans lesquelles il ne pent-Sire en surete ;
que V. M. verroit avec quel soin il oienagera I'honneur de ses bonnes graces, et
avec quelle fermet6 il sera dans ses interets. Ce Prince me dit ensuite le de-
tail des nouvelles d'Ecosse ; et ajouta, qu'il ne doutoit pas que 1'Electeur de
Brandebourg et d'autres Princes d'Allemagne n'eussent conlribue sous main
a 1'entreprise du Comte d'Argile, et qu'il seroit soutenu de tous les Protestans
de 1'Europe ; que cela lui montroit le chemin qu'il doit tenir, et & qui il se peut
fier. Je lui dis que j'iuformerois V. M. de ce qui se passoit, et que je pouvois

APPENDIX. xci

{'assurer per avance que V. M . n'omettroit rien pour le soutenir, et lui donner
des marques essentielles de son ami tie.

Les lettres que j'ai re<juesde M. d'Avaux, du 29 May, me font voir que le*
Ambassadeurs d'Hollande qui sont ici, 6crivent comme s'ils etoient persuades
que le Roy d'Angleterre est clans une entiere disposition a faire une nouvelle et
plus etroite alliance avecles Etats Gen6raux.

V. M . jugera ce qui est a faire ici pour son service dans la conjoncture pre-
sente. Je me tiendrai en etat d'excuter ses ordres, sans m'avancer au-dela du
payement de 1'ancien subside. Je ne doute pas que Milord Rochester, et
ineme le Roy d'Angleterre, ne me pressent bientot de leur fournir d'autres
sommes dont ils savent que les fonds sont ici. II me paroit que le cas con-
tenu dans les ordres de V. M, est a-peu-pres arrive, puis qu'il y a une rebellion
formee en Ecosse qui a ses racines et son fondement en Angleterre et en Irlande.
J'attendrai ce qu'il plaire a V. M. de m'ordonner; mais ce qui se fera bientot,
et du pur mouvement de V. M., sera, ce me semble, d'un autre poids, et d'un
plus grand roerite, que les secours qu'on accordera, lorsqu'ils seront demandes
avec empressement.

Je sais que des sommes considerables ne se fournissent pas ordinairement
sans des stipulations pre"alables, et sans des assurances positives de 1'effet qu'elles
peuvent produire. Je ne fais aucun doute que le Roy d'Angleterre n'entre dans
la suite dans tous les engagements que V. M. pourra desirer : je ne me suis
point ouvert sur cela, parce que je n'ai pas eu d'ordre positif de V. M. de le
faire : j'ai me me apprehende, si j'en commengois le discours, qu'on ne deman-
dat des conditions qui ne lui conviendroient peut-etre pas, comme celle de ne
point faire, de son cote, d'alliance avec d'autres Princes. Cette egalite n'esi
pas raisonnable ni admissible entre V. M. et le Roy d'Angleterre, dont la puis-
sance est si differente et si inegale avec la sienne. Mais les Anglois presu-
ment toujours d'avantage qu'ils ne doivent, et ceux qui voudroient empecher
ou affoiblir les liaisons entre V. M. et sa Majeste Britannique trouveroient
peut-etre des pretextes dans les clauses d'un traite pour en ^luder les conclu-
sions. Je fais cette reflexion par avance, sur une chose dont il n'est pas en-
core question, mais qui pourroit venir en son temps.

xcii APPENDIX.

II s'agit settlement a-present decequeV. M. m'ordonnera de fairede Tar-
gent qu'elle a fait passer ici. II me paroit que le Roy d'Angleterre s'engage
a mesure qu'il regoit de 1'argent de V. M. et que c'est le meilleur et le plus
sur moyen de rendre inntiles tous ces efforts qn'on fera pour 1'ebranler, et
pour lui faire prendre un chemin oppose aux interets de V. M. je crois
voir cela clairement, et qn'il y auroit du peril a laisser le Roy d'Ansrle-
terre sans secours, dans le temps qu'il pent en avoir plus de besoin. II est
vrai que le Parlement lui a accorde le revenu du feu Roy ; il pourra meme
dans la suite donner quekjue chose pour la flotte ; mais la guerre civile
est com men cee en Ecosse, et je vois des gens fort senses qui sont persuades
que 1'entreprise, du Comte d'Argile est plus considerable encore qu'elle ne
paroit.

Des que 1'acte des revenus sera passe, les affaires qui regardent la religion
seront sur le lapis, et quantite d'autres affaires. J'estinie qir'il seroit utile, en
ce temps la, pour le service de V. M. de pouvoir ruenager quelques gens du
Parlement, et leur impirerune conduite telle qu'il convient aux interets de V. M.
nne somme de quinze cent ou deux mille pieces suffiroit pour conserver a
V. M. un credit dont elle pourroit avoir besoin en d'autres temps. Je ne ferai
rien sur cela, quand j'en aurois la permission, qu'avec de grandes pre-
cautions.

Milord Montaigu m'est venu trouver avant son depart pour France : il m'a
fort presse d'eerire a V. M. pour le parfait pavement de ce qui lui reste du. II
m'adit qu'au lieu de cinquante mille ecus qui lui sont dus, il se contenteroit
d'une pension pendant sa vie ; qu'il pretendoit ne pouvoir etre moindre que
de vingt mille livres : il croit que ce seroit un moyen de satisfaire a ce qui lui
est legitimement du, sans que V. M. fut obligee de debourser une somme con-
siderable, et que ce seroit meme une surete de sa conduite dans tous les temps
puisque V. M. pourroit faire cesser le payementde la pension, si V. M. n'etoit
pas contenle de lui. Je n'ai pu me refuser a rendre compte a V. M. de cette
proposition. II est certain que M. de Montaigu a rend u un grand service. II
en doit parler lui-ineine a M.de Croissy.

APPENDIX.

Extralt (Tune Lettre de M. Barillon ait Roi.

f?B';> ': >i fc*ir- 191 m ..

4 /M/, 1685, a Londres.

\ IE discours de M. Seymer a fait beaucoup de bruit a Londres, et a la
Cour, quoiqu'il n'ait point retarde la resolution de la Chambre Basse pour la
concession ; mais dans la suite il sera souvent parle de ce discours, dans le-
quel les questions importantes ont ete trailers a fonds. M. Seymer ne s'est
point oppose a ce que 1'oa donnat au Roy d'Angleterre les revenus dont le
feu Roy jonissoit; maisil a propose qu'on remit a en deliberer jusqu'a ce que
les formes dans lesquelles les elections des membres du Parlementont et&
faites, eussent 6te examinees. II a soutenu qu'elles etoient pour la plupart
vicieuses, et faites par cabale, et par autorite, ce qui est directement con-
traire aux loix d'Angleterre qui etablissent une entiere liberte sur le sujet
des elections, en sorte que la moindre corruption en argent etant prouvee rend
1'election nulle ; que les sheriffs et autres officiers qui avoient preside si ces
elections, avoient eie tous jn-eposes en vertu des nouvelles chartres accordees
depuis peu au lieu des anciennes qui ont ete revoquees : que 1'exemple de ce
qui a ete fait a 1'egard de la ville de Londres, dans la revocation de ses char-
tres, et de ses privileges, avoit ete suivi dans les autres villes et bourgs, quoi-
que selon les loix et 1'usage, il ne soit pas au pouvoir dn Roi de revoquer ni
de rendre nulles des chartres accordees par les Rois ses pr^decesseurs, con-
firmees par un temps imm6morial, et par 1'approbation expressc et tacite de
plusieurs parlements ; qu'ainsi le priucipe des elections etant (vicieux) defec-
tueux, les deputes n'etoient pas de veritables membres du parlement choisis
par la nation contre la liberte requise et dans les regies usitees; que cependant
il n'y avoit pas eu de temps auquelil tut plus necessaire d'avoir un Parlement
compose de gens bien intentionnes et attaches aux loix d'Angleterre, parce
que la nation etoit en un peril evident de vour changer ses loix et sa religion :
quel'aversion despeuples d'Angleterre contre la religion Catholique Rouiaine,
et leur attachement pour leurs loix etoient tellement 6tablis dans les esprits,
qu'on ne pouvoit detruire leur religion et leurs loix que par des actes du Par-

xcvi APPENDIX.

le prier de faire tine Proclamation pour l'excution des loix centre tons les Non-
conformistes generalement, c'est-a-dire, centre tous ceux qui ne sont pas ou-
vertementde 1'Eglise Anglicane; cela enferme les Presbiteriens ettou? les seci-
taires, aussi bien que les Catholiques Remains. La malice de cette resolu-
tion fut aussitot reconnu du Roy d'Angleterre et de ses ministres : les prin-
cipaux de la Chambre Basse furent mandes, et ceux que sa Majeste Britan-
nique croit etre dans ses interets:il leur fit une reprimande severe de s'etre
lais-es secluire et entrainer a une resolution si dangereuse et si peu admissible.
II leur derlaia que si 1'on persistoit a lui faire un pareille adresse, il repon-
droit a la Chambre Basse en termes si dedsifs et si fermes qu'on ne retour-
neroit pas a lui faire un pareille adresse. La maniere dont sa Majeste Bri-
tannique s'expliqua, produisit son effet hier matin, et la Chambre Basse re-
jcta tout d'une voix ce qui avoit ete resolu en comite le jour aupara vant.

On fait grande reflexion ici sur cette marque de deference et de soumis-
sion que la Chambre Basse a donnee. Mais ceux qui savent les motifs de la
premiere deliberation, voient bien que la seconde est forcee, et que ce qui se
fait par autorite n'empeche pas quele sentiment unanime n'ait ete de donner
tin coup aux Catholiques, et de faire meme comprendre au Roy d'Angle-
terre combien il trouveroit dc difficulte a rien obtenir du Parlement en leur
faveur.

Ce Prince a temoigne beaucoup d'aigreur contre ses domestiques et autres
gens attaches particulierement a lui, qui ont donn6 les mains, par malice ou
par ignorance, a une resolution si peu respectueuse a son egard : il connoit
le ridicule et le danger qu'il y a pour lui d'etre prie par le Parlement de
poursuivre avec rigueur 1'execution des loix contre les Catholiques et les
Nonconformistes. Cependant il en tire cet avantage, qu'il a connu le
fonds des intentions de la Chambre Basse, et qu'il a fait un coup d'autorite
en les obligeant a se retracter des le lendemain d'une resolution prise un-

animement.

i,! "~ j . ),;, .; :,. j-ip 'jjisin ->i <- .i j.

Sa Majeste Britannique salt tres-mauvais gre aux eveques qui, sous pre-
texte de zele pour 1'Eglise Anglicane, avoient fait prendre une resolution si
absurde et si dangereuse. Les gens opposes a la Cour temoignent secretement

APPENDIX. xctii

fcur joie d ce que la Chambre Basse a montr & tout le monde quels 6toient
ses sentiments sur la religion : ils ne comptent pas pour beaucoup que la
Chambre Basse ait ete obligee de se retracter, esperant qu'en une autre occa-
sion elle aura plus de fermete, et que le Roy d'Angleterre ne sera pas totijours
*n etat et en volonte de faire des coups d'autorite.

On a parle dans la Chambre Basse d'exclure ceux qui avoient ete d'av'u
d'exclure M. le Due d'York de la succession ; mais les principaux de la
Chambre avoient ordre de s'opposer a cette proposition, ainsi elle n'a eu au-
cune suite. C'etoit une tentative centre plusieurs des Ministres, qui sonfc
St-present dans la confiance du Roy d'Angleterre.

On voit par ce qui s'est passe hier et avant hicr combien il est difficile de
prevoir ce qu'un Parlement pent faire. Cela fait dire dejsl que le Parlement
ne sera pas long temps assemble : eux-me'ines ont envie d'eire proroges ou
ajournes, voyant bien qu'ils ne sont pas en <}tat de prendre une resolution de
consequence, etde la soutenir, quand elle ne sera pas agreable a sa Majeste
Britannique. Ils sont aussi fort incommodes dans leur Chambre, qui est
trop petite pour conteuir le nombre dent elle est composee, qui est de cinq
cents treize personnes. II est pourtant apparent que la Cour fera encor
quelque effort pour les obliger a donner quelque chose pour mettre la flotte

en bon etat.

Les Commissaires de la Compagnie des Indes d'Amsterdatn, et ceux de la
Compagnie deLondres se son t assembles : ils ne paroissent pas encore disposes
a convenlr ensemble, ni a s'approcher : ceux de Hollaude veulent gagner
du temps, et trailer par ecrit dans les delais ordinaires ; les Anglois veulent
abreger la matiere, et aller au fait, c'est-^-dire, convenir de la restitution dans
Bantam. Les Hollandois auroient bien de la peine a y donner de bonne foi
les mains.

\
Je sais qu'il a etc agite dam les aisemblees partlculieres qui se font des

gens du Parlement de proposer quelque chose a 1'egard de la France, et de
marquer au Roy d'Angleterre le chemin qu'il doit tenir. On n'a pas trouve'
de pretexte apparent de rien proposer preseatetnent sur celu; s'il j n a voit

xcviii APPENDIX.

quelque occasion dans la suite on ne la manqueroit pas, autant par mauvais
intention contre le Roy d'Angleterre, que pour 1'embarrasser par la jalousie de
la grandeur de V. M. qui est naturelleinent dans les esprits des Anglois. Oh a
parle dans uue de ces conferences de faire uue adresse pour prier sa Majeste
Britannique de s'employer a conserver le repos a 1'Europe : cette proposition a
ete trouvee trop generate, et sujette a interpretation : on a meme cru qu'elle
pourroit donner lieu a sa Majeste Britaunique de s 'unir plus etroitement avec
V. M.,, sous pretextc de la conservation delapaix.

Le Roy d'Angleterre vient de me dire qu'il est arrive un courier expres d'E-
cosse, parti d'Eclinbourg Ie4. dece mois; quele Comte d'Argile est cut re dans
le pays de Cantir, qui Jui appartient: c'cst une langue de terre qui s'etend
devers 1'Irlande. II s'est avance j usque's au pays qui porte le nom d'Argile,
pour aller au-devant dcs troupes du Marquis d'Atol, et empecher quellesne se
joignent avec les autres royalistes. .Les lettres portent que le Comte d'Argile
a trois mille hommes avec lui. L'opinion de sa Majeste Britannique est que
ses troupes grossiront encore. Son fils est dans le paysde Lorn, et il leur est
aise de se joindre. Toutes les lettres qui vieiment d'Ecosse font juger quele
Comte d'Argile s'attendoit que M. le Due de Monmouth se mettroit en devoir
d'exciter une revolte en Angleterre.

Je suis avec le profond respect <jue je dois, &c.

Ze Roy u M. Barillon.

a Versailles, le 15 Juin, \685.

BARILLON, j'ai recu par la voie ordinaire vos lettres des 4 et 7
de ce mois, et par le courier que vous m'avez depeche,celle du 10 e , qui ne con-
tient rien de plus considerable que les precedentes, sinon les raisons que vous
avez decroire qu'il est du bien de mon service que je vous donne pouvoir de
faire payer au, Roy d'Angleterre la somme de cent mille ecus, outre et par-dessus
ce qui lui reste du, a cause du subside proinis au feu Roy son f'rere. Miiis il
meparoit, au coiiiraire, par tout ce que coniiennent vos dernieres lettres, que

APPENDIX.

XCIX

Ce Prince a moins de besoins tie mon assistance a-present, qn'il en a eu depuis
qu'il est parvenu a la couronne. Eteneftetje vois premierement quc toures
les remontrances que le Sieur Seymer a faites dans la Chambrd Basse, et tout ce
qu'il a dit pour attaquer la validite des elections n'a servi qu'a determiner plus
promptetnent le Parlement a continuer au Roy lesmemes revenus dontjouis-
soit le feu Roy son f'rerc ; qne d'uilletirs le bruit que fait le debarquement du
Comte d'Argile en Ecosse avec une petit suite de rebelles mal pourvus de toutes
choses, ct pen capables d'une grande eutreprise, a fait prendre aussi la re"so-.
lution au Parlement d'accorder encore au dit Roy jusqu'a la somme de sieze
cent mille litres sterling, qui feront plus de vingt millions de litres ; qu'enfin ce
Prince n'a pas plutot temoigne combien lui seroit desagreable la proposition
que toute la Chambre des Communes avoit resolu de faire d'une proclamation
pour I'execntion des loixcontre tons les Nonconformistes.qu'elle a rejette d'un
commun consentement la deliberation des commissaires; ensorte qu'on peut
dire que jainuis Roy d'Angleterre n'a agi avec plus d'autorite dans son Par-
lement que ce Prince fait a-present, et qu'il n'y a ricn qu'il ne s'en cloive
promettre pour 1'adermisgement de son autorite, ct pour la punition du petit
nombre de rebelles qui out osc paro'itre. Ainsi j'ai sujet de me promettre
que non seulement il ne desirera point dc moi dans la conjcncture pr6sente,
d'autre assistance que celle qiieje vous ai promts de lui douner, c'est-a-dire,
le payement dc ce qui reste du de subsides, mais meme qu'il dcmeurera per-
suade que les temoignages publics de mon amitie, et la crainte des secours
que je n'aurois pas manque de lui donner, s'il en avoit eu besoin, ont beau-
coup contribue a main ten ir scs sujets dans le devoir, et i lui faire obtenir de
son Parlement tout ce qu'il en a desire jusqu'a-present.

&.& to.tt,V,h\,\\ . 6% v\.

line reste done plus, tant pour ma satisfaction que pour la sicnne, qua

obtenir le revocation des loix ponales en faveur des Catholiques, et le libre
exercice de notre religion dans tous ses etats, et. vous savez que c'est aussj
le principal motif qui ma porte a vous faire remetlre avec tant de diligence
des sommes si considerables. Mais comme co Prince ne juge pas a-propos
de tenter, quanta-present; cette dcmande, je nc v'cux pas aussi le presser de
se mettrc au hazard d'un refus dans une matiere si itnportante, et pour le
succes de la quelle il est de sa prudence de prendre des mesures bien justes.
Je croirois neanmoins qu'a-prcscnt que le Parlement paroit dispose, ' tie lui

^ APPENDIX.

rien refuser, soit que la seule affection le fasse agir, ou que la erainte y sort
me!6e, ce Prince feroit tres-sagement d'en profiler, et d'en tirer ce qifil d6sire
en faveur de notre religion, sans leur donner le temps de ce reconnoitre, et dc
concerter avec ceux qui sont le plus animus centre notre religion, ce qu'ils au-
ront ii faire pour empecher le progres ; et si le Roy prenoit ce parti la, et qu'il
trouvat quelque obstacle qu'il ne put vaincre qu'avec mon assistance, je la lui
accorderois volontiers, aussitdt que vous m'auriez informe de ses besoins. Mais
jusqu'a ce qu'il prenne cette resolution, et qu'il 1'execute, mon intention n'est pas
de rien changer aux ordres que je vous ai donnes; et je veux que vous gardiez les
fonds que je vous ai fait remettre, pour n'en disposer que lorsque jele jugerai ne-
cessaire. Cependant si le Grand Tresorier d'Angleterre vous presse de lui faire
quelque payement au-dela de 1'ancien subside, vous lui direz seulement que,
comme le Parlement se conduit selon mes souhaits et ceux du dit Roy, je n'ai
pas sujet de croire que cePrincepuisse avoir besoin a-present d'une assistance
extraordinaire, et qu'ainsi vous n'avez pas pouvoir de disposer de ce que vous
avez de fonds.

Je vous envoye la lettre de ma main que vous m'avez propose d'ecrire au
Roy tant sur la satisfaction que lui donne son Parlement, que surce qui re-
garde les mouvements d'Ecosse ; et je desire que sur 1'un et 1'autre de ces point*
vous ne parliez qu'en conformite de ce que j'ecris au Roy, et de ce que con-
tient cette depeche, ne jugeant pas a-propos d'offrir ouvertement un secours
de troupes a un Prince qui ne m'en demande point, et pour une affaire qu'il
peut terminer par ses propres forces.

jEjrtrait <fw Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy.

1 8 Juin, 1685, a Londrts.

XL y a des gens ici qui voudroient faire tomber sur la Fiance le soupon qu'on
rejette sur la ville d'Amsterdam, comme B'il y avoit assez d'intelligence entrc
V. M. et cette ville pour presumer que tout ce qui s'y fait est de concert avec
V. M.

ie Roy d'Angletene rejette avec aigreur et ddain ce qu'on dit en sa

APPENDIX. ci

scnce de 1'interet qu'a V. M. d'entretenir ks divisions en Angleterre. Ce Prince
g'expliqua tout haut que les rebelles sont soutenus et aides des Protestants
zeles des autres pays, et traite de ridicule tout ce qui se dit d'oppose a cela.
Je suis avec le profond respect que je dois, &.c.

Le Roy <J M. Barillon.

a Ftrsaitles, le 13 Juilkt, 1685.

JMoNstEUR BARILLON, j'ai reu vos lettres des deux et cinq de ce mois, et
elles m'orit donne d'autant plus de satisfaction qu'elles ne me laissent aucun
lieu de douter que le Roy de la Grande Bretagne n'ait la meme facilite a dis-
sipper le peu qui reste de revokes en Angleterre, qu'il en a eu a punir la re-
bellion d'Ecosse ; et corame le Due de Monmouth a deja perdu ses vaisseaux,
et n'a aucune ville considerable oft il se puisse retirer, il y a bien de 1'apparence
qu'il aura bientot le meme sort que le Comte d'Argile, et que son attentat aura
servi a rendre le Roy d'Angleterre beaucoup plus absolu dans son royaumequ'-
aucun de ses pr6decesseurs.

J'apprends cependant qu'outre les trois regiments Anglois qu'il fait revenir
d'HolIande le Prince d'Orange a encore demande pour lui aux Etats Generaux
un secours de trois mille hommes; que meme il en a fait demander a 1'Electeur
de Brandebourg; et comme il m'a paru jusqu'a-prsent, par tout ce que vous
m'avez ecrit, que le Roy ne vouloit pas se servir de troupes etrangeres, pour
ne point donner d'ombrage a ses sujets, je serai bien aise que vous me fassiez
savoir si c'est par ses ordres que le Prince d'Orange a fait cette demande,
celui-ci pouvant bien, pour ses fins particulieres, desirer d'avoir beaucoup de
troupes en Angleterre qui lui seroient devouees, et dont il pourroit disposer
ensuite centre les inte"rets du dit Roy.

Continuez aussi a m'informer exactement de tout ce qui se passera au lieu
ou vous etes, dans une conjoncture si importante, et donner tous voa soins i
en etre bien averti, et a m'en rendre un compte exact.

cii APPENDIX.

Com me je vois avec plaisir que le Parlement d>'Angleterre fournit ample-
ment a tons les besoins du Roy de la Grande Bretagne, et que ce Prince nt
trouvera pas meme d'obstacle an retablissemeni de la Religion Catholique,
lorsqu'il voudra 1'entreprendre, aprs qu'il aura acheve de dissiper le pen qui rcste
de revokes, j'ai juge a-propos de faire revenir les fonds queje vbus avois rait
remettre pour appuyer, en cas de besoin, les desseinis que ce Prince voudroit
former en favour de uotre religion. Ainsi mon intention est que, si cet argent
est dans votre maison, vous le fassiez remettre a plusieurs fois entre les mains
des banquiers avec le meme secret qu'ils 1'y out porte, et s'il se pent, d'une
maniere encore plus impenetrable, voulantque, soil qu'il soil demeure entre les
mains des dits banquiers ou chez vous, il soil renvoye par les tnemes voi'es, et
remis en mon epargne, jusqu'a ce queje juge nccessaire de 1'employer en favetir
du Roy d' Angleterre.

M. de Barillon au Roy,

16 Juillet, 1G8.5, a Loru/res.

J E n'ai |)U, apres la separation du Parlement, differer de m'expliqucr a. Milord
Grand Tresorier sur les instances qu'il m'a faites de continuer les payements du
subside. Je lui ai dit que je ne pouvois disposer des fonds qui avoient ele en-
voyes ici, sans avoir de nouveaux ordres; que ces fonds etoient destines pour
les plus pressants besoins du Roy d'Angleterre, et que ce besoin pressatit ne
paroissoit pas prcsentement, apres que le Parlement avoit accorde des sommes
fort considerables pour 1'augmentation de ses revcnus pendant plusieurs
annees, et avoit meme accorde un subside extraordinaire, dont 1'avantage
pouvoit etrc re^u des-a-present par emprunt,

Jc me doutois bien que ce discours ne plairoit point au Grand Tresorier. H
me parut fort surpris, et me fit entendre qu'il ne pouvoit s'imnginer quelle
raison V. M. avoit de faire cesser le pajement de sommes envoyees ici dans le
temps aiiquel le Roy son mnitre en avoit le plus de besoin, ct lorsqu'il s'atten-
dbit de reccvoir plus de marques dc 1'amitie de V. M. ; qu'il etoit vrai que le*
Parlement avoit accorde dos droits pendant plusieurs annees, outre le revenii?

APPENDIX. cifi

mais que ce qui s'en pouvoit tirer n'e toil pas present, et que si onvconsumoit
ces fonds par avance, le Roy son malt re se trouveroit a 1'avenir tree mal dans
ses affaires ; ce qu'il ne pouvoit eviter avec trop de soin, connoissant on quel
etnbarras se jttte un Roy d'Angleterre qui a un grand besoin de son Parlement,
qu'il ue croyoit pas que V. M. tut pleinement informee de ce qui se passe en
Angleterre presentement ; et que dans le temps qu'il y a une guerre civile al-
lumee dans le cceur du royauine, et lorsque le Roy son maitre a besoin 11011
seulement de ses forces, mais du secours de tons ceux qui prcnnant interet a
sa conservtition, V. M. veuille retrancher les subsides qu'elle a fournis dans le
temps qu'il en avoit moins de besoin, et lorsque ce'retranchement n'auroit pu
etre d'aucune consequence; au lieu que dans la conjoncturc presente los secours
de V. M. sontnon seulement utilcs, mais necessaires. Enfin, ce ministrc n'omit
rien pour me faire connoitre que ce que je lui avois dit etoit un contretemps
dont il ne pouvoit penetrer le motif, ne croyant pas que V. M. cut change de
sentiments pour le Roy son maitre, ni qu'il voulut (qiiand cela seroit) le fairc
paroitre en une occasion comme celle-ci.

Je lis mon possible pour expliquer a ce Ministre que V. M. avoit simplement
j'.ige que le Roy d'Angleterre etoit en etat de n'avoir aucun besoin dc secours
dehors; que la revoke du Comte d' Argile avoit durc si pen qu'on ne pouvoit
la rogarder que comme un effort inutile du parti des factieux, qui n'avoit eu
aucune suite; qu'on ne s'imnginoit pas non plus en France que 1'entreprise
de M. le Due de Monmouth put avoir aucun succes, et qu'on s'attendoit tons
les jours d'apprendre que ses troupes se seroieut dissippees, et qu'il auroit et6
pris ou qu'il se seroit sauve; que V. M. avoit temoigae son amitie an Roy
d'Angleterre, enenvoyantsi promptc>nent des fonds pour ses plus prcssants
besoins, et qu'elle les reservoit aussi pour une occasion qui ne paroit pas
arrivee.

Le Grand Tresorier rne repliqua qu'il n'arriveroit jamais, du regae du Roy
sou maitre, une occasion si pressaiite que celle-ci, et qu'il ne pouvoit s'imaginer
que V. M. sachant bien ce qui se passe ici,lui voulut laisser demeler une affaire
si decisive sans lui donner de nouvelles marques de son amitie. Au sorter de
chez le Grand Tresorier, je fus trouver le Roy d'Angleterre, pour le prevenir
et empecher que le Grand Tresorier ne lui expliquat ce que je lui avoit dit d'uue

eiv APPENDIX.

fao qui 1'auroit plus aigri et plus aigri que je ne fcrois. Je fis souvenir ce
Prince de toutes les marques d'amitie qu'il a reues de V. M. dans tous les
temps, et de la promptitude avec laquelle V. M. lui a fait connoitre la sincerite
de ses intentions, pour le soutenir lors de son avenement a la couronne. Je
lui fis connoitre que rien ne pouvoit diminucr les sentiments de V. M. a son
egard qu'un changement de conduite de sa part, que je croyois qui n'arriveroit
jamais ; qu'ainsi il pouvoit s'assurer d'une atnitie ferme et constante de la part
de V. M. dont il recevroit des marques eclatantes et essentielles, quand les
occasions s'en presenteroient ; que cependant, V. M. croyoit les affaires de ses
finances en si bon etat, qu'elle n'avoit pas estime qu'il cut besoin presentement
de nouveaux secours, et que ce qu'il avoit rec,u du Parlement le mettoit en.
pouvoir de soutenir de plus grandes depenses que celles qu'il etoit oblige de faire.

Le Roy d'Angleterre me parut assez embarrasse, et s'imagina d'abord que
V. M. etoit mecontente de sa conduite, et vouloit, en quelquefaon renoncer
a son amitie. Je lui dit que je ne savois rien qui cut rapport a ce qu'il me
disoit ; que seulement il etoit vrai que je n'avoit point d'ordre de continuer
les pavements au-dela de 1'ancien subside ; que V. M. m'avoit cependant or-
donne de 1'assurer que les fonds qu'elle avoit envoyes ici, seroient reserves
pour le secourir dans un pressant besoin, et que s'il enlreprenoit d'etablir
1'exercice libre de la religion en faveur des Catholiques, et qu'il y trouvat des
difficultes dont il ne put venir a bout sans le secours de V. M. elle emplover-
oit tout le fonds qui est ici pour le secourir et pour 1'aider; qu'il pouvoit voir
par la les intentions de V. M., et la sincerite de sa conduite. Ceque je dis
remit, en quelque fagon, 1'esprit de ce Prince, qui me parut d'abord fort agite.

II me repondit a ce que je venois de lui dire, que je connoissois le fonds de
ees intentions pour i'etablissement de la religion Catholique; qu'il n'espe-
roit en venir a bout que par 1'assistance de V. M. ; que je voyois qu'il venoit de
donner des emplois dans ses troupes aux Catholiques aussi bien qu'aux Pro-
testants ; que cette egalite fachoit beaucoup de gens, mais qu'il n'avoit pas
laisse passer une occasion si importante sans s'en prevaloir; qu'il feroit de
meme a 1'egard des choses praticables, et que je voyois plus clair sur cela dans
ses desseins que ses propres ministres, s'en etant souvent ouvert avec moi
reserve. II ajouta, que j'etois temgin de son attachement pour la per-

APPENDIX.

aonne de V. M., et de 1'envie sincere qu'il avoit de ne se jainais separer de ses
interets ; qu'il avoit pluscompte sur 1'assistance deV. M\ et sur son amitic,
que sur aucune autre chose au monde, et qu'il ne croyoit pas que V. M. voulut
dans la conjoncture present^ cesser des subsides dont il avoit plus de besoin
qu'il n'en aura de sa vie.

Je repondis a cela que V. M. n'avoit point change de sentiment, et qu'elJe
jugeoit seulement qu'il n'avoit pas besoin des inemes assistances, ayatit etc mi*
par le Parlement en etat de s'en passer. Je me contentai d'avoir entame" la
matiere et d'y avoir mele 1'affaire de la religion, dans la quelle le Grand Tre-
sorier n'entre part fort avant, quelque credit qu'il ait dans les autres choses.
J'informai Milord Sunderland de ce qui se passoit, afin qu'il tut prepare, quand
le Roy son maitre lui parleroit. II m'a dit : " Le Roy votre maitre peut avoir
des desseins que je ne penetre pas; mais ceci est un contre-teinps auquel
, j'espere qu'on remediera, en i'aisant voir que c'est une meprise t'ondee sur ce
qu'on n'a pas e"te pleineuient informe de cequi se passe dans ce pays-ci; autre-
ment tous donneriez des armes a ceux qui veulent rompre 1'union'des deux Rois.
Si Ton ne s'en soucie pas en France, je n'ai rien ti dire ; mais si on fait quelque
cas de nous, je sais bien que vous pouvez etre assure" du Roy d'Angleterre pour
toujours ; et que ses desseins, et ses intentions, ne penvent reussir qu'avec 1'as-
sistance et 1'amitie du Roy votre maitre.

J'expliquai a. Milord Sunderland ce que j'avois dit au Grand Tfesorier, et &
sa Majeste Britannique, du bon ctat des finances et du peu de besoin qu'on a
ici du secours de dehors. 11 me repliqua : " Vous voye,z a quelles depenses
Ton s'engage, et ce qu'il faudra pour les soutenir ; vous savez ce que coutent.
des troupes qu'il faut entretenir, et ce que c'est qu'une guerre civile dans le de-
dans, qu'on ne peut s'assurer de voir shot finir ; mais pour le present on n'est
pas ici en etat de se passer du secours du Roy votre maitre, et je ne croia pa<
qu'il puisse faire de depense qui lui soil plus utile."

J'ai eu une seconde conference avec le Roy d'Angleterre dans son cabinet
ou nous fumes longtemps seuls. II me parut persuade" que le refus de continuer
le payement vient de ce que V. M. croit qu'il est en e"tat de se passer de se-
ours etrangers. II rntra sur cela dans le detail de ses affaires, et me dit que

cvi APPENDIX.

je savois en quel desordre le feu Roy son frere avoit laisse ses magazins et sei
vaisseux ; que les droits d'augmentation qui lui avoient etc accordes pourroient
a-peine etre suffisants pour remettre une flotte mediocre eu etat de tenir la
mer ; que le dernier secours accorde par le Parlement seroit consomme par
avance pour 1'entretien des troupes, dont il ne se pouvoit passer a 1'avenir, con-
noissant le peu de fonds qu'il peut faire sur les milices ; que les charges du
gouvernementetoient telles (sans compter que la guerre civile peutdurer) qu'il
n'auroit de sa vie plus de besoin d'etre assiste qu'il en a presentement ; que je le
connoissois assez pour savoir qu'il seroit fort aise d'etre attach^ et uni a V. M.
sans avoir besoin d'un secours d'argent ; et qu'il se feroit un grand plaiser de
pouvoir meriter d'autres marques de son amiti6 ; mais que dans laconjoncture
presente les secours de V.M. lui Violent uecessaires, et qu'il ne croyoit pas
que V. M. voulut reserver pour d'autres temps le secours qu'elle a destine
pour lui, n'y ayant pas d'apparence qu'il puisse arriver de conjoncture ou il
en puisse avoir un plus grand besoin ; que je connoissois le fond de ses des-
seins, et que je pouvois repondre que tout son but etoit d'etablir la religion
Catholique; qu'il ne perdroit aucune occasion de le faire : qu'il avoit arme les
Catholiques en Irlande ; que Milord Dumbarton avoit eu le commandement
de son armee d'Ecosse ; que le Due de Gordon avoit etc mis a la tete des mi-
lices ; que presentement il mettoit les charges de guerre, autant qu'il pouvoit
dans les mains des Catholiques d'Angleterre ; que c'etoit en quelque faon lever
le masque, mains qu'il n'avoit pas voulu laisser passer 1'occasion de le faire, la
croyant decisive ; qu'il savoit combien de gens en etoient cheques, mais qu'il
iroit son chemin, et que rien ne Ten detourneroit pourvu que votre Majeste
veuille 1'assister dans un si grand et si glorieux dessein : que dej a le regiment
de dragons d'Hamilton etoit compose entierement de Catholiques ; qu'il avoit
donne des compagnies de cavalerie franches a Bernard Howard, et a plusieurs
Calholiques considerables ; que peu-a peu il va a son but, et que ce qu'il fait
presentement, emporte necessairementl'exercice libre de la religion Catholique,
qui se trouvera etabli avantqu'on act de Parlement 1'autorise ; queje connois
sois assez 1'Angleterre pour savoir que lapossibilite d'avoirdes emplois et des
charges fera plus de Catholiques, que la permission de dire des messes pub-
liquement; que cependant il s'attendoit que V. M. ne 1'abandonneroit pas,
quand il a un ennemi dans le milieu de son royaume qui lui dispute la cou
tonne j et qu'il est favourise secretemeat d'un grand nombre de gens qui

APPENDIX.

ont plutot pour la prevention d'un Batard Protestant -que pour leur Roy legt-
time parce qii'il est Catholique.

J'ai eu aussi deux autres conferences avec Milord Tresorier et avec Milord
Sunderland separement. Milord Tresorier me repe"ta ce qu'il m'avoit dit, et
me fit comprendre qu'il savoit bien que le Roy son maitre seroit fort aise de
n'avoir point besoiu d'uu secours d'argent ; que dans un autre temps, il n'au-
roit pas replique a ce que j'avois dit, et qu'on auroit songe a donner et a re-
cevoir des marques d'amitie reciproques de V. M. ; mais qu'il ne me falloit,
pas celer que le Roy son maitre avoit besoin des secours presents de V. M. et
que ce n'est pas une obligation qu'il voulut lui avoir, si son dessein n'etoit d'en
conserver une reconnoissance proportionnee an fait; que le bonheur etla
surete du regne du Roy sou maitre dependoit del'amitie deV. M., qu'il la con-
serveroit avec soin, et que je pouvois etre assure qu'a son egard (de lui
qui me parloit) il ne croyoit rien de si important au Roy son maitre, que de
conserver I'amiti6 de V. M., et que rien ne lui pouvoit faire tant de rnal que
d'en etre prive.

Je ne repondis h. cela que des choses generates, et que V. M. avoit donne
assez de marques de 1'envie qu'elle a que les affaires du Roy d'Angleterre
soient dans un etat avantageux et assure.

Milord Sunderland est entre fort avantavec moi, et m'a paru inforine
fonds de ce qui s'est passe entre le Roy d'Angleterre etmoi, sur le sujet de la
Religion Catholique. Ce ministre m'a dit, " Je ne sais pass! on voit en France
les choses comme elles sont ici ; me je defie ceux qui les voyent de prs de ne
pas connoitre que le Roy mon maitre n'arien dans le cceursi avant que 1'envie
d'etablir la Religion Catholique ; qu'il ne peut meme, selon le bon sens et la
droite raison, avoir d'autre but, que sans cela il ne sera jamais en surete", et sera
toujours expose an ziMe indiscret de ceux qui e'chaufferont les peuples centre
la Catholic-it e, tant qu'elle ne sera pas plus pleinement etabli : il y a une autre
chose certaine, c'est que ce plan la nepcutreussir que par un concert et une
liaison etroite avec le Roy votre maitre ; c'est un projet qui ne peut convenir
qu'a lui, ni reussir que par lui. Toutes les autres Puissances s'y opposeront
ouvertement, ou le traverseront sous main. On sait bien, que cela ne convient

cviii APPENDIX.

point au Prince d'Orange ; mais il ne sera pas en etat de 1'empechersion veut
seconduireen France comme il est necessaire, c'est-a-dire, m6nager 1'amitie
du Roy d'Angleterre, etle soutenir dans son projet. Je voisclairement 1'appre-
hension que beaucoup de gens ont d'une liaison avec la France, et les efforts
qu'on fait pour 1'affoiblir ; mais cela ne cera au pouvoir de personne, si on n'eu
a pas envie en France ; c'est sur quoi il fautque vous vous expliquiez nette-
ment que vous fassiez connoitre que le Roy votre maitre, veut aider de bonne
foile Roy d'Angleterre & etablir fermement ici la religion Catholique."

II ajouta a cela, qu'il avoit eu un long entretien avec sa Majeste Britannique,
et qu'il 1'avoitlaissee persuadee que le refus de continuer les payements n'etoit
fonde sur aucun changement de V. M. a son egard, mais sur une supposition
qu'il est en etat de n'en avoir pas besoin ; que cependant, il etoit possible de
rectifier cet incident, si on ne vouloit pas quele Roy d'Angleterre crutqu'apres
1'avoir assiste, quand il'n'en avoit pas grand besoin, votre Majeste 1'abandonne
dans la conjonclure de sa vie la plus importante ; que peut-etre V. M. avoit
quelque egard au bruit repandu d'une reunion entre le Roy d'Angleterre et
le Prince d'Orange ; que dans le fonds il n'y avoit rien de plus difficile ; que
1'un etoit possesseur d'une couronne que 1'autre attend avec impatience ; que
la difference de leur religion et de leur sentiments en tout, ne promet pas qu'ils
se reuriissent de bonne foi ; qu'ils sont obliges 1'un et. 1'autre de dissimuler, etde
garder les bienseances, mais que leursdesseinset leursprojets sonttrop opposes
pour se pouvoir concilieur ; quelui que me parloit voyoit tout cela claireinent,et
que si on se vouloit donner la peine dele bien examiner, on verroit au travers
de tout ce qui se passe, un fonds de jalousie et de mecontentement entre le
Roy d'Angleterre etle Prince d'Orange que rien ne peut fairecesser; quesa
Majeste Britannique ne lui permeuroit jamais de veriir ici, et que le Prince
d'Orange avoit toujours envie d'y venir et de se montrer aux Anglois.

Je dis a Milord Sunderland, que, par beaucoup de choses, on donnoit
lieu de juger que le Roy d'Angleterre etoit fort adouci pour le Prince
d'Orange, et que cela produisoit un assez mechant effet partout, parce que
le Prince d'Orange agissoit t oujours avec la meme animosite contre les
interetsde la France; que je comprenois assez que 1'interet desa Majeste
Britannique n'etoit pas de pousser le Prince d'Orange au point de le mettre du

APPENDIX.

parti des rebelles, maisle trop de management le mettroit en etat d'etre plus
dangereux, et de pouvoirnuire d'avantage aux affaires ; que pourmoi,je ne
me laissois-pas seduire aux artifices des partisans de M. le Prince d'Orange,
et que j'etois fort persuade que le Roy d'Angleterre connoissoit trop bien son
interet pour se separer de ceux de V. M. et prendre des liaisons qui lui sont
opposees, et que de ma part, je ferois mon possible pour bien eclaircir la vcrite
a V. M.

J'eus encore hier au soir une conversation avec le Roy d'Angleterre ; il me
pressa de rendrecomptea. votre Majeste de tout ce qu'il m'a dit, et me parut
s'attendre que V. M. me donnera des ordres differents de ceux que j'ai,et
qu'elle ne lui refusera pas un secours present dans le temps qu'il en a tant de
besoin. II me dit que si V. M. avoit quelque chose a desirer de lui, il iroit au-
devant le toute ce qui peut plairea V. M. ; mais que rien ne le pouvoit tou-
cher plus sensiblement que de voir que V. M. cut de la confiance en
lui et ne crut pas qu'il voulut recevoir ses secours et son assistance, s'il
n'eloit resolu de demeurer inviolablement attache a ses interets; qu'il avoit
et6 leve en France, et mange le pain de V. M. : que son cceur etoit Francois ;
qu'il ne songeoit qu'a se rendre digne de I'estimedeV. M. et qu'elle ne se
repentiroit pas de 1'avoir assiste, et de lui avoir affermi la couronne sur la
tete.

Je lui dis queje rendrois compte a V. M. de toute, le plus exactement qu'il
me seroit possible; que le fondsde ses intentions m 'etoit connu, et que V. M.
avoitpour principal motif 1'etablissement de la religion Catholique; qu'en fais-
sant voirclair surcela a V. M. je ne doutois pas qu'elle n'entrat dans les me-
sures qu'il pouvoit attendre.

Le Roy d'Angleterre me dit qu'il avoit parle plus clairement sur cela 3,
Milord Sunderland, qu'aux autres ministres, que je pouvois en conferer avec
lui. II finit en me disant : " Je conjure le Roy votre maitre de se fier a moi
et de ne croire pas quej'aie un autre but que celui que je vous ai dit,auquelje
ne puis parvenirque par son secours etson assistance.

Voila, Sire, se qui s'est passe avecle Roy d'Angleterre et ses ministres, sw r

ex APPENDIX.

quoi il plaira a V. M. de me dormer sesordres ; s'ils sont tels qu'ort les dspere
ici, et que jepuisse continuer les payements du subside, il dependra de V. M,
d'entrer dans le plus grands engagements, et de Jeter les fondements d'une liai-
son etroite qui puisse durer longtemps, et dans laquelle V. M. pourra trouver
ses a vantages, selon qu'elle I'esthnera H-propos. Mais il me paroit que, pen-
dant la negotiation, il seroit necessaire de continuer quelques payements, a.
moinsque V. M. nese de"terminat a donner tout le fonds qui est ici, ce qui
combleroit de joie le Roy d'Angleterre, tant pour 1'utilite presente qu'il en re-
cevroit, que par la surele qu'il croiroit avoir del'amitie de V. M. je tie dome
pas qu'en ce cas il ne prit toutes les resolutions qui pourroient etre le plus avan-
tageuses a la religion Catholique, et qu'il ne les executat ; mais outre ceki il
prendroit, autant que je le puis juger, tous les engagements que V. M. pour-
roit desirer sur les affaires du dehors. Jai connu dans tout ce qui m'a etc dit,
qu'il seroit fort perilleux au Roy d' Angleterre d'etre mal avec V. M., il le se-
roit encore plus qu'on ne se I'imagine ; et le parti oppose a la royaute en An-
gleterre est si uombreux, et les semences de division dans les esprits sont si
fortes, que sans 1'amitie de V. M., il seroit fort difficile que le Roy d'Angle-
terre cut un regne paisibleetheureux. J'ai cru voir dans tout ce qui m'a etc
dit par ce Prince, une envie fort sincere d'etre etroitement uni a V. M. : s'il
avoit dessein de s'en separer, il ne presseroil pas si vivement pour un secours
present, et se contenteroit de demeurerdans un etat de bienseanceavec V. M.
sans desirer une ligue si etroite. Je crois aussi connoitre en lui un dessein
forme pour 1'etablissement de la religion Catholique, qui ne sera interrompu ni
retarde, que lorsqu'il ne pourra surmonterles obstacles qui s'y rencontreront.
Mais il travaillera tous les jours a en venir a bout ; c'est a quoi il voit bien que
t 1'aider.

Le Parlement a teinoigne beaucoup d'eloignement de consenter a tout ce
qui auroitpu etre tire a consequence en faveur des Catholiques : leur premier
mouvementa et6 de les poursuivreet d'ex6cuter les loix centre eux. Us s'en
sont departis, mais contre leur sentiment, et par un coup d'autorite qui ne
reussiroit pas toujours. Le Bill de la restitution de Milord Stafford est demeure
dans la Chambre des Communes, sans etre admis, parce que dans le preambule
ily a eu des mots inseres qui semblent favoriser la religion Catholique ; sela
eule a retarde cet acte de rehabilitation du Comte de Stafford dont tous sont
3

APPENDIX. cxi

d'accorde a l'e"gard du fonds. Dans le dernier Bill que la Chambre des Com-
munes a resolu pour la surete de lapersonne du Roy d'Angleterre, il a ete
mis expresseraent qu'il seroit permis aux ministres de precher, et aux autres
de parler centre le Papisme. La Heine en a marque beaucoup d'auimosite
etd'aigreur ; et le Roy d'Angleterre a mieux aime que cet acre ne f'ut point
passe, quoiqu'il contint beaucoup d'autres choses i.es-avantageuses pour le
gouvernement. Cela meme(autant que j'en puis juger) aavance la separation
du Parlement.

Je fais ces remarques afin que V. M. observe que le Roy d'Angleterre n'a
pas ete en etat ni en pouvoir d'etablir 1'exercice libre de la Religion Catholique
II n'auroit pule tenter sans s'exposer non seulement a un refus, mais
quelque chose de pire, c'est-a-dire, que cela auroit pu empecher les secours
d'argent qui lui ont e"te accordes par le Parlement. Cependant le Roy
d'Angleterre fait ce me semble, tout ce qui est en lui en faveur des Catho-
liques, leur accordant les principaux emplois de guerre, et mettant dans les
charges subalternes tons ceux qui se presentent. II est difficile d'exprimer
combien on a trouve aredire ici que Milml Dombarton ait ete fait generale
de toutes les troupes en Ecosse, et que M. Talbot ait eu la direction sur
toutes celles d'Irlande. On voit qu'insensiblement les Catholiques auront les
armes a la main ; c'est un etat bien different de 1'oppression ou ils etoient, et
dont les Protestants zeles reoivent une grande mortification : ils voyent
bien que le Roy d'Angleterre ferale reste quand il le pourra. La levee des
troupes, qui seront bientot complettes, fait juger que le Roy d'Angleterre
veutetreen etat de se faire obeir, et de n'etre pas gene paries loix qui se
trouveront contraires a ce qu'il veut etablir. Toutes ces vues ne s'accordent
pas avec des liaisons opposees aux interets de V. M.

Je sais bien ce qui se dit dans les pays Strangers, et que le bruit y est fort
repandu d'une reunion secrette entre le Roy d'Angleterre et le Prince d'Orange.
J'ai toute 1'application que je dois pourpenetrer ce qui se passe a cette egard :
mais je n'a rien connu qui alle au-dela de ce que le Roy d'Angleterre est obli-
ge de faire pour ne pas jeter ouvertement le Prince d'Orange dans le parti
tie ses ennemis, ce qui ne seroit pas prudent dans la conjoncture presente. II

cxii , APPENDIX.

etoit naturel de retirer d'Hollande les troupes composees de snjeta de la Ma-
jeste Britannique, pour avoir tin prompt secours.

M. d'Avaux m'a mande, par sa derniere lettre, qu'on lui avoit donne
avis que Skelton a demande des troupes de 1'Electeur de Brandebourg
au Sieur Fuches. J'ai approfondi ce bruit, auquel il n'y a aucun fondemcnt.
C'est sans doute un artifice du Prince d'Orange pour faire croire a 1'Elec-
teurde Brandebourg, qu'il auroit inspire au Roy d'Angleterre d'avoir recours
a lui.

Je crois aussi peu de fondement a ce qu'on pretend qui a e"te dit a la Haye
d'un mecontentement secret que le Roy d'Angleterre a centre la France,
etqui eclatera en son temps. Si cela etoit, on ne le confieroit pas a un des
commis de Milord Middleton : cela n'a aucune vraisemblance, et dans le temps
quon 1'a dit, le Roy d'Angleterre ne savoit pas que les payements seroient
sursis, et etoit pleinernent content de V. M.

II est encore aussi peu apparent que Bentem ose parler au Roy d'An-
gleterre sur la Religion Catholique. V. M. jugera si ce Prince se laissera
6branler sur cette matiere, et si quelqu'un lui osera faire la proposition de
changer de religion sans lui d^plaire beaucoup. Le fond de la mission de
Bentem a etc apparemment pour obtenir la permission au Prince d'Orange
de venir. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il 1'avoit refuse, et qu'U le refuse-
roit tonjours. V. M. peut avoir des connoissances certaines de ce qui se
passe partout ; mes vues sont bornees a ce qui se passe ici. Mais il paroit
que la plupart des choses qui se debitent en Hollande sont fausses, et qu'on
y raisonnesur des fondements enticement eloignesdela verite\

Pour me renfermer dans le fait dont il est question presentemcnt, je me
tiendra en etat d'executer les ordres que V. M. me donnera : ilme suffit d'a-
voir expose a V. M. les choses comme elles me paroissent etre en ce pa3's-cu
II me reste a lui rendre un compte exact, autant que je le pourrai, de 1'etat de
1'affaire de M. le Due de Monmouth. On ne salt pas au vrai ce qu'il a de
gens : on dit a Londres vingt mille hommes : je crois qu'il en a bien huit

APPENDIX. cxffi

ou dix, dont il y en a six mille assez bien armes ; le reste ne 1'est pas
suffisamment pour un jour de combat. II est constant que jusques a-preseut ses
forces se sont toujours augmentees; et il setnble que Ton n'ait pas agi centre
lui avecla promptitude et la viguetirqui auroientete necessaires ponrfinir d'a-
bord une affaire dont les suites peuvent etre dangereuses. Mais le petit
nombre de troupes de sa Majeste Britannique n'a pas etc suffisant pour pou-
voir d'abord tomber sur M. de Monmoutu, et empec'her ses premiers pro-
gres. 11 auroit fallu degarnir Londres, ce qui auroit ete fort imprudent;
car les esprits sont on une te'le disposition, que le moindre incident pour-
roit y causer de grands desordres. On y a fait arreter plus de 200 per-
sonnes suspectes, par mi lesquelles il y a plusieurs riches marchands et
d'autres gens riches et considerables. Cela cause une grande alteration
dans les esprits, etbeaucoup d'itUerruption duns le commerce. Le peuple fa- 1
vorise secreiement M. de Monmouth, et cela ticlateroit, s'il arrivoit une oc-
casion qui leur permit de se pouvoir declarer sans grand p6ril. Le Roy
d'Anuleterre connoit bien cela, etest fort resolu de ne point quitter Londrei
pour aucune consideration.

;,,..::!,..; i: -;> ;:,:,V: ; .viiS ,:,u ;

Le bruit a couru depuis quelques jours, que Milord Delamer etoit alle en
Chester Shire (c'est au-dela du pays de Galles), et qu'il avoit commence d'y as-
sembler desgens en faveur de M. de Monmouth. On a dit aussi, sur ce que
Milord Grey de Stanford ne paroissoit plus, qu'il etoit alle faire la meme
chose dans le Nord. Je ne vois point encore de fondement solide a ces
bruits; mais il est certain que si on remuoit en quelque endroit d'Angleterre,
1'affaire de M. de Monmouth deviendroit bien plus difficile, parce qu'il i'audra
separer les troupes qu'a le Roy d'Angleterre ; car on ne peut fail e aucun fond
sur les malices, qui sont plutot disposees a favoriser M. de Monmouth que le
parti du Roy. Les nouvelles qu'on cut hier sont, que M. de Monmouth, apres
avoir pris et pille la ville de Wells, est alle a Bridgewater, qu'il pretend for-
tifier ; c'est un poste ou Ton dit qu'il peut subsister commodement, ayant
derriere lui un pays fort abondant, et rempli de factieux : on dit meme
qu'il ne pourra etre attaque dans Bridgewater, qu'en separenl les troupes, et
faisant des pouts de communication sur la riviere, qui est fort large en cet
endroit. Cela deuiande du temps, et plus de troupes r6glees que n'en-
a Milord Fergusson [Feversham] sous son commandement. Les trois r6-'

cxiv APPENDIX.

giment* Ecossois sont passes dans Londres pour Taller joindre. Le Sieur
Lasnis aura dans peu de jours un regiment de600 chevaux en elat de marcher.
Les trojs regiments Anglois sont dans la riviere, et marcheront aussi vers
1'arniee. Tout ceja ensemble pourra faire sept mille homines dans douze ou
cjuinze jours.

Jusques a-present Milord Fergusson [Feversham] n'a pas etc en etat de
rjen entrepreadre de fort vigoureux centre M. de Moiimouth. La perte
des Royalistes a etc plus grandequ'on ne 1'a clit dans la rencontre arrivee a
Philip's-Nortoa ; il y eut bien cent hommes tues ou blesses a 1'endroit ou
fe Due de Grafton s'avan9a. II est constant que Le Due de Monmouth sub-r
siste avec f'acilite, et que lespeuples lui fournissent des vivres plus volontier*
qu'aux troupes de sa Majeste Britannique.

Le Gomte d'Argile a etc execute^ a Edinbourg, et a laisse une ample con-
fession par ecrit, dans laquelle ille decouvre tous ceux qui Ton secouru d'ar-
gent, et qui ont aide ses desseins : celalui a sauve la question. Le chevalier
Cochrane et son fils, qui etoient les principaux complices du Comte d'Ar
gile, ont et^ arretes dans une maison ou ils s'etoient refugies. II y a encore
bsaycoup de gens a Lon'dres qui ae croyent pas que Milord d'Argile sou
pris.

Je suis, avec le profond respect que je dois, Sec.

Le Roi a M. Barillon.

a Versailles le 26 Juillet, 1GS5.'

|Vj.oij6jt;u 3ARILLON, j'ai reu vos lettresdu l6et 19 de ce mois, et jX
^H avec bien de la joie, par la derniere, que la rebellion du Duede Mea-
muulli a eu 1 meme fin que celle du Comte d'Argile, ainsi queje vous 1'avois
pr^dit par toutes les lettres que je vous ai ecrites sur cesujet. Voustemoig-
uerez au Koy d'Angleterre la pail que je prends a la satisfaction qu'il a
devoir entierement dissipe par ses propres forces tout ce qui pouvoit trou bier
sonregne, et retabli n meme temps ses revenus et son autorite a uu plus.

APPENDIX. cxV

haot point qn'aucim de ses pred^ces'seurs he les a pu porter. Je m'assure aussi
qu'il n'y aura plus personne dans son royaume qtri ose s'elever centre liri, et
qTr*i} jonira arussi lorrgtemps que je le souhaite du pJetrt repos qu'il s'est acquis.
J'enverraiftie'nieincessamment M. leMarechal d'Hnmiers aapr&s de ce Prince,
pour lui faire connoitre plus particulierement quels sonl mes sentiments sur
cet eveneftient, et vous lui en ponvex cepetidant parler en conformite de ce que
je vows ecris.

Tont le reste de votre premiere Icttre ne coutenant rien qui ne tende a m'obliger
de donner des secours d'argent au Roy, j'aurois cru que dans le bon etat ou sont
it-present ses affaires, il seroit assez inutile de vous faire savoir sur cela mes senti
ments. Mais commeje vois par votre derni&reque vousinsistez encore ace que
je vous laisse tin f'onds pour les besoins qui peuvent survenir a la Cour ou. vous
files, je ne puis m'empecher de vous dire quej'ai ete extrement stirpris de voir
qu'apres vous avoir instruit de mes intentions par plusieurs de mes depeches,
vous n'ayez pas entitlement desabtise les Ministres de la Cour oil vous etes der
1'esperance qu'ils ont con^ue avec si peu de raison, que, dans le temps que le
Roy leur maitre joutt d'un plus grand revenu qu'auctm de ses pr6decesseurs, je
voudrois encore epuisser mon epargne, et sacrifier, sans necessite, le fonds
(Jtte je nem'^tois 6t6 a moi-meme que pour donner au dit Roy despreuves
plus extraofdinaires de mon ainiti, au cas que le mauvais 6tat de ses affaires
1'eut oblige d'y a.voir recours : elles sont, par la grace de Dieu, maintenant
au point qu'il les pouvoit souhaiter, et ainsi je ne puis croire qu'on renouvelle
dorenavant les memes instances. Mais si, centre mon opinion, on. vous fai-
soit encore de semblables sollicitations vous pouvez declarer nettement que je
n'ai rien epargne pour vous donner moyen d'assister le Roy d'Angleterre, lors-
que j'ai eu sujet d'apprehender que la religion Catholique dont il fait profes-
sion ne servit de pretexte aux factieux pour susciter de grands troubles dans
on royaume et pour 1'empecher de jouir des revenus qui expiroient par
la mort du feu Roy : mais qu'apres tant de satisfaction que son parliament lui
a donnee, la defaite entiere de ses enuemis, ou plutot de ses sujets rebelles
(revokes) et le retablissement de son autorite a un si haul point, j'ai cru avec
laison qu'il ne pouvoit avoir aucun besoin de mon assistance, et que je pouvois
employer aux autres depenses quej'ai a. soutenir, le fonds que je lui avois des-
tine, sans qu'il fat moins persuade de la sincerite de mon amitie ; que si nean-

cxvi APPENDIX.

uioins, centre toute apparence, et par quelque accident que je ne puis prevoir
il arrivoit qu'il cut un pressant besoiu de mon assistance il ne doit pas douter
qu'il ne me trouve toujours aussi dispose que je luiai ttimoigne, a lui donner
des preuves effectives de Ja part que je prends a toutce qui le louche.

Vous vous renfermerez a cette expression qui doit suffire pour faire-cesser des
demandes d'argent d'autant inoins soutenables dans la conjoncture presente, que
la Cour ou vous etes sait bien que les conventions verbales que vous avez faites
avec le feu Roy etoient expirees avant sa mort, et qu'encore que j'aie assez de
raison de croire que s'ileut vecu d'avantage, il auroit ete satisfait des subsides
que j'ai fait payer j usqu'a la fin d^e 1'annee derniere, sans en pretendre d'avan-
tage, neanmoins je n'ai pas hesite a vous proniettre de payer 500,000 livres,
qu'on considere au lieu ou vous etes com me reste de subside, lorsque j'ai pu
croire que leRoy d'Angleterre en avoit besoin. Enfin, vous voyez bien que
mon intention est que vous ne laissiez a la Cour oft vous etes aucune esperance
de tirer de vous le fonds qui est entre vos mains, et qu'au coutraire vous devez,
le remettre incessamment en celles des baaquicrs, ann qu'ils le fassent repasser
dans mon royaume par toutes les occasions qu'ils en uuront.

Je m 'assure que le dit Roy sera assez excite par sa reconnoissanceenvers la
divine Providence des heureux succes qu'elle vient de lui doi.aer, a retablir
dans son royaume 1'exercice de la vraie religion que nous professions, et vous
devez aussi aider ces bons mouvements avec douceur et adresse dans toutes les
occasions que vous aurez.

Le Roy a M. Barillon.

d Versailles, Aout, 1685.

MONSIEUR BARILLON j'ai regu vos lettres des 23 et 26 Juillet, qui m'infor-
ment seutement de tout ce qui s'est passe dans 1'execution du Due de Mon-
mouth, et comme il ne faut pas douter que cet exemple ne retienne a 1'avenir
tous les sujets du Roy de la Grand Bretagne dans le devoir, et que, quand
me'ine le nombre des mecontents ne seroit pas diminue, ilne s'en trouvera plus

APPENDIX. cxvii

qui ose s'en rendre le chef, et s'elever contre I'autorite royale, il sera facile au
Koy d'Angleterre, et aussi utile a la surete de sou regne qu'au repos de sa
conscience, de retablir 1'exercice de la religion Catholique, qui engagera pryi-
cipalement tous ceux qui en font profession dans son royaume, a le servir bien
1 plus fidelement, et avec beaucoup plus de soumission qu'aucun autre de ses
sujets; au lieu que s'il laisse perdre une conjoncture aussi favorable qu'elle Test
a present ; il ne trouvera peut-etre jamais tantde disposition de toutes parts ou
a concourir a ses desseins, ou a souflrir qu'il les execute. Vous devez nean-:
moins vous contentcr d'aider le penchant qu'il y peut avoir, sans lui en faire des
instances trop pressantes qui pourroient etre plutot capables de retarder cette
resolution que de 1'avancer.

Observez bien cependant, quelles sont les mesures qu'il prend avec le Prince
d'Orange, et s'il ne se negocie pas quelque traite de nouvelle alliance entre le
Roy et les Etats Generaux des Provinces Unies.

J'apprends aussi de plusieurs endroits que les Espagnols comptent beau-
coup surle penchant que ce Prince temoigne a favoriser leurs interets, et vous
devez bien prendre garde au traitement quil fait a 1'Ambassodeur d'Espagne, si
ce dernier a de plus frequents entretiens, ou avec le Roy ou avec ses Ministres,
et s'il y a appaience a quelque renouvellement de traite entre 1'Espagne et
1'Angleterre.

Tachez aussi d'etre bien exactement infonne du nombre de troupes et de
vaisseaux que ce Prince pretend d'entretenir, et a quoi il les destine. Enfin,
vous devez dans cette conjoncture-ci, renouveller votre attention a tout ce qui .
se passe au pays ou vous etes, et a m'en rendre un compte exact par toutes vos
lettres.

Lc Roy d. M. Barillon,

a Versailles, le 24 Aout, 1C95.

M. BAKILLON, vos lettres des 13etl6dece mois m'informent de la reso-
lution qu'a prise le Roy d'Angleterre de renouveller avec les EtatsGeneraux

exviii APPENDIX.

tes traite* d'allianee qtfils sroient *vee le feu Roy sou frere, et de tout c qu'it
Vous a dit surce Sujet.

'_... *

J'ai e"te d'autant plus surpris de la conclusion de cette affaire qu'il ne m'a
pas para, dans toutes vos lettfes qa'on votis en ait donne aucune part ; et je
frouve que les ministres etrangers ont raison de ne le pas regarder comme
ane simple formalite", ainsi que la Cour ou votis etes veut voos le persuader.
J'estime, au contraire, qu'elle jette par lale fondement d'une ligue qui peut
donner courage a ceux qui ne peutent souffrir le repos dont 1'Europe jouit
^-present ; que les Etats Generaux, qui vouloient detneurer dans une par-
faite neutralitc, ou plutot le Prince d'Orange et le PensionnaireFagel, par-
ent a-present d'un renouvellement d'alliance avec 1'Empereur, le Roy d'Es-
pagne, etcelui de Suede; que 1'Electeur de Brandebourg est sur le point de
eonclure son trait6 avec eux, et que cette disposition ou le Roy d'Angleten'e
temoigne etre de renouveller les traites- du feu Roj r son frere, non seulement
avec les Etats Generaux, mais meme avec 1'Espagne, faite dire aux ministres
de cette coiironne, que ce Prince est dejii entitlement dansleurs intere'ts.
On ajoute memed'autant plusdecreance aux bruits qu'ils en repandent, qu'on-
sait que le feu Roy d'Angleterren'etoit entre dansces engagements que pen-
dant la mesinteiligence qu'il y a eu entre moietlui, et que I'amiti6 n'a pas
efe plutot r6rablie par la convention verbale que vous avez faite par mon ordre,
qu'il a bien fait voir qu'il nc se tenoit plus oblige a ces traites, et qu'il etoit
tien eloigne de les vouloir renouveller. Ainsi je ne comprends point par quel
Jftotif leRoy d'Angleterre s'cmpresse si fertde rentrer dans la meme embarras,
principalement dans un temps ou il voit bien qne tons mes desseins tendent &
la conservation de la paix, et qu'elle ne peut-etre trouble que par de sem-
blables commencements de Itgue, que ne peuvent, en quelque maniere que ce
soit, convenir a ses interets. Vous en pouvez meme encore parler dans ce*
sens, y ayant moins d'in convenient de temoigner que je ne puis pas etre
gatisfait de cette resolution, que de la confirmer par un espoir d'acquiescement
de ma part ; et peut-etre que quand le Roy d'Angleterre verra qu'il me donne
par la un juste sujet de mecontentement, ou il ne s'empressera plus de
donner la derniere perfection a. ce traite, ou il y apportera tant de modi-
fications et de changements, qu'on ne le pourra plus regarder en eflet que
comme une simple formalite. Mais s':l desire effectiveinent de conserved

APPENDIX.

men amiti, il n'entrera dans aucun autre engagement qui pujsse y etre con-
traire, soil directement ou indirectement.

J'apprends aussi que le Parlement d'Angleterre a fait une nouvelle et forte
imposition sur les denrees et marchandises etrangeres, qui entrant dans ce
royaume. Vous ne manquerez pas de me faire savoir au plutot si cette im-
position est generate, ou si elle se reduit aux seules denrees et marchan-
dises qui sont portees de mon royaume en Angleterre, et & combien elle
se monte.

Continuez a m'informer Je plus exactement qull vous sera possible de tout
ce qui se passe de plus considerable au lieu ou vous etes.

Je suis surpris que vous ne fassiez aucune mention dans vos lettres du Comte
de Sunderland, quoiqu'on ait ici plusieura avis de son eloignement en Irlande
en qualitie de viceroy. Mandez-moi ce pui en est. Conservez ce qui vous restc
de fonds entre les mains, sans enremettre aucune partie aux banquiers, jusqu'i
ce que je vous aie donn6 de nouveaux ordres.

Le Roy a M. Barillon.

a Versailles, le SOAout, 1685^

. BA RILLON quoiqae vos lettres des 20 et 23 de ce mois ne me parlent en-
core de la negociation qui se fait entre les commissaires du Roy d'Angleterre
et les Ambassadeurs des Etats Generaux, que comme d'une disposition pro-
chaine a un renouvellement de traite ; neanmoins ies dernieres letlres du Sieur
d'Avaux du 24 m'assurent qe eelles des dits Ambassadeurs qui venoient d'ar-
river d'Angleterre a la Haye, portoient qu'ils venoient de conclure 1'acte de
renouvellement de ces dits trait^s ; et la declaration que vous a faite le Comte
de Sunderland, qu'on se garderoit bien de rien mettre dans le traite qui puisse
engager le Roy d'Angleterre au-dela de ce que 1'etoit le feu Roy son frere,es

cxx APPENDIX.

d'autant moins considerable, qu'on suit bien que le defunt lloy n'avoit con-
tracte ces obligations, que dans ie temps qu'il n'etoit pas en bonne intelligence
avec moi, et que depuisqu'elie a eie retabiie, il ne leur a point, don ie d'nutres
intrepretationsque celles que jepouvois desirer; au lieu que le lloy d'Angle-
terre a present regnant, les renouvellant volontairemeut, et dans le temps
que rirn ne 1'y oblige, les voudra exeeuter a. la lettre, et donnera moyen au
Prince d'Orange d'en faire une ligue capable de troubler le repos de 1'Europe.
Quoiqu'il en soil, il n'est plus temps de faire den rcmontrances sur ce sujet,
et vous ne devez plus les employer que pour empecher le renouvellement
d'un traite avec 1'Espagne, on uvec quelqu'autre Prince ou Etat que ce puisse
tre.

Le Marechal de Crequy est a-present aupres de moi, et quelque bruit qui se
repando a la Cour ou vous etes sur mes desseins, vous pouvez assurer le Roy
d'Angleterre qu'ils ne tendent qu'a affermir le repos que les derniers traites ont
velabli dans toute 1'Europe.

Extrait (Tune Lettre du Roi a M. Earlllon.

a Chartres, 4 Septembre, 1685.

V^EPENDANT couime vous me faites entendre par 1'un des articles de votre
lettre, qu'il sera a mon pouvoir de renouveller avec ce Prince les meuies liai-
sons quej'avois avec le feu Roy son frere, etde les rendre encore plus fermes
et plus assurces, je vous depeche ce courier pour vous avertir de bonne heure,
que vous devez bien vous garder de vous engager dans aucune negociation sur
ce sujet ; et que comme je vous ai assez fait connoitre par toutes mes depeches,
el par celle ci, que je n'ai point d'autre dessein que de maintenir la paix dont
toute TEurope jouit a-present, j'ai lieu de croire aussi que dans le florissant etat
oii j'ai mis touies les affaires de mon royaume, non seulement le Roy d'Angle-
terre, par I'interet qu'il a pareillement a la conservation de la tranquillite pub-
Jique, mais aussi tous les autres Princes et Etats de 1'Europe, seront bien aise

APPENDIX. cxxi

qu'elle ne soil pas troublee, el qu'il n'y en aura point qui ose malgre moi renou-
veller une guerre qui ne tourneroit qu'a son doinmage. Ainsi il n'est pas neces-
saire de rentrer pour cet effet dans des liaisons avec 1'Angleterre, qui ne se con-
cluent jarnais qu'a mes depens, et meme par des subsides capables de porter un
grand prejudice aux affaires demon royaume; et toutes les fois qu'on vous
fera de semblables propositions, vous devez settlement rpondre, que je suis
assez persuade de Famitie du Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'il assez de sujet de faire
un fondemcut certain sur la mienne, pour n'avoir pas besoin 1'un etl'autre de
nous en assurer par aucune traite.

Le Roy a M. Barillon.

a Chambord, le 13 Septembre, 1685.

BABILLON, le compte que vous me rendez par votre lettre du 3e.
de 1'entretien que vous avez eu avec le Roy d'Anglcterre au sujet du traite
qu'il a renouvelle avec les Etats Generaux, ne m'oblige pas de vous donner
d'autres ordres que ceux que vous avez reus par mes precedentes depeches,
cest-a-dire, dene plus temoigner de mecontentement dece qui s'est passe, inais
de profiter le plus adroitement qu'il vous sera possible dc 1'embarras ou Ton
vous a temoign d'etre d'avoir conclu cette affaire avec trop de precipitation,
pour empecher qu'on n'en fasse plus de semblables ni avec 1'Espagne ni avec
aucune autre Puissance.

Je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre ait decouvert la nou-
velle conspiration qui se formoit centre lui, et il me semble qu'elle doit servir a
hii fairc connokre qu'il s'en pourroit encore faire de semblables, si la crainte
des liaisons qu'il a avec moi, ne retenoit ceux qui seroient, sans cette consi-
deration, bien plus hardis & entreprendre.

cxxii APPENDIX.

Extrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy

10 Septembre, 1685, a Windsor.

JLjE Roy d'Angleterre m'a lu sur 1'original la deposition du Sieur Mathieu, es-
cuyer du Due de Monmouth ; elle contient qu'il a su de M. de Monmouth que
le Baron de Freize lui avoit parle la Haye de la part des Protestants de France,
et lui avoit communique leur projet, qui. etoit de prendre les armes au com-
mencement de cet etc, et de se revolter en plusieurs endroits de la France ;
qn'ils offroient au Due de Monmouth de le recevoir a leur tele ; que ce dessein
a ete communique a 1'Electeur de Brandebourg, aux Princes de la Maison
de Brunswick, et a M. le Prince d'Orange, qui tous 1'ont approuve ; que ce
Baron de Frize a fait plusieurs voyages en France pour concerter avec les Pro-
testants des diverses provinces. C'est tout ce que contient la declaration,
sans rien specifier de particulier a 1'tjgard des lieux ni des personnes avec
qui ce Baron de Freize a traite. II est Allemand, et a ete autrefois a la cour
de Saxe, dont il est sorti pour un demele qu'il cut avec le favori de 1'Electeur
de Saxe.

J'ai prie le Roy d'Angleterre de me dire s'il ne savoit rien d'avantage sur
cette matiere : sa reponse a ete, qu'il ne savoit que ce qui est porte par cette
declaration, et qu'il ne me cacheroit rien sur une matiere de telle importance,
s'il en avoit la moiudre connoissance ; que je pouvois assurer V. M. que rien
ne lui etoit si cher que ses interets, et qu'il ne laisseroit passer aucune occasion
de lui donner des marques de son amilie. Je 1'ai prie de presser encore les
autres confidents de M. le Due de Monmouth, et du Comte d'Argile, pour de-
couvrir quelque chose ne plus particulier que ce qui m'a etc communique. Sa
Majeste Britannique me 1'a promis.

ATPENDIX. cxxiii

Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy & M. Barillon.

20 Septembre, 1685, o Chambord.

-M. BARILLON, j'ai reu vos lettres des 6 et 10 dece mois, qui me font voir
que la Cour oil vous etes ne temoigne jusqu'a-present aucune dispositioa
conclure un traite avec 1'Electeur de Brandebourg, ni a. renouveller celui
d'Espagne.

Vous devez aussi tacher de maintenir toutes choses dans cet etat, et de-
tourner, autant qu'il vous sera possible, la Cour ou vous etes de toutes sortes
d'engageinents qui pourroient alterer la bonne intelligence que je desire main-
tenir avec le Roy d'Angleterre. Mais il est bon aussi d'eloigner les proposi-
tions d'une plus etroite liaison avec moi, qui seroient d'autant plus inutiles, que
le desir que j'ai de maintenir la paix s' accordant parfaitement avec les senti-
ments du dit Roy, il y a bien de 1'apparence que nos intentions et nos in-
terets se trouvant si conformes, rien ne sera capable d'alterer cette bonne
union, et qu'elle s'entretiendra mieux d'elle-meme que par tous les traites qu'on
pourroit faire.

Le Roy d'Angleterre a raison de dire qu'il n'est ni de mon interet ni du sien
que le commerce des Indes soil trouble, et cela n'arrivera pas aussi de moncon-
sentement, tant que les Espagnolsne voudront faire ce sujet aucune nouveaute
contraire a ceque portent les traites de paix etde treve.

Ce que vous m'ecrivez de la deposition da nomme Mathieu et trop general
et trop vague pour decouvrir par ce moyen quel pourroit etre le chef et les com-
plices des mouvements qu'on pretendoit exciter dans mon royaurne, sous le
pretexte de la religion pretendue reform^e.

Je suis bien aise d'apprendre que le Roy d'Angleterre dissipe de jour a autre

txxir APPENDIX.

les restesde la rebellion, et je m'assure que Milord Maxfield, ni aucun autre
n'osera rien entreprendre contre son autorite.

Je reois encore 'presentement une lettre du 4, qui m'informe que vous vous
etie'z deja conduit par avance, suivantlesordres que je vous ai donnes par ma
depeche du 4, et que vous demeuriez encore plus reserve sur les ouvertures qui
vous pouvoient etre faites de nouvelles liaisons.

Je -n'ai rien a vous dire sur le choix que le Roy d'Angleterre a fait du Che-
valier Trumbal pour remplir la place du Sieur Preston ; mais il me paroit que
laqualite de jurisconsulte Anglois n'est pas la plus convenable pour maintenir
la bonne intelligence entre moi et le Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'elle ne sert souvent
qu'a trouverdes difficultes ou il n'y en doit point avoir.

Pour ce qui regarde la demande qu'on vous fait de la part du Roy d'Angle-
terre du remboursement de quelques rentes sur Hotel de Ville auquel il a in-
teret, je me ferai informei par le Sieur Courtin de 1'etat de cette affaire, et je
YOUS ferai savoir ensuite ma resolution.

Evtrait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon an Roy.

17 Septcmbre, 1685, a Windsor.

IJE Prince de Mourbach est ici de la part de M. FElecteur de Cologne : il m'a
dit qu'il avoit ordre de se conduire en tout comme je lui dirois. 11 m'a rendu
coinpte d'un entretien qu'il a'eu avec le Comte de Toun, dans lequel ce Mini-
stre s'est explique sur les dispositions favorables auxquelles il croit qu'est le
Roy d'Angleterre pour la Maison d'Autriche, et qu'il y avoit lieu d'esperer
que tout se reuniroit pour empecher la grandeur immense de la France de s'aug-
menter encore; que le Roy d'Angleterre connoisoit bien lanecessite qu'il y a
d'etablirune paix ferme et durable, et plus equitable que n'est la treve, dans

APPENDIX. cxxv

laquelle la France a donne" la loi, et a trouve toute sorte de facilite & se main-
tenir dans ses usurpations. Le Comte de Toun a paru rempli des esperances
de 1'avenir ; il lui est pourtant echappe de dire que le Roy d'Angleterre s'etoit
explique avec chaleur sur la continuation de la treve, il y a quelques jours, et
avoit dit, que si les Espagnols etoient assez imprudents pour rompre la treve,
etcommencer la guerre, il se declareroit centre eux, et se joindroit ouverte-
inent a la France. Le Comte de Toun a paru cheque de ce discours du Roy
d'Angleterre, qui marque peu de disposition de sa part a entrer dans les projets
de la Maison d'Autriche.

Je rends comte a V. M. de ce detail, qui peut servir ^ lui faire con*
noitre que les esperances dont ces Ministres Autrichiens se flattent sur le
sujet du Roy d'Angleterre n'ont pas tout le fondement qu'ils veulent faire
croire.

Les Ambassadeurs d'HolIande parlent de s'en retourner aussitot apres que
les ratifications qu'on attend de Hollande auront etc echangees.

Le Sieur Skelton a ecrit que le Sieur Fuches 1'avoit prie d'ecrire au Roy son
maitre pour 1'exhorter d'entrer dans le traite qu'il a fait avec les Etats : il ne
paroit pas qu'on y ait ici aucune disposition.

Le Roy d'Angleterre tient souvent des discours tout haut, qui marquent
combien il croit les Princes Calvinistes opposes a ses interets, et ennemis, en
general, de toute royaute, et principalementd'une royaute en Angleterre. Ces
discours faits en public deplaisent fort aux Ambassadeurs d'HolIande, qui
savent bien que c'est des peoples de Hollande dont sa Majeste Britannique
entend parler.

czxvi APPENDIX.

Extrait d*une Lettre du Roy & M. Barillon.

28 Octobre, 1685, a Fontainebleau.

J E m'assure que la stance du Parlement qui est convoquee au 1Q Novembre,
ne sera pas moins avantageuse au Roy d'Angleterre que la precedente ; et il y
a lieu de croire que s'il n'en e"toit pas bien persuade, il se garderoit bien d'as-
sembler si souvent un corps qui partage avec lui 1'autorite souveraine. Jen'aurai
point d'autre ordre a vous donner sur ce sujet que de bien observer tout ce qui
s'y passera pour m'en rendre compte.

a M. Barillon.

1 Norembre, 1685, & Fontainebleatt.

J'AI fait voir au Roy, Monsieur, la lettre que vous avez pris la peine de
m'ecrire par la quelle vous me mandez que, depuis la mort du feu Roy d'Angle-
terre, vous avez paye au Roy a-present regnant la somme de huit cent mille
livres, et qu'il ne vous reste entre les mains que celle de quatre cent quatre vingt
mille livres, sur laquelle vous devez retenir deux cent mille livres, d'une part, et
soixante deux mille livres d'autre ; mais comme sa Majeste" croit que le pouvoir
qu'elle vous a donne parses depeches, a toujours ete restraint au seul payement
des subsides que vous aviez promis verbalement, en son nom, au feu Roy, et
dont il n'etoit du a sa mort que quatre cent soixante dix mille livres, elle m'a
ordonne de verifier, dans toutes ses depeches s'il y en auroit quelqu'une qui
vous permit de faire cette avance de trois ceute trente mille livres de plus; et
comme je n'en trouve point dans toutes celles que j'ai ici, je vous prie, Mon-
tieur, de m'eclairer plus particulierement la dessus, et de m'envoyer meine 1'ex-
trait de la depecher de sa Majeste qui vous donne ce pouvoir.

Je suis, Monsieur, &c. &c.

APPENDIX. cxxvii

Extrait tfune Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy.

29 Octobre, 1685, at Londres.

IL [le Roy d'Angleterre] me mena hier matin dans son cabinet, et me dit
qu'il avoit plusieurs choses a me dire pour les faire savoir a V. M. ne voulanb
rien faire d'important et de consequence dont ilne lui fit part ; que la premiere
etoit la resolution qu'il avoit prise de ne pas laisser plus longtemps Milord
Halifax dans le ministere, et qu'il lui oteroit sa place de President du Con-
seil ; que je savois que, des le temps du feu Roy son frere, il avoit eu mauvaise
opinion de ses sentiments, et de sa conduite, et ne 1'avoit pas cru assez attache
a la royaute ; que, depuis son av^nement a la couronne, il avoit essay e de lui
inspirer de meilleurs sentiments, et 1'obliger a tenir des maxiinesconformesii
celles que doit avoir le ministre d'un Roy, et meme celles d'un bon sujet ;
qu'il avoit vu que le fonds de Milord Halifax ne se pouvoit changer, et qu'ainsi
sa resolution etoit prise de ne s'en plus servir, que Ton avoit voulu le deto" 11 ^
de faire cet eclat avant 1'assemblee du Parlemenr; et de ce servir pMtot de
Milord Halifax dans ceite Assemblee pour obtenir plus aisement ]*> choses qu'il
desiroit ; mais que c'etoit par cette meme raison qu'il vouloit * chasser de son
conseil ; que son exeinple pouvoitgater beaucoup de gen> et fortifier le parti
de ceux qui lui voudroient resister ; qu'il connoisso' 1 -' ' es inconvenients d'un
conseil partage, et de souffrir ,que ses ministies ^assent des sentiments opposes
aux siens ; que le feu Roy son frere s'en etit mal trouve, et qu'il liendroit une
conduite differente. II ajouta, que so" dessein etoit de faire revoquer par le
Parlement 1'acte du Test, et 1'acte Je 1' Habeas Corpus, dont Tun est la destruc-
tion de la religion Catholiquo et 1'autre de 1'autorite royale ; qu'il espere en
venir a bout, que Milor^ Halifax n'auroit pas eu le courage et la fermet6 de
souteriir le bon p='ti, et qu'il feroit moins de mal, n'ayant plus depart aux
affaires, et etant disgracie.

Sa Majeste Britannique me parla encore d'une autre resolution qui doit
paroitre avant 1'assemblee du Parlemeot, c'est celle d'envoyer un Ainbassa-

cxxviii APPENDIX.

deur extraordinaire a Rome, jugeant qu'il est de sa dignite, etaut Catholique,
de faire ce que les Rois ont accoutume a 1'egard du St. Siege.

Je remerciai le Roy d'Angleterre de tout ce qu'il ra'avoit fait 1'honneur de
me communiquer. Je lui dis que j'en rendrois compte a V. M. et que j'osois
lui repondre par avance que V. M. approuveroit entierement ses resolutions
et auroit beaucoup de joie de le voir en etut d'entreprendre descliosessi im-
portantes pour 1'avantage de la religion Catholique, et pour raffermissement
de son autorit6. Sa Majeste Britannique me dit en riant ; " Je ne pense pas
que le Roy votre maitrc soil faehe que j'eloigne Milord Halifax de mes con-
seils. Je sais bien du moiiis que les miuistres des confederes en seront morti-
fies, et qu'ils avoient une graride opinion de sou credit."

Je repondis a cela que j'avois agi de concert avec lui du temps du feu Roy
son frere, pour otre du ministere Milord Halifax ; mais que je n'avois pas
cru qu'il eut Je moindre credit depuis sa mort ; que je convenois cependant
que son eloignement des affaires produiroit un bon effet en Angleterre, et
'lans les pays etrangers pour detruire 1'opinion que les ministres de la Maison
d'At r i c he tachent d'y etablir, que la bonne intelligence et 1'amitie sont fort
diminufc s entre V. M. et lui ; que je savois meme que les Ambassadeurs d'Hol-
lande etoienuT) ar ti sc Jepuis deux jours fort persuades que Milord Halifax etoit
un des ministres v> s pl us accredites, et sur 1'amitie du quel le Prince d'Orange
pouvoit faire le plus i* fondement. J'ai dit ceci pour voir si le Roy d'An-
-gleterre me parleroit d'un, affaire qui regarde le dedans de la maison du Prince
d'Orange, qui n'a pas encofe fcl a te, mais qui sera bientot publique : il ne m'en
parla point, et je ne jugeai pas lui -. n devoir parlerle premier.

Le Prince d'Orange a decouvert que le mirjstre de la Princesse d'Orange
sa nourrice, et une femme de chambre qu'el'e aiaie sort, ctoient en com-
merce avec Skelton, et 1'aveitissoient de toutce qui venoit a leur connoissacce
de plus secret. Cela a ete su du Prince d'Orange par uno lettre qui a passe
par les mains de Dalohne, secretaire de la Princesse d'Orang<?. Le Prince
d'Orange a pris cette affaire avec tant d'aigreur, qu'il a chasse le ministre, la
nourrice, et la femme de chambre, et les a renvoyes a la Haye : je ne sais meme
s'ilsne sont point deja partis pour 1'Angleterre. Le Roy d'Angleterre me

APPENDIX. cxxix

paroit, de son cote, fort, aigri, et croit que le Prince d'Orange marque
clairement sa mauvaise volonte a son egard, d'etre si trouble que son
ministre ait connoissance de ce qui se passe dans la maison de sa fille et de
sou gendre.

Je n'ai pas presse le Roy d'Angleterre de me dire le nomde I'Atnbassadeur
qu'il envoye ii Rome, afin de lui laisser toute la facilite de s'expliquer avec
moi en confiance, sanslui fairecroire que je veuille savoir plus qu'il n'a envie
de me dire ; mais j'ai su d'ailleurs que c'etoit le Comte de Castelmaine, mari de
Madame la Duchesse de Cleveland. Je ne doute pas que V. M. ne fasse la
meme reflexion que je sais avoir etc faite par ceox qui ont appris ce choix.
II semble d'abord qu'il y ait quelqtie ridicule a ewvoyer un homme si pen connn
par lui meme, et si connu par Madame de Cleveland. Le Roy d'Angleterre ne
s'est point arrete a cela ; et 1'achoisi parce que les Catholiques ont une grande
confiance en lui, qu'il a fait plusieurs voyages en Italic, qu'il le croit fort ha-
bile et fort zele Catholique, 8cc.

Jesuis, &c.

Extrait d'tine Lettre du Roy & M. Barillon.

6 Novembre, 1685, d Fontainebleau.

IL [le Roy d'Angleterre] a raison de croire que Milord Halifax n'ayant aucune
religion, ne peut pas etreun ministre fort fidele et fort affectionne au maintien
del'autorite royale.

Le dit Roy ne peut employer plus utilement pour lui ses soins et son
pouvoir, qu'a faire revoquer par le Parlement, 1'Acte qu'ils appellant du Test
qui oblige ses sujets de faire des serments si horribles, et si contraires & ce
qu'on doit a Dieu et meme a laroyaute.

II n'est pas moins important aussi pour la maintenir de 1'oter de 1'embarras
que lui donne ce second acte que vons appellez Habeas Corpus, et j'apprendrai
toujours avec plaisir qu'il ait reussi dans ces deux projets.

cxxx APPENDIX.

J'avois deja appris I'&oignement des domestiques de la Princesse d'Orange ;
et j'ai bien era que le Roy d'Angleterre n'agreeroit pas qu'on leur fit un crime
de 1'infonjient par son ministre des nouvelles de la sante de sa fille, et de 1'etat
de ses affaires.

M. Barillon au Roy.

5 Novembre, 1685, aLondres.

ON fait beaucoup de differentes reflexions sur la disgrace de Milord Halifax.
II a declare a ses amis qu'il n'auroit pas voulu s'engager a soutenir Jes desseins
que sa Majeste Britannique a pour le prochain Farlement, et qu'il avoit mieux
aime se retirer de la cour, que de demeurer a condition de se declarer ouverte-
ment pour tout ce que Ton entreprendra de faire en faveur des Catholiques, et
pour 1'augmentation de 1'autorite royale. Beaucoup de gens disent que le Roy
d'Angleterre auroit mieux fait d'engager insensiblement Milord d'Halifax a
seconder ses desseins, et a s'en servir pour menager dans le Parlement ce qu'il
en voudra obtenir, que de le disgracier seulement parce qu'il ne veut pas entrer
dans des me'sures opposees aux lois etablies, et a tout ce que les Anglois ont le
plus avant enracine dans le cceur: mais sa Majeste Britannique raisonne fort
differement, et croit que rien ne seroit si dangereux pourle bien de ses affaires,
que de conserver un ministre qui a des sentiments et des principes opposes aux
siens, et qu'il est meme a-propos qu'on connoisse, que le seul moyen d'etre
bien a la cour, et de conserver ses bonnes graces, est de suivre aveuglement
ses volontes, et d'avoirun attachement a ses interets qui ne soil sujet a aucune
interpretation ni reserve.

Get incident est regarde aussi avec beaucoup d'attention des ministres
etrangers: ceux qui sont ici les mieux informes ne croyoient pas que Milord
Halifax cut un grand credit ; mais la plupart s'imaginoient que son credit aug-
menteroit a mesure que le Roy d'Angleterre entreroit dans des mesures opposees
a celles que le feu Roy son frere et lui, ont tenues jusques a-present. Milord
Halifax prenoit grand soin de flatter les esperances de ceaux qu'il connoissoit

APPENDIX. cxxxi

desirer que sa Majeste Britannique s'unit e"troitcment avec le Prince d'Orange,
etserelachat un peu d'une liaison trop etroite avec V. M. On pretendoit
etendre cela dans la suite a uneentiere separation de vos interets et des siens.
Ce projet etoit soutenu par Milord Halifax, qui croyoit bien que, tant que
V. M. et le Roy sou maitre seroient en bonne intelligence, il n'auroit pas une
grande part dans sa confiance ; mais que venant a s'alterer, les autres ministres
perdroient quelque chose de leur credit, et que le sien augmenteroit. Les Am-
bassadeurs d'Espagne et d'Hollande 1'ont regarde comme leur principal conseil
depuis quelques annees, et adoient a fortifier le bruit repandu dans les pays
etrangers, que Milord Halifax avoit beaucoup de part atix resolutions qui se
prenoient. Le secretaire du Comte de Toun qui est demeure ici avec la
qualite de secretaire de 1'Empereur, ne s'est du retenir de dire a plusieurs per-
sonnes qu'il etoit fort etrange que le Roy d'Angleterre chassat Milord Halifax
deson conseil, apres 1'obligation qu'il lui avoii d'avoir soutenu avec tantde force
son parti, ou plutot sou droit, dans le Parlement, lorsqu'il etoit question de
1'exclusion.

Ce discours est revenu an Roy, qui 1'a trouve fort a redire. La verite est,
que Milord Halifax, pour entrer dans la confiance du feu Roy d'Angleterre,
soutint forteraent la succession contre Milord Schafbery, et se trouva lors a la
tete de ceux qui s'opposerent dans la Chambre Haute au Bill d'Exclusion
contre M. le Due d'York, qui avoit dejil passe dans la Chambre Basse : mais
des le lendemain que ce Bill d'Exclusion fut rejete, Milord Halifax proposades
temperaments contre le Due d'York, plus ruineux pour lui que PExclusion. Le
principal etoit un banissement perpetual pendant la vie du feu Roy, et de si
grandes restrictions a son autorite, en cas qu'il vint a la couronne, que 1'on
jugea ces conditions plus dangereuses et moins admissibles que 1'exclusion.
Depuis cela Milord Halifax 's'est toujours declare ouvertement contre M. le
Due d'York, et s'est oppose a tout ce qui a ete de ses avantages.

On m'a assure que la Reine Douairierene conservera pas a Milord Halifax
la charge qu'il a de son Chancelier, et lui meme ne juge pas la pouvoir garder >
il est pourtant assez bien aupres d'elle et a fait dormer la charge de Tresorier de
sa Maison au Sieur Ti ; son cousin.

cxxxii APPENDIX.

A-present que 1'assemblee du Parlemcut approche, on commence a parler
dans Londres des matieres qui seront agitees dans cette assemblee : il est
encore difficile de juger quel en sera le success; car quoique le plus grand
nombre des d6put6s paroissent bieti inteinionnes pour saMajeste Britaunique,
les Actes du Test, et d'Habeas Corpus sont regardes par tous les Anglois comme
les remparts de la religion Protestante, et des privileges de la nation. Le
Roy d'Angleterre espere venir a bout de les faire revoquer ; autrement ce
seroit une imprudence de 1'entreprendre, et de se trouver oblige de separer le
Parlement, sans en avoir obtenu ce qu'il croit necessaire pour 1'affermissement
de son autorite. Le retablissement des Pairs Catholiques sera une suite de la
revocation du Test, et aussi la confirmation des officiers de guerre, et de la
Maison qui sont Catholiques. Tout cela est regarde" comune tres-iinportant,
et presque tous les Anglois voient avec grande douleor que 1'autorite royale
prend tous les jours de nouvelles forces, et que les loix etablies contre la
religion Catholique ne pourront, s'etablir sous le regne d'un Roy qui en fait
une profession ouverte.

L'eveque que le Pape a envoye ici est arrive ; il n'y fera point encore de
fonction publique ; mais son arrivee n'est pas secrete. Le Roy d'Angleterre
me paroit fort content de lui. Tous les ecclesiastiques seculiers d'Angleterre
sont soumis a sa direction. Son litre est inpartibus.

Milord Preston est Chancelier de la Reine Doua'iriere a la place de Milord
Halifax. La charge de Chambellan, vacante par la mort du Comte d'Ailes-
bury, a ete donnee au Comte de Mangraf [Mulgrave] ; et la charge de Gen-
tilhomme de la Chambre, qu'avoit Milord Mangraf, a Milord Brousse, qui est
a-present Comte d'Ailesbury par la mort de son pere.

Le sieur Corniche a etc" execute, et une femme nomine Gaunt, agee de
soixante ans, brulee pour avoir retire des rebelles chez elle.

J'envoye a votre Majeste la copie du Me*moire qui a ete donne a Milord
Sunderland par 1'Ambassadeur d'Espagne. Je suis, &c.

APPENDIX. cxxxiii

Le Roy & M. Barillon,

16 Novembre, 1680.

BARILLON, votre lettre du 5 de ce mois m'informe des different* raison-
nements qu'on fait au lieu oft vous etes sur la disgrace de Milord Halifax : mais
quelque effet qu'elle puisse produire, vous jugez bien qu'il ne peut etre que
fort avantageux a mes interets qu'uniministre si devoue a ceux d'Espagne, el
si contraire a la religion Catholique, soit eloigne des conseils du Roy d'Anglt-
terre, et je m'assure aussi que cet acte de fermete augmentera encore 1'autorite
du dit Roy, et rendre meme 1'assemblee du Parleraent plus soumise a ce qu'il
desirera d'elle. Je laisse a votre prudence a 1'informer de mes sentiments
sur ce sujet, si vous le jugez a-propos.

Quelque repugnance que puissent avoir les Anglois & souffrir quelque
changement dans les deux points qu'ils croient &tre si essentiels a la conservation,
tant de la religion Protestante, que de leurs droits et privileges, ils sont
neanmoins d'ailleurs d'une si grande consequence pour le succes des desseins
que le dit Roy a formes, qu'il a grande raison d'employer toute son autorite
a les obtenir. II y a d'autant plus d'apparence aussi qu'il y reussira que 1'etat
paisible ou est aujourdhui toute 1'Europe, ne laisse envisager aux factieux
aucune ressource ni desirer aux bien intentionnSs une conjoncture plus favor-
able.

Le memoire que 1'Ambassadeur d'Espagne a remis entre les mains du Comte
de Sutherland, neregardeque ce qui estdu a des particulieres par les Etats
de Haynault, et n'est pas capable de produire de nouveaux troubles. Mais les
continuelles contraventions que les Espagnols font au traite de tr&ve, par les
prises et enlevement des vaisseaux de mes sujets, pourroient leur attirer de
plus facheuses suites, s'ils nerendent au-plutot ce qu'ils ontpris.

Je reois encore presentement votre lettre du 8, avec le memoire des paye-
ments que vous avez fails depuis la moil du feu Roy d'Angleterre ; et apret

cxxxir APPENDIX.

que j'aurai fait examiner s'il se rapport au compte que vous avez ci-devant en-
voy6 des payements fails par vos ordres jusqu'a la mort du feu Roy d'Angle-
terre, je vous fera savoir mes sentiments sur cet article.

J'apprends de toutes parts que le Roy d'Angleterre lemoigne une grande
disposition aentrerdans toutes sortes d'engagements contraires a mes interets.
L'on me confirme encore 1'avis que je vous ai deja donne que le Roy Catho-
lique envoye a son Ambassadeur en Angleterre le pouvoir de conclure une ligue
avec la Cour ou vous etes, sur les assurances que ce ministre a donnees qu'il
y trouveroit dans la conjoncture presente de tres-grandes facilites. Vous
devez neanmoins temoigner au Roy d'Angleterre que je suis persuade qu'il
rejettera si loin les propositions de ligue que ce ministre pourroit faire, que
la Cour d'Espagne sera bientot desabusee de 1'esperance qu'elle a cue d'un
bon succes dans cette affaire.

II me parott par tout ce que vous m'ecrivez que le Roy d'Angleterre n'a
pas sujet d'etre content du Prince d'Orange; et il est a souhaiter, pour le
maintien de lapaix, et pour le bien de notre religion, qu'il ny ait pas entre
cux une plus grande intelligence.

Extralt d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy.

12 Novembre, 1685, a Londres.

J_<E Roy d'Angleterre m'a dit qu'il en etoit persuade et fort aise [il s'agit id
du desir que temoignoit et qu'avoit Louis XIV. d'affermir le repos dontjouissoit alors
f Europe], que je voyois combien il lui importoit qu'il n'arrivat pas de rupture
entre V. M. et le Roy d'Espagne, et que je savois qnels avantages cela don-
neroit a ceux qui veulent traverser ses desseins a 1'egard de la religion Ca-
tholique.

Le Chevalier Trumball est parti pour France. Le Roy d'Angleterre m'a
dit qu'il lui avoit donne des instructions et des ordres precis d'apporter tous
es soins pour la continuation d'une bonne intelligence avec V. M. J'ai pri

APPENDIX. cxxxv

sa Majest6 Britannique de lui ordoaner sur tout de ne se point tneler des af-
faires qui regardant ceux de la religion pretendue reformee ; je ne doute pas
que cela n'ait ete fait et autant quej'en puis juger surceque m'a dit le Sieur
Trumball, il se conduirad'une maniere dont V. M. aura sujet d'etre satisfaite.

Tous les projetset les plans se formenta 1'egard du Parlement. II est cer-
tain qu'on y agitera. des matieres fort iinportantes : on ne sauroit encore juger
de l'6venement. Le Roy d'Angleterre espere venir a bout de la plupart des
choses qu'il deraaiidera, et il paroit resolu de lie se point relicher de ce qu'il
desire obtenir pour 1'avantage des Catholiques, et pour raffermissement de
son autorite. La defiance est grande dans le parti des Protestants zeles:
ils connoissent bien que de ce qui se passera dans cette session, depend &
1'avenir la surete de la religion Protestante. Les Catholiques ne sont pas
tout-a-fait d'accord entre eux: les plus habiles, et ceux qui ont le plus de part a
la confiance du Roy d'Angleterre, connoissent bien que la conjoncture est la
plus favorable qu'on puisse esperer, et que si on la laisse echapper, elle pourra
bien n'etre de si longtemps si avantageuse. Les Jesuites sont de ce sentiment
qui sans doute est le plus raisonable ; mais les Catholiques riches et etablis
craignent 1'avenir, et apprehendent un retour qui les ruineroit; ainsi ils vou-
droient admettre tons les temperaments possibles, et se contenteroient des plu
mediocres avantages qu'on leur voudroit accorder, comme seroit la revocation
des loix pnales, sans s'attacher a la revocation du Test qui rend les Catho-
liques incapables des charges et des em plois.

Ce parti est soutenu de tous les gens qui favorisent secretement le Prince
d'Orange, et leur avis prevaudroit, si les autres ne prennoient tons les soini
possibles pour faire comprendre au Roy d'Angleterre que s'il ne se sert de
1'occasion, et qu'il n'etablisse presentement ce qu'il a dessein de faire
pour les Catholiques et pour lui-meme, il vera tous les jours naitre de plu
grands obstacles a ses desseins. Le naturel du Roy d'Angleterre Je porte &
tenir une conduite ferine et vigoureuse. Ceux de ses niinistres qui sont
dans les memes sentiments paroissent augmenter de credit; 1'exemple de
Milord Halifax fait craindre ceux qui voudroient tenir une conduite mo-
dere, et garder des temperaments. Tout cela forme beaucoup de cabale
danslaCouret dans le Parlement. Le Roy d'Angleterre me parle souvent

cxxxvi APPENDIX.

de ce qu'il veut faire, et me paroit fort resolu de se pr6valoir de la con-
joncture presente. II me dit toujours que la paix au-dehors lui est entitlement
necessaire, et me charge de representer cela a votre Majeste, comme une
chose decisive pour les avantages de la religion Catholique. Je me tiens
dans les bornes que V. M. m'a prescrites, et sans m'ingerer de lui rien inspirer
de trop vehement, je fortifie la resolution ou il parott tre de profiter de Foc-
casum. Je serai applique a. penetrer ce qui se passe, et a rendre compte a
V. M. Ie plus exactement que je pourrai. II n'y a point eu de stance du
Parlement depuis longtemps plus importante. Je prevois meme qu'il se trai-
tera beaucoup de choses sur 1'avenir a quoi on ne s'attencloit pas. Je n'omet-
trai aucun soin pour etre bien informe.

Je suis, &c.

Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy a M. Barillon.

a Versailles, le \Q Novembre, 1685.

J'APPRENDS cependant par les dernieres lettres de Madrid, que ce qui
eloigne le Conseil d'Espagne de faire raison sur les justes plaintes de mes su-
jets, est 1'espe ranee dont les Ministres Espagnols se flattent, d'attirer bientot
le Roy d'Angleterre dans les interels de Ja Maison d'Autriche, et de faire avec
lui un traite d'association. On ajoute meme qu'ils croyent que ce Prince ne
differe a y entrer que jusqu'a ce qu'il ait obtenu de son Parlement ce qu'il a
resolu de lui demander dans la prochaine assemblee. C'est ce qui vous doit
obligera renouveller vos soins et votre application a bien p6netrer les veri-
tables desseins de la Cour ou vous etes, et examiner tous les partis qu'il y
auroit a prendre, en cas de changement, pour le bien de mon service : car
comme je serai toujours bien aise de contribuer au bon succes des desseins
du Roy d'Angleterre, tant qu'il ne tendront qn'a 1'augmentation de notre
religion, a 1'affermissement du repos public, et a celui de son autorite ; je dois
vous dire aussi, pour votre instruction particuliere, que je ne serai pas f'ache
qu'il trouve dans son Parlement des obstacles a ses projets, quand je recon-
Boitrai qu'il voudra prendre des mesures avec mes ennemis, pour par la leur

APPENDIX. cxxxvii

donner la hardiesse de troublerla paix quej'ai retablie par les derniers traites.
Ainsi vous clevez bien observer qu'elle est la disposition des esprits des princi-
paux membresdu Parlement, et quel est le penchant de ceux qui auront le
plus de credit dans cette assemblee, ensorte que, sans donner aucun pretexte
au Roy d'Angleterre de sedeiacher des sentiments de reconnoissance qu'il croit
devoir aux temoignages d'amitie qne je lui ai donnes avant et depuis son
avenement a la couronne, vous puissiez, s'il sYn eloigne, laisser entrevoir
aux Parlememaires Ics plus attaches a la conservation de leurs droits el pri-
vileges, que les liaisons que j'ai avec le Roy leur maitre ne sont pas assez
fortes pour leur nuire, et qu'ils peuvent agir avec liberte, et sans craindre ma
puissance. Mais comine vous jugez bien qu'il importe extremement au bien
de inon service que votre concluite soit si mesuree, si sage, et si prudente,
qu'elle nepuisse donner aucun prise contrevous, vous devez, sur toutes choses
vous appliquer a connoiire le terrain, avant que de iaire aucune tentative qui
puisse nuire a uies interets. Meme vous ne devez faire aucune demarche
dans une negociution si delicate et si dangereuse, qu'apies que vous m'anrez
domic avis de ce que vous aurez reconnu des intentions de la Cour oil vous etes
<>t quejc vous aurai donne de nouveaux ordres. 11 est bon, cependant, que
vous vous serviez de toutes les occasions qui se presenteront, pour insinuer
rtdroitement au Roy d'Angleterre 1'interet qu'il a d'employer son autorite au
retablissement de la religion Catholique, et de ne la pas laisser plus long-
temps exposee a toutes les loix penales qui ont ete f'aiies centre elle dans
les regnes precedents.

Extrait d'une Lettre du Roy a M. Barillon.

d Versailles, le 29 Novembre, I6'8j.

JVloNsiEtiu BARILLON, j'ai re^u votre lettredu 19de ce mois,avecla copie
du discours que le Roy d'Angleterre fait a son Parlement tant pour 1'obliger ii
lui fournir le fonds necessaire pour le payement des troupes qu'il pretend en

cxxxviii APPENDIX.

obtenir, que pour 1'informer des raisons qu'il a de conserver les officiers qui
1'ont fidelement servi dans la derniere rebellion.

Je m'assure qu'il n'aura pas tie peine a obtenir ce secours de cette assem-
blee : elle croira avee raison avoir beaucoup gagne, s'il n'entreprend rien en
faveur de la religion Catholique, et qu'il la laisse dans le deplorable etat ou
elle est encoiv a-pre sent, sujette aux loix penales, et a tout cequela fureur
et les emportemeius de ses plus grnnds ennemis pourroicnt attenter contre elle
dans une conjoncture plus favorable [>our eux. Je suis bien persuad6 aussi
que ce Prince connott assez 1'iateiet qu'il a de la retablir, et que d'ailleurs
il a tout lezelequ'on pent desirer pour ne pas manquer d'en procurer ses
avaniages; et com.ne vous savez bien ines intention sur la conduite que
vous devez tenir pendant la seance de ce Parlement, je lie doute point que
vous no les suiviez aussi exactement qu'il vou sera possible, et que vous ne m'in-
fonnif-z de tout ce qui se passera dans les deliberations des deux Chainbre<,
etdes mesures que le Roy d'Angleterre preudra pour parvenir a ses fins.

Ex trait d'une Lettre de M. Barillon au Roy.

22. Novembre, 1685, <3 Londrts.

ON dit que Milord Grey a depose que plusieurs Seigneurs devoientse joimlre
a M. de Monmouth, entre autre Milord Devincher; il est gendre du Due
d'Ormond, et le plus grand Seigneur d'Angleterre en fonds de terre. Beau-
coup de gens prennent interet a ce qui le regarde, et s'entremettent pour le
recommander ; mais il ne s'aide pas lui-meme autant qu'il faudroit. Cela com-
mence a causer les agitations ordinaires en ce pais-ci lorsque le Parlement est
assemble".

APPENDIX. cxxxix

M. Barillon ait Roy.

2(3. Norembre, 1685, & Londres,

JE regus avant hier la depeche de votre Majeste du 19 Novembre, par un cou-
rier expres ; avant que d'y repondre, je crois devoir rendre compte k V. M. de
ce qui s'est passe ici depuis le derniere ordinaire. La deliberation de la Chambre
des Communes du 22. Novembre fut pleine de chaleur et de contestation.
Les partisans de la Cour obtinrent pourtant une resolution de donner un se-
cours d'argent. Ceux du parti oppose avoient eu 1'adresse d'ajouter a. la pro-
position de donner de 1'argent, que ce secours seroit pour entretenir 1'armee,
ce qui auroit fait rejeter la proposition par le plus grand uombre de voix.
Mais !e Speaker, et quelques autres, firent inettre simplement la question de
donner de 1'argent, sans specifier a quel usage : il passa de quelques voix
mais en meme temps, la Chambre prit la resolution de reprcsenter a sa
Majeste; Britannique, que la veritable force du royaume consiste dans les
iniliccs, et qu'elle opportera tous les soins, et prendra tous les ex[;ediens pos-
sibles, pour les rendre utiles : c'etoit declarer nettemenl que la Chambre ne
pretend pas que 1'armee subsiste, Beaucoup de gens parlerent avec vehemence
contre 1'armee et contre les officiers Catholiques, et soutinrent que le Discoura
du Roy ne se rapportoit point a ce qu'il avoit dit dans la seance precedente,
puisqu'en celle-ci il se declaroit ouvertement contre les loix etablies qui font
la surete de la religion Proiestante. M. Seyiner parla fort aprement, le Sieur
Clergis de meme; un nomme Jennins, creature de Milord Danbi, et un nou-
veau membre de la Chambre, nomme Tuesden, parlerent aussi avee beau-
coup de force, et d'applaudissemens. Tous leurs discours se terminoient a ne
pas soufrrir une armee sur pied, et a ne pas permettre qu'il y ait des officiers
Catholiques. Un des deputes dit .qu'il ne voyoit pas que 1'Angleterre fit une
figure considerable flans le monde dont il etoit fait mention dans le Discours
du Roy. Milord Preston reponHit it cela, qu'il savoit, et etoit bien informe,
que V. M. auroit, cet ete, attaque 1'Espagne en quelque endroit, si le Roy
d'Angleterre ne 1'avoit empeehe, et que V. M. n'en avoit ete detournee que
parce qu'elle avoit cru qu'une rupture avcc 1'Espagne metU'oit TAngleterrr

cxl APPENDIX.

dans le parti de ses ennemis. II y en cut d'autres enrore qui firent entendre
qu'il n'y avoit que le Roy d'Angleterre qui put empficher les progres et 1'aug-
meutation de cette puissance qui fait trembler toutes les autres, et que le verit-
able intent de la nation Arigloise est que le Roy soit en etat de s'y opposer, ce
qui ne se peut, s'il n'a des forces suffisantes ct routes prates. Ce raisonnemetit
tut combattu indirectement par d'autres membres, qui soutinrent que le veritable
int&r6t des Anglois est de vivre-en repos et <;n tranquillite dans le dedans, avec
la suiete de leurs loix et proprie'es, aussi bien que leur conscience dans 1'exer-
cice de leur religion, et que, quand ce!a sera, 1'Angleterre aura assez de con-
sideration au-dehors. Cette deliberation parnt si opposee a ce quesa Majeste
Britannique pouvoil desirer que Ton disoit deja que le 1'arlement seroit pro-
roge ou casse. 11 s'etoit fait beaucoup de cabales la veille : les vieux Parle-
mentaires qui ne sont pas du present Parlement avoient instruitles nouveaux
deputes.

La Chambre se rassembla le 23 ; la chaleur fut encore plus grande, et le
parti oppose a la Cour emporta de trois voix la question qui avoit etc raise, si
on delibereroit sur le secours d' argent, ou si on considereroit le Discours du
Roy ; ce dernier avis prevalut, parce que beaucoup degens attaches ou depen-
dants de la Cour etoient absents, ec il y en cut meme qui en furent d'avis,
entre autres, le Sieur Fox, qui est Commis au payement des troupes : son
pere est officier de la maison, et avoit cet employ du payement des troupes,
dans lequel il s'est enrichi. Un Lieutenant des Gardes a Cheval, nomme Darze,
homme dequalite, fut aussi de 1'avis oppose a la Cour. On parla encore avec
beaucoup plus de chaleur que le jour precedent contre Tannee et le officiers
Catholiques, et le sentiment presque unanime de la chambre parut etre de ne
point clonner d'argent pour fairc subsister 1'armee, et de ne pas souffrir qu'il y
cut d'officiers Catholiques.

La Chambre se rassemblaavant hier, 24 Novembre, et delibera sur le'Discours
du Roy. On s'attendoit que la chaleur et I'emportement seroient encore plus
grands que les jours precedents: mais la moderation fut beaucoup plus grande
qu'on ne 1'avoit attendu: il n'y cut presque personne qui repetat rien de ce qui
avoit ete dit dans les jours precedents : mais le fonds de la deliberation fut
fort ferme, et la Chambre parut determinee absolument a ne point permettre

APPENDIX. cxli

que le Rov se servit d'officiers Catholiques, puisque les loix y sont directement
coutraires. On proposa divers expedients pour accommoder cette difficulte ;
celui de souffrirque ceux qui sont etablis, cie neurent, et que le Roy promette
de n'en plus ajouter d'autres, fut rejete par la Chambre, et la conclusion tut de
t'aire une adresse pour supplier, sa Majeste Britanniquc de remedier aux soup-
gons et a la jalousie que donnoit a la nation I'inexecution des loix. On at-
tribue la moderation qui a paru dans eel te derniere deliberation, a la crainte
qu'on a eue de donner occasion a la cassation du Parlement. D'autres disent
que c'est un conseil des vieux Parlementaires qui ont inspire de la ferrnete et
de 1'opiniatrete pour le fonds, en temoignant de la moderation au debors.

II etoit hiev dimanche. On delibere aujourdhui sur le fonds d'argent.
Toute la question se tertnine a savoir si ia Chambre des Communes accordera
de 1'argent, sans y meler aucune condition, et si elle se contentera d'avoir
temoigne combien la subsistance de 1'armee, et 1'emploi des Calholiques lui
son odieux, sans insister d'avantage sur une satisfaction prealable. En ce cas
la le Roy d'Angleterre aura obtenu ce qu'il y a de plus essentiel ; car le me-
contenteinent general ne 1'empechera pas d'avoir ses troupes sur pied, et de
quoi les payer. La deliberation d'aujourdhui decidera de la duree de la seance
du Parlement, car le Roy d'Angleterre parolt resolu de ne se Telaeher en rien,
et sa fermete etonne ceux qui croyoient que ce qui s'est passe dans la Chambre
des Communes, le feroit resoudre d'aclmettre quelques temperaments, et de
ne se pas opiniatrer a emporter dans cette seance tout ce qu'il desire.

De tout ce que j'ai Thonneur de mander a V. M. elle voit que les afTaires de
ce pays sont fort changees depuis quelques jours ; elles peuvent recevoir des
adoucessements et des changements. Je sais que 1'on emploie de 1'argent pour
remettre les gens les plus opposes a la Cour dans des sentiments plus moderns;
mais il n'est pas facile que le concert se retablisse parfaitement, et qu'il ne reste
pas de grandes defiances de part et d'aiUre.

Le parti oppose a la Cour esi celui du Prince d'Orange, que beaucoup de
gens favoriscut secretement. La division ineme est dans la Cour ; c'est ce
<jue j'expliquerai, autant que je le pourrai, a V. M. dans la suite de cette Lettre.
II me paroJt, cependant, que je n'ai rien a faire en execution des ordres

cxlii APPENDIX.

povtes par la derniere depeche de V. M. que d'employer tous mes soins pour
tre bien informe, et pour lui rendre un coinpte exact de ce qui se passe.

J'ai conserve quelques liaisons avec des gens accredited dans les precedents
Parlements, et il ne seroit pas impossible d'augmenter, s'il etoit neeessaire les
divisions qui semblent naitre; il ne seroit pas inutile au service de V. M. d'avoir
toujours quelques gens dans sa dependence ; cela peut meme, dans les occa-
sions, tre mile au Koy d'Angleterre, et au bieu de la religion. Je ne
vois rien qui presse presentement : il semble que les affaires prcnnent d'elle
mme le cbemin qui peut 6tre le plus avantageux a V. M. ; c'est an
moins ce qui paroir aujourdliui. II est cependant difficile de prevoir les revolu-
tions et les changements inopines qui arrrvent en ce pays-ci, et V. M. voit bicn
que les affaires sont faites ou terminees avant que Ton ait le temps de recevoir
de nouveaux ordrcs.

J'ai etc informe des demarches de I'Ambassadeur d'Espagne, depuis le com-
mencement de la seance du Parlement. J'ai ete aussi averti que quelques
jours auparavant, il avoit fort presse le Roy d'Angleterre de renouveller le
traite de 1680. La reponse de sa Majesle Britannique a ete un delai plutot
qu'un refus absolu. Cette Ambassadeur a temoigne en etre surpris, et le Roy
d'Angleterre a bien juge de ce que M. Ronquille a dit qui'l avoit donne des
esperauces a Madrid, que le traite se pouvoit reiiouveller. Je n'ai pas cm,
pendant ces derni'ers jours, devoir parler au Roy d'Angleterre sur ce renouvelle-
ment du traite avec 1'Espagne, sachant qu'il n'y avoit rien a craindre presente-
ment, et trouvant plus convenable qu'il m'en parle le premier, ce que je croit
qu'il fera des qu'il sera un peu moins accable d'affaires.

L'Ambassadeur d'Espagne fondoit de grandes espdrances sur I'asseniblee du
Parlement. J'ai ete averti que ses partisans insinuoient une alliance avec les
EtatsGeneraux et la Suede ou 1'Electeur de Brandebotirg, pour tenir lieu de
ce qu'etoit autrefois la triple ligue. Je sais mfeuie que 1'on devoit joindre a ces
projets d'alliances, des offres de sommes considerables pour y engager sa
Majeste Britannique. Tout ctlase trouve renverse, ou du moins etoigne par
tout'ce qui s'est passe jusques a aujourdhui.

APPENDIX, cxliii

J'ai eu encore une raison pour ne me pas hater de parlor du trnite d'Espajjne
a sa Majeste Britaunique, e'est d'eviter tcK-te proposition <le sccours d'crgent
qu\n me pourroit faire, ce qui arriveroit plus ais^ment, si jc temoigriois ap~
prehender le renouvellement d'unc alii mcc avec rE_-;\-igne, et que je parlasse
pour 1'empeeher. Ce n'est pas a moi d'en faire naitre I'occr.sion. J? serai
mthne fort retonu clans ce que je diru au Hoy d'Anglcterre s'il casse le Parle-
mcnt, et que tout esperauce d'accommodeinent soit rompue, afin que V. M.
soit en pleine liberte de me prescrire ce que j'atirai a dire, et la conduite que
je devrai tnir.

Apres avoir rendu compte a V. M. des affaires du Parlement, je crois la
devoir informer, autant que je le ponrrai, de ce qui regarde le dedans de la
Cour. Depuis que Milord Sunderland est rentre dans les affaires, il a pris
beaucoup de soin de me donncr des marques de son attachement aux intents
tie V. M. ; je ne ferai mention que de ce qui s'est passe depuis la morl du
fcu Roy. Mais ce ministre a bieu reconnu quele Grand Tresorier avoit une
liaison avec le Prince d'Orange fondee stir des interftts qui ne peuvent changer
etqu'ainsi son credit s'affoibliroit insensiblement aupres du Roy d'Angleterre
ou qu'il seroitcontraintd'agir contre ses sentiments et conlre ses maximes, ce
qui est fort difiicile a faire longtemps. Cela est arrive, et Milord Sunderland est
entre siavant dans la confidence de son mattre, eta tellement soutenu les
projets que ce Prince a en t&te, qu'il paroit meme aux moins penetrants avoir
la principale part du ministere. Les Catholiques sont ouvertement declares
pour lui, et sont au contraire fort meconlents de Milord Rochester, qu'ils
croyenttrop zele pour la religion- Protestante, et oppose a tout ce qui est des
avantages de la religion Catholique. Cela cause une grande division dans la
Cour;et quoiqu'il y ait eu des ^claircissements, etjdes racommodements entre ces
deux ministres, on voit bien cependantque leur conduite et leurs inter^ts sont
fort differents. Leurs amis se partagent. Le Roy d'Angleterre voit toutcela et
saifcequi se passe. Use ?ert du Grand Tresorier dans la direction de finances ;
mais il ne lui laisse pas le pouvoir de disposer d'aucune somme conside-
rable, et veut lui-mfeme entrer dans le detail, ce qui rend 1'autorite et le credit
de Milord Rochester bien moindre. C'est de Milord Sunderland que je sais
ce qui s'est passe sur le renouvellement du traite avec 1'Ambassadeur d'Es-
pagne ; il m'a fort assure que le Roy d'Angleterre n'avoit aucune envie pr-

exliv APPENDIX.

sentement de renouvcller ce traite, et queje serois avert! aussitot qu'il y ver-
roit la rooindre disposition.

Milord Sunderhmd m'a confie depuis pen des chose* fort secrettes qui Ic
regai'dent ; il m'a dit qne le Roy d'Angletcrre apromis positivcment de le faire
President du Conseil, apresl'assemblee du Parlcmcnt. Cctte dignite, ajoiitee
a lafonction de Secretaire d'Etat, relevera encore beaucoup, 1'opinion de son
credit. Sa Majeste Britarmiquea ete determinee a lui promettre cette charge
par un Jesuice notnme le Pere Piters, que a beaucoup de part dans sa con-
fiance; c'est un homnie de condition, et frere du feu Milord Piters; il lui a
represente fortement cotnbien il importoit d'accrediter et de recompenser un
ministrequi le sert plus fidelement et plus courageusemcnt que lesautres. Le
Chancclier, qui est fort uni avec M ilord Sunderland, et qui tient la meme con-
duite, a veil presse le Roy d'Angleterre de lui donner cette place de President
du Conseil. Lorsque Milord Halifax a ete chasse, il n'avoit pu en veiiir a.
bout, parce que sa Majeste Brilannique avoit declare a beatrcoup clegens, qne
cette charge ne seroit donnee a. personne.

Milord Sunderland m'a dit une autre chose de grande importance, et qui,
sielle est vraie, et que le Roy d'Angleterre la sache, diminuera fort le credit
de Milord Rochester, c'est que lorsque M. de Sidney est alle en Hollandc,
Milord Rochester le pria de le voir le dernier, et un moment seulement avant
que de s'embarquer avec Bentem ; dans cette entrevue, Milord Rochester dit
a M. Sidney, qu'il avoit un conseil a donner a M. le Prince d'Orange, qui
etoit de venir en Angleterre, a quelque prix que ce fut, et meme malgre le Roy
d'Angleterre, et que c'e toil le seul et unique moyen de redresser les affaires,
qui prenoient tin mauvais chemin, auquel il seroit impossible dans la suite de
remedier. M. de Sidney s'est acquitte de sa commission, et dit que M. le
Prince d'Orange, a ete ebranle, mais qu'il n'a ose hazarder de viuer. II en a
parle a Bentem, a qui M. de Sidney n'en avoit rien dit, et qui auroit ete assez
d'avis queM.le Prince d'Orange passat en Angleterre. Je vous bien que le
motif deM. de Sunderland, en me disant unechose siimportante a etedein'oter
toute sorte de confiance al'egard de Milord Rochester, et de me le faire
regarder comme un homme entierement oppose aux interets de V. M. et
attache a ceux du Prince d'Orange. J'ai peine a. croire que ce fait soitin-

APPENDIX. cxlv

vent6 j je saisbien que Milord Sunderland peut\par M. Sidney, conserver des
liaisons avec le Prince d'Orange, qui pourroieut eclater en d'aut res temps;
mah en attendant, il tient une conduite entierement favorable aux Catho-
liques, etquieloigne le Roy son maitredetout autre attacheinent qu'aux interets
de V. M. -

Les ordres que V. M. m'a donnes depuis quelques temps, sont d'eviter avec
soin d'cntrer dans aucun traite qui la puisse engager de fournirdes subsides au
Roy d'Angleterre ; cependant, V. M. desire, en ineme temps, que ce Prince
ne prenne aucune liaison nouvelle avec Ics autres Puissances de 1'Europe, a
quoi je me suis applique, et m'applique comme je le dois. Milord Sunderland
peut etre en cela d'un grand sccours, etil me 1'a ete enm'avertissant de ce qui
se passe ; mais son zele et son attacheinent pourles interns de V. M. peuvent
se refroidir, principalernent si sa faveur augmente. Je crois qu'il seroit du
service de V. M. d'achever de le mettre dans ses interths par une gratification
qui 1'engageroit entierement. Je suis persuade qu'il ne s'eloignera pas de
recevoir des marques de la bienveillancede V. M. : il croitles avoir meritees,
et temoigne les vouloir meriter a 1'avenir. Le poste ou est Milord Sunderland,
etl'apparence qu'il sera encore plus en credit, font que si V. M. juge a-propes
de 1'engager tout-a fait, on ne doit pas lui faire une gratification mediocre ; et
il vaudroit mieux ne lui rien donner, que de lui ofi'rir moins de six mille pieces,
et faire entendre, en mfcme temps, que cette gratification continuera tous les
ans. V. M.sera toujourscn pouvoir de jugersi elle devra etre continuee.. Je
ne pensti pas qu'il puisse y avoir de depcnse mieux employee en ce pays ici que
celle-la, surtout dans le dessein qu'aV. M. de ne point donner de subside au
Roy d'Angleterre, et de rempecher pourtant d'entrer dans d'autres liaisons.
II y a longtemps que j'hesite a faire cette proposition a V. M. ;je com-
prens que je prends assez mal inon temps presentement qu'il paroit que
V. M. penche plutota menager lesmembres du Parlement les plus accredites ;
maisje me crois oblige pourle bien du service de V. M. de proposer ceqni me
paroit de plus avantageux et de plus solide. II peut etre que 1'on ne retrouvera
pas 1'occasion si favorable, si on la laisse echapper. C'est a V. M. a juger com-
bien il lui importe que 1'Angleterre n'entre pas dans d'autres inter^ts et dans
d'autres mesures. V. M. a bien reconnu que la cessation des payementsa pro-

luit lerenouvellenaent du traite avec les Etats Generaux : V. M. sail si ie re-

cxlvi APPENDIX.

iiouvellement de ce trait n'a pas etc nuisible a ses interets, et quels avantages
en ont tires les ennemis de sa grandeur, et entre autres, M. le Prince d'Orange,
qui en ont au moins conu de grandes esperances pour 1'avenir. Je me gar-
derai bien de me jamais avancer a rien dire ou faire par mon propre sens,
et je me tiendrai seulement en e"tat d'executer a la lettre les ordres de V. M.

LaChambre des Communes a commence ce matin par la lecture de 1'Adresse
qui doit Stre presentee a sa Majeste" Britannique. On m'a assure qu'elle est
con$ue en des termea extr&inements forts et positifs contre les omciers Catho-
liques. On a mis ensuite en deliberation, de prier la Chambre Haute de se join-
dre sur cette Adresse S. la Chambre des Communes ; la proposition a ete re-
jetee,"et le parti de la Cour a prevalu. On a delibere sur le subside, et, apres
beaucoup de contestation, on est demeure d'accord de donner sept cent millc
livres sterling une fois payes. Le Roy d'Angleterre en pretendoit quatorze cent;
mais cependant jecroisqu'il ne sera pas mal content, pourvu que le fondsde
cette somme soit bien etabli, et que la Chambre Basse n'insiste pas sur 1'Adresse
qu'elle doit presenter comme sur une condition prealable ; c'est ce qui est en-
core incertain ; il faut attendre pour voir s'il n'arrivera point quelque incident
qui emp&che 1'effet de la resolution qui a ete prise. Si 1'affaire de 1'argent se
peut separer entierement des autres choses qui sont agiiees, le Roy d'Angle-
terre aura son compte, et pourra se passer de Parlement, au moins pendant
quelque temps. Milord Sunderland vient de me dire qu'il ne croit pas que le
Roy et le Parlement puissent convenir, parce que chacun de son cote
veut des choses entierement opposees.

Je suis &C.

M. Barillon au Roy.

30 Novembre, 1685, tiLondres.

JLJE Parlement a e"te prorog6 ee matin jusques au 20 Fevrier. Le Roy d'An-
gleterre a bien reconnu, par ce qui se passa hier dans la Chambre, que le
parti des factieux augmentoit se fortifioit tous les jours, et qu'il y avoit beau-

APPENDIX. cxlvii

coup d'inconve'nients de les laisser plus longtetnps ensemble. J'apprends que
la surprise a 6te grande, et qu'on ne s'attendoit pas que le Parlement dut tre
separe avant que 1'acte pour le subside fut passe. La prorogation rend nul
tout ce qui a ete propose et commence sans 6tre acheve. Ainsi la concession
d'un subside tombe entierement comme non avenue. II n'y a pas d'apparence
que la prorogation du Parlement produise d'autre effet que celui d'augmenter
]e mecomentement des gens qui sont deja aigris. Ceci apporte un grand
changement dans les affaires d'Angleterre. Je serai applique, comme je le
dois, a. en rendre un compte exact a V. M. pour pouvoir recevoir ses ordres
sur la conduite que j'aurai a tenir.

Je suis, Sec.

Le Roy a M. Barillon.

a Versailles, Ie6 Decembre, 1685.
/

JV1 . BARiLLONJ'ai regu depuis trois jours, tan t par le retour du courier que
je vous avez depeche, que par la voi'e ordinaire, cinq de vos lettres des 22,
25, 26, 29, et 30 Novcmbre, avec les remontrances faites par les deux
Chambres du Parlement d'Angleterre au Roy leur maitre, les reponses de ce
Prince, et le journal de ce qui s'est passe dans les dernieres seances jusqu'a

la prorogation. .

II y a bien de 1'apparence que la mortification que le dit Roy vient de
donner a cette Assemblee rendra ceux qui la composent plus soumis a ses
volontes, et qu'il obtiendra plus facilement a leur retour ce que le chagrin
de quelques particuliers avoit pu rendre douteux dans cette conjoncture.
Quoiqu'il en soit, sa fermete a maintenir les officiers Catholiques, et a ne
pas souffrir que la religion dont il fait profession demeure plus longtemps ex-
posee aux loix penales, ne peut produire que de bons effets pour sa reputa-
tion, et pour la surete de son gouvernement.

Je m'assure cependant qu'il ne s'empressera pas de renouveller une alliance

cxlviii APPENDIX.

avec 1'Espagne, et que le peu de secours qu'il pouvoit tirer de cette couronne,
I'emp^chera de faire aucuae demarche qui puisse rompre les liaisons d'amitie
et de boiine intelligence qu'il y a entre inoi et lui. Puisque vous jugez que
le ministre dont vous m'avez ecrit, peut beaucoup contribuer a i'entretemr,
je veux bien que vous I'y obligiez encore plus etroitemem par une gratification
qui ie puisse contenter, et 1'attarher fortement a mes intents. Je consens
pour cet effetque vous la puissiez porter jusqu'ti 20, et meme 25 mille ecus,
et je continuerai a lui faire payer la ni^me somine d'annee a d'autre, tant
qu'il contribuera, en tout ce qui depend de lui, au maintien d'une bonne
correspondence entre moi et le Roy son maltre, et a eloigner tout engagemen-t
quipourroit Ctre contraire a mes interets. Je laisse a votre p;udence de faire
les premiers payementsde cette somme, lorsque vous le jugerez necessaire
pour le bien de inon service.

L'eclaireissement que vous me donnez de 1'emploi des deniers qui ont
passe par vos mains, me fait croire que vous n'avez effectivement paye que
la somme de cent mille livres au-dela de mes ordres, et comme je suis bien per-
suade que vous ne 1'avez fait que parce que vous 1'avez cru necessaire pour
le bien de mon service, il ne m'en reste aucun sujet de mecontentement.

APPENDIX. cxlix

II. CORRESPONDENCE between ^EARL O/SUNDERLAND and the
BISHOP of OXFORD, respecting MR. LOCKE. See p. 57, et seq.

[In the hands of the late Anthony Collins, Esq.]

From Birch's Papers in the British Museum Copies in Birch's hand-writing.
t ' i ::'. i- ';' I i--./ ;*.' ...;;-;

To the Lord Bishop of Oxford.
MY LORD, Whitehall, November 6, 1684.

1 HE King being given to understand that one Mr. Locke, who belonged to
the late Earl of Shaftesbury, and has, upon several occasions, behaved himself
very,t'actiously and undutifully to the Government, is a student of Christ-
church ; his Majesty commands me to signify to your Lordship, that he would
have him removed from being a student, and that in ordei thereunto, your
Lordship would let me know the method of doing it.

1 am, my Lord, &c.

SUNDERLAND.

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland, Principal
Secretary of State.

RIGHT HON. Novembers, 1684.

I HAVE received the honour of your Lordship's letter, wherein you are pleased
to enquire concerning Mr. Locke's being a student of this House, of which I

cl APPENDIX. *

have this account to render ; that he being, as your Lordship is truly informed}
a person who was much trusted by the late Earl of Shaftesbury, and who is
suspected to be ill affected to the Government, I have for divers years had an
eye upon him, but so close has his guard been on himself, that after several
strict enquiries, I may confidently affirm, there is not any one in the College,
however familiar with him, who had heard him speak a word either against, or
so much as concerning, the Government. And although very frequently, both
in publick and private, discourses have purposely been introduced, to the dis-
paragement of his master, the Earl of Shaftesbury, his party, and designs, he
could never be provoked to take any notice, or discover in word or look, the
least concern ; so that I believe there is not in the world such a master of ta-
citurnity and passion. He has here a physician's place, which frees him from.
the exercises of the college, and the obligation which others have to residence
in it, and he is now abroad upon want of health ; but notwithstanding that, I
have summoned him to return home, which is done with this prospect, that if
he comes not back, he will be liable to expulsion for contumacy, and if he does
he will be answerable to your Lordship for whathe shall be found to have done
amiss ; it being probable, that though he may have been thus cautious here,
where he kisvw himself to be suspected, he has laid himself more open in Lon-
don, where a general liberty of speaking was used, and where the execrable
designs against his Majesty, and his Government, were managed and pursued.
If he does not return by the first day of January next, which is the time limit-
ted to him, I shall be enabled of course to proceed against him to expulsion.
But if this method seem not effectual, or speedy enough, and his Majesty, our
founder and visitor, shall please to command his immediate remove, upon the
receipt thereof, directed to the Dean and Chapter, it shall accordingly be exe-
cuted by,

My Lord,

Your Lordship's most humble and obedient servant,

J. OXON.

.K.OJi

APPENDIX. c]i

To the Bishop of Oxon.
MY LORD, Whitehall, November 10, 1684.

.HAVING communicated your Lordship's of the 8lh to his Majesty, he has
thought fit to direct me to send you the enclosed, concerning his commandg
for the immediate expulsion of Mr. Locke.

SUNDERLAND.

To the Right Reverend Father in God, John Lord Bishop of Oxon, Dean of
Christ-church, and to our trusty and well-beloved, the Chapter there.

Right Rev. Father in God, and trusty and well beloved, We greet you well.
Whereas we have received information of the factious and disloyal behaviour
of Locke, one of the students of that our College, We have thought fit hereby
to signify our will and pleasure to you, that you forthwith remove him from his
student's place, and deprive him of all the rights and advantages thereunto be
longing, for which this shall be your warrant ; and so we bid you heartily fare-
well. Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 1 1th day of November, 1634.

By his Majesty's command,

SUNDERLAND

To the Right Honourable the Earl of Sunderland, Principal

Secretary of State.

RIGHT HON. November 16, 1684.

I HOLD myself bound in duty to signify to your Lordship, that his Majesty's
commands for the expulsion of Mr. Locke from this College, is fully executed.

J. OXON.

clii APPENDIX.

To the Bishop of Oxon,

i r I ' i "

MY LORD,

. . ' .' !" *'<M'-. .;;/.; "i i ;;.'/ i. ' K.!tff!'rUf*'5 {'.'..

1 HAVE your Lordship's of the l6th, and have acquainted his Majesty there-
with, who is well satisfied with the College's ready obedience to his commands
for the expulsion of Mr. Locke.

SUNDERLAND-

III. The BILL for the PRESERVATION of the KING'S Person.

See p. 154.

A Bill for the Preservation of the Person and Government of his Gracious
Majestic King James the Second.

WHEREAS impudent, scandalous, and seditious Speeches and Pamfletts have
oft, (by sad Experience,) produced Insurrection and Rebellion within this
Kingdom, and great contempt of the sacred Person of the King and the best
of Governm ts . both in Church and State, nowestablish't in this Realm ; which
audacious Mischief, seldom heard of in other Kingdoms, is now more fre-
quently practised in this Kingdom than formerly. An horrid Effect whereof
appeared very lately in the barbarous Assassination and hellish Plott, clesign'd
upon and against our late merciful and blessed Soveraine, King Charles the
Second, and his dearest Brother and undoubted Successor, our most Gracious
Soveraigne, King James the Second, (whom God long preserve) ; And whereas
it is still plain, that the same or the like damnable Plotts are yet design'd and
carrying on by the same means and by Persons of the same mallicious and

APPENDIX. cliii

irreconcilable Spirrit against the happy Peace and Settlement of these three
Kingdoms : WE THEREFORE, the Lords and Commons, in Parliament as-
sembled, having duly considered the Premises; and remembring that in the
thirteenth Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, (of ever blessed Memory,) a
right good and profitable Law was made for the Preservacon of her Majt'-
Person, and that in the thirteenth Year of the Reigne of King Charles the
Second, (of happy and glorious Memory,) another right good and profitable
Law, was made for the Safety of his Majestie's Person and Government, against
treasonable and seditious Practices and Attempts, Doe most humbly beseech
Yo r . most Excellent Majestic that it may be enacted, and be ii enacted by the
King's most excellent Majestie, by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Lords Spiritual! and Temporall and Commons in this pesent Parliament as-
sembled, and by the Authority of the same, that if any Person or Persons
whatsoever, after the first day of July, in the Year of our Lord one thousand
six hundred and eighty-five, during the naturall Life of our Most Gracious
Sovraigne Lord the King, (whom Almighty God preserve and bless with a
long and prosperous Reign,) shall, within the Realm, or without, compass,
imagine, invent, devise, or intend Death, or Destruction, or any bodily Harme
tending to the Death or Destruction, maim, or wounding Imprisonmente, or
Restraint of the Person of the same our Soveraigne Lord the King, or to de-
prive or depose him from the Stile, Honour and Kingly Name of the Impe-
riall Crowne of this Realm, or of any other his Maj ties . Dominions or Coun-
tries ; or to levy Warr against his Majestie within his Realme, or without : or
move or stirr any Forreigner or Strangers with Force to invade this Realm, or
any other his Majesties Dominions or Countries being under his Majesties
Obeysance : And such Compassings, Imaginacons, Inventions, Devices, or
Intentions, or any of them, shall express, utter or declare, by any Printing,
Writing, Preaching, or malicious and advised Speaking, being legally con-
victed thereof, upon the Oaths of two lawful and credible Witnesses, upon
Tryal, or otherwise convicted or attainted by due Course of Law, then every
such Person or Persons, so as aforesaid offending, shall be deemed, and de-
clared, and adjudged to be a Traitor orTraytors, and shall suffer Pains of Death,
and also lose and forfeit as in Cases of High Treason.

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person or

cliv APPENDIX.

Persons at any Time, after the first Day of July aforesaid, shall by any Print-
ing, Writing, Preaching, or other malicious or advised Speaking, declare or
assert that James late Duke of Monmouth is the legitimate Sonn of our late
Blessed Soveraigne King Charles the Second, or that the said James hath a
Tytle or good Claime to the Imperial Crowne of this Realm, or of any other
his Maj 1 " 65 . Dominions and Countries; that then every such Person or Persons
so offending, and upon the Oaths of two lawful and credible Witnesses, upon
Tryal, or otherwise convicted or attainted by due course in Law ; then every
such Person or Persons shall bee deemed declared and adjudged to be a Traytor
or Traytors, and shall suffer Pains of Death, and also lose a Forfeit as in Case
of High Treason.

And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that if any Person or
Persons at any time after the first Day of July, in the Yeare of our Lord one
thousand six hundred and eighty-five, during his Maj'"^. Life shall maliciously
and advisedly, by Writing, Printing, Preaching, or other Speaking, express,
publish, utter, or declare any Words, Sentences, or other Thing or Things, to
incite or stir up the People to Hatred or Dislike of the Person of his Maj tie
or the establish'! Government, then every such Person and Persons being thereof
legally convicted, shall be disabled to have or enjoy, and is hereby disabled
and made incnpable of having, holding, enjoying, or exercising any Place,
Office, or Promotion, ecclesiastical, civil, or military, or any other Employment
in Church and State, and shall likewise be liable to such further and other Pu-
nishments as by the Common Lawe and Statutes of this Realm may be inflicted
in such cases.

Provided always, and be it declared, that the asserting and maintaining by any
Wriiing, Printing, Preaching, or any other Speaking, the Doctrine, Disci-
pline, Divine Worship or Governm 1 . of the Church of England, as it is now by
law established, against Popery, or any other different or dissenting Opinions,
is not intended and shall not be interpreted or construed to be any offence
wihin ye Words or Meaning of this Act.

Provider! always, that no Person be prosecuted upon this Act, for any of the
Offences in this Act mentioned, unlcssc the Information thereof be given upon

APPENDIX. civ

Oath, before some Justice of the Peace, and taken in Writing within forty-
eight Houres after the Words soe spoken, or the Fact discovered, and unless it
be by Order of the King's Majestic, his Heirs or Successors, under his or their
Sign Manuel ; or by Order of the Councell Table of his Majestie, his Heirs or
Successors, directed unto the Attorney General for the time being, or some
other of the Councell learned to his Majestie, his Heirs or Successors, for the
Time being, nor shall any Person or Persons by vertue of this present Act, ia-
curr any of the Penalties herein before menc~oned ; unless He or They be
prosecuted within six Months next after the Offence committed, and indicted
thereupon within three Months after such Prosecution, any thing herein con-
teyned to the Contrary notwithstanding.

Provided always, and be it enacted, that no Person or Persons shall be in-
dicted, arraigned, or condemned, convicted or attainted for any of the Treasons
or Offences aforesaid, unless the same Offender or Offenders be thereof accus-
ed by the Testimony and Deposition of two lawful and credible Witnesses,
upon Oath, which Witnesses, at the Time of the said Offender or Offenders
Arraignment, shall be brought in Person before him or them, Face to Face,
and shall openly avow and maintain upon Oath what they have to say against
him or them concerning the Treason or Offences conteyned in the said Indict-
ment, unless the Party or Parties arraigned shall willingly without violence
confess the same.

Provided always, and be it enacted, that this Act, or any thing therein con-
teyned, shall not extend to deprive either of the Houses of Parliament, or any
of their Members, of their just ancient Freedom and Priviledge of debating
any Matters-or Business which shall be propounded or debated in either of the
said Houses, or at any Conferrences or Committees of both, or either of the
said Houses of Parliament, or touching the Repeal or Alteracbn of any old,
or preparing any new Laws, or the redressing of any public Grievance. But
that the said Members of either of the said Houses and the Assisjants of the
House of Peers and every of them shall have the same Freedom of Speech, and
all other Priviledges whatsoever, as they had before the making of this Act:
any Thing in this Act to the Contrary thereof in any wise notwithstandiag;

clvi APPENDIX.

Provided alwayes, and bee it further enacted, that if any Peer of th
Realme, or Member of the House of Commons shall move or propose in either
House of Parliam', the Disherision of the rightfull and true Heir of the
\Drown, or to alter or Change the Descent or Succession of the Crown in the
right Line; such Offence shall be deemed and adjudged High Treason, and
every Person being indicted and convicted of such Treason, shall be proceeded
against, and shall suffer and forfeite, as in other Cases of High Treason
menc~oned in this Act.

Provided always, and be it ordamed and enacted, that no Peer of this Realm
shall be trycd for any Offence against this Act but by his Peers : and if his
Majestic shall grant his Pardon to any Peer of this Realm or Commoner
convicted of any Offence against this Act after such Pardon granted, the Peer
or Commoner so pardoned shall be restored to all intents and Purposes, as if
he had never been convicted : any tiling in this Law to the contrary in any
wise notwithstanding.

IV. AcCOlint 0/RUMBOLD,y>0J

MS. Memoirs. See p. 232.

v/OLONEt Richard Rumbold, another Englishman, was also taken at Lesma-
hago, by Hamilton of Raploch and his militia-men. He was flying into Eng-
land, being conducted by one Turnbull, a man of Polwart, (for Polwart had
secured himself by flight sooner than the rest had done.) He was bold, an-
swerable to his name, and killed one, and wounded two, in the taking, and if
one had not been some wiser than the rest, by causing shoot his horse under
him, he might have escaped them all; however, he undervalued much our Scots
soldiers, as wanting both courage and skill. What had unfortunately engaged
him in this enterprise was, that he had been from his infancy bred up in the re-
publican and antimonarchic principles; and he owned he had been fighting
against these idols of monarchy and prelacy, since he was nineteen years of

APPENDIX.

age ; (for he was now past sixty- three,) and was a lieutenant in Oliver Crom-
well's army, and at Dundee, and sundry of the Scots battles; and by the dis-
covery of the English fanatick plot in 1683, it was proved and deponed against
him, that this Rumbold had undertaken to kill theJate King in April 1683, as
he should return from Newmarket to London, at his own house, at the Rye in
Hogsdown, in the county of Hertford, where he had married a maltster's re-
lict, and so was designed the Malster ; and intended to have a cart overturned
in that narrow place, to facilitate their assassination. But God disappointed
them, by sending the accidental fire at Newmarket, which forced the King to
return a week sooner to London than he designed : see all this in the King's
printed declaration. But Rumbold absolutely denied any knowledge of that de-
signed murder ; though on the breaking out of that plot he fled with others to
Holland, and there made acquaintance with Argyle.

FOUNTAINHALL'S Decisions, Vol. I. p. 365.

On the 28th (June, 1685,) the said Richard Rumbold, malster, was brought
tp his trial. His indictment bore, that he had designed to kill the late King, at
the Rye or Hogsdown, in his return from Newmarket to London, in April,
1683. But in regard he positively denied the truth of this, (though sundry had
sworn it against him in England,) the King's advocate passed from that part,
lest it should have disparaged or impaired the credit of the said English plot ;
therefore he insisted singly on the point, that he had associated himself with
the late Argyle, a forfeited traitor, and invaded Scotland, 8cc. All this he con-
fessed and signed ; and being interrogated if he was one of the masked exe-
cutioners on King Charles the First's scaffold, he declared he was not, but
that he was one of Oliver Cromwell's regiment then, and was on horseback at
Whitehall that day, as one of the guard about the scaffold ; and that he was at
Dunbar, Worcester, and Dundee, a lieutenant in Cromwell's army. He said
that James Stewart, advocate, told them Argyle would ruin all their affair, by
lingering in the Isles and Highlands, and not presently marching into the in-
land country; wherein he had proved a true prophet, but might see it without
a spirit of divination. And being asked if he owned the present King's au-
thority, he craved leave to be excused, seeing he needed neither ofteud them,

elviii APPENDIX.

nor grate his own conscience, for they had enough whereon to take his life
beside. He was certainly a man of much natural courage. His rooted ingrain-
ed opinion was, for a republick against monarchy, to pull which down, he
thought a duty, and no sin. And on the scaffold he began to pray for that
party which he had been owning, and to keep the three metropolitan cities of
the three kingdoms right ; and if every hair of his head were a man, he would
venture theai all in that cause. But the drums were then commanded to beat,
otherwise he carried discreetly enough, and heard the ministers, but took none
of them to the scaffold with him.

Printed:by William Savage,
Bedford Bury , London.

TRANSLATION

OF THE

FRENCH LETTERS

^ THE APPENDIX

T O

MR. FOX'S HISTORY

OF THE EARLY PART OF THE REIGN OF

JAMES THE SECOND.

LONDON:

PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM MILLER, ALBEMARLE - STREET.

1S08.

S. Gs.K'!t, Printer, Little Queen Street.

TRANSLATION,

M. de BAIULLON to the KINO. [Page vii.*]

London, December 7, J684.

1 HAVE received Your Majesty's dispatch of the Jst of December,
and have begun to execute Your Majesty's orders to me respecting the
Marquis of Halifax. A circumstance took place here a short time since,
which has already afforded an occasion to the Duke of York and the
other Ministers, to endeavour, with some hopes of success, to bring
him into complete discredit.

The King has conferred the government of New England on Colonel
Kirk, who was formerly Governor of Tangiers. Before this, there was
a Company, established by letters patent of King James, who governed
the countries comprehended under the jurisdiction of New England, with
an authority almost sovereign and independent. The privileges of this
Company have been abrogated, and His Britannic Majesty has resumed
the power of giving a new form to the government, and of establishing
new laws, under which the inhabitants of these countries must in future
live. This gave rise to a debate in the Privy Council. The question
was thoroughly discussed, whether the samejurisdiction as that of England
should be there introduced, or whether the inhabitants of those countries
should be subjected to the orders of a Governor and Council, in whose

* These number* refer to the pages of the original.
*B

2 APPENDIX.

hands the supreme authority should be vested, without being obliged to
observe any rules but such as might be prescribed to them from the
mother-country. The Marquis of Halifax took upon him to contend
with great warmth, that there could be no doubt whatever but that th&
same laws which are in force in England, should be also established in a
ountry inhabited by Englishmen. On this he enlarged very much, and
omitted no argument by which it could be proved, that an absolute govern-
ment is neither so happy nor so safe, as that which is tempered by laws,
and which sets bounds to the authority of the prince. He exaggerated
the inconveniences of a sovereign power, and plainly declared that he
could not make up his mind to live under a king who should have it in
his power to take, whenever he thought proper, the money he had in
his pocket. This speech was strongly opposed by all the other Mi-
nisters ; and without entering into the question, whether this or that
form of government be the most preferable, they insisted that His Bri-
tannic Majesty might, and ought to govern countries so distant from
England in that manner which should seem to him the fittest to maintain
the country in its present situation, and to augment also its strength and
riches. For this reason, it was determined not to subject the Governor
and Council to convoke general assemblies of the people, for the pur-
pose of laying on taxes, and regulating other matters of importance ;
but that they should act as they might judge most proper, without
being accountable to any one but His Britannic Majesty. This affair
is not, perhaps, in itself of great importance ; but the Duke of York
makes use of it for the purpose of shewing to the King of England
the inconsistency and danger of admitting to his secret councils a man
so much opposed to the interests of monarchy as the Marquis of Halifax.
The Duchess of Portsmouth has the same object in view, and Lord
Sunderland seems to wish for nothing more ardently. They alt hope to
succeed in a short time,

The Duke of York has told me in confidence, that the King his
brother has determined to send him, in the spring, into Scotland for
three weeks, to hold a Parliament there, without which, the estates
of those persons who have been declared rebels cannot be confis-
cated : that this will be about the time the Court will reside at

APPENDIX. 3

Newmarket ; that he thought it proper to give me early notice of it,
well knowing that his enemies will endeavour to throw on this journey
an appearance of disgrace, though, in reality, it is a new testimony of
the confidence and friendship of the King his brother towards him.

The Marquis of Huntley, the head of the house of Gordon, has
been created a Duke, as also the Marquis of Queensbury ; the latter
is of the house of Douglas, and High Treasurer of Scotland. It is
not a matter of slight importance that the Marquis of Huntley, who
is a Catholic, is created a Duke.

The KING to M. BARILLOIC. [Page ix.]

Versailles, Dec. 13th, l684.

THE reasonings of Lord Halifax upon the mode of governing New
England ill entitle him to the confidence which the King reposes in
him ; and I am not surprised to learn that the Duke of York has par-
ticularly directed the attention of the King his brother to their conse-
quences. I have reason also to think, that what this Prince shall do
in Scotland will not be productive of any change in the present state
of affairs in England ; and lam very glad to learn that this is rather
a mark of the confidence of the King his brother, than any design to
remove him from his councils.

M. de BARILLON to the KING.

London, Dec. 15th, l684.

THE King of England seems to me to be as ill satisfied as ever with
the conduct of the Prince of Orange. M. Zitters has presented him
with a letter from the Prince, in which he assures him, in general terms,
that he considers himself particularly unfortunate in having lost his good
opinion, knowing well, that he has done nothing which ought to have

B 2

A APPENDIX.

displeased him. To this M. Zitters added, that the Prince of Orange
was much afflicted that his enemies had had credit sufficient to prejudice
him in the mind of His Britannic Majesty, whilst he could not
reproach himself with having done any thing which he knew to be in
opposition to his wishes or intentions. The King of England has
acquainted me, that his answer to M. Zitters was, that the Prince of
Orange trifled with him as well as with M. Zitters, in instructing him
to say things for which he knew there was no foundation ; that the
Prince of Orange had no enemies in his Court, who had made them-
selves instrumental in injuring him ; but that he had himself done every
thing he could for that purpose ; having conducted himself in a manner
very opposite to what he ought to have done, as well in regard to general
affairs, as in the case of the Duke of Monmouth, and the other dis-
affected persons.

M. Zitters endeavoured to excuse the part the Prince of Orange
has taken in regard to the Duke of Monmouth ; but to this His Britan-
nic Majesty would not listen ; and told him that the Prince was more
skilful than any other person, since he knew so well how to protect a
man whose designs could only tend to the establishment of a republic
in England, or to support chimerical pretensions, and which cannot
succeed but in the ruin of the Prince of Orange himself.

As far as I can judge, it was the King of England's wish to cut still
shorter the conversation with M. Zitters, but this is repugnant to his
disposition. The Duke of York expressed himself to M. Zitters in
very decisive terms, and did not allow him any opportunity to defend the
conduct of the Prince of Orange. M. Zitters informed Lord Sunder-
land that the Prince wished to do every thing in his power, to regain
the good opinion of the King of England, and the Duke of York,
and that it was only necessary to intimate to him what ought to be
done for this purpose. Lord Sunderland replied, that it was not
from hence he was to look for instructions ; and that he knew well
enough what part of his conduct had given offence to the King of Eng-
land to enable him to adopt a change in it if he was desirous to do so.

I have learned from the Duke of York, that in conferring on this
business with the King of England and his most confidential ministers,

APPENDIX. '6

Lord Sunderland said, it belonged to the dignity and interest of
His Britannic Majesty to let the Prince of Orange adopt of himself
such a Hue of conduct as he shall think most proper, without prescribing
any thing to him, or even testifying that any thing is expected from
him ; that after having for three years done all that lay in his power
against the interests and views of the King of England, he must not
imagine that lie can make reparation for what he has done, by bare
compliments ; that it cannot at present be prescribed in what way he
should give a proof of his good will, and zeal ; that a long time may
perhnps be necessary, before an opportunity presents itself; and that
all tli.v. can be hoped for is, that the King of England wishes rather
to C(,ii ider what will be his future conduct ; that, however, the con-
ferences with M. Zitters on such a business cannot be too few, or too
decisive.

This advice has met with His Majesty's approbation ; and it has been
resolved that M. Zitters only shall not be listened to, if he should again
wish to renew the subject.

There has been much talk here for these two days of the insurrection
which happened at Brussels, and of the way in which it was appeased
by the Marquis of Grave, namely, in giving in to the demands of the
people. The King of England speaks of it as being an example replete
with the most pernicious consequences, and which will infallibly induce
the other towns of the Low Countries to adopt similar measures, seeing
that of Brussels has not only escaped with impunity, but has been also
rewarded.

Dispatch from M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page xi.]

THE letter which I have the honour this day to address to Your Ma-
jesty, is solely to transmit to Your Majesty an exact account of the most
important events which took place at the death of the late King of
England. His illness, which began on the morning of Monday the
12th of February, took different turns during the following days;

APPENDIX.

sometimes he was thought to be out of danger, but afterwards some cir-
cumstance happened, which gave reason to believe his disorder was mortal ;
when at length, about noon on Thursday the 15th of February, I was in-
formed from a good quarter, that there was no longer any hope ; and
that his physicians did not think he could survive the nighh I imme-
diately after went to Whitehall : the Duke of York had given orders to
. the officers who kept the door of the antechamber, to allow me to pass
at all hours ; he remained constantly in the King's chamber, except
when he came thence to give orders respecting what was passing in the
town. The report was several times spread during the day, that the
King was dead. As soon as I arrived, the Duke of York said to me,
" The physicians think the King is in the greatest danger; 1 beg you
" will assure your master that in me he will always find a faithful, and a
" grateful servant." I remained in the King of England's antechamber
till five o'clock ; the Duke of .York invited me several times into the
room, and conversed with me about what was passing without-doors,
and of the assurances he had received from all quarters, that every thing
was very quiet in the town, and that he would be proclaimed King the
instant his brother should expire. I retired for some time to the
apartments of the Duchess of Portsmouth ; I found her overwhelmed
with grief, the physicians having deprived her of all hopes. Never-
theless, instead of speaking to me of her sorrow, and of the loss she
was about to sustain, she led me into a closet, and said to me ; " Mon-
" sieur Ambassador, I am going to tell you one of the greatest secrets
" in the world, and if it were known, would deprive me of my head.
" At the bottom of his heart, the King of England is a Catholic ;
" but he is surrounded with Protestant Bishops, and nobody informs him
" of his situation, or speaks to him of God. I cannot with decency
" again enter his room ; besides, the Queen is almost always there.
" The Duke of York is busied with his affairs, and these are too
" important to allow him to take that care which he ought about the con-
" science of the King. Go and tell him, I have conjured you to advise
" him to think on what can be done to save the King's soul : he is
et master of the King's room, and can cause to withdraw whoever he

APPENDIX. 7

" pleases. Lose no time, for if there be the least hesitation it will be
" too late."

I immediately returned to the Duke of York. I begged him to pretend
to go to the apartment of the Queen, who had quitted the King's room,
and whom they had just let blood, she having fainted ; the room eommu-
nicates with both the apartments ; I followed him to the Queen's, and
told him what the Duchess of Portsmouth had said to me. He seemed
as if he had awaked from a dream : " You are right," he said, " there
" is no time to lose. I will sooner hazard every thing than not do my
" duty on this occasion." He returned to me an hour after, under
pretence of again visiting the Queen, and told me he had spoken to the
King his brother, and that he found him determined not to receive the
sacrament, to which the Protestant bishops were pressing him ; that this
had very much surprised them ; but that some of them would always
remain in the King's room, unless he found a pretext to cause every body
to retire, in order that he might speak to the King his brother with
more freedom, and induce him to make a formal abjuration of heresy,
and to confess himself to a Catholic priest.

We thought of various expedients ; the Duke of York proposed that
I should ask to speak with the King his brother, as if to communicate
something in secret to him from Your Majesty, and that every body
should be ordered to withdraw. This I offered to do ; but I represented
to him, that, besides the noise such a proceeding would make, there
was no colourable pretext to justify my remaining in private with the
King of England and him alone, so long a time as was required for the
accomplishment of what we had to do. The Duke next thought of
bringing the Queen, as if to take a last farewell of the King, and to beg his
forgiveness if she had disobeyed him in any thing ; and that he should
perform the same ceremony. At last, the Duke of York determined to
speak to his brother before all that were present, but in such a way as no
one should understand what he said ; because this, would remove all sus-
picion, and it would be imagined that he was only consulting him about
state affairs, and what he wished should be done after his death ; there-
fore, without any more precaution, the Duke, after having forbid any one
to come nigh, stooped down to his brother's ear ; I was in the room,

8 APPENDIX.

_ \

and more than twenty persons at the door, which was open ; what the
Duke said was not heard ; but the King of England said aloud from
time to time " Yes, with all my lueart ." He made the Duke sometimes
repeat his words, because he did not hear very well ; this lasted about a
quarter of an hour ; the Duke of York then left the room, as if to go to
the Queen, and said to me, " The King has consented to my bringing
" him a priest ; I dare not bring any of the Duchess's, they are too well
" known ; send quickly and seek one." I told him, I would do it with
pleasure, but that I thought too much time would be lost, and that I had
just seen all the Queen's priests in a closet near to her chamber. He
replied, " You are rigfit." He perceived at the same instant the Count of
Castelmelhor, who warmly embraced the proposition I made him, and
took upon him to speak to the Queen. He returned in an instant ; and
said t me, " Though I were to endanger my head in this business, I
" would do it with pleasure ; but I know none of the Queen's priests
" who understands and speaks English." Upon this, we resolved to
send in search of an English priest to the Venetian Resident's ; but as
the time admitted no delay the Count of Castelmelhor went to the room
where the Queen's priests were, and there found among them a Scotch
priest, named Hudelston, the man who saved the King of England after
the battle of Worcester, and who had been excepted by act of parliament
in all the laws enacted against the Roman Catholics and the priests ;
they gave him a wig and cassock, to disguise him, and the Count of
Castelmelhor led him to the door of an apartment which communicated
by a small flight of steps with that of the King. The Duke of York,
whom I had informed that all was ready, sent Chaffinch to receive and con-
duct Mr. Hudelston : he next said aloud, " Gentlemen, it is the King's
" wish that every body should retire, except the Earls of Bath and
" Feversham." The former is First Lord of the Bed-chamber, and the
latter was this week in waiting : the physicians withdrew into a closet, the
door of which was shut ; when Chaffinch brought in Mr. Hudelston. In
presenting him, the Duke of York said, " Sire, here is a man who saved
<c your life, and who comes at this moment to save your soul." The
King replied, " He is welcome." He then confessed himself with
sentiments of great piety and repentance. The Count of CastelmeJhor

APPENDIX. $

had taken care to have Hudelston instructed by a Portuguese bare-footed
Carmelite what he was to say to the King on such an occasion, for of
himself he was a man of no great acquirements. But the Duke of York
told me he acquitted himself very well, and made the King formally
promise, in case of his recovering, to declare himself openly to be a Catho-
lic. The King next received absolution, the communion, and even the
extreme unction. All this lasted about three quarters of an hour. The
persons in the antechamber looked at one another, but nothing was ex-
pressed except in looks or whispers. The presence of the Earls of Bath
and Feversham, who are Protestants, has somewhat removed the appre-
hensions of the bishops; but, nevertheless, the Queen's women, and the
other priests, saw so much going and coming, that I do not imagine the
secret will be long kept.

After the King of England received the sacrament he had a short
respite of his illness. It is certain that he spoke more intelligibly, and
had more strength ; we had already begun to hope that God was
willing to work a miracle in curing him ; but it was the opinion of the
physicians that his malady was not diminished, and that lie could not
survive the night. However, he appeared much easier, and talked
with more feeling and understanding than he had yet done, from six o'clock
in the evening till eight o'clock the next morning He spoke several times
aloud to the Duke of York, in terms full of affection and friendship ; he
twice recommended to him the Duchess of Portsmouth, and the Duke of
Richmond ; as also all his other children. He made no mention of the
Duke of Monmouth, neither good nor bad. He often testified his confi-
dence in God's mercy. The Bishop of Bath and Wells, who was his
private chaplain, said some prayers, and spoke to him of God ; the King
moved his head to show he heard him. The Bishop was not over-
officious in telling him any thing particularly, nor in proposing to him to
make a confession of his faith : he was apprehensive of a refusal ; and
feared still more, as I think, to irritate the Duke of York.

The King of England retained his senses throughout the whole of the
night, and talked of several things with great oalmness ; at six o'clock he
asked what hour it was, and said, " Open the curtains, that I may onci
" more see the day." He suffered greatpain, and at seven o'clock was bled,

10 APPENDIX.

under an idea that it would alleviate his sufferings ; at half past eight
o'clock he spoke with great difficulty ; about ten was senseless ; and
calmly expired at noon, without any convulsions. The new King retired
to his chamber, was unanimously acknowledged, and afterwards pro-
claimed.

I have thought it my duty to send Your Majesty an exact account of
what passed on this occasion, and I esteem myself very happy, that God
has bestowed upon me the favour of having a part therein, lam, &c^

M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page xv.]

February ]& 1685.

BY a special messenger dispatched yesterday evening, the l6th, I
informed Your Majesty of the death of the King of England ; and that
the Duke of York had been acknowledged, and proclaimed King without
any disturbance or opposition. A quarter of an hour after the death of
the King his brother, the new King entered the council-chamber. The
Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, the Lord Privy Seal, and the two Secretaries
of State, resigned to him the seals, which he immediately returned to them,
saying, that the council should consist of the same persons who had before
composed it. They were all sworn anew ; and His Majesty next told
them in few words, that his sorrow for the loss of a brother, and a
King, for whom he had so great a respect and friendship, would not allow
him to say much to them ; but that he thought himself obliged to declare
to them in the first place, that he would employ the power which God
had given him solely to preserve the English laws, and that he would do
nothing against the safety and preservation of the Protestant religion ;
that it would always be his endeavour to fulfil the duties of a good
King towards his subjects and people ; and that he also expected his
subjects would remain in that fidelity and obedience which they owed
him both by divine and human laws. The Earl of Rochester then spoke,
and asked His Britannic Majesty, if it was agreeable to him that they

APPENDIX. 1 1

should publish a Declaration of what he had said. This was assented to,
and the Declaration will be printed. Orders were afterwards issued for
the/proclamation, and the council rose, in order to go in a body to salute
the reigning Queen ; and next the Queen Dowager.
; . From thence the council proceeded to proclaim the King in different
parts of the city of London, at which the Lord Mayor also assisted.
The English peers, who were present, followed the council. There were
a few cavalry, who went before, and some companies of infantry placed in
different quarters to repress the mob and confusion, if any had happened.
The people made the usual acclamations on such occasions. There were
people set to distribute wine, and to drink the health of King James the
Second.

As yet no change has taken place in the administration. The King
has thought fit, at first, to leave things as they are ; no change is even
made in the cabinet council, but it is retained only for form's sake,
and the King holds secret conferences with the Earl of Sunderland, the
Earl of Rochester, and Lord Godolphm, in which the most important
matters are settled. The Earl of Rochester has a greater share of his
confidence than any other person. He thinks no more about going to
Ireland; it is believed that either the Earl of Clarendon or the Duke of
Beaufort will have that appointment. The Duke of Ormond may yet
remain there some time without inconvenience.

The King of England has told me, that he will send Lord Churchill
immediately, to communicate to Your Majesty the death of the King
his brother, and his accession to the crown ; and that he has selected
him as being already in the secret of a close alliance with Your Majesty.
He is one of the Lords of the Bed-chamber ; and as the Earl of Peterbo-
rough, who is First Lord of the Bed-chamber, is not sent, this mission
properly belongs to him.

An hour after he was proclaimed, His Britannic Majesty visited the
Duchess of Portsmouth, and gave her many assurances of his protection
and friendship. Lord Godolphin and the other Lords of the Treasury
retain their offices ; but it is believed that in a short time the Earl of
Rochester will be Lord Treasurer ; he has himself thought it best to let
matters be settled before he publicly assumes the administration of the

c 2

12 APPENDIX.

finances. Lord Sunderland also enjoys a great share of the King's
confidence ; he has spoken of him to me with much esteem, and
as thinking him a fit person to serve him in the designs which he
entertains. Both before and since the death of the King bis brother, His
Britannic Majesty took care to establish an intimate union between the
Earl of Rochester and Lord Sunderland ; latterly there was a coolness
between them. Lord Sunderland, the Duchess of Portsmouth, and
Lord Godolphin, enjoyed all the authority with the late King. The Earl of
Rochester, who knew this, had wished to go into Ireland,, in which he
was seconded by the others, to procure him an honourable exile. The
diminution of the Earl of Rochester's credit was very painful to the Duke
of York, who thought it would recoil upon himself. 1 have often been
employed in appeasing what took place.

Lord Churchill is thoroughly acquainted with the whole business, and is
able, if agreeable to Your Majesty, to relate many circumstances, which
it is impossible to explain by letters. At this time they are not very
important, unless it be to display more fully the present state of the
interior of the English Court. Lord Churchill enjoys a great share of
his master's favours, and the choice he has made of him to send to Your
Majesty is a mark of it. I come now to what is of more importance.

By the death of the King his brother the greater portion of the revenue
of the King of England ceases. He is persuaded that the government
cannot support itself with what remains, which does not amount to more
than 700,000/. He yesterday took me into his closet, and after having
-told me of different home affairs, which are of no great importance, he
said, " I am perhaps going to surprise you, but I hope you will agree
" with me when I shall have told you my reasons. I have determined
" to call a Parliament immediately, and to assemble it in May. I shall
" publish a declaration, at the same time, that I intend to keep myself in
" possession of the same revenues which the King my brother enjoyed.
" Without this proclamation for a Parliament I should hazard too much
" in making myself master at first of what was established only for the
" life of the late King : it is a decisive measure for me to enter in full
'* possession and enjoyment, for in the end it will be much easier for me
V- either to put off the meeting of Parliament, or to maintain my^elt"

APPENDIX. 13

** by such other means as may appear to me more convenient. Many
" people will say I have too suddenly determined on calling a Parlia-
" tnent, but if I were to delay any longer I should lose all the merit of it.
" I know the English. I must not betray any signs of fear in the outset;
" the mal-contents would have formed cabals for the purpose of calling
" for a Parliament, and would have drawn upon them the favour of the
" nation, which in the end they would have abused. I know very well
" I shall still have difficulties to overcome ; but I shall succeed, and
" will place myself in a situation to acknowledge the innumerable obliga-
" tions I owe to your master.

" I know what embarrassments the late King my brother fell into
" when he suffered himself to waver with regard to France. I will pre-
" vent any Parliament from meddling with foreign affairs ; and I will
" dissolve it the moment the members show any ill-wilL

" It is for you to explain to the King your master what I have told
" you, that he may not complain of my having suddenly taken so im-
" portant a resolution, and without consulting him, as I ought and
" wish to do in all things. But I should have hurt my affairs very
" much, if I had delayed but for eight days ; for I should have remained
" deprived of the revenues which I now preserve ; and the least qpposi-
" tion on the part of those who might have refused to pay the customs,
" would have obliged me to levy them by force, instead of which I will
" now pretend to have the law in my favour ; and it will be very easy
" for me to reduce those who may wish to oppose what I do."

To this the King of England added every sort of protestation of his
gratitude and attachment to Your Majesty ; he told me, that without
Your Majesty's support and protection he could undertake none of the
plans he had in contemplation in favour of the Catholics ; that he was
well assured he could never be safe till liberty of conscience was fully
allpwed them in England ; that this lie will endeavour at with all the
assiduity in his power, as soon as ever he shall see a probability of suc-
cess ; that I had seen with what readiness he had been acknowledged,
and proclaimed King; and that the rest would follow in the same manner ,
if he conducted himself with firmness and wisdom.

I told His Britannic Majesty, that I would not take upon me to reply

34 ATPENDIX.

immediately to what he had done me the honour to tell me ; that I
never could doubt the sincerity of his sentiments towards Your Majesty ;
and that I thought him too prudent and too wise to do any thing which
could dissolve a union founded on so much experience and reason ; that
I would transmit to Your Majesty what he had said to me ; and that
when I should have considered it I would freely give him my opinion,
which ought, however, to be of no weight till I should speak on the part
of Your Majesty ; that I would nevertheless tell him, for my part, with-
out thinking any more about it, that Your Majesty is in such a
situation as to have nothing to wish for, to augment your power and
greatness ; that you had set bounds to your conquests at a time when
you could have with ease extended them ; that your friendship for the
late King of England, and for him to whom I had the honour to address
myself, had led Your Majesty to support their interests, and those of
monarchy, in this country ; that God had every where blessed the designs
of Your Majesty ; and that I was assured you would feel a lively joy at
his elevation to the throne of the three kingdoms; that I did not doubt
but his conduct was always in conformity to what he owed to his reputa-
tion, and his true interests, which would be the preservation of Your
Majesty's friendship; and that it was but right he should conduct the
internal affairs of his kingdom in what manner he should judge proper.
J did not deem it prudent, Sire, without the most thorough reflection, to
combat a measure already resolved upon, and which my arguments would
not have prevented. I even thought it belonged to the dignity of Your
Majesty that I should not appear alarmed, by the assembling of a Parlia-
ment, for the interests of Your Majesty alone, when the King of England
appeared to apprehend nothing for his own.

The Earl of Rochester came to me this morning from His Britannic
Majesty, to explain to me more fully the motives for calling a Parliament.
To all that the King of England had told me he added, that if he had
not anticipated the requests that were about to be made to him, the
Keeper of the Great Seal and the Marquis of Halifax would not have
failed to urge him to call a Parliament ; that he wished to be beforehand
with them, and show that what he does is purely the dictates of his own
tnind ; that the advantage he at present derives from this declaration is

APPENDIX, 15

the putting himself in possession of the revenues of the late King of
England, as well as of his crown ; that he would have been too chargeable
to Your Majesty, had he been obliged to solicit from Your Majesty so
considerable an assistance as what he should have been in need of; that
the step he takes does not exempt him from having recourse to Your
Majesty; and that he hopes Your Majesty, at the commencement of his
reign, will gladly assist him to support the weight of it ; that this fresh
obligation, added to so many others, will still more engage him never to
quit that path which he always thought it was the interest of the late
King his brother to have pursued with regard to Your Majesty ; that
this will be the means of rendering him independent of the Parliament, and
placing him in a situation to support himself without one, should it
refuse to continue to him the revenues enjoyed by the late King.

Lord Rochester omitted no argument which he thought requisite to
convince me that Your Majesty hazards nothing in assisting the King
of England at this time with a considerable sum of money ; that it is
to carry his plans into effect ; and to place him in a situation that would
never oblige him to abandon his professions ; that, for himself, his
sentiments were unaltered, and it was his opinion the King his
master could not well support himself without Your Majesty's aid, and:
pecuniary assistance ; that if, on so pressing an occasion, Your Majesty
did not give him fresh proofs of your friendship, he would be placed at
the mercy of his people, and on the brink of ruin : and, finally, that
the good fortune of his master depended entirely upon this beginning.

In reply, I told the Earl of Rochester, that within these few days
so many important and unforeseen events had taken place, that it would
be imprudent for a foreigner like myself to attempt to form any opinion
upon what was necessary to be done in the present conjuncture r that
the mention of a Parliament gave me no alarm, as I knew by experience
that all its power was derived from a court cabal, and an understanding
with the Ministry ; that I knew the difference between the former and
present times, and with what firmness the new King would be led by
his own disposition to conduct affairs ; that I clearly saw his situation
was both delicate and very dangerous ; that, nevertheless, I could not'
but applaud the resolution he had made to retain to himself the posses^

l6 APPENDIX.

sion of the whole of the late King's revenue. The assembling of a Parlia-
ment, I continued, would give great hopes to the old enemies of the Duke
f York, and of monarchy ; that they would employ every artifice to
throw him into embarrassments, from whence he should not be able to
extricate himself; that they would grant him nothing but on very hard
conditions, and that it would then be equally dangerous to accept or
refuse them ; that, however, I would not fail to acquaint Your Ma-
jesty of the state of affairs, and what I had been told of the immediate
\rtmt of a considerable pecuniary assistance ; that formerly such a de-
fnand would have been incompatible with the design of assembling
a Parliament ; that the King of England already possessed a great share
of Your Majesty's esteem and confidence ; that I had been fortunate
enough to execute with some success the orders I had received
from Your Majesty respecting him ; that his Lordship was the best
witness of this, since it was with him I had treated for the preserva-
tion of the Duke of York's right of succession to the Crown, for his
recall from Scotland, and re-admission into the Council, and the situa-
tion at the Admiralty ; that I was very glad now to treat with a Mi-
nister so accredited as he was with a great King, to whom he had
the honour to be the brother-in-law ; and that the conduct he had pur-
sued with me whilst he had the direction of the finances had gained
him much of Your Majesty's esteem.

To this the Earl of Rochester replied in very respectful terms, and
snid to me, " Well, I am again commissioned to ask you for money ; I
" would not do it so boldly, did I not believe that it will be money well
" employed, and that the King your master could not turn it to a
" better use. Be assured that your enemies, and those of the King
" my master, would be extremely glad, if, on an occasion like the
" present, nothing considerable were done for him on the part of
" France. Represent particularly to the King your master, the conse-
" quences of placing mine in a situation not to stand in need of any
" thing but his friendship, and not to be so dependent upon his subjects
" as that they may impose upon him what laws they please."

Such, Sire, is the exact relation of all that has taken place here up to
this day. I will not be rash enough to form a positive opinion upon the

.APPENDIX. 17

future. England is subject to too many revolutions, and to too great
changes, to enable one to foretell what will happen. From all that I can
collect, it seems to me that the mal-contents have not given up their
designs, and that men's minds have not recovered from their aversion
to the Catholic religion. Those who offended the Duke of York, and
who wished to destroy him, think he will always remember it, and never
forgive them. However, every thing is quiet; and it is a great advan-
tage to His Britannic Majesty, that he enters peaceably into the pos-
session of the crown, and the revenue which is necessary to support ils
dignity. The benefit likely to be derived at present from calling to-
gether a Parliament is, that it will restrain within bounds those persons
even who have designs to excite disturbances, because they will look
forward to have a more plausible pretext for them, when the Parliament
shall be assembled. If I may be so bold as to tell Your Majesty my
opinion, I believe the meeting will commence with testimonies of friend-
ship for, and confidence in, the King of England.

I expect daily, a bill of exchange for 50,000 livres, which added
to one for the same sum already received, will put it in my power
to make a payment of 100,OOO francs; I will not, however, do this,
without an express order, and I will act in such a way as they shall ap-
prove here of my not dispensing with forms at a time when nothing
seems likely to trouble the King of England.

I shall do myself the honour by the first ordinary messenger to send
Your Majesty an account of the effect the report of a meeting of Par-
liament has had. I will endeavour to penetrate the designs of the Mi-
nisters, and the different motives of each. They are well satisfied with
having alone had a share in the resolution of calling a Parliament ; but
the bold measure of seizing upon the customs, and revenues of the ex-
cise, which ought to have ceased with the death of the late King of Eng-
land, will make a great noise, and induce the more sensible part of
the nation to believe that the King of England wishes to solicit his Par-
liament with a full Exchequer. I will spare no pains to be well in-
formed of every thing, in order that Your Majesty may command me.
in whatever shall be necessary for your service. If Your Majesty think fit

Iff APPENDIX,

to send here speedily a considerable sum of money, I will not make
larger advances on that account, nor do any thing of myself, unless
I find there is an organized rebellion, and that it be absolutely ne-
cessary to afford immediate succours to the King of England.

As far as I can judge, it is very important that Your Majesty should
be willing to afford facilities on the affair of the orders prohibiting Eng-
lish vessels from carrying the merchandise of the Genoese. I will make the
best possible use of the instructions I expect from Your Majesty re-
specting it. The dispatch of the Qth of February from the Marquis
de Croissy has already had a good effect. If the orders I shall re-
ceive be not sufficient to settle the business to the entire satisfaction
of His Britannic Majesty, I will wait till Your Majesty shall have been
'n formed of all that has happened, and I will easily find means to gain
time till I receive new instructions. Your Majesty is well aware
how important it is that the King of England's reign should not
commence with a misunderstanding between him and Your Majesty.
The grounds of the affair no longer exist, since the Genoese have
yielded to all Your Majesty prescribed to them.

The King of England said to me this evening, " I sent the Earl of
" Rochester to you, and I have not hesitated to lay open to the King
" your master the need I have of his assistance. You know how I am
" situated, and how important a conjuncture the present is for me."
He next told me that, by the last letters from Brussels, the Duke of
Monmouth was expected there, and that the Spanish Ambassador had
this morning asked him in what manner he wished they should treat
the Duke of Monmouth ; that his answer was, that every body knew
the conduct the Duke of Monmouth had pursued with regard to him,
and that it was not for him to advise the King of Spain or his
Ministers what it was their duty to do ; that they either had their in-
structions, or would receive fresh ones ; and that they must judge what
belonged to the service and dignity of their master.

A very confidential servant of the Duke of Monmouth, named
John Guibring, has been arrested at Dover. He came from Flanders,
but before the late King's iljaess. It is believed, however, that some-

A.PPEXD1X. 19

thing will be discovered by him. The King of England delivered to
me this evening a letter in his own hand for Your Majesty.

I am with the profound respect I owe, &c. &c.
Feb. ip, J685. BARILLON.

The KING to M. BAKILLOX. [Page xxiv.]

Feb. 10th, 1685.

MONSIEUR Barillon, your two letters, of the 12th and 17th of thi
month, have been delivered to me by the messenger which you dis-
patched : and I learnt with surprise, and very sensible affliction, the
sudden death of the King of England ; it is however no slight conso-
lation for me to be informed by the same letters, of all the blessings
which God bestowed on that Prince in the close of his life, and of the
happiness which he had in profiting so worthily of them.

\_All that passed in his last moments, however, icill be kept very secret
on my part.~\

I enclose to you the letter which I have myself written to the King his
brother ; and in delivering it to him, you cannot express in too strong
terms, how much I am interested in every thing relating to him, and
the pleasure which I shall always feel in contributing to his advantage
and satisfaction.

Observe particularly what is the present disposition of men's minds, as
well in the court, where you are, as in the city of London, and the
country ; what measures are adopted by the opposition cabals against the
royal authority and the Catholic religion ; what are the intrigues of
the Prince of Orange, and the Duke of Monmouth ; who are their
principal promoters ; if their faction be powerful ; what measures are
adopted by the Duke of York.

\JVlial may be the force of the Catholic party in England .]

On the subject of religion, if he intends to issue a proclamation allow-
ing the free exercise of all religions, and consequently of the Catholjc.

D 2

1O APPENDIX.

Whether or not he will set at liberty the Catholic Lords confined
in the Tower ; on whom the said King will confer the principal offices ;
what measures he takes to make himself master of the sea-ports, and
most important places ; if he can depend upon the troops maintained
at the expense of the Crown ; if the principal commanders are attached
to his interests ; who they are whom he ought to suspect, or in whom
he can with safety place his confidence.

\What changes he makes among the officers of these troops, and what
are his funds for their maintenance. ~\

Thus be assiduous to obtain complete information, and to transmit
to me an exact account of all the means which the said King possesses
to maintain his authority, and of every thing which he has to appre-
hend ; in order that I may be fully informed, and I will form my re-
solutions on the faith of your advices.

As I am very well satisfied with Lord Sunderland's conduct since his
return to the administration of affairs, you must render him all the good
offices in your power, with the King; and even intimate, if you think
it necessary, that his continuation in office will be very agreeable to me.
You may also assure the Duchess of Portsmouth of the continuation
of my protection.

I have just given an order to remit immediately to you, by bills of
exchange, the sum of 500,000 livres, that you may have it in your
power to assist the King of England in the most pressing wants which he
may have for it in the outset of his government : being assured that
)ou will act in this with all necessary prudence to render the aid of as
much utility as possible, in the furtherance of his affairs, and in
making him consider it as a most essential proof of my friendship,
which thus anticipates whatever may be requisite for him in the present
conjuncture. I doubt not, but that he will be sufficiently induced by
his own interest, to hinder the Prince of Orange, or the Duke of
Monmouth, from entering England ; but if, contrary to my expecta-
tions, he seems disposed to consent to it, you cannot represent to
him too strongly, how much it concerns him to take sure measures
for preventing their landing there, and uniting themselves with the
cabals opposed to a permanent settlement of his authority. In short,

APPENDIX.

the designs of the Prince of Orange are not only incompatible with the
safety of his person and his kingdom, but also with the ties which may
continue between the Kings of France and England.

I receive at this moment, viA London, your letters of the 12th, 14th,
and loth, which inform me principally of the circumstances attending
the sickness and death of the late King of England ; and as they point
out to me also, that the shutting the ports has been done only with a
view to prevent the Prince of Orange or the Duke of Monmouth
from seizing on the King's death as a pretext for entering England, I
entertain no doubt that the present King will take still greater care that
neither of them shall come thither to raise fresh disturbances against
his government ; nor can he relax in these precautions, without doing
himself considerable injury, and exposing himself to great dangers.

In the present state of affairs in England, I have not thought it
proper to give the Earl of Arran a letter to the King, particularly as
that which I have written to him on our mutual affliction, and on his
accession to the crown, is even contrary to custom ; and it was from
pure motives of friendship only, that I dispensed with those forms of
etiquette which would have obliged me to wait till I was informed of
the change. I desire, therefore, that you will acquaint His Majesty
with the dause why I have not given any letters to the Earl of Arran ;
and, moreover, that you will do this nobleman all the good offices in
your power, to obtain for him from the new King such advantages as
may suit him, considering him a person who has ever displayed all
the attachment to the service of the King, which was compatible with
his zeal for the late King of England, arid which he will still continue to
display for His present Majesty. .

I make no reply to those parts of your letter relating to the complaints
of the English, on the subject of some vessels of that nation which
have been taken, and carried into Toulon ; because I am confident
the orders that I have issued for their release, and all that I have written
to you, will afford the King of England entire satisfaction, and put an
end to every cause of complaint on the part of his subjects.

'22 APPENDIX.

The KING to M. BAIULLON. [Page xxvi.]

Feb. 26th, J685.

MONSIEUR Barillon, your second messenger has delivered to me your
letters of the 18th and JQth of this month, the first of which informs
me exactly of every thing of consequence that took, place during the
four days illness of the late King of England ; and the second, of the
resolution the present King has taken to summon a new Parliament, and
to assemble it in the ensuing month of March. There is nothing I had to
wish for in relation to the first subject, which you have not fully satisfied.
I will tell you also, that after having given the King of England pri-
vate assurances of the share which I took in his sorrows, I have given
also a public testimony of it in prohibiting, in the first instance, in my
court, the amusements of assemblies and operas ; and next, in the mourn-
ing, which I intend to wear as long as the deceased King wore it for the
death of the late Queen, my consort.

You will have seen by my dispatch of the 20th of this month that I
have anticipated the demand which the King of England has made on
you for pecuniary assistance, and that you have it now in your power to
afford it beyond what he could hope for. I approve also of his resolution
to summon a new Parliament, and to assemble it in the month of March;
and the reasons upon which he founds this resolution convince me that
he could not have taken a wiser step ; having besides too high an opinion
of his wisdom to doubt that any thing can happen capable of detaching
him from the engagements he has formed with me.

As M. D'Avaux has written to me, that the Duke of Monmouth left
the Hague very secretly on the night of the 20th for the purpose of
passing over into England, I rest assured that your first letters will
acquaint me what measures the Court, where you are, has adopted, to
oppose the designs which this Duke may have, and that you will be able
to afford me at the same time a part of the information which I required
of you in my dispatch of the 2Oth, there being a great likelihood that the

APPENDIX. 23

partizans of the Duke of Monmouth and the Prince of Orange will not
remain inactive at the commencement of this reign, and that it may also
be disturbed by the different sects whose interest it is to prevent the
establishment of our religion,

I have made choice of the Marechal de Lorge to send over to congra-
tulate the King of England on his accession to the crown, and to condole
with him on the death of the late King his brother. I cannot doubt
but that the Court where you are is satisfied with what I communicated
to you in my dispatch of the 12th, and that which preceded it, on the
subject of the English vessels trading with the city of Genoa ; and I have
given orders for the release of the last which was sent into Toulon, and
that in future none of them shall be detained ; so that as soon as these
orders can have been delivered to the commanders of my ships nothing
more will happen that can afford cause of complaint to the English.

I send you a letter for the Duchess of Portsmouth ; and in delivering
it you may confirm her in the assurances I have given her of my pro-
tection.

AI. BARJLLON to the KISG. [Page xxviii.]

February 26, 1685.

BY the return of the messenger which I sent, I received the day before
yesterday Your Majesty's dispatch of the 2Oth of this month ; I imme-
diately went and requested an audience of the King of England, and
presented to him the letter from Your Majesty's hand, which he had
the goodness to bid me read ; he seemed to me to receive with the greatest
sensibility the testimonies of Your Majesty's friendship. I did not think
it right to delay till a secoed meeting to inform him of the care which
Your Majesty had taken in collecting in so short a time bills of exchange
for the sum of 500,000 livres, and in sending them to me, in order that
I might employ them as should be requisite for bis service. The King:

21 ATPENftlX.

was greatly surprised, and said to me, with tears in his eyes, " It is
"" peculiar to the King your master to act in a way so noble and so full
" of goodness towards me. I confess to you, that I am more sensible of
" what he does in this than of any thing that may happen to me in the
" course of my life; for I clearly see the bottom of his heart, and how
u desirous he is that my affairs may prosper ; he has been beforehand
" with me in what I could desire, and has anticipated my wants ; I can
" never sufficiently acknowledge such a proceeding ; witness to him my
" gratitude, and be a pledge of the attachment which I will cherish for
" him all my life."

I cannot, Sire, express this Prince's joy at seeing so speedy and solid a
mark of Your Majesty's friendship, and the promptitude with which
Your Majesty had sent so large a sum. I told him, that, to conceal
nothing of what he owed to Your Majesty, I would frankly confess, that
in the trouble in which I found myself at the moment of the late King's
death, I only thought of dispatching a courier to acquaint Your Majesty
with the event ; and that I did not represent to Your Majesty how
important it was to send him speedy succours ; and that, if in this I had
made an omission, it was well repaired by what Your Majesty had done.
The King of England interrupted me, and said, he could not sufficiently
admire Your Majesty's foresight and care in giving him so speedily such
an essential proof of your friendship ; that you should not be deceived ;
and that he would remember what you had done to fix the crown upon
his head.

I had no sooner retired than he shut himself up with the Earl of
Rochester, the Earl of Sunderland, and Lord Godolphin, and related to
them what I had told him on the part of Your Majesty, in terms which
even exceeded those he used to me. They came severally and whis-
pered me, that I had given life to the King their master ; and that
though he held himself assured of Your Majesty's friendship, yet this last
mark of it, given so opportunely, had obliged him beyond all possible
belief.

I did certainly expect that what Your Majesty has done would pro-
duce a good effect, but I did not think of receiving so many testimonies
>f gratitude ; and I perceive from it that there has probably been an

APPENDIX. 25.

attempt to inspire the King of England with some apprehension that Your
Majesty would make no great efforts to support him. (However, I say
this from my own suggestions only, for in all the conversations I have
had with His Britannic Majesty I have observed a great confidence in
Your Majesty's friendship.

I must now acquaint Your Majesty with what took place on the preced-
ing day. I had a conference with the three ministers : the Earl of Ro-
chester, as president of the council, briefly explained to me what they had
in charge from the King their master to tell me, which ended in repre-
senting to Your Majesty the necessities of his affairs, and how important
it was for him to be assisted in the commencement of his reign.

The Earl of Rochester next entered into a discussion upon the treaty
made with the late King of England : we agreed in every thing, even on
what remained for the full payment of the subsidy for the three years
expired. The Earl of Rochester said, that he and I had always differed.
on the amount of the sum ; because he expected and believed that Your
Majesty would give two millions a year during three years ; that it was
true, I, on my part, had said, that I never had it in my power to pro-
mise more than 1 ,5OO,OOO livres far each of the two last years ; that this
difficulty had not been removed, and that the fourth year, which is almost
expired, had not even been mentioned, because it could not have been fore-
seen that Your Majesty would discontinue a subsidy to the late King of
England, whose conduct on the whole was so agreeable to Your Majesty,
and who had so seldom swerved from his engagements on all occasions.
To this I replied, that I would not take upon me to contend at all on
matters of fact, unless they were quite plain ; that I was not able to exceed
my, powers ; nor had I done it ; so that we had only to confine
ourselves to what we were agreed upon ; and that I would not fail to
represent to Your Majesty all they had said, in order that you might be
able to judge what was conducive to your service, and to the interest of
th affairs of the King of England.

,: The Earl of Rochester concluded by saying " Monsieur the Ambas-
" sador and I have never had any controversy ; for, as what the King
" his master has furnished was an unconditional gratuity, I had no right
'':: to dispute whether it should be more or less ; I believe, howeyer, that

20 APPENDIX.

" what we have done together has been for the service of the two Kings,
" and that neither of them has been injured by it." He added,
that it was his wish still to treat in the same manner, and to establish a
confidence, and a union similar to that which has already so well suc-
ceeded. I agreed to what he had advanced, adding, that though the
late King of England was not obliged formally to renounce his treaty
with Spain, he had nevertheless adopted with respect to it that line of
conduct which was to be expected ; that His present Majesty was still
more at liberty ; and that he was not, by any means whatever, bound to
this treaty, from the execution of which the King his brother had judged
himself to be sufficiently dispensed. The three ministers assented
to what I said, and lold me that the King their master considered him-
self entirely freed from the obligation, however slight it might be, into
which the late King had entered.

I promised to write to Your Majesty effectually in favour of the request
which Lord Churchill was to make to Your Majesty for an immediate
and considerable succour. Yesterday we had another conference, by
order of His Britannic Majesty ; but nothing was said respecting the
subject of the preceding one. The Ministers endeavoured, one after the
other, to make me understand, that they did not think it right either to
capitulate or discuss the interests of the King their master with me ; that
Your Majesty had placed them in a situation which did not permit them to
say any thing ; and that so frank and generous a conduct on the part of
Your Majesty had obliged the King their master to order them to testify
his gratitude, and to beg me to represent it to Your Majesty such as he feels
it ; that Lord Churchill had no other instructions than to thank Your
Majesty ; and that for the rest they referred me to what I knew of the
state of affairs to induce Your Majesty to act according to your pleasure ;
thinking they ought not to ask any thing from a Prince who had antici-
pated whatever could be expected from him.

The King of England spoke to me several times yesterday, and said,
that he is penetrated with gratitude, and that he thinks himself in such a
situation as to have nothing to fear, being assured, as he is, of Your
Majesty's friendship. I have, perhaps, dwelt too much on this ; but it
seems to me requisite that Your Majesty should know how sensible the

APPENDIX. 27

King of England and his ministers are of what Your Majesty has done. 1
have not yet advanced any money ; some days must elapse before the bills
of exchange become due, the payment of which they do not wish even
that I should press too much, to prevent any suspicions of what is going
forward being excited on 'Change ; so that I can still receive orders from
Your Majesty before I have it in my power to make any considerable
payment. It does not seem even that there is any anxiety here to get
possession of the money; for they rely so much on Your Majesty that
they consider it as safe with me as if it were in Whitehall. I am perhaps
mistaken, but I do not think Your Majesty could have done any thing
that is likely to be of more future advantage than the having been before-
hand in what could be wished for on so important an occasion.

Yesterday evening His Britannic Majesty again said to me " I do not
" look to the situation which I am now in, but to that in which I might
" have been. Every thing is quiet in England and Scotland; but the
" King your master has assisted me at a time when he could not know
" whether or not there might be an insurrection in London, and I driven
" out of it."

Yesterday the King of England went publicly to mass, in a small chapel
belonging to the Queen Consort, the door of which was open ; this has
caused people to speak very freely. He told me on the day preceding
that every one ought to act according to his feelings, and conformably to
his inclination ; that to dissimulate in his religion was in opposition to
his manner of acting ; that if he had betrayed any fear, the mal-contents
would have taken advantage of it ; that though he hazarded something
in this, yet he thought himself obliged, in his conscience, publicly to
profess his religion ; that he believed God had not allowed the King his
brother to make a public avowal of his faith till a short time before his
death, because he feared too much to shew himself to the eyes of men
what he in reality was, whilst, nevertheless, he could have done it on
many occasions without the least danger ; he hoped, he continued, that
God would protect him : and since Your Majesty is willing to support
him, and testifies for him so sincere a friendship, he thinks he has no-
thing whatever to fear.

This Prince has thoroughly explained to me his intentions with regard

E 2

28 APPENDIX.

to the Catholics, which are, to grant them entire liberty of conscience,
and a free exercise of their religion : this is a work of time, and can only
be done by bringing matters gradually to its accomplishment. His
Britannic Majesty's plan is, to attain it through the assistance of the
Episcopal party, which he looks upon as the Royalist party ; and I do not
see that his design can tend to favour the Nonconformists and Pres-
byterians, whom he considers as true Republicans.

This project must be accompanied with much prudence, for, in the
end, it will meet with great opposition. At present nothing is known
of a resolution the late King had formed, namely, to release all the
Catholics detained in prison, and to issue express prohibitions to the
Judges against pursuing or disturbing them. This is what has been
resolved upon, and will be carried into effect with firmness. There are
no longer any Lords prisoners in the Tower.

The report is very currently spread here that the late King died a
Catholic ; they have even published many circumstances respecting it,
and His Britannic Majesty gives himself no trouble to suppress them ;
he is of opinion, that they cannot blame him for having assisted the King
his brother to die in the religion which he himself openly professes.
However, the memory of the late King of England is reviled on
this subject by the zealous Protestants, who accuse him of hypocrisy
in having publicly professed himself to be of a religion which in his heart
he did not follow. Some say that he was beset by his brother during his
illness, and forced to declare himself a Roman Catholic. The most dis-
affected maintain, that they now clearly see there had been a combination
of Papists that the late King was one, as well as his brother, the Duke
of York and that the suspicions they entertained of it are completely
confirmed.

The day before yesterday the body of the late King of England was
conveyed to Westminster, and interred in the evening without ceremony.
All the noblemen and officers of the household were present ; they broke
their staves and marks of office over the grave. Yesterday evening His
Britannic Majesty re-appointed all those who held such offices as were
not in his household when he was Duke of York, namely, the Lord
Steward, the Lord Chamberlain, the Lord Treasurer, the Comptroller,

APPENDIX. 29

the Vice-chamberlain and other officers, who possess a sort of juris-
diction. It is thought he will confer the offices of Gentleman of the Bed-
chamber, Master of the Horse, and Groom of the Stole, on those who
were in the same capacities in his establishment. The re-appointment of
the officers of the household is tolerably well approved of by the public.
However, it is but temporary, and there are some among them, or I am
mistaken, who will not be long retained.

The Earl of Sunderland was sensibly affected when I told him of the
orders I had received from Your Majesty, to support his interests with
the King his master, if he should need it.

The Duchess of Portsmouth is uneasy about the treatment she will
meet with here in her affairs. What I told her of the continuation of
Your Majesty's protection is the only consolation she has received since
the late King's decease.

The Earl of Rochester was declared Lord Treasurer to-day, and took
the staff of office ; His Britannic Majesty told me of it two days ago,
and that he should confer, as he has done to-day, the office of Chamber-
lain to the Queen Consort on Lord Godolphin, as he wishes to retain him,
as well as the Earl of Sunderland, in his most entire confidence. The
above three noblemen prepared together the instructions for Lord
Churchill, who set off this morning. They have informed me that the
whole tenor of those instructions is to thank Your Majesty, and to make
you fully sensible of the gratitude of the King their master for having of
your own free will anticipated whatever could be solicited from you.

It was said in the Court that the finances should remain in the Com-
missioners' hands till the meeting of Parliament ; but the King does not
approve of this. The past conduct of some of the Commissioners has
given him great displeasure, and he conceived that affairs could only be
supported by a person accredited and authorized as the Earl of Rochester
will be.

There is news from Scotland that the King was proclaimed at Edin-
burgh amidst an immense concourse of people, and without any difficulty.
The same has been done at York, and in all the towns in England. It is
not doubted but it will be the like in Ireland. In short, there is no

3O APPENDIX.

instance where so great a succession has been received more peaceably
and with less disturbance.

The King of England assures himself of all the sea-ports, the whole
of the fleet, and the army. He is, however, aware that there are
mal-contents in the latter, who secretly wish for disturbances ; but
he is, at the same time, persuaded no one will be hardy enough to
begin them, and that every body knows such a proceeding would expose
them in the outset to certain destruction. -

The East India, African, and Hamburgh Companies have offered to
pay the accustomed duties. All this will apparently last till the meeting
of Parliament ; when, if there be any ill-will and designs formed against
His Majesty, those who entertain them will be more bold to discover
them, and to undertake something.

The King of England has often conversed with me about the Prince-
of Orange. I have done what Your Majesty commanded me, and repre-
sented to His Britannic Majesty how much it belongs to the safety of his
person and the repose of his kingdom that the Prince of Orange should
not come into this country at present. I omitted nothing which I thought
likely to excite legitimate and well-founded suspicions on the probable
enterprises of a Prince who is presumptive heir to the crown by his wife,
and whom, from being of their own religion, the people would look up to
as their liberator. It appeared to me that all these considerations made
a great impression on the King's mind, and that he himself entertained
the same sentiments ; but yet I did not find him resolved to refuse
the Prince of Orange permission to come, provided he accompany his
request with circumstances which may testify his submission. His Bri-
tannic Majesty is of opinion that in the present state of affairs in this
country the Prince of Orange will not succeed, if he undertakes openly
to excite disturbances. I replied, that it was difficult to believe the
Prince of Orange could have so suddenly changed his measures and
sentiments ; and that in the commencement of a reign not yet fuiiy
Settled the dictates of prudence required that all imaginable precautions
should be adopted to deprive the people of every pretext for a revolt.
To this I added, that the connexions which His Britannic Majesty

APPENDIX. 31

desires to preserve with Your Majesty, and the succours which he expects
from it, were incompatible with the designs entertained by the Prince of
Orange, and which he will very unwillingly relinquish. The King of
England did not combat what I said ; but his maxim, that he must not
betray any signs of fear in the beginning, prevents him from openly
opposing the voyage which the Prince of Orange will perhaps ask permis-
sion to make. The pleasure which His Britannic Majesty will take
in witnessing the Prince reduced to submission has some share in this
determination. I will spare no pains to anticipate the inconveniences
which may happen from this quarter : but I can send nothing yet certain
to Your Majesty on the business, till news be received of what is going
forward in Holland, and how the Prince of Orange will conduct himself.

There is no mention made here of the Duke of Monmouth more than
if he had never been. Intelligence has been received to-day that the
King was proclaimed in Dublin, with the same tranquillity as in Scotland
and England.

The Earl of Arran arrived here to-day. I have not failed to render
him all the good offices which Your Majesty commanded me. From
the answer which the King returned me, I believe he has good cause to
hope being made one of the Lords of the Bed-chamber. It is what suits
him best at present. I am, Sic.

BARILLON.

His Britannic Majesty has this evening delivered to me a letter in his
own hand, in answer to that which I had the honour to present to him
from Your Majesty.

I have just come from Whitehall ; the King has told me that letters
had arrived from Holland, and that the Prince of Orange had sent Overit
here ;. that both he and the Duke of Monmouth were equalty surprised
at the news of the death of the late King ; that they had held a long
conference together ; and that the Duke of Monmouth had secretly left
the Hague.

His Britannic Majesty does not think the Prince of Orange will ask
permission to come hither ; and I plainly see there is less disposition ia
his mind to grant him such permission, he being persuaded that the

32 JWPENDIX.

intentions of this Prince, with respect to him, are not changed for the
better. I will take all clue care to convince the King how important it
is for him to adopt precautions against the enterprises of the Prince of
Orange.

Chudley has sent information that the Prince furnished the Duke of
Monmouth with money.

M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page xxxvi.]

March }, 168 5.

EVERY thing here is in perfect tranquillity. Mass is celebrated pub-
licly at Whitehall, which the King and Queen of England attend
together. The door of the chapel remains open, and the anteroom is
filled with Catholics and Protestants ; the latter retire on the elevation
of the host, to avoid kneeling. Hitherto it does not appear that this
has produced any dangerous effects in the minds of reasonable and sen-
sible men. I have heard some zealous Protestants declare, that it is but
right the King of England should be allowed the exercise of his religion
as well as the two Queens, and the foreign Ministers ; but the populace
of London are exasperated at seeing him go publicly to mass ; and
as there are in London many Presbyterians and Sectaries, who are not
of the Church of England, they could have wished the King to dispense
with going to the late King's chapel, and to have comported himself like
the Nonconformists. His Britannic Majesty told me, I would see that
he would not be hurt by this first step, and that by conducting himself
in the rest, with wisdom and prudence, no inconvenience will result
from a measure which he must in the end have adopted.

Lord Clarendon was yesterday appointed Keeper of the Privy Seal ;
and the Presidency of the Council, vacant by the promotion of the Earl of
Rochester to the Treasurership, has been given to the Marquis of Ha-
lifax. The King of England told me, that having retained all the
officers of the household of the late King his brother, he wished also

APPENDIX. 33

to give this proof of his moderation, in not suffering the Marquis of Hali-
fax to be entirely unemployed, whom he knew, and could never rely upon ;
that he admitted him to no share in the real secret of his affairs, and
that his office of President would only shew the little credit he was in.
To this he added, that in the commencement, he thought it was for his
interest to make as few changes as possible, and to act in such a way as
to induce those who had been the most inimical to him, not to think
they were completely ruined, and without any hopes of being able to
maintain their credit.

His Majesty entered at great length with me into the reasons which
have obliged him to continue in office those who are known to
have been his most dangerous enemies during the life of the King his
brother. He knows this has alarmed the Catholics in whom he con-
fides, and that their advice was, to fill such places in the outset with
persons of rank, and tried fidelity. Those who have always been of
the Court party are vexed that no change has taken place, as they
had all expected to be employed. In reality this does not at present
seem hurtful to the King ; and it was important for him to give
some tokens of lenity in the beginning, and to remove from the public
mind a confirmed opinion, that he never pardons. The real motive
is, not to render hopeless those persons whom he thinks will be able to
serve him, in making the Parliament more tractable, and in inducing
it to grant him the continuation of the whole of the revenue which he
has put himself in possession of. Though there be no formal opposi-
tion to this possession, yet the secret discontent is very great, and the
English think all their privileges destroyed, by having the duties, the
receipt of which ought to have ceased with the demise of the late King,
levied in the same manner as during his life. The Acts of Parliament
which granted these duties are directly contrary to what is done ; and
many people maintain, that they would have been more easily obtained
from the Parliament, if the King had had the consideration and discre-
tion not to levy them but with its consent. However, possession con-
stitutes a sort of right, and His Britannic Majesty seems fully resolved
to maintain himself in them, -let the consequence be what it may, as
he does not think it possible to support his government without them.

34 APPENDIX.

There is another thing connected with the same affair which is of no
slight consequence. What is called the additional excise (that is, the
increased duties on wine, beer, and other liquors), was granted to the
late King for his life ; but it being represented that if the farming of
these duties remained in uncertainty, the money which was then wanted
could not be raised ; it was therefore resolved, and so expressed in the
Act of Parliament, that they should be let for a term of three years, and
that the receipt of them should be continued till the expiration of the
last lease which might have been granted previous to the death of the
King then on the throne. During the late King's illness the lease was
renewed, and signed on the day preceding his death. His Britannic
Majesty maintains that this was done according to the forms and terms of
the Act of Parliament, and a proclamation is in consequence issued for
levying the said duties, which amount annually to about 50O,OOO/. and
fornTione of the most considerable sources of his revenue.

The King has resolved upon being crowned in Westminster Abbey
before the meeting of Parliament ; to-day a committee was appointed to
determine in what manner the ceremony shall be performed, and what
parts of it may be dispensed with in order to screen the King's con-
science, and yet to omit nothing essentially requisite for the coronation,
which in England is considered as a thing absolutely necessary for the
establishment of the royal authority, after which all that is said or done
against the King is reputed high treason. It is believed that expedients
will be found to reconcile the difficulties arising from the difference of
religion.

M. Overkerque is arrived here. The King has informed me that he
is the bearer of a letter from the Prince of Orange, conceived in re-
spectful and very submissive terms ; that the Prince seems to have no
intention of coming hither, nor of asking permission to do so ; that,
although his voyage could not, in reality, be attended with any danger
or inconvenience, he was nevertheless extremely glad it was not under-
taken, as he knew not very well how to refuse such a permission, without
betraying ill-founded fears, which would encourage his enemies ; that,
however, he knew, from what I had told him, that it was Your Majesty's
Opinion he should not -permit the Print* of Orange to visit England *t

APPENDIX. 33

present ; that he has determined to conform in every thing to what shall
be most agreeable to Your Majesty ; and that I might rest assured he
would do nothing contrary to his engagements ; that he also hopes Your
Majesty will have sufficient confidence in him not to disapprove of those
measures he shall adopt for the settlement of his authority and the benefit
of his affairs ; that he knows his own true interests, and that nothing on
earth will ever make him relinquish the attachment he will through life
cherish for the interests of Your Majesty.

I replied, that it was true Your Majesty does not think it convenient
that the Prince of Orange should visit England in the present conjunc-
ture ; that from his past conduct it is easy to perceive he is guided
only by his ambition, which is excessive, and has led him into great
errors ; that being presumptive heir to the crown, the people will have
their attention fixed upon him, and will favour him on account of hi*
religion; that this might greatly endanger both his person and kingdom,
and that there appeared no good reason for exposing himself unnecessarily
to a danger which seemed by no means trifling ; that, indeed, it was im-
portant in the commencement of his reign to display much firmness, and
to appear apprehensive of nothing without good cause, but that it was
still more important to adopt every measure of safety, and not slightly
to put to hazard so great a succession as that of which he now found
himself in peaceable possession. Your Majesty, I continued, considered
principally what belongs to the safety of His Britannic Majesty's person
and kingdom ; that you also think it of great consequence for him, iu
this beginning, to do nothing which may be in opposition to the con-
nexion he wishes to maintain with Your Majesty, and which he conceives
to be advantageous to him ; that it could not be doubted that the sole ob-
ject of the Prince of Orange is to weaken that connexion, and if possible
entirely to destroy it ; and that His Britannic Majesty cannot too soon
nor too vigorously deprive his enemies of every hope to make him
waver, and oblige him to adopt new measures,

I thought it ray duty, Sire, to express myself on this business in strong
terms ; for, as I before had the honour to inform Your Majesty, the
King would uot be displeased to see the Prince of Orange humbled and
submissive. I will lose no opportunity to represent to His Majesty that

F 2

36 APPENDIX.

the respect and submission of the Prince will not be sincere, and that he
\v\\\ only testify them as necessity shall compel him. All that I have
learnt hitherto induces me to believe that the Prince of Orange does not
yet think of coming hither himself, and that he has resolved on conform-
ing, in appearance at least, to the wishes of the King of England.

His Majesty told me yesterday that the Duke of Monmouth had been
with the Princess of Orange, and had made many protestations of fidelity
and entire submission, entreating her earnestly to assure him that for the
future he would not have a more zealous subject, or one more attached
to his service. I replied, this could only be considered as an artifice, or
the effect of that necessity under which the Duke found himself, either of
using such language or of coming to dispute the crown with him, which he
was not in a condition to do ; that he ought to be very suspicious of the
connexion between the Prince of Orange and the Duke of Monmouth ;
however, I saw with much pleasure, I said, that his enemies were forced
into submission, and that Your Majesty would be glad to learn how
much his authority is daily strengthening, both at home and abroad.

I here took occasion to mention to His Majesty the news received
from Holland ; and gave him a copy of M. D'Avaux's letter of the 20th
to read ; he told me he had been informed of nearly the same circum-
stances by Chudleigh ; that he saw what pains had been taken to publish
many falsehoods respecting a letter he was supposed to have written to the
Prince of Orange ; "but," said His Majesty, " I will tell you the plain
" truth ; on the day the King my brother died, the regular post set oft"
" for Holland ; I thought it necessary to acquaint my daughter with the
" event, without sending an express, and as I judged at the same time
" that it would look too much like affectation not to send an account of it
" to the Prince of Orange also, I wrote two lines to him, simply mention-
" ing the circumstance, without adding any other mark either of friend-
" ship or good-will ; I see plainly, however, the use that is made of this
" note, in supposing it to be a letter filled with expressions of friendship
" and kindness ; but for the future I shall be more upon my guard, not
" to do anything that may be interpreted contrary to my intentions."

The Duke of Ormond is to return here in March agreeably to the
resolutions of the late King; it is not yet named who will be Lord Lieute-

APPENDIX. 3-7

nant of Ireland. The Primate, the Chancellor, and Lord Grenard, who
commands the army, will have. the administration of affairs till one be
appointed, as has been the case on many occasions.

The Marquis de Grave has written a letter to the King, in very
respectful terms, and expressing great zeal for his service, mixed with
congratulations on the summoning of a Parliament and on the subject
of the Prince of Orange, which is considered by His Britannic Majesty as
a proof that the Spaniards intend to direct all their efforts here by the
Parliaments, and to a diminution of the royal authority.

I have just come from Whitehall ; the King of England led me into
his closet this evening, and told me that M. Overkerque, a little before
supper, had requesteda private audience of him; and that being admitted,
he had informed him the Prince of Orange not only repented of his
conduct towards the late King, but that he also frankly acknowledged his
faults towards His present Majesty ; that he would do every thing in his
power to make reparation for them, and to merit his good esteem by an
unreserved submission to his wishes, and a sincere attachment to his
interests ; and that he would scrupulously adhere to whatever should be
prescribed him. The King told me, his reply was, that it would always
afford him pleasure to see the Prince of Orange adhere to his duty, and
shew a true repentance for the past ; but that he could not accept his
submission, nor think the protestations made on his part sincere, if such
submission were not complete and unconditional ; that the late King and
himself had entered into engagements with Your Majesty to which the
Prince of Orange had always acted in opposition ; and that if he was
willing to change his sentiments with regard to the internal concerns of
England, he must do it also in regard to Your Majesty, and pursue a
conduct in that respect different from what he has so long persevered in ;
that this first step was absolutely necessary to enable him to place any
confidence in what should be told him on the part of the Prince of
Orange.

M. Overkerque said nothing to this reply, which he had not
perhaps expected. His Britannic Majesty told me, that I must imme-
diately transmit to Your Majesty an account of what has taken place in
this affair, and assure Your Majesty that he will take no steps but in:

38 APPENDIX,

concert with me, and according to what Your Majesty shall judge most
convenient ; that from the declaration he has made to Overkerque the
Prince of Orange will know what path he must pursue in order to procure
his reconciliation with him. I told the King I would instantly inform
Your Majesty of the conversation with M. Overkerque; that I would,
however, take the liberty, without having had time to consider it, of
representing to him, that a business of such importance ought to have
been entrusted to a man of more experience and consequence than M.
Overkerque ; that he had perhaps been advised to go farther than what
the Prince of Orange had prescribed to him ; that this offer of entire
submission, and so great an offer, ought to have been expressed in the
letter from the Prince of Orange ; that I believed His Majesty would
be upon his guard, and not suffer himself to be surprised by compli-
ments delivered only fltim the mouth of an Envoy from the Prince of
Orange. To this His Britannic Majesty replied, " Do not imagine I
" will suffer myself to be deceived or amused. You see it was my wish
11 to speak plainly at the first, and to deprive the Prince of all hope that
" I would even allow him to justify himself, till he has completely changed
" his sentiments and conduct towards the King your master."
1 I will apply myself with all the assiduity in my power to discover what-
ever shall take place, in order to inform Your Majesty. I know the
importance of it.

M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page xlii.]

March 5, l6&5.

BY the return of the second messenger which I had sent, I have
received Your Majesty's dispatch of the 26th of February ; I have laid
before His Britannic Majesty what you commanded me to acquaint him
with, respecting the assembling of a Parliament, and told him of the
confidence entertained by Your Majesty that he will never suffer himself
to be drawn into any engagements that may detach him from those con-

APPENDIX. 3{)

nexions which he has formed with Your Majesty. The King expressed
to me great joy in learning that his design to assemble a Parliament in
the month of May meets with Your Majesty's approbation, and that
his reasons for doing it have appeared to you sound and well founded.,
It is certain that this declaration has served greatly to calm the public
mind in the outset. The name of Parliament is so grateful to English-
men, that it will hinder them from thinking so much as they would have
otherwise done, about the re-establishment of the mass in Whitehall,,
and the King's public profession of a religion against which the laws
have enacted the severest penalties. It is not to be doubted, however,
but the nation will be extremely dissatisfied with this public exercise
which His Majesty has established without the least hesitation. It has
excited great suspicions about the future, and the people are apprehensive
that there is a design formed to destroy the Protestant religion, and allow
the Roman Catholic only. This is a project so difficult, not to say impos-
sible, to carry into execution, that reasonable men entertain no fears of it ;
but the populace is susceptible of any impression, and they are made ta
believe they will again witness the Protestants persecuted with as much
rigour as in the time of Queen Mary, when there were in England more
Catholics than Protestants.

The King and his Ministers do every thing in their power to dispel
these apprehensions, and to convince all thinking men that it is the
intention of His Britannic Majesty to govern according to the laws, and
to undertake nothing against the safety of the Protestant religion, pro- "
vided the Parliament grant him the revenue, which is absolutely necessary
to support his government ; it is taken for granted also that the Parlia-
ment will consent to the cessation of all persecution of the Roman
Catholics, in order that they may live in quietness. I am informed, that
these points begin to be agitated, and that they already talk upon what
the Parliament will do when it meets. It is an almost general opinion
that the penal laws against the Catholics will be repealed, and that those
who shall content themselves with the exercise of their religion within
their own houses will not be molested. It is not even doubted but .that
the Catholic Lords will be allowed to sit in Parliament.

The greatest difficulty to be obviated respects the offices of the govern-

40 APPENDIX.

merit, and the command of the militia ; here it is likely the Parliament
will make a stand ; for it is the interest of the principal Protestants net to
suffer the Catholics freely to hold offices ; because they consider, that in
a short time the whole of them would be filled with persons of that per-
suasion ; some modification, however, might be easily adopted in this
respect. It is already suggested, that the Catholics might hold situations
in the royal household, provided they be not those which confer a
judicial power, or a command.

The most important point, and which will meet with the greatest
obstacle, is the revenue, which the King claims during his life. The
Parliament, on the contrary, will not be willing to grant it for more than
three years, at the most, in order to render it absolutely necessary to
summon a Parliament from time to time. This His Britannic Majesty
will use every effort not to be obliged to do ; but if he cannot succeed,
it is possible he will in the end be contented with obtaining, in the first
instance, a confirmation of the revenue for three years, under a hope of
afterwards being able to procure it for life, and that he will have time to
place himself in such a situation as will put it out of their power to disturb
him in the enjoyment of that of which he will be in quiet possession.
Something perhaps will be allowed him for the repair of the fleet ; this
is an expenditure which the Parliament grants more willingly, and which
excites in them the least jealousy. It is not likely that any propositions
will be made dangerous or hurtful to monarchy ; but men of sense are
afraid of irritating the King, and of affording him a pretext for establishing
a more absolute government, and obtaining by force what shall have been
denied to him by the Parliament ; in which case it would be easy for him
to augment what he shall have once established in opposition to the
laws.

It is also very evident that the Parliament will secretly make him
various propositions for the purpose of detaching him by degrees from
Your Majesty's interests, and engaging him in other connexions ; but
lam of opinion, that the King will take no steps in this respect which
may make him forfeit the friendship of Your Majesty. He knows well
it is his most firm and most solid support.

The great efforts for this will not be immediately made, and the cabals

APPENDIX. 41

which may be formed upon it will have no hopes of succeeding but by time,
and when they shall see the affairs of Europe in a state different from what
they are in at present. However, it seems to me, that the King's attention i$
directed principally to what relates to the Parliament, and he spares no pains
to procure that the Members of the House of Commons may be favourably
disposed towards him, and not led to the adoption of those extreme
measures which have agitated the late Parliaments. A method has been
proposed for excluding such persons as may be suspected of evil inten-
tions, by declaring that none of those who entertained the design of
depriving the Duke of York of the succession to the Crown could
be elected to a seat in Parliament ; but this has not been approved of;
as it would render irreconcilable many persons from whom a better conduct
may in future be expected. His Britannic Majesty intends, as much as pos-
sible, to bury in oblivion whatever took place respecting the Exclusion
Bill, and the more so, as by a long-established usage it is not allowable to
pursue or punish any Member of Parliament for what he may have said in
that assembly.

The same reasons have led His Majesty to re-appoint the principal
officers of the household, and not to dismiss the Marquis of Halifax.
This moderation is highly praised in London, and by the zealous Protest-
ants ; it is attributed to the Earl of Rochester, who is thought by it to
have had an intention, to conciliate the public, and to inspire a high opinion
of himself at the commencement of his administration. This first proceed-
ing is not approved of by the Catholics ; they think it is the beginning of
a system of. relaxation, and that if the Earl of Rochester's sentiments pre-
vail, they will, in the end, find themselves ruined by the same measures
which are at present adopted to reconcile those persons who are inimical to
them and to monarchy. They say the Duke of York had not a more
dangerous enemy than Lord Arlington; that he was the first who inspired
the late King with those timid counsels which placed him on the brink
of ruin ; that the Earl of Danby followed the same plan, and that the
Parliament was instigated to the destruction of the Catholics-, and to 1
attempt depriving the Duke of York of the succession, only because he-
supported this project, and always gave the Parliament hopes that

42 APPENDIX.

Britannic Majesty would agree to it, if they settled upon him a consider-
able revenue for his life.

With the exception of the Duke of Ormond, all the officers who are
retained have ever been strongly opposed to the Duke of York's interest ;
it is believed they will only change their conduct in appearance, and that if
they find an opportunity to shew their ill-will they will not fail to seize it ;
that, in the mean time, they may do much harm in encouraging those who
have a reliance on them, and who will think they do very right to follow
the sentiments of men holding the offices of the Crown. The King of
England has taken this resolution without much consulting those Catho-
lics in whom he has the most confidence. He has again spoken of it to
me since the business was made public, and told me, that he did not think
it right, at first, to make an entire change in the Household ; that those
\vho retain their places will be afraid of losing them, and that the others
will entertain hopesof filling them,both which will be productive of the best
effects in the Parliament; and that it will always be time enough to make
the changes, when it shall have been seen how those now in office will
conduct themselves ; that with respect to Lord Arlington, it would have
been a harsh measure to dismiss him at his present age from an employ-
tnent which he cannot long enjoy ; his affairs besides not being in a good
state : that if he had changed the others, it would have been said, that he
overthrew whatever the kte King had established, and that it was
resolved to alter every thing else as well as the Household.

His Britannic Majesty has used the same arguments to the principal
Catholics to hinder them from shewing their discontent at what has taken
place in this respect. There is a sort of council established of four
persons out of the Catholics on whom the King has the greatest reliance,
and whose advice has the most weight with him. The members of this
council are, the Earl of Arundel, Lord Bellasis, and Messrs. Talbot and
^Germain ; the two last have always been attached to the Duke of York,
.and expected to see changes in the outset. They are both in expectation
of a title, and of being admitted Gentlemen of the Bed-chamber : this
may 'be the case in the end, but I do not think it will be before the meet-
ing of Parliament. They are apprehensive that the same reasons which
at present serve as obstacles against them will not in future be easily
surmounted.

APPENDIX. 43

The King of England has told me that M. Overkerque has again re-
peated to him assurances of an entire submission on the part of the Prince
of Orange, and has offered him what is called a carte blanclw ; that he had
conferred upon it with the Earl of Rochester, the Earl of Sunderland,
and Lord Godolphin, who all three had advised him to answer in such a way
as might in the end shew whether or not the offers of the Prince of Orange
be sincere ; that for this purpose, he had repeated to Overkerque more
at length what he had at first mentioned to him on the subject of Your
Majesty, and had declared, that unless the Prince of Orange entirely
changed his sentiments and conduct with respect to France, it would be
impossible for him to think it was his intention to be truly in his interest,
because he had none that was of more importance than that of preserving
Your Majesty's friendship ; that it was also necessary he should break
off all kind of connexion with the Duke of Monmouth ; and to give
a manifest and certain proof of this, he must immediately cashier those
officers of the English troops [in the Dutch service] of whose fidelity
suspicions were entertained, and who there was reason to think were
attached to the Duke of Monmouth ; that unless the Prince of Orange
resolve to do all this in a suitable way, Mr. Chudleigh will receive no
orders to treat with him, nor to see him ; and that His Britannic
Majesty will not believe the assurances of his submission are sincere.

I told the King, I had had time to consider what he had done me the
honour to tell me, but that I could decide upon nothing myself; that
I must wait for Your Majesty's instructions, in order to say any thing to
him of weight ; that, in the mean time, I begged him to consider whether
there was any likelihood that the Prince of Orange had so soon resolved
on changing his measures and his conduct, not yet being able to know
with certainty how peaceable every thing is at present in England ; that
therefore it was to be presumed either that the language of M. Over-
kerque has been dictated to him here, or that the Prince of Orange may
have probably ordered him to make every sort of submission in case of
his finding the affairs of England in such a state as to offer no appearance
of trouble or disorder ; that the Prince is naturally so obstinate and un-
tractable that he will with difficulty resolve to make any promises in op-
position to all he has done hitherto ; that although he should promise,

c 2

44 APPEND!*.

and on that head make the greatest assurances, there was little likelihood
lie would sincerely renounce the engagements he has formed with the
House of Austria, and the other Princes opposed to the interest* of Your
Majesty, and jealous of your fame ; that for Your Majesty's part, you
would not easily restore the Prince of Orange to your good graces ; and
that after all he has done, he must not hope that bare compliments will
efface what has taken place, and that Your Majesty cannot easily give
credit to the assurances that may be made to you on his part ; that Your
Majesty desires nothing farther than to see His Britannic Majesty uni-
versally acknowledged by his subjects, and in peaceable possession of
his crown ; but that I did not doubt that the submission of the Prince of
Orange appeared to you very dangerous, and that many inconveniences
and much danger might result from suffering that Prince to come
hither, who would by his presence give motion and energy to the
factions so easily to be formed in a conjuncture like the present.

The King of England replied, that he did not think the Prince of
Orange would immediately ask permission to come hither ; but that if
he did come, and his conduct was in the least ambiguous, he knew well
what measures to adopt to make him return to his duty, and prevent
him from exciting any disturbances ; that if he entirely submitted him-
self, and had sense enough to change his conduct as well with regard
to internal as external affairs, it would presently be known ; that he
would not suffer himself to be deceived, and that his principal care
would always be to preserve Your Majesty's friendship, and to do
nothing which might in any shape be in opposition to Your Majesty's
interests.

The Ministers have used the same language to me as his Britannic
Majesty. The Earl of Rochester is Lord Treasurer, and has the most
influence, he is therefore desirous of whatever may preserve peace and tran-
quillity ; and it is his opinion the King his master hazards nothing in
trying what will be the Prince of Orange's conduct with regard to him ;
and thinks a path ought to be opened to him for returning to his duty.
The Earl is uncle to the Princess of Orange, and consequently would be
inclined to attempt to reconcile the interests of the King on the throne,

APPENDIX. 45

with those of the presumptive heirs ; but as he is a good courtier, and
knows very well that the King his master would readily conceive a jea-
lousy and suspicion against those who should lean too much on the side
of the Prince of Orange, he professes very openly, in preference to every
thing else, a desire that His Britannic Majesty should cultivate the
friendship of Your Majesty, without which he knows what difficulty
there would be to support the government.

The Earl of Sunderland feels the superiority the Earl of Rochester
has over him by his office of High Treasurer. All his endeavours are
to enter farther than any other of the Ministers Into the views of the
King his master, and to preserve a secret share in his confidence, by
shewing him that he can have no other attachment than towards him. I
know he has spoken to His Britannic Majesty with great warmth, to
convince him how much it is in the power of the Prince of Orange to
injure the favourable state in which affairs are at present ; and that in
England the presumptive heir will be regarded as alone able to remove
the inconveniences arising from having a King professing a religion dif-
ferent from that of his subjects. Lord Godolphin leans more to the
side of the Earl of Sunderland, with whom his old connexions exist.
He is yet greatly cast down by the loss he has sustained. He is ad-
mitted into the most secret deliberations. The King seems to me well
satisfied with it, and told me that it has inspired him with more firmness
and boldness than he had expected from it.

However, every thing here is perfectly quiet, and there seems nothing
capable of causing any disturbance ; but at the bottom the public mind
is greatly agitated. The people cannot view the celebration of mass
in Whitehall without extreme indignation, nor without fears for its
producing bad consequences. Evil-minded persons secretly foment
these fears, and inspire suspicions that the King will never think him-
self safe, till he has completely established the Catholic religion in Eng-
land, and deprived the Protestants of all means of injuring those who
profess it. It would be very difficult to say whether affairs will continue
in that calm they are now in ; a refusal to pay the duties which the King
has put himself in possession of would be sufficient to raise a controversy
which might be attended with serious results. It is the opinion of the most

46 APPENDIX.

experienced persons, that all will remain quiet till the Parliament meet,
and that if matters are there discussed with temper, it will not be im-
possible to preserve this country in tranquillity. Zeal for the Protestant
religion, and the fear of a more absolute government, are seeds of dis-
sension in the public mind, which will burst forth on the slightest occasion
which may offer itself. But wise men dread to see the commencement
of disorder ; they still remember the miseries of the civil wars ; and
those who have any thing to lose do not suffer themselves to be easily
moved. They are all even of opinion, that the Parliament may takethe ne-
cessary precautions to stop the progress of the Roman Catholic religion,
and the increase of the sovereign power. This is what is now the sub-
ject of conversation, and they are about to be greatly occupied in the
different counties with the elections. When the characters of those per-
sons are known who shall be returned members, some judgment may
be formed upon what will take place in the Parliament. I know that
although the Court take great pains to procure representatives in its in-
terests, there are yet many places where the patriotic party will prevail,
and where they will elect members of sentiments directly in opposition
to the wishes of the Court.

I will use all possible diligence, to learn what cabals may be
formed, in order to acquaint Your Majesty with it. I have taken
measures to obtain information for Your Majesty, respecting what you
were pleased to order me by your dispatch of the 20th, but time is
necessary for it. At present the offices, the sea-ports, the army, and
the fleet, seem to be in the hands of persons strongly attached to mo -
narchy ; but all this will experience a great change if troubles happen,
and a war break out under pretence of religion, or an alteration of
the laws.

I find nobody who thinks the Duke of Monmouth dare shew him-
self alone here. He well knows the King of England would not grant
him a pardon ; that which he obtained from the late King is only
of effect in England, so that he could very easily be tried in Scot-
land. It is even asserted, that since he obtained that pardon, he has
had a intercourse with some of the conspirators, which renders him
again guilty.

APPENDIX. 4^

The Spanish Ambassador has asked His Britannic Majesty how he
wishes the Duke of Monmoulh should be treated at Brussels. Ac-
cording to what His Majesty told me, his answer was, that it was not a
matter on which they ought to consult him ; that the Duke of Mon-
mouth's conduct towards him was notorious to every one, and that, to
say the truth, he knew not what design the Duke could entertain in re-
siding so near the English coasts at the present conjuncture.

His Majesty has also told me that the Spanish Ambassador had spoken
to him about the treaty of alliance which was some time since concluded
between the late King of England and His Catholic Majesty, to which
he did not doubt His Britannic Majesty considered himself bound in
the same way as the late King his brother was ; that he had replied, ha
was very little acquainted with these matters ; that if the Ambassador
wished for any explanation on the subject, he might present a memorial,
which should be taken into consideration by his Ministers, in order to
make him an official reply. This answer has embarrassed the Spanish
Ambassador, and he clearly comprehends that the King does not consider
himself bound to the treaty made by the King his brother. I told His
Britannic Majesty, that besides the usual rules not binding him to this
treaty, he must remember that the deceased King considered him-
self as sufficiently absolved from it by the Spaniards refusing to submit
to his arbitration, and by the change of affairs since that period ; for
after a war a truce had been made, into the guarantee of which the King
of England did not give himself much trouble to enter, and that it be-
longed to him to judge what might suit him on the business. His Ma-
jesty concluded with saying to me : " I do not consider myself in any
shape whatever bound to the treaty made by my late brother with Spain ;
but I consider myself fully bound to preserve the friendship and support
of the King your master, and I will do every thing in my power to
merit them."

I am, &c.

BARILLOX.

APPENDIX.

The KING to M. BARILLOX. [P a g e ^-]

March Qtfi, J 685 .

MONSIEUR Barlllon, I have received your letters of the 26th of Fe-
bruary and the 1st of the present month. By the former I perceive with
much pleasure that the King of England is as sensibly touched as I could
desire with the means which I have afforded you of assisting him in his
most pressing wants, without even waiting till he had requested it of
me. But although I believe that the declaration which you unreservedly
made has had a good effect, and that it has fully convinced the King of
the reliance he ought to place on my friendship, and how much he ought
to prefer it to all others, nevertheless it would have been well, as I ordered
you by my dispatch of the 20th of February, to have waited till he had
been more in need of that supply ; for it is probable, since you have been
so explicit, that his Ministers will press you to remit into their hands
immediately all the money you have received. But, however this may
be, I now leave it to your prudence to conduct yourself in such a manner
as may neither displease the King, nor diminish the obligation he is under
to me for so real a proof of my friendship.

With respect to what you had engaged me to pay to the late King of
England, as you sufficiently knew by the orders which I sent you, and
by the letters you addressed to me, that I granted two millions of livres
for the first payment only, and fifteen hundred thousand for each of the
other two, ending in April last year, you could have easily undeceived
the Earl of Rochester and the other Ministers with regard to their ill-
founded claims; and, for the future, as I do not intend to desert the
King of England in his need, it is also to be hoped that the Parliament
he is about to assemble will be disposed to grant him, at the commence-
ment of his reign, every necessary support to enable him to maintain his
dignity. He ought, however, to rely, with an increased confidence, on the
coi.tinuanceof my friendship, since I have placed you, beforehand, and

APPENDIX. 4y

of my own free will, in a situation which enables you to give him the
most effectual proofs of it.

The King of England cannot take a better part, for the good of
his kingdom, and the ease of his conscience, than to attend mass pub-
licly ; and this act of firmness is more likely to inspire his subjects with
fear and respect, than to add new strength to the mal-contents. You
have seen by my last dispatch, that in this he has anticipated my senti-
ments, and that I could not have approved of a long dissimulation of the
religion he professes. You will express to him also the pleasure I feel at
learning his authority daily increases by the submission of all his subjects ;
and that I assure myself his prudent conduct will destroy all those fac-
tions which might disturb the peace of his kingdom. Lord Churchill
has spoken to me in the same terms in which you wrote to me ; and
T have ordered the Marechal de Lorge to set off immediately to make
my compliments of condolence to the King and Queen of England, and
.to express to His Majesty the interest I take in his happy accession to the
throne of his ancestors. Whatever murmurs may be excited by con-
tinuing to levy the duties granted to the late King, it is probable they
will be appeased by summoning and assembling a Parliament ; but be the
effect what it may, the King acts very wisely in securing to himself the
means of supplying the necessities of the state. It also appears to me
more prudent that the coronation should take place before the meeting
of Parliament, than during its sitting ; and I shall be glad to be informed
of all the difficulties which may arise on that occasion, and of the mea-
sures adopted to surmount them.

You were right in apprising the King of England of the impropriety of
reposing an entire confidence in all that M. Overkerque may of himself
advance in the name of the Prince of Orange ; but were he even
properly authorized, the King is too well acquainted with the animosity
the Prince of Orange manifested against him when he was only Duke
of York, and against the religion he follows even since his accession
to the throne, to believe, that the professions he may make on the
part of the Prince can be sincere ; and if His Britannic Majesty's Mi-
nister at the Hague transmit an exact account to his master, of all
he has heard, and known himself, respecting the Prince's sentiments,

50 APPENDIX.

he will easily perceive that he has no other intention than to employ,
against the King's interest, not only the facility which he may find of
replacing himself in his good opinion, but also those mere outward testimo-
nies which he may receive of the King's good-will ; and he cannot mortify
the Prince of Orange more, nor make him more submissive, than by
rejecting with disdain every proposition which he may make for the
purpose of amusing him ; and above all by preventing him from visiting
England.

Continue to inform me particularly of whatever takes place of any
consequence in the Court where you are, as I doubt not but the new
government will furnish you with ample matter.

Extract of a Letter from tlie KING to M. BARILLON. [Page liii.]

March 16th, 1 68 5^

THERE is a great likelihood that as the King of England now makes a
public profession of the Roman Catholic religion, he will soon request
from the Pope bishops of that persuasion ; and as there cannot be a doubt
that His Holiness will elect them out of the English clergy, amongst
whom I am informed there are many persons infected with Jansenism,
I should be glad for you skilfully to acquaint His Majesty how much it is
to his interest carefully to distinguish those, so that if the good example
he sets to all his subjects be followed in the way it is to be wished, the
kingdom, in escaping from one heresy, may not fall into another, which
would be scarcely less dangerous: 5

APPENDIX. 5!

M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page liii.]

April J6, 1685.

I HAVE executed, with all the punctuality in my power, Your Majesty's
orders contained in your dispatch of the 6th of April. I have endea-
voured to convince the King of England and his Ministers that Your
Majesty had already given real proofs of your friendship by antici-
pating even his requests ; that Your Majesty would continue to assist
him in his wants, and that it was your intention to do more than you
would promise ; that, at the same time, Your Majesty thought it sufficed
on your part to perform rather than to promise, and that without any
previous engagement you had sent me a large sum of money. The King
seemed very sensible of what Your Majesty does for him ; but he told me
that the state of his affairs was such that he had to adopt prospective
measures, and that he could not undertake what he has resolved upon
without being positively assured of what Your Majesty will be willing to
do in favour of him ; that Your Majesty will know by his future conduct
how much he will be attached to your interests : that it will always be
in Your Majesty's power to retract what you shall have promised, if his
conduct be not such as Your Majesty could desire ; that since Your
Majesty really wished to assist him, it would be a new obligation if you
would set his mind at rest by promising him what he asks ; because his
uncertainty on this subject would not allow him to act with the firmness
accessary, and that a wavering and indecisive conduct on his part would
embolden his enemies and intimidate his friends.

This answer made me enter more fully into the subject with the King.
I explained to him what had taken place with the late King of England,
I reminded His Majesty, that although the treaty had only been a verbal
one, it had been punctually executed and fulfilled on both sides ; that
Your Majesty had completed the payment of what had been promised ;
and that the late King had also held himself exactly to the engagements
he had entered into to favour the claims of Your Majesty against Spaiu.

H 2

52 APPENDIX.

and not to summon a Parliament ; that at present Your Majesty required
nothing of His Britannic Majesty that could cause him the least embar-
rassment, having nothing more at heart than the settlement of a general
peace ; that at the same time it was your intention to give him real
proofs of your friendship, and to assist him to maintain his authority,
and to establish the Catholic religion ; that these two things seemed
united, and could not be separated ; that Your Majesty was resolved to
contribute to this from motives of friendship and personal esteem for
His Britannic Majesty, and from your zeal for religion ; that although
there be no express stipulations, Your Majesty will be sufficiently engaged
by what you do at the commencement, to continue in future what is so
well begun ; that, therefore, it might be relied upon that Your Majesty
will not act contrary to your professions, and will be willing to support
whatever you undertake on principles which will never alter.

To this the King replied, that he had no right to require from Your
Majesty more than you thought proper to perform : but that he had acted
candidly with me in representing his necessities, and that the request he
has made pre-supposes every sort of engagement on his part, and a
determined wish to be unreservedly attached to Your Majesty ; that,
therefore, Your Majesty had only to prescribe what should be requisite
for your interests, to induce him to adopt that conduct which should be
jnost agreeable to Your Majesty ; that when Your Majesty shall have
been thoroughly informed of the affairs of this country, you will know
that it is decisive to begin well, and to place him in a situation not to
relax in his measures at the outset ; that, however, he could not assume a
firm and elevated conduct unless he were well assured of succours which
could not fail ; and that it would no longer be the time to negotiate
about their amount when the period should have arrived for employing
them.

I told the King, that he saw Your Majesty began with per-
forming, and that, therefore, it was not so essential to stop at the
form and manner of promising ; that all that was necessary was,
that affairs here should take a favourable course, and that in the end
Your Majesty would not fail to assist the first advances and to promote

APPENDIX. 53

the success of His Britannic Majesty's designs in favour of monarchy
and the Catholic religion.

I have had several conferences with the Ministers, both in a body and
individually ; when together, their answers to me were very cold ; the
Earl of Rochester, who is the speaker for the whole, told me they had
already learnt what I said to the King their master, and that they could
have no opinion different from his ; that the necessity of his affairs
obliged them to have recourse to Your Majesty ; that the business now
was to establish his authority, and to give a permanent form to the
government ; that I knew of what importance it was to be in a situation
here to dictate, not to receive, laws ; that it was for me to represent this
to Your Majesty ; and that in what regarded them they had acquitted
themselves of their duty in sincerely laying open the wants of their master
to a friend who was able to relieve them if he thought fit.

I answered them in the same terms which I had used to the King.
I had a private conference with the Earl of Rochester, in which we tho-
roughly discussed matters. I contented myself with saying, that Your
Majesty performs, rather than promises, and that from this it might be
judged what was to be expected from you ; that it was strange to require
that Your Majesty should enter into an engagement to furnish subsidies
for a term of years, when His Britannic Majesty was not, on his part,
bound to any thing ; that it was true Your Majesty had nothing to
request of him at present ; but that you thought you had a right to give
him proofs of your friendship without any thing more being exacted than
what you should think ought to be done according as circumstances
should happen ; that it was not to be doubted but Your Majesty would
continue to act as you had begun, and that a perfect reliance ought to be
placed on your good faith and friendship.

To this Lord Rochester replied, that if he had not thoroughly known
the designs and intentions of the King his master, he would not have
urged me to act in such a way as that Your Majesty should furnish him
in the fir&t instance with a considerable sum of money, and promise
him a subsidy for three years ; that what is now done on the part of
Your Majesty ought to be considered as a mark of friendship, which,
would be preferred here, to any greater engagement, were it not resolved

54 APPENDIX,

to enter into the closest alliance with Your Majesty, and not in the end
to deceive you ; that if they did not act with sincerity, nor consider the
friendship of Your Majesty as the basis of that system they wish to
pursue, they would content themselves with a temporary connexion ; and
that the King their master, after being firmly settled, would consider
what part he had to take ; and that, without failing in his obligations to
Your Majesty, he would then find himself at liberty to adopt such a line
of conduct as he should think most suitable to his interests ; that
from this moment he is desirous to take that course which may last as
long as his reign, and to attach himself for ever ; that it has been seen
the alliance formed between Your Majesty and the late King of England
has been productive of good effects for both parties ; that it would again
be the case if a good understanding take place in the outset, and Your
Majesty begin with putting it in the power of the King of England to
follow his inclination and real interests.

I replied to this Minister, that the treaty made with the late King of
England had been punctually fulfilled on both sides ; that it contained
reciprocal stipulations and advantages, which could not be said of the
fitter now under discussion, Your Majesty having nothing to desire of
the King of England, and wishing moreover to contribute gratuitously
towards his settlement, and placing him in a condition to reign in peace
and tranquillity. The Earl of Rochester answered, that the treaty which
we had made did not contain reciprocal stipulations ; that the late King
was not bound to the non-assembling of a Parliament, nor formally to
renounce his treaty with Spain, though Your Majesty knew very well
that, at the bottom, you would derive these advantages ; and that the
late King had also been strengthened in his resolutions by the succours
which Your Majesty had furnished him ; and had even dispensed with
calling a Parliament, and defending Spain, when he was the most pressed
to do so ; that the same thing would again happen ; and that though Your
Majesty requires nothing from the King his master, yet he cannot agree
to attach himself to Your Majesty without renouncing the benefits he
might derive from the Parliament at other periods, and every engage-
ment with Spain ; that as soon as the Parliament should be assembled the
business would be to obtain the continuance of the revenue ; but after

APPENDIX. 55

that, nothing was to be expected except on hard and dangerous condi-
tions, to which the King his master would never agree ; that therefore
they would subsist as they did in the time of the late King, and with still
less caution with respect to Spain, having no treaty with her like what
existed formerly, the execution of which she was continually urging. To
this I replied, that the business at present was not to examine into the
treaty we had entered into in the time of the late King, since that treaty
had been faithfully executed on both sides ; that the present juncture was
totally different ; that Your Majesty expected nothing from the King of
England, nor had any other object than to give him solid proofs of your
friendship. In all that took place between the Earl of Rochester and:
myself I observed that he did not embrace the proposition for a new
treaty ; on the contrary, he seemed to me to avoid understanding what J
mentioned to him on that subject ; he always confined himself to saying,
that what has been done must be done again, because both parties had
profited by it.

The Earl of Sunderland was the first who conceived the propriety of
entering into formal and reciprocal engagements ; and that the King his
master ought to court every means which might insure him the friendship
of Your Majesty ; he lays it down as a fundamental principle, that the
Parliament, the Prince of Orange, and the House of Austria, must be>
considered as having inseparable interests, and that it is impossible to
disunite them ; that, therefore, the better to preserve Your Majesty'.!
favour, it is not only necessary to refrain from any alliance whatever with
them, but even to separate from them with dignity, and to drop the mask
when the proper opportunity shall offer for doing so, that is to say, after
the Parliament shall have granted the revenue. I was very reserved on.
the subject of the new engagements which might be formed, and con-
tented myself with merely hinting the proposal which Your Majesty
ordered me to make on that head ; for I thought it better to let it arise
rather as a natural consequence of the business in hand, than as a direct
overture on the part of Your Majesty. Lord Godolphin used the same
language to me as the Earl of Rochester did ; although he is in the
secret, yet he is not in great credit, and he only thinks of retaining hi$.
post by pursuing a prudent and moderate conduct. I do not believe that,.

50 APPENDIX.

if his advice were followed, any engagements would be formed with Your
Majesty which would lead to their dispensing with Parliaments, or break-
ing altogether with the Prince of Orange.

Yesterday evening I had a long conversation with the King of England ;
we recapitulated all that had been said with the Ministers, with which they
had made him acquainted. I knew that the Earl of Suriderland had spoken
to him fully of all we had said, and that he had represented to him the
necessity of unreservedly entering into a close alliance with Your Majesty.
The King told me, that I knew his views and designs better than his own
Ministers, that he had not been so explicit to them as he had been to
me respecting the establishment of the Catholic religion ; that, previous
to the session of Parliament, he must conceal his designs, and not allow
it to be discovered to what point he wished to conduct affairs ; that in
reality he knew that his safety depended on an intimate union with Your
Majesty, and placing the Catholic religion in a state not capable of being
overturned ; that it is his design to accomplish this as soon as he is able ;
that, however, I must represent to Your Majesty how important it is for
him to be assisted in so great an undertaking : that his first proceedings
with his Parliament would be decisive ; that those who might wish to
thwart him would miss no opportunity to prevent his success ; that
perhaps Your Majesty would learn too late what you ought to have
done, and that what will be necessary at present is far less than what
Your Majesty would at a future period be willing to contribute, should
you see the monarchy and the Roman Catholic religion likely to be
destroyed in England.

I told the King, he saw what Your Majesty's intentions were with
regard to him ; th^t I could always acquaint Your Majesty with what
takes place here ; and that there was no room to doubt that Your
Majesty would adopt such resolutions as the state of affairs should
-require ; that your friendship for his person and your zeal for religion
would not allow you to abandon him in his necessities ; that the conduct
pursued by Your Majesty towards him would be persevered in and not
departed from; that therefore, on his part, he must be assiduous to
cultivate a friendship which he considers so advantageous to him. On
retiring, His Britannic Majesty said to me, " I rely entirely upon what

APPENDIX. 57

you tell me ; but represent to your master that what he may now do
will set my mind at rest, and will make me act with a firmness and
confidence which I cannot assume if I am not fully assured."

From all that has been told me by the King of England and his
Ministers it seems to me that, at present, they do not so much insist
upon a promise of future succours, as upon an immediate sum of money.
I have mentioned, since Your Majesty gave me permission to do it, that
I should immediately have to the amount of gOO,OOO livres ; but if Your
Majesty do not commission me to advance any part of that sum, it will be
the same as if it were not here ; indeed it will not be believed that it is
here, if they find that I make no payments when they are required of me.

As far as I can judge, the King of England would be fully satisfied if
Your Majesty would resolve to remit here eleven hundred thousand livres
more before the session of Parliament, so that he might be able to draw
2,OOO,OOO whilst the Parliament is assembled. This might, in the end,
be considered as a year's subsidy ; and if it should be agreed upon to grant
one for the two following years, it might be made to commence only
in the month of October ensuing, or perhaps even in the month of
January 1686. Your Majesty will command me according as your
service requires. I will hold myself in a situation to execute your orders
a la lettre, without doing any thing but what may be prescribed to me.

The Dutch Ambassadors have had a private audience, and without any
ceremonies. The difficulty respecting their entry and public audience
still exists ; they wish to have an English Earl, as the Ambassador from
Savoy had ; there is no likelihood they will obtain one, and the King of
England seems very determined to make no alterations in the usual
treatment in respect to them.

The Queen's health is in a bad state ; those who are most about her
person think she will not live long ; her disorder is a sort of defluxion
upon the lungs, attended with violent colics, which often seize her. She
thinks herself she is in danger. I am, &c,

BARILLOX.

58 APPENDIX.

The KING to M. BARILLOIT. [Page lx.]

April lull, 1085.

MONSIEUR Barillon, I have received your letters of the l6th and iQth
of this month ; and though I did expect that the King of England would
have been perfectly satisfied with the large supplies of money which I so
promptly remit to you, to assist him, without any stipulations, in his
most pressing necessities, in case the Parliament which he is about to
assemble should not grant what he desires, as well for the continuance of
the same revenues during his life as the late King his brother enjoyed till
the time of his decease, as for the free exercise of the Catholic religion
in his kingdom ; yet this Prince has given you to understand, that if he
be not certified on my part of more considerable assistance, he will find
himself under the necessity of conciliating his Parliament, which will be
extremely prejudicial to the establishment of the royal authority, and
consequently to the good of the Roman Catholic religion. But though
he has so much reason to place an entire confidence in the sentiments of
esteem and amity which I have expressed for him, since he sees that I
have used every possible care to make him sensible of their effects,
without asking any other engagement in my interest than what his
gratitude and good faith may induce him to make when an occasion shall
present itself; yet I am willing to give him still greater proofs of the
attention I pay to every thing which he has represented to you, and of the
sincerity with which I wish to concur in every measure that may contri-
bute to his advantage. For this purpose, besides the 5OO,OOO livres
which I caused to be remitted to you as soon as I heard of the death of
the late King, and which you ought still to have in your possession,
there will immediately be forwarded to you the 900,000 livres which I
promised you in my dispatch of the 6th, and to this I will add the sum of
200,000 crowns, to the end that you may have in your hands, during the
meeting of Parliament, to the amount of two millions ; but as I learn with
much pleasure that almost all the Members of Parliament are well inclined

APPENDIX. 50

to the interests of the King, and that not above five or six are known to
be hostile to him, it is probable he will have no need of a great supply to
render the decisions of Parliament favourable ; and that at all events he
will content himself with holding out hopes of reward to those who may
properly do their duty : I nevertheless consent to your paying as far as
40O,OOO livres, to enable the King to make such presents as he may deem
proper during the session ; and with regard to the remaining 1 ,6oo,OOO
livres, you will only part with them in the event of Parliament adopting
such a line of conduct as may oblige the King to dissolve it, or on his
finding so much opposition to the establishment of the Roman Catholic
religion as may compel him to employ force against his own subjects.

In short, my intention is to support him zealously, in case he should
really stand in need of it, for the firm establishment of his authority, and
for the good of our religion ; but if his Parliament, of itself, be inclined
to do what the King desires, it is my pleasure that you should reserve
the sums which I cause to be remitted to you till there appears to me a
pressing necessity for employing them : and yet, as I have just told you,
I consent to your advancing to his Ministers 400,OOO livres before the
meeting of Parliament, provided the King should desire it. I assure
myself that after you have informed His Majesty of my last intentions I
shall hear of nothing on his part but thanks for the efforts I have made
to serve him ; but if, contrary to my expectations, there be still a wish
to tempt me to grant larger supplies, it is proper that you should deprive
the Ministers of every hope of obtaining them, and even give them to
understand that I learn with much displeasure that the King is not satisfied
with the great proofs which I have given him of my friendship.

It will be easy for you to remove from the mind of the King of
England the alarm created by the declaration which the Marquis de
Feuquieres made by my order to the King of Spain and his Ministers ;
and I dispatch this special messenger to you, that you may, without
delay, inform the King of England that I am the more satisfied with the
reply of His Catholic Majesty from his not only treating the proposal of
ceding the Low Countries to the Duke of Bavaria, or of giving up their
government to him, as a mere chimera ; but moreover from his giving
me positive assurances of religiously observing the truce, and conforming

I 2

6O APPENDIX.

to every thing contained in it, so that I have no reason to believe that
this Prince wishes to effect any change in the present state of the Low
Countries ; and as I had no other intentions in this explanation than to
prevent whatever could disturb the peace of Europe, you may assure the
King of England that I will ever use the same care to preserve it ; and
that as long as His Catholic Majesty is willing to concur on his part, and
reject such innovations so contrary to the truce, the public tranquillity
will not be disturbed.

M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page IxiL]

April 30th, 1685.

I HAVE received by a special messenger Your Majesty's dispatch of the
24th of April. I immediately after repaired to the King of England, to
inform him of the answer made to M. de Feuquieres by His Catholic
Majesty. It was impossible to evince more joy than what this Prince
did, on being acquainted with an event which relieves him from great
inquietude, and sets his mind at rest. It was not without reason that he
feared a rupture between Your Majesty and the King of Spain might
render the Parliament more untractable than it will be when every thing
abroad seems in tranquillity. His Britannic Majesty commanded me to
thank Your Majesty for your care in acquainting him with it by a special
messenger, and assured me that his joy is always redoubled whenever he
receives testimonies of Your Majesty's friendship.

The Ministers also learnt with much pleasure the success of M. de
Feuquieres' proposal. The Earl of Rochester is still more sensible than
any of the other Ministers to all that can maintain peace abroad. I find
no difficulty in shewing that Your Majesty's design was only to prevent
whatever could have disturbed the repose which Europe at present
enjoys, since the answer returned at Madrid places its affairs in a state
of tranquillity, which, according to appearances, must be durable.

APPENDIX. Gi

This morning the King of England again spoke of it to me with much
satisfaction, and he considers himself delivered from a very great embar-
rassment to which he thinks he must have been exposed, had the
Parliament been assembled when a war should have broken out between
Your Majesty and Spain. It seems to me that Your Majesty derives
some advantage from what has been agitated on this business ; since the
question of the right of Monseigneur the Dauphin to the crown of
Spain becomes familiar, without there appearing to be too great an alarm
excited at seeing so many kingdoms under a possibility of being united to
the crown of France ; at least it seems to be acknowledged that if His
Catholic Majesty should die without issue, the right of the Dauphin and
of his descendants would be much clearer than that of those who might
claim it in virtue of a renunciation replete with nullities. I spoke upon
all this very slightly, as being a matter of contingency ; but I did not
think it right to suppress what Your Majesty advanced as the prin-
cipal reason for what you intended to do in order to prevent the Elector
of Bavaria and the Archduchess from being put in possession of the Low
Countries.

An affair of no slight consequence has taken place in the interior of
the Court : the King of England having determined to go to chapel
attended in the same manner as the late King his brother was, mentioned
it on the preceding day to the Earls of Rochester and Sunderland, and
Lord Godolphin. He toid them, that having adopted the practice of
going publicly to mass, he thought it necessary to do so with all requisite
dignity, and attended by his guards and principal officers ; that they
might remain at the door of the chapel and wait for him, or return
thither when he was to come out. Neither the Earl of Sunderland nor
Lord Godolphin made any difficulty of this ; the latter of whom, as being
Chamberlain to the Queen, is accustomed to hand Her Majesty to the
chapel door ; but the Earl of Rochester combated with great warmth the
resolution His Majesty seemed to have taken, and after having in vain
urged all the reasons he could think of, he at last plainly declared that
unless His Majesty expressly commanded him to attend him to the door
of the chapel he would not do it. His Britannic Majesty told him,, it
was not his intention to constrain any one, nor to command him to do

02 APPENDIX.

an act to which he seemed to have so much aversion ; that his scruples
appeared ill-founded, and that a command ought not to he an excuse for
doing a thing which might in itself be bad ; that he was at liberty either to
do it or not. The dispute was pretty high ; the King did not yield, nor
would he command him, and the Earl persisted in not accompanying
him unless he were commanded, and adopted the expedient suggested to
him by His Majesty to set off the same day to his seat in the country,
whither he was to have gone on the following day. The Earl of Sun-
derland and Lord Godolphin, like two skilful courtiers, pressed the Earl
of Rochester to comply with the King's wishes, but were unable to
prevail upon him. From this incident Your Majesty may judge of the
opposition the King of England is likely to meet with, ultimately, in
what he may wish to undertake in favour of the Catholic religion.

This affair is very secret, yet it is probable that the Earl of Rochester
may wish to make a merit of it with the zealous Protestants, and think
of gaining credit amongst them, without believing that by it he either
hazards his interest or his employment. He will endeavour to convince
the King, that what he has done in it is for the furtherance and good
of his affairs ; that it is very dangerous to declare himself too openly and
too soon ; and that, happen what may, he cannot have any other interests
than those of His Majesty ; but he has to do with a very resolute Prince,
and one who suffers with impatience the least contradiction.

Yesterday was Easter-day here ; the Knights, wearing their collars,
attended the King to the door of the gallery where he hears mass ; the
Duke of Somerset bore the sword ; he remained at the door, it being
the custom that the person who bears the sword must not enter the
church except when the King receives the communion. The Dukes of
Norfolk, Grafton, Richmond, and Northumberland, the Earls of Oxford
and Mulgrave, and several other noblemen attended His Majesty, both in
going and coming. It was observed that the Duke of Ormond and the
Marquis of Halifax remained in the antechamber. The Earl of Roches-
ter did not return from the country till yesterday evening. This step
the King of England has taken of going to church with his officers and
guards makes as much noise, and causes more reflection than when he
went publicly to mass,

APPENDIX. <)3

The Dutch Ambassadors have made no complaint about what happened
to them at Gravesend. M. D'Avaux has sent me word that the Pen-
sionary Fagel had commanded them, by the Commissioners for Foreign
Affairs, not to shew any resentment at if, and to dissimulate on what
took place. They had only one nobleman to precede them on the day
of their entry ; this was Lord Tenay, a Catholic, and son-in-law to the
late Viscount Montague ; this event has made people talk, and it has
been considered strange that the King of England should have affected to
employ a Catholic nobleman in the first entry that has been made since
the commencemet of his reign, and to send him to the Dutch Ambassa-
dors. To-day they had their audience of their Britannic Majesties at
Whitehall, whither they were conducted by Lord North.

I have told the King of England what Your Majesty gave me permis-
sion to do, respecting the sums which are to be immediately transmitted
htere ; I remarked to him, with how much care Your Majesty anticipates
his necessities, and what real proofs you give him of your friendship.
This Prince shewed he was sensibly affected with what Your Majesty does
in his favour. I hope to be able to prevent, for a considerable time, any
further demands of succours from Your Majesty, provided you allow me
to employ those already received. I have not informed either the King
of England or his Ministers that Your Majesty had permitted me to
furnish only as far as 40O,OOO livres of the 2,000,000 which might be
reckoned upon ; for had I given such information, it would have removed
all the merit of what Your Majesty now does in favour of the King of
England, and would have afforded reason here to think all Your Majesty
has in view is only to assist him in case of an insurrection ; it is not
expected that this can be the ground upon which Your Majesty is desirous
to grant assistance. His Britannic Majesty and his Ministers entertain
no doubt of Your Majesty's being very willing to pay what remained due
of the old subsidy at the time of the late King's decease. The sum of
5OO,OOO livres, which Your Majesty sent immediately after that event,
will be sufficient to complete its payment.

What I told the Earl of Rochester on the remittance of fresh supplies
has prevented him from pressing me as he would have done had I said
nothing about it, because he entertains no doubt of tin's sum being

64 APPENDIX.

furnished when he shall ask for it ; I entreat Your Majesty to grant me
permission to advance it ; for it seems to me, that a refusal would occasion
great injury to your affairs, which it would ultimately be very difficult to
repair. There will remain here, after the payment of the old subsidy,
1,50O,OOO livres ; I will use every means in my power not to diminish this
sum, unless I be very much pressed to do it ; but I make bold again
to represent to Your Majesty, that if I have an express prohibition, and
I cannot make any payment, it will be impossible for me to support the
opinion entertained by the King of England and his Ministers, that Your
Majesty sincerely wishes to contribute to his advantage, and the establish-
ment of his authority.

I did not explain with sufficient clearness the state of affairs in this
country when I gave Your Majesty cause to think, that the money you
might furnish would be employed in bribing the Members of Parliament,
in order to obtain from them what the King desires as well with regard
to the revenue as the free exercise of the Catholic religion : this is not
the path His Majesty means to pursue ; and nothing is more in opposi-
tion to his designs ; he will adopt a firm and resolute conducjt : the Earl
of Danby's plan of buying the votes in Parliament succeeded so badly,
that they think no longer of adopting it, and in truth, were they to renew
the scheme, they would fall into the same difficulties. The King of
England wishes to carry his measures by the necessity the Parliament will
find itself under of granting him what he is determined to take if it be
not granted, namely, the revenue enjoyed by the late King, and accord-
ing to every appearance the Parliament will accede to it : but yet this
does not tranquillize His Majesty, for he cannot with credit and safety
abandon the protection of the Catholics ; and it is very evident he will
find great difficulty in establishing the free exercise of their religion.

I know that parties are already forming among the Lords ; it is
believed that on the subject of religion they will be more untractable than
the Commons. It is very probable that the revenues will be granted in
order to deprive the King of England of a pretext for saying that they
deny him what is requisite for the support of his government ; but they
will, at the same time, be desirous of taking such precautions for the
safety of the Protestant religion as cannot be assented to by the King

APPENDIX. 6j

xvithout placing himself in a state of great peril and uncertainty. Zealous
Protestants already openly declare, that this Prince has forfeited what he
promised to the Council, and what was contained in the Declaration which
was published, having formally pledged himself to do nothing against the
Protestant religion, although he has since given a regiment in Ireland to
Colonel Talbot ; which is, as they say, promoting Popfery, and beginning
the destruction of the Protestant religion. Your Majesty may, therefore,
consider it as certain that the King will find extreme difficulty in what he
wishes to do in favour of the Catholic religion. No pains will be spared
to divert him from it, and to weaken the resolutions he has taken. Your
Majesty can judge from the Earl of Rochester's conduct what is to be
expected from the others in matters of greater importance.

The best and surest means for strengthening this Prince, and preserving
him in his present favourable inclinations towards the Catholic religion,
and the interests of Your Majesty, is, his being assured of a close alliance
with Your Majesty, and confident of being powerfully assisted by it.
I make no doubt but he will engage himself as far as Your Majesty may,
in the end, wish him ; and he already thinks of doing it on receiving
a gratuity from Your Majesty. If I were to discontinue all kind of
payments, and the King of England and his Ministers were to express
themselves with coolness upon it, and not speak of succours as
being necessary, I should have no doubt that this Prince thought
himself in a situation and at liberty to adopt other measures. I cannot
represent too strongly to Your Majesty how important it is not to afford
the King or his Ministers any occasion to think that it is not Your Ma-
jesty's wish to contribute to his greatness and settlement. I will apply
myself to transmit so exact an account of whatever takes place here, that
Your Majesty will see the foundation of all the different interests, as far
as I shall be able to discover them. However, in my opinion, it is very
necessary that Your Majesty should not suspend your payments, and
that you should allow me to furnish the King of England with what I
may think right to give of the 1,500,000 livres which will remain after the
full payment of the old subsidy. I dare engage that this money will
have as good an effect as any Your Majesty could have given. It is a
decisive measure for what Your Majesty has most at heart, that is to say,

66 APPENDIX.

the establishment of a free exercise of the Roman Catholic religion. I
entreat Your Majesty to recollect, that I have so managed the payments
of the last subsidy, as that a whole year has passed over without its having
been mentioned. In all this I can have no .other object than the interest
of Your Majesty, who might, by a single refusal, destroy in one day that
confidence which has been established here for many years of a sincere
friendship for the late and present King. I hope Your Majesty will do
me the justice to believe I am not vain of my own opinions, and that I
know as well as any person how to obey unreservedly your orders ; yet
it is my duty to represent affairs as they are, and always to submit to
whatever Your Majesty shall please to command me.

I am, with the profound respect, &c. &c.

BARILLO;?.

The KING to M. BARILLON. [Page Ixviii.]

May 9, 1685.

MONSIEUR Barillon, I am very glad to find by your letter of the 3Oth
of April that the King of England acknowledges the sincerity of my
intentions in the declaration which the Marquis de Feuquieres made by
my command to the Catholic King ; and that, as I was perfectly disposed
to be satisfied with the answer returned on the part of His Catholic
Majesty, it has put an end to whatever inquietude the affair had occa-
sioned in the Court where you are. I assure myself, that, as this expla-
nation will not be without effect in confirming the peace, it will also
contribute very greatly to facilitate the execution of tire designs of the
King of England in the approaching meeting of Parliament, and that from
the present disposition alone of affairs in Europe he will obtain all he
can desire, without being obliged for the future to require any other assist-
ance than what he may obtain in his own kingdom.

APPENDIX. 67

I perceive, however, by your letter, that you are persuaded it is to my
interest not only to complete, as soon as His Majesty may desire it, the pay-
ment of the subsidies which you promised on my part to the late King, but
even to give you permission to disburse the 1,50O,OOO livres remaining in
your possession when you shall judge it necessary, as well to strengthen
him in the resolution of establishing at any rate the free exercise of our reli-
gion, as to attach him inseparably to my interests, and to prevent him
from adopting other measures. But to explain to you more particularly
my intentions, to the end you may not err, I am willing to repeat to you,
that it is true the principal, or rather only motive, which induces me to
remit to you with so much promptitude so considerable a sum as two
millions of livres to assist the King of England in his most pressing wants,
is the zeal which I have for the propagation of our religion, added to my
esteem and affection for His Majesty ; he ought to be so much the more
convinced of this truth, from my not stipulating any conditions on
his part, and from the intention I have of maintaining the peace of
Europe learing me no room to believe that I can meet with any obstacle
sufficient to render foreign assistance necessary ; I have also a sufficiently
high opinion of the sincerity of the King of England in the profession
tyhich he makes of the Catholic religion to induce me to believe he will
employ all his authority to establish its free exercise, without it being
necessary to excite him to it by a premature advance of money, and which
ought not to be employed if the Parliament grant him the revenues en-
joyed by the late King, and consent also to the establishment of the free
exercise of our religion ; yet it is my intention you should continue the
payments of all that remains of the subsidies promised to the late King,
which, according to the last accounts you transmitted to me, amounted to
-17O,OOO livres ; so that of the sum of 500,000 livres, remitted to you by
my orders of the 15th of February last, there will, after the payments are
completed, be a remainder of only 30,OOO, which, added to all the remit-
tances that have been, or may yet be made, will create a sum of 1 ,53O,OOO
livres, and which I wish you to preserve on|y to be disposed of in the event
of the King of England not being able to obtain from his Parliament a
continuation of the revenues, or on his finding such obstacles to the esta-

K 2

APPENDIX.

blishment of the Catholic religion as may compel him to dissolve it, and
employ his authority and arms to bring his subjects to reason. In that
case I consent to your assisting him with all the money in your possession,
either in one or several sums, as you shall think proper, and at the same
time you will inform me of it by a special messenger. I assure myself
that the King and his Ministers will be satisfied with the orders I
give you, at least that they will have no reason to complain that I do not
wish to assist him, but in case of an insurrection ; and that, on the
contrary, they will see that I am the more interested in the Parliament
being of itself disposed to satisfy the King, since he will be principally
indebted for such disposition to the good understanding subsisting between
me and him ; and as it would be unjust that he should turn to his own
profit, and place in his treasury those succours which I destine for him
solely for the purposes just mentioned, he may always assure himself of
receiving the same proofs of my regard, should the necessity of his affairs
oblige him to have recourse to me.

Endeavour in the mean time to discover what negotiations may be
carrying on in the Court where you are between the King's Ministers and
the Dutch Ambassadors for a treaty of alliance with the States-General ;
and take care, that, acting as I do with so much good faith towards that
Court, it do not form engagements elsewhere prejudicial to my interests.

M. BARILLON to the KING. P*age

May 14th, l685.

1 YESTERDAY received by a special messenger Your Majesty's dispatch
of the Qth of May : I will take all due care to do nothing beyond what
Your Majesty has prescribed me. I will content myself with representing
to Your Majesty facts as they are, and with obeying your orders with the
utmost exactitude.

APPENDIX. g

M. D'Avaux has sent me copies of the Dutch Ambassadors' letters of
the 2()th of April, to the Pensionary Fagel ; they mention, that the Earl
of Rochester has spoken to them in a way which gives them hopes of a
more close alliance between His Britannic Majesty and the States-
General. I think I may positively assert, that the conference mentioned
in these letters has never taken place ; and that if there were a design
here to lay the foundation of a more close alliance between His Britannic
Majesty and the States-General, it would not be by a conference between
the Ambassadors and several of the Ministers.

I can hardly believe either what is mentioned in these letters of Lord
Preston having been ordered to speak to Your Majesty respecting the
Prince of Orange. The King of England would at least have said some-
thing of it to me, if he had wished that his intercession should succeed.
But he often speaks to me as having a great and well-founded distrust of
the conduct and intentions of the Prince of Orange with regard to him.
Your Majesty perfectly well knows in what manner Lord Preston has
spoken on the subject of the Prince of Orange. If that part of the Ambas-
sadors' letter be false, the rest may well be considered of the same nature.
Your Majesty will have seen by the letters which I have had the honour
of addressing to you, that I believe the King of England is entirely
disposed to preserve a close alliance with Your Majesty, and that this
disposition is the rule of all his actions. Nevertheless it is certain that
every exertion is made by the zealous Protestants, and the partizans of
the Prince of Orange, to detach him from Your Majesty's interests.
Nothing will at first be proposed directly in opposition to them ; but they
wish by insensible degrees to make him enter into secret measures either
with the Prince of Orange alone or in conjunction with the States-
General : I do not believe they will succeed ; and I rather think that
the Dutch Ambassadors deceive themselves by taking general professions
for positive assurances.

Affairs in Parliament will not go on so smoothly as was imagined :
there appears to be a disposition on the part of the Members of the House
of Commons to grant the continuance of the revenues, but the cabals are
constantly framing new propositions, which will greatly embarrass the
King and his Ministers.

70 APPENDIX.

An affair of much importance has been agitated here : it is a generally
received opinion that the Duchess of Portsmouth and the Earl of Sunder-
land were the principal promoters of the close alliance which appeared to
exist between Your Majesty and the late King of England, in the last
years of whose reign they were known to possess all the influence. The
Earl of Rochester even was seen to have lost his credit, and to he on the
eve of departing for Ireland. This has caused the principal hatred
for past events to fall upon the Earl of Sunderland and the Duchess of
Portsmouth, (who are known to have acted in concert on all occasions,)
and in which Lord Godolphin is also implicated. The factions complain
of having been deserted by them, and impute to them all the misfortunes
with which they have been overwhelmed. For these reasons it is intended,
as soon as the Parliament meets, to propose that all those who voted for
the exclusion of the Duke of York from the succession shall be expelled
the House of Commons. This is a specious proposition, full of apparent
respect and zeal for His present Majesty ; but, in reality, it is a design
to exasperate the whole nation against him, and to create a belief (should
he consent to it) that he never forgets what was attempted against his
interests, and that he is always desirous to revenge himself for it. This
is also a footing for an attack upon those in the Upper House, who were
for the exclusion, and principally the Earl of Sunderland and Lord
Godolphin, who treated with the factions on the part of the late King,
and who induced them at that time to insist on a measure to which they
assured them that Prince would in the end consent, provided they granted
him larger supplies.

It is very evident that the project is supported by some persons not
altogether unconnected with Administration. The Marquis of Halifax
has always cherished a violent hatred against the Earl of Sunderland, and
secretly encourages those whom he has set on foot to injure him.

The Earl has already warned the King to avoid the snare that is laid
for him under this pretext of expelling those who are called the Exclu-
sionists ; but if the scheme should fail they will try another ; and I can
perceive that a violent attack will be made upon the Earl of Sunderland,
not only from the hatred conceived against him on account of his former
administration, but from its being* foreseen that he will in future enjoy a

APPENDIX. 1\

large share of h'is master's confidence, should his union with Your Majesty
continue, and he persevere in his design of establishing the Catholic
religion.

I believe, that at first the Parliament will not molest the Earl of Ro-
chester ; he is considered to be a staunch Protestant, and regarded as the
protector of the church party. They see him at the head of affairs, and
with the finances in his power ; he is, moreover, brother-in-law to the
King ; they think therefore that in attacking him they would afford His
Majesty a pretext for dissolving the Parliament ; but they conceive it in
their power to attack the other Ministers with impunity, and that the
Earl of Rochester will not probably be displeased at any tiling which may
.be done against those who formerly prevailed over him, and compelkd
him to think of going to Ireland.

The Catholics are openly in favour of the Earl of Sunderland, a circum-
stance which will tend still more to excite the Members of the Lower
House against him. However, he served the King, before he came to
die throne, so faithfully, and exerted himself with so much success in
procuring his recall from Scotland and re -admission to the Council and
the Admiralty, that I do not think the King will abandon him, or suffer
the Parliament to commence with an act so injurious to the royal autho-
rity as an attack upon his Ministers.

The Duchess of Portsmouth also expects to be assailed, which induces
her to press her departure before the meeting of Parliament. From the
manner in which His Majesty spoke to me on the subject I have- reason
to think she will be satisfied with what he has resolved upon respecting
her affairs.

From what I have had the honour of writing to Your Majesty, you will
perceive that affairs in Parliament will not be so peaceable as is imagined ;
it is true, indeed, that the old opposition has not been elected ; but those
who compose the Parliament will easily become oppositionists. They have
almost all an insurmountable aversion to the Catholic religion ; and the
greater part are enemies to France, and jealous of Your Majesty's great-
ness. They know well that on the success of this session depends the
settlement of His Britannic Majesty's affairs, and for this reason they will
omit no opportunity of creating him embarrassments..

72 APPENDIX.

, Information has been received here that the English exiles at Amster-
dam mean to send arms into Scotland, and that measures have been taken
for that purpose. It is there where disturbances may be most easily
excited, as well as in the North of Ireland, which is contiguous to it.
The King of England does not seem uneasy about the future ; he thinks
he will accomplish his designs without difficulty.

The Dutch Ambassadors have had their audience of the Prince and
Princess of Denmark. They paid me the first visit after the royal family.
According to what has been told me by some who are in their confidence,
they are not so well content as they affect to be in their letters. I will
not fail to redouble my endeavours to discover whatever may take place
on this subject.

Very good news arrived here yesterday from Scotland. A motion was
made in the Parliament for granting His Majesty during his life the
duties of the excise and customs which were granted to the late King,
for his life ; this was not only agreed to, but the Parliament annexed the
said duties to the Crown in perpetuity. It was the Duke of Hamilton
who made the proposition to the Lords, and who caused it to succeed
through his great influence with the Parliament.

One of the Duke of Monmouth's equerries has been arrested here ; the
King has told me, that nothing was found upon him ; that he had not
secreted himself; and that he had therefore been liberated on giving
security for his re-appearance.

The Duke of Norfolk has been created a Knight of the Garter, and
received the riband worn by the late King. Lord Churchill will be
created an English Peer, he is only a Peer of Scotland at present. Mr.
Germain will also be created a Peer, and Colonel Talbot will be made an
Irish Earl as soon as he arrives in Ireland. All this will be done previous
to the meeting of Parliament.

I am, with the profound respect which I owe, &c. &c.

BARDULON.

APPENDIX. 73

M. BARILLON to the KING* [Page Ixxiv.]

London, May \"jth, 1685.

I FIND by Your Majesty's last dispatch, that you are resolved upon
assisting the King of England in his wants, and that with this view Your
Majesty transmits hither considerable sums of money. Nevertheless it
appears to me that you entertain some suspicion that His Britannic Ma-
jesty may adopt measures injurious to your interests, and enter into
engagements with the States-General and the Prince of Orange. This
it must be my principal care to discover, and I will omit no opportunity
of obtaining information on whatever secret transactions take place here.
The intimate intercourse which I have with the King of England and his
Ministers places me in such a situation, that if I am deceived it will be
my own fault.

Your Majesty may rest assured that the King has no idea of forming
any engagements with the States-General, and still less with the Prince
of Orange. I do not speak so confidently on slight grounds, but from
many things which it would be difficult for me to explain to Your Ma-
jesty as clearly as I see them. It must, however, be confessed, that the
King dissimulates, and it is requisite that he should do FO till after the
session of Parliament ; when I am convinced he will immediately drop the
mask, and that he will not constrain himself, as he has hitherto done,
in concealing his inclinations towards Your Majesty's interests, and his
design to establish the free exercise of the Catholic religion : in the
execution of the latter I am well persuaded he will meet with much
difficulty ; there is no likelihood that the Parliament will agree to
it ; and I even doubt whether His Britannic Majesty dare propose
the measure. This will depend upon the first resolutions that may be
adopted respecting the revenue ; but I know beforehand that the distrust
is very great in all minds, and that if the Parliament make no opposition
to the continuance of the supplies, it will not yield on the subject of the

Catholic religion. This js what has made me all along solicit Your

.t,

74 APPENWX.

Majesty so earnestly not to suspend the payments which are expected
here. I should even find much difficulty in declaring to the King of
England and his Ministers, that, after the full payment of the old subsidy r
Your Majesty will advance no more money, unless he be obliged to force
his subjects to conform to his wishes as well in what relates to the
revenues as the free exercise of the Catholic religion.

I see Your Majesty apprehends some inconvenience from the possibility
of the King of England placing any large sum you might furnish at this
time in his Treasury, and therewith so augment his finances as to enable
him to support himself with ease ; and that on his authority being once
established at home, and all his wishes respecting the Catholic religion
fulfilled, he will be in a condition to take a part in such foreign alliance*
as may be entered into. Were this the case, I should think it for Your
Majesty's advantage to pre-engage this Prince by a gratuity, and to draw
him imperceptibly into your interests by a sum of money far less con-
siderable than that which Your Majesty would advance, should the
King once take the resolution of uniting himself with those who
are jealous of your greatness. But the affairs of this country are
far from such a state of tranquillity. Your Majesty will see, in the end,
that the King of England will meet with much more opposition than was
thought of. There are already movements in the Highlands of Scotland ;
the North of Ireland is not in quietness ; the factions have not yet lost
all hope ; and Your Majesty knows that measures have been taken in
Holland to send them arms and ammunition.

At such a juncture, when every thing is in motion, and when the
greatest efforts will be made to detach the King from his connexion with
Your Majesty, were I to declare to him and his Ministers that you are
unwilling to afford him any farther succours, I should furnish a very
plausible pretext to those who wish him to take a course different from that
which he has determined to follow : I doubt, indeed, of their success ; but
it is a danger to which there seems to me no necessity for exposing the
affairs of this country, which may (or I deceive myself) be conducted
with perfect safety, without Your Majesty hazarding much. I see what
takes place ; it would be difficult to conceal it from me ; so that I will not
give unseasonably what I shall have in my power to grant ; I will make

APPEXDIX, ?5

bold again to entreat Your Majesty to allow me (after the completion of
the old subsidy) to furnish the King of England, during the sitting of
Parliament, as far as the sum of 2OO,OOO crowns out of the 1,53O,OOO
livres which will remain in my hands after Your Majesty shall have sent
here the whole sum intended. I will so manage the 2OO,OOO crowns as
that Your Majesty will ultimately know they have been of utility to you*.
By your last dispatch Your Majesty allows me to advance the whole
of the money I may have in my possession if I see the Parliament dissolved,
and the King be compelled to reduce his subjects to submission by
force. It is not likely that affairs will come all at once to an open rupture,
and I will always have time sufficient to inform Your Majesty, and to
receive your orders, provided I may, in the mean time, furnish some money.
In short, Sire, in what respects Your Majesty, every thing here, as far as
I can judge, is in a very good state ; but I would not answer for the
continuance of it, if Your Majesty were to deprive me of the liberty of
making any payments whatever after the completion of the old subsidy.
It is enough for me to have known your intentions, to prevent my going
too far when I shall have that liberty. The King of England thinks
himself, in some-measure, the judge of his own wants. If Your Majesty
wishes entirely to oblige him, and to testify a real friendship towards him,
he will refer them to you. If I were to excite in his mind the least dis-
trust, however ill-founded, I should have some trouble in reconciling him,
whereas I have now established a confidence which nothing will be able
to destroy, provided Your Majesty allow me to do whatever I shall think
absolutely necessary for your service. I would not be so imprudent as" to
urge Your Majesty to do a thing to which you seem to have so much
repugnance, did I not know the importance and (the utility) the necessity
of it. Neither would I lose ' to Your Majesty what little service 1
may have rendered you in this country by advising you to an act which
might be ultimately injurious, or at best of little advantage to your
interests. But I should'be wanting in the duty and fidelity which I owe
to Your Majesty, did I not represent as I do, that it is absolutely necessary
to grant me liberty of affording proofs of your amity to His Britannic-
Majesty, at a time when the greatest pains will be taken to divert him
from his designs.

L 2

76 APPENDIX.

J i f "Jifi V/j;<f; oj /:'< . ; :i: .

The present conjuncture is decisive ; the business is, that the King of
England .may 1 adopt that, conduct which he will long pursue; I think
that he has already made up hip mind on this, and that he is determined
to preserve a close alliance [Wij:h Ypur Majesty; it is only necessary to
preserve him in this deteriniuatapn, find toprevent him from being caught
in the snares which will be spread for him. .

The letters which I received the, day before yesterday from M. D'Avaux
confirnv me in the opinion, : that the Dutch Ambassadors' letters to the
Pensionary Fagel, of ^hiclrticopies., have been had, are forgeries. There
is great reason to think.ji1.hat. it is an; artifice, invented for the purpose of
creating a belief, in Holland and elsewhere; that the King of England
is fully disposed; : tO form a new and more close alliance with the States-
General, and 'that av-perfecj: understanding is already re-established
between His Britannic Majesty and the Prince of Orange. I am per-
suaded that neither : is true. :The King's jealousy of the Prince is too
well founded and too real to be easily removed. Nor do I' see moreover
that there is any likelihood that the interests of England and of the
States-General, can be speedily reconciled on the subject of trade ; since
at ,is a source of disagreement on the most fundamental interests of the
two nations.

The affair of Bantam alone is sufficient to hinder for a long time any
alliance between His Britannic Majesty and the States-General. Their
deputies and those of the Amsterdam East India Company are arrived.
A conference is about to be held with them. Nevertheless I yet find
many persons are persuaded that this business will not be settled. I
have learnt from one of the principal persons in the East India Company
that the King of England is fully determined to support their trade and
to thwart that of the Dutch. This same person told me, that His
Britannic Majesty sent, a short time since, a special messenger, with a
letter to the King of Persia, exhorting him not to agree with the Dutch
to the prejudice of other nations, and even offering him succours, in case
the war carried on against him by the Dutch should continue,

I am, with the profound respect I owe, &c,

BARILLOX,

APPENDIX. 77

M BARILLON to fAe KING* [Page Ixxviii.]
,:J "):. <nij dt n

London, May 21, J 685 .

LETTERS were received here yesterday from the Hague, which men-
tion, that three vessels, laden with arms and ammunition, had sailed
either for Scotland or the North of Ireland. The King of England has
mentioned it to me, and observed, that he saw how little care the Prince
of Orange had taken to prevent a proceeding of so much consequence,
and that if he had adopted the necessary measures he might have been
acquainted with it the first, have stopped the vessels, and given him
information of it ; but that instead of this they had delayed for several
days at the Hague, to do any thing respecting Mr. Skelton's remon-
strances, and that they had obliged him to deliver in a memorial ; that,
nevertheless, the vessel's might have been very easily stopped if there had
been a desire to do so ; that this tardiness shews little assiduity and zeal
on the part of the States -General and the Prince of Orange, andi ill accords
with the fair professions which are daily made to him on their part ; that
he did not intend to make any formal complaints on the business, but
that he well knew those who were truly in his interest, and from whom
he expects proofs of sincere friendship ; that, in the mean time, he is
neither embarrassed nor alarmed about what may result from the depar-
ture of these vessels ; that he had issued the necessary orders for prevent-
ing any movements which the disaffected might excite in Scotland or in
Ireland ; that he had sent out frigates to watch the coasts ; and that in
reality he thinks he has nothing to fear, being assured of Your Majesty's
friendship.

In reply I told His Britannic Majesty every thing I thought likely to
increase his suspicions of the conduct of the Prince of Orange, and assure
him of the friendship of Your Majesty : he agreed in what I said to him,
and gave me to understand that he did not yet think it right to declare
himself openly upon it ; but that he hoped he should not be much longer
obliged to dissimulate ; that it was a character he supported badly, and

78 APPENDIX.

which did not at all suit him. I have since learnt that he has spoken
with great resentment upon those in Holland not having prevented the
English exiles from carrying on their plans for the execution of their
(manoeuvres) ill intentions : he even said aloud in the Council that if
those to whom it belonged had done their duty as well in the time of the
late King as in his own, with regard to the disaffected who fled to Hol-
land, there would have been no necessity now for deliberating upon
measures to oppose the efforts they are making to excite disturbances.
This can only be understood of the Prince of Orange.

The Dutch Ambassadors seem embarrassed at this news : they say, that
all possible care was taken to prevent the departure of the three vessels as
soon as Mr. Skelton acquainted the States with the preparations ; but
that their government is subjected to certain forms which cannot be
dispensed with.

Two days ago the King of England spoke publicly in strong terms to
M. Zitters on the Bantam affair, and told him that all the nations of
Europe, and particularly the English, had a great interest in preventing
the Dutch from being entire masters of the trade in pepper and other
spices. M. Zitters replied, that this trade was so expensive to them, that
they ought not to be envied in it ; that they had even offered the English
merchants in India to share with them the half of the spices which they
might import into Europe.

The King answered, that it was not right that they alone should have the
distributing of these articles to others ; that the trade ought to be free ;
and that by being masters of it they might set whatever price they pleased
upon the merchandise. The King added, in turning round to me, " It
is well known in France how this is, and also in Denmark, for the same
thing is done with regard to them."

This public conversation has increased the anxiety of the Dutch
Ambassadors on the Bantam affair ; but I do not think that much atten-
tion is to be paid to what is said in public ; as far as I can judge in the
business, it is done rather with a design to induce the Commissioners to
make such offers as may satisfy the London Company.

His Britannic Majesty thinks the Earl of Argyle is in the Highlands of
Scotland ; be has told me he will immediately send some regular troops

APPENDIX, 79

thitncr, and that in the mean time orders were sent to empower the
families hostile to the Earl of Argyle and the Campbells to take up arms
and fall upon them. The Earl of Dumbarton sets off to-day to take the
command of the troops in Scotland, and lead them to those points where
the factions may wish to make their first attempts.

Colonel Talbot sets off also for Ireland. A great number of officers ia
the troops there have been superseded ; many more necessary changes
must yet be made there. All is anxiety here to learn the destination of
the three vessels laden with arms and ammunition. They sailed from
the Texel ten days since. The King has told me there are troops on
board, and some of those officers who hnd been broke in Holland. It is
not certainly known whether the Duke of Monmouth be on board one
of them or not ; he was lately at Rotterdam. It is not doubted but this
enterprise of the three vessels is founded on a secret understanding with
the disaffected of that part of the country where they are to touch,
and that measures are taken for rising in arms immediately after. The
danger is, that their forces may increase, and that the mal-contents,
who are numerous in the North of Ireland, may collect together, and
form a body sufficiently strong to keep the field and resist the regular
forces which may be sent against them, on whom even it is not certain
whether a perfect dependence ean be placed. All this causes much
conversation in London, and happens when the Parliament is on the eve
ef meeting. The least inconvenience that can result from it is its
rendering the Parliament more untractable than it might have been, had
every thing continued tranquil.

A paper has been published here, under the name of the Duke of
Buckingham, in favour of liberty of conscience to all the Nonconformists ;
at first His Majesty could not refrain from praising it, but latterly he
has spoken of it as a thing unworthy of any consideration: the Church
party, however, have not failed to be alarmed at, and to find great fault
with, this production. I send a translation, that Your Majesty may know
particularly the nature of it : it is the most important affair that could
have been agitated with regard to the interior of England.

In the time of the late King of England the Church party was consU
dered as the supporters of monarchy, and the Presbyterians and other

80 A?PENt>IX,

sectaries favoured the Protestant religion, and strongly opposed them-
selves to what is called the growth of Popery. But the state of religious
affairs is greatly altered in England since the King makes an open profes-
sion of the Catholic religion. All the Nonconformists find themselves in
the same situation as the Catholics : the laws are established equally
against both parties. The English Church is the only religion of the
state, and the only one which can be opposed to the other sects ; this is
what has caused it to be considered as the sole support of the Protestant
religion in general, there being no other method of preventing the
increase of the religion professed by the King than a rigorous execution
of the penal laws ; it is, however, found to be impracticable to pursue and
punish those who are of the same religion as the King on the throne ;
and it seems even that the laws enacted against the Catholics cease of
themselves, and are in some degree rendered Bull, when he in whose
name they are persecuted .and to whose profit the condemnation and the
penalties are applied, is himself of the religion for the profession of which
the punishment is inflicted.

There is another great cause of embarrassment in the oaths which are
now administered to the Protestants ; they swear to acknowledge no other
head of the Church than the King of England ; and yet it is notorious that
the King does not consider himself to be the head of it, but, on the con-
trary, acknowledges another. This creates irreconcilable contradictions.
The least relaxation in the penal laws would be regarded by the zealous
Protestants as a step towards the entire establishment of the Catholic
religion ; the real cause of this arises from the Roman Catholic religion
having been that of the state, and established -by law in the reign of
Queen Mary : the laws enacted in the time of Queen Elizabeth against
the Catholic religion .established that of the Church of England: now if
these laws be abolished or suspended, the old religion again becomes that
of the state, and regains its former rights and former powers, which
.authorize it even to persecute the other sects, as was done in the time of
Queen Mary. All this will be the subject of discussion in Parliament,
unless the affair of the revenue be settled at the first, and the King of
England determine to dissolve or prorogue it immediately after, and adopt
.such resolutions as he may of himself think fit.

Al'PEXDIX. 81

Gates, whose depositions formed the grounds of the pretended plot of
the Catholics, has been tried, and found guilty of perjury ; it was proved
he was at. St. Omer's at the time he swore to his having been present in
an assembly of Jesuits in London : he defended himself with much
boldness and impudence ; he said, that three Parliaments had approved of,
and believed in, his depositions, and that he now suffered for the Protestant
religion. When he came out of Westminster Hall Lord Lovelace,
who is of note among the disaffected, embraced him, and complimented
him upon his firmness. The legal punishment for perjury is the pillory,
and to have the tip of the ear cut off: the sentence will be executed, and
Gates will then be re-committed to prison, where he will long remain,
being heavily fined for his scandalous speeches against the Duke of
York : he cannot by law be disturbed nor prosecuted for the falsehoods
he invented against the Queen Dowager of England and the Catholic
Peers, there being no punishment against calumny. Some think it would
have been better not to have finished Oates's trial at present, and that
it would have been as well not to have prosecuted him, since his sentence
is only the pillory, a punishment not proportioned to his crimes.

I am, &c. &c.
BARILLON.

The KING to M. BARILLON. [Page Ixxxii.]

Versailles, May 25th, 1685.

MONSIEUR Barillon, I have received your letter of the 24th of May by
the ordinary route, and that of the a 1st by the return of the messenger
which I had dispatched to you. I doubt not but you have availed
yourself of those falsehoods which appear in the pretended letters of the
Dutch Ambassadors to the Pensionary Fagel, to convince the King of
England and his Ministers that the Prince of Orange desires nothing
more than the appearance of a good understanding with His Majesty in

82 APPENDIX.

order to augment therewith his influence in the United Provinces ; but
that in reality he wishes still to keep up a secret correspondence with the
mal-contents in England ; and nothing can more fully convince the court
where you are of this, than the connivance of the Prince at the armament
which has been fitted out in Holland of the three vessels to convey the
heads of the mal-contents, and what arms and ammunition they may
want, to excite commotions, and arm the disaffected either in England,
Scotland, or Ireland. You were right also in not crediting that the
English Envoy was charged on the part of the King his master to speak
to me in favour of the Prince of Orange ; he has merely told Croissy
that the King had informed him that he did not wish for a close alliance
with that Prince so long as he should continue on bad terms with me.

I am at the same time very glad to learn that the King of England has
nothing to fear from the coming of the Duke of Monmouth, the Earl of
Argyle, or Lord Gray, nor from all the efforts which the mal-contents
may make during the sitting of Parliament. Yet nevertheless I rest
assured that he will take every necessary precaution to defend himself
against their evil designs.

I do not find either that he inclines to the proposal which they have
made him of expelling from Parliament all those who in the preceding
ones were for excluding him from the succession ; and as their number is
great, and as the interest they will have in effacing that stain by consi-
derable services will lead them in all probability to serve him more usefully
than those can possibly do who have always been the most attached to
his person, it is an act of prudence and of a just and enlightened policy to
shew that he cherishes no resentment for what may have been done
against him before he came to the crown, and to confine himself solely
to distinguishing those hereafter who may serve him well, from those
who by their conduct may make it evident that they have only been
actuated by a party-spirit.

Your last informs me that there is a greater disposition than was
believed towards a rising, as well in Scotland as in Ireland ; and on this
ground you urge that 1 should permit you to employ, besides the 47O,OOO
livres which remain for the payment of the subsidy promised to the late
King, as far as 6oo,OOO of the 1,530,000 livres which you will have

APPENDIX. 83

remaining after all the sums shall have been remitted to you, which I
have set apart for the assistance of the King of England ; but as the
order which I gave you by my dispatch of the Qth appears to me sufficient
to satisfy His Majesty, I do not think proper to make any alteration in
it ; the more so, as, by remitting immediately to London the whole of
the sum which I allow you to advance in case of necessity, the King may
readily perceive that I will not refuse him any necessary assistance ; for
you can give me daily information of whatever may take place ; I will
also transmit to you my instructions with equal promptitude according as
events may happen.

Extract of a Letter from the KING to M BARILLON. [Page Ixxxlv.]

'*'" l rr '' ' ! r ' '' '" a

Versailles, June 1st, 1085.

MONSIEUR Barillon, by your letters of the 21st and 24th of May, I
learn, that although the King of England is not alarmed at the prepara-
tions making by the exiles, as well for the purpose of returning to England
as for raising disturbances either there, in Scotland, or in the North of
Ireland, yet the Court where you are, and the principal merchants of the
city of London, being apprehensive that the enterprises of these mal-
contents may produce consequences injurious to trade, and the present
tranquillity enjoyed by England, I am very happy to find that His
Britannic Majesty has issued the necessary orders for preventing the
designs of the rebels, and that he places his principal reliance upon my
friendship.

As long as he adheres to those engagements which the late King his
brother and himself have entered into with me, he may always depend
upon the continuation of my friendship ; but as the language which,
according to public report, he uses respecting whatever relates to the
interests of my crown does not accord with what I ought to expect from

M 2

84 APPENDIX.

him, you must take great care to discover his real sentiments, and inform
me of every thing you may learn that he has said upon this subject, either
in his private conversations or in those with the Ambassadors and foreign
Ministers ; so that, after having given proofs of my zeal for the re-esta-
blishment of the Catholic religion in England, and of my friendship to-
wards this Prince, by the succours I am at this time transmitting to you,
I may not, in the event of his entertaining sinister intentions, contribute
farther towards placing him in a condition to act contrary to whatever
I could desire ; nor can you be too particular in relating to me how he
treats you, what he says to you on the present state of affairs, and what
you can discover of his intentions as well in respect of any alliances he
intends making in future, as of the measures he wishes to adopt with his
neighbours.

You may, in the mean time, assure him there is no truth in the inform-
ation he has received, that the Marquis de Boufflers had been ordered to
enter Spanish Navarre ; that with respect to the squadron of my ships,
which I have sent under De Treuilly towards Cadiz, that . commander
has no other orders than to facilitate the trade of my subjects, and the
return of the property which they have on board the India fleet. You
know also that the ships under the command of the Marshal d'Estreez
are destined for no other object than that of carrying on hostilities against
the Tripoly corsairs : there is nothing therefore new respecting these
squadrons that you have not already been acquainted with.

You are aware that whatever may in future take place in England
demands particular attention, and I doubt not but you will use every
means in your power to be well informed, and to transmit to me an exact
account of whatever may come to your knowledge.

; ' 10 m* t-r.-t '_>'{ '. i;-ei &'. .'- -i.i.i/ -)ifin<)h8
v-'i ...q .7,1 .i.:iU hu.- -'Ay. Hi V. a/rsir/. :.

r./}< jyjj/, 1 } 6; tihjij'i I .tolv- 1

APPENDIX. 85

Extract of a Letter from M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page Ixxxv.]

London, May IQtk, 16*85.

M. D'AvAux will have sent Your Majesty the copy of the Dutch
Ambassadors' letter, to which he seems to me to attach much importance.
I do not doubt but that some of the Ministers use a language to these
Ambassadors similar to what they mention, and flatter them with hopes
on the future ; but I have no reason to think such hopes are well founded.
I still adhere to what I had the honour to write to Your Majesty on this
subject.

The King of England seems daily to be more and more convinced of
the necessity of Your Majesty's friendship. All the efforts that may be
made to force him to adopt other measures will be ineffectual, if Your
Majesty, on your part, do whatever is necessary to preserve him in his
present disposition. I would not be so imprudent as to assure Your
Majesty of this, did I not believe that I possess convincing proofs of it.

Extract of a Letter from M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page Ixxxvi.]

i ,

London, June id, 1685.

THE vexation and anxiety which this news might occasion His Britannic
Majesty have been greatly lessened by what took place yesterday in the
Parliament. The House of Commons has unanimously voted His
Majesty the whole of the revenue enjoyed by the late King. Mr.
Seymour alone opposed it, and made an ineffectual speech on the manner
in which the elections had been carried, and on the danger there is of the

86 APPENDIX.

re-establishment of Popery, and a government contrary to law. No one
either seconded or approved of his speech.

The Upper House discussed, at the same time, the affair of the Lords
accused of high treason, and cancelled a rule of that House, which orders
that the accusations entered by the Lower House shall be in force from
one Parliament to another : this was done to perpetuate the accusations
of the Earl of Danby and the Catholic Peers, who by this means would
have always remained liable to condemnation upon the evidence given
against them. They are now free from the accusation, and to prosecute
them again would require both a fresh accusation and a fresh trial. This
decision of the Upper House repeals whatever was done respecting the
pretended plot of the Catholics, w^ich without it would have still sub-
sisted. This is a very important matter in relation to His Britannic
Majesty. The Earls of Devonshire, Anglesey, Clare, and Radnor
opposed the measure, which only shewed their ill will.

The King of England spoke to me yesterday with much animation of
his attachment to Your Majesty, and the desire he has to preserve your
friendship, and to strengthen, if possible, the connexion already existing.
He told me, he thought himself still more in a condition to act according
to his inclination and interest from being now in possession of the revenue
enjoyed by the late King his brother ; that, however, he should still have
great need of Your Majesty's friendship and succour for the execution of
those objects he has in contemplation, and without which he cannot be
in safety ; that Your Majesty would see with what care he would cherish
the honour of your good opinion, and with what firmness he would adhere
to your interests. His Majesty next related to me the intelligence from
Scotland, and added that he had no doubt but that the Elector of Bran-
denburgh and the other German Princes had secretly promoted the Earl
of Argyle's expedition, and that he would be supported by all the Pro-
testants in Europe ; that this circumstance pointed out to him the course
he must pursue, and on whom he can rely. I told him, I would inform
Your Majesty of what had taken place, and that I could assure him before-
hand, that Your Majesty would not fail to support him, and to give him
substantial proofs of your friendship.

The letters which I have received from M. D'Avaux, of the 2Qth of

APPENDIX. 87

May, inform me, that the Dutch Ambassadors here write home as if they
were confident that the King of England is fully disposed towards enter-
ing into a new and more close alliance with the States-General.

Your Majesty will determine on what is to be done here for your
service in the present juncture. I shall hold myself in a situation to
execute your commands, without going beyond the payment of the old
subsidy. There is no doubt but that the Earl of Rochester, and even the
King himself, will soon urge me to furnish them with other sums, the
means for which they know to be already here. It seems to me that the
event stipulated in Your Majesty's instructions has in a great measure
occurred, since a rebellion, whose origin is derived from England and
Ireland, has broken out in Scotland. I shall wait for Your Majesty's
orders ; but what you may do immediately of your own accord will, in
my opinion, have far more weight, and more merit in it, than any suc-
cours which may be granted when they are earnestly solicited.

I am aware that large sums of money are not usually furnished without
previous stipulations, and positive assurances of the effects they may
produce. I entertain no doubt that the King of England will, in the
end, enter into whatever engagements Your Majesty may desire of him.
I am not explicit upon this, because I have had no positive orders from
Your Majesty to be so : I was even apprehensive that if I had broached
the subject, conditions would have been required which perhaps might
not suit Your Majesty, as that of not entering, on your part, into any
alliance with other Princes. Such an equality is neither proper nor
admissible between Your Majesty and the King of England, whose power
is so different from and unequal to yours. But the English always indulge
in too high pretensions ; and those who might wish to prevent or weaken
any union between Your Majesty and the King of England would pro-
bably find pretexts in the articles of a treaty for eluding the execution of
them. I make this reflection beforehand upon a matter not yet under
discussion, but which may in due time occur.

The only business at present is, what Your Majesty may order me to
do with the money you have transmitted here. It seems to me that the
King engages himself in proportion as he receives Your Majesty's money,
and that this is the best and surest means of counteracting all the

88 APPENDIX.

attempts which may be made for inducing him to alter his conduct, and
adopt a course in opposition to Your Majesty's interests. I see this
clearly, and that there would be great danger in leaving the King without
assistance, at a time when he may stand in the greatest need of it.
The Parliament, it is true, has granted him the late King's revenues ;
they may even ultimately grant something for the fleet : but a civil war
has broken out in Scotland, and I find some very sensible men who think
the Earl of Argyle's invasion of more consequence than appears to be
attached to it here.

As soon as the Revenue Bill is passed, religious and numerous other
affairs will next come under discussion, during which period I think it
will be for the service of Your Majesty to keep up an understanding with
some of the Members of Parliament, and inspire them with sentiments
favourable to Your Majesty's interests. About ] 5OO/. or 20OO/. would
be sufficient for preserving to Your Majesty an influence which you
might at other periods stand in need of. I will do nothing in this, even
should I have permission, but with the greatest caution.

Viscount Montague visited me previous to his departure for France :
he has urged me very much to write to Your Majesty for the full payment
of what is due to him. He told me, that instead of 5O,OOO crowns now
due, he would be content with a pension for life, which, however, ought
not, in his opinion, to be less than 2O,OOO livres. He thinks this will be a
mode of paying what is justly due to him, without obliging Your Majesty
to disburse a large sum at once ; and that it would also be a guarantee for
his conduct, since you could suspend the payment of his pension when-
ever you should be dissatisfied with him. I could not refuse sending
this proposition to Your Majesty : Lord Montague has certainly done
great service. He must speak to Croissy about it himself.

Extract of a bttitrjrom M. BARII/LON to tlic KING. [Page Ixxxix.]

London, June 4th, 1 665.

Mn. Seymour's speech has made a great noise in London, and in the
Court, though it has not retarded the Commons' grant of the revenue :
this speech, however, will continue to be the subject of much conversa-
tion, for in it the most important questions were thoroughly handled.
Mr. Seymour did not oppose the grant of the late King's revenue ; but
he proposed, that the discussion of it should be postponed till they had
examined into the manner in which the elections had been carried. He
maintained that the greater number of them were corrupt, and procured
by cabal and court authority, which is in direct opposition to the laws of
England, according to which, elections are to be entirely free, so that a
proof of the least bribery renders the return of no effect : the Sheriffs, he
said, and the other officers who had presided at the elections were all set
there in virtue of the new charters, which had been lately granted in lieu of
the old ones which were taken away ; that the example of what was done
to the city of London in taking away its charters and privileges had been
followed in all the other cities and boroughs, although, according to both
law and custom, the King had no power to revoke or annul any charter
granted by his predecessors, and confirmed by time and the express and
tacit approbation of successive Parliaments ; that, therefore, the principles
of the elections being (corrupt) defective, the representatives were not
true Members of Parliament, chosen by the nation with the requisite free-
dom, and according to the accustomed regulations; that, at the same time,
there never was a period in which it was more necessary to have a Parlia-
ment composed of men of integrity, attached to the laws of their country,
because the nation was in evident peril of seeing both its laws and its
religion overturned ; that the aversion of the people of England to the
Roman Catholic religion, and their attachment to the laws, were so fixed in
their minds, that neither the one nor the other could ever be destroyed

00 APPENDIX.

but by the Parliament, which would be no difficult thing with a Parlia-
ment composed of men entirely dependent upon those who might
entertain such designs ; that the repeal of the Test Act, the only bulwUrk
against the introduction of Popery, was already talked of; and that the
moment this obstacle was removed the Papists would easily succeed in
regain ing places and employments, and establishing their religion upon
the destruction of Protestantism : that it was also said there was an
intention to repeal the Habeas Corpus act, the most solid founda-
tion of the liberties of Englishmen ; that if this act were repealed, an.
arbitrary government would soon be established; that what he asserted,
was notorious to the whole nation, and required no proofs ; and that,
therefore, previous to any measure of importance, it was necessary to
examine into the validity of the elections, and to decide according to the
established usages of England if the representatives were fit to. constitute
a true and legitimate Parliament which could represent the nation.

This speech was delivered with great energy, and had the secret appro-
bation of many persons ; but nobody rose to second it : those who were
of his party thought it would be ineffectual, and that any debate which,-
might arise on it would only serve to expose their weakness in numbers
compared with those who conceive they are duly ejected. These questions-
will frequently recur in future, and will serve as a foundation, for whatever ,
maybe alleged against the resolutions of the Parliament now sitting-
The persons who. dispute its power have no other judges but the very,
men the validity of, whose elections they call in question. This circum-
stance occasioned the Lords to be sent to the Tower for a long time,,
who some years ago insisted that the Parliament was not a legal one, an ,
opinion which in the end they were obliged to retract.'

Lord Lorn, the Earl of Argyle's eldest son, has yielded himself into
His Majesty's hands, and offered to sei;ve against his father ; there is
another son with Argyle. The belief daily increases here Jhat this expe-
dition of the Earl is considerable.

APPENDIX,

Extract of a Letter from M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page xci.]

London, June 7th, 1(385.

INTELLIGENCE was yesterday received from Scotland, that the Earl of
Argylc had made a descent upon the isle of Hay, which belongs to him.
The 500 men, placed there by the Marquis of Athol, had been previously
withdrawn, and several of the inhabitants had also quitted the island
rather than declare for the Earl. It is believed here that it will be im-
possible for him to remain any time in Hay, unless he receive supplies
from persons in the North of Ireland, to furnish which there does not ap-
pear any disposition. The King's troops have advanced, and occupied
the parts of the country necessary for preventing the people from col-
lecting together, or undertaking any thing. This has created an opinion
here that the Earl of Argyle will meet with no success. It is not, how-
ever, known what is going forward on the main land, where he first made
his descent, and where, according to report, he left one of his sons to
raise and collect together the people of those districts which favour him.
Nobody doubts but that his enterprise is founded on a hope that the
Duke of Monmouth would endeavour, at the same time, to raise an in-
surrection in England ; but it is believed that Nobleman has not dared
to hazard a descent here. His trial has begun in Scotland. The bill
granting the continuance of the revenues will be passed in two or three
clays ; it has been read a second time in the House of Lords. The
Parliament does not sit either to-day or to-morrow, the first being
Ascension-day, and the second the Anniversary of King Charles's Resto-
ration, which is kept a holiday.

An affair of the utmost consequence occurred the clay before yesterday,
in the House of Commons ; it was proposed in the forenoon that the
House in the afternoon should go into a Committee to consider that
part of the King's speech relating to religion, and to learn what was to
be understood by the expression " Protestant religion." It was resolved
unanimously to present an address to His Majesty, praying him to issue

N 2

<)2 APPENDIX.

a proclamation for the execution of the laws against Nonconformists
generally, that is to say, against all persons not openly professing them-
' selves of the English Church : this includes the Presbyterians, and all the
sectaries, as well as the Roman Catholics. The King and his Ministers
immediately discovered the malice of this resolution : the leading Members
of the Lower House, and those whom His Majesty considers in his inte-
rests, were sent for, and received a severe reprimand for suffering them-
selves to be drawn into a measure so dangerous and inadmissible. He
declared to them that if they persisted in bringing up such an address tc
him he would answer the Commons in terms so decisive as would prevent
them from returning to him with another address like it. The way in
which His Majesty delivered his sentiments produced its effect yesterday
morning, and the House rejected with one voice what it had resolved
upon in the Committee the day preceding.

This mark of deference and submission in the Lower House causes
much reflection here ; but those who know the motives of the first resolu-
tion see clearly that the second is a forced one, and that what is obtained
by authority does not disprove that there was a unanimous intention to
give a blow to the Catholics, and make the King of England understand
what difficulties he would find in obtaining any thing from Parliament in
favour of them.

This Prince has shewn much bitterness against his servants, and others
particularly attached to him, who, through malice or ignorance, consented,
to a resolution so disrespectful towards him. He knows the ridicule and-
danger there is in his being entreated by the Parliament to enforce
with rigour the execution of the laws against the Catholics and Noncon-
formists. He, however, derives this advantage from it, that he has-
thoroughly known the intentions of the Lower House, and has given a
signal mark of his authority in obliging it to retract on the day
following a unanimous resolution.

His Britannic Majesty is greatly dissatisfied with the Bishops, who,
under a pretence of zeal for the English Church, had promoted so dan-
gerous and absurd a measure. The persons opposed to the Court
secretly testify their joy at the House of Commons having shewn to the
world what their sentiments were on religion ; they think lightly oT their

APPENDIX. Q3

having been obliged to retract, under a hope that on another occasion they
will display more firmness, and that the King will not always be in a
condition, or inclined, to adopt such imperious conduct.

There has been a proposition in the Lower House to disqualify those
who were for the Exclusion Bill ; but the leaders of the House had orders
to oppose it, it has therefore had no success. It was a blow aimed at
several of the Ministers at present in the King's confidence.

From what took place yesterday and the day preceding it is easy to see
how difficult it must be to judge beforehand on what a Parliament can do.
This has already created a report here that the Parliament will not be long
assembled : the Members themselves wish for either a prorogation or an
adjournment, as they find they are not powerful enough to adopt any
measure of consequence, and carry it, unless it be agreeable to His Majesty.
The house too is very inconvenient, being too small to admit all the
Members commodiously, of which there are 513. It is, however, likely
that the Court will yet make an effort to oblige them to grant something
for the equipment of the fleet.

The Commissioners of the Amsterdam India Company, and those of
the London one, have met ; they do not yet seem disposed towards an
agreement. Those from Holland wish to gain time, and to treat with the
usual delay by means of notes ; the English are desirous to shorten the
matter, and t'o come to the point at once, that is to say, to consent to
their restitution in Bantam : the Dutch will have great difficulty in acced-
ing to this with, sincerity.

, It learn, that in. the private meetings : which take place among the
Members of Parliament it has beert proposed to bri rig forward something
respecting France, and to point out to- the King of England the course
which he ought to pursue ; no -plausible pretext has yet been found for
making any proposition at present ; if an opportunity offer itself they
will not fail to seize it, as well from their enmity to the King, as to
embarrass him from their jealousy of Your Majesty's greatness, which
is inherent in the'miitods "of Englishmen. In one of these conferences an
address was mentioned; to entreat His Majesty to employ his influence
to preserve the peace of Europe. This was thought to be too general
a, proposition, and subject to interpretation ; it was even thought that it j

might afford .the King a reason for uniting himself more closely with
Your Majesty under a pretence of preserving that peace.

The King of England has just told me that an express has arrived
from Scotland, which left Edinburgh on the 4th ; that the Earl of
Argyle .has entered Kintyre, which belongs to him.: it is a narrow
tongue of land, stretching out towards Ireland, He advanced as
far as Argyle to get before the Marquis of Athol's forces, and prevent
their junction with the other royalists. The letters say, that the Earl
has 3000 men with him. His Majesty is of opinion, that his numbers
will still increase. His son is in Lorn, and they can easily u-nite thek
troops. All the letters from Scotlaud shew that the Earl of Argyle
expected the Duke of Monmouth would have considered it his duty to
raise an insurrection in England. I am, &c.

The KING to M. BARILLON. [Page cxiv.]

Versailles, June 15th, 1085.

MONSIEUR Barillon, I have received by the usual course your letters
of the 4th and 7th of this month, and by the courier you dispatched to
me that of the 10th, which contains nothing more of importance than
the preceding, save your reasons for thinking it is for the good of my
service that I should empower you to pay the King of England the sum
of 10O,OOO crowns over and above what is due to him of the old subsidy
promised to his late brother. Now it appears to me, on the contrary,
from every thing contained in your late dispatches, that this Prince has
less need of my assistance at present than he has had at any period since
his accession to the throne : and, indeed, I see in the first place that all
the remonstrances made by Mr. Seymour in the Lower House, and all
that he said in his attack upon the validity of the elections, have only
served to determine the Parliament to grant His Majesty with more

readiness the continuance of the same revenues^ as ' the late King his'
brother enjoyed ; that, moreover, the report of the Earl of Argyle's
descent in Scotland) with a small train of rebels, badly provided with any
thing, and little capable of any enterprise of importance, has also induced
the Parliament to grant, in addition, to the said King the sum of-
I,COO,OOO/. which will make more than 20,000,000 livres ; that, lastly,
this Prince had no sooner testified his displeasure at the Commons'
intention to obtain a proclamation for enforcing the laws against all the
Nonconformists, than they rejected with one consent the -resolutions of
the Committee ; so that it may be- said, there never was a King of
England who acted with more authority in his Parliament than this
Prince does at present, and that there is nothing he ought not to expect'
from it for the establishment of his power, and the punishment of the
few rebels who have dared to shew themselves. I have therefore reason to
flatter myself that he will not only in the present juncture desire no farther
assistance from me than what I have promised to afford him, namely,
the balance due of the old subsidy, but alsb that he will rest persuaded
that the public testimonies of my friendship, and the fear of those suc-
cours which I should not have failed to grant him, if he had been in need
of them,, have .greatly contributed -to preserve his subjects in their
allegiance} and. to obtain- for him from 1 the Parliament every thing he has
yet had to desire*

There remains then nothing more, either for my satisfaction or his
own, than to procure a revocation of the penal laws existing against the
Catholics, and the free exercise of their reKgion throughout his domi-
nions ; and you know that the attainment of this was my principal motive
for transmitting with so much care, the large sums of money that you
have received. But as the King .does not think it Safe for the present tit-
least to attempt this, I do not wish so to press him to it, as that he should
put himself under a hazard of a refusal in so important a matter, and for
the success of which it belongs to his prudence to adopt the most efficient
measures,- I should, however, think, that how the Parliament,' whether
it be actuated by pure attachment, or-a mixture of fear, seems disposed to
refuse him nothing, this Prince would act very wisely to profit by it, and '
draw from them whateyer.he may wish for in favour of our religion, with-

3 .

outgiving them time to recover. themselves and concert with those who are
most hostile to the Catholic religion on means for preventing its progress.
And if the King take this part,' and meet with any obstacles which he
cannot surmount without my assistance, I will gladly afford it as soon as
you shall inform me that it is wanted. But till this resolution is adopted
and carried into effect it is not my intention to make any change in the
orders which I have sent you ; and I wish you to reserve the money I
have caused to he transmitted to you, and dispose of none till I may think
it necessary. In the mean time, however, if the Lord Treasurer urge
you .to -make .any payment heyond the. old subsidy, you will confine
yourself to telling him that, as the Parliament acts in conformity to my
wishes and those.pf the King, I have no reason to believe that His Majesty
can at present stand in need of any extraordinary succour, and that
therefore, you have no power to dispose of any money in your
possession.

I send you the letter in my own hand, which you proposed I should
write to the King, as well on the satisfaction his Parliament affords him
as on what relates to the movements in Scotland ; and I desire that on
both subjects your language may accord with what I write to the King,
and with what is contained in this dispatch, as I did not think it proper
to make a direct offer of troops to a Prince who does not ask for them,
and for an affair which he can terminate with his own forces.

Extract of a Letter from M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page xcvi.]

London, June 18th, 1 685.

THERE are people here who wish to throw upon France the suspicions
entertained against the city of Amsterdam, as if there were a sufficient
understanding between Your Majesty and that city, for presuming that
every thing which takes place there is in concert with Your Majesty.

APPENDIX. Q7

The King of England rejects with indignation whatever is said in his
presence of the interest Your Majesty has in keeping up disturbances in
England. This Prince openly declares, that the rebels are supported by
the zealous Protestants of other countries ; and he ridicules every thing
that is said against this opinion.

I am, with the profound respect, &c.

BARILLOX.

The KING to M. BARILLOIC. [P a g e xcvii.J

Versailles, June S3th, 1 68 5.

MONSIEUR Barillon, I have received your letters of the 2d and 5th of this
month, which have afforded me the more satisfaction from their leaving
me no room to doubt that His Britannic Majesty will have as little diffi-
culty in overthrowing the few remaining rebels in England, as he has had in
punishing those in Scotland. And as the Duke of Monmouth has already
lost his ships, and is in possession of no town of importance whither he
can retire, there is great likelihood that he will soon share the same fate
as the Earl of Argyle, and that his enterprise will only serve to render the
King of England far more absolute in his kingdom than any of his
predecessors ever were^

I learn, at the same time, that besides the three English regiments
which he recalls from Holland, the Prince of Orange has requested for
him a farther force of three thousand men from the States-General, and
that he has even made a similar request to the Elector of Brandenburg ;
but as it has hitherto appeared to me, from every thing in your letters,
that the King is unwilling to employ foreign troops, lest it might give
offence to his subjects, I shall be glad if you will inform me whether it is
by his orders that the Prince has made this request, as he may probably,,
for his private ends,, wish to have a large body of troops in England;

APPENDIX.

devoted to him, and which lie might afterwards employ against the
interests of the King.

Continue to inform me exactly of every thing that may take place
where you are in so important a juncture ; and spare no pains to obtain
the best information, and to transmit it to me.

As { find) with pleasure, that the English Parliament contributes
liberally to all His Majesty's wants, and that he will meet with no obsta-
cles to the re-establishment of the Catholic religion when he shall
undertake it after the dispersion of the remains of the rebels, I have
thought proper to recall the sums which have been transmitted to you
for the purpose of supporting, in case of need, the designs this Prince
might have in favour of our religion. It is my pleasure, therefore, that
if this money be in your possession you will cause it to be deposited
by instalments in the bankers' hands, with the same secrecy as you
received it, and, if possible, in a manner still more impenetrable, as I wish
that, whether it be in your hands or with the bankers, it may be returned
through the same channels, and deposited in my treasury, till I shall deem
it necessary to employ it in favour o the King of England.

M. BARILLON to the KING. [Page xcviii.]

London, July \6th, 1085.

I COULD not delay, after the prorogation of the Parliament, to deliver
jrny sentiments to the Lord Treasurer on the entreaties he has used to me
for the continuance of the subsidy. I told him, that until I received fresh
instructions it was not in my power to dispose of any money that had
been transmitted here ; that this money was destined for the most
.urgent necessities of the King of England, necessities which did not
.now appear to exist, after the Parliament had granted such large sums for
the increase of his revenue during several years, and had even voted

an extraordinary Supply, the benefit of which' might be immediately derived
by way of loan;

I fulty expected 7 that tfiife explanation would not please the Lord Trea-
surer. He appeared greatly surprised at it, and said, he could not-
conceive Yout- Majesty's reasons for suspending the payment of sums
sent hither at a- period when his master had the greatest need of them,
and when he relied upon receiving further proofs of Your Majesty's
friendship; that it was trtie the Parliament had granted, over and above
the revenue, certain duties for a tertn of years, but the benefits of this
could not be derived at present ;.and : that, if this resource were exhausted
beforehand, the King his master would in future find his affairs in a very
bad state ; to : avoid which the utmost care must be taken, as he knows the
difficulties a King of England- has to struggle with when he is dependent
upon his Parliament ; that 1 l)e could not believe Your Majesty was fully
acquainted with what is passing in England at present, nor that, when a
civil war is broken oat in the heart of the kingdom, and when the King
his master has want not only of his own forces but the succours of all
those who may take an interest in his preservation, Your Majesty can
wish to suspend the' subsidies you have furnished at a period when they
were less wanted, and when such suspension would have been of no
consequence ; while, on the contrary, the support of Your Majesty at the
present juncture is not only useful but necessary. In short, the Minister
omitted nothing to convince me that what I had told him was a disap-
pointment, the reason for which he could not comprehend, as he did not
believe Your Majesty could have changed your sentiments with regard to
the King his master, nor that (supposing it to be so) you could wish to
shew it 'on an- occasion like the present.

I did every thing in my power to explain to the Lord Treasurer that
Your Majesty, merely supposed that the King- of England was in a
situation to have no need of. foreign succours : that the Earl of Argyle's
insurrection had lasted so short a time, that it could only be regarded as
an ineffectual attempt of the disaffected, unattended with any ill conse-
quence ; neither was it believed in France that the'Duke of Monmouth's
enterprise would meet with any success, and that intelligence of the disper-
sion of his troops 1 , and of his capture or escape, was there daily e^neefed^

o 2.

1(00

that Your Majesty had shewn your friendship for the King of England
in promptly transmitting supplies for his most pressing wants, and that
you reserved them for an occasion which did not yet seem to have
arrived.

TheLordTreasurer replied, that duringhis master's reign there could not
happen so urgent an occasion as the present, and that he could not think
Your Majesty, knowing well what is going forward here, really wished to
leave him to extricate himself from his difficulties without giving him
fresh tokens of your friendship. On quitting the Lord Treasurer I
repaired to the King to be beforehand with him, and prevent his relating
to His Majesty what I had said in a way that might irritate him more
than I should do. I recalled to this Prince's recollection all the proofs of
friendship he had constantly received from Your Majesty, and the
promptitude with which you declared to him the sincerity of your inten-
tions to support him, when he succeeded to the crown. I told him, that
nothing could alter Your Majesty's sentiments towards him but a change
of conduct on his part, which I did not think would ever happen ; that,
therefore, he might assure himself of a firm and lasting friendship in Your
Majesty, of which he would receive signal and real proofs when an
occasion should present itself ; that, however, Your Majesty conceived
his finances were in so good a state as to render any fresh succours
unnecessary, and that the sum granted by the Parliament enabled him to
support a much greater expenditure than any he was obliged to make.

The King of England seemed very much embarrassed, and thought at
first that you were dissatisfied with his conduct, and wished in some
measure to renounce his friendship. I told him, I knew nothing relating
to what he mentioned : that the only fact was, that I had no orders for
continuing any payments beyond the old subsidy ; that Your Majesty
had, in the mean time, commanded me to assure him that the money
you had transmitted here would be reserved to assist him in any pressing
need ; and that if he undertook the establishment of the free exercise of
the Catholic religion, and met with any opposition which he could not
overcome without Your Majesty's aid, you would employ all the money
here in supporting him ; that he might see by this Your Majesty's '
intentions, and the sincerity of your conduct. What I said calmed,

APPENDIX. 101

in some measure, the mind of this Prince, who seemed at first greatly
agitated.

His reply to what I had told him was, that I knew the grounds of his
designs for the establishment of the Catholic religion ; that he could not
hope for success but with Your Majesty's assistance ; that I saw he had
just given commissions in the army to Catholics, as well as Protestants ;
that this equality had displeased many persons ; but that he could not
let slip so important an opportunity without availing himself of it ; that
he would do the same with respect to whatever was practicable, and that
I saw his designs in it clearer than his own Ministers, as he had often
unreservedly disclosed them to me. He added, that I was a witness of his
attachment to Your Majesty's person, and of his sincere desire never to
separate himself from your interests ; that he had reckoned more upon
Your Majesty's assistance and amity than on any thing whatever ; and
that he did not think you could wish, in the present juncture, to suspend
the subsidies, of which he was more in need now than he could be at any
other period of his life.

I replied to all this, that Your Majesty's sentiments were unaltered ;
and that you merely supposed he stood in no need of the usual succours,
since his Parliament had placed him in a condition to dispense with them.
I contented myself with having opened the matter, and with having
connected with it the affair of religion, in which the Lord Treasurer does
not participate much, whatever influence he may have in other things.
1 informed Lord Sunderland of all that had passed, in order that he might
be prepared when the King his master should speak to him : he said to
me, " The King your master may have designs which.1 cannot penetrate,
but this is an unlooked-for refusal, which I hope will be remedied, by
shewing that there is a misunderstanding arising from the King's not
being fully acquainted with the state of things in this country ; otherwise
you will give anna to those who wish to destroy the union of the two
monarchs. If they are careless about this in France, 1 have nothing more
to say : but if any value is set on us, I know that you may make sure of
the King of England altogether, and that his designs and intentions
can only succeed through the assistance and friendship of the King your
master."

102 AtPESJJIS.

I: explained to Lord Sunderland all that I had 1 said- h> the- Lord
Treasurer and His Britannic Majesty of the prosperous state of ths
finances, and the little necessity there is here for foreign aid. He
answered, " You see what expenses, are incurred, and what is-, necessary
for supporting them ; you- know how chargeable the troops are \vhicli
must be kept up, and the consequences of a civil war it* the interior^
which there is no certainty of seeing speedily terminated:; but for the 1
present we are not in a- condition here to dispense with the succour of; the 1
King your master, and I do not. think that he can disburse any. money
more to his advantage."

I have had a second conference with the King of Engjfcnd itv his
closet, where we were a long time alone. He seems convinced that the
refusal to^continue the subsidy is occasioned by Your Majesty's supposing
him to be in a situation not to stand in need of foreign assistance : upon
this he entered into a detail of his affairs, and tokl me, that I; knew the
disorder in which the late King his brother had left his magazines and
shipping ; that the additional duties which had been granted him would
be scarcely adequate to replace a moderate-sized fleet in a condition to
keep the sea ; that the last supply granted by the Parliament would be
consumed beforehand in keeping up regular troops, without which he
could not do in future, from knowing the little dependence there was to be
placed upon the militias : that the expenses of the government (without
reckoning upon the continuance of a civil war) were such, that he could
in no period of his life stand in more need of assistance than he does at
present ; that I knew him sufficiently to be convinced he would be very
glad to be attached to Your Majesty without having need of pecuniary
succours, and that it would be a great pleasure for him to merit other-
proofs of your amity ; but that at the present moment Your Majesty's
assistance was absolutely necessary, and that he did not think you could
wish to reserve for another occasion those supplies you had destined for
him, since tliere was no likelihood that any period could arrive in which,
he would have greater need of them ; that I knew the principles of. all?
his designs, and could witness that his greatest object was the establish-
ment of the Catholic religion, which he would lose no opportunity to
accomplish; that he had put arms into the hands of the Catholics in

APPENDIX. 101

Ireland ; that he had given the command of his army in Scotland to the

,Earl of Dumbarton ; that the Duke of Gordon had been put at the head

of the militia; that he now placed, as far as he could, the military
employments in the hands of the English Catholics ; that this was in
some degree dropping the mask ; but that he did not wish to miss the
opportunity, as he considered it to be decisive ; that he knew hb\v many
persons were offended at it, but that he would pursue the