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HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

1485—1580.

PUBLISHED BY W. B. CLIVE & CO., BOOKSELLERS ROW, STRAND.

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ITlniv, Corr. ColL tutorial Series,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND

1485—1580.

C. S. FEARENSIDE, M.A. OXON,

HONOURMAN IN MODEEN HISTOKY AND CLASSICS (FIRST CLASS) ;

& Chapter on the gjttcratnre of the -pencil bg
W. H. LOW, M.A. LOND.,

AUTHOR OF A HISTORY OF ENGLISH LITERATURE, 1485 TO 1580,
EDITOR OF SHAKESPEARE, HENRY VIII.

LONDON: W. B. OLIVE & CO.,

UNIV. CORK. COLLEGE PRESS WAREHOUSE,
13 BOOKSELLERS Row, STRAND, W.C.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PAGE

I. HENRY VII. (1485-1509) 1

II. HENRY VIII., DOWN TO THE FALL OF WOLSEY, 1529 20

III. HENRY VIII., FROM THE FALL OF WOLSEY TO THE

DEATH OF THE KING 39

iv. EDWARD vi. (1547-1553) - - 72

v. MARY (1553-1558) - 86

VI. ELIZABETH, DOWN TO THE CATHOLIC REACTION OF

1580 - 97

VII. IRELAND UNDER THE TUDORS, 1485-1580 - - 124

VIII. TUDOR ENGLAND - 141

IX. LITERATURE : FROM THE INTRODUCTION OF PRINT-
ING TO THE PUBLICATION OF THE 'SHEPHERD'S

CALENDAR' - - - 151

APPENDIX : SOME LEADING BIOGRAPHIES - - 158

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HLSTOKY OF ENGLAND,

1485—1580.

CHAPTER I.
Henry VII. (1485-1509).

§ 1. The Close of the Middle Ages— § 2. England in the Fifteenth
Century-§ 3. The Battle of Bosworth— § 4. Henry VII. 's title to
the Crown— § 5. Risings of Lord Lovel and Lambert Simnel— § 6.
Perkyn Warbeck, and the Cornish Rising of 1497— § 7. Henry's
Relations with France and Flanders— § 8. His Marriage Connections
uith Scotland and Spain, and his Foreign Policy— § 9. Henry's
Administrative Reforms : the Star Chamber— § 10. The Crown and
the Three Estates of the Realm under the Tudors— § 11. Henry's
Finance and Character.

§ 1. WITH the fifteenth century the Middle Ages pass
away. In other words, the old ties binding man to man,
character ^tate to State — ties which had been in process
f The of elaboration for a thousand years — have worn

century1 themselves out, and new ones are unconsciously
found to replace them. Feudalism became an
impossible basis of healthy society when town artisans
and rural labourers rose above the status of villeins :
their individual interests were irreconcileable with feudal
obligations. A common religion, a common obedience to
one representative of Christ on earth, were no longer a
sufficient basis for what may be called by anticipation
international relations. Other links than these were
necessary : other links, though their forging was neither

2 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. I.

begun nor completed in this century, silently take their
place during its course. An epoch cannot be so pre-
cisely dated as an event ; but for convenience' sake each
country has taken some crisis in its own history as that
from which the new era commences. If one be wanted
for Europe as a whole, the capture of Constantinople by
the Turks, in 1453, is adopted : English historians com-
monly regard the mediaeval chapter of our history as
closing with 1485.

A brief review of Western European States, with par-
ticular reference to England, will make the nature of the
transition clearer and its importance more
ion striking. The idea of the unity of Christendom
of state to was as a working force quite dead;* and the
institutions based on it — the Papacy on the
religious, the Holy Roman Empire on the political side —
had passed their prime. That was proved by the
miserable failure of Pius II. and other Popes to unite
Christian princes against the very real danger of Ottoman
dominion : it was accounted for by the disgust felt at the
manner in which the great question of supremacy be-
tween Pope and General Council had been fought out,
and at the tendency of the Popes, after Pius II. (d. 1464),
to subordinate their ecumenical position to their position
as Italian princes. Religion was beginning to affect the
relations of State to State less than questions of com-
merce. And this influenced not merely the mutual
relations of States to one another, but their respective
importance. The discovery of an all-ocean route to the
East in 1497-8, like the discovery of a New World in the
West six years before, tended to shift the commercial
centre of gravity westwards from the Italian republics,
and was a leading factor in the development of Spain,
Portugal, France and England during the following cen-
tury.

Meanwhile, a process was going on within individual
countries which fitted in well with these interstate

* This statement is not falsified by the religious struggle of the ensuing cen-
tury. That was animated not so much by a desire to act with unity, as by the
old horror of the idea of heresy and division ; and it was further complicated
by political causes.

15th Century.] HENRY vn. 3

tendencies. Throughout the West of Europe there was
an effort on the part of the more powerful

L/iiciiifi'6S . 1 1 • i it-it

within the princes to turn their loose feudal suzerainty
Stat0efSth?ise into an effective supremacy, and to weld scat-
Modem tered possessions into one dominion. In Italy,
Jns' where there was least chance of success, the
attempts were feeblest and least effective. In Germany
it still remained uncertain till well into the next century
whether the Emperor would overcome the disruptive
policy of the majority of his princes, who each wished
to become absolute in their own territories. Hard by,
Charles the Eash, Duke of Burgundy, failed in his great
design of making a strong, centralized kingdom of his
strange medley of territories.* On the other hand, the
efforts of two astute sovereigns towards internal consoli-
dation were attended with a fuller measure of success.
Louis XI. continued his father's work of liberating
France from the English by absorbing into France a
large part of the Burgundian possessions (1477) and
Provence (1481) ; whilst his feeble son, Charles VIII.,
by marrying Anne, heiress of Brittany (§7), gave to
France almost its modern compactness of form (1491).
Ferdinand of Aragon married Isabella of Castile, and
the union of the Spanish kingdoms thus effected (1479)
was followed up by the conquest of the last Moorish
kingdom — Granada (1492). Both Louis and Ferdinand,
too, were highly successful, not merely in absorbing
land, but in putting down possible elements of opposition,
whether of individuals or of classes.

§ 2. ' England had long been territorially one : what it

wanted was constitutional and governmental consistency '

(Stubbs). This the Lancastrian Kings (1399-

England 111 1 ,„.. ^ .'•-,: • •> i • i a • i_ i

thePifteenth 1461) tried to give by working hand in hand
century, ^fo ^Q pariiament that had called them to
the throne ; but they were poor, and they were engaged in
a ruinous war with France. Henry V. — ' the only
Englishman of the age who aspired to greatness ' — died

* These covered, more or less, the same ground as Holland and Belgium of to-
day, with detached districts lying further south— especially the duchy and county
(Franche-Comle) of Burgundy.

.1 — A

4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. I.

young, and was succeeded by an infant who, though he
reigned forty years, was never in mind more than a
child. The nobles played off rival branches of the royal
house against the crown. The result was, in the words
of a contemporary, ' many laws and little right.' The
lesser gentry and the towns cared little for the formal
completeness of the theory of parliamentary government,
and found that their material welfare suffered from the
weakness of the administration. At Towton they gave
their voice and their strength for the rival house, and
Edward of York came to the throne.

Subservient as his Parliaments were, he called but six
during his reign of twenty-two years. ' His reign,'
The House Green notes, ' is the first since that of John in
of York, which not a single law which promoted freedom
1485- or remedied the abuses of power was even pro-
posed in Parliament.' By his confiscations, by forced
loans or ' benevolences ' (§11), and by his French ' pen-
sion ' or.1 tribute,' he was able to ' live of his own.' He
was one of our worst Kings : yet, as he secured a fair
measure of peace, and did much for commerce, he was
popular. But when he died, in 1483, he left behind him
two hostile factions : his wife's relations, the Wydvilles,
and the older nobility, headed by Henry, Duke of Buck-
ingham (Tree, p. vii.). Eichard, Duke of Gloucester, and
uncle of the young King Edward V., saw that he must
either be of no account during the minority or else work
with the latter party against the Queen-mother and
her set. With their assistance, therefore, he secured the
person of the King; then, on the ground that the boy
was illegitimate, had himself named King (June 26, 1483).
Despite his beneficial legislation in 1484, the general
belief that he had murdered his nephews — the King and
his brother Eichard— rendered him unpopular. Before
he had been on the throne four months, Buckingham —
dissatisfied as the great ' king-maker,' Warwick, had been,
with his rewards — rose for a rival ; and, though he failed,
the rest of Eichard's reign was little but a desperate
attempt to keep that rival out.

§ 3. The chosen competitor was Henry of Eichmond,

1399-1485.] HENRY vii. 5

whose mother, Margaret Beaufort, was the only sur-
viving member of the family that issued from
TudoM&ka tne tm"rcl marriage of John of Gaunt, Duke of
o* ritoh- Lancaster, the fourth son of Edward III. (Tree,
p. vii.). The Beaufort family had been legitima-
tized under Eichard II. (§ 4), and were the mainstays of the
reigning house of Lancastrians. Partly for this reason,
partly because its grandfather, Owen Tudor, had married
Henry V.'s widow, Henry VI. took care of the infant
Henry on its father's death in 1456. In 1471 Henry
was saved from the rout at Tewkesbury by his uncle
Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, and sought shelter in Brittany.
Thence, in October, 1483, he sailed to support Bucking-
ham's rising, but was driven back by a storm. Eichard
tried in vain to induce Duke Francis to give him up;
and Henry made a bid for Yorkist support by solemnly
swearing, in the cathedral at Eennes, on Christmas
Day, 1483, to marry Edward IV.'s eldest daughter,
Elizabeth.

On August 1, 1485, Henry landed at Milford Haven
with over 2,000 Norman troops, which were joined by
many a Welshman before he drew near the King's
BO* worth, forces at Bosworth in Leicestershire. Henry's
Aifs522' numkers were considerably less than Eichard's,
but, unlike his, were not disaffected; and
on the eve of the battle he was joined by some 5,000
men under Sir William Stanley, whose brother, Lord
Stanley (stepfather to Henry), held aloof till the day of
battle, his son being in Eichard's power. A close en-
counter followed, in which most of the carnage was on
Eichard's side. Eichard saw the day was lost, but
refused to fly ; and ' if he lost his life, he died a King.'
His crown was picked up from a hawthorn bush by Sir
William Stanley, and placed on the victor's head amid
shouts of ' King Harry !'

§ 4. Henry VII., having secured the persons of his

Henry's betrothed, the Lady Bessy, and of her cousin

a^dTufeTo Edward, Earl of Warwick, marched to London.

the crown. He was there crowned on October 30, by

Archbishop Bourchier, and the same day instituted

6 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. I.

the Yeomen o/ the Guard* About a month later
he met the Parliament he had summoned to recognise or
sanction the title he had assumed, to reverse the attainders
of his own party, and to attaint ' the heads and principals
of his enemies.' Henry claimed to have become King
' by just title of inheritance, and by the true judgment of
God in giving him the victory over the late usurper.'
Parliament refrained from stating the grounds of its
assent, and simply registered an accomplished fact by
declaring —

' That the inheritance of the crown be, rest, remain and abide in the
most royal person of our now sovereign lord King Henry VII., and in
the heirs of his body.'

It was just as well, perhaps, thus to slur over the
nature of Henry's claims to the crown. A claim founded
on conquest alone would have been neither judicious nor
true. The validity of the title by inheritance is much
disputed, for the rules of succession to the crown have
been less elaborated than those regarding private lands.
A glance at the Tree on page vii. will show that Henry was
descended from John of Gaunt by his third wife, Katharine
Swynford. Her children had been born while she was still
his mistress, but they were legitimatized in 1397 ; and
this act was ratified in 1407, with the important modifi-
cation, cxcepta dignitate regali. In point of fact, putting
aside the absent descendants of John of Gaunt by his
second and Spanish marriage, he was the nearest kins-
man to Henry VI., and this consideration was held more
important than the technical difficulty about the half-
blood. In line of descent from Edward III. the daughters
of Edward IV. and the children of Clarence stood before
him ; but the latter were attainted, and the former had
been declared base-born by Eichard's Parliament. This
stigma was now removed in order that Henry might
fulfil his promise to marry the Lady Bessy. *But he
carefully avoided the appearance of wishing to strengthen
his own claim by that marriage : it was intended merely
to conciliate Yorkists and to ensure that his descendants

* These numbered only fifty archers, but, with the garrisons at Berwick and
Calais, form the germ of a standing army.

1485-1487.] HENRY vii. 7

should be acceptable to both parties. Henry likewise
refrained, unlike the early Lancastrians, from being con-
tent with a purely parliamentary title.

§ 5. Henry's title was a few months later confirmed in
the fullest sense by Innocent VIII. ; but his position was
Divisions of almost as difficult to secure as to define.

Henry's Nearly twelve years elapsed before Henry was

Reign. reajiy safe from rivals who disputed his title,
and was free to turn to those foreign intrigues in which
he delighted, and which at least gave England some
weight in the affairs of Europe. To this work, as the
founder of a dynasty (§§ 5, 6) and as a diplomatist (§§ 7, 8),
must be added his useful but unostentatious work in re-
medying the old evil of ' lack of governance ' (§§ 9-11).

Henry's first trouble came whilst he was making a
progress in the North to wean it from its Yorkist affec-
tions. An old supporter of Eichard, Viscount Lovel,
Lord Level's marc^ed on York, whilst Sir Humfrey and
°Rising^ s Thomas Stafford, connections of the Duke of
April, i486. Buckingham, rose in Worcestershire. But
their rising was, as Henry said, ' a mere rag or remnant
of Bos worth Field, and had nothing in it of the main
party of the House of York.' Before a promise of
pardon the insurgents quickly melted away ; ' the
heralds/ Bacon notes, ' were the great ordnance ' which
won the success of Henry's uncle Jasper, who had been
raised to the dukedom of Bedford, as Lord Stanley to
the earldom of Derby, after the coronation. Lord Lovel
escaped to Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, Edward IV. 's
younger sister, whose court at Brussels was for a long
period the fertile ' seed-bed of plots against the English
monarchy.'

She contributed the main strength of the next rising,

though it seems not to have been initiated by her. The

central figure of this was a boy of some eleven

simJeT,fc years old, who turned out to be the son of an

Feb.- June, organ-builder at Oxford. Lambert Simnel had

been trained by a priest named Eichard Synions

to personate Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick, and

as such he was recognised in Ireland, where he made his

8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. I.

first appearance in March, 1487, and won the support of
the ex-deputy, the Earl of Kildare, and of the latter's
family connections, the Geraldines. Henry easily demon-
strated the falseness of his pretensions by parading the
real Edward in public, but the very usefulness of the
prisoner for this purpose saved his life. Simnel was
crowned at Dublin in May, and soon afterwards landed
with a formidable force at Fouldrey, in Lancashire, where
the Yorkist, Sir Thomas Broughton, had much influence.
He advanced southwards, but ' his snowball did not
gather as it went ;' and on June 16 Kildare's kerns and
gallowglasses and Martin Schwartz's 2,000 ' Almains '
were utterly defeated after some three hours' hard
fighting at Stoke, near Newark. Amongst the slain was
John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln (Tree, p. vii.), who had
been adopted as his heir by Eichard III. on the death of
his own son Edward. Simnel became a turnspit in the
royal kitchen, and later his good behaviour elevated him
to the post of falconer. True to his policy of preferring
mercy to vengeance, Henry let Yorkist suspects off with
fines ; and ' finding where his shoe did wring him, and
that it was his depressing of the House of York that did
rankle and fester the affections of his people,' he had
the Queen crowned with much state in November. She
had earned her crown matrimonial by giving birth to a
son fourteen months before, on whom the Keltic name of
Arthur had been bestowed.

The next two disturbances at home seem to arise
out of discontent at the taxation, and to stand apart
Minor out- *rom ^J dynastic question. Both took place

breaks, in Yorkshire, where, notes Bacon/ the memory
m- of King Eichard was so strong that it lay like
lees in the bottoms of men's hearts, and if the vessel
was but stirred it would come up.' The rising at
Thirsk in 1489 occasioned the death of the Earl of
Northumberland ; but it was easily put down by the
Earl of Surrey. One of its leaders, Sir John Egremont,
took refuge, as usual, in Flanders ; another, ' a very
boutefeu,' who called himself John-a-Chamber, was
gibbeted at York. A more obscure dmeute at Acworth

1487-1496.] HENEY vii. 9

was likewise suppressed by the Earl of Surrey, whose father
had fallen at Bosworth fighting faithfully for Eichard.

§ 6. This was in 1492, a year marked also by the ap-
pearance of a competitor for the crown whose origin is
Perk n mysterious, who was long before the public, and
Warbeck, who never was particularly dangerous, perhaps,
1492-1497. though he certainly might easily have become
so. This was a ' fair-spoken, richly- dressed youth,' who
in February, 1492, landed at Cork from Portugal, and
claimed the crown as Eichard, Duke of York, one of the
princes supposed to have been murdered in the Tower.
In his confession several years later he gave out that he
wTas the son of a Flemish Jew of Tournay, and that his
real name was Piers Osbeck, or Perky n Warbeck. The
' historic doubts ' that have been entertained as to
whether he was really an impostor have now been
scattered, and the general truth of his confession con-
firmed. From Ireland Warbeck went to France, wrhence
he was expelled in October in accordance with the Treaty
of Estaples (§ 7). He found refuge with the Dowager
Duchess Margaret, who gave him a bodyguard and ' the
delicate title of The White Eose of England.' But his
cause was seriously damaged by the publication of the
confessions of the murderers of the two princes, and by
the execution* of many Yorkists who were intriguing
with him, and whose names were revealed to Henry by
Sir Eobert Clifford, an informer (1494). In July, 1495,
he landed at Sandwich, and was repulsed. He then at-
tempted the siege of Waterford, which was rewarded for
its loyalty to Henry with the title of Urbs Intacta. At
the end of the year he was invited to the court of
James IV. of Scotland. James gave him in marriage a
cousin of his, Katharine Gordon, daughter of the Earl of
Huntley, and twice invaded England on his behalf. The
Earl of Surrey beat them off, and, thanks to the
marauding of his allies, against which he protested
in vain, ' Eichard, Duke of York,' gained little sup-
port in England. In 1497 James was induced to send

* Amongst those implicated were Sir William Stanley, who did not think he
had been adequately rewarded for his services of 1485. He was executed early in
1495.

10 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. I.

him away. Henry had in the previous year succeeded,
by removing restrictions recently placed on the trade
with Flanders, in making an arrangement by which
rebels against either party should be expelled from the
territories of the other. Warbeck's only place of refuge
was Ireland, but though the recent Poynings' Law (1495)
had caused considerable irritation there (VII. § 2), he
did not venture into the eastern, or English, part of
the island.

Meanwhile, a most serious rebellion took place in

England. Annoyed at the grant of a heavy subsidy to

, guard the northern frontier, the Cornishmen

The Cornish & . , . , . , . , ' , . . »

Rising : Fall rose m revolt under the leadership of a farrier
of warbeck, name(j Michael Joseph, and Thomas Flammock,
a lawyer, and an old Lancastrian, Lord
Audley. They numbered some 16,000 men when they
reached London, but on June 22, 1497, were routed on
Blackheath Field, despite the excellence of their archery,
by Lord d'Aubigny. Two thousand rebels fell on the
field; the three leaders were captured and executed;
the remainder were pardoned.

Warbeck was at once attracted by the disaffection.
He landed in September at Whitsand Bay, near Penzance,
assumed the title of Eichard IV., and with some 3,000
men laid siege to Exeter. Driven thence, he pushed on
to Taunton with a force which now numbered 7,000
men. But, like a later pretender in the same district —
Monmouth in 1685 — Warbeck's courage failed him, and
he sought sanctuary at Beaulieu Abbey. He was induced
to leave it, and was imprisoned. He attempted to escape
next year, but gave himself up when he found the roads
blocked; and in November, 1499, he and his fellow-
prisoner, Warwick, were accused of plotting against the
king, and were executed. Warbeck's wife was made
lady-in-waiting to the Queen, and ' the name of the White
Rose, which had been given to her husband's false title,
was continued to her true beauty.'

§ 7. Henry's relations with France, Flanders, and
Scotland were affected to a considerable extent by War-
beck : those with Spain perhaps still more by the presence

1488-1497.] HENKY VII. 11

of other rivals. With France Henry was brought
into conflict by the necessity of aiding his old
RwfthTS protector, Francis, Duke of Brittany (§3).
^ranc^s ka^ no ^e^r' anc* there were several

candidates for the hand of his daughter, Anne,
and his duchy. The two principal of these were
Charles VIII. of France, and Maximilian, King of the
Romans.* Henry supported the latter. The taxation
which Henry levied for the defence of Duke Francis
caused a rising in the North under Sir John Egremont
(§ 5), and the support even when sent was but luke-
warm. Earl Eivers suffered a reverse at S. Aubin in
1488, and little came of Lord d'Aubigny's victory at
Dixmude next year. Maximilian busied himself with
other things, and in December, 1491, Charles VIII.
married the heiress. In response to the cry for war,
Henry raised large sums for an invasion of France. He
landed at Boulogne, but soon, like Edward IV. at
Pecquigny, entered into negotiations, and, in return for
£149,000, signed the Treaty of Estaples, November,
1492. Thus Henry, remarks Bacon, « gained from his
subjects by war, and from his enemies by peace.'

With no country had the English more intimate trade
relations than with Flanders : the two countries had

as man

(2) Flanders

time.' Nothing did more to make Edward IV.
popular than his restoration of the old security of trade
—which was mainly in cloth and wool — with that
country. It was at this time administered by Margaret,
Edward IV.'s sister, on behalf of her step-grandson, Philip
(Tree, p. 19). ' She set up King Henry,' remarks Bacon,
' as a mark, at whose overthrow all her actions should
aim and shoot, insomuch as all the wounds of his troubles
came chiefly out of that quiver.' Her persistent support
of Yorkist pretenders caused Henry in return to banish
all Flemings from England, and proclaim Calais, instead
of Antwerp, as the staple, or wool-market (September,

* A title commonly given to the heir apparent of the German King, who him-
self became Holy Roman Emperor on being crowned by the Pope. Maximilian,
in 1508, assumed the title Emperor -Elect without waiting for the latter
ceremony.

12 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. I.

1493). The blow was so serious that in 1496 the Arch-
duke Philip — who took over the direct government of
the Netherlands when his father, Maximilian, became,
in all but name, Emperor — agreed to expel political exiles
in return for a commercial treaty. This was called the
Great Intercourse, and provided for the exchange of com-
modities ' without pass or license/ and for the mainte-
nance of order in the narrow seas. It was modified
by a treaty ten years later, called by the Flemings Mains
Intercursus, as being less favourable to them; by it Philip
had to give up Edmund de la Pole (Tree, p. vii.), a rival
whom Philip and his father had been keeping for some
years as a possible trump card against Henry. This treaty
was not quite voluntary on Philip's part. He had been
driven by bad weather to take refuge on our coasts as he sailed
south to claim the throne of Castile, in right of his wife
Joanna : the treaty was the price of his release. Two matri-
monial alliances were also arranged (§ 8), but fell through.

§ 8. With his nearest neighbour Henry was at first on
friendly terms. James III. of Scotland, however, fell
/0.e , in 1488 before a combination of nobles, whose

(3; Scotland. . , , -, -, , , ,

excessive power he had done so much to cut
down ; and his son, James IV., renewed the old Scotch
policy of hostility to England. His support of Warbeck
mentioned above (§ 6), was withdrawn in 1497, largely
through the influence of the Spanish court ; and in
1502 the marriage of Henry's daughter Margaret with
the Scottish king — which had been some time under
consideration — actually took place, and cemented the
Perpetual Peace signed in January. It was this marriage
which, in the third generation, brought about the union of
the English and Scottish crowns on the head of James I.
of England.

Another marriage alliance is remarkable, not only
for the contentions which were to arise out of it in the

(4) Spain. next reiSn (IL §§ 10'12; IIL §§ 3-6), but for
the curious way in which the negotiations for
it connect themselves with Henry's efforts for undis-
puted possession at home, and for prestige abroad. As
early as 1490 Henry had close diplomatic relations with

1496-1503.] HENEY vii. 13

the ' Catholic sovereigns ' of Spain, Ferdinand of Aragon
and Isabella of Castile (§ 1). The immense increase in
their power, within and without the peninsula, during
the next ten years, made Henry desirous of a nearer
connection with them. It is believed that the execution
of Warwick and Warbeck, in 1499 (§ 6), was due mainly
to Henry's knowledge that their existence, as giving mal-
contents a possible rallying point against him, stood in
the way of such a connection. And the flight of the late
Earl of Lincoln's brothers (§ 5 and Tree, p. vii.) in 1501
seems to show that they feared a similar fate. At any
rate, it was not till November, 1501, that Henry's eldest
son, Arthur, married Katharine of Aragon, Ferdinand's
second daughter. On the death of the young Prince of
Wales, in April next year, a dispensation was obtained
from Pope Julius II. for Henry, Duke of York, to
marry his brother's widow. The betrothal was, however,
not followed up by marriage till after the King's death.

The six years which elapsed between the death of
Henry VII. 's wife in 1503, and his own in 1509, are
Henry's taken up with Henry's ' adventures in the matri-
Foreign monial market, which contribute the one serio-
3llcy* comic element in this severely business-like
reign ' (Stubbs). Amongst those whom he thought of
marrying were the Dowager Duchess Margaret of Bur-
gundy— this would have given him a hold on the Low
Countries ; her step-granddaughter, Margaret, Philip's
sister ; and after Philip's death his neglected but devoted
widow, Joanna. Like the marriage proposed in 1506,
between Philip's son Charles and Henry's daughter
Mary, these did not come off — perhaps were not all
seriously meant to ; but they are important as showing
Henry's willingness to take part in European affairs,
and the general drift of his inclinations. The period was
marked by a diplomatic activity such as had never before
been seen ; and the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII. of
France in 1494 had begun the long conflict between
France and the Hapsburgs. During these years France
was mostly pitted against Spain, and the powers with
which it had family ties — Maximilian, Archduke of

14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. I.

Austria and King of Germany, and his son, Philip, who
ruled the old Burgundian possessions. Henry threw his
weight on the side of whichever of the opponents of
France suited him best for the time being. Had he
aspired to becoming head of a coalition of some sort, he
had assuredly less formidable rivals for such a position
than his son Henry had. He died, however, without
making any definite move.

§ 9. Undoubtedly Henry's best work was done at
home. The dignity which he gave England abroad was
after all only a complement — a valuable complement it is
true — to the security he wrought within the
Government country. His legislation has received high
Henr°fvn Praise from Bacon,* who calls him the
greatest legislator since Edward I. In the
remark quoted below there is, at least, this much truth :
'that his measures at home were dictated, not by the
necessities of the moment, but by those of the time.'
Hence they can be better grouped together as a whole
than treated chronologically.

Henry's first object was to secure his position, and he
fully possessed the Tudor aptitude for making self-interest
harmonize with popular feeling. He saw clearly enough
that, in addition to removing his rivals, he must root out
the disorders in local government which sprang for the
most part out of the jealousies of the great baronial
houses ; that he must attach as many as he could to his
rule by creating confidence in its stability ; and, above all,
that he must look well after his exchequer.

One of the greatest evils of the fifteenth century was the
control which local magnates held and exercised over the
The Court of ordinary administration of justice ; in particular,

star they manipulated or intimidated juries by means
Chamber. Q£ ^jj, hUge bands of retainers. Edward IV.
had tried to get at these powerful offenders by giving new
powers of criminal jurisdiction to the lord high con-
stable, the earl marshal, and the lord chancellor.

* ' Deep, and not vulgar, not made upon the spur of a particular occasion for
the present, but out of providence for the future, to make the estate of his
people still more and more happy, after the manner of the legislators in ancient
and heroical timss.'

1487-1489.] HENKY vii. 15

Henry, in 1487, obtained the sanction of Parliament to
an act which gave a general supervision of criminal
offences — analogous to the equitable jurisdiction of the
chancellor in civil matters — to a committee of the Privy
Council, as the King's ordinary council had come to be
called. This committee consisted of the chancellor, the
treasurer, the lord privy seal, taking to themselves a
bishop, a lord temporal, and two chief justices. Their
function was to summon before themselves, examine,
and punish (with any penalty short of death) misdoers
in the following respects : ' Unlawful maintenances*
giving of liveries^ untrue demeaning of sheriffs in making
of panels and other untrue returns, great riots, and un-
lawful assemblies.' The court was originally intended,
as its historian Hudson said, for * cases where all other
courts want power, for want of law to warrant them, and
have no wreight sufficient to poise the question.' But,
possibly through Wolsey's influence, both its composition
and its functions extended : ' every misdemeanour came
within the scope of its inquiry;' and its powers were
exercised by the whole council. It took its name of
Star Chamber from the star-spangled roof of the room
in which it generally sat. The name itself does not appear
till 1529.

Much was done for law and order by the restrictions
placed in 1488-89 on benefit of clergy and the right of
sanctuary. The former was the exemption enjoyed by
clergymen from criminal proceedings before a secular
judge, and anyone who could read was accounted a
clergyman. Henry enacted that a convict clerk should
be branded in the hand, M. for murder, and T. for felony.
The latter right had become so extended that a criminal
could take shelter in one of the numerous sanctuaries —
every church and churchyard was an asylum— for forty
days, and then, after declaring his offence to the coroner,

* Maintenance is defined as ' the act of assisting the plaintiff in any legal pro-
ceeding in which the person giving the assistance has no valuable interest.' Those
thus called in were naturally men of influence. The practice had been in-
effectually struck at in many laws from Richard II. to Richard III.

t Liveries worn as a badge of being the retainers of a great man. Cf. the story
of Henry VII. fining the Earl of Oxford £10,000 for receiving him in state, with
crowds of such retainers : ' I may not have my laws broken in my own sight.'

16 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch I.

journey, cross in hand, to the coast and so escape. In
return for a few compliments, Innocent VIII.* gave Henry
a Bull, authorizing material modifications of the right : a
sanctuary-man who broke out and committed any trespass
was to lose all right to such protection thenceforth ; the
goods of a man who was in sanctuary might be seized, and
a man guilty of high treason who took refuge in sanctuary
might be watched by the King's keeper.

Two of Henry's statutes seem devised with a view to
making it more profitable to adhere steadily to Henry than
to waver. The Statute of Fines provided that
a^er nve years' unchallenged occupancy of
acto land the title of the occupier thereto should
ing> be secure. This was necessitated by the fre-
quent changes of ownership during the late fifty years
of disturbances. Another statute (of 1495) declared that
no one who served the King for the time being should be
liable to be attainted as a traitor. This was an amnesty
for the old Yorkists, and an attempt to make Henry's
own adherents feel safe in remaining true to him.

§ 10. Parliament did not play a very important part

in Henry VII. 's reign. During its twenty-four years it

met but seven times, and all but one of these

cXtttu." sessions were held before 1497, i.e., whilst

Pos°itk>n Morton was Henry's chief adviser. Perhaps

this was because Henry did not wish to see old

controversies refought ; perhaps because he thought the

old Lancastrian reliance on Parliaments had not proved

quite successful ; perhaps because he felt himself strong

enough to get on fairly well without them. In point of

fact, the stage of our history when all estates of the realm

were acting together against the crown had passed away,

as completely as that, under the Norman Kings, when King

and people were allied against the baronage. The time

had come when all classes wished for peace, and were

ready to seek it under the guidance of a strong, sensible

monarchy. And such they had for a century.

The older baronage had lost many of its members in

* Bacon represents him as being pleased with Henry's fair words, because he
' knew himself to be lazy and unprofitable.'

1485-1509.] HENRY vii. 17

the civil wars. Commynes says eighty of the blood royal
alone perished. ' But it was attenuated in power and
prestige rather than in numbers/ says Bishop Stubbs,
who notes that the average attendance of lay peers under
Henry VII. was about the same as it had been throughout
the century — i.e., forty. And the new peers, created
sparingly by Henry VII. , lavishly by his son, acted heartily
with the sovereigns to whom they owed their elevation.
The Commons had no particular reasons for opposing the
crown, and, accustomed as they were to lean on the
nobles, probably could not if they would. Besides, the
recent restriction of the franchise to 40s. freeholders had
narrowed the range of their representativeness. The
Church had been frightened by the old Lollard threats of
spoliation, and clung meekly to the throne.

The result of these conditions was that, as Hallam
says, ' the founder of the House of Tudor came, not
certainly to an absolute, but to a vigorous prerogative.'
This was extended by his successors, and exercised arbi-
trarily enough at times. But the Tudors set up no theory
of absolute government such as lost two Stuarts their
thrones : they governed through their council, and, when
matters of importance arose, managed to secure, too, the
support of Parliament (VIII. § 5).

§ 11. Henry's first Parliament (1485-86) granted him
tunnage and poundage for life — a practice found earlier
under Edward IV.; and it also passed an Act of
s of Resumption, whereby recent grants of crown-
domain were cancelled. The money thus ac-
quired he spent sparingly, but well, for the
security of his throne. He supplemented parliamentary
grants by benevolences* and even obtained a sort of legis-
lative sanction to these when, in 1495, Parliament
ordered that all sums promised to the King as gifts
should be paid up in full. These promises had been
exacted by means of a piece of practical logic known as

* Benevolences are thus described by a contemporary : Ut per benevolenliam,
quilibct daret quod vellet, immo verius quod nollet. The collection of such ' free
gifts ' had been systematized by Edward IV. Richard III.'s Parliament of 1484
abo'ished them as 'new and unlawful inventions' ; but, of course, as he was a
usnrpor, his legislation was regarded as invalid.

18 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. I.

Mortons fork : a man must be either thrifty or extrava-
gant ; in the former case, he should give out of his hidden
savings; in the latter, out of his manifest plenty. The
way in which Henry made money out of the French war
in 1492 has already been related (§ 7). His later years
were marked by the extortions of his officers, Eichard
Empson, the son of a Towcester tradesman, and Robert
Dudley, a Warwickshire squire. They displayed vast
ingenuity in obtaining fees for pardon and privileges, and
fines for petty and forgotten offences.

To their conduct especially is due Henry's reputation
for avarice. He, like Marlborough, has often been quoted

as one of the few instances of ' really great men

character who loved money for its own sake.' Without

and import- approving his methods, it is possible to think

this sentence somewhat too hard. If the Lan-
castrian regime had any obvious lesson, it was that the
want of money was the root of all evil. And Henry was
quite capable, had he seen it to be worth while, of spend-
ing profitably to himself and the nation the £1,800,000
of which, on April 22, 1509, he died possessed.

' Henry's reign bridges over the strait between the
Wars of the Roses and the Reformation, between England
isolated and England taking a first place in the counsels
of Europe, between England weak and England strong '
(Stubbs). And it is idle to deny that this contrast is
due first of all to the capacity of the King himself. He
lacked originality? So did Alfred, who, alone of our
Kings, is known as ' the Great.' He made good use of
other people's ideas, and he was successful. He came
to the throne under unfavourable conditions; yet he
both secured internal peace and left a likelihood of its
continuance in an undisputed succession. He gave
England order at home and dignity abroad. That is the
achievement which has won him the title — fitting enough,
but that it savours of an ostentation foreign to his char-
acter— ' the Solomon of England.'

H °

^ 4-*

5 *

g g

2—2

CHAPTER II.
Henry VIII.

DOWN TO THE FALL OF WOLSEY, 1529.

§ 1. Henry VIII. and the New Learning— § 2. Henry's Earlier Acts at
Home— § 3. The Holy League, 1511-13— § 4. The Battle of Flodden
Field and Peace with Louis XIL— § 5. The Rise of Wolsey : his
Domestic Policy — §6. Wolsey's Foreign Policy : Affairs Abroad from
1515 to 1518— § 7. The Rivalry between Francis I. of France and
Charles I. of Spain for the Empire, and for Henry VIII. 's Support,
1519-1520— § 8. War in Scotland and France, 1521-1523-§ 9.
Gradual Estrangement between Charles V. and Henry VIII., 1525-
1528— § 10. The Rise and Progress of the Divorce Question, 1527-
1528 — § 11. Political Aspect of the Divorce Question : the Legatine
Commission-§ 12. The Fall of Wolsey, 1529 -§ 13. Wolsey's
Character and Death, November 29, 1530.

§ 1. HENEY came to the throne with everything in his
favour. He was the first English King for a century

Henry and unhampered by rival claimants to the crown.

the New He took over a full treasury and a well-trained

Learning. ^y Qf advigers Hke FQX and Warham. He

himself enjoyed a well-deserved popularity. He was a
handsome and accomplished man, with a character from
which, as his worst enemy Pole allowed, nothing but
good could be expected. Above all, he had the confidence
of the best spirits of his time — those promoters of the
New Learning whose chief patron was Archbishop
Warham, and whose most illustrious names are Colet,
Erasmus, More. In view of the later events of the reign,
it is well to gather what they hoped from him, and what
their place is in the history of thought.

These men were the representatives in England of the

The Renascence.] HENBY vin. 21

great movement known as the Renascence. The Renas-
cence eludes definition. It primarily expresses
ceenceehis" *ne * new birth ' of the knowledge of classical
"SlfiTnV11 anti(lu% consequent on the long-increasing
acquaintance with non-Christian Latin writers,
and on the recent revival of the study of Greek letters in
the Western world. Both of these were helped forward
by the new discovery of the printing-press^ and the
rapid multiplication of printed books. The effect of this
— which can only be adequately realized by the compara-
tive study of European literature of the fourteenth and
of the end of the fifteenth centuries — has been described
by Michelet as ' the discovery of the world and the
discovery of man.' The phrase means that the old
mediaeval notions fell to pieces. In face of this strange
new world, revealed in the pages of the classics, tha
thinking man could no longer tolerate the scholastic
learning which had lost its life and shrivelled into
formulas : in face of the new world revealed in the West
by Columbus and others in and after 1492 — books
about which ' were in every man's hand,' says More —
he could not confine his interest to Christendom and to
the future life. The key-note of this stirring of men's
minds was long ago struck by Terence : Homo sum, nihil
humani a me alienum puto. This was the ' discovery of
man.'

Such were the main lines of the Renascence, but it
took a very different shape on the two sides of the Alps.
The Italian Renascence was a brilliant epoch in letters
and art. Amongst its more famous patrons were Lorenzo
de' Medici, Pope Nicholas V., and Leo X. Amongst its
more illustrious workers stand out the names of Poggio,
Ficino, Raffaele, Michael Angelo, and Cellini. But in
religion it only produced a conforming scepticism, and in
sociology no interest whatever. It was different in the
North. True, into France arts and artists were irn-

* The first book of any note to be printed from movable types was the Mazarine
Bible, issued from the press of Fust, Gutenberg and Schoelfer, at Mainz, about
1450. The invention was quickly taken up in the Netherlands and Italy, where
by 1485 thirty towns had presses, and where it was carried to a high degree of
perfection by Aldus at Venice (1494-1515). William Caxton, who had learnt the
art with Colard Hanson at Bruges, set up his press at Westminster in 1476.

HISTOEY OP ENGLAND.

[Oh. II.

ported from Italy ; but in Germany and England the
New Learning centred round the reform of religious abuses
and of education, and the improvement of the daily life
of men. This last is the feature which lifts the Utopia*
of Sir Thomas More above contemporary works. The
first was the occasion of much satire by More and
Erasmus, and of much preaching by Dean Colet. But the
abuses which these Oxford reformers strove honestly to
sweep away were too vast for a few men of culture to
remove : the task was left for others to perform — Luther
by taking, Henry VIII. by forcing, the people into part-
nership with themselves.

§ 2. Henry was in sympathy with the new movement.
He liked the gaiety which these new scholars encouraged,
Henry's in opposition to the recluse-like habits of the
Earlier Acts, older type of student. And he approved of
the demand for reform of the Church, nor was his
opinion without value. Theologian as he was — there
is a story that he was brought up with a view to the
primacy — he joined Warham in protecting Colet when
accused of heresy for attacking the clergy, and for distin-
guishing between the voice of Christ and the voice of the
Church. But he would not devote his life to the execu-
tion of the ideas of the New Learning: he preferred
martial glory and popular adulation — he was no philo-
sopher-king.

Henry began his reign with two acts which seemed
like a deliberate abandonment of his father's policy. He
arrested and imprisoned many of the latter's legal and
financial agents. The chief among them, Empson and
Dudley (I. § 11), defended themselves so well on the
charge of illegal exactions that an accusation of con-
spiring to compass the new King's death was trumped up
against them. They were convicted by a jury and
attainted by Parliament,! and after a long respite were

* The more noticeable points of this treatise are vividly drawn out at the end
of Ch. VI., § 4, of J. R. Green's Short History of the Enqlish People. See, too, U. C. C.
Literature, 1485-1580, Ch. HI.

t This Parliament also granted the King for life tunnage and poundage, and
the subsidy on wool, woolfels and leather. Tv.nnage was a duty of 3s. per tun on
wine, and poundage a duty of 6d. per pound on dry goods imported. They were
fixed at these sums in 1373.

1509-1511.] HENRY viii. 23

executed in August, 1510. Parliament also denned more
clearly several points of law whose ambiguity had Leen
made use of by the two lawyers.

The other act was the completion of the marriage with
Katharine of Aragon (see I. § 8). He had been con-
tracted to her within a year of his brother's death, but
had not been permitted to complete the marriage in his
fifteenth year, as arranged with her parents. Henry Til.
had excused the delay on various grounds — the non-
payment of the balance of the dowry, etc. — and had
caused his son to claim his freedom from all obligation to
marry her. Naturally enough the younger Henry fell in
love with the lady who was thus kept away from him,
though she was six years older than he himself was ;
and the marriage* seems to have been entirely a case
of mutual affection, not of political expediency (June,
1509).

§ 3. Henry's foreign policy, if, like these acts at home,
more impulsive than the late King's, was at least on his
father's lines. Henry VII. 's last interference
with Continental affairs had been to give in
^jg a^hesi0n to the League of Cambray, con-
trived by the warlike Pope, Julius II., against Venice
(December, 1508). As the latter's object was simply to
make the Papal States the leading Italian Power, he
readily accepted the submission of Venice when it had
lost its land possessions (February, 1510), and made the
refusal of France to do the same an excuse for breaking
with that State, and for setting his late allies generally
by the ears. This time his aim was, in his own phrase,
' to expel the barbarians from Italy ;' and as the bar-
barians were in this case the French, he easily formed
into a Holy League to protect himself all who hoped for
any territorial gain at the expense of France. It was
joined before the end of 1511 by Ferdinand, Henry, and
Maximilian; and Henry was flattered by being named
Head of the Italian League. The really decisive event of

* ' Katharine was dressed in white, and wore her hair loose- ceremonies appro
priute,' says Lingard, ' to the nuptials of maids.' This is important. See § 10.

24 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. II.

the war was the disastrous victory of the French at
Havenna (April 11, 1512), gained over Spanish and papal
troops at the expense of the brilliant young commander
Gaston de Foix, whose death was quickly followed by the
expulsion of the French from Italy.

Outside Italy the war took a national form, though by
distracting Louis' attention it helped the Pope, and so
justified its name. Henry reasserted the old
claim to the French crown, and in support of
it made two invasions of France. The first
was directed to the conquest of Guienne : the
second to that of Normandy. That of 1512 consisted of
some 7,000 troops under the Marquis of Dorset, who
kept his troops at Fontarabia rather than help Ferdi-
nand's generals in conquering that part of Navarre
which lay south of the Pyrenees. Whilst this was going
on the English lord high admiral, Sir Edward Howard,
gained a small victory off Brest, but lost the finest
vessel of the fleet — it was some 1,000 tons burden —
The Regent. Next year he lost his life near the same
place, and was succeeded by his brother, Lord Thomas
Howard.

During the winter Louis secured breathing-space from
both Ferdinand and Julius. Henry's ardour was un-
quenched, and in June, 1513, he himself took* the com-
mand of some 25,000 men, and laid siege to the
fortress-town of Terouenne, near Calais. The Emperor
Maximilian joined him as a volunteer, at 100 crowns
a day; and it was largely through him that, after over a
month's siege— during which an attempt of the French
cavalry to relieve the place resulted in a panic known as
the Battle of Spurs — Terouenne surrendered (August).
A month later the populous neighbouring town of
Tournay fell. With these expensive laurels and the
promise of Maximilian's son Charles for his sister Mary
(talked of in 1506), Henry returned to England.

§ 4. Meanwhile war had broken out with James IV. of
Scotland, brother-in-law though he was to Henry. The

* Before leaving he ordered the execution of the Duke of Suffolk (see I. § 7),
apparently because his younger brother Richard, the White Rose, was serving in
the French army, as he did till his death at Pavia, 1525.

1512-1514.] HENRY VIII. 25

causes were trivial enough : the non-delivery of certain
jewels left to Margaret, and the death of a Scotch
privateer, named Andrew Barton, in an action
Field, sept, with the Howards. To these must be added
9, iji . ^e goijcjtations of Louis XII. and of his wife,
Anne of Brittany.* After several forays on either side,
James IV. crossed the border with a la'ge force and
an exceptionally fine park of artillery of seventeen pieces.
In addition to this he occupied a strong position on the
hill of Flodden, on the banks of the river Till, when he
was attacked, defeated and slain, by the Earl of Surrey.
The Scotch, having lost 8,000 against the English loss of
6,000, retreated next day.

Active preparations were made for continuing the war ;
but Julius II. had in March, 1513, been succeeded by the
Pe-icewith peace-loving Leo X., and the ostensible object
Louis XIL, of the war was gained when Louis XII. yielded
Aug. 1514. mogt of the pointg afc issue witll tke Holy See

before the end of the year. During the winter he also
made it worth the while of both the King of Aragon and
the Emperor to cease active operations. They had the
grace not to make peace without the participation of
England, though they had no very great respect for that
' wealthy parvenu in the great family of nations '
(Brewer). But they would not help Henry, and so he
was driven to make peace. As his father's hoard and
heavy extraordinary subsidies were already spent, he was
willing to do this ' if he received an equivalent for his
inheritance of France.' Accordingly, in August, 1514,
three treaties were signed, whereby Louis agreed to
make a life alliance with Henry, marry his sister Mary,f
and pay to Henry and his heirs, by thirty-eight half-
yearly instalments, the sum of one million crowns (p. 67).
About the same time peace was made with Scotland,
which was now under the Kegency of the Queen-Dowager
Affairs of, Margaret. The latter had, however, the Tudor
Scotland,' penchant for wedlock, and soon married Archi-
~20' bald Douglas, Earl of Angus. She thus lost

* For Anne, see I. § 7. On the death of Charles VIII., Louis XII. had married
his relict in order to retain Brittany in the possession of the French crown.

t Louis' wife, Anne of Brittany, being lately dead, and the parties to the contrac-
tion of Charles to Mary (§ 3) having now formed other views for him.

26 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. II.

her influence, and was supplanted by the Duke of Albany,
who was French in birth and breeding. The latter was,
late in 1516, ordered by the new King of France,
Francis I., to retire; and his departure restored the
country to a nominal obedience to Angus and the Queen-
dowager. (See § 8.)

§ 5. The year of these partial pacifications was also
marked by the elevation of Thomas Wolsey to the See of

Rise of ^ork> and his distinct appearance as the leading
woisey, adviser to the King. The son of an Ipswich

1514- grazier, he had early become known as the Boy
Bachelor of Magdalen College, Oxford, and, thanks to
his own energy and the kindness of many patrons — in
especial, Fox, Bishop of Winchester — entered the service
of Henry VII. That monarch was particularly struck
by his quickness in performing an important mission to
the imperial court, in which he travelled to Brussels and
back in some eighty hours. As almoner to Henry VIII.,
he commended himself to the young King by his readi-
ness, without neglecting business, to take part — not
always with decorum — in the ceaseless revels and frolics
of the court. Preferment after preferment was poured
on him at home (see Appendix) : the highest civil office —
that of lord chancellor — was thrust on him in 1515 ;
about the same time Leo X. tried to win his voice in the
council by making him cardinal ; and two years later he
was lifted above the head of Warham, the primate, by
being invested with the powers of legate. More than
this, the years during which Wolsey was thus supreme
in both secular and spiritual matters (1515-29) were
precisely those during which Henry was still capable of
being guided, whereas for the rest of the reign no minister
was more than a mere instrument of a King who had
learnt he could do what he liked, and who did not shrink
from doing it.

Wolsey 's chief characteristic was his enormous power
of work. As chancellor, so much business was sent to
him that subordinate courts had to be erected to transact
parts of it. As legate, he did not hesitate to take on his
shoulders, in addition to his ordinary business, the im-

1515-1523.] HENRY vin. 27

mense task of attempting to correct clerical abuses.
Like Morton, he saw the ' incurable uselessness ' of so
many religious houses, and suppressed a considerable
number in order to devote their revenues to the further-
ance of the New Learning.*

In home affairs he held faithfully by the principles of
the New Monarchy. As he himself said on his death-bed,
he served his prince more diligently even than he served
God. He hated Parliaments. During his long tenure
of power, only one was summoned — in 1523; and the
result of the experiment was not encouraging to him.
On the top of a long series of loans and benevolences
there came the demand for £800,000 for the French
war, to be raised by taking a fifth of every man's goods
and lands. Wolsey attempted to overawe the Commons
by going ' with all his pomp, his maces, his pillars, his
pole-axes, his cross, his belt, and the Great Seal too.'
The speaker,! Sir Thomas More, had to represent to him
that it was contrary to their ancient liberties to be thus
constrained; but after sixteen days' debate a grant of
one-tenth was made. ' No man in my life,' said a
member of the Commons, ' can remember even half as
large a grant.' Two years later an illegal subsidy of one-
sixth was demanded, but was, on the advice of the Duke
of Norfolk, withdrawn after ' the shedding of many salb
tears ' — and some blood in the eastern counties (§8).

Quite consistent with this distrust of Parliament and
the adoption of arbitrary methods of raising money, was
Wolsey's extensive use of the Council, to avoid, perhaps,
the dangerous appearance of absolutism. At any rate, it
Was — according to Sir Thomas Smith — under Wolsey
that the Star Chamber ' took that augmentation and
authority ' which made it interfere with the pettiest
details of a man's daily life, and gradually won for it so
much hatred (VIII. § 5).

§ 6. It was, however, in foreign affairs that Wolsey's

* The Grammar School of Ipswich, and Christ Church, Oxford (a fragment of
his intended Cardinal College), are the living monuments of this activity.

t Under the Tudors ' the speaker was the manager of business on behalf of the
crown, and probably the nominee either of the King himself or the chancellor. —
Stubbs.

28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ Ch. IL

real interest lay. He sought, by means of the endless

diplomatic intrigues of the day, to make Eng-

Foreign ^n^ ' an umpire between great rival parties on

ibil°i8 ^e Continent, fr°m whose humiliation nothing

was to be gained, and from whose over-exaltation

something was to be feared ' (Stubbs). But beneath this

common ideal of the time lay his personal ambition to

attain the papal tiara. It is time to see how this affected

the attitude of England.

The years immediately following the peace with France
in 1514 are years of little importance in the history of
England, but — to say nothing of Luther's appearance — of
much intricacy in European affairs. Louis XII. 's efforts
to please his young wife — he was fifty-three, while Mary
was but sixteen — brought him to his grave within three
months after his marriage ;* and after a still smaller
interval his widow married her old lover, Charles Brandon,
Duke of Suffolk — probably with Henry's connivance,
certainly with that of Louis XII. 's successor. This was
Erancis I., who, like Henry, began his reign by throwing
himself into war, but with greater success. By the Battle
of the Giants, at Marignano (September 14, 15, 1515),
he broke down the hitherto unchallenged prestige of the
Swiss pikemen, reconquered the Milanese, and terrified
Europe. Wolsey's cardinal's hat was a bid from Leo X.
for his goodwill with Henry. Soon afterwards Maximilian
made a fantastic proposal, whereby Henry was to receive
Milan and become Emperor, while he himself became
Pope. Henry needed no such inducements to act against
Francis : he was jealous of a King who was his rival in
his own most cherished fields of superiority — love and
war. But for the present he contented himself with
subsidizing the enemies of Francis, until the threatening
attitude of the Ottoman conqueror, Selim L, forced the
Western Powers, England, France, and Spain, to enter
into a confederacy whereby each bound himself to sup-
port the others against any aggressor, even if one of

* ' He entirely clanged his way of living,' says a contemporary. ' He had been
wont to dine at eight, whereas now he must needs dine at noon ; he had been
wont to retire at six o'clock, whereas now he frequently did not get to bed till
midnight.'

1515-1519.] HENKY VIII. 29

themselves. By this Treaty of London (October, 1518)
the ' ten years of war and negotiation, of bloodshed and
perfidy, which began with the League of Cambray, were
brought to a close.' No one was any the better for it :
to all the conflicting Powers the dictum which has been
applied to England can be justly applied — « Honesty
would have been the simpler and cheaper policy.'

§ 7. The death of Maximilian in the following year

left the Empire vacant. The Elector of Saxony,

The struggle Frederick the Wise, Luther's protector (III.

between § 2), having declined to stand, three competi-

Chaands V' tors were found for the throne of Augustus :

Francis L, Charles I. of Castile and Aragon,* Francis I.

of France, and Henry VIII. The latter saw

he had no chance, and supported Charles, who, by the

liberal expenditure of money and promises, obtained the

seven votes of the electoral college, and was chosen king

in June, 1519. He followed his paternal grandfather

Maximilian's practice, and took the title of Charles V.,

Emperor-elect. t

1 With their candidature for the imperial crown,' says Michelet, ' burst forth
the inextinguishable rivalry between Francis I. and Charles V. The former
claimed Naples and Navarre ; the latter, the Milanese and the Duchy of Burgundy.
Their resources were about equal. If the dominions of Charles were more exten-
sive, the kingdom of France was more compact. The Emperor's subjects were
richer, bvit his authority more circumscribed. The reputation of the French
cavalry was not inferior to that of the Spanish infantry. Victory would belong
to the one who should win over the King of England to his side. Henry had
reason to adopt as his device : Whom I defend is master.'

Hard pressed as he was by the religious agitation in
Germany (III. § 2) and by the dissatisfaction in Spain,
The Field of ow^n§ *° ^s preference for Flemish ministers,
the* Cloth oi the Emperor paid especial court to his uncle.
Goli52oune' -^e practical utility of friendship with the ruler
of the Low Countries joined with Henry's
jealousy of Francis, as a gentleman and a gallant, to
make Charles's suit easy. Hence the French King's
effort to win over Henry in a personal conference on the

* He had succeeded his grandfather Ferdinand in Aragon in 1516. See Stemma
on p. 19.

t It may be noted— though its connection with English history is but
slight— that the same year (1519) was marked by the accession of a fourth
sovereign, who has perhaps better claims to greatness than any of Ihe three
claimants for the Empire— Suleiman the Law-Giver,

30 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. II.

plain of Ardres, near Calais (June 7-24, 1520), in which
the Kings and their attendants so vied with one another
in extravagance of dress and living that the meeting
is known as the Field of the Cloth of Gold, had much
less influence with Henry than two quiet interviews
with Charles, at Canterbury and at Gravelines respec-
tively, before and after the tourneys and delights with
Francis.

A year of uneasy relations between the two continental
sovereigns followed, until Wolsey, called, in accordance
with the treaty of 1518, to act as arbitrator between them
in the Conference of Calais (August-October, 1521), gave
his decision that Francis had been the aggressor, both on
the Flemish frontier and in helping the revolted com-
munidades of Spain, and that, therefore, Henry was
bound to help Charles. A treaty — practically agreed on
during the conference, in an interview at Bruges between
Wolsey and the Emperor — was immediately made be-
tween Charles, Henry, and Leo X., by which, amongst
other things, Charles engaged himself to his cousin Mary
of England. Thus Henry again broke with ' his good
brother and perpetual ally ' of France.

§ 8. The war which followed is of European rather
than English interest. The chief suffering fell on the
unfortunate inhabitants of Northern Italy, where
AiiuS *ke chances of war fluctuated for several years,
with The most striking feature is the total failure of
1521*5 the Constable of Bourbon's treasonable attempt
in 1523 to permanently partition France between
himself, Charles and Henry. So far as it concerns Eng-
land, the war falls readily into the divisions of defensive
and aggressive.

Francis attempted to distract the English attention by

giving Henry trouble in Ireland and Scotland. In neither

Albany in was ^e successful. In the former he neglected

Scotland, to support Desmond, whom he had roused to

22'23- declare his hostility against the English (VII. § 3).

In Scotland his instrument was the Duke of Albany,

who now proved to the hilt his inefficiency. Twice was

he sent to Scotland with ample means to assert himself

1520-1525.] HENRY vm. 31

as Eegent. In 1522 Lord Dacre thrust him back with
a threat of the near approach of English forces, ' which,'
says Lingard, ' instead of being on their march, were
not in reality assembled.' In 1523 Surrey finally ex-
pelled him from Scotland, and reported that ' un-
doubtedly there was never a man departed with more
shame or more fear than the duke has done to-day.'
From that time till 1542 (III. § 19) Scotland escaped
the horrors of war, though torn by internal dissen-
sions.*

Meanwhile Henry was making in his turn two in-
vasions of France, as futile as these attempts, and much
. more expensive. Surrey was recalled from

Invasions of T , n ." _, -_._. . . , J -if i

France, Ireland m 152z to take command oi nearly

1522-23. 20,000 troops, which burned numerous villages
round Calais and caught the dysentery. Next year
Suffolk, with 20,000 men, invaded Picardy, whilst Ger-
mans were to invade Burgundy, Spaniards Guienne, and
Bourbon was to raise Provence in Francis' rear after his
passage of the Alps. The plan failed utterly. Suffolk
reached Montdidier, and then had to retreat to disband
his sickly forces. He only escaped the royal displeasure
by Wolsey's earnest entreaty.

This ended the active participation of England in the
war. How difficult it had been to raise the money for
the campaign of 1523 has been already related (§ 5).
Less successful still was the attempt of 1525 to levy
forced loans by means of agents sent round to demand
one-sixth of each man's property as assessed two years
before. Even Henry had to give way to the popular
feeling which backed the cry that ' if men should give
their goods by a commission, then were it worse than
the taxes of France, and England should be bond, not
free.' Besides, by that time the war, according to
Warham, gave the people ' more reason to weep than
to rejoice. The winning of France should be more
chargeful to England than profitable, and the keeping
thereof much more chargeful than the winning.'

§ 9. Poverty was not the only cause of the cessation

* See biographies of Albany and Angus.

32 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. II.

of Henry's energy. He was gradually veering round
Gradual to Francis' side. The failure of Bourbon
Estrange- to secure Marseilles for Charles in 1524 was
Charles aid followed in the next year by a disastrous battle
Henry, near Pavia (February), in which Francis ' lost
"28> all save honour,' by being taken prisoner. The
news was at first joyfully received at the English court.
But Charles looked askance at Henry's proposal for the
division of France and the ultimate union of all their
several possessions under the sway of the descendants of
Charles and Mary (§7). He also gave evidence of his
intention to make the most of his ' good brother's '
captivity, as he in fact did by the Treaty of Madrid
(January, 1526), whose terms were so hard that Francis'
repudiation of them, when released, can scarcely be
wondered at, however much it may be condemned. Thus
Charles's power seemed to Henry and his chief minister
to need checking rather than forcing. Besides, Wolsey
had been long discontented with the Emperor for the
inefficiency of the support given to his candidature in
the papal vacancies which had been filled successively
by the election of Adrian IV. (1522) and Clement VII.
(1523).

In the same year as Francis' capture, the English
court not only used its influence on Francis' behalf,
but made a treaty of alliance with his mother, Louise of
Savoy, the Eegent. Various little things, such as the seizing
of the imperial ambassador's letters in England, helped
to put Charles and Henry apart, and in August, 1527, a
treaty of alliance was made between Francis and Henry to
defend the Pope, who was now a captive of the Emperor's,
or rather of imperial troops. In the preceding May Eome
had been sacked for five days by a joint force of Lutheran
and Spanish troops, under Bourbon. ' The Eternal
City,' says Lingard, ' suffered more from the ravages of
a Christian army than it had ever done from the hostility
of pagan barbarians.' Naturally, such an act shocked
Henry— the Defender of the Faith (III. §3)— and Wolsey
— the aspirant for the Papacy. In the treaty they now
signed with Francis, they arranged a marriage between

1525-1527.] HENEY vin. 33

Henry VIII. 's daughter Mary* and either Francis himself
or his second son, the Duke of Orleans, and stipulated

' that during the captivity of the Pontiff the two Kings should neither
consent to the convocation of a General Council, nor admit any Bulls or
briefs issued by Clement, in derogation of their rights, or of the rights of
their subjects ; and that the concerns of each national Church should be
conducted by its own bishops ; and that the judgments of Wolsey in his
legatine court should, in defiance of any papal prohibition, be carried
into immediate execution ' (Lingard).

§ 10. The whole clause, particularly the last paragraph,

was highly significant. It showed how much Henry

The Begin- se^ ^is near^ on a new marriage, and how

nmg of the far he was at present prepared to go in order

Question, *° dissolve his existing wedlock. Henry had

AprSec'' Doubtless l°ved his wife, and she never forfeited

his esteem. But Katharine was older than

himself; she was not particularly lively; and in May,

1522, a young Englishwoman had returned to England

from the French court (whither she had gone on the

marriage of Louis XII. and Mary) who inspired him with

an overmastering passion. Anne Boleyn was the pretty

and vivacious daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn (created

Viscount Eochford early in 1525) and of a daughter of

the Duke of Norfolk. She steadily declined to become

the King's mistress as her sister Mary, amongst others,

had been before, and the removal of Katharine was thus

necessary to the attainment of her ambition.

It does not, however, follow that this passion was the
only real cause for Henry's wish for a divorce. He
himself attributed that desire to a timorous conscience
and to the fear of disputed succession. He thought that
in his wife's miscarriages, and the death of four children,
one after the other — which left him without male heir —
he saw the proof of Heaven's curse. The feeling was
probably quite genuine. * Henry was nothing if not con-
scientious,' we may agree with Dr. Creighton, ' though he
made large drafts on his conscience, and paid them back
in small coin.' And he certainly was troubled about his
heirlessness. Already he had cleared away two nobles

* Charles, with Henry's assent, married Isabella, Infanta of Portugal, early in
1526.

34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. II.

whom he suspected of aiming at the crown — the Duke
of Suffolk in 1513, and the Duke of Buckingham in
1521.*

The first hint of the ' secret matter ' which was to

occasion such protracted negotiations in the next seven

years, and to supply a sort of official link

The Divorce: s7 . ... rr •7, , , „ ,

the Point at between England and the great tact 01 the
issue. time — the Reformation — was given when,
during some negotiations with France, in April, 1527,
the Bishop of Tarbes questioned Mary's legitimacy.
Nothing much came of it at the time. In a later treaty
of the same year, above referred to (p. 32), Mary was
accepted by the French as legitimate; and about the
same time Charles V.'s alarm was quieted by assurances
that the marriage was not to be disputed ; but at the
end of the year Henry formally applied to Clement VII. to
bring the question to an issue. There was some thought
at first of making the case turn on technical irregularities
in Julius II. 's Bull of Dispensation, and on Henry's
declared dissent (p. 23) ; but, at the advice of an Oxford
professor named Wakefield, it was preferred to take up
the position that no dispensation could authorize marriage
with a deceased brother's wife (Levit. xviii. 16 ; xx. 21)
if the previous marriage had been consummated. Henry's
previous relations with Anne's sister, however, laid his
proposed marriage open to the same canonical objection.

§ 11. It may be noticed, too, that not only was the
technical question difficult, but that the divorce itself
was far from popular — so markedly so that, at
itseynp°orpu.: the end of 1528, Henry called together the
•tsTcoimld ^ea^m§ citizens of London, and explained his
tionwith motives at some length. Those who were
Iffairfn moved by sentiment were drawn to the sweet-
ness of Katharine's character and the loneliness
of her position ; those who looked at the morality of the
question were influenced by the decision of Fisher,

* For these see Genealogical Table (p. vii.). Buckingham was charged with
imagining the King's death, and with entertaining designs on the succession ; in
this he had had dealings with astrologers. He was the last regular lord high
constable.

1527-1529.] HENKY VIIT. 35

Bishop of Eochester, against the divorce; those with
whom commercial convenience had weight feared that,
in retaliation for so mortal an offence, Charles would
place restrictions on the English wool -trade with
Flanders.

Nor was this all. Besides being beset with legal
problems, hitherto purposely left unsolved, and disliked
by the nation at large, the divorce was complicated by
political considerations. Clement VII. wished to do all
he could for his faithful ally Henry VIII., but, with
Charles's power at hand to defend his aunt, he dared do
nothing, lest the Emperor should be driven into the arms
of the German reforming party. Had Francis' attempt
of 1528 to regain Italy not proved a disastrous failure — •
owing to the faults of his general, Lautrec, and to his
own quarrel with Andrea Doria — Clement might have
plucked up courage to openly — he did annul it secretly —
annul the marriage. As it was, he procrastinated whilst
the English envoys at Orvieto, Stephen Gardiner and Dr.
Edward Fox, harassed him with fresh proposals and
new documents to sign.

Ultimately a commission was issued, authorizing
Wolsey and Campeggio (the latter on Wolsey's nomina-
te tion) to try the case. The latter arrived in
Legatine England in October, but spent so much time in

Commission ° .. . . , i , -r-r i ^ • -i <•

June-July, negotiations that Henry grew utterly tired of
1529. waiting. Before the end of the year he recalled
Anne Boleyn to court, from which she had been removed,
and publicly treated her as his future Queen. The court
began its sessions on June 18, 1529, at the Blackf'riars,
when Katharine appealed to the Pope. On the second
session, three days later, occurred the scene so effectively
portrayed in ' Henry VIII.,' Act II., sc. iv. After hear-
ing much evidence as to the fact whether the marriage of
Katharine and Henry had been consummated, and the
opinions of many canonists and jurists as to how far the
validity of the marriage depended on that circumstance,
the commissioners, on July 23, adjourned for the summer
vacation. In a few days it became known that Clement
VII. — now once more at peace with Charles V. — had

3-2

36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. II.

twelve days earlier recalled the hearing of the suit to
Borne.

§ 12. ' Never did cardinal bring good to England !'
exclaimed Suffolk, when the expectations of a decision in
Woise and ^avour °^ tne King were thus frustrated.
°thean' Wolsey took the words to apply to himself,
Divorce. an(j made a pointed defence of his action. It
is time briefly to review the minister's conduct in the
matter. Though probably not, as Pole insinuated, and
as he was commonly reputed, instigator et auctor consilii,
he readily took up the affair, hoping to secure for Henry
the hand of some French lady, e.g., Renee, daughter to
Louis XII., or Margaret, Duchess of Alen9on. Presum-
ably, he considered the King's amours as short-lived as
his own. His hopes of thus exchanging a marriage-
alliance with Spain for one with France were not quite
destroyed till April, 1528, when he found that, even after
a long absence from the King, owing to the prevalence of
the sweating sickness, Anne Boleyn still retained her
power. Though he knew Anne to be connected with the
party opposed to him, he had to go through with the
matter, and seems to have done his best whilst expecting
the worst. What he feared came on October 9th, when
the attorney-general formally charged him with infring-
ing the Statute of Prcemunire of 1393.* The charge was
manifestly unfair, since he had exercised his powers by
royal license, and such royal dispensations from the
penalties of the statute had been occasionally sanctioned
by Parliament. But Wolsey knew his danger ; he pleaded
guilty ; he surrendered his whole personal estate, worth
500,000 crowns, to the King, whom once before (in
1527) he had conciliated with Hampton Court. He
attempted, on his servant Cromwell's advice, to win a
late support amongst leading courtiers by granting
them the fruition of certain of his benefices. Despite

* This statute (an enlargement of one in 1353) provided that ' if any purchase
or pursue in the Court of Rome translations (to benefices), processes, excommuni-
cations, Bulls, etc., he and his notaries, counsellors, and abettors (hence the
Submission, 1532), should forfeit their lands and tenements, goods and chattels,
to the King.' The statute takes its name from the writ Prcemunire (=prcemonere)
facias, addressed to the officer who is to forewarn the offender when and where
he is to answer the charges.

1529-30.] HENBY viii. 37

the efforts of the night-crow, as Wolsey called Anne
Boleyn, Henry VIII. wavered in his persecution of
the fallen minister. He still possessed the quality of
mercy, and could extend it to one whose ' face was
dwindled to half its natural size/ He allowed him to
retire to Esher ; he permitted Thomas Cromwell to '
oppose successfully the forty-four articles'* — * so frivolous,'
says Hallam, ' that they have served to redeem his fame
with later times ' — exhibited against him in the Lower
House, when in November it met for the first time since
1523. He ultimately gave him a general pardon
(February, 1530), and let him retire to his northern
archbishopric.

§ 13. Wolsey 's chance of restoration was now gone : no
one seemed to regret him. ' Metuebatur ab omnibus/ says
Erasmus : ' amabatur a paucis ne dicam a
^woisey? nemine.' Yet many a worse minister has fared
NOV. 29,' better with contemporaries. His industry, his
justice, his loyalty, his services for educa-
tion, and his desire for religious reform went for less
than his arbitrary methods, his magnificent haughtiness,
and his share in the Divorce. Even in his retirement,
when he at last found time for his ordinary spiritual
duties, hostility followed him. ' I would not lose him
for twenty thousand pounds !' Henry had exclaimed
during Wolsey's residence at Esher; and such esteem
explained the ceaseless machinations, which in November,
1530, on the eve of his installation feast as Archbishop
of York, ended with his summons from Cawood to
London on a fresh charge of high treason. But he broke
down on his journey. Enfeebled by dysentery, he
reached Leicester Abbey only ' to lay his bones there.'
His last words to the lieutenant of the Tower are so
full of light on his own character and his King's, ' and

* 'The word "impeachment" is not very accurately applicable to these proceed-
ings against Wolsey, since the articles were first presented to the Upper House, and
sent down to the Commons ' (Hallam). Properly impeachment is a judicial, process
whereby a man is tried before the Lords on the accusation of the Commons ;
whilst a Mil of attainder is a legislative act of both Houses, attainting a man for
causes alleged in the preamble. See III. § 13.

38 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. II.

paint with so terrible a truthfulness the spirit of the
New Monarchy,' that they cannot too often be quoted :

' He is a prince of most royal courage ; sooner than miss any part of
his will he will endanger one half of his kingdom ; and I do assure you
I have often kneeled before him, sometimes for three hours together,
to persuade him from his appetite, and could not prevail. And, Master
Kingston, had I but served God as diligently as I have served the
King, He would not have given me over in my gray hairs. But this is
my due reward for my pains and study, not regarding my service to
God, but only my duty to my prince.'

CHATTER III.
Henry VIII.

FROM THE FALL OF WOLSEY TO THE DEATH OF THE KING.

§ 1. The Reformation : Its Meaning and Importance — § 2. The Need
of Reform and its Expression (a) in the Fifteenth Century, (b) by
Martin Luther — § 3. The Meeting of the Long Parliament, 1529 ;
Progress of the Divorce, 1529-1530— § 4. The Recognition of the
Headship, 1531— § 5. The Submission of the Clergy, and the Parlia-
mentary Session of 1532— § 6. The Statute of Appeals, and the
Marriage with Anne Boleyn, 1533 — § 7. The Act of Supremacy, and
Final Breach with Rome, 1534— § 8. The Execution of Fisher and
More — § 9. Activity of Cromwell as Vicar-General ; Dissolution of the
Lesser Monasteries 1536— § 10. The Ten Articles, and the Execution
of Queen Anne, 1536 — § 11. General Discontent : Rising in Lincoln-
shire, 1536— § 12. The Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-1537— § 13. The
Courtnays and the Poles, 1538-1541— § 14. The Dissolution of the
larger Monasteries, 1539 — § 15. Consequences of the Dissolution :
Union of Wales and England, 1526-1543— § 16. Doctrinal Changes
and Persecution, 1536-1539 — § 17. Marriage with Anne of Kleves,
and Fall of Cromwell, 1540— § 18. Henry's Last Two Wives ; his
Attitude towards the Two Religious Parties— § 19. The War with
Scotland and France, 1543-1546— § 20. Financial Expedients of the
years 1542-1547 ; Henry's Death and Character.

' The majestic lord who brake the bonds of Rome.'— GRAY.
§ 1. THAT is the text on which the rest of the reign is

The Fail of a commentary. Both parts of the verse are
Woisey as a significant : both connect themselves with the

Landmark. fall of Woisey) an(j with the divorce which
caused that fall. It was only after the removal of the
cardinal that Henry showed himself forth distinctly as
' the King, the whole King, and nothing but the King.'
' The nation which trembled before Woisey learned,' says

40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

Green, ' to tremble before the King who could destroy
Wolsey with a breath.' And it was not till after four
years of wrestling with the Papacy for the Divorce that
Henry would throw over the Pope, and thus bring
himself into inevitable, if unwilling, contact with what is
called the Eeformation.

The connotation of this latter term is less vague than

that of the Eenascence, of which we have spoken above

(II. § 1). It is perhaps easier, and certainly more

The Mean- > ° / . -N * . • i a

ing and important, to. nave some notion what tne lead-
Impo°frtheCe in£> characteristics of the Eeformation are, and

Reform- to recognise as clearly as possible that, though
ation. singie in spirit — a revolt against authority,*
and an appeal to reason — it took various forms in
different parts of Europe. It may thus be convenient to
briefly pass in review the causes of the movement, and to
anticipate later events by contrasting its course in
Germany and in England.

The Eeformation is something more than Luther's
agitation against indulgences, and a good deal less than
the first discovery, 1,500 years after Christ's death, of
what Christ really meant. Those are the views of
contemporaries : to us, looking backward, the Eeformation
seems the movement whose tendency was to strike off
the fetters from men's souls even as that of the Ee-
nascence was to free men's minds, that of the French
Eevolution to free men politically, and that of Socialism
to free men socially. Tendency, mind, not result : even
in the first pair the result is not yet attained, and in the
second pair it is still but an aspiration. At first, indeed,
the Eeformation seemed likely to bind rather than loose ;
but with three distinct creeds claiming to be the Truth, it
soon became apparent that ' goodness depended on some-
thing else than the holding of orthodox opinions.' In
other words, religious toleration, though as alien to the

* The keynotes of the new and the old religious ideas were struck a century
before, during the Council of Basel, when, in answer to a cardinal's Cre.de! a
Hussite responded Proba ! The Reformation rested, in fact, on the substitution
of the conscience of the individual for the voice of the Church. Yet each set of
Reformers— Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, etc.— tried to crush the individual
conscience, more or less, under a new mass of dogma.

The Reformation.] HENEY vin. 41

Eeformers — at least, when they had the upper hand — as
to the Catholics, sprang directly out of the Reformation.

§ 2. The Eeformation did not begin in 1517. For more
than a century before that there had been a continuous

The Need of cr^ *or ' ^e re^orm °f *ne Church in head and
Reform, and members. ' It had come to nothing so long as
SsjSStK tne Church was left to reform itself ; and this
Fifteenth simply because the head was as a rule willing
ury' to reform the members just as the latter in turn
were willing to reform the head, but neither head nor
members seemed to think they themselves required
reform. The standing grievances against the head were
both political and religious : the ever-increasing claims of
the Papacy for temporal power were irritating to Kings ;
its ever-increasing demands for annates, provisions,
reservations and mandats * and other means of exaction,
were annoying alike to clergy and laity. Naturally
enough, some of the hostility which the several Popes
acquired by their partiality during the Babylonish
Captivity (1305-1376), and by their unseemly wrangling
during the Great Schism (1377-1417), was turned against
the Papacy itself. But the attacks on it by volunteers,
such as Wyclif (d. 1384) in England, and his follower
Huss (d. 1415) in Bohemia, failed because they became
connected with doctrinal and social innovations ; and the
attempts to revive the system of general councils as a
check on the Papacy — in other words, to give the Church
once more the constitution of a limited monarchy — were
foiled through the disunion of the Councils of Pisa (1409), of
Constanz (1414-1418), and of Basel (1431-1438). Accord-
ingly, the rulers of France and Germany protected them-
selves by concordats which denned the limits of the rights of
the Papacy, as England had already done by the Statutes
of Provisors and Prcemunire (1351, 1353).

A modus vivendi between the world-wide sovereignty of

* Annates =the first-fruits or first year's income of a benefice, and especially of
a bishopric. Provisions and reservations sprang out of the right of the Pontiff to
decide in cases of contested elections to vacant benefices : both were extensions
of papal patronage dating from the thirteenth century. By the former the Pope
provided a successor to a vacant living : by the latter he reserved a living not yet
vacant for some protege of his. Mandats were commendatory letters to patrons,
which tended to become commands.

42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

the Pontiff and the national sovereignty of the chief
princes of Europe being thus established, there still re-
mained the religious grievances against the Church in all
its grades. Save for quite detached bodies of mystics,
the Church of the fifteenth century was unusually
worldly. ' Lewd ' became the fixed epithet of ' priest.'
The clergy were indolent with wealth, yet always grasp-
ing for more. Heavy fees were levied on the making
and probate of wills, or burying (mortuaries), or marrying;
small social offences were made all right by heavy fees ;
benefice upon benefice was held by one man — often a
resident in some other country (pluralities). l The rule
of the Church,' says Froude, ' was nothing for nothing.'

It was this rule that occasioned the outbreak which,

after so many failures, was successful. It took place in

Germany — never very patient of papal inter-

The Reform- . J , . ^ * . .., ,, r. r ,.,

ation in ference, and now indignant with the immorality
Gie5rir-a3niy> of tne Roman curia and loath to part with
large sums of money every year for the Popes to
spend on Italian wars and on the embellishment of the
Eternal City. Amongst the most lucrative ways of using
the Church's powers was to sell — there was even a fixed
tariff — dispensations, pardons, etc. * God willeth not the
death of a sinner,' remarked Alexander VI., ' but rather
that he should pay and live.' It was against this abuse
that Martin Luther, an Austin friar and a professor at
the Saxon university of Wittenberg, raised his voice in
1517. To gather money for building St. Peter's, recently
begun by Julius II., Leo X. had commissioned the Arch-
bishop of Mainz, Primate of Germany, to sell indul-
gences throughout his province. Of course these indul-
gences only remitted (for a graduated consideration) the
penalties canonically due in expiation of sins, and did
not touch the guilt of the sinner. Yet it seems certain
that the Dominicans, who were used as agents for their
distribution, did not shrink from giving people to under-
stand that these indulgences actually opened the gate of
heaven. Luther's Ninety-five Theses against Indulgences
(October 31, 1517) were only the expression of the
general feeling amongst the better classes in Saxony

1517-1531.] HENRY VIII. 43

against the irreligious spirit in which Tetzel hawked his
spiritual wares. Leo at first laughed at Luther's ' fine
intellect ' and ' this wrangling amongst friars.' But
when all who were discontented with the power of the
Church and her way of using it flocked round Luther, he
was told to retract his errors, and, on refusing this unless
he were proved to be wrong, he was excommunicated.
Luther's breach with the Papacy was made irreconcilable
when, on June 15, 1520, he burnt the Bull excommuni-
cating him. When condemned by the Diet of Worms,
in 1521, he was protected by Frederick the Wise, Elector
of Saxony ; and the political necessities of Charles V.
(troubles in Spain, war with France and the Turks, etc.)
forced him to temporize, whilst Lutheranism spread
apace. It was not till the Treaty of Cambray^ in 1529
gave peace with Francis that Charles could seriously set
about crushing the Protestants — as they were now called
• — from ' protesting ' against the decree forbidding inno-
vations (Spire, April, 1529). In the following year they
accepted the Confession of Augsburg, drawn up by
Melancthon, and in 1531 formed the defensive League of
Schmalkalde. A religious war seemed imminent when
Charles and his brother had to give way in order to
unite the Empire against Suleiman.

Such in bare outline is the Reformation in Germany.
How England was gradually drawn into political, even
more gradually into religious, sympathy with this
' Teutonic revolt from a Latin Church ' we have now to
trace. Only we must remember that in the changes in
England religious enthusiasm, which constituted the
strength of Lutheranism, hardly becomes a factor until
Edward VI. 's reign. The Eeformation in England was
in its origin a question of political expediency.

§ 3. The Parliament which was assembled on Wolsey's
The seven ^ (November, 1529), and which sat the alto-

YeaS>en gether unprecedented length of over six years,

Pai529m3ont' Save earlY indications of its impending activity

in religious reform. It attacked certain minor

privileges of the clergy. The clergy* were alarmed at

* Their worthiest member, Bishop Fisher, was made to apologize for seeming

44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

seeing the reforms long urgently needed being carried out
by others, and annoyed that the laity should thus inter-
fere with them ; but the King's influence enabled Bills to
be passed limiting probate fees and mortuaries — a blow
to the bishops and lower clergy respectively — and for-
bidding non-residence, pluralities, and the practice of
trading as farmers and tanners, indulged in by the lower
clergy. Such legislation was full of significance.

That the existing Parliament could be readily mani-
pulated was clear both from this and from its passing of
a bill of remittal, which cancelled the King's debts since
1523. Though the Commons resisted this act of bank-
ruptcy, they were only able to obtain a general pardon
as quid pro quo when they ultimately yielded, and ' freely,
liberally, and absolutely gave to the King's highness all
and every sum which to them is, ought, or might be
due.'

There was no session in the following year, which was

full of negotiations for the Divorce. Amongst the new

ThePro ess advisers wno succeeded Wolsey, one at least,

10ofrt£ess Sir Thomas More — who received the Great Seal

— was unfavourable to the Divorce : the others,
including Norfolk and the Lady Anne's father
— now Earl of Wiltshire — hoped to carry it through by
negotiating with the Emperor. But when offered a bribe
of 500,000 crowns for his help early in 1530 Charles said
he ' was not a merchant to sell the honour of his aunt.'
About the same time Henry's last attempt to win over
Clement failed, and, under pressure from Charles, the
Pope issued a breve ordering Henry to take back
Katharine as his wife until sentence should be given.
This ill-success depressed the King, who began seriously
to take into consideration the advice of two men who
wished for more extreme measures, one wishing to ques-
tion, the other to deny, the papal authority. Thomas

to impute heresy to the Commons in a speech : ' My lords, you see daily what
Bills come hither from the Common-House, and all is to the destruction of the
Church. For God's sake, see what a realm the kingdom of Bohemia was [during
the Hussite troubles early in the fifteenth century], and when the Church went
down, then fell the priory of the kingdom. Now with the Commons is nothing
but " Down with the Church 1" And all this, meseemeth, is for lack of faith.'

1529-1531.] HENEY viii. 45

Cranmer, a chaplain of the Boleyn family, suggested that
the opinion of the universities of Europe should be ob-
tained, as a likely means of impressing or overawing the
Pope. Henry caught at the idea, but profited little by
it. In Germany the result went entirely against him ;
in Italy bribes, in France the favour of Francis I., in
England intimidation, won the approval of certain
universities, but the verdict was not sufficiently unani-
mous to carry much weight.

The advice of Thomas Cromwell — in which Cranmer
also agreed — was simply that the King should assert his
supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs, and sue for a divorce
in his own spiritual courts. This was only the explicit
expression of the idea which underlay William I.'s eccle-
siastical regulations, the Constitutions of Clarendon, and
the Statutes of Praemunire and Provisors ; yet Henry,
greedy as he was of power, shrank from a step which was
so likely, by weakening the papal authority, to strengthen
the hands of the Lutherans. Throughout the year 1530
Henry was trying all expedients, rather than seem by
such a course to be going back from the position which
he had taken up in 1521, when he wrote the Assertio
septem Sacramentorum adversus Martinum Lutherum,
which won from Leo X. the title of Fidei Defensor—a,
title still retained by the English sovereign.

§ 4. The year of wavering being over, Henry began, in
1531, to feel his way towards following Cromwell's sug-
gestion. In January Katharine was formally
RecwStion dismissed from Windsor. « Go where I will, I
of the Head- ghaU still be his lawful wife;' and with these
words, she retired to Ampthill, with an allow-
ance suitable to her position as Dowager Princess of
Wales. Parliament, still faithful to the Queen, and in-
disposed to quarrel with the Pope, was adjourned after
its members had been informed of the decision of the
universities, and instructed to convey the information to
their constituents. The real business, however, took
place in Convocation.* The clergy were implicated as

* After the twelfth century two Convocations took the place of the National
Church Councils in England. After Edward I.'s reign these met on the same day

46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

' fautors and abettors ' in Wolsey's offence against the
Statute of Prsenaunire (note, p. 36). They at once offered
a large sum, payable within five years, in purchase of a
pardon, the northern Convocation giving £18,840, that
of Canterbury £100,000; but more than this was re-
quired. The preamble to the grant contained the words :

' Of which Church and clergy we acknowledge his majesty to be the
chief protector, the only and supreme lord, and, as far as the law of
Christ will allow, the supreme head.'

The words italicized had to be inserted to force the
measure through the southern Convocation ;* and even
then its president, Warham, had to employ what was
simply a dodge. On the motion being put there was a
dead silence. ' Qui tacet consentire videtur,' said War-
ham. ' Itaque tacemus omnes,' cried a voice : and thus
was manufactured ' the fulcrum for the whole ecclesi-
astical policy of the future ' (Stubbs).

§ 5. This Act, which is generally known as the Recogni-
tion of the Headship, was followed in the next year by
The submit- that ca^e(i the Submission of the Clergy. This
sionoftke. had not so direct a bearing on the question of
the session the day, but it shook the prestige of the clergy

of 1532. an(j put them still more in the King's power.
The Commons having complained that laws enacted
by Convocation were frequently incompatible with the
statute-law, Convocation, after a struggle, gave way to
the pressure put on them by the King. They recognised
his superior learning and piety, and promised never more
to enact or enforce their constitutions without the royal
authority, and to submit all existing canons to the
approval of a committee of thirty-two members, half
lay, half cleric, chosen and headed by the King (May 15).

Meanwhile Parliament was reluctantly following the
King's lead in an attack on annates, or first-fruits (note,

as Parliament. Each Convocation consisted of two houses : (1) the Upper House,
consisting of the bishops of the province ; (2) the Lower House, consisting of the
deans, archdeacons, a proctor from each chapter and two from each diocese, elected
by the parochial clergy. Their power of legislation practically came to an end in
1532 (§ 5) ; that of self-taxation iu 1664. Between 1717 and 1861 Convocation never
met for business.

* In the northern Convocation, Tunstall tried to insert the words in tempor-
alibuspost Christum.

1531-1532.] HENEY vm. 47

. 41). Since the thirteenth century these had been
abitually paid to the Pope, in return for the Bulls con-
firming the election of a bishop, and formed the chief fund
for the support of the cardinals in attendance on the
Pontiff. Though they amounted at this time on the yearly
average to some £4,000 only, they were objectionable to
all concerned, and in the previous year Convocation had
petitioned for their withdrawal from the Pope. Parlia-
ment accordingly now enacted —

That they should be discontinued.

That any bishop paying them should forfeit his personalities to the

King and the profits of his see.
That any bishop who, through refusing first-fruits, could not get the

usual Bulls from the Pope, should act as bishop none the less for that.
That the King should be authorized to suspend or modify, to annul or

enforce, the operation of the statute by his letters patent.

To get this Bill through each House the King's own
presence was necessary : in the Commons a division — then
an unusual proceeding — had to be taken before the King
to pass it. Though, as we have seen, Parliament helped
Henry to exact the Submission, it would itself have none
of his two measures concerning wills and uses ;* and
one member of the Lower House, Mr. Thomas Temys,
of Westbury, actually moved that the King be requested
to take back Katharine.

The tendency of these measures — ' to make priests of
less account than shoemakers, who might, at least, regu-
late their own trade ' — was obvious enough.

JJSfSS. Henry was evidently now bent on Cromwell's
wen replace plan, and two of the latter's rivals had to leave

Moderates, the Council-board. On the day after the Sub-
mission, Sir Thomas More resigned the Seal and
was succeeded by Audley, who as speaker of the Long

* The Statute of Uses was ultimately passed in 1536, the Statute of Wills in 1540.
The former was directed against the practice whereby the use or profits of lands
belonging to one man were enjoyed by another. The legal ownership of land had
thus come to be different from the actual ownership, and thus the burden of
liabilities had become unfair and uncertain. The statute enacted that cestui qui
use should be regarded as the owner of the property. By this new law landowners
could not make their heir pay moneys out of their inheritance to their younger
children ; by the common-law they could not devise their land to whom they
wished. This hardship (I 11) was alleviated by the Statute of Wills, which enabled
a man to leave as he wished two-thirds of his land if held in chivalry, and the
whole if held in socage.

48 HISTOEY OP ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

Parliament had proved himself subservient enough.
Gardiner fell into disfavour for his unwillingness to push
the Divorce any farther. Finally, Warham resigned his
archbishopric^ and died in August. Cranmer was nomi-
nated to the vacant primacy, but Henry resolved to keep
friends with the Pope until his nominee had obtained all the
requisite powers. In this he was encouraged by Francis I.,
with whom he had interviews at Calais and Boulogne in
October, and who promised to arrange a meeting of them-
selves with Clement at Marseilles in the following year.
Clement had still so marked a liking for Henry that a
personal meeting with him might have the desired issue :
this liking he now showed by abstaining from the publi-
cation of a breve which he had found himself obliged to
sign against Henry's cohabitation with the Lady Anne.

§ 6. Henry's impatience could, however, stand no

further delay. Before dawn, on January 25, 1533, he was

married to the lady at Whitehall by Dr. Eow-

w¥thrliSe, land Lee. At Easter the secret of the mar-

i^on^25> ' riage was allowed to leak out, though, for the

1533; Cran- ,° . ., ™ ., ' . & '

mer pro- sake of the offspring, the marriage was ante-
dated, and supposed to have taken place imme-
diately after the return from Calais (November
14, 1532). Very soon after his consecration,*
Cranmer wrote the King a collusive letter, re-
questing leave to proceed to ' the hearing, final determi-
nation, and judgment of the great cause.' Henry
assented, and the archbishop held a court at Dunstable,
near Katharine's residence, and, after a session of fifteen
days, gave sentence that the marriage was without force
and effect from the beginning. Soon afterwards he
declared that with Anne lawful. She was crowned on
June 1, and on September 7 gave birth to a daughter —
Elizabeth.

Though the general sense of the country was probably
against these measures, they were, so far as form went,
supported by the nation. For instance, the letter of the

* March 30, 1533. He made a secret protest that ' by the taking the pontifical
oath he did not intend to bind himself to anything contrary to the law of God, or
prejudicial to the rights of the King, or prohibitory of such reforms as he might
judge useful to the Church of England ' (Lingard).

1533-1534.] HENRY vm. 49

archbishop was ostensibly the outcome of the decision
by the theologians of the Convocation of Canterbury,
that no papal dispensation could authorize marriage with
a brother's widow if the first marriage had been consum-
mated— as, according to the canonists amongst the Con-
vocation, it had been. And the validity of Cranmer's
sentence formally rested on the Statute of Appeals,
whereby the archbishop's court was made the highest
spiritual court in England. The Bill was stubbornly
opposed, mainly on the ground that it might cause the
Emperor to stop the wool-trade with the Netherlands ;
and the imperial ambassador thought the feeling against
Henry so strong that Charles would be welcomed as a
deliverer. It was, however, forced through, and, with
the Annates Bill (p. 47), now at length put into force,
' proclaimed with one breath the competence of the
English Church for complete internal administration
under the supremacy of the King ' (Stubbs).

There still seemed a chance that Henry would cancel
all this anti-papal legislation if the Pope would give
way; but that chance disappeared when, during the
conference of Francis I. and Clement at Marseilles, in
October, Bonner appealed in Henry's name to a General
Council. Even then it was not till after the lapse of six
months that the papal decision was finally taken. He
had annulled Cranmer's sentence at once, and ordered
the King and Queen to separate. On March 23, 1534,
after a consistory in which only three cardinals out of
twenty-two had voted for further delay, he definitively
declared Katharine a lawful wife, and required Henry to
treat her as such.

§ 7. On March 30 — some days before this intelligence

could have been received in England — the royal assent

had been given to the Statute of the Submission,

St? iK wm'ch formally completed the breach with

Legislation Rome. By this statute, otherwise known as

534' the Second Act of Appeals, the Submission of

1532 was ratified without qualification, and amplified by

the enactment that all existing canons and ordinances

50 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

that were not repugnant to the statutes and customs of
the realm or the prerogatives of the crown should remain
in force till otherwise ordered. It also gave a right of
appeal in causes spiritual from the archbishop's court to
the King in Chancery, as represented by occasional com-
missioners called the High Court of Delegates.

Two other measures marked the same session — the
Second Statute of Annates and the First Act of Succes-
sion. The former vested in the crown all payments
previously made to the Pope, forbade bishops to sue for
Bulls of confirmation at Eome, and restored the election
of bishops to the dean and chapter of the diocese.* The
other measure pronounced Henry's first marriage un-
lawful, the second ' true, sincere, and perfect,' and
Elizabeth, the child of the second, legitimate, and Mary
illegitimate : to deny this in writing, printing, or deed,
was treason ; in words only, misprision of treason ; every
subject of full age, man or woman, declining to swear
obedience to the Act, thereby incurred the penalties of
the latter.

Meanwhile both Convocations had formally declared
that the ' Bishop of Eome hath no greater jurisdiction con-
Thc Ad of ferred on hi111 by God in the kingdom of Eng-
supremaey, land than any other foreign bishop.' And in
NOV., 1534. an autumn session of Parliament there was
passed an Act of Supremacy, which epitomized the out-
come of all this anti-papal legislation. By this it was
enacted

'That the King shall be taken, accepted, and reputed the only Supreme
Head in earth of the Church of England, and shall have and enjoy,
annexed and united to the imperial crown of this realm, as well the
title and style thereof, as all the honours, jurisdictions, authorities,
immunities, profits and commodities to the said dignity belonging, with
full power to visit, repress, redress, reform, and amend all such errors,
heresies, abuses, contempts and enormities which by any manner
of spiritual authority and jurisdiction might or may lawfully be re-
formed.'

Nor was this all. ' Eor the augmentation of the royal

* When a vacancy occurred, conge d'elire was sent to the chapter, authorizing
them to elect the person named in the accompanying letter -missive ou pain of the
1 enalties of preemunire. The next steps were : (1) the swearing of fealty ; (2)
consecration by the archbishop or fcur bishops ; (3) investiture of temporalities.

1534.] HENEY VIII. 51

estate and the maintenance of the supremacy,' the first-
fruits of all benefices and tenths of the annual income of
all livings were annexed to the crown for ever. And as
a sort of pendant to the Act just quoted, it was made
treason

' to deprive the King or his successors of the dignity, style, and name
of their royal estates, or slanderously and maliciously to publish or
pronounce by words or writing that the King is a heretic, schismatic,
tyrant or infidel.'

§ 8. ' Penal statutes/ remarks Lingard on these
measures, ' might enforce conformity ; but they could
not produce conviction.' Cromwell gave, how-
ever, a choice between intellectual and judicial
535 conyicti°n : men must either accept the new
regime or suffer for it by death. The whole
legislation was so novel that it required a commentary to
drive home its meaning ; so by way of practical illustra-
tion, Cromwell urged the King to make an example of
some leading dissentients, and to give a sample of his
ecclesiastical reforms.

Amongst the victims of the revolution were many
members of the Carthusian order, three priors of whom
swung at Tyburn, and two of the most distinguished
men of the day, Sir Thomas More and Fisher, Bishop
of Eochester. Both had been highly esteemed by the
King. To Fisher he had been entrusted by his dying
grandmother, the Lady Margaret : the speakership and
the chancellorship had been given to More. But Fisher
was one of the earliest to lift his voice against the Divorce
(in 1528) : More's tacit disapprobation (§5) had enormous
weight with all men. They had both been implicated in
the treasons of Elizabeth Barton,* but had escaped.
Both were called upon to take the oath to the Act of
Succession, and both declined on practically the same
grounds. They regarded the actual settlement as within

* A servant of Richard Masters, incumbent of Aldington, Kent, whose epileptic
ravings were accepted as prophecy. As the Nun, or Holy Maid, of Kent, she became
the instrument of the cloiical party : she prophesied that, should, the King put
away Katharine, he would die within seven months, and she was in communica-
tion with the Emperor. She was a real danger to the crown, so was condemned
by the Star Chamber, confessed her imposture at St. Paul's, was attainted of
high treason by Parliament, and in April, 1534, executed with six accomplices.

4—2

52 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

the competence of the civil power, but could not con-
scientiously assent to the theological assumptions of the
preamble. Cranmer urged this partial acceptance of
the oaths ; but Cromwell had his way, and both were
declared guilty of misprision of treason, i.e., they lost
the profit of their lands during life, forfeited their per-
sonal estate, and were imprisoned for life. This was in
April, 1534.

A year later Fisher was found guilty of maliciously
and traitorously denying the King to be head of the
Church. While in prison, the new Pope, Paul III., had
named him cardinal. On hearing this, Henry remarked :
' Paul may send him the hat : I will take care that he
never have a head to wear it on.' The threat was
fulfilled on June 22, 1535.

Meanwhile, More had been condemned despite an
able defence, which rested mainly on the fact that he
had cautiously avoided expressing any opinion on
questions connected with the Divorce. The words —
probably false, for they were on the evidence of Eich — •
which secured his condemnation put his real conviction
well enough : * The Parliament cannot make the King
head of the Church, because ifc is a civil tribunal without
any spiritual authority.' He was executed on July 6,
and next month Paul III. drew up, but did not as yet
see fit to publish, a Bull of Deposition against Henry,
' in which,' notes Lingard, ' care was taken to embody
every prohibitory clause invented by the most aspiring
of his predecessors '(§ 13).

§ 9. The death of ' the foremost Englishman of his

time ' (Green), and of the aged bishop, sent a shock

Cromwell ^nrougn Europe, and showed with sufficient

as vicar- precision how much Henry meant in saying,

^iS?1' ' tne sovereign hath no superior in earth, and

is not subject to the law of any creature.' He

soon showed how fully this theory applied to his spiritual

headship. Early in 1535 Cromwell was appointed royal

vicegerent, vicar- general, and principal commissary —

' with all the pphitual authority belonging to the King as Head of the
Church, for the due administration of justice, and iu all cases touching

1535-1536.] HENEY vm. 53

the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the godly reformation and redress of
all errors, heresies and abuses in the said Church.'

As vicar-general, Cromwell, layman as he was, was a
few years later given precedence over the primate, both in
Parliament and in Convocation : he was, in fact, the legate
of the new ' regal Papacy.' He began his official career
by issuing a circular letter suspending the exercise of all
episcopal power pending a royal visitation. After an
interval the bishops were required to beg its restoration,
and were then given to individual commissions to do
whatever belonged to the office of a bishop. All the
bench submitted to this novel idea. Similarly, Cromwell
hit upon the happy notion of ' tuning the pulpits.' Every
parish priest was to preach on prescribed lines in favour
of the royal supremacy in causes spiritual ; the bishops
were made responsible for the clergy, the sheriffs for the
bishops; failing them, Cromwell's spies were everywhere,
and any neglect or half-heartedness was sharply punished.

More notable in its outcome was the commission issued

during 1535 for a visitation of the monasteries. The

TheDissoiu *ask was carried ou^ ^Y agents of professed un-

tion of the scrupulousness, the chief of whom were Doctors

ReXgious Legh and Leghton, commissaries in the North

Houses, Country. Their report was ready early next
536' year, and its general tone is sufficiently obvious
from its title, The Black Book. Its destruction by Mary
leaves us in doubt as to whether the evidence they
collected in answer to their list of eighty-six inquiries
was enough to justify Parliament in suppressing the
smaller houses with incomes not exceeding £200 a year.
The charges brought against them were indolence,
ignorance, and immorality. There was doubtless a good
deal of truth in all this : the conditions of monastic life
obviously conduce thereto. Morton had found the
charges true at St. Albans : Wolsey had the thought in
his mind in the dissolutions which Cromwell had carried
out for him.* Certainly the verdict of thinking men was

* The precedent of 1416, whereby the alien priories — i.e., religious houses
depending on foreign houses — were vested in the crown, was due to political
causes rather than to any zeal for religious reform.

54 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

dead against monasticism. Neither Luther's * In the
cloister rule the seven deadly sins,' nor Bruno's ' Insani
fugiunt mundum immundumque sequuntur,' can be dis-
credited simply because they are epigrams, So far as
one can see, the smaller houses at least were useless if
not noxious, and provided their forfeited revenues were
used as they were meant to be, their suppression was
advisable. The property of the 280 monasteries thus
suppressed was vested in the crown, and its management
entrusted to a new body, the Court of Augmentations.
But though there was much talk of new bishoprics and
new schools, most of the spoil — estimated at some
£32,000 a year — went to the King's own amusements
and amusers. Scant provision was made for the ousted
religious : superiors were pensioned for life ; monks under
twenty-four years of age were absolved from their vows,
whilst others were either drafted into larger houses or
given secular work; nuns received a gown apiece.

§ 10. The dissolution of the smaller religious houses

was the last act of the Long Parliament. Its career

The Ten kad snown ^ow true Fisher's complaint during

Artidetot its first session had been : truly, ' all was to the

15361 destruction of the Church.' Henry had made
its jealousy of the Church a lever to force its consent to
the Divorce and his own supremacy. Its opposition had
almost died away before the conviction of its futility.

The Convocation which sat contemporary with its
successor (May, 1536), began the course of doctrinal
reform which was inevitable after the structural altera-
tions, so to speak, thus effected. In answer to fifty-nine
objections against Lutheran doctrine, Henry drew up
Ten Articles of Faith which were duly accepted by Con-
vocation. By these

' the three creeds were defined to be necessary to salvation, and the
three great sacraments of baptism, penance, and the altar, to be the
ordinary means of justification. Several ceremonies were commended,
but not enjoined, and the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten Com-
mandments ordered to be learnt in English '

There were several traces (e.g., justification by faith)

1536.] HENKY VIII. 55

of the influence of the Confession of Augsburg* in these
articles ; but the general tone was conservative.

The interval between the two Parliaments of 1536 was
occupied with fresh trouble in the King's household.
TheExecu- In January, Queen Anne had shown her joy at
Quc^nAm^e ^G deafcn of her rival and predecessor, Katha-

May 19, ' rine, by wearing a yellow dress on the day of
1536. her funera^ though the court went into mourn-
ing. On May 1 she was arrested at Greenwich, and
next day sent to the Tower. She was charged with
adultery with four gentlemen of the privy chamber and
her own brother, Lord Eochford. Two of the former,
Mark Smeaton and Sir Henry Norris, confessed, and all
were condemned by a jury of high treason, and executed.
The Queen and her brother were tried by twenty-six
peers, under the presidency of the Duke of Norfolk as
lord high steward. Both were found guilty and
sentenced to death. The Queen was tried also before
Archbishop Cranmer, who found that, inasmuch as she
had been previously contracted to Henry Percy, now
Earl of Northumberland, her marriage with the King was
null and void ab initio. Obviously, if she was not a wife,
she could not be an adulteress : none the less, she was
beheaded on May 19. Next day, Jane Seymour became
Queen. f There must have been some solid reason be-
yond this new affection for the severe measures taken
against Anne, her execution being quite unnecessary
to secure a change of consort. Her own conduct was
certainly frivolous, but cannot be proved more than
imprudent. The evidence adduced at the trial is lost,
and the question of Anne's guilt is little more than a
shuttlecock for Catholic and Protestant historians to
play with.

§ 11. The sweeping measures and arbitrary conduct of

* Henry had invited Melancthon over in the preceding year, but he could
not come ; and the talk of political and religious alliance with the Protestants
came to nothing (see § 2, supra].

t The Parliament, which met in June, bastardized Elizabeth, declared Jane's
issue to be heirs of the crown, and authorized the King in default thereof to
name his successor by will or letters-patent. Henry's natural son by Bessie
Blount, Henry Fitz-roy, Duke of Richmond, was probably intended.

56 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

the last few years — all put down to Cromwell,* by the
way — had been quietly opposed in Parliament :
National' they were now to be resisted in arms. Doubt-
Pisi5366nt' *ess> kad ^e ^mPeror had the leisure, he would
have been more active in taking advantage of
the widespread dissatisfaction in England ; and it was,
perhaps, well for Henry that the death of Katharine
removed the cause of hostility between Charles and this
country, before internal discontent came to a head.
This it did in the autumn of 1536. Whether the whole
country sympathized or no with the movement does not
appear : certainly, in the North and West — always, till
the nineteenth century, the most backward part of the
country — all classes were full of grievances. The Church
objected to the spoliations and innovations to which it
had been subjected in so high-handed a manner. The
nobility hated the 'villein blood' in the Council — par-
ticularly Cromwell and Rich, attorney-general. The
gentry were sore about the recent Statute of Uses
(note, p. 47). The lower classes joined with these in
resenting the suppression of the religious houses ; for the
monks were the schoolmasters to their children as well
as to those of gentle blood, and kindly landowners to
boot.

The first rising took place in Lincolnshire ; its
grievances, which have just been recounted, were summed
up in the Horncastle Petition. It was a distinctly
popular movement, but Lord Hussey, whose duty it was
to put it down, showed a passive sympathy with it by
quitting the county — a sympathy for which he afterwards
atoned by his death. Their leader, who called himself
Captain Cobler, led a mob to Lincoln ; but the whole
movement fell at once to pieces when Sir John Eussell
and Suffolk appeared. The ringleaders of the insur-
gents were executed, and a rough answer returned to
their petition.

§ 12. The rising in Yorkshire was a different affair : it

* ' Thou art the very special and chief cause of all this rebellion and wickedness,
and dost daily travail to bring us to our ends and strike off our heads.'— Darcy to'
Cromwell in the Council.

1536-1537.] HENEY vm. 57

was the first real danger at home since the Cornish revolt,
The Pilgrim- forty years before. It was tinged with a distinctly
age of Grace, religious colour : all who took part in it wore as
"3r> a badge the five wounds of Christ ; and it called
itself the Pilgrimage of Grace. It was so ably organized
by a young lawyer named Kobert Aske, that a very few days
after the raising of their banner York and Hull opened
their gates to the insurgents, and all the five northern
counties were won over. Pomfret was soon surrendered
by Lord Darcy, who readily took the oath exacted from
all whom the rebel host* came across, and became second
in command. With 30,000 « tall and well-horsed ' men
they pushed southwards, till they were fronted at Don-
caster by 5,000 men and a park of artillery, under the Earl
of Shrewsbury and the Duke of Norfolk. Being unable to
pass the swollen Don, they entered into negotiations,
and to some extent disbanded; but on a delay in re-
ceiving an answer from the King to their demands, they
reassembled in November, when, at Norfolk's earnest
entreaty, Henry promised a general pardon and a Parlia-
ment at York. Aske possessed very fully the disinter-
estedness claimed in the oath of the pilgrim-rebels and
eagerly accepted the terms.

Unfortunately for Henry's good fame, Cromwell's
advice outweighed Norfolk's, and the terms were not kept.
Under pretence of making preparations for the promised
Parliament, Norfolk garrisoned the chief towns through-
out the disaffected district, and advantage was taken of
an abortive rising, under Sir Francis Bigod, to withdraw
the general pardon. t Martial law was established in
March, 1537, and seventy-four persons were hanged,
besides nineteen executed in Lincolnshire. The leaders
of the old movement were, probably without justice,
implicated. Darcy was beheaded in London, and Aske
was hung in chains at York (June).

* By this all were bound, ' for the love which they bore to Almighty God, His
faith, the Holy Church and the maintenance thereof, to the preservation of the
King's person and issue ; to the purifying of the nobility ; and to expulse all
villein blood and evil counsellors from his grace and Privy Council : not for any
private profit, nor to do displeasure to any private person, but for the restitution
of the Church and the suppression of heretics and their opinions.'

t Part of the discontent was due to the fact that this had to be sued for
individually, and was only granted in exchange for the oath of allegiance.

58 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

To prevent a repetition of the revolt thus stamped out,
and to secure a firmer hold on the wild North Country,
the Court of the Council of the North was set up in 1537
to try cases of riot and violence, and to give justice in
civil suits where the parties were too poor to use the
process of common law.

§ 13. Closely connected with this revolt there was an
dmeute in the West, which occasioned an attack on the
The Court Principa^ family there — the Courtnays and Poles
nay! and the (see Tree, p.vii.). They were esteemed dangerous

153^39 as the mos^ prominent surviving Yorkists ;
their leading members, Edward Courtnay,
Marquis of Exeter, and Henry Pole, Lord Montague,
were personal enemies* of Cromwell. Eeginald Pole,
brother to this last, had resisted all Henry's attempts to
win his support of the Divorce, had definitely sided with
the Papacy by accepting a cardinal's hat from Paul III.
at the end of 1535, had gone as legate to the Low
Countries in 1537 with the object of keeping up the
Catholic feeling of the North, and was suspected of being
the prime instigator of the publication of the Bull of
Deposition, in 1538. At the end of that year Exeter and
Montague were arrested on the charge of ' maintaining,
promoting, and advancing . . . the King's enemy beyond
the sea.' They were convicted, mainly through the evi-
dence of Eeginald's brother Geoffrey, and were executed
in the following January.

A second mission of Cardinal Pole immediately after-
wards— to persuade Charles and Francis to unite in
carrying out the Bull of Deposition — not only failed, but
brought about the death of his mother, the aged Countess
of Salisbury. ' Pity that the folly of one witless fool,'
grimly observed Cromwell, ' should be the ruin of so
great a family.' The old and bad precedent of attainting
by Act of Parliament, without trial or confession, was
raked up against the countess, who, after nearly two
years' imprisonment, was beheaded in May, 1541. This
vengeance on a lady whom neither gray hairs nor near-

* ' Knaves rule about the King,' Exeter is reported to have said ; ' I trust to give
them a buffet one day.1

1537-1539.] HENEY vm. 59

ness of kin — she was Henry's nearest relation, remarks
her son — could save, can hardly be put down to Crom-
well's account, for Cromwell had fallen a year before her
death.

§ 14. Many hoped that the smouldering discontent
thus revealed to Henry would teach him moderation,

and for the next few years the moderate party,

Ttfoi?ofthe" under Norfolk and Gardiner, tried to secure by

Larger persuasion what they could of the rebels' armed

lonasteries, requests^ whilst Cromwell and Cranmer threw

their weight on the other side. Neither side*
got all they wished, for Henry had a tantalizing habit
of rounding on the party which seemed to have just gained
a complete triumph, and of making it swallow a favourite
principle. On the whole, the Moderates held their own
in doctrinal matters, while Cromwell failed in his bold bid
for a decisive political alliance with Protestantism. In
another matter he was more successful : he swept away
the larger monasteries and the convents of friars, the
former of which had been preserved for their good con-
duct, the other neglected through their poverty. The
method of procedure was somewhat different to that em-
ployed previously. Commissioners, headed by the Earl
of Sussex, were sent round the northern counties to
inquire into the conduct of the religious houses, and their
success stimulated activity in the South also. The result
was either voluntary or purchased surrenders! to the
crown ; or, if the abbots held out against this, a ' real or
fictitious charge of immorality, or peculation, or high
treason,' led to the confiscation of the lands and property
of the monastery. The inmates fared pretty well, the
superiors receiving from £6 to £266 per annum, monks
£2 to £6, and nuns about £4. A few refractory abbots —
e.g., of Beading, Colchester, and Glastonbury — suffered

* It is somewhat difficult to find a name for these two parties, whose struggles
form the internal history of the rest of this reign and those of the two next
sovereigns. The ' New Learning ' and the ' Old Learning ' seem unsuitable labels,
inasmuch as men of the type of More would have to be embraced under the latter
name. 'Anglican ' and ' Protestant ' have a too exclusively religious connotation ;
besides, Protestant cannot include the growing Calvinistic influence.

t These came in rather irregularly : 3 in 1536-37 ; 24, 174 and 76 respectively in
the following years.

60 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

death as felons and traitors. The business attained
formal completion in May, 1539, when the properties of
of all such bodies already or hereafter to be suppressed
was vested in the crown for ever.

The income of the 616 religious houses existing in
England at the beginning of these changes was £142,914,
a sum variously estimated as one-fifth and one-twentieth
of the total rental of the kingdom. From the ad-
dition of such resources to the crown much was hoped.
The Commons looked for the abolition of pauperism and
taxation : Henry promulgated a scheme for the establish-
ment of eighteen new bishoprics, a yearly sum of £18,000
being set apart from the forfeited revenues for their en-
dowment. These expectations were hardly realized. A
year later a subsidy of two-tenths and two-fifteenths was
extorted from Parliament. And only six new sees — Bristol,
Chester, Gloucester, Peterborough, Oxford, and West-
minster— were ultimately founded.

§ 15. An attempt has been made above (§ 9) to justify

the dissolution of the religious houses. But the probable

balance of evil over good in them does not

Some Conse- . , , . & 1-1,1 -,.

quencesof excuse the methods by which they were dis-
thetion?°lu s°lved, nor the manner in which their revenues
were utilized. The mass of their wealth went
in profuse grants to courtiers, and it is in the elevation
of so many new families — a large part of the nobility
dates back to this time — thus politically pledged to
oppose any reconciliation with Rome that Hallam bases
his approval of the measures adopted.

The social consequences of the dissolution will be
treated hereafter (Chapter VIII.) : its bearing on the
composition and balance of power of Parliament may be
mentioned here. After 1539 the mitred abbots — thirty-
one in number at the time — disappeared from the upper
house. Thus for the first time the spiritual peers ceased
to outnumber the lay peers : after this date there were
but twenty-eight of the former against between thirty-six
and forty-six of the latter, whereas previously the
spiritual peers had frequently doubled the lay lords. It
is obvious that clerical obstruction was practically made

1536-1543.] HENKY viii. 61

impossible : the Church lay prostrate at the foot of the
throne.

Perhaps an important addition to the Lower House
may be appended here, though it had no connection with
The union ^e dissolution and did not take place till three
with Wales, years later. In 1543 Parliamentary represen-

153G-43. Cation was for the first time bestowed on the
towns and counties of Wales, Calais, and Chester, and
thus thirty-two members were added to the Commons.*
This measure completed the amalgamation of Wales
with England, for which much was done in 1536, when
those parts of the country which till then had been under
the jurisdiction of the lords-marchers — there were 141, and
the fulness of their powers made them little kings — were
formed into shires, and English laws and customs sub-
stituted for native ones. Such a union came with grace
from the great-grandson of Owen Tudor.

§ 16. Before these changes had been brought about
there had been what would now be called a ministerial

Do-trinai CI^S> culminating in the collapse of Cromwell.

Changes, This was primarily due to the latter's identi-
3536-39. fying himself too far with the Lutherans. Both
master and servant occasionally treated with them, e.g.,
in 1535 (note, p. 55) and 1538, when German divines
came over to England on the Kng's invitation — but only
for political reasons : they differed in that Cromwell, not
caring a straw for religious dogma, did it willingly, while
Henry strongly disliked the followers of his old theo-
logical opponent. Still more did he hate the more extreme
innovators. Fourteen German Anabaptists were burnt at
the stake in 1535. In 1538 a man named Lambert, after
a long trial, in which the King himself held a disputation
with the offender, was condemned and burnt for denying
the real presence.! Still, the reading of the Bible in

* It is worth remarking that Henry VIlI.'s 'servants and gentlemen' in the
Commons fwere sufficiently strong to carry through his measures ; the later
Tudors had to create new ' pocket-boroughs ' to retain their control over the
House (p. 115).

t This was in November ; a few months before (April- August) a quaint process
of law was gone through against Thomas a Beckct, who was formally condemned
of rebellion, contumacy and treason, his bones burnt, and the off erings to his shrine
confiscated .

62 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. III.

English authorized in 1537 seems to have spread the new
beliefs,* along with a good deal of scurrility ; and the abuse
of the privilege was made use of by Gardiner and his
party to bring about a distinctly reactionary measure.

To abolish diversities of opinion, a committee, consisting
of Cromwell, the two archbishops, and six bishops, was

The six *n -^9 appointed to draw up articles of faith.

Articles, This had been done in 1536, and a sort of
lo39' commentary thereupon — known as The Insti-
tution of a Christian Man — had been issued in the
following year. On this occasion the committee could
not agree, and drew up alternative schemes. The King
chose one of these, and that was passed with little
alteration through Convocation and both Houses of
Parliament in June, 1539. The Statute of the Six Articles
embodied the following points of doctrine, all objection-
able to persons with Protestant leanings :

I. That in the Eucharist is really present the natural body of Christ,
under the forms, and without the substance, of bread and wine.

II. That communion under both kinds is not necessary to salvation.

III. That priests may not marry by the law of God.

IV. That vows of chastity are to be observed.

V. That private masses ought to be retained.

VI. That the use of auricular confession is expedient and necessary.
Denial of the first article brought with it the penalties of heresy ;

nor was it possible to escape therefrom by recantation. Open preach-
ing or speaking against the other five meant death as a felon ; while
the holding of a contrary opinion was to be visited with forfeiture of
property for the first, death for the second, offence.

This was indeed a ' whip with six strings ' for the
Protestants. Latimer, of Worcester, and Shaxton, of
Salisbury, at once resigned their sees. Cranmer shook
in his shoes, as it was well known that, in defiance of
the existing canon law, he had a wife and children. As
the Act laid down the penalty of death for cohabitation
of this kind, he (Cranmer) hastily packed off his family
to Germany, and so escaped. He knew himself to be

* The edition thus permitted to be placed in churches and read by all who
•wished — an indulgence later extended to private reading — is known as Matthew's
Bible. It was a slightly revised version of Miles Coverdale's Bible of the 5 ear
before, as that in its turn was of William Tyndul's version— whose New Testa'
ment was published at Antwerp in 1526, and had been condemned and burnt by
"War-ham.

1536-1540.] HENBY vin. 63

completely in Henry's hands, and lay as quiet as
possible.

§ 17. Cromwell, on the other hand, resolved on what

proved a fatal move in order to checkmate his triumphant

„ . opponents. Herein he forgot an excellent

Marriage * * . . -,. , . , . , i-n i -»/r t «

with Anne maxim in his political handbook — Machia-
and^aiTof velli's Principe — viz., the rule that ' a minister
Cromwell, should never think of himself, but of his
°40' prince ' (Principe, ch. xxii.). He meant to
force the King willy-nilly into alliance with Lutheranism.
This he hoped to bind closer by a marriage, for Henry
had been over two years a widower. His wife Jane
(§ 10) had died in October, 1537, shortly after giving birth
to Prince Edward. Eepeated negotiations for a French
match having failed, Cromwell now arranged to supply
her place with Anne of Kleves.* So persistent was he in
this matter that he even ventured to get Holbein to paint
a deliberately flattering portrait of her in order to
ensnare the King's affections ; and when, after seeing her
early in January, 1540, Henry cried out for a ' remedy '
against ' putting his neck into the noose,' Cromwell
insisted on the match. Henry assented, but could not
endure ' the great Flanders mare,' as he called her. She
was portly enough to please him, but dull and homely,
and could speak no language but her own, which he
could not understand. He was collusively requested to
put her away, and on the flimsy pretexts that she had
been precontracted, and that the King had not given his
real assent to the marriage, she was divorced in July and
retired on a pension of £3,000 per annum and the title of
the * King's sister.'

Henry's discovery that he had been his minister's tool
in this matter sealed Cromwell's fate. He was raised to
the earldom of Essex in the spring of the year, and had
other honours heaped on his numerous existing ones.
But on June 10 he was suddenly arrested for high

* Kleves is a dukedom on both sides of the Rhine just before it enters the
Netherlands. It is worthy of note that it was from a dispute as to the succession
to this that the Thirty Years' War (1(518-48) arose — the great struggle between the
Emperor and his Catholic subjects and the Lutherans aided by France, which
Cromwell wished to antedate by eighty years.

64 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. III.

treason at the Council Board. A bill of attainder passed
readily through both houses condemning him for pecu-
lation, heresy, and treason. The charges were technically
true enough : he had received bribes and feathered his nest
in collecting materials for the King's ; he was certainly
behind the back of the Dr. Barnes who a few months
before had vehemently supported the doctrine of justi-
fication by faith against Gardiner ; he had probably used
the words ' In brief time I will bring things to such a
pass that the King with all his power shall not be able to
hinder me.' Yet, as Cranmer pleaded in his behalf, ' he
was such a servant in wisdom, vigilance, faithfulness, as
no prince in this realm ever had : he had loved the
King no less than he loved God.' He might have said a
good deal more. Cromwell was beheaded on July 28 — the
first actual victim of the practice applied to the Countess
of Salisbury, condemnation without trial.

Cromwell was almost universally hated at the time,
and has not been much liked since. It is easy to say he
had no religion and no morals : it is more to the point to
note that he had a purpose. This was simply the realiza-
tion of the old imperial motto, Quod principi placuit
legis habet vigorem. At the very close of his career he
obtained a modified recognition of the principle from the
Parliament of 1539, which gave to the King's proclama-
tions in Council the force of statutes ;* and his whole
term of office was crowded with exemplifications of the
maxim. But it is in his methods that his peculiarity
chiefly lay, and these he had learnt in Italy. The Prin-
cipe bristles with precepts which connect themselves at
once with his policy. If we disapprove of his aim, we
cannot but admire his resolute energy. He was not
capricious. The character whom perhaps he recalls
more than any other is Strafford — a man who, like Crom-
well, has been called names by the infallible. Strafford's
Thorough is simply Cromwell's Make or mar — ' which was
always his common saying.'

* Such proclamations were not, however, to be prejudicial to any person's
inheritance, offices, liberties, goods and chattels, or infringe the established laws ;
nor was anyone by virtue of this Act (save for heresy) to suffer pains of death
The Act was repealed in 1547 (IV. § 4).

1540-1543.]

HENRY vm.

Katharine

§ 18. The interest of the remainder of the reign centres
round the King's domestic troubles, the renewal of hosti-
lities with France and Scotland, and the party-
struggles in the Council. The former may be
briefly dismissed. A month after the divorce
from Anne of Kleves, Henry married Katharine
Howard, niece to the Duke of Norfolk. This was, of
course, another triumph for the party rejoicing at Crom-
well's fall. She was not Queen for long. On returning
from a journey to York, in November, 1541, Cranmer
made known to the King information he had received
concerning Katharine's incontinency before and after
marriage with one Dereham. The charge seems true,
and in the following February she and her abettor, Lady
Eochford, were executed. By the bill of attainder which
condemned her, it was made high treason for a lady about
to become a royal consort to conceal any such offences as
Katharine's, and misprision of treason for anyone to con-
ceal the knowledge of the same.

Henry's next and concluding wife survived him. His
choice fell on Katharine Parr,* relict of Lord Latimer,
whom he married in July, 1543. This Katharine was an
earnest advocate of the new doctrines : she was the
patroness of Anne Kyme (n6e Askew), who was burnt in
1546 for heresy, and even ventured to maintain her views
against the King. Henry, of course, could not brook the
lectures of a female theologian, and promptly prepared
to arrest her. Katharine learnt her danger, told the
King she had only argued in order to distract his atten-
tion from the pain caused by an ulcer in his thigh, was
forgiven, and kept thenceforward her notions to herself.

The fact that Henry could take to himself women of

such different religious ideas as his two last wives is

Henry's Last strongly indicative of his own position. He

words on was, perforce, half-way between the old and

leiigion. the new ffis lagt wordg on theology appeared

in the King's Book ; or, Erudition of a Christened Man,
prepared in 1540 as a commentary on the Six Articles

* Her first husband was Lord Borough, -who died before she was sixteen ; her
fourth was Lord Seymour of Sudcley (IV. g 6). She died in child-bed, 1548.

66 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

(cf. p. 62). His last words on religion — addressed to the
Parliament of 1544 — were a lament, part bitter, part
plaintive, that like as he had disputed the Pope's
authority, so others disputed his authority.

' Be not judges yourselves of your own fantastical opinions and vain
expositions ; and, although you be permitted to read Holy Scriptures
and to have the Word of God in your mother tongue, you must under-
stand it is licensed so to do only to inform your conscience and
inform your children and families, not to make Scripture a railing and
taunting-stock against priests and preachers. I am very sorry to know
and hear how irreverently that precious jewel, the Word of God, is
dit-puted, rimed, sung and jingled in every alehouse and tavern, con-
trary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same. For of this I arn
pure : that charity was never so faint among you, and virtuous and
godly living was never less used, nor God himself among Christians
never less served. Therefore be in charity one with another, like
brother and brother, and love, dread, and serve God, to which I, as
your supreme head and sovereign lord, exhort and require you.'

§ 19. Despite the discomfort of his religious attitude,
Henry tried to persuade his Scotch nephew to follow his
The War examP^e James V. had begun to rule in per-
with scot- son in 1528, having then expelled Angus from
154? 44 Power and the kingdom. He declined to sup-
port Henry in the Divorce ; his proposal for
Mary's hand was rejected ; he contracted two French
marriages — the latter, with Mary of Longueville (a Guise),
over Henry's head ; he would not see Henry's hint, that
the plunder of the Church was far more regal than keep-
ing sheep. Under the advice of Cardinal Beaton, James
steadily declined interviews ; and, soon after Henry's
fruitless journey to York to meet him in September, 1541,
a succession of border forays led to open war.

An English defeat at Halydon Eigg (August, 1542) was
followed by an invasion of Scotland, under Norfolk,
who, however, had to give way before scarcity of pro-
visions and James's 30,000 men. Maxwell and Sinclair
pursued him across the border with 10,000 troops and
twenty-four pieces of artillery, but were utterly and un-
accountably routed by Sir Thomas Wharton at Svlway
Moss (November 25). James died of despair ; but a
week before his death a daughter was born to him. She
is known in history as Mary, Queen of Scots.

1542-1546.]

HENRY vin.

The
Marriage

of Leith,

Proposals were immediately made to marry the infant
to the English Prince Edward, and thus bring about the
union of the two realms. James Hamilton,
Earl of Arran, the governor of the kingdom,
at first sided wifcn. tne English party under
Angus, and entered into a treaty which arranged
that the marriage should take place when Mary
was ten years old (July, 1543). In September, persuaded
by Beaton and the Queen-mother, he got Parliament to
repudiate the treaty. Next May, Prince Edward's uncle,
Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, with 10,000 troops,
was transported to the Forth in a fleet commanded by
his subsequent rival, John Dudley, Lord Lisle. He de-
manded the surrender of the infant Queen ; on Arran's
refusal, he burnt Leith and Edinburgh, but failed to take
the castle, and lost many of his troops in marching south
to Berwick.

His forces were at once transported to France, where
they took part in the capture of Boulogne by Henry.
The war ^ke conduct of Francis in the Divorce had been
with France, too half-hearted to please Henry ; and Francis
1544-46. k^ SUpp0rted the hostile party in Scotland.
All difficulties in the way of a rapprochement towards
Charles Y. were swept away by Mary's restoration to
her place in the succession in 1544.* The present war
was the result of a compact between Henry and Charles
to force France to give up her alliance with the Turks,
preparatory to the meeting of a united Christendom in
a General Council, and to recover their respective posses-
sions then in the hands of Francis. The two conti-
nental powers, however, entered on the Peace of Crespy
just before the fall of Boulogne. Henry was thus lefb
to himself, and after Viscount Lisle had prevented
a large French fleet from effecting anything either
in the Channel or in the Isle of Wight, and Hertford
had redeemed Surrey's mismanagement of a French
campaign in 1545, made peace in June, 1546, with

* This was by the Third Act of Succession of the reign. It also restored Elizabeth
in blood, and placed her after Mary, as Mary after Edward, in succession to the
crown ; failing them, the King was to order the succession by his will, in which
he set the Suffolk branch before the Stuarts (Tree, p. viii.). For the previous Acts
of Succession, see above § g 7, 10 (footnote).

5 — 2

68 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. III.

France and Scotland. Large money payments were
made or promised by France in this Peace of Boulogne.

§ 20. The war had increased the old deficiency of ready-
money. The last four years of the reign were marked
by a remarkable series of bad financial ex-
ExacuSS pedients. In 1543 a grant of one- tenth was
and obtained from the clergy, and a heavy graduated
Mi54X!' *ax °n real and personal property from the
Commons. The returns of this last were in the
following year made the basis of a demand for forced
loans. These Parliament at once cancelled by a bill of
remittal even more sweeping than that of 1529 (§ 3), all
debts since 1542 being thereby annulled. Next year a
heavy benevolence was demanded, and refusal to pay
was roughly punished ; for instance, Alderman Eeed, of
the City of London, was sent down to Scotland with in-
structions that he should be ' used in all things according
to the disciplyne militar of the northern wars.' In 1546
a fresh grant of one-fifteenth was extorted from the
clergy, and a tax of about one-seventh on goods, and one-
twentieth on lands, imposed on the laity. The property
of all colleges, chantries, and hospitals was in the same
year placed at the King's disposal. To crown all, the
coinage was steadily debased, so that at the end of
Henry's reign the shilling was worth considerably less
than sixpence.

These exactions caused no such resistance as had met,
not without success, those of 1523 and 1525 (see II. §§ 5, 8).

Pariia National discontent expressed itself only in

mentary murmurs i Parliament was become the mere
°cr£heJi.n mouthpiece of the royal will. It made grants
on such an enormous scale that by 1536, as was
estimated, Henry had drawn more money from the
country than all previous Kings put together: it practically
gave the King the power of legislation in the First Act of
Annates, and in the Acts of Succession of 1536 and 1544,
and formally did so in the Lex Eegia of 1539 (§ 17). It
attainted whom the King wished, and thus concealed

1543-1547.] HENBY VIIT. 69

lack of evidence or unpresentable facts under the appear-
ance of parliamentary unanimity.

The real constitutional battle-field of the reign was
the Council. There the fight grew hot between the
The parties whose leading spirits were Gardiner and
Howards Cranmer. At the very end, the contest resolved
Seymours : ^seli. into a family struggle between the Howards
Triumph of and the Seymours. But the two Seymours,
' Edward and Thomas, were Prince Edward's
uncles. Surrey failed in France in 1545, and Hertford
did not. Surrey seemed to aspire to the hand of the
Princess Mary, and wore the royal arms. It was on
this last frivolous pretext — which was called treason —
that Norfolk and Surrey were arrested at the end of
1546. They pleaded guilty. Surrey was beheaded
on January 19, 1547, and Norfolk was to have been
executed on January 28, but was saved by the death
of Henry still earlier on the same day.

Henry has been frequently described as a famous
widower. But he was a good deal more than this. His
Henr relations with his six wives illustrate his self-
Yin^ will, but perhaps do not deserve the room they
character! *ake UP in English history as known to the man
in the street. ' Gossip and scandal are still,' it
has been well remarked, ' gossip and scandal even when
they are 300 years old.' It is more to the purpose to note
that his self-will was not, all things considered, capricious.
There is a steady purpose exhibiting itself throughout the
reign : to establish a strong monarchy whose govern-
ment should be such as to carry the nation with it.
That a crisis when religion — which was still in theory
the main thing in human life — was being revolutionized
was got through so well is Henry's best tribute. His
faults were not sufficiently numerous to destroy the
popularity with which he came to the throne; yet a
King who was so invariably told he could not do wrong,
and who was inclined to think so even before he was so
told, might well have become an unbearable tyrant.
Few have called him that save in passion. Perhaps of
all the views which have been taken of his character

70 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. III.

that which is so completely illustrated by Dr. Stubbs* is
the most convincing. His summary runs thus :

' Henry VITI. is neither the puppet of parties, nor the victim of circumstances,
nor the shifty politician, nor the capricious tyrant, but a man of light and lead-
ing, of power, force, and foresight, a man of opportunities, stratagems and sur-
prises, but not the less of iron will and determined purpose— purpose not at once
realized or systematized, but widening, deepening and strengthenine as the way
opens before it; a man, accordingly, who might have been very great, and
could under no circumstances be accounted less than great, but who would have
been infinitely greater and better and more fortunate if he would have lived for
his people, and not for himself.'

* Lectures on Mediceval and Modern Histwy, xi. and xii. These are mainly
devoted to internal history : of which not only are the facts clearly and copiously
set out, but — what is more important — the significance of each made very pro-
minent. Of these and of the two lectures on Henry VII. a liberal use has been
made.

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CHAPTER IV.
Edward VI. (1547-1553).

§ 1. The Characteristics of the Reign : Somerset Protector — § 2.
Somerset's Foreign Policy : Relations with Scotland, France and
Germany — § 3. Religious Innovation and Reform, 1547-1549 — § 4.
Somerset's Home Government and the Social Problem — § 5. Eastern
and Western Insurrections of 1549 — § 6. The Treason of Lord
Seymour of Sudeley : Fall of Somerset, 1549— § 7. The Foreign
Policy and Morals of the Council, 1549-1551— § 8. The Council's
Attack on Mary, 1550: Execution of Somerset, 1552 -§ 9. The
Constructive Religious Reform of the Years 1552-1553— § 10.
Northumberland's Attempt to change the Succession : Death of the
King, July 6, 1553.

§ 1. 'WoE to thee, O land, when thy King is a child!'
was a cry of the Preacher which was on many a lip
during the reign of Edward VI. He was in his
acte?and ninth year when he began to reign, and his six
Divisions of years of rule were characterized by the loss of
Reign. most Q£ tne adyantages which his father had
secured for England. It was not the poor boy's fault :
precocious as he was in classical and theological learning,
he did not live long enough to take the first place in the
governing of his realm. That task, which was by no means
an easy one, fell successively to the Duke of Somerset,
hitherto known as the Earl of Hertford (§§ 1-6), and to his
old colleague and later rival, the Duke of Northumberland,
whose old title of Lord Lisle (III. § 19) was changed for
that of the earldom of Warwick at the beginning of the
reign (§§ 7-10). The former of these two ruined the
English party in Scotland (§ 2), engaged in a miserable
war with France (§ 7), and failed to solve a difficult
social problem (§§ 4, 5). The latter, by pushing on

1547.] EDWARD VI. 73

religious innovations with feverish haste and compli-
cating his religious policy with an attempt to change the
succession, came near to uprooting whatever hold the
Eeformation had taken on England. Neither found time
to continue in Ireland that policy of firm conciliation
which at Henry's decease bade fair to remove for ever
the ' ticklish and unsettled state ' of that island (VII.
§ 5), and make it less * easy to receive distempers and
mutations.'

In accordance with the powers entrusted to the late
King by the Third Act of Succession (1544), Henry's will
Somerset ves^e(^ the government of the realm during the
becomes minority in a Council of sixteen executors, to
teeter! Feb., be assisted on emergency by a Council of
1547. ' twelve. Henry's guiding motion was to pre-
vent any abrupt change of policy after his death. By an
Act of 1536 a King was authorized to repeal any Acts
passed during his minority and until his twenty-fourth
year. The Council's action was thus made only of a
temporary worth. And Henry had endeavoured to
surround his son with a neutral body in which, while all
were members of that new nobility which owed both
elevation and wealth to him, neither of the two parties
whose struggles had been continuous for the last ten
years should be supreme. But the Catholic party had
been scotched by the fall of the Howards : it was
absolutely disabled by the removal of Wriothesley from
the office of chancellor, under pretext of an illegal use of
the Great Seal. Somerset, strong in his kinship to the
young King and the support of the majority of the
Council, procured from his nephew a patent modifying
the royal will under pretence that it was stamped, not
signed, and became lord president of the Council and
lord protector of the kingdom.

§ 2. Somerset's first failure was in Scotland, where he

The Battle was n0^ w^hout experience of ill-success. There

ofepinkiee was a fair chance of securing the chief object

Septgio, of English policy for the nonce— the mar-

1547. ' riage of the young Queen, Mary, to Edward.

Beaton, the chief opponent of the match, had been recently

74 HISTOftY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. IV.

assassinated : only rescue his murderers, now belea-
guered in the castle of St. Andrews by the French, and
intrigue with the late cardinal's enemies, and the thing
was done. Somerset preferred more violent methods.
He pushed on to the Forth with a powerful army, and was
there met by a considerable Scotch force which the Earl
of Huntley and the threat of coercion had brought
together. The two armies lay on either side of the
river Esk : fearful lest Somerset should escape them,
the Scotch left, as at Flodden, a strong position, crossed
the Esk at Musselburgh and ascended Carberry Hill, on
which the English troops were posted. At first the
Scotch pikemen repelled the English cavalry ; then, their
ranks being broken by the fire of the English archers
and artillery, a second cavalry charge put them to rout.
But though Somerset only lost a few hundred men
whilst 10,000 of his adversaries fell, nothing came of the
victory. Home affairs forced the Protector to march
back ; the Scotch were completely alienated ; and Mary
was shipped off to France and plighted in the following
August to the dauphin, afterwards Francis II.

No better success attended Somerset's foreign policy

elsewhere. Henry II. of France, whose father had

somerset's followe<i Henry VIII. to the tomb in March,

Dealings8 1547, was distinctly anti-English in feeling.

withandan°e He supported the Catholic party in Scotland

Germany, with both men and money : his troops con-

1547-49. stantiy threatened Boulogne. In September,

1549, just before his fall, Somerset was compelled to

declare war — a war as inglorious as the peace which

shortly followed it (§ 7).

Scotch affairs and internal troubles stood in the way of
any interference in Germany. Yet the Lutherans stood
in great need of succour. About 1544 Charles was at
length free to take up the religious question, which he
hoped to solve by means of a General Council. He was
a good ten years late. The Council assembled at Trent,
on the Adige, in the winter of 1545, but the Lutherans
would have none of it. Charles attacked them; the
League of Schmalkalde (III. § 2) fell to pieces; and

1547-1549.] EDWARD vi. 75

by the battle of Miihlberg (April 24, 1547) Charles at
last became really Emperor. To prevent things coming
to such a pass — for an attack on England was obviously
the next step — even Henry had meditated a League
Christian with the Lutheran princes. Somerset, who
had religious as well as political sympathy with the
Protestants, attempted neither to prevent nor to undo
Charles's work.

§ 3. Yet, amidst a crowd of self-seeking innovators,

Somerset stood out as an earnest Protestant. He allied

himself more closely than ever with Cranmer,

Religious Wh0 was now resolved to press on England the

Innovations , . , . , , , ,*. . .. . °

and doctrines to which he had himself become sin-
Ri?47-T9S.' cerely attached during the days of Gardiner's
ascendancy. The latter, and Bonner, Bishop
of London, were early imprisoned for protesting against
the work of the royal commission sent round to enforce
the purification of the churches and the use of the
English liturgy. The churches were purified in some-
what rough and ready fashion. Images of saints and
pictures were torn down ; the walls were whitewashed ;
the altars were removed and tables substituted — often
placed in the middle of the church. The heads of the
advanced party — Latimer and Hooper — were far from
moderate in language : little wonder that their followers
were violent in deeds.

But religious enthusiasm did not confine itself to de-
forming : it also reformed. In 1547 Cranmer put forth a
Book of Homilies and Erasmus' Paraphrase of the Neiv
Testament : ' these were for the stay of such errors as
were then by ignorant preachers spread among the
people.' As soon as it could be got ready, Edward VI. 's
First Prayer-Book, compiled mainly from old missals
and breviaries by Cranmer and others, was issued
(January, 1549), and its use enforced by the First Act of
Uniformity, the penalty being forfeiture of stipend and
six months' imprisonment. Men had become accustomed
to changes in religion ; but it seemed a revolution when
Cranmer openly ate meat during Lent in Lambeth
Palace, when an Act was passed authorizing, in how-

76 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. IV.

ever half-hearted a fashion, the marriage of the clergy,
when auricular confession was discountenanced, and
when the worship of the Virgin and the saints — ' the
popular deities of the masses/ as they have been called
— was roundly forbidden.

It was a pity all this could not have been done with
greater decency. Doubtless there were good men
amongst the reformers, and doubtless they did their
best : to these were due all efforts to enforce discipline
amongst the clergy, which had naturally become relaxed
in a time of transition. But rapacity was the charac-
teristic feature of the prominent men of Edward's day.
The property of the religious guilds and chantries,* whose
suppression had been doubly authorized in Henry's last
and Edward's first year, was destined ' for the erection
of schools, the augmentation of the universities, and the
sustenance of the indigent.' Eighteen grammar-schools
were, indeed, founded during the reign, but the bulk of the
forfeited property went to the ' sustenance ' of the gentry,
just as that of the religious houses, dissolved eight years
before, had gone. Bishops were forced to alienate or
lease away as much as half of their lands, in order to
save the rest, and did not shrink from compensating
themselves by appropriating the incomes of parishes
whose spiritual wants they left to illiterate, starveling
clerks. With such examples before them, the tendency
to make a mock of sacred things grew apace. Yet a
devout man would hardly find an inducement to con-
version in hearing the sacrament of the altar spoken of
as a ' Jacke of the box.'

§ 4. The civil government of the protectorate is as
curious a melange as its religious activity. The task of
the Council was to carry on a despotic govern-
Govern ment w^n tne despot left out : it was a task
mentTthe not easy in itself, and not rendered easier by
*ke circumstance that the Council was — as
Hallam labels it — a ' designing and unscrupulous
oligarchy,' with a president who regarded himself as just

* These were fraternities of secular priests whose business it was to sing daily
masses for their founders.

1547-1549.] EDWAUD vi. 77

the man to be a thorough-going, patriotic, beneficent
despot. There was bound to be a collision sooner or
later. At first, however, there was a series of constitu-
tional measures and unconstitutional acts. If the former
' mark,' as Green says, ' the first retreat of the New
Monarchy from the position of pure absolutism which it
had reached under Henry,' the latter at least show that
the retreat was reluctant.

The Parliament which Somerset found sitting on his
return from Scotland took away some of the power it
had placed in Henry's hands by repealing the Lex Regia
of 1539 (III. §17), and by sweeping away all treasons*
created since the First Statute of Treasons (1351), and in
particular the felonies created by the Statute of the Six
Articles (III. § 16). The treasons defined in the Act of
Edward III. were, however, supplemented by two : at-
tacks on the King's supremacy — either thrice in words, or
in writing, printing, or by overt act — and the assembling
of twelve or more persons for altering the laws or estab-
lished religion, or for doing violence to the privy coun-
cillors. The Act explained the theory of the charge :

' As in tempest or winter one course or garment is convenient, in
calm or warm weather a more liberal case or lighter garment both may
and ought to be followed and used, so we have seen divers strait and
sore laws, made in one Parliament, in a more calm and quiet reign of
another prince repealed and taken away.'

This was, unfortunately, hallooing before they were
out of the wood. The difficulty which finally shattered
The Somerset's party had not been cleared away,
Vagrancy as vainly imagined, by the Act of this same
In'dthe' Parliament — the Vagrancy Act. This measure
social was severe. Designed to solve what to-day
Que! would be called the ' problem of the unem-
ployed,' it ordered that any determinately idle and able-
bodied vagrant might, on the seotence of two magistrates,
be branded with the letter V, and handed over to anyone
wanting him as a slave for two years ; if he refused, he

* This first Parliament of Edward VI. was ultimately dissolved at the end of
1551, for further amending the laws of treason— the amendment being taken as
an implicit criticism of Somerset's condemnation (§ 8). In trials for treason
two witncsMS were in future to be produced to secure a verdict of ' Guilty.'

78 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. IV.

might be treated as a felon. But owing to various
economical causes, the chief of which was the transition
from tillage to pasturage* (Chapter VIII.), work was not
to be found, and the Act had to be repealed two years
later.

The sufferings attendant on such an economical change
fell mainly on the poor. On them, too, at this time fell
most heavily the decline in the purchasing value of
money, consequent on Henry's repeated debasement of
the coinage and on the increased circulation of the pre-
cious metals. Further, the rural poor were being shut
out of their use of the commons and waste lands by the
new men who now occupied the old abbey and convent
lands. Somerset felt something was wrong, and in 1548
sent round a commission to inquire into their grievances.
The spirit in which the commission was ordered to work
tells powerfully to Somerset's credit : unfortunately, it
did not result in any practical benefit to the sufferers.
Expectation of relief was raised only to be disappointed ;
and the laxity of the commission proved as dangerous
as the severity of the Act was useless.

§ 5. Eeligious and agrarian discontent was a natural

outcome of so much activity in matters so intimately

concerned with the comfort and happiness of

tion in the every-day life. It had smouldered long under

^juf' 1549°" Henry's firm rule : it blazed forth when

Somerset's impotence displayed itself. It is

not easy for a contemporary to make allowances for

good intentions. In the summer of 1549 the peasantry

rose both in East and West. In the West religious, in

the East social, causes predominated.

The new liturgy recently prescribed (§ 3) was read for
the first time on Whit-Sunday (June 1, 1549). Next
day the villagers of Sainpford Courtnay, on the northern
part of Dartmoor, insisted on the priest resuming his old
vestments and reading mass in Latin : the new service
was ' like a Christmas game.' Throughout Devon and

* ' Sheep,' notes Sir Thomas More, alluding to this, ' which are naturally mild
and easily kept in order, may be said to devour men and unpeople not only
villages, but towns.'

1549.] EDWAED VI. 79

Cornwall ' the common people clapped their hands for
joy.' An appeal was soon made to arms by Humphrey
Arundel, and the restoration of the Six Articles and the
Mass was demanded. The insurgents were pressing
Exeter hard, when they were defeated by Lords Russell
and Grey, first at St. Mary's Clyst (August 6), and finally
at Sampford Courtnay. They then dispersed, and martial
law was severely -enforced against them.

The rebellion in the East was a much more serious

affair, for, thanks to Somerset's sympathy with its motives,

it was allowed to make headway. While he

Insurrec- . , . , i •

tion m the was issuing proclamations, the insurgents were

crushed by thronging round a tanner of Wymondham,

Warwick, named Robert Ket, who assumed the style of

1549. of Norfolk and Suff0ik> ana Sat daily in

judgment on captured gentlemen beneath the Oak of
Reformation, on Mousehold Hill, near Norwich. On
August 1 Ket seized the town, and was later able to expel
from it Lord Northampton, who had occupied it for the
King. The Council took matters in their own hands,
and ordered Warwick to turn aside with the German
mercenaries he was leading towards Scotland, and crush
the rebellion. Ket refused a pardon ; but his forces,
though they mustered some 16,000 and were well disci-
plined, were scattered &*> Dussindale (August 27), with the
loss of 4,000, by Warwick's regular troops. A few were
hanged on the Oak of Eeformation : Ket was suspended
in chains at Norwich Castle.

§ 6. Somerset's vacillation was soon followed by his

fall. He had had, as his friend Paget told him, ' too

Treason of manv ^onB in the fire.' He had really failed

Lord sey- all along the line. His personal popularity had

SudSeyfhis ^ded away before his increasing haughtiness,

Execution, which displayed itself conspicuously in his

re , 1549. assertjon Of independence of the Council, and

in the building of a superb palace — now Somerset House

— to provide room and materials for which churches

were pulled down. But what shocked public feeling

most, perhaps, was his treatment of his brother Thomas,

Lord Seymour of Sudeley. He was undoubtedly jealous

80 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. IV.

of the Protector, and plotted against him. He had
many things in his favour : he had, in June, 1547,
married the Queen-dowager — whom he had wished to
marry before she was snapped up by Henry VIII. — and
he had the guardianship of the Princess Elizabeth and
Lady Jane Grey. On the death of his wife he schemed
to marry the princess. He obtained money from Sir
William Sharington, master of the mint at Bristol ; and
he abused his position as lord high admiral to intrigue
with the Channel pirates. He confided in Southampton
(Wriothesley), now no longer Somerset's enemy, and was
denounced to the Protector. He was hurriedly con-
demned by bill of attainder — the Commons' petition,
that at least he might be heard in his defence, fell on
deaf ears — and executed, March, 1549.*

Formidable rival as his brother was, Somerset raised

up a still more dangerous one by letting his old colleague

Fail of Warwick (III. § 19) bear away the laurels for

Somerset, suppressing the disorders in the eastern counties.

Oct., 1549. Warwick's influence with the Council was great
and growing. Somerset declared the body which to
please him had voluntarily transformed itself from an
executive to an advising body to be treasonable, and on
that pretence withdrew the young King, though ill, to
Windsor. But only Paget and Sir Thomas Smithf clung
to him ; and by the advice of the former and of Cranmer
he submitted, and was committed to the Tower for
some months (October, 1549, to February, 1550).

§ 7. Warwick took not only his place, but his policy.
As lord president he at once laid aside the religious
ideas with which he was credited by the
Moderates and Catholics, and, though he lacked
Religious the sincerity of his predecessor, acted as a still

Policy. . , J , n P V, , i

more thorough-paced reformer. But he was con-
tented with doing less : he took the advice which Paget

* He was not given a very good character by his contemporaries. He was sus-
pected of poisoning Katharine in order to be free to marry Elizabeth. According to
Latimer, ' he was farthest removed from the fear of God of any man he saw or
heard of in England.'

t A scholar, lawyer, dean, ambassador, secretary of state, and author of a
treatise on the Commonwealth of England, describing the constitutional theory
and practice of the day.

1549-1551.] EDWAED VI. 81

could never persuade Somerset to take. Paget thus
described ' the evil condition of our estate at home ' :

'111 money, whereby outward things be dearer, idleness among the
people, the great courages, dispositions to imagine and invent novelties,
devices to amend this and that, and a hundred mischiefs — these be the
fruits of war,'

Accordingly, negotiations with France were begun
almost as soon as the war itself (September, 1549), and
in March following peace was signed. By this treaty, in
which Scotland, too, was included, England remitted
the sums due to her by the treaty of 1546, and Boulogne
was surrendered in return for 400,000 crowns.

Henry II. thus was left free to turn his arms against
Charles V., whilst the Council, freed from the worry and
The Council exPense °f foreign war, and indifferent to the

and the great social question at home, gaily followed
Currency, ^hei? ieader in filling their pockets at the ex-
pense of the Church or anyone else. Members of the
Council were allotted large grants of crown-lands, and
made large sums by tampering still further with the
coinage. Henry VIII. is said to have made £50,000 by
this means ; Sharington, Sudeley's friend (§ 6), made
.£4,000 ; and now gold and silver plate, plundered from
the churches, was turned into white money, containing,
perhaps, seventy-five per cent, of alloy. This could not
go on for ever : internal and external trade alike were
dislocated when a total currency, having a false value
of £1,200,000, was really worth only £800,000. Accord-
ingly, the Council, having sent forth a last issue of a
nominal value of £120,000, ' called down ' the money
fifty per cent. The old shilling was called a sixpence ;
it was intrinsically worth even less, and Elizabeth had
to reduce it a further twenty-five per cent.

§ 8. The Act would have been laudable but for its
The council antecedents and its manner of doing. The

and the Council was, however, not only self-seeking, but

?549§i vindictive. Bonner was deprived of his see in

1549, Gardiner in 1551, and both detained

in prison. So, too, was Heath, Bishop of Worcester, the

82 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. IV.

author of a concise formula which well expresses the
position of his party : —

4 Whatever is contrary to the Catholic faith is heresy: whatever is
contrary to unity is schism.'

The appropriate retort to the charge of heresy was
that of idolatry. Statues, pictures, vestments, stained
glass, tapers, all were idolatrous. Hooper had in 1550
to be imprisoned till he consented to put on ' the livery
of the harlot of Babylon ' — meaning the episcopal robes
he had to wear as Bishop of Gloucester. A bishop's
lot was not a happy one under Henry : it was almost
less so under his son. They were now, by an amend-
ment of the Act of 1534, carried in the first year of the
reign, appointed directly by the King without the in-
tervention of the chapter, and held their offices simply
durante placito.

The Council did nothing very foolish for more than a
year after Somerset's fall. Towards the end of 1551, how-
The Council ever' ^ suddenly resolved to require the Princess

and the Mary to conform to the new religious system and
MarylTSi. use tne English Prayer-Book. She refused, and
appealed to her cousin, Charles V., who seemed
inclined to regard the attack on Mary as a good pretext
for interference in English affairs. The Council allied
itself with France, and arranged a French marriage for
Edward ; but the danger passed away when the Emperor,
seemingly all-powerful (§ 2), was suddenly chased out of
his own dominions by Maurice of Saxony, a Protestant
whose desertion of his own side had been the prime cause
of Charles's success four years before (1551).

The peril into which the precipitancy of the Council
thus brought the country, and the wide-spread peculation
Execution amongsti its members, produced an unpopularity
of somerset, of which Somerset was not slow to take advan-

ran.,i552. tage> jje rajse(j ^ VO^CQ for Gardiner, and

drew towards the Arundels, moderate reformers. His
designs were betrayed, and he was accused of treason
and felony. He confessed to having plotted the over-
throw (§ 4) of Northumberland (to the dukedom of which
Warwick had just been raised), and the former charge

1550-1553.] EDWARD vi. 83

was withdrawn. Of the latter he was found guilty; the
King, persuaded by Northumberland's show of religion,
would not save his uncle; and on January 22, 1552, Somer-
set was beheaded on Tower Hill amidst the groans of a
people who forgave him his faults for his misfortunes.

§ 9. The remaining eighteen months of the reign
were occupied with a careful formulation of Anglican
doctrine, which has stood with little modifica-
tion till to-day, and with an arbitrary attempt

ssnd *° secure its maintenance in the immediate
the xTu. future, which failed miserably. In the later
AT$$? Par* °f 1^52 a Second Act of Uniformity was
passed, which closely followed the lines of the
earlier one (§ 3), but added a fine of one shilling for
absence from church on Sundays or holy-days, prescribed
penalties for mocking at public worship, and enforced
the use of Edward VI. 's Second Prayer-Book. This
showed advance in several points : the practice of prayers
for the dead, which did not fit well in with the doctrine
of justification, was discountenanced, and the theory of
the sacrament of the altar, the crucial test, still further
differentiated from Roman belief by the adoption of
Martin Bucer's views.*

About a year after this, in May, 1553, a sort of code of
Anglican belief was published by order of Council. It
was contained in Forty-two Articles (cf . VI. § 12) drawn up,
at the bidding of Council two years before, by Cranmer
and Eidley, and revised by eminent hands, such as Peter
Martyr and John Knox. It is doubtful whether they
were duly accepted by Convocation : the King's death
certainly prevented their practical acceptance by the
clergy. A like fate awaited the revision of the Canon
Law, promised by Henry VIII. in 1532, and en-
trusted to a committee of thirty-two members, con-
taining an equal number of bishops, divines, civilians,
and common lawyers. The real work was done by Peter

* These were meant to be a via media between the three main views : (1) The
Roman (tmnsultstantiatiun), that the substance of bread and wine is changed by
the act of consecration into that of flesh and blood ; (2) Luther's (consubstan-
tiation^, that both substances exist together after consecration ; (Si Zwingli's,
that the elements were mere symbols commemorative of Christ's death.*

84 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [Oh. IV.

Martyr, assisted by Cranmer; but their product, the
Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum, was not saved by its
literary merit from the fate to which its unsuitability for
the new regime and its time of publication condemned it.

§ 10. The Protestantism thus established was enforced
by persecution ;* but persecution could not secure its
Attom tto continuance after the King's death. Such an
change the event was highly probable : his health, never
STtoeSng' very s^ong, had broken down completely in
dies, July 6, consequence, it is said, of his removal to

1553' Windsor to bolster up Somerset's tottering
power (§ 6). By the Act of 1544 and Henry's will, his
half-sister Mary inherited the throne. She was a firm,
even bigoted, Catholic. Her first measure would be to
reverse all that Edward and much that his father had
done, and to throw the majority of the Council into
prison. To save himself and them, Northumberland
played on the young King's horror of ' papistry ' till he
induced him to change the succession. Edward — who
lived long enough to show clearly that he had the Tudor
love of power, and dimly that he would use it with Tudor
vigour, if not with Tudor wisdom — was readily persuaded
that he was entitled to do so, though, unlike his father,
he had not been specially authorized by Parliament to
regulate the succession.

Northumberland not only secured the rejection of
Mary, but the selection of the person whose elevation
would be most likely to ensure the permanence of his
own influence. ( On the pretext that her legitimacy was
uncertain, Elizabeth was passed over in the Device for
the Succession which Edward himself drew up, and the
crown settled on Lady Jane Grey and her heirs male.t
This was partly in accordance with Henry's views
(III. § 19), but the only reason why Lady Jane was
preferred to her mother, who was still living, was that
she had lately become the bride of Northumberland's
fourth son, Lord Guildford Dudley. To a scheme whose

* The most notorious case was that of Joan Boucher, who was burnt at the
stake against Edward's wish for denying the Incarnation,
t See Genealogical Tree, p. viii.

1553.] EDWAED VI. 85

main intent was the aggrandizement of the Dudleys there
was a strong objection, the futility of which only shows the
greater strength of the New Monarchy. Cranmer gave in
his adhesion at the personal request of the King ; many
peers, judges, and merchants followed his example ; and
in June letters-patent under the Great Seal formally
announced the projected change. Mary appealed to the
Emperor. Edward died on the 6th of the following
month.

One of his tutors called him ' the beautifullest creature
that liveth under the sun, the liveliest, the most amiable,
and the gentlest thing of all the world.' He learnt seven,
and knew three, languages ; and he was not ignorant of
logic, of natural philosophy, or of music. And he was
only in his fifteenth year when he died. Perhaps it was
well he died young.

CHAPTEE V.
Mary (1553-1558).

§ 1. Northumberland fails to set up Lady Jane Grey as Queen against
Lady Mary— § 2. Mary's Early Religious Measures : the Rivalry
between France and Spain— § 3. Wyatt's Insurrection against the
Spanish Marriage, February, 1554 — § 4. Marriage of Philip and Mary,
and Reconciliation with Rome, July-November, 1554— § 5.The Marian
Persecution, 1555-1558— § 6. Mary's Misfortunes, 1555-1558— § 7.
Domestic Conspiracies ; War with France ; Loss of Calais ; Death
of the Queen, November 17, 1558.

§ 1. FOUE days after Edward's death Northumberland
proclaimed Queen Jane amid the dead silence of a crowd
Queen jane? wnicn thought what one apprentice said:
or Queen ' 'Lady Mary hath the better title.' The
Mary ? interval between Edward's death and the pro-
clamation of Jane had been used by Northumberland to
secure the loyalty of the Council and the person of Mary.
She was, however, given timely notice by friends in
the Council, and escaped first to Kenninghall on the
Waverney, then to Framlingham, where she was under
the protection of the Howards, and whence she could,
if need be, easily cross to her imperial cousin.

There was no necessity to run farther. The national
sympathy and sense of justice declared itself unmistak-
ably for the princess who was the rightful heir, and who
had been so harshly used. All who resented the
muddling meddlesomeness of the Government during the
late reign turned their backs on Northumberland. It
was only natural to fear that he would be the real ruler,
and that Lady Jane— a bright, earnest, cultivated, and
amiable girl of sixteen years — would be a puppet in his
hands. None the less the idea was probably a mistake :

1553.] MARY. 87

during her ten days' reign she showed clearly her
intention not to be bullied by her husband, as she had
been through life by her parents. She would not, for
instance, hear of his being crowned with her.

The members of the Council who had warned Mary of
her danger managed to provide Northumberland, who
Failure and was marching into the eastern counties in
Execution quest of foe fugitive, with troops likely to
Northum- desert him. The fleet, too, declared for Mary.
jui^-Tug., On July 19 the majority of the Council pro-
1553. claimed Queen Mary in London ; and at Cam-
bridge next day Northumberland flung his cap into the
air for Queen Mary. He was arrested by Arundel and
brought to London, which Mary entered on August 3.
Before the end of the month he, with six others, was
executed for high treason. His daughter-in-law had not,
notes Hallam, ' obtained that degree of possession which
might have sheltered her adherents under the statute of
10 Henry VII.' (I. § 9) ; and Northumberland's plea that
he had acted under the authority of the Great Seal was
set aside. In hopes of saving his life, he declared himself
a Catholic, and died with this on his lips. Whether
hypocrisy or cowardice, this recantation was a great
triumph for the cause Mary had at heart, and, conjoined
with his selfish policy and irreligious life, stamps North-
umberland as ' a most fatal friend to the Reformation.'

Despite the solicitations of the Emperor, Northumber-
land's tools, both his son and his daughter-in-law, were
for the present spared, though confined in the Tower.

§ 2. Mary's single idea was the restoration of her
country to the Eoman obedience, and the extirpation of
all non-papal doctrines and tendencies. Her
intense devotion to the Holy See, notwith-
standing the half-hearted way in which the
Measures, Papacy had supported her mother, was early
shown by her refusal to be crowned until
sacred oil and a chair, consecrated by the Pontiff, could
be obtained from Eome. But long before her coronation
by Gardiner in October, much had been done to reverse
the religious policy of the last reign. On the ground

88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. V.

that the Acts passed during a minority were illegal,
Mary at once, on her own authority, restored the Mass,
forbade unlicensed preaching, replaced in their sees all
the ejected Catholic bishops, removed the Protestant
bishops either for marriage or for treason, and turned
out all married clergy — probably over 2,000 in number.
And she made it clear that Protestant preachers had
better become refugees unless they particularly desired
to be martyrs. The Ehinelands and Switzerland shel-
tered the majority.

Mary's first Parliament accepted her policy, and
helped her by again abolishing all treasons since 1351,
and by formally repealing the religious statutes of the
late reign. But Parliament was evidently not so
thorough-going as the Queen. After a week's debate it
simply restored the status quo of 1547, and left to Mary
the supremacy of the Church. She had to accept this,
and also to acknowledge in a very conspicuous way the
authority of Parliament, by allowing it to formally annul
the statute of 1534 bastardizing her. And Parliament
showed a rising spirit of opposition by very plainly setting
its face against the Queen's proposed Spanish marriage.

This match is the real point around which the history

of the reign turns. It was undertaken only after a sharp

, struggle between the French and the Spanish

French and . a •, • -i ,-, ^ j>>

Spanish influences : it was carried through only after a
fbbSdl' strong opposition in Parliament and in arms.
Its completion estranged the heart of the nation
from the Queen, and turned against Spain, for more than
a century, the national feeling hitherto directed against
France. It was quite natural that Mary should lean on
the Emperor, who was both her cousin and the political
champion of Catholicism against the Keformation.*
Hence his ambassador, Eenard, became one of Mary's
leading advisers ; whilst the French ambassador, Noailles,
was soon looked upon as the centre of all opposition,
open and secret, to the Queen's policy.

* Henry II. was at this time working hand in hand with the Lutherans. It
was largely due to him that Metz was able to hold out for nearly four months
against Charles, 1553-1554. and it was really this siege that proved Charles's
failure.

1553-1551] MARY. 89

The Emperor's advice was, for the present at least,

moderation. He knew the temper of England, and

, prevailed on Marv to be content at first with

The Spanish f . , . ? .,, _.

Mamagc harmony ot doctrine with Koine. He forbade
Tleai554.au'' Cardinal Pole, whose headstrong assertion of
the papal rights had cost his mother's and his
brother's lives (III. § 13), to enter England, legate
though he was. The reason of this was not purely
political. Pole was, in the eyes of the Anglican
Catholics, the most suitable man for Mary to wed, and
he certainly was more suitable than the Protestant
candidate, the feather-headed Edward Courtnay, Earl of
Devon. Charles, however, urged the claims of his son
Philip ; and Renard's representations and Philip's portrait
carried the day. Mary's chief English adviser, Gardiner,
lord chancellor, led the English opposition to the
match, but his arguments could not conquer the Queen's
love. He accordingly illustrated his character as a
1 thorough Englishman ' by inserting in the marriage-
treaty provisions that Philip should have no royal title
over England, no rights of succession, and no legal
influence over English affairs, more particularly her
foreign policy.

§ 3. The treaty was signed in January, 1554. At once
the air was thick with plots whose negative object was to
National Prevent the Spanish marriage, and whose
Feeling positive programme was the wedding of the
the^spanlsh Princess Elizabeth, already a popular idol, to
Match, 1554. Courtnay. Of the several risings with this
object, but one was at all dangerous. Sir Peter Carew,*
who had been one of the earliest to declare for Queen
Mary, rose in the West, the Courtnay stronghold ; but
partly because he was but ill-prepared, partly because he
had made himself unpopular in the West in 1549 (IV. § 5),
he made no headway, and had to flee to France. Similar
ill-success attended the premature movements of Suffolk,
Lady Jane's father, in the Midlands, and of Sir James
Crofts, in the western marches.

* Sir Peter Carew later renewed his reputation for cruelty as a colonist in
Munster, and died while with Essex in Ulster, 1575.

HISTOEY OF ENGLAND.

[Oh. V.

Only in Kent did the insurrection become formidable.
The men of Kent had a greater genius for revolting
than the rest of the country.' Besides, they
were nearer London. Sir Thomas Wyatt, a
poet and the son of a poet, and ' the bravest
Wyatt*Feb., and most accomplished Englishman of his

Kentish

Rising

under Sir

Thomas

1554.

day,'* led them towards London, which seemed
well disposed to fraternize with them. The fleet in the
Thames supplied cannon ; the 500 Londoners whom
Norfolk led against them deserted; the Council displayed
no eagerness to put the insurgents down; and even
Eenard was prepared in desperation to give up the
marriage, when Mary, with Tudor courage, threw herself
on the loyalty of the citizens assembled at the Guildhall.
She promised not to marry unless with the consent of
Parliament, and by next morning (February 3) 25,000
men were enrolled in her defence. Under Admiral Lord
William Howard, these kept London Bridge against
Wyatt's 10,000, and then forced him to go up stream as
far as Kingston in order to cross the river. The delay
ruined him. When he at length neared London from
the west, his line was broken near what is now Hyde
Park Corner, and he had but a handful of men when he
reached Temple Bar, only to surrender himself to Sir
Maurice Berkeley (February 7).

About 100 personst suffered death for their share in
these movements. Eenard and Gardiner successfully
urged it on Mary as a sufficient reason for the execution
of the Lady Jane and her husband, who were accordingly
beheaded on February 12. Suffolk was brought to the
block later. Wyatt himself was respited in the hope
that he might implicate Elizabeth, but was at length
executed after steadily retracting whatever he had under
torture confessed. Elizabeth was arrested, but the
Moderates in the Council prevailed against Gardiner and

* J. R. Green. -For the elder Wyatt see U. C. C. Hist, of Engl. Lit, 1485-1580,
chap. ii.

t More would have suffered had not it been made clear that national feeling
was with the moderate party in the Council (Paget, Sussex, etc.). A jury
acquitted Sir Nicholas Throckmorton ; its members were accordingly summoned
before the Star Chamber, and eight of them who refused to apologize heavily
This is a typical instance of the methods of that court (I. g 9).

1554.] MARY. 91

the Emperor, and after three months' detention she was
allowed to retire to Woodstock. In all probability she
hardly deserved her escape.

§ 4. Active opposition to the Spanish marriage thus
fell through, and Mary's second Parliament, which met

M in April, 1554, gave its approval. But it soon

marries earned its dismissal by rejecting three Bills for

Ph2Ql,Pi5b^y tne suppression of heresy which Gardiner had

drawn up, and which Paget had forced through

the Lords.

On July 20 the marriage was celebrated, and Mary
was satisfied. Philip, however, did not return the
demonstrative affection of a wife nine years older than
himself, nor did he get on well with the English. These
soon forgot, in disgust at his Castilian hauteur, his amiable-
ness in drinking a tankard of English ale on landing, and
it soon became obvious that, despite the marriage treaty,
Philip intended to make England a henchman to Spanish
policy.

Mary had thus obtained her heart's desire : it only

remained to attain her soul's. For this purpose she

The Recon- summoned her third Parliament in November.

ciiiation Every effort had been made to secure its sub-

with Rome. . T» i i J.A. 1-11 L ±

NOV. so, servience. Royal letters had been sent to
1554. influential persons in county and corporation
alike, bidding them secure the election of

1 such as were of wise, grave, and Catholic sort, such as indeed meant
the true honour of God, and such as the old laws require.'

Almost its first act was to reverse the attainder of
Cardinal Pole, who, now that his presence was no longer
dangerous to the Emperor's designs, returned to his
country. On St. Andrew's Day, six days after his barge,
' with the silver cross of a legate gleaming from its bow,'
had swept up the Thames to London, Pole formally
received the national submission tendered him by the
Houses as they knelt to him at Whitehall, and, giving
them absolution, readmitted them to communion with
the Catholic Church.

By the repeal of all ecclesiastical legislation since 1529

92 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. V.

the papal supremacy was restored. But it was restored
only upon conditions : Julius III. and the clergy resigned
all claims on Church lands which had been seized and
granted away during the late mutations. The Queen
was averse to this concession — in fact, she restored to
the Church all Church-lands still in possession of the
crown, thus losing £60,000 a year ; but it was not to be
avoided. In their personal interests the gentry would
not display the accommodating spirit they exhibited in
their religious principles. ' The English in general,'
noted a contemporary Venetian, ' would turn Jews or
Turks if their sovereign pleased,' but not at the price of
the abbey lands.

§ 5. In the same session of Parliament the laws against
Lollardy were restored, and early in 1555 the persecution
The Marian wn^cn won ^or Mary the surname Bloody was
Persecution, set on foot. The burden of responsibility for
'~58> this persecution has been shifted on to different
shoulders by various writers : Mary, Pole, Gardiner, and
Bonner, have been made to bear individually the blame
which ought, perhaps, to be distributed about equally
between them. . The utmost that can be said to be
generally accepted is this : that, unless Mary had been
willing, the persecution would not have gone so far ;
and that the bitter cup she had been forced to drink in
her girlhood naturally enough disposed her to be not
merely willing, but wishful, for vengeance.

Child's play as the Marian persecution was, compared
with the work of the Inquisition in Spain and the
Netherlands, it was still terribly severe. The estimates
of the number of « martyrs ' fluctuate between 200 and
300, and it was the outcome of a purely governmental
policy, not a national outburst of feeling against heretics ;
in fact, it rather excited general disgust in a people which
saw the suffering inflicted, and was not able to ' sit with
its feet on the fender ' and compare it favourably with
other butcheries that we condemn to-day.*

* 'I believe that I could show that all the executions for religious causes in
England — by all sides and during all time— are not so many as were the sentences
of death passed in one year in the reign of George II T. for one single sort of
crime— the forgery of bank-notes.'— Stubbs.

1555-1556 ] MAKY. 93

The greatest activity was displayed in the dioceses
of Canterbury, London, and Rochester under Bonner's
The 'Pro- direction. Amongst the earliest victims were

testant Eogers, Prebendary of St. Paul's, and Hooper,
SnmerT Bishop of Gloucester, the former at Smithfield,

Ridi?er' *^e *a^er *n kis own C^y* ^^e evident un-
ey' popularity of the persecution drew an official
disclaimer of all part or lot in it from Philip's chaplain,
Alfonso a Castro. After a lull, however, it was resumed,
and even intensified by ' rattling letters ' from the Queen,
who put down her disappointment of an heir to the
wrath of God for her lack of zeal. In September, 1555,
Bishops Ridley and Latimer were burnt at Oxford.
Latimer's last words went characteristically to the root
of the matter :

' Be of good cheer, Master Ridley, and play the man ; we shall this
day light such a candle by God's grace in England as I trust shall
never be put out.'

Cranmer's death-scene was, like his life, curiously in-
determinate. It has been held by some to justify, by
some finally to disprove, his claim to be regarded as a
martyr. When he had been formally condemned at
Borne — where alone such a high dignitary of the Church
could be judged — he was persuaded to recant no less
than six times in the hope of saving his life. Macaulay
brusquely says, ' He died solely because he could not
help it.' Yet it required no little moral courage to make
the confession he made to the crowded audience in St.
Mary's, Oxford, on his way to the stake :

' Now I come to the great thing that troubleth my conscience more
than any other thing that I ever said or did in my life, and that is the
setting abroad of writings contrary to the truth ; which here I now
renounce and refuse as things written by my hand contrary to the
truth which I have thought in my heart, and written for fear of death,
to save my life, if it might be. And forasmuch as my hand offended
in writing contrary to my heart, my hand therefore shall be the first
punished ; for if I come to the fire it shall be first burnt. ... As for
the Pope, I utterly refuse him, as Christ's enemy and Antichrist, with
all his false doctrine.'

It was on March 21, 1556, that these words were uttered
and Cranmer was burnt. His death was, in Green's

94 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. V.

words, ' the death-blow to Catholicism in England. The
triumphant cry of Latimer could reach hearts only as
bold as his own, but the sad pathos of the primate's
humiliation and repentance struck chords of pity and
sympathy in the hearts of all.'

§ 6. In the midst of her religious zeal, Mary was un-
happy. She passionately wished for an heir to continue
her work when she was gone : every prepara-

MarysMis- .. -. f ,, ° , , , J,1* r, ., n

fortunes, tion was made for the event, but the child
1555-56. never came. Philip, on whom she doted, de-
serted her soon after (August, 1555). He was weary of
trying to make himself agreeable to a nation that would
not try to make itself useful to him in return; and his
father wanted him in the Netherlands. There, early in
the following year, Charles formally resigned the crown
of Spain to him, as he had already resigned Sicily and
Naples, and retired to St. Yuste a disappointed man,
grumbling that 'Fortune was a woman who did not
favour the old.'*

It was almost a heavier blow still to Mary to find
herself looked upon with distrust by the Papacy itself.
Paul IV. (1555) did not approve of his predecessor
Julius III.'s concessions with regard to the Church lands,
and he hated Mary's confidential adviser, Pole. It was
in vain that she strove to rebuild the abbeys and restore
the first-fruits to the Church — Parliament would not let
them be restored to the Pope. Paul was inexorable :
England must show the sincerity of her repentance by
restitution. Mary obtained, however, the primacy for
Pole, who by the death of Gardiner, at the end of 1555,
was left without a rival in the Queen's confidence ; but
she was only able to prevent his authority from being
overshadowed by an agent of the Pope's by forbidding
the new legatus a latere, her confessor, Cardinal Peto, to
exercise his powers (July, 1557). The reason why Pole
was thus superseded was his alleged connivance at
heresy : he had persistently urged a compromise, in-

* He handed over the Netherlands — recently detached from the Empire — on
October 25, 1555 ; Spain, etc., in January, 1556. The Empire, which became vacant
on his death in 1558, passed by election to his brother Ferdinand, King of the
Romans since 1531. Charles had endeavoured to secure that also for his son.

1555-1558.] MARY. 95

eluding the acceptance of justification by faith, with the
Lutherans. To ward off the charge, a fresh commission
was issued to the bishops early in 1557, exhorting them
to greater efforts. The episcopal body thus erected has
been suspected to be the beginning — it certainly was a
precedent — for the Court of Ecclesiastical Commission,
permanently established in 1583, and abolished in 1641
and 1688.

§ 7. If Mary was dissatisfied, so, too, were her people.
Her early popularity was gone, and plots and rumours
The Dudley o* plots were rife. They were not very
?drd c<m" ser^ous' but tnev were numerous ; and the very
spirades" readiness with which they were undertaken
1556-57. proves the prevalence of a belief that a very
slight success would induce the people to turn against the
Queen. The most notable were the Dudley and the
Stafford conspiracies. The former took its name from
Sir Harry Dudley, a cousin to Northumberland, and won
the adherence of many young worshippers of Elizabeth.
The design was, by means of French ships and money, to
make a descent on the Isle of Wight, whose governor,
Uvedale, was in the plot ; thence to cross and seize Ports-
mouth ; whilst the robbery of the treasury was to supply
the sinews of war. Inklings of the plot reached England
from Paris, where it was organized, and information was
given by an accomplice, Thomas White, which led to the
arrest of several of the conspirators. Dudley escaped, but
many suffered death. A large number owed their preser-
vation to the constancy, under torture, of John Throck-
morton. This was in April, 1556. A year later Sir
Thomas Stafford made a futile descent, with some thirty
followers, near Scarborough, which was easily suppressed,
War with and all its participants but one executed. It
JLossof: kad, h°wever> considerable political importance.
Calais, Jan., Henry of Erance was proved to have abetted
15581 this attempt, and this was used as an excuse
for the declaration of war against Erance, which Philip
had just come over to urge on the Queen.

The war was the crowning disaster of the reign. The
real struggle was in Italy, where during 1557 the Duke of

96 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. V.

Guise was worsted and Paul IV. had to submit to Alva,
Philip's lieutenant. There was, however, an important
battle fought near St. Quentin, August 10, 1557, in
which the Constable Montmorency's attempt to relieve
that city was utterly defeated ; but English troops only
arrived in time to share the spoils, not the honours of
the victory. In the ensuing winter Calais, which, with
the neighbouring Guisnes, was England's last foothold
on the Continent, was suddenly beset by Guise. Its
fortifications had long been neglected through the penury
or wastefulness of the crown. The garrison of Calais
and its outworks, under Wentworth and Grey, only
mustered some 1,500 men, against the 20,000 men who,
in January, 1558, closed round it by land and sea and
forced its capitulation before the month was out. The
Queen's ships, which were too unseaworthy to rescue
Calais, were refitted in time to take part, under Clinton,
in Count Egmont's victory off Gravelines, in July. But
that was felt to be a poor compensation for the loss of
' the brightest jewel in the English crown — a jewel
useless and costly, but dearly prized ' (Froude).

To Mary it was a final blow ; unloved by her husband,
unloved by the Papacy to which she had sacrificed the

Death of ^ove °^ ^er PeoP^e» sne eas^Y succumbed to the

Mary, NOV. dropsy, and was closely followed to the grave

17, 1558. kv ner |3esfc frien(^ p0ie ghe was t a weu_

abused woman, but not a bad woman — rather, I should
say, a good woman, according to her lights ' (Carlyle).
Few sovereigns have deserved more and received less
commiseration. After a forlorn youth, she found the
love she lavished on her husband and her Church un-
returned. She set herself the sad task of promoting a lost
cause by obsolete methods. She was the least amiable
and least intelligent, but also the most honest, of the
Tudors. What she did for England was precisely what
she tried to prevent. In two vivid sentences Green
pictures for us her achievements as the beneficent enemy
of the Eeforrnation :

' The cause which prosperity had ruined revived in the dark hour of
persecution. If the Protestants had not known how to govern, they
knew how to die.'

CHAPTEE VI.
Elizabeth.

DOWN TO THE CATHOLIC EEACTION OF 1580.

§ 1. Elizabeth's Difficulties and Character — § 2. Relations with France
and Spain, 1558-1559— § 3. Elizabeth's Religious Attitude, 1558-
1559 ; the Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity — § 4. Relations with
Scotland, 1559-1560— § 5. Mary, Queen of Scots, 1560-1561— § 6.
The Question of the Succession — § 7. Mary's Marriage with Darnley
— § 8. The Bothwell Marriage, and Flight of Mary— § 9. State of
Parties in Council — § 10. Mary in England : Revolt of the Northern
Earls — § 11. Bull of Deposition : Retaliatory Measures and Parlia-
mentary Opposition— § 12. The Rise of Puritanism — § 13. Waver-
ing Foreign Policy, 1570-1573— § 14. The Ridolfi Plot, 1571-1572 :
Relations with the .Netherlands and France, 1574-1580— § 15. The
Jesuits and the Catholic Reaction of 1580.

§ 1. ' THE Queen poor ; the realm exhausted ; the nobility poor and
decayed ; good captains and soldiers wanting ; the people out of order ;
Elizabeth's JUi?tice not executed ; all things dear ; division among our-
Difficulties selves ; war with France ; the French King bestriding the
and realm, one foot in Calais, and the other in Scotland ; steadfast
Character. enemjes> kut no steadfast friends.'

In such words was the evil plight of England depicted
to Elizabeth in Council ; nor was it exaggerated. Eliza-
beth was not regarded by all as the legitimate Queen ;
she was engaged in a ruinous war ; she had to restore
something like civil and religious order.

She soon showed her capacity for rule by finding a
way out of all her present difficulties — a way which was
also to lead her out of future difficulties. It was
emphatically a middle way : Elizabeth's watchword was
' compromise.' Such a policy matched her character
eminently well. In eluding the dangers which sur-
rounded her during her sister's reign she ha,J mastered

98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI.

the art of shuffling. * Her entire nature,' notes Froude,
' was saturated with artifice : except when speaking
some round untruth, Elizabeth could never be simple.'
But if she lied — the practice is not unknown in diplomacy
— she lied well and in a good cause. She lived and lied
for her country. There is no false ring in the words
with which she met her first Parliament : ' Nothing — no
worldly thing under the sun — is so dear to me as the
love and goodwill of my subjects.'

This love and goodwill she earned by her excellences
as a Queen, and did not lose through her deficiencies as a
woman. She had a woman's vanity and her mother's
coquettishness, but not an atom of womanly reserve
she was accordingly denounced as a wanton, or worse
in her own day. The charge was most likely untrue
not because she was moral — she was rather non-moral —
but because she was too cold and passionless. But her
enemies' talk against her was utterly disbelieved by the
mass of her people, who saw in her, above all, a brave,
thrifty, shrewd and industrious Queen. She was all this
and more. At home, ' her finger was always on the
national pulse,' and she prescribed accordingly. Abroad,
she trod the mazes of diplomacy with marvellous skill.
Her policy was not, perhaps, a policy of genius, but rather
of good sense : ' by by-ways and crooked ways ' she
sought, and sought successfully, the welfare and great-
ness of England.

§ 2. At first, however, it was not a question of great-
ness, but of existence itself. When Elizabeth came to
Relations ^Q throne, it seemed much more likely, on the
with France whole, that England would be absorbed by
ani55aSn' either France or Spain than remain inde-
pendent. On the one hand stood Philip II.,
whom Mary would have made her heir, had not Parlia-
ment successfully resisted what Hallam calls ' the
accursed design of a besotted woman.' Philip had long
befriended Elizabeth : he now offered to marry her.
Perhaps Elizabeth was not indisposed to take a step
which would have linked England with the chief Power
of Europe. But Spain was not liked by her people ; and a

1558-1559.] ELIZABETH. 99

papal dispensation would be necessary to such a marriage
— to get which from Paul IV. would be no agreeable
matter for the daughter of Anne Boleyn. So Elizabeth
declined the proffered honour, and was consequently
thought by the Spanish envoy to be ' possessed of a
hundred thousand devils.' The truth was, Elizabeth
saw Philip could not abandon her and thus let her
fall under the influence of France. At the same time,
Philip was necessary to the Queen as a helper against
her rival for the crown, whose sympathies were wholly
French. If Elizabeth were illegitimate, as many thought
her to be, Mary, Queen of Scots, great-granddaughter of
Henry VII., was the rightful Queen. She was already
Queen of Scotland, and by her marriage in 1558 with
the Dauphin Francis she became the prospective Queen
of France. Hence there seemed some chance of uniting
the three realms under one control, thus effectually
separating Spain and her dominions in the Netherlands,
and creating a Power admirably fitted to be the arbiter
of Europe. Elizabeth and Philip, thus threatened by
a common danger, held together. Henry of France in
vain tried to induce Philip to leave England in the
lurch : Philip steadily declined until after Elizabeth had
secured peace for herself (April, 1559) by the cession of
Calais.* Then he signed the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrfais,
by which the two Catholic Powers practically agreed on
a crusade against the Eeformation.

§ 3. Elizabeth now proved her independence of Philip
in a much more perilous point — in religion. True, she
Elizabeth's ^ not e^ect many changes, but her changes
Religion*1 were significant. She allowed part of the
lifcurgy to be read in English, and forbade the
elevation of the Host. On the other hand, she
would have none of the unlicensed preaching so much in
vogue amongst the Protestants who poured back from the
Continent on her accession. And if she gave her chief
confidence to two Protestants, Sir William Cecil and

* It was, however, to be restored after eight years if the remaining articles of
peace were kept ; otherwise 500,000 crowns were to be given as compensation.
England was not to attack France or Scotland.

100 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI

Francis Walsingham,* she retained most of Mary's
Council — which was purely Catholic. And she showed
an inclination to be friendly to the Papacy by formally
notifying her accession to the Pope.

But Paul IV. was an ' injudicious old man,' and
roughly shook her off: Elizabeth, being illegitimate,
should have submitted her claims to him. When,
less than a year later, his successor, Pius IV., made
overtures in his turn, it was too late. Pope Pius
sent a nuncio to ask Elizabeth to send representatives to
the Council of Trent, guaranteeing to her the use of the
English liturgy and communion in both kinds. The
nuncio was forbidden to proceed beyond Brussels.
Elizabeth had already taken up her stand : ' I will do as
my father did.'

In point of fact she did somewhat less : she exacted

conformity to the mixed system she established, but

The Acts of carefully left opinion free. She was quite

supremacy incapable of understanding why anyone should

^fwmttyl object to professing one thing and thinking

1559. another. She did her best, however, to make
the Church comprehensive to find room not only for
Catholic and Protestant, but for Calvinist as well. In
the revised Book of Common Prayer issued in 1559
the communion was so treated that any of the three
leading sects could honestly take part in it ; and Edward
VI. 's prayer for deliverance ' from the Bishop of Eome
and all his detestable enormities ' was significantly
omitted. The use of this book was ordered — under
penalty of forfeiture for the first offence, a year's
imprisonment for the second, and life imprisonment for
the third — by the Third Act of Uniformity. The Act
also restored the fine of one shilling for absence from
church (recusancy], and thus absolutely forbade worship,
whether public or private, save on Anglican lines.

The same Parliament which met to pass this measure
in January, 1559, also re-annexed the first-fruits to the

* To Cecil she spoke high words of praise : ' This judgment 1 have of you— that
you will not be corrupted with any manner of gifts, and that you will be faithful
to the State, and that, without respect to my private will, you will give me that
counsel which you think best. '

1559.] ELIZABETH. 101

crown (V. § 6), and passed the Act of Supremacy. This
Act made the denial of the royal supremacy penal, or, if
thrice repeated in writing or advisedly speaking, treason-
able, and exacted from all beneficed ecclesiastics and all
laymen holding office under the crown the oath of
supremacy :

' I, A, B., do utterly testify and declare that the Queen's highness is
the only supreme governor* of this realm, and all other her high-
ness's dominions and countries, as well in all spiritual and eccle-
siastical things or causes, as temporal ; and that no foreign prince,
person, prelate, State or potentate, hath or ought to have any juris-
diction, power, superiority, pre-eminence or authority, ecclesiastical or
spiritual, within this realm,' etc.

To enforce these Acts a general ecclesiastical visitation

was held during 1559, and it was found necessary to

Elizabeth remove no more than 180 of the clergy as

and the refractory. With the bishops Elizabeth had

isisnops : iii T e i -i

Matthew more trouble. In consequence or the order not
Parker. ^Q e}evate the Host, bishop after bishop had
refused to take part in her coronation, which was
ultimately performed on January 15, 1559, with full
pontifical Mass, by Oglethorpe, of Carlisle. And of the
whole bench of bishops — numbering at the moment only
sixteen — only one, Kitchen, of Llandaff, would take the
oath of supremacy. They were consequently removed
by the Court of Ecclesiastical Commission (cf. V. § 6),
set up to exercise the supremacy, and replaced by Pro-
testant divines. The deprived bishops were detained in
free custody — ' in a very civil and courteous manner,'
says Cecil, ' without charge to themselves or their
friends,' by their successors. Matthew Parker was
chosen primate, and worked hard for many years in
organizing the Church on the lines laid down by the
Queen, with whose religious views he was well in
harmony. The only points on which they came into
conflict were that Parker did not like crucifixes, and
Elizabeth did not like the marriage of the clergy. f

* The title Supreme Head was laid aside as unsuitable for a woman, and as
implying in the sovereign a capacity to perform priestly offices.

t Till the next reign this was of doubtful legality. Hence Elizabeth's unplea-
sant observation to Parker's wife, her hoste&s at Lambeth Palace : ' Madam I may
not call yoTi, mistress I am loth to call yo\i ; however, I thank you for your good

102 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Oil. VI

§ 4. Elizabeth had hardly escaped from the expenses

and perils of the French war and put her foot down in

Relations re%i°n> when she found herself threatened

with from the side of Scotland. With the affairs of
*kat country England was beginning to be so
closely connected that union became inevitable.
The first ten years of the reign of Elizabeth are little but
Scotch history. Somerset's political action in 1547 had
ruined the English party there. At Elizabeth's accession
it was being revived by a conjunction of religious and
political causes. In 1554 Arran had been bribed with
the Duchy of Chatelherault to resign the regency to
Mary of Lorraine, the Queen-mother, who had ruled by
French methods, supported by French troops and
garrisons. In alarm at this foreign influence, many of
the Scotch nobility took the people into partnership :
the terms were aid against the regent in return for
promotion of the Eeformation. The alliance was ex-
pressed in a bond, sometimes known as the First
Covenant* December 3, 1557. The leaders took the
name of Lords of the Congregation, the ostensible object
of the association being the adoption of the English
liturgy. The burning of an aged preacher named Walter
Mill next year drew a larger popular sympathy to the
movement : the return of John Knox in April, 1559, f
gave it a master-mind to direct it. Next month the
regent took measures against the preachers, which
resulted in an appeal to arms. Lord James Stuart, an
illegitimate son of James V., later known as the Earl of
Murray, interposed his mediation, but the regent broke
her engagements, hiring soldiers with French money to
punish the people of Perth, who had broken out into
riots against images and pictures. The Lords of the

cheer.' (The former was the then title of married, the latter of unmarried,
ladies.)

* The name is more properly given to the bond largely subscribed in 1581
against the papal reaction of 1580 (§ 15).

t He had been captured at St. Andrews in 1547 (III. § 2) ; had served in French
galleys for nineteen months ; had escaped first to England, then to Geneva, where
he violently attacked Mary in the First Blast of the. Trumpet against the Mon-
strous fiegiment of Women (1556). He was one of those people who 'dare
to have a purpose firm and dare to make it known.' He hated 'popery and
idolatry.' In the words of his friend Morton : ' He nather fearit nor flatterid any
fleche. '

1559-1560.] ELIZABETH. 103

Congregation again rose, summoned the Estates, and
deposed the regent (October, 1559).

They appealed to Elizabeth, but Elizabeth was by no

means disposed to succour rebels against authority.

T1 Yet it was of the greatest importance to her

Treaties of not to let any possible friends be crushed, as

JjEJ5*gJ without her help the Scotch lords must be by

Feb. and' French troops. Already Francis II. (who had

uly' 1560' succeeded his father Henry in July) and his
wife Mary were quartering the arms of England with
those of France and Scotland, and entitling themselves
sovereigns of England. And there was every probability
of an attempt to make good their claim. The Catholics
regarded Mary's title as better than Elizabeth's, and
looked with dismay on her religious changes, moderate
though they were. The professed object of the Treaty of
Cateau-Cambresis was to leave the two chief Catholic
Powers free to repress heresy. The nearness of the
danger* was at length recognised by Elizabeth as a cogent
argument for intervention, and in February, 1560, she
promised help by the Treaty of Berwick, Chatelherault
representing the lords as ' the second person in the
kingdom.'

The Lords of the Congregation were at their last gasp
when Admiral Winter's fleet forced the French commander
D'Oyssel to take refuge in Leith. He was there blockaded
both by sea and land, Lord Grey leading 8,000 men from
England to aid the Scottish lords. The siege did not
make very much progress ; but the French troops were
wanted at home, and the ex-regent died in June. A little
later (July 6) the royal commissioners of France agreed
to the Treaty of Edinburgh.

1. The French army to evacuate Scotland. 2. No foreigners to be
employed in Scotland, save by the leave of the Estates. 3. The
government to be carried on by a Council of twelve, nominated partly
by the Queen, partly by the Estates. 4. The Estates to make a religious
settlement. 5. Mary to drop her claims on England, and to pay a fine
for blazoning the English arms.

* It was felt in France, too, where, in March, 1560, the French Reformers
(thenceforward called Huguenot*) attempted unsuccessfully, by the Conspiracy of
Amboise, to take the King from the control of the Guises and transfer him to
Anthony of Navarre and his brother, the Prince de Conde'. (Tree, p. 71.)

104 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI.

Mary did not, however, cease to quarter the English
royal arms. The fourth article was at once acted on.
Seven weeks later the Estates adopted the Geneva Con-
fession of Faith, abjured the authority of the Pope, and
made the celebration of the Mass, thrice repeated, a
capital offence.

§ 5. Elizabeth's triumph seemed complete. In eighteen
months she had restored religious and financial order at
Mar Queen nome '• sne na^ proved that England had already
of scots, some power abroad. Before the year was out,
l~61' however, an event occurred which looked favour-
able at first, but was to bring years of discomfort on
Elizabeth and her kingdom. Francis II. suddenly died
(December. 1560), and Mary was begged to return to
Scotland by all parties. She was a stranger in France,
and slightingly used by the regent, Katharine de' Medici,
so she accepted the invitation. As she had declined to
ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh, Elizabeth refused her a
passage through England, and even tried to seize her on
her voyage across. Mary eluded the English cruisers,
and landed safely at Leith, August 19, 1561. Hence-
forth the real rivalry between the two Queens begins,
which forms the most picturesque group of events in the
reign of Elizabeth. Much turns on their personal char-
acters, each of which has been variously estimated. It
requires a powerful imagination to see in either of them
a saint or a devil. It is difficult to find any real morality
or religion in either, though Mary had an intermittent
turn for devotion and Elizabeth for theology. As regards
ability, Elizabeth was perhaps the more intellectual,
Mary the more intelligent : in Elizabeth caution and
foresight, in Mary dash and subtlety, prevailed. To
Elizabeth the head, to Mary the heart, was the ultimate
arbiter : Mary was the sweeter woman, Elizabeth the
better Queen.

Mary's first measures were conciliatory. She com-
pletely supplanted Elizabeth as the protectress of the
National party, and took its leader, Murray, as her chief
adviser. She acquiesced in the recent religious settle-
ment, but obtained toleration for her own religion. Yet,

1560-1562.] ELIZABETH. 105

to win the goodwill of her people, she took active part in
an expedition against the chief of the Catholic clans, the
Gordons, in which the head of the clan, the Earl of
Huntley, was slain (1562). And she remained on good
terms with Elizabeth. She was willing to give up her
present claims to the English crown if her reversionary
claims were acknowledged. This seemed reasonable
enough, but Elizabeth shrank from naming a Catholic
successor, and thus both displeasing her Protestant sub-
jects and making her removal by assassination more pro-
bable than ever. * I am not so foolish/ she said, ' as to
hang a winding-sheet before my eyes.'

§ 6. While Mary was thus posing as the mediator in
religion and the friend of England, Elizabeth was occupied
The Ques- w^^ fcne ecclesiastical settlement and the ques-
tion of the tion of the succession. The year 1562 was
cession. mar^e^ j^y £wo ac^s wnicn testified to the

Queen's sense that it was from Catholicism that danger
was to be feared. She sent help to the Huguenots, as
the French Eeformers were called, who were rising under
Conde and Coligny against the Guises. The defeat of the
Huguenots and the assassination of the Duke of Guise,
however, led up to the Peace of Amboise in March, 1563,
and both parties united in expelling Elizabeth's garrison
from Havre-de-Grace, which Conde had placed in her
hands as the price of her aid, meagre as it was.

At home a severe blow was directed against the Catholics
by the passing, despite Lord Montague's earnest advocacy
of toleration, of ' an Act for the assurance of the Queen's
royal power over all estates and subjects within her
dominions. '

All persons who had ever taken holy orders, or any degree in the
universities, or had been admitted to the practice of the laws, or held
any office in their execution, and all members of the Commons, were
bound to take the oath of supremacy, when tendered by a bishop or the
ecclesiastical commissioners. The penalty for the first refusal was that
of prsemunire ; for the second that of high treason.

The ' fond and fantastical prophecies ' attributed to the
Catholics against the Queen hardly justified such a
measure; nor was there any serious plotting against

106 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VI.

Elizabeth, that of Arthur and Edmund Pole, nephews of
the cardinal, being subsequent to the Act (early in 1563),
and unimportant.

The real question of the day was to settle the succes-
sion : on this both religious parties built high hopes.
The nation at large was eager that Elizabeth should do
her best to solve the difficulty by marriage. Her
suitors were as many as Portia's. Before her accession
Philibert, Duke of Savoy, and Eric, son of the Swedish
King, Gustavus Vasa, had been spoken of. In 1559 the
Lords of the Congregation urged her to unite the two
kingdoms — the very name of Great Britain was chosen
as the style of the unified realm — by marrying the young
Earl of Arran. But she rejected this plan, as also that
of ratifying her father's choice of the house of Suffolk.*
By either arrangement she would have estranged the
Catholics ; and in like fashion a marriage, much urged
on his mistress by Cecil (1562-67) with the Archduke
Charles, son of the Emperor Ferdinand, was set aside
by her as likely to alienate the Protestants. Over and
above any such political reasons, however, for not marry-
ing any of those who on political grounds became her
suitors, there stood her personal preference for Eobert
Dudley, Earl of Leicester, a good-looking J>ut good-for-
nothing courtier whom she called her Sweet Eobin.
Anyhow, she flirted with him to an extent sufficient to
cause scandal, but she was steadily dissuaded from marry-
ing him by her most intimate advisers. By 1567 his
chances were gone ; and by that time, despite repeated
requests from Parliament that she should marry, Eliza-
beth had finally decided to adhere to her resolve to remain
a Virgin Queen.

§ 7. Before that time her rival, Mary, had married,

become a widow, and again remarried. After

Darnfey some talk of a match with Don Carlos, son of

Damage, Philip II., and, at Elizabeth's suggestion, with

Leicester, Mary suddenly married her cousin

(Tree, p. viii.), Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley and Duke of

* See Genealogical Tree, p. viii. Lady Jane Grey's sister was presumptive
heiress to the crown, but she fell into disgrace and was imprisoned for secretly
marrying the Earl of Hertford.

1563-1566.] ELIZABETH. 107

Albany. He and his father Lennox were exiles in
England, but they were recalled, probably with the idea
that the match would be made. A rapid courtship was
followed by the marriage on July 29, 1565.

The marriage was, and was felt to be, highly signifi-
cant. Darnley was a Catholic, and in an English
Catholic's eyes the next after Mary in succession to the
English crown. By marrying him Mary hinted pretty
plainly that she intended to restore Catholicism at home,
to push the joint claims of herself and her husband to
the English crown, and to throw her strength on the side
of the long-meditated Catholic League,* or, that failing,
on the side not of France, where the Eegent Katharine
was for temporizing (poUtique), but of Spain, the more
energetic champion of the Holy See. Nor did the hint
pass unnoticed. Elizabeth at once threatened war
should the marriage take place. Philip drew towards
her, saying, ' She is the one gate through which religion
can be restored in England — all the rest are closed.'
Murray and the Lords of the Congregation made an
appeal to the sword, but were easily driven across the
borders, only to be disowned by Elizabeth as rebels.

Mary seemed triumphant. But within a few months

the quarrels between her and her husband were common

TheRizzio ta^' Darnley was a pretty little fool, too

Murder, childish to aid, too jealous to trust, his wife in

1566. j.^ grea^ schemes. He wanted the crown
matrimonial, and cried because he was not allowed to
have it. He was jealous of an Italian musician named
David Eizzio, who was Mary's confidential agent in her
foreign negotiations. With a view to becoming king, and
to get rid of the Italian, he entered into an alliance with
the heads of the Protestant party, promising in return
for their help to do his best for the recall of the
banished lords, and for the maintenance of Protestant-
ism. On March 9, 1566, Eizzio was brutally murdered
in the Queen's chamber at Holyrood by Lords Euthven,
Morton, and others. Mary at once determined to punish

* A union of France to Spain to put down heresy had been one of the objects of
the Treaty of Cateau-Cambresis (§ 2), and was said to have been talked over at
Bayonne in the spring of 1565 by Katharine c!e' Medici and Alva.

108 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VI.

the Judas who had held her in his arms while the murder
was being done. A few caresses won the weak con-
spirator to her side. Mary induced him to disavow the
plot, and carried him off to Dunbar, where they were
joined by troops collected by the Earl of Huntley and
James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. With these at her
back Mary returned to Edinburgh, outlawed the lords
who had taken part in the murder, and patched up terms
with the returned lords Murray and Maitland. On
June 19, 1566, she gave birth to the infant who was
destined to unite the two kingdoms. ' The Queen of
Scots,' cried Elizabeth in her loneliness, ' is the mother of
a fair son, and I am a barren stock !' Mary again
seemed triumphant.

§ 8. If Mary owed her former check to the folly of her

husband, she had herself to thank for what now took

place. Whether she took an active part in

Daraiey Darnley's murder, or was cognizant of it, or
Murder and simply took advantage of the freedom it gave

the Bothwell -, r f -, , -11 i T , -i •/> i

Marriage : her, is and always will be disputed : if she
Fei567ay> committed no crime, she at least committed
many blunders. Darnley's murder was deliber-
ately arranged in the Bond of Craigmillar by Bothwell and
Huntley on the one side, and Argyle and Maitland on the
other : it was completed in a very bungling manner by
Bothwell on February 10, 1567. Darnley had been taken
ill with small-pox and brought to Edinburgh by his wife,
who nursed him assiduously in a lonely house named
Kirk o' Eield. One night when she left him to attend
some festivities, the house was blown up, and Darnley
found strangled in the garden.

Bothwell was at once suspected. He was, indeed,
formally accused of the murder by Darnley's father,
Lennox ; but owing to the presence of Bothwell's rough
border-riders the trial was a mere mockery, and ended in
his acquittal. Shortly afterwards Bothwell induced some
twenty lords assembled in Ainslie's Tavern to sign a
bond recommending the Queen to marry him. She was
ready enough. There may be some doubt as to whether
she ever loved Darnlev : there can be none that she loved

May 13,
1568.

1566-1568.] ELIZABETH. 109

Bothwell. One obstacle had been removed by Darnley's
death : another was removed by the divorce of Bothwell's
wife, Huntley's sister, in both Catholic and Protestant
courts. Before this, however, on April 31, Bothwell
had intercepted Mary while visiting her son, who was
under Mar's custody at Stirling, and carried her off to
Dunbar. Thence she returned to Edinburgh with her
lover, now Duke of Orkney and Shetland, and married
him on May 15, 1567.

Mary had been forewarned that ' if she married that
man she would lose the favour of God, her own reputa-
tion, and the hearts of all England, Ireland,
and Scotland.' Bothwell's religion estranged
her from her best and warmest adherents, the
Catholics ', his character aroused the disgust of
all parties ; whilst his elevation excited the
jealousy and dread of the nobility. Though
the Queen declared for the Confession of 1560, the lords
were soon leading an outcry against * the unhonest
marriage.' Headed by Mar, Morton, Athole, and Argyle,
the lords drove Mary and her husband from Borthwick
Castle to Dunbar ; and a few days later the two armies
met near Musselburgh. But Bothwell's undisciplined
forces melted away ; and Mary was forced to surrender
herself on Carberry Hill (June 15, 1567) to the lords, on
condition that Bothwell should be allowed to escape.*
She was taken to Edinburgh, where she was hooted and
almost torn to pieces by the populace. There was some
talk of bringing her to trial and execution, but she was
ultimately imprisoned in Lochleven Castle in Fife. There,
on July 23, she consented to abdicate, and her son
became King as James VI. Murray — whom Mr. Froude
calls ' the one supremely noble man then living in the
country ' — was recalled from France to act as regent, and
did his best to ward off all foreign intervention in the
country. He firmly established his power on May 13,
1568, by defeating Mary, who had escaped from her
prison and fled to the Hamiltons, at Langside, near

* He fled to the Orkneys, thence, after some years of piracy, to Denmark,
whore he died in 1577.

110 HISTOBY OP ENGLAND. [Oh. VI.

Glasgow. Mary hurriedly rode south, crossed the
Sol way, and, landing near Workington, threw herself
on the protection of Elizabeth.

§ 9. This act greatly embarrassed Elizabeth, who

already had her hands full with the task of meeting a

rising opposition to her religious settlement at

Friendship , to "1 „ . , to , „ , ,

or Hostility home and ot securing nerseli against dangers
with Spain? abroad. The period of Mary's rule was also
that of the rise of the party which from their demand
for purer forms of worship began about 1564 to be
called Puritans (§ 12). It was further a critical time in
Elizabeth's foreign relations. There was a powerful
party in the Council, headed by Norfolk, which urged an
entente cordiale with Spain, and the acceptance of Mary
as successor : this party insisted strongly on the power
of Spain, and the necessity of keeping the trade with the
Low Countries open. On the other hand stood the Pro-
testant party, headed by Cecil and Walsingham, which
urged that England was now strong enough to defy
Spain, and must do so if England was to retain the
Reformation. The cry of this party was to be found in
the words of the Puritan, Sir Francis Knollys : ' There
has been enough of words— it were time to draw swords.'
This party was for active intervention on behalf of the
Huguenots of France and the religious insurgents (known
as Gueux, or Beggars) in the Netherlands, both of whom
were being hard pressed by their adversaries. The
former seemed threatened by the rapprochement of the
Eegent Katharine to her old enemies, the Guises : the
latter, who had at last taken up arms against the In-
quisition in 1566, were so repeatedly beaten that in 1568
Alva claimed to have ' extinguished sedition, chastised re-
bellion, restored religion, secured justice, and established
peace.' He had also forced into antagonism to Spanish
methods the future liberator of the Netherlands, William
of Orange. The position of her neighbouring co-re-
ligionists affected England pretty closely.* The Reformers

* The inter-relation between the Western Powers in regard to religion is clearly
worked out in Professor Creighton's Age of Elizabeth (Epochs of Modern History,
Longmans).

1564-1568.] ELIZABETH. Ill

in the Netherlands and France worked to some extent
together : this tended, despite political jealousies, to
bring Philip II. and the Catholic party in France
together. If they once united, as they did later on, for
the repression of heresy at home, they might continue
united long enough to crush heretics abroad, Elizabeth
among the first.

Between the two parties in the Council Elizabeth
attempted, as usual, to steer a middle course. But though
she would not go as far as Cecil wished, she certainly
leaned towards his policy. With her revenue of £500,000
she could not afford to fight : ' No war, my lords ! no
war !' she would cry in Council, thumping the table the
while. Yet she encouraged acts of hostility against
Spain. Huguenot privateers and Dutch sea-beggars
openly sold in Plymouth the goods they had seized from
Spanish ships. Sir John Hawkins had started a piratical
slave trade with the Spanish West Indies in 1562, and
in later ventures of his the Queen herself took shares. And
in December, 1568, Elizabeth arbitrarily seized treasure
on its way from Italy to the Netherlands for the payment
of Alva's troops there, though she gave it up when she
found that the money was Genoese property till actually
delivered. It was only natural to expect that such con-
duct would lead to open war with Spain, which should
have a decisive influence on the religion of England.

§ 10. While Elizabeth was thus cautiously feeling her

way amongst the dangers that threatened her from

, abroad, Mary took refuge in England. The

Elizabeths ,. ' » , ,° -,i i T>

indecisive question was, what to do with her. Eestore

towards ^er ky force of arms or diplomatic pressure ?

Mary, Mary 's character made her no agreeable protdgle ;

1568-69. an^ to criampion her rights would alienate the

Scotch lords. Permit her to retire to France, as she

herself wished ? She would there become a tool of the

Guises. Detain her in custody? She would then be

unable to do any further mischief. At least that was the

notion of the advisers whom Elizabeth chose to follow.

It soon turned out, however, that Mary captive was more

dangerous than Mary regnant, and that her sufferings

112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI,

touched men more than her follies had estranged them.
Till her death in 1587 she was the centre of disaffection,
political or religious, in England. ' Every tear she dropped
put a sword into the hands of the Pope and the
Spaniard.'

Elizabeth did not like to help her rival, and yet could
not bring herself to sanction rebellion by helping Murray.
She wanted to restore Mary in such a way as to make
her a puppet in her own hands. As a step towards this,
a Conference began, in October, 1568, to sit at York under
the presidency of the Duke of Norfolk, nominally to
review the recent acts of the rebel lords, really to in-
vestigate Mary's character. Nothing came of it. Murray
produced the ' Casket Letters ' (between Mary and Both-
well) in proof of Mary's guilt : unfortunately for his
purpose, they could not then, any more than now, be
proved genuine. Mary wished for a personal interview
with Elizabeth. Elizabeth suggested that Mary might
remain in England to educate her son, for whom Murray
might continue to act as regent. Ultimately Mary was
sent to Bolton Castle, and Murray returned to Scotland
with the loan of £5,000 * for the maintenance of peace
between England and Scotland.'

If Elizabeth fancied that was the end of the matter,
she miscalculated greatly. The idea was that Mary
The Risin snou^ be regarded as the successor, and marry

*of tLSeng someone — the extreme Catholics thought Don
Britofum, Jomi of Ausfcria> tne moderate ones, the Duke
of Norfolk. Even the latter scheme, though
favoured by Leicester, displeased the Queen — never kindly
disposed to other folk's hope of connubial bliss — and
Norfolk spent some time in the Tower towards the end
of 1569. His imprisonment put an end to the hope of
carrying out the Catholic designs by peaceful means, and
in November the Catholic North broke into revolt. Its
leaders were the Earls of Northumberland and West-
moreland, the heads of the great houses of Percy and
Neville ; its cry was for the ' old usage and custom in
religion ' ; its immediate object the rescue of Mary from
her new prison at Tutbury. ' There were not ten gentle-

1568-1571.] ELIZABETH. 113

men in Yorkshire that did allow her proceedings in the
cause of religion,' the Earl of Sussex, president of the
north, wrote to the Queen. But Sussex was equal to
the occasion. He hastily removed Mary south to
Coventry, executed over 600 rebels, and drove the earls
across the borders. Elizabeth's demand that they should
be given up caused a split among the Scotch lords, in
which Maitland and Murray headed the rival factions.
Maitland believed that Mary's chances were reviving,
and headed the Queen's party : Murray stood by his
trust as regent, and headed the King's party. Before,
however, he could comply with Elizabeth's request,
Murray was shot down by the Hamiltons in Linlithgow
(January 23, 1570).

§ 11. The assassination of Murray not only destroyed

the internal peace of Scotland, but alarmed the English

Th A f Pe°ple as a possible example for fanatics here.

catholic" The danger was made a real one when, a little

Leo?S7ti°n later in ttie same year' P°Pe Pius V., wno nad
been behind the Northern Rebellion, who had

urged Philip to active repression in the Netherlands, and
who was for giving the Huguenots no quarter, issued a
Bull of Deposition against Elizabeth as a bastard and a
heretic. Henceforth the Catholic felt that he had to
choose between allegiance to the Pope and to his Queen :
henceforth measures against Catholics were more strictly
enforced, and even supplemented. It is true that in this
same year Elizabeth issued a declaration that she did not
intend * to sift men's consciences,' provided that they con-
formed to her laws by coming to church ; but the following
year was marked by legislation which could hardly be
made effective without violating the spirit of this
declaration.

Act against the Roman Priesthood. — All persons publishing any Bull
from Rome, or absolving or reconciling anyone to the Romish Church,
or being so reconciled, to incur the penalties of high treason : any
person importing crosses, pictures, or superstitious things to incur
those of prsernunire : connivance hereat to be accounted misprisiou of
treason.

Act regarding the Queen s title makes it high treason : (1) to affiim
that some other person than the Queen ought to enjoy the crown ; (2)

114 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI,

to publish that she is a heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel or usurper of
the crown ; (3) to claim or usurp the crown during the Queen's life ;
(4) ' to affirm that the laws and statutes do not bind the right of the
crown, and the descent, limitation, inheritance or governance thereof.'
The penalties of forfeiture or prsemunire are assigned for the affirmation,
in writing or printing, that any particular person, save the natural issue
of her body, is or ought to be heir and successor to the Queen, unless so
declared by Parliament.*

The Parliament which passed these two measures was

the first in which the strength of the Puritans became

Pariia- prominent in political and religious opposition

mentary to the crown — an opposition which was to

°Pxmder°n overtop the crown in the following century.

Elizabeth, At the last preceding session of Parliament,

~80' in 1566, the advisability of marrying had been

thrust on the Queen somewhat discourteously : she would

be a step-mother to her realm did she not marry, was

the cry of the Commons ; she ought to be made to marry,

said the Lords. And when the Queen, in her annoyance,

ordered the houses ' to proceed no further in that

matter,' Paul Went worth moved to know whether such

an inhibition were not against the liberties of the house.

To the great joy of the Commons Elizabeth, though

grudgingly, recalled her injunction ; but at the opening of

the session of 1571 she told them ' they would do well to

meddle with no matters of State but such as should be

propounded unto them.'

None the less, they prepared Bills for the reform of
the abuses (pluralities, patronage, etc.) and liturgy of
the Church. This seemed to the Queen an infringement
on her cherished ecclesiastical supremacy. The mover,
Strickland, was ordered not to attend the house ; but as
an egitation on his behalf was begun by Yelverton, the
Queen allowed him to return.

In the same session Bell complained about the Queen's
grants and licenses! and moved that subsidies be with-
held until redress were given ; he was accordingly sum-

* These enactments are highly important in their bearing on the legal succes-
sion to the crown. They are absolutely inconsistent with the doctrine of inde-
feasible hereditary right which carne into vogue during the next century.

t These, as well as the patents for monopolies which the Queen withdrew under
compulsion in 1C01, were issued on the assumption that the regulation of com-
merce appertained to the prerogative.

Parliament.] ELIZABETH. 115

raoned before the Council and returned ' with such an
amazed countenance that it daunted all the rest.'

In the Parliament of 1572, in which Bell was speaker,
Elizabeth had her own way, but in the next Parliament
(1576) Peter Wentworth made a very vigorous protest
against the Queen's interference with the Commons' free-
dom of speech. For this he was sent to the Tower by a
committee of the Commons itself ; but after a month's
imprisonment he repented, and was restored.

Numerous examples of the spirit of the Commons
occur during the last twrenty years of the reign, but
Elizabeth was always able to meet them by scolding
individual members, or, if necessary, giving way. She,
however, carried to a greater extent than her prede-
cessors the practice of creating new boroughs out of
small towns where royal influence could easily be exerted.
She added thirty such boroughs against Edward VI. 's
twenty-two and Mary's fourteen. But these placemen
were not a match for the landed gentry in which the
real strength of the House lay. These last — Puritans for
the most part— were asserting their privilege with ever-
increasing intelligence and success.*

§12. This political opposition to the crown found its
religious counterpart in Puritanism. The religious
The Rise of m°vement known by this name began amongst
Puritanism, the Protestant exiles during Mary's reign. At
1553-1580. Frankfurt there was a sharp contention be-
tween Knox and Cox (afterwards Bishop of Ely), when
the former was expelled from the city by the latter for
not accepting the English liturgy. Knox and his friends
took refuge in Geneva,! where they acquired much more

* Amongst the privileges mentioned by Hallam (Const. Hist., end of chap, v.)
as acquired or confirmed during this period are : (1) freedom of speech (seo above) ;
(2) exemption from arrest on civil process (cases of George Ferrers, 1543, and of
Smalley, 1575) ; (3) commitment for contempt (cases of John Storie, 1548, and of
Arthur Hall, 1581); (4) determination of election questions (No well's case, 1553;
Norfolk election case, 1586).

t Geneva, at this time an independent town, protected by the Swiss, was
the headquarters of John Calvin (Jean Chauvin), a Frenchman, driven out by
Francis I.'s persecution. In his Institutio Christiana Religionis (1686) he con-
structed an entirely new and original religious system, based on the doctrine of
predestination. A corollary of this was the supremacy of the congregation of
the elect -a system he applied in Geneva, 1541-1561. He sought to strike the
just mean ' between the paganism of Zwinglius (a reformer who worked quietly

8—2

116 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI.

thoroughgoing ideas of Church reform than were found
amongst the German Eeformers. Soon after the accession
of Elizabeth, these began to demand a simpler and purer
form of worship (§ 9). They were highly dissatisfied
with the concessions to Catholics contained in the
Thirty -nine Articles of Religion* drawn up by Parker,
accepted by Convocation and issued by royal authority
in 1563 ; they found in the crucifix and altar-candles
used in the Queen's chapel ' the pattern and precedent of
all superstition;' they shirked compliance with the
ceremonial regulations of the Act of Uniformity. How
strongly the feeling of the clergy ran in favour of further
reform is shown by the fact that in the Convocation of
1562 a motion to abolish many of the ' popish ' usages
was lost by only one vote (58 to 59). The chief of these
usages were the surplice, the sign of the cross in baptism,
the ring in matrimony, kneeling at the Communion.
And when three years later all these were enforced in
Parker's Advertisements, thirty-seven out of the ninety-
eight London clergy refused to obey and were suspended,
though they were for the most part allowed to resume
their offices on the understanding that they did not
countenance irregularities.

'These early Puritans were not Nonconformists,' re-
marks Professor Tout, ' but discontented Conformists.'

It was not, however, long before a separatist
Beginnings tendency arose. In June, 1567, some hun-
tfrFrnfsm" ^re^ Puritans were seized while holding services

after their kind in Plummer's Hall, and fourteen
or fifteen of them were sent to prison. This was the ' first
instance of actual punishment inflicted on Protestant dis-
senters ' (Hallam) ; but many more instances were found
when independent sects, such as the Brownists (1580) and
Barrowists (1591), began to spring up. The year 1570 is

at Zurich, 1516-1531) and the papistry of Luther.' Michelet differentiates them
thus : ' Pontifical monarchy having been overthrown by the aristocratic system
of Luther, the latter was attacked by the democratic system of Calvin — it was a
reform within a reform.'

* They were again revised by Bishop Jewel (the twenty-ninth article, struck
out in 1563, being again restored, and the full tale of thirty-nine completed), and
their subscription by all candidates for Holy Orders required by Act of Parlia-
ment in 1571.

Puritanism.] ELIZABETH. 117

the date usually given as the time when Puritan feeling
ceased to satisfy itself with criticising the ceremonial
observances of the Church, and turned to attack its form
of government. In this movement the most prominent
name is that of Thomas Cartwright, Lady Margaret
Professor of Divinity at Cambridge.* His Admonition
to Parliament (1572) contained a vigorous assertion of the
independence of the Church in spiritual matters from the
control of the civil government, and an earnest advocacy
of the Presbyterian form of government. Thanks to the
protection of the Earl of Leicester, he escaped punish-
ment for the time ; but none the less, Elizabeth set her
face very distinctly against such teaching, though it
certainly had the effect of driving all who retained the
old horror of schism into more hearty conformity. She
was loyally supported by Parker, but his successor,
Grindal (1576), stood out for indulgence towards the less
extreme Puritan demands. He was, in fact, sequestered
in 1577 for refusing to confine the parish priests to the
use of the authorized Homilies, and to put a stop to the
custom of prophesying. This last was a species of
diocesan debate on Scriptural texts, which was considered
a ' very profitable exercise ' for the clerkly novice. But
Elizabeth desired the grounds of faith to be accepted, not
discussed.

§ 13. Elizabeth's attitude towards Puritans, like that
towards the Catholics, was adopted for reasons of political
expediency. She was without any deep religious
conviction herself— though she probably pre-
ferred the submissive tone of the Catholics to
the self-assertive spirit of Puritanism— but saw
clearly the necessity of presenting an undivided front to
her foes. Her religious attitude at home was quite in
harmony with her politico-religious position abroad : she
would identify herself with neither of the parties into
which the Western States were divided. Down to about
1580 she was constantly shifting her position, with the
notion of keeping the various States and parties so balanced

* Puritanism prevailed here, and in the eastern counties generally; popery at
Oxford and in the West and North. Elizabeth's system, being a compromise,
was perhaps too indistinctly denned to win an equal numbsr of adherents.

118 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI.

that she at least would be safe. It was very clever ; but
unfortunately she neglected in her calculations to take
any account of the one really important thing — religious
enthusiasm.

In Scotland, for instance, which she might have made

her lasting friend by siding definitely with the King's

party after the death of Murray, she intrigued

1. Scotland. r i i ir ri\/r x-i j.i ? J • j. -rt i T

on benall 01 Mary until the lorays into England
of members of the Queen's party, under Westmoreland
(§ 10), forced her to help Lennox, Murray's successor.
In her alarm at the Eidolfi plot (§ 14) she talked of hand-
ing over Mary for trial to the Earl of Mar, who had been
raised to the regency in consequence of Lennox's death
in a skirmish with the Queen's party. But she could not
bring herself to promise to countenance Mary's execution,
and the project fell through. It was only after the Mas-
sacre of St. Bartholomew (§ 14) that she finally helped the
Earl of Morton, who had succeeded Mar in October, 1572,
to crush the Queen's party by sending English troops,
under Drury, to join in the siege of Edinburgh Castle.
Soon after its fall, in May, 1573, the chiefs of that party,
Maitland of Lethington and Kirkaldy of Grange, closed
their career, the one of grief, the other by the axe.

A like want of fixity pervaded Elizabeth's dealings
with France. Soon after the restoration of something
9 France like internal peace there in 1570, active negotia-
' tions were set on foot for the marriage of
Elizabeth to Henry, Duke of Anjou, Charles IX. 's
brother. Though the match would have implied an
alliance of England, France and the revolted Nether-
lands against Spain, it was far from popular in this
country, and the Queen herself made the difference of
religion an insuperable objection. When the complicity
of Spain in the Eidolfi plot was found out, there was
some talk of a close alliance between France and Eng-
land against Spain, to be cemented by a marriage with
Anjou's younger brother Francis, Duke of Alen9on — a
project with which Elizabeth toyed so seriously and so
long that she has been thought to have really loved the
man. At the time when this match was first proposed

1570-1572.] ELIZABETH. 119

there seemed some likelihood of a genuine co-operation
between the two countries. Charles IX. was eager for
war with Spain : he was falling more and more under
the influence of the noblest Frenchman of the day —
Admiral Coligny, the head of the Huguenot party. But
Elizabeth had, if anything, rather less desire to see the
Netherlands under French control than to see them
either conquered by Spain or in possession of their
independence. Accordingly she was growing cool and
edging towards Spain even before the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew produced a complete breach for the time
between the French and English courts.*

§ 14. The real pivot, however, on which the Queen's

policy turned, was the attitude of Spain and that

TheRidoifi G0untry's support of Mary. Philip had shown

Plot, his disinclination to quarrel outright with

1571-72. Elizabeth by refusing to permit the papal Bull
against her to be published within his dominions. France
had done the same. The Pope was annoyed and turned
to the English Catholics. During 1571 a fresh plot was
organized to promote the marriage of Mary with Norfolk
and set them on the throne. Leslie, Bishop of Boss,
was the chief conspirator in England, but the plot takes
its name from a Florentine banker, named Eobert Eidolfi,
who used his position as a financial agent of the English
Queen's to compass her destruction. Having obtained
Norfolk's assent and promise to declare himself a
Catholic, Eidolfi crossed to Brussels to secure Alva's
assistance. Alva promised 10,000 men, provided Eliza-
beth should first be removed. Pope Pius was ready to
sell the very chalices from his churches for so worthy an
object. Philip gave his cordial adhesion to the design.

* This horror was the work of Katharine de' Medici (who was jealous of the
influence of Coligny over her son) and the widow of the murdered Guise. A
vast number of Huguenots had gathered in Paris to attend the marriage of their
titular head, Henry of Navarre, with the king's sister Margaret- a marriage
which was meant to be the pledge of the reconciliation Coligny had earnestly
striven to bring about. Charles, partly frightened, partly cajoled by his mother
was persuaded to give the signal for a general massacre early in the morning of
Sunday, August 24, 1572— hence the name, Paris Matins : Coligny and somewhere
between 25,000 and 100,000 Huguenots were slaughtered in the capital and the
other towns which followed its example. Gregory XIII. celebrated the occasion
with a Te Deum, and Philip II. with a joyous laugh.

120 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI.

But a bundle of Eidolfi's letters from Brussels, though
in cipher, had revealed to Cecil that something was astir ;
and the full details were found out in September, 1571,
through the seizure of a letter from Norfolk and the tor-
ture of his secretaries. Several leaders were arrested, and
Norfolk was, after some delay, executed in June, 1572.

The immediate effect of this discovery was a rupture be-
tween England and Spain. The Spanish ambassador was

dismissed : the Earl of Mar received comforting
Elizabeth messages (§ 13) : France and England became

bosom friends. This did not last long. Elizabeth

would not listen to the Commons' prayer in

1572-

' It standeth nob only with justice, but also with the Queen's
majesty's honour and safety to proceed criminally against the pretended
Scottish Queen.'

When a Bill of attainder was brought in against Mary
she prorogued Parliament. Again, early in 1572, she did
Spain a service by refusing the shelter of her harbours to
William de la Marck, a Dutch Sea-Beggar. This act
proved, unintentionally, the beginning of better things
for the Netherlands. De la Marck's little fleet of twenty-
four vessels was strong enough to seize and occupy the
town of Brille, at the mouth of the Maas ; and this
soon formed a centre for the disaffected of the southern
provinces to rally around. There Alva* had stamped
out heresy, but had ruined trade by a heavy taxation.
Resentment at this and at the license of the Spanish
soldiery drove the southern provinces into the arms of
the religious malcontents of the North. Don John of
Austria, who was governor 1577-78, won back the
southern (Walloon] provinces, but the seven northern
and Calvinistic (Dutch) provinces! were formed by William

* Alva sent in his resignation in 1573, and was succeeded as governor by
Requescens, a moderate man, whose governorship was marked by the famous
seven months' siege of Leyden. On his death, in 1576, Don John took his place.
He had just annihilated the Corsairs, as an organized force, in the great naval
victory of Lepanlo (1571), but he failed in the Netherlands, partly because he at-
tempted too much (e.g., he intrigued to marry Mary), partly through the jealousy
of his brother Philip.

t The incompatibility of temper between these two sets of provinces was again
shown in 1830, when the settlement of the Treaty of Paris (1816) was set aside,
and Belgium separated itself from Holland.

1572-1580.] ELIZABETH. 121

of Orange into the Union of Utrecht (1579). These now
began to definitely strike for independence, whereas
earlier they had simply demanded the withdrawal of the
Spanish soldiery, the restoration of the old constitution,
and religious freedom. Even so early as 1575 the
Netherlander had offered the sovereignty of Holland and
Zealand to Elizabeth as the price of her assistance ; but
she had refused it then, offering her mediation instead.
Finding themselves unable to stand alone, they now called
in the Duke of Anjou, who, previous to his brother
Henry's accession to the French throne, in 1574, had
been known as Alen9on ; and Elizabeth, in alarm lest
they should fall into French hands without any guarantee
for the friendship of France, renewed her negotiations
for marrying that prince.* Some years later, after
Alen9on had ignominiously failed, she made a formal
alliance with the United Provinces, and sent them some
solid help.

The causes of this gradual gravitation towards the
lasting hostility which culminates, though it does not
conclude, in the defeat of the Armada in 1588,
are largely to be found in the condition of
France. Amongst the results of the Paris Matins
had been the strict organization of the Huguenots as an
almost independent State, and the development of a middle
party known as the Politiques. As a set-off to these two
facts, the Catholics drew closer together in the League of
1576. The League soon became an all-powerful weapon
in the hands of the Guises ; to secure the supremacy of
Catholicism, it threw itself without reserve into the arms
of Spain. Against so dangerous a combination, what else
was left for Elizabeth but to swallow her scruples, and
ally herself to the houses of Orange and Bourbon, t rebel
though they were ?

* She petted her pock-marked, blotchy Frog in an extravagant fashion during
his long courtship, and even arranged the terms of the marriage treaty. The
marriage was misliked in England, and a pamphlet against it had a wide circu-
lation. Stubbe, the author of this Discovery of a Gaping Gulf, 'wherein England
is like to be swallowed up by another French marriage,' left the scaffold, where
his right hand was chopped off for writing it, waving his hat in his left hand
and shouting, ' God save the Queen !'

t See the Genealogical Table of French Kings, p. 71. The results of there two

122 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VI.

§ 15. The League was prepared to sacrifice its patriotism
to its religion. This solidarity of Catholicism is the
characteristic feature of the close of the
T1andethets sixteentn century. The Eeformation made
catholic Re- f or division and disintegration : the Counter-
aci580.°f Eeformation was emphatically one and indivis-
ible. The reason was simply that it was
directed and guided throughout by a body of men such
as has always sprung up to save Eome in the day of
Eome's danger. This was the Order of Jesus, which was
started by Ignatius Loyola in 1530, and which, after some
delay, received the papal sanction in 1540. It was a
militant not a contemplative order ; its strength was its
unswerving obedience to its general ; its weapon was its
system of education ; its passion, unquestioning loyalty
to the Pope.

The Jesuits were the soul of the League, as they were
of the Inquisition. They won back to the Church the
South German peoples, and stamped all heresy out of
Italy. They made a desperate attack on the British Isles
about 1579-80. In Scotland their agent was Esme
Stuart, Count d'Aubigny, cousin of Lord Darnley. He
landed in Scotland in 1579, regained his inheritance and
the title of Earl of Lennox, got Morton executed on the
charge of participation in Darnley's death, and was
preparing to restore Catholicism, not only in Scotland,
but in England as well. His plans were, however, partly
suspected, and were effectually checked by the enthusiasm
with which the First Covenant was signed in 1581, for
the defence of Presbyterianism.

In Ireland the efforts of the Jesuits fostered a disturb-
ance for a time (VII. § 10), and their assiduous preaching

religious wars may be summed up briefly here. (1) Netherlands. Soon after the
assassination of William the Silent in 1584, Philip's attention was distracted by
the hostile attitude of England and by his activity as Protector of the League. The
war dragged on, however, till 1609 ; and the independence of the United Provinces
was not formally recognised till 1648.

(2) France. The civil wars were brought to a close in 1593. Henry III. had
been assassinated in 1589 ; and, after four years' hard fighting, Henry of Navarre
(pp. 71, 119) won over the allegiance of his late enemies by becoming a convert to
Catholicism. He thought a ' kingdom well worth a Muss,' and became king as
Henry IV. He procured toleration for his old friends by the Edict of Nantes, 1598.

1579-1580.] ELIZABETH. 123

did much to promote that devotion to the Pope which is
the characteristic of the Irish Catholic of to-day.

In England the Jesuits Campion and Parsons landed
in 1580 ; they were only the leaders amongst a crowd of
seminary priests who poured forth from Dr. Allen's
English College at Douay and its copies. Their mission
was to impress upon the Catholics the duty of dissembling
their disloyalty to the Queen, until the time came to
strike, and to prevent the Catholics drifting, via con-
formity, into Anglicanism. In the latter object they
succeeded : in the former they failed. The spectacle of
the religious wars abroad was not alluring ; and in the
hour of need — despite the repressive anti- Catholic legis-
lation that begins with 1581 — the English Catholics rallied
round the Queen.

CHAPTER VII.
Ireland under the Tudors, 1485— 158O.

§ 1. The Pale, the 'King's Irish Rebels,' and the 'King's Irish
Enemies'— § 2. The Statute of Drogheda, 1495— § 3. The Kule, the
Revolt, and the Ruin of the Geraldines, 1496-1535— § 4. Lord Leonard
Gray and the Act of Supremacy, 1536-1540— § 5. Sir Antony Saint-
leger and the Policy of Conciliation, 1540-1548— § 6. The Irish
Church and Monasticism — § 7. Religious Changes under Edward VI.
and Marv and Elizabeth — § 8. Irish Misrule under Elizabeth : Shane
O'Neil, 1559-1567— § 9. The First Desmond Rebellion, 1569-1571,
and Essex's Plantation in Ulster, 1573-1574 — § 10. Spain and the
Jesuits: Second Desmond Rebellion, 1579-1583.

§ 1. THE latter part of the fifteenth century was the
nadir of English authority in Ireland. What is called

the Conquest of Ireland in the twelfth century

ret£j a' had resulted in the nominal acceptance of

HCenrSiviiof Henrv H. ' as ' lord ' of the whole country ;

but neither he nor his successors found time to
make their supremacy a reality. A small number of
Norman barons had been allowed to take and keep what
they could; and they succeeded in forming detached
English settlements all over the island. But these were
separated by independent native tribes who were at con-
stant war amongst themselves and with the new-comers.
Yet, strangely enough, despite deep racial hostility, despite
the superiority of the Normans in civilization and in-
stinct for government, the comeling Normans gradually
adopted the customs, dress, and even language, of the
homeling Irish whom they despised and had seemingly
conquered. Attempts to stop this tendency by law, as in
the Statute of Kilkenny, 1367, or by armed interference,
as under Bichard II., had failed completely; and at the

1485.] IRELAND. 125

end of the long neglect which civil troubles at home had
enforced on the Lancastrian and Yorkist Kings, Ireland
was in a condition of organized unrest, with government,
colonists and natives struggling for supremacy. The
words of the Spaniard were as true in 1485 as at the end
of the next century :

' When the devil upon the Mount did show Christ all the kingdoms
of the world and the glory of them, I make no doubt that the devil
left out Ireland and kept it for himself.'

There were three grades of English political impotence
in Ireland. First there was the Pale, where the King's
writ ran. Secondly, there were the ' degenerate Eng-
lish,' owning the King's suzerainty indeed, but really
petty kings of their districts. Thirdly, there were the
' Irish enemies ' who had ' justly renounced all allegiance
to a government which could not redeem the original
wrong of its usurpation by the benefits of protection '
(Hallam).

The geographical limits and political conditions of
each of these three divisions deserves attention. The
i The Pale ^^ was ^e nam6 given in the fifteenth century
to the small patch of land round Dublin which
was still governed on the English model, sent repre-
sentatives to the infrequent Irish Parliament, and was
visited by the King's judges. It embraced so late as
1515 'but half the county Uriel (Louth), half the county
of Meath, half the county of Dublin, half the county of
Kildare.' It was, perhaps, twenty miles in depth by
thirty miles in length. Though protected by dykes and
forts and a barrier of waste marshes, it was the ready
prey of the Irish enemy, who received a regular * black
rent ' for abstention from its plunder ; and it was also
liable to military duties and Parliamentary taxes. In
the Pander's Beport of 1515 the condition of the Pale
folk was described as

' more oppressed and more miserable than any other in the whole
country ; nor in any part of the known world were so evil to be seen
in town and field, so brutish, so trod under foot and with so wretched
a life.'

Outside the Pale, the ' Irish rebels ' and the ' Irish

126 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VII.

enemy ' — these are their statutory names — lay in streaks.

2 The De ^ ^Q ^ormer ^e cnie^ families were the
"generate" Geraldincs, the Butlers, and the Bourkes. The
Eugiishry. Geraldines had two huge districts under their
control, each of which gave its name to an earldom.
That of Kildare lay along the western frontier of the
Pale : that of Desmond stretched across Munster from
Cork to the estuary of the Shannon. These two branches
were parted by their great rivals, the Butlers, whose
district, known as the Earldom of Ormond or Ossory,
lay between the rivers Barrow and Suir. The South rang
incessantly with the slogans of these two families — Crom-
-a-Boo ! and Butler -a-Boo ! The Geraldines were the
stronger : they were allied by marriage with half the
Irish chieftains, and crowds of dependents wore a * G ' on
the breast in token that they owed their hearts to the
Fitzgeralds. The Butlers were traditionally loyal. But
both had freely adopted Irish customs, though not to
such an extent as had the Bourkes of Connaught, who
by their very change of name — originally the Norman de
Burgo — showed how Irish they had become. Hallam
concisely sums up what this tendency to ' Irish con-
dition ' meant :

'They intermarried with the Irish ; they connected themselves \vith
them by the national custom of fostering and gossiprede, which formtd
an artificial relationship of the strictest nature ; they spoke the Irish
language ; they affected the Irish dress and manner of wearing the
hair ;* they adopted in some instances Irish surnames ; they
administered Irish law, if any at all ; they became chieftains rather
than peers ; they neither regarded the King's summons to his Parlia-
ments nor paid any obedience to his judges."

The most independent of the Irish tribes were those in

Ulster, whence the De Courcy family had been altogether

expelled by Edward Bruce, the destroyer of the

irishiy English supremacy in Ireland. Of these the

O'Neils of Tyrone, and the O'Donnels in Donegal

were the most important. North of the Pale dwelt the

McMahons and the O'Hanlons. West of the Shannon,

in what is now County Clare, dwelt the powerful O'Briens

*Bya statute of Henry VI., any Englishman wearing a moustache might be
assumed to be Irish and killed with impunity.

1485.] IEELAND. 127

of Thomond — whose hand could reach as far as Dublin.
Between the two branches of the Geraldines and north
of Ormond still survived the O'Connors of Offaly and the
O'Moores of Leix (§§ 3, 8). The south-west and south-
east angles of the island were also Irish — the latter being
in the hands of the McMurroughs, a tribe formidable
enough to be pensioned by the crown.

Against each other and their semi-English neighbours
these tribes maintained a fitful independence. With the
exception of five tribes (known as the quinque sanguines)
and individuals to whom the rights of Englishmen
had been granted, the Irish were out of the protection of
the English law. ' It was no felony to kill an Irishman.'
Their own Brehon law was a ' primitive code of customs
in which crime was a word without meaning, and the
most savage murder could be paid for with a cow or
sheep ' (Froude). Their general social arrangements
were just as little conducive to order. They were based
on the sept, or tribe, compared with which the family
was unimportant, while the State was as yet unheard of.
By a custom known as tanistry, the chieftainship went
not to an eldest son, but to the worthiest relation of the
late chief, and he was regarded as holding the tribal lands
in trust for the tribe. Other lands went by a custom
known as gavelkind, which in Ireland, theoretically at
least, involved the redivision of all the lands of the tribe
whenever a member of it died. The rights of the chief
over his tribesmen illustrate pretty clearly the meaning
of the Irish tenant's traditional maxim — ' Spend me and
defend me !' The principal ones were coshery, the right
to use their houses and provisions at will, and bonaght,
the right to distribute dependents at free quarters amongst
the tenantry. Both were eagerly caught at by the
Norman nobility in preference to their own more fixed
and regular feudal customs. With such facilities for the
trade, no wonder that ' strife and bloodshed were the sole
business of life ' amongst the sixty Irish chiefs and thirty
great captains of the English noble folk enumerated in
the Pander's Eeport. The effect of coyne and livery —

128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VII.

as bonaght was called by the Englishry — was put tersely
enough :

' Though they were invented in hell, they could not have been
practised there, or they would have overturned the kingdom of
Beelzebub. '

§ 2. Such was Ireland as Henry VII. found it. Evi-
dently it was hopeless to attempt a revolution there till
he had obtained a firm hold on England. All
Yi°r?dStande" ^e cou^ ^o was *° leave Ireland alone, if it
the statute would leave him alone : as Ireland gave him
°'f D^ieda' some trouble, he was driven to take active
measures. In the recent wars few families,
save the Butlers, had favoured the Eed Rose : the Geral-
dines had been strong Yorkist partisans. When Eichard
of York had taken refuge across the Channel in his old
governorship after the battle of Bloreheath in 1459, an
Irish Parliament had asserted its independence in his
behalf. So now the eighth Earl of Kildare, lord-deputy
though he was, supported the successive pretenders to a
Yorkist title. In 1487 Lambert Simnel was crowned,
and helped with Irish kerns and gallowglasses,* who were
for the most part cut to pieces with their commander, Kil-
dare's brother, at Stoke (I. §5). 'In the absence of your
King, you will crown apes,' said Henry. Yet Kildare re-
mained deputy till his support of Perkyn Warbeck (I. § 6)
led to his supersession by Sir Edward Poynings, who
attainted him and sent him over to England (1494). The
deputyship of Poynings is almost the first real effort to
secure order in Ireland, both in the parts under direct
English rule and elsewhere. He began his term of office
with the defeat of the tribes of O'Hanlon and McGennis,
who pressed on the Pale from the North, then turned
to crush a Geraldine rising at Carlow. But his efforts
were, in Professor Goldwin Smith's phrase, ' baffled by the
nimbleness and ubiquity of an almost impalpable foe ' ;
and his real fame rests on the legislation which he forced
through the Irish Parliament that met at Drogheda in
1495, and which is known collectively as Poynings' Law.

* The kerns were light-armed foot, carrying skeins and darts ; the gallowglasses
wore defensive armour and carried huge axes. Bacon says the battle of Stoke
' was more like an execution than a fight upon them.'

1485-1495.] IRELAND. 129

Private hostilities without the deputy's license were made illegal ; to
excite the Irish to war was made high treason ; owners of land were to
reside on their estates, and it was felony to let Irish rebels pass the
border of the Pale ; murder was in no case to be commuted by a fine ;
the requisitions of coyne and livery were forbidden ; and royal officers
were in future to hold office not for life but during the King's pleasure.

All this was little more than a re-enactment of the Statute
of Kilkenny — « an Act perpetually renewed, habitually set
at nought, and constantly evaded by licenses of exemp-
tion ' (Walpole). Yet it was shown to be meant seriously
by the fact that some of the provisions of the latter were
dropped as hopeless : to speak Irish and to ride without
a saddle were no longer penal.

Two other measures were novel and significant :

(1) 'All statutes lately made in the English Parliament shall be
deemed good and effectual in Ireland.

(2) ' No Parliament shall in future be holden in Ireland till the
King's lieutenant shall certify to the King the causes and considerations
and all such acts as it seems to them ought to be passed thereon, and
such be affirmed by the King and his Council, and his license to hold a
Parliament be obtained.'

The outcome of the former of these was the enforce-
ment in Ireland en bloc of all English legislation passed
up to date, while later measures did not come into effect
there till specially adopted by the Irish Parliament. The
result of the latter — probably meant to transfer the real
power from the Anglo-Irish oligarchy to the crown — was
simply the death and burial of the Irish Parliament. It
was not a very dignified or potent institution* — it has
been called a ' scratch assembly ' — but it might have
become of some account. The initiative of the Irish
Parliament was thus destroyed, and when it came to
represent not merely the Pale and its outlying towns, but
the whole of Ireland, it was still gagged by this law.

§ 3. The differentiation between English and Irish law

* Its composition was somewhat different from that of the English Parliament.
In the Upper House, the lay peers obtained exemption from attendance, and the
bishops and abbots were largely absentees : in the Lower House, side by side
with a varying number of knights and burgesses— the latter summoned irregu-

n the forms of election— sat two clerical

larly, sometimes by name, without even
proctors from each diocese. At 1
House mustered 3 archbishops, 7 I
members — from 10 counties and
House had grown to 122 members.

proctors from each diocese. At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign the Upper
House mustered 3 archbishops, 7 bishops, and 23 temporal peers ; the Lower, 76
members — from 10 counties and 28 cities. Twenty-five years later the Lower

130 HISTOKY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VII.

and the destruction of Irish Parliamentary initiative were
the permanent results of Poynings' rule : his

,f action against the Anglo-Irish was not sus

the Eighth . n s^_ , .. _„ .. . . ,

Eari of Kii- tamed. Henry could not afford for the present
im-Sis. ^ne series of petty wars which its maintenance
would entail on the crown : he returned to the
policy of trusting the dominant family. In addition to
their influence amongst the Irish (p. 126), the Pale itself
— Thomas Cromwell was later told — ' was so affectionate
towards the Geraldines that they covet more to see a
Geraldine triumph than to see God come among them.'
Henry resolved to press this power into his service.
' All Ireland cannot rule the Earl of Kildare,' said the
Bishop of Meath. ' Then it is meet that he should rule
all Ireland,' was Henry's answer ; and the earl justified
the trust reposed in him. From the date of his restora-
tion to office in 1496, he faithfully served the King with-
out neglecting the interests of his family. He crushed the
O'Briens and Clanricade at the battle of Knocktow (14:97),
and 'taught the Irish, both "enemies" and "rebels,"
that in their intestinal conflicts victory lay on the side of
the English sword' (Walpole). He rebuilt the castles
that protected the Pale and the outlying towns that still
remained English ; and ultimately he fell in battle
against the O'Moores in 1513, and Gerald his son ruled
in his stead.

The career of the ninth earl was a chequered one.

Thrice was he summoned to London to give an account

of his governorship : twice the increasing con-

^r^and1 fusi°n which his absence caused demonstrated

the Gerai- even to his enemy Wolsey that the predominance

^fisSSfc1* of Kildare was the least in the choice of evils.

In 1520-22 the Earl of Surrey was sent to

replace him : he advocated military repression and

colonization, but was not given the necessary men and

money, and so resigned (II. § 8). Kildare's next term of

office, after a short trial of his rival Ormond, lasted three

years : his refusal to arrest Desmond, the head of the

southern Geraldines, who was in treasonable correspon-

dence with Francis I. (1524-26), led to a fresh sojourn in

1496-1536.] IRELAND. 131

the Tower. Henry, Duke of Kichmond, was given the
title of lord-lieutenant that his father, Henry VIII.,
had held during Poynings' time ; but his deputy, Sir
William Skeffington, was so unsuccessful that Kildare
had to be sent back to help him (1530). He became
lord-deputy in 1532 ; but his warlike preparations excited
suspicion, and in 1534 he was again recalled. A report
having spread across Channel that he was dead, his son,
Silken Thomas, renounced his allegiance, and headed a
revolt against Henry, in which Allen, Archbishop of
Dublin, was brutally murdered. The intelligence caused
his father's death : he had seen too much of English power
to have any hopes of his son's success. The event proved
him to be right. Skeffington's troops were not so greatly
superior to the half-naked and ill-armed kernes and
gallowglasses or to the nimble cavalry of his opponent ; but
before his artillery the impregnable castle of Maynooth
fell after but twelve days' siege. The capture of their
stronghold and the execution of its garrison were fatal to
the Geraldines. Lord Thomas surrendered (1536) to
Skemngton's successor, Lord Leonard Gray, and after
a year's detention was somewhat unfairly executed,
along with five of his uncles, who had taken no part
in the rebellion. Only his brother remained to preserve
the race ; and he was brought up by Henry VIII. 's arch-
enemy, Cardinal Pole.

§ 4. Lord Leonard Gray's career as lord-deputy is even
more eventful than Poynings'. Its opening was a forecast
Iord of Henry VIII. 's future policy : he was resolved
Leonard that his rule in Ireland should be no half-and-half
15384MO an?air> but a real supremacy. The harsh treat-
ment of the Kildares was meant to signify in an
unmistakable manner that Henry would have no more
* ironical allegiance to a distant suzerain.' The lesson
was driven home by Gray's two vigorous campaigns, one
in the South and West, the other in the North. In 1536
he crushed the O'Connors, the Fitzgeralds and Barry s ;
then, turning north, broke down the O'Briens' bridge over
the Shannon, and overawed the Bourkes by the capture

9—2

132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VII.

of Athlone. In 1539 he inflicted a severe blow on the
hitherto untouched O'Neils at Belahoe. Between-whiles
he had obtained the assent of the Irish Parliament to the
Act of Supremacy and to the suppression of thirteen
abbeys. The former was so bitterly opposed in one
session that it had to be adjourned, and on the reassem-
bling of Parliament it was announced that the proctors of
the clergy, ' being neither members nor parcel of the
body of Parliament, were excluded from all voice or
suffrage.' On their displacement the Bill was accepted
without demur. The laity were quite indifferent with
regard to the former measure, and distinctly in favour of
the latter, as they each had hopes of a share in the spoil.
Within the Church itself there were two parties : one,
headed by Archbishop Browne of Dublin, supporting
the King ; the other, under two successive archbishops
of Armagh, Cromer and Dowdall, doggedly opposing him.
As the consequences of the Supremacy grew clearer, the
latter party became more firm in their resistance : Browne's
efforts ' to pluck down images and extinguish idolatry '
failed signally, and his reports to Cromwell were of the
dismallest.

Gray's kinship with the Fitzgeralds — his sister was the
wife of the ninth Earl of Kildare — brought him into sus-
picion, which was intensified by the intrigues of his
jealous coadjutor Ormond, and he was recalled in 1540,
to be executed the following year.

§ 5. Sir Antony Saintleger continued Gray's work with

skill and judgment, and internal peace seemed at last

dawning upon Ireland. Henry VIII. wished to

Exttic!nTa" rnake Ireland as orderly as he was making

or concilia- England, and of the two methods open to him

tion? . .. T , . ,.

— extermination and colonization, or coercion
and conciliation — deliberately chose the latter.

'To win over the chiefs, to turn them by policy and patient
generosity into English nobles, to use the traditional devotion of their
tribal dependents as a means for diffusing the new civilization of their
chiefs, to trust to time and steady government for the gradual reform-
ation of the country, was a policy safer, cheaper, more humane, and
more statesmanlike ' (Green).

1537-1548.] IKELAND. 133

But this policy of ' sober ways, politic drifts, and amiable
persuasions, founded on law and reason ' — as Henry him-
self put it — required time : Henry was not allowed time,
and his successors would not take time. They im-
patiently followed the recommendation of the Irish
Council, and the ghastly cruelties of Elizabeth's reign,
and their long-lived issue — a deadly hate of the Saxon —
were the result.

Saintleger's long rule was marked by few military
operations, but by many ecclesiastical changes and ta
steady effort to win the Irish chiefs and people
SainSer>a to English ways. He entered into extensive
DeputysMp, negotiations with both Irish and English chiefs,
the result of which was for the most part that
indentures were signed whereby they bound themselves
to abstain from war on their fellow-subjects, to come
to the King's courts of justice, to support the King with a
fixed money-tribute and personal service, to attend
Parliament, to send their sons to be educated at the
English court, and to renounce the authority of the
Pope. These promises were not obtained for nothing.
The chiefs were liberally bribed with abbey-lands, and
were each given a house in Dublin, in the hope that they
would come to Parliament and there ' suck in civility
with the court air.' They were allowed to retain much
of their authority over their tribesmen, and titles of
nobility* were showered upon them. There was subtlety
in this last move, for the fledgling nobility was regarded
as governed by the English law of descent and inherit-
ance, not by tanistry. In other words, titles were
handed on by primogeniture, and the new peers were
looked upon as the feudal lords of land of which they
were really only demesne lords for life by the will of the
tribesmen.

§ 6. This revolution — it was nothing less — took a

* The O'Brien became Earl of Thomond and Baron Inchiquin (with reversion to
the Tanaist of Thomond). The McGilapatrick took the name of Fitzpatrick, and
became Baron of Upper Ossory ; the McMurrough took the name of Kavanagh,
and became Baron of Ballyan ; the O'Connor, Baron of Offaly ; the O'Domiel, Earl
of Tyrconnel ; and the O'Neil, Earl of Tyrone.

134 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VII.

dramatic form when, in 1542, Saintleger gathered in
Dublin a Parliament, in which Gaelic chief and
' Saxon ' noble sat side by side, and Ormond
s- translated the royal address for the benefit of
the former. The session was important : it
raised Ireland from a lordship to a kingdom, the former
name seeming to imply dependence on the Pope ; it re-
enacted the Act of Supremacy ; and it vested in the crown
all religious houses which had, or ought to have, surren-
dered. The houses thus dissolved were 400 in number,
having a personalty valued at £100,000, and an annual
rental of £31,000. Though some of the smaller houses
became parish churches, and part of the revenues of the
larger went to a bishop's sustentation fund, the greater
part of the spoils went to members of the Council in
Dublin and to the Irish chiefs.

It is hardly possible to justify this course of action in
Ireland as it is in England. The Irish Church was poor
and divided. The Archbishop of Dublin's plate was in
pawn for eighty years, and the religious buildings were
scanty and meagrely furnished. Ecclesiastically, the
Irishry had no dealings with the Englishry : an Irishman
could not be a member of a monastery within the Pale,
and vice versa. None the less, the religious houses were ' as
lamps in the darkness and rivers in a thirsty land.' They
served as inns and hostels ; they did works of charity ;
the Cistercians and Augustinians were the only educators
of Ireland ; they conducted most of the pastoral work.

For years after the dissolution parishes were left without
spiritual ministrations, save those of the friars. Thirty
years later Sidney reported that half the churches were
vacant. In the last decade of the century Spenser could
still say that the ' intellectual part ' was neglected, though
by that time provision had been made for free schools
in every parish, and Trinity College, Dublin, had been
founded (1591). It was unfortunate that this last was
so richly endowed that it earned its name the Silent
Sister.

§ 7. Sir Edward Bellingham was the next lord-deputy
of note. He continued the rule of firmness tempered

1542-1560.] IRELAND. 135

with kindness ; he encouraged agriculture and suppressed
Reii -ous Piracy ; ke °Pened UP the passes leading to Mun-
cLing«B? ster and Connaught, and placed a garrison in
Edward vi Atnlone- ' There was no fault in his deputyship,'
and Mary' says Fuller, ' save that it was too short ' (1548-
Eifcateth. 49). Under his successor the policy of violence
again began. The use of the English Prayer-
book and Bible was ordered, and though there was talk
of Irish versions, they were never made : it was ' difficult
to print or read in Irish,' so Latin was allowed for the
time. Only five bishops accepted the change : Dowdall
was expelled, and the primacy transferred from Armagh
(where the King's authority was weak) to Dublin ; and
Protestant bishops, e.g., ' Bilious ' Bale of Ossory, of more
zeal than discretion, were appointed, but exerted little
influence. The roughness with which the innovations
were now enforced, and the pillage of time-honoured
shrines like Clonmacnoisie, estranged the mass of the
people. Staples, the Bishop of Meath, was told, after
preaching against the Mass :

' The country folk would eat you if they wist how. ... Ye have
more curses than you have hairs on your head.'

On Mary's accession the old faith and its professors
were restored, and by the ' able opportunist ' who had
begun their displacement, Saintleger (1553-1558). There
was no persecution in Ireland : there were no heretics to
persecute. The country was rather a refuge for English
Protestants.

When Mary died, Sir Henry Sidney was sworn in with
full Catholic ritual as lord-justice. But when the Earl
of Sussex superseded him as lord-deputy a packed Parlia-
ment* at once repealed the religious measures of the late
sovereigns, and applied to Ireland the English Act of
Uniformity (1560). Henceforth, there were two Churches
in Ireland : the one supported by the State, the other by
the Papacy ; the one sans congregation, the other sans
endowments. The result was that the Catholic Irish

* Representatives were summoned from only ten out of the twenty then exist-
ing counties ; many towns that had hitherto had no franchise were asked to send
members ; town members were often self-elected magistrates or nominees of the
crown.

136 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VII.

were gradually drawn closer and closer to the Catholics
of the Pale ; they became one, ' not as the Irish nation,
but as Catholics.' Identity of religion overcame diversity
of race.

§ 8. The setting up of this phantom of Protestantism
was one of the least of the evils which make the tale of
Irish Mis Elizabeth's rule in Ireland one of the gloomiest
rule under chapters in history. The government was
Elizabeth. starved ; the governors constantly changed just
as they were getting an insight into their business ; the
claim of the country was the last of the calls on her con-
sideration to which Elizabeth listened ; her policy oscil-
lated between misplaced trust and misplaced severity.
And, above all, the policy of extermination and coloniza-
tion which Henry VIII. had rejected was carried out
with cruelty, yet without consistency or judgment. Dis-
trust produced severity, severity insurrection, insurrection
confiscation, confiscation murder — this is the whole story
of Ireland under Elizabeth. Irish lawlessness suggested
an opening for that adventurer spirit of the Elizabethan
age which has its seamy as well as its heroic side.

' The eagles took wing to the Spanish main : the vultures descended
upon Ireland. A daring use of his sword procured for the adventurer
in the Spanish colonies romantic wealth in the shape of ingots and
rich bales : a dexterous use of intrigue, chicanery, and the art of excit-
ing rebellion procured for the sharper in Ireland wealth, unromantic
but more lasting, in the shape of confiscated lands.' (Goldwin Smith).

The policy of plantation began under Philip and Mary.

The lands of the O'Moores and the O'Connors (p. 127)

The First ^d Deen m Par^ confiscated and settled in

Plantation 1548. In 1558 they were formed respectively

(1sh!n?d mto Queen's County and King's County:

o'Neii Campa, the old head town of Leix, was re-

~6')< named Maryborough, and Dangen, the head

town of Offaly, became Philipstown.

This example was not at once followed up by Elizabeth,
whose earliest trouble sprang from a disputed succession
in the north. In the patent whereby Con Bacagh
O'Neii had in 1542 been created Earl of Tyrone (note,
p. 133), the succession had, under the impression that he
was a legitimate son, been fixed on Matthew, the Bastard

1558-1571.] IRELAND. 137

of Dungannon. Even during his father's lifetime Shane
O'Neil, Con's eldest legitimate son, had disputed Dun-
gannon's title and had slain him. On Con's death, in
1559, he attacked with success the younger Dungannon,
and his ally, O'Donnel. He was persuaded to come over
to England to urge his claims in person, but though he
made a good impression on the Queen, he was not allowed
to return till after the death of the young Earl of Tyrone.
In 1564 he crushed the Scotch immigrants, newly arrived
in Antrim, for the English, but was three years later at-
tacked by Sir Henry Sidney (lord-deputy, 1565-71) and
the O'Donnels, and, being defeated at Letterkenny, fled to
his enemies, the Scotch McDonnells, and perished in a
drunken bout.

§ 9. If Sidney displayed such harshness to a friendly,
order-loving chief like Shane O'Neil, it was only natural
that he should wish to put down the uneasy
Desmond Geraldines of Desmond. He wished to damage
R^eiiion, the Desmond power by establishing a presidency
in Munster, supported by the smaller chieftains
and by a partial colonization. Elizabeth preferred to
strike in a different way. In 1568 a long-standing law-
suit between Desmond and Ormond was decided in the
latter's favour — he was a Protestant — and Desmond was
summoned to London on a charge of high treason. He
surrendered his lands — nearly half Munster — in the hope
of appeasing the Queen and receiving them back. The
rumours of their intended plantation, and the actual
arrival of Sir Peter Carew and other Devonshire gentle-
men as settlers, drove Desmond's brother, Sir James Fitz-
maurice, and the Earl of Clancarty, into rebellion (1569).
Their appeal to Spain was not successful, as Philip was at
the time engaged in promoting Mary Queen of Scots' cause
elsewhere. The rebels being thus left to themselves, the
struggle simply became a series of detached sanguinary
onslaughts and reprisals, conducted by Fitton in Con-
naught and Gilbert in Munster. Sidney grew tired of
this, and threw up his appointment in 1571. He was
succeeded by Sir John Perrot, who, like himself, was in-
adequately supported. He induced Fitzmaurice to give

138 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VII.

in his submission in 1572, and in the following year
Desmond was let loose on promising to put down
Catholicism, and soon regained his authority.

The next important effort to colonize was in Ulster,
where Scotch settlements had been lately formed with
The Coioni success- ^he ^ar^ °* Essex was granted the
1 district of Clandboy (Antrim) on condition of

1^73-76' conquering it and, after four years, paying rent
for it. The hostility of the natives, the astute-
ness of Sir Brian O'Neil, and the severity of the winter
were too much for him as a colonist. In 1574 he got
himself appointed Governor of Ulster, in which capacity
he murdered Sir Brian, and massacred the Scotch settlers
at Eathlin. All this profited him nothing : he was ruined
before his death in 1576.

The following year was disfigured by a treacherous
slaughter, at Mullaghmast, of the principal Irish still left
in Leix and Offaly. Sir Francis Cosbie murdered in cold
blood some 400 guests he had invited for the purpose.
Only one escaped to become a terror to the English
settler under the name of Eory O'Moore ; and the cry of
Remember Mullaghmast is still heard in the land.

Before this Sir Henry Sidney had been persuaded to
resume the lord-deputyship. Despite his former cruelty,
he retained great influence over the Irish, and much was
hoped from him. During his four years' rule (1575-1579)
he lost ground everywhere. Great dissatisfaction was
caused within the Pale by his unsuccessful effort to con-
vert an occasional liability for the maintenance of troops
into a regular cess or tax fixed at about £2,000 a year.
And the conduct of Drury and Malby, his presidents in
Munster and Connaught, was not exactly conciliatory.
Drury hung 400 men during his first circuit : Malby's
report of his dealings with an insurrection of the Bourkes
reads like the records of an Assyrian king.

'I marched into their country with determination to consume them
with fire and sword, sparing neither old nor young. I burnt all their
corn and houses, and committed to the sword all that could be found.'

§ 10. Little wonder that an island so treated should be
thought a good place wherein to attack Elizabeth. The

1573-1580.] IRELAND. 139

long- continued activity of both the Spanish and, the
The second Je3u^s began in the year 1579 with an effort
Desmond to take advantage of Irish discontent. Spain
Ki5ry18°on' was tbe natural geographical ally of Ireland
amongst the Continental Powers, for England,
wedged in between Ireland and France, kept the two
latter countries apart. And, besides, at this time France
was too divided to lend help to the Catholic cause :
Philip was daily becoming more and more able and
willing (VI. § 14). He was getting nettled not only by
Elizabeth's increasing tendency to thwart him in Europe,
but by the intrusion of English sailors into what he
wished to regard as Spanish preserves. In 1578 Drake
penetrated to the Pacific and plundered the towns on the
coast of what is now Chile and Peru. Much as Philip
resented this, he would not yet openly countenance any
movement. The Spanish troops which Stukely col-
lected were volunteers rather than royal forces ; and even
these were diverted to Africa, where they perished.

Fitz-Maurice, however, obtained from the Pope a
blessing, some money and a legate — his name was Sandars
• — with which he landed at Dingle in the summer of
1579. Desmond, ' a vain man neither frankly royal nor
a bold rebel/ hung back at first ; but the murder of two
English officers at Tralee by his brother forced him to
arms, and in a moment the whole South was ablaze.
The English were taken by surprise. They were used
to a sort of dacoity : this looked like war. Drury was
driven back to his headquarters at Kilmallock. Malby,
after a temporary success marked by the capture of Ash-
ketyn, a Desmond stronghold, thought it prudent to give
way, and the rebels advanced to sack Youghal. With
this the year 1579 closed.

The greatness of the danger roused Elizabeth to action.
Ormond was appointed Governor of Munster, and
'marched through the land consuming with fire all
habitations, and executing the people wherever he found
them.' He claimed to have put nearly 5,000 to death.
In June he blew up the castle of Ashketyn, and was then
relieved by Lord Grey de Wilton, the new lord-deputy —

140 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VII.

the Arthegal of Spenser, who, with Raleigh, was serving
under him. Lord Grey began badly. He was defeated
in Glenmalure by Feach M'Hugh, the ' Firebrand of the
Mountains,' who had headed a subsidiary rising in
Wicklow. He then turned his attention to the West,
and in November captured Smerwick in Kerry. There
some 800 Spanish and Italian troops had recently
arrived, but were quite unable to hold their own when
pressed hard, not only by land, but by a small fleet
under Admiral Winter. The garrison surrendered only
to be butchered. This was the end of the insurrection,
though not of bloodshed. Sandars perished obscurely in
1581 ; Kildare died in the Tower ; Desmond was betrayed
and killed in bed two years later; Clanricade, head of
the Bourkes, fell about the same time. Some 500,000
Irish acres were confiscated and leased on quit rents of
a penny per acre. The country people were ruthlessly
killed, or reduced to such privations that they had to
scrape up the corpses from the churchyard for food.
When Sir John Perrot — whom Goldwin Smith calls ' the
best and most honourable of the governors during the
Tudor period ' — became lord-deputy, in 1584, ' the lowing
of a cow or the voice of a ploughman was not heard from
Dun-casine to Cashel.'

CHAPTER VIII.
Tudor England.

§ 1. The Social and Economic Features of the Sixteenth Century— § 2.
Tillage v. Pasturage : Enclosures : Enhancing of Rents — § 3. Vaga-
bondage and the Poor Law— § 4. Domestic Trade and Manufacture
— § 5. Foreign Commerce and English Seamen — § 6. Governmental
System of the Tudors.

§ 1. ' IT is from this period,' says Green, ' that we can
first date the rise of a conception which seems to us a

Comfort Peculiarly English one — the conception of
CapitaVand domestic comfort.' How true this is may be

C°tio?nti* seen by" glancing through the list of improve-
ments given in Harrison's Description of
England* — stoves for sweating baths, glass for windows,
brick and stone instead of timber, plate, tapestry, carpets,
' fine naperie,' the multitude of chimneys, amendment of
lodging, etc. By all these things the old parson thought
that ' the wealth of our country doth infinitely appear.'

This is the pleasant side of the picture. The sixteenth
century was one of great activity in all directions,
especially in that of commerce : what is called ' private
enterprise ' may almost be said to find its beginnings in
this period. The century in its social, as in its religious
aspects, begins and ends well ; but in the middle is a
veritable slough of despond. Throughout it is marked by
a spirit of adventure, which too often takes the form of
money-grubbing : how easily one of these passes into the
other one might gather from the history of the word

* This forms part of Holinshed's Chronicle (1577). It is reprinted by Walter
Scott in the Camelot Series. Chap. ix. in that edition— 'Of the Manner of
Building and Furniture of our Houses ' — is the source whence most modern
accounts are taken, and may as well be read at first-hand.

142 HISTOKY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VIIL

adventurer. Those who prefer to think of the heroic side
should read Green;* those who prefer the seamy side
will find it in Mr. Hall's minute studies on Elizabethan
life. All we can do here is to briefly recount the chief
features in the economic condition of town and country,
and the beginnings of England as an oceanic Power.

In all three aspects the thing that stands out most
distinctly is the dislike of stagnation and settledness.
' Home-keeping youths have ever homely wits ' is the
pervading feeling of society. Not that there was
not a good deal of journeying about in the Middle Ages ;
but that was animated by love of glory or of grace : war and
worship were its objects. Now that self-interest became
almost professedly supreme, change grew to be universal.
Men could not see why they should act in a certain way
simply because their fathers had done so before them.
The landlord shook off the traditions of cultivation, and
took up what paid best ; the townsman grew impatient
of the restrictions of the craft-gilds ; the merchant
could not be shackled by the old regulations, but traded
where he would and how he would. Each class fell into
discontent with the old humdrum style of working moder-
ately and earning a bare living : each class plunged into
risk in the hope of profit. These were the early days of
Capital and Competition. In Harrison's grumbling words :

~ ' Every function and several vocation striveth with other, which of
them should have all the water of commodity run into her own cistern.'

§ 2. The main feature in the country-life of the time
has a very close connection with both these facts. It was
more profitable to grow wool than to grow
Farming? food-stuffs (i.e., practically, grain) : hence the
uitur conversi°n °f tillage into pasturage, which was
already being complained of during the fifteenth
century. It was more profitable because it required
fewer labourers (and labour was dear), and because the
looms of the Low Countries were insatiate of English wool,
whereas the export of corn was discouraged. Further,
as sheep-farming pays best on a large scale, the land-
owners found the system by which manors were hacked

* J. R. Green's History of the English People (Vol. II., Bk. VI., chap, v., pp. 384-94),
or in his Short History (VII. § 5) ; Hall's Soc'ety in the Elizabtthan Age, passim.

Enclosures.] TUDOR ENGLAND. 143

up into unfenced strips — some directly occupied by the
lord, some by tenants having varying conditions of
tenure — a great obstacle to cheap wool-raising. The
most obvious thing to do was to get rid of tenants and form
huge sheep-walks by throwing their holdings together.
This was done to a still greater extent when the
' old acres ' held by the ecclesiastical bodies, who were
easy, even improvident, landlords, passed to ' new men '
who saw their way to make money and were not
squeamish about other folks' rights or feelings.

The profit of this economic change fell to the capitalist,
the burden to the labourer. The rustics who were not
evicted were to a considerable extent shut out of their
enjoyment of common and waste lands, of which they had
hitherto the usance : those that were expelled knew not
whither to turn. They were not allowed to dig ; there
were no manufactures wherein to use their hands ; they
were driven to beg. The consciousness of these evils led
to much ineffective though well-meaning legislation,
sometimes in hope to prevent, sometimes to cure.

Henry VII. passed in 1489 a law against ' depopulating

enclosures and depopulating pasturage,' mainly with the

idea of keeping up the yeomanry for purposes

res' of war. It aimed at maintaining for ever all

houses of husbandry that were used with twenty acres

of ground and upwards.

'Thu=,' notes Bacon, 'did the King secretly sow Hydra's teeth ;
whereupon, according to the poet's fiction, should rise up armed men
for the service of this kingdom.'

But in most districts the measure failed completely.
So did Henry VIII. 's attempt of 1516, to restrict the
number of sheep on one farm to 2,000. It was no use :
the process went on and caused much privation till it was
completed. Its legacy to us was pauperism (§ 3) :
of its social outcome let Latimer and Harrison speak.

' My father was a yeoman and had no lands of his own, only he had
a farm of three or four pound by year at the uttermost, and hereupon he
tilled so much as kept half a dozen men. He had a walk for a
hundred sheep ; and my mother milked thirty kine. He was able and
did find the King a harness, with himself and his horse, while he
came to the place that he should receive the King's wages. I can
remember that I buckled his harness when he went into Blackheath

144 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VIII.

Field. He kept me to school, or else I had not been able to have
preached before the King's majesty now. He married my sisters with
five pound, or twenty nobles, apiece, so that he brought them up in
godliness and fear of God. He kept hospitality for his poor neigh-
bours, and some alms he gave to the poor. And all this he did off the
said farm, where he that now hath it payeth sixteen pounds by year or
more, and is not able to do anything for his prince, for himself, nor for
his children, or give a cup of drink to the poor.' (Latimer's First
Sermon before Edward VI. ).

When Harrison wrote, twenty years later, this bitter-
ness is overpast. Speaking of the yeoman of the type of
Latimer pere, he mentions

' three things that are grown to be very grievous to them, to wit :
enhancing of rents, the daily oppression of copy-holders, whose lords
seek to bring their poor tenants almost into plain servitude and
misery, daily devising new means, and seeking up all the old, how to
cut them shorter and shorter, doubling, trebling, and now and then
seven times increasing their fines, driving them also for every trifle to
lose and forfeit their tenures, to the end that they may fleece them yet
more. The third thing they talk of is usury, a trade brought in by
the Jews, now perfectly practised almost by every Christian,* and so
commonly that he is accompted but for a fool that doth lend his money
for nothing.'

On the other hand, his testimony is weighty in proof
that these are farmers' grievances ; in fact, they depict
too exclusively the seamy side.

' Although peradventure four pounds of old rent be improved to
forty, fifty, or a hundred pounds, yet will the farmer, as another palm
or date tree, think his gains very small toward the end of his term, if
he have not six or seven years' rent lying by him, therewith to
purchase a new lease . . . and that it shall never trouble him more
than the hair of his beard, when the barber hath washed and shaved it
from his chin.'

§ 3. The farmer suffered through the enhancing of
rents brought about by the competition for land for

va abond- sh-eeP'rearmg purposes : the labourer suffered
age and the from many things. At the beginning of the

Poor Law. perj0(j ^Q was f ajriy wen off : a wage of three-
pence halfpenny a day was not bad when a carcase of
mutton cost but a shilling. At the end of the period he
was again flourishing. The intermediate stage was full
of misery. His wages remained at the same level,

* For the relation between this fact and the beginning of the conception of
capital, see Mr. Cunningham's Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Bk. IV.,
chap. i.

The Poor Law.] TUDOB ENGLAND. 145

whilst prices were going up, and the intrinsic value of a
debased coinage was going steadily down. His own
services were less and less in demand for tending the
sheep, to which ' the farming gentlemen and clerking
knights,' who took over the monastic lands, gave their
attention. He was not wanted in the country, nor could
he find aught to do in towns. Being no longer bound to
work for a lord, he could no longer claim his support ;
and so, with the ejected retainers (I. § 9), the labourers
swelled the ranks of the unemployed — or, in Tudor
phrase, vagabonds.

'They be cast into prison as vagabonds because they go about and
work not, whom no man will set to work, though they never so willingly
proffer themselves thereto.'

So wrote, sympathetically, Sir Thomas More. There
soon became recognised three degrees of poor : the poor
by impotence ; the poor by casualty ; and the thriftless
poor. For the first two sorts relief was provided : for the
last punishment, or, later on, work. The method of
punishment was old : it dated from the Statutes of
Labourers which began with Edward III. It is only in
Henry VIII. 's reign that the attempts for the maintenance
of the aged and deserving poor appear alongside of the re-
pression of the sturdy beggar. As regards the deserving
poor, the churchwardens of each parish were in 1536
authorized to make collections for the poor, promiscuous
giving being discouraged ; in 1551 churchwardens, curates,
or, failing them, bishops, were bidden to exhort the back-
ward in giving or collecting ; Mary appointed Christmas
as the time for raising the fund ; Elizabeth, in 1563, en-
forced such contributions by the penalty of imprisonment,
and in 1572 facilitated them by providing that the money
should be raised by assessment, and in 1597 enacted that
the assessment should be levied by distraint.

Meanwhile, the variety of punishments provided by
Henry VII. for the idle beggars had proved as futile
as the severity of Edward VI. 's Vagrancy Act (IV. § 4).
Elizabeth began in 1576 the system of providing work,
the justices being then empowered to buy buildings and
hemp for this purpose. In 1601 the best of the previous

146 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. [Oh. VIII.

provisions were codified in the First Poor Law, which
arranged how rates were to be levied, and overseers
of the poor (later called guardians) appointed.

1 Maintenance for those who cannot, punishment for those who will
not work, and work for all who will do it — such were the principles of
this memorable law ' (Cunningham).

§ 4. In town as in country the sixteenth century is

characterized by the abandonment of traditional methods.

Towns and ^e artisan would no longer conform to the

Manufac- rules of the craft-gild restricting his output,

tures. prescribing the quality of his work, etc. : the
merchant refused to be further bound by the regulations
of the Steelyard — as the London branch of the great
Hanseatic League was called. Some of the results of
this increase of ' private enterprise,' this shaking off the
old leading-strings of commerce, may be briefly reviewed.
A craftsman found himself hampered by the rules of his
gild : he could not do what he liked, how he liked, when
he liked, and to what extent he liked. He could not well
exercise his craft within the town where a craft-gild
existed, and so was constrained to move into suburbs or
into fresh ground. Hence old towns decay and new
ones arise — e.g., Birmingham (hardware), Halifax (broad-
cloth), Manchester (friezes), and Sheffield (cutlery). A
great impetus to this shifting of trade-centres was given
by the advent of hosts of refugees from the Low Countries
during Elizabeth's reign. These taught the art of making
good cloth — in the fifteenth century ' one might as well
have been clothed in a hurdle as in English-made cloth '
— and so provided the indigent with employment in spin-
ning, weaving, fulling and dyeing at home the wool
hitherto sent abroad. The linen and silk manufactures*
were in a vigorous infancy.

The new methods of work did not give complete
satisfaction — witness Harrison :

' Our husbandmen and artificers were never so excellent in their
trades as at present. But as the workmanship of the latter sort was
never more fine and curious to the eye, so was it never less strong and
substantial for continuance and benefit of the buyers. Neither is there

* Harrison already noted that coal-mines would soon be the only fuel, ' if wood
be not better cherished than it is at this present.'

Commerce.] TUDOB ENGLAND. 147

anything that hurteth the common sort of our artificers more than
haste, and a barbarous or slavish desire to turn the penny, and, by
ridding their work to make speedy utterance of their wares : which
enforceth them to bungle up and despatch many things they care not
how, so they be out of their hands, whereby the buyer is often sore
defrauded and findeth to his cost that haste maketh waste, according to
the proverb.'

§ 5. Harrison did not think much of our business
capacity : ' foreigners will buy the case of a fox of an
Expansion Englishman for a groat, and make him after-
0fX English wards give twelve pence for the tail.' None
Commerce. tke jegg> English commerce grew apace during
the Tudor period : it not only extended to hitherto
unknown parts, but greatly increased to the old centres.
Henry VII. did much for the Flemish trade with his
treaties of 1496 and 1506, and by granting a charter of
incorporation to the Merchant Adventurers in the former
year. This was ' the name given to any merchant who
shipped cargo to any port other than that where the
staple was held.' This company was thus made strong
enough to protect its members abroad ; its fleet of fifty
or sixty ships soon came to annually carry over 100,000
bales of cloth to Flanders. And the privileges of the
English merchant were protected in 1579, by the for-
feiture of the German privileges in the suppression of
the Steelyard. Associations similar to the Merchant
Adventurers were the Russian Company, founded in 1554 to
trade with Eussia, an all-sea route to the White Sea
having been discovered by Eichard Chancellor the year
before ; the Levant Company, the Easterland Company,
and finally (in 1600) the East India Company. The
60,000 refugees Alva drove over here did service to Eng-
land in commerce as in manufacture. It is owing to the
merchants amongst them, to a great extent, that London
supplanted Antwerp as the emporium of Western Europe.
Closely linked with this expansion of legitimate
commerce was that passion for roaming the seas as
f discoverers, plunderers, and even pirates, which

I lie Rise of. -, • ,-, ^ , , , .

English became so common during the latter part of
Seamanship. tke sixteenth century. England had a small
but early share in this work, when, in 1497, the Venetians

10—2

148 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VIII.

John and Sebastian Cabot, sailing under the English
flag, discovered the mainland of America and coasted
along it from Newfoundland to Nova Scotia. Both were
claimed as English, and various attempts at settlement
were made, especially in Newfoundland, where the cod-
fishing attracted one Hore in 1536, and Sir Humphrey
Gilbert in 1576 and 1583. Neither of these attempts
was successful, any more than were the repeated efforts
which Sir Walter Ealeigh, especially in 1584, and others
made to colonize the huge tract further south to which
Ealeigh, courtier-like, gave the name of Virginia. There
was down to the end of Elizabeth's days no inducement
powerful enough to draw men away as settlers, other
than hope of gold; and wherever gold was, Spaniards
were.

But Englishmen sailed everywhere, if they did not
settle. Henry VIII. founded three colleges on a Spanish
model for the training of pilots and sailors, and made
Sebastian Cabot his Grand Pilot. This training bore
fruit during Elizabeth's reign, which was marked by all
kinds of essays to reach India and Cathay by a new
route. A belief in a North-East Passage led to Sir Hugh
Willoughby's expedition, whose survivors, under Chan-
cellor, had in 1553 found Archangel. A search for a
North- West Passage took Martin Frobisher as far as
the straits that bear his name in 1576 ; and his supposed
finding of ore containing gold in Labrador led to the
equipment of an expedition of fifteen vessels to work it —
being the first of our many attempts to make use of
criminals in enterprise beyond the seas. Finally, Drake's
pillaging and circumnavigating cruise of 1577-80 was
equivalent to the tracing out by an Englishman of a
South- West Passage; but the route was too long and
exposed to outside interference to become a regular
trade route. Besides these and many other voyages
described in Hakluyt or forgotten, the founding of the
slave-trade on the Guinea coast by John Hawkins, in
1562-64, deserves to be noticed.

§ 6. This development of commerce was encouraged by

Navigation, etc.] TUDOK ENGLAND. 149

the Tudor sovereigns in various ways. These were
The Crown sometmies characterized by good intention
and rather than wisdom, i.e., the attempted fixing
commerce. Q£ prjces an(j wages by law or by the justices.
Still, such mistakes were futile rather than harmful ; and
occasionally much good was done. Elizabeth, for instance,
did an unmixed good by restoring the coinage to its old
fineness of quality, though to do this she had to call it
down a further twenty-five per cent., the testoon being
now regarded as equivalent to four pence half-penny
(cf. IV. § 7). She also patronized the Eoyal Exchange,
built for the merchants' convenience (and his own profit)
by Sir Thomas Gresham in 1571. And she took shares
in many of her subjects' ventures.*

But it was by the internal peace they secured that

the Tudors made their best contribution to commercial

progress. Their love of order displayed itself

The Tudor , , i -i , •> TIT

Govern- amongst other ways by a thorough overhauling
°^ ^e executive. All departments were brought
into direct touch with the crown.; and this, so
long as the crown was in capable hands, was a great
good. The old machinery of local government was worn
out. The municipalities were becoming close corporations
filled by co-option : the crown now began to keep a hold
over them, by appointing in most cases a high steward
to supervise them. Hence came the ' rotten boroughs ' of
a later day (cf. VI. § 11). The toiunsliip was reorganized
as the parish, whose vestry-meetingf elected one of the
churchwardens who administered the poor relief (§ 3), and
looked to the repair of the highways ; which last, by an Act
of Philip and Mary, were to be mended during four days in
the spring, by the obligatory labour of all parishioners.
The shire was strengthened by the institution, in Edward
VI. 's reign, of the lord-lieutenant, ' to levy and lead the
militia against the enemies of the King ;' by the enlarge-
ment of the powers of the justices, so as to investigate

* She kept a sharp eye on the balance-sheet. When Hawkins excused himself
for an unprofitable voyage in 15i»0 with the words, ' Paul might plant and Apollos
might water, but it was God only that gave the increase,' her retort was quick
and pointed : ' This fool went out a soldier, and came home a divine.'

t When this came to be filled by co-option, it took the name of select vestry.

150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. VIII.

criminal cases in petty sessions as well as in quarter
sessions (1542), to regulate wages, punish vagabonds,
examine the distribution of poor relief, etc. ; and by the
imposition of a county rate for the repair of bridges (1530).
This improved organization is of a piece with the
absorption of Wales and the palatine counties into the
ordinary government of the country (III. § 15),
an(^ with the establishment of the Council of the
North in 1537, and the retention of the Council
of Wales and the Marches (established 1478), to keep order
where the Privy Council could not reach. For it was the
latter body that was the heart of the new system : it kept
up the circulation of the government in an almost
maddening manner. Its public business was distributed
under six chief heads : (1) The English Pale in France;
(2) the Scotch Border ; (3) the Guarding of the Narrow
Seas ; (4) Commercial Relations ; (5) Home Affairs ;
(6) Ireland. Besides this, its activity — what we should
now call its interference — in private or semi-private
matters was boundless. Let its latest historian illustrate
this:

' Its habitual method of enforcing its authority was by exacting
recognisances for good behaviour. . . . Disputes between private indi-
viduals, between members of corporations, between the City and
University of Oxford, questions as to the legality of captures at sea, as
t"> the ownership of property supposed to belong to the enemy (whether
French or Scottish), application for privateering licenses, infractions of
trade regulations, charges of rioting in the City, the liability of a
gaoler for the escape of a prisoner, commercial disputes of all kinds,
and even questions as to the interpretation of Scripture — all resulted
in the binding in recognisances of those who appeared before the
Council, with or without sureties, either to obey the decision of the
Council, or be ready to appear again at a given date.' (J. R. Dasent,
Acts of the Privy Council, Vol. I.)

CHAPTER IX.

Literature: from the Introduction of Printing to
the Publication of the 'Shepherd's Calendar/

§ 1. The Fifteenth Century— § 2. The Printer and his Work— § 3.
The Men of the New Learning and the Reformation — § 4. Early
Poetry of the Renaissance— § 5. Ascham and Lyly— § 6. The
Drama.

§ 1. SINCE England first began to have a literature, down
to the present day, there has perhaps been no century

The more barren of work of literary merit than
Fifteenth that which lies between Chaucer and Langland

ntury. a£ ^& Qne ex^remej an(j the spread of printing
and the dawn of a revived interest in letters at the other.
The civil wars have always been held largely responsible
for this, and no doubt, as far as wide lack of culture is
concerned, rightly so : but that no genius, even of a
minor kind, appears during the whole of the fifteenth
century is a fact which can only be accepted, and not in
any way explained. Similarly, we cannot hope to fully
understand why in the latter half of Queen Elizabeth's
reign we have a whole company of men to each of whom
we can, without exaggeration, give the name of genius,
though we can trace during the period (1485-1580) with
which this chapter has to deal certain influences and
events which, if they were not necessary to produce the
later Elizabethan literature, were at least instrumental
in determining the form which it should take. ' Poetry,
above all,' says Carlyle, ' we should have known long
ago, is one of those mysterious things whose origin and
developments can never be what we call explained ;
often it seems to us like the wind, blowing where it lists,

152 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. IX.

coming and departing with little or no regard to any the
most cunning theory that has yet been devised for it.'
That that is so, and that it applies to all art alike, seems
certain enough ; but it may be well to remind the student
that the shape and condition of the instrument, the way
in which it is strung, and its mechanical efficiency, will
have a good deal to do with the music it yields when
swept by the wind. The mechanical condition of the
instruments, if we may be permitted to continue the
simile, was poor in the middle part of the fifteenth cen-
tury, the result of inferior models, careless workmanship,
feeble taste, ignorance, and the lack of demand for
literary ware, so that even a great artist, had there been
one then, might have been much hampered thereby : but
towards the end of the next century the instruments
were in a high state of perfection, the result of fine
models, competent workmanship, improving taste, more
knowledge, and a large demand for finished work, so that
even performers of only moderate talent were able to
produce very pretty music.

Let us try and see, in the works of certain represen-
tative men, the steps by which this better state of things
was reached.

§ 2. It was when culture had sunk to a very low ebb in

England that Caxton began to use his printing-press at

ire Print r Westminster (1477 — see note, p. 21), after having

'and his learnt and exercised the craft in Bruges, where

Work. ke k^ }ong dweit. It was in Bruges that he
produced his Histories of Troy, the first of many romances
and tales of chivalry and adventure (such as the Morte
d' Arthur, and Godfrey of Boulogne^ with which he pro-
vided the English public. Other typical productions of the
early press are the mediaeval stories of the saints, such
as The Golden Legends, didactic works like Lord Eivers'
Diets and Sayings of the Philosophers (a translation),
and the popular tale (translated from the Dutch) of
Reynard the Fox. So far, it was largely a literature of
translation and compilation, and is important as having
stimulated a considerable amount of literary activity and
as having been instrumental in helping to substitute

Ch. IX.] LITEBATUBE I FBOM CAXTON TO SPENSEB. 153

English for Latin as a prose medium ; for the printing-
press, appealing to a wider public than the scribe had
done, looked at once for its chief support (as it has done
ever since) to the semi-educated — to those who had
little more learning than enabled them to read the ver-
nacular. Another large class of publications which
issued from Caxton's press, consisted of editions of the
older poets, of Chaucer, of Gower, and of Lydgate, and
of old chronicles ; and these, too, stimulated literary com-
position. Lydgate especially was closely imitated,
notably by Stephen Hawes, in Henry VII. 's reign, and
by the projectors of the Mirror for Magistrates, in
Mary's. The chronicles Caxton printed were enlarged
and continued by Elizabethan compilers, and largely
drawn on for material by Elizabethan playwrights and
poets. But the days of mediaeval poetry and prose were
numbered, and it is curious that the man who first em-
ployed the means which have since been so powerful in
the spread and development of modern literature should
have been destined to use it merely for the last days of
the old order.

§ 3. This old order was slowly yielding place to the new,

in the first two decades of the sixteenth century, helped

. to its end by the new models of style and the

The Men of . . / ,, ,, , . J ,

the New new subjects that the classical scholars were
^nTthe8 holding up to admiration. The impulse to
Eetorma- the study of the classics came to England from
Italy, which had re-discovered the treasures of
antiquity and devoted itself to them, even to the detri-
ment of her own original literature. Still more intense
was the ardour of the Italians for ancient literature when
the language and works of the Greeks began to become
known to them. Learned Greeks in the fifteenth century,
leaving their country, now being overrun by the Turks,
sought refuge at the courts of Italian potentates, and
found liberal patrons and assiduous students there. To
a great extent, Italy became in her turn the teacher of
the world again, and Englishmen were among her pupils.
Notable among these latter are Grocyn, who, returning
from Italy in 1491, began to teach Greek in Oxford ; and

154 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [Ch. IX.

Linacre, a student of medicine, who translated Galen.
The spread of the New Learning in Henry VII. 's reign
may not have been very rapid, but the enthusiasm among
those who pursued it was deep. Erasmus, who first
visited England in 1497, speaks in terms of high admira-
tion of Oxford, and declares that there such was the
state of ' erudition, not of a vulgar and ordinary kind,
but recondite, accurate, ancient, both Latin and Greek,
that you would not seek anything in Italy but the pleasure
of travelling.' No doubt, as Hallam points out, the
praise is exaggerated (the letter is addressed to an
Englishman), but the great scholar's liking for the ardour
for study he found in the country is evident, and he him-
self was induced to come to teach at Cambridge in the
year following the accession of Henry VIII., a young
king of good education and cultivated tastes. Means of
spreading culture were now quickly multiplying. ' Of
grammar schools whose date is known, there are only
eight before the foundation of Eton in 1441. The number
of foundations, however, begins to be great even as early
as the closing years of Henry VII. 's reign. . . . In Henry
VIII. 's reign (thirty-eight years) the number of schools
founded is 49; in the six years of Edward VI. the
number is 44.'* Colet, Dean of St. Paul's, founded his
famous school there in the first year of Henry VIII. 's
reign, setting at its head Lilly, who had learned his
Greek at Rhodes. Wolsey founded a school and college
(on the model of Eton) at Ipswich, besides establishing
chairs for Greek and Ehetoric, and endowing a college
(now Christ Church). Similarly Fox, Bishop of Win-
chester, had previously (1517) founded Corpus Christi
College at Oxford, attached to which was a Greek
lecturer. The King endowed Trinity College at Cam-
bridge, and paid Eichard Wakefield, a Greek scholar,
to lecture in that university. These are some typical
examples of the shape that the zeal for the New Learn-
ing took among the noble and the wealthy, but the best
proofs of its influence are to be found in the books of the
age.

* 'Cyclopaedia of Education.'

CL IX.] LITEBATUBE I FBOM CAXTON TO SPENSEB. 155

The immense stimulus given to the intellectual activity
of England by the revival of the study of the classics
and by renewed contact with Italy, as well as by
the knowledge spread abroad of the discoveries of new
worlds, was aided rather than hindered by the keen
struggles of the Eeformation. This latter with its ally,
the printing-press, further popularized the use of English
as the prose-medium for Englishmen, and the experi-
ments made during the first half of the sixteenth century
did much to help in the future development of English
prose. The scholar, it is true, would write his book for
the European cultured public in Latin (e.g. More's
Utopia) ; but he would not disdain to use English, if
he wished to address a large English audience, as we see
in the mass of the Keformation literature (as exemplified,
for instance, in More and Tyndale's controversy) ; before
the close of Henry VIII. 's reign we find a scholar like
Ascham bold enough to write his Toxophilus in
English (though it is true he apologizes for so doing), and
what is far more important, we have the Scriptures
completely translated by scholars who could write
grand English, whose work has survived as the basis of
the ' authorized version :' the value of their labours from
a merely literary point of view it would be difficult to
over-estimate.

§ 4. The New Learning and the Eeformation seem to

form a sort of barrier in England, between mediaeval and

modern literature ; the writings of Wyatt and

Poetry Surrey (written in the latter part of Henry

of the Re- VIII.'s reign, but not published till the year be-

naissance. ,, _.,. P , , • \ , T i i A j.i

fore Elizabeth's accession), stand clearly at the
head of the new poetry. The form especially of these is
more remarkable than the matter : to Italy they went
for their models, and they implanted on English soil the
sonnet and the blank verse line, besides some more
exotic metres which have not become naturalized. The
delicacy of versification, the correctness of metre, which
had distinguished Chaucer, had been totally unknown in
England since his time, till this ' New Company of
Courtly Makers,' as Puttenham in his ' Art of Poesy '

156 HISTOBY OF ENGLAND. . [Oh. IX.

called them, learned it again from the same land,
where Chaucer himself had learned something. The
writers in the earlier half of Elizabeth's reign went on
with the lessons that the Italians were teaching, and
rendered good service to the technical perfecting of
versification. One poet, however, who belongs to the old
rather than to the new school, appears in the first years of
Elizabeth's reign, and is, indeed, the only poet of real
genius we have between Chaucer and Spenser. He is
Sackville, the writer of the Complaint of Buckingham,
and the ' Induction ' to it in the Mirror for Magistrates :
his work however, splendid as it is, is of less importance,
perhaps, in the history of the development of form than
many of the experiments produced by minor writers, who,
dissatisfied with the old and well-read in the new, were
trying their hands at imitation, translation, etc.* A
collection of fine poems of this experimental, imitative
character is the Shepherd's Calendar, Spenser's first
considerable work.

§ 5. No attempt has been made in this chapter to give
any detailed account of the various works written during

the period : such writers or books as are here
AsCLy?y.and referred to are mentioned only as illustrating

the tendencies of, or the influences bearing on,
the literature of the day. Of the earlier prose-writers,
and of Ascham's Toxophilus some mention has already
been made : Ascham is the representative of the younger
men of the New Learning, but he is no favourer (as he
shows in The Schoolmaster) of the practice now become
prevalent of the young men of means travelling into
Italy, and (according to him) getting corrupted there.
Lyly takes up the same text in his Euphues, a ' novel ' ;
the style in which it is written — its excessive antithesis,
its fondness for parallels and similes, its alliteration, etc.
— has received the name of ' Euphuistic,' as if Lyly in-
vented it ; but as a matter of fact it was the fashionable

* Eeasons similar to those which have made us say little of Sackville here
have also been the cause of our entirely omitting Skelton and the Scotch poets.
The former, a man of original power, seems of little importance in connection
•with the development of English literature ; the latter of still less.

Ch. IX.] LITEBATUBE I FBOM CAXTON TO SPENSER, 157

style of prose of the day, owing its origin apparently
chiefly to translations from Spanish and Italian.

§ 6. A few remarks on the drama may fitly close this
chapter. It is here that the influence of Italian and
The Drama -^a^n *s particularly strong : the ' morality ' and
the ' interlude,' flourishing under Henry VIII.,
are vanishing before the close of the period, while the
' miracle ' and ' mystery ' play become practically obso-
lete, or, rather, all of these are blending with new kinds
of productions to give us the English drama. * Eegular '
comedies, written by scholars in English, but on a classic
model, and similarly ' regular ' tragedies, appear : to the
former class belongs Udall's Ralph Roister Doister,
modelled upon Plautus and Terence (produced apparently
in Mary's reign) ; to the latter Sackville and Norton's
Gorboduc (1561), modelled upon Seneca, and notable as
the first play written in English blank verse. Moreover,
not only were Seneca's plays being imitated and rapidly
translated into English, but the Italian comedies were
beginning to be adapted and put on the English stage,
both of which things are of great importance in con-
nection with the subsequent history of the drama.

APPENDIX.
Some Leading Biographies.

Albany, John Stuart, fourth Duke of. The son of Alexander,
Duke of Albany, who had taken shelter with Louis XI. from his
brother James III. He was Admiral of Trance and a French sub-
ject, and was thus a fit agent for Francis I.'s intrigues in Scotland,
after James IV.'s death at Flodden. He displaced the regent
Margaret in 1515, secured the persons of the infant James V. and of
Angus, the Queen Dowager's new husband, who was a member of the
rival family of Douglas. They were restored in 1516, and Angus
held the regency (not undisputed) till 1522, when Albany returned.
Though he had 80,000 troops and 45 pieces of ordnance, he was
checked by the unarmed bluster of Lord Dacre, Warden of the
Western Marches. In the following year he again landed from
France with ample supplies of men, ammunition and money ; and the
Scotch rallied round him rather than submit to the English designs of
Margaret : yet he failed to take Wark Castle, and retired before
Surrey ' with shame and fear.' Having thus proved himself, as
Wolsey observed, ' a coward and a fool,' he finally quitted Scotland in
1524, and so far as France was concerned, that land had rest for
eighteen years.

Angus, Archibald Douglas, sixth Earl of (1489-1557). Married
Margaret, the Queen Dowager, within four months of the birth of her
posthumous eon (August, 1514), but did not help her very much in her
struggle to maintain the English influence. He submitted to the
return of Albany, and his election as regent, July, 1515. He went to
England with his wife in 1516, but soon returned, only to quarrel
with Arran. Margaret, on her return in 1519, sided against her
husband, whom she nicknamed her Anguish, and wished to divorce.
After she had obtained possession of her son in 1524, Angus returned
and was supported by Henry VIII., who was annoyed by the infideli-
ties of his sister, and by 1526 was completely successful. Against his
will he was in 1528 divorced from Margaret, who at once married her
lover, Henry Stuart, later created Lord Methven. Angus was not
long afterwards expelled the country by the King, and lived in England
from 1529 till 1542, under the protection of Henry VIII. On the
death of James V. he returned, but exercised little influence.

Audley, Thomas, Lord (1488-1544). An Essex gentleman and
member of the Inner Temple, brought under Henry VIII.'s notice by
Suffolk. He sat in the Parliament of 1523, and was made speaker of

APPENDIX. 159

the Commons in the next Parliament (the Long Parliament, 1529).
He actively promoted the Bills by which the severance from Rome was
brought about, until January, 1533, when he was succeeded as speaker
by Humphrey Wingfield. In the preceding year he had taken over the
Great Seal from Sir Thomas More — whom he had previously succeeded
in 1529 as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster : early in 1535 he
exchanged the title lord keeper for lord chancellor. He was
created Baron Audley of Walden in 1538, and died in 1544. 'Never
was so much criminal jurisdiction committed to a lord chancellor,'
says Gairdner ; and this is a sure sign of his subservience to the King's
will. He also managed, says Fuller, to ' carve for himself the first
cut in the feast of abbey lands, and that a dainty morsel.'

Beaton (or Bethune), David, Cardinal Archbishop of St. Andrews
(1494-1546). He was made a cardinal in 1537, and two years later
succeeded his uncle as Archbishop of St. Andrews, and thus Primate of
Scotland. Like his uncle, he was the head of the French party, and
had a leading share in James V.'s two French marriages. On the
King's death, in 1542, he produced a will naming himself, Huntley,
Argyle, and Arran, joint regents. The will was declared a forgery,
and Arran became governor. Arran entered into a marriage treaty
with England, July, 1543 ; but two months later Beaton got the upper
hand, and the Estates repudiated the treaty. This led to Hertford's
invasion of 1544. Beaton was also, again like his uncle, a persecutor of
the new faith : bis burning of George Wishart in March, 1546, was
avenged by his murder at the hands of Norman Leslie and Kirkaldy of
Grange on the following May 29.

Beaufort, Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby (1441-1509).
Daughter and heiress of John, first Duke of Somerset. Suffolk tried
to obtain her hand for his son John ; but Henry VI. married her in
1455 to his half-brother, Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond, who,
however, died next year, leaving her the mother of an infant son, after-
wards Henry VII. In 1459 she married Sir Henry Stafford, son of the
Duke of Buckingham, and on his death, in 1481, Lord Stanley, after-
wards Earl of Derby. Though her son was nearest to the throne
among the Lancastrians, she was treated with respect by the Yorkists.
She took an active part in planning her son's invasion, and especially
his alliance with the Wydvilles. Soon after Henry VII. 's accession
she separated from her husband and took monastic vows, mainly
under the influence of Fisher (q.v.). She was a patron of Caxton and
Erasmus ; she founded the 'Lady Margaret' divinity professorships
at Oxford and Cambridge, in 1502 ; and got permission to refound a
corrupt monastery as St. John's College, Cambridge, in 1508. ' It
would fill a volume,' notes Stow, ' to recount her good deeds.'

Bedford, John Russell, first Earl of (d. 1555). A gentleman
of Dorsetshire, who, as a member of Henry VIII. 's court, obtained
large grants of the sequestered Church-lands. He took part with
Suffolk in repressing the Lincolnshire rising of 1536, and in 1539 was
made a peer. He was one of the executors under Henry VIII. 's will,
and in 1549 crushed the religious insurrection in the West. Made Earl
of Bedford in 1550, he attached himself to Warwick, and aided in

160 HISTOKY OF ENGLAND.

bringing about Somerset's fall. In 1551 he was appointed lord privy
seal, and continued in office under Mary, conforming to the Catholic
religion.

Bonner, Edmund, Bishop of London (1500-1569). After being a
fellow-servant of Cromwell's under Wolsey, he was sent to Home in
1532, to protest against the summons of the King to Rome. He dis-
played much zeal for the Divorce, and in 1533 was appointed to make
an appeal at Marseilles from the Pope to a General Council. In 1538,
after performing several missions for the King, he was chosen Bishop of
Hereford, but was next year translated to London. He was a member
of the Moderates under Henry VIII. ; but, disgusted by the excesses of
the reforming party under Edward VI.— against which he early pro-
tested, and was consequently deprived and imprisoned in 1549 — he
threw himself heart and soul into Mary's plans for reconciliation with
Rome. He was one of the first to restore the Mass, and won much
hate through his zeal in persecution. On Elizabeth's accession he was
deprived and committed to the Marshalsea, where he spent the rest of
his days.

Burghley, William Cecil, Lord (1520-1598). His early career was
highly characteristic of ' an age in which it was present drowning not to
swim with the stream ' (Fuller). He was in turn friend to Somerset, to
Northumberland — whose ' device for the succession ' he signed, but
only as a witness — to Cardinal Pole, and to Elizabeth. He became
secretary of state to this last immediately on her accession, and for
forty years was 'the oracle whom she consulted on every emergency,
and whose answers she generally obeyed.' On him she showered
estates and honours : he had three hundred landed estates when he
died ; he was made a peer in 1571 ; and he alone had the privilege of
sitting in the Queen's presence. He bitterly opposed her proposed
marriage with Leicester (q.v.), and encouraged the Queen's thrifty habits
even to parsimony. In foreign policy he early began to advocate the
adoption of an attitude of open hostility with Spain : at home, though
an Adiaphorist himself — that is, he did not set much stock by doctrinal
differences — he persecuted the Catholics. He is not usually credited
with greatness, but he was an adroit and industrious statesman. ' He
had,' says Macaulay, ' a cool temper, a sound judgment, great powers
of application, and a constant eye to the main chance.'

Cranmer, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury (1484-1556). He
was educated at Cambridge, where he became a Fellow of Jesus
College. In 1528 he met Gardiner and Fox, commissioners engaged in
the Divorce, and suggested that the spiritual courts in England were
quite competent to declare such a marriage void, as contrary to the
law of God. He wrote a thesis in support of this position and was
:sent to negotiate with both Pope and Emperor. While in Germany
he contracted an uncanonical marriage with the niece of Osiander, a
prominent Protestant. None the less, he was designated successor to
Warham, in 1532, and, immediately after his consecration, declared
the marriage with Katharine null and void (May 23, 1533), and
crowned Anne Boleyn Queen (June). He was required to dissolve
the latter marriage in May, 1536, and to divorce Henry from Anne

APPENDIX. 161

of Kleves in 1540. He also gave the King the information which
ultimately brought Katharine Howard to the block (1541-1542). He
took little part in politics, being absorbed in theological studies which
resulted in his Bible (1539), in his English version of the old
Uses (the King's Primer, 1546), and in a revision of the Canon Law.
Still, he was as distinctly head of the party of the ' New Learning '
(note, p. 59) as Gardiner of the 'Old Learning'; and twice the
latter, when in the ascendant, tried to ruin him. Henry, however,
stood by him, and named him one of the executors of his will.
Under Edward VI., though he largely influenced the religious changes,
he only took part in two political actions of importance : (1) he placed
the coronation oath after the expression of popular assent, thus imply-
ing that the latter was unnecessary ; and (2) he gave a reluctant
adhesion to Northumberland's scheme for diverting the succession from
Mary. For this he was condemned of high treason (1553), and in 1555
he was convicted of heresy. After failing to save his life by recanta-
tion, he was burnt at the stake in Oxford (March 21, 1556).

Drake, Sir Francis (1545-1596). Early took to the sea under his
relative, Sir John Hawkins (q.v.), and after several minor expeditions
(1570, 1572, etc.) whereby Spain suffered, undertook one in which he
plundered the towns on the west coast of South America, and circum-
navigated the globe (1577-1580). For this exploit he was knighted.
In 1585 he captured Cartagena and other towns in the Spanish Main.
Two years later he ' singed the King of Spain's beard ' by burning
10,000 tons of shipping in Cadiz harbour, and returned home to take
a leading part as vice-admiral in the defeat of the Armada (July,
1588). Next year he burnt Corunna. In 1595 he again sailed to the
West Indies with Hawkins, and died off Porto Bello early in 1596.

Dudley, Sir Edmund (1462-1510). Son of a Sussex gentleman, and
member of Gray's Inn, he accompanied Henry VII. to France in
1492, and is said to have been made a privy councillor at the early
age of three-and-twenty. He was speaker in 1504, but his main
business was by means of legal finesse to drain the purses of the nobility.
Bacon says of him and his colleague Einpson, that they were accounted
the King s ' horse-leeches and shearers, bold men and careless of fame,
and that took toll of their master's grist.' On Henry VIII. 's accession
they were arrested on the charge of conspiring against the new King's
life, and were both attainted and executed in August, 1510.

Essex, Thomas Cromwell (or Crumwell), Earl of (1490-1540). Little
is known of his youth : he seems to have been the son of a blacksmith
at Putney, and to have been a soldier in Italy, a Venetian trader, a
clerk at Antwerp, and a wool-merchant at Middlesborough, before
entering Wolsey's service, about 1527. It was, however, in Italy that
his character was formed ; and Inc/lexe italianato diavolo incarnate was
a proverb of his time not inapplicable to him. On Wolsey's fall in
1529 he managed, while standing alone in fidelity to his master, to
make friends of many nobles, and to please the King by urging him to
solve the Divorce-question by the use of his dormant supremacy. He
became a knight and privy councillor in 1531, and chief secretary and
master of the rolls three years later ; and when at last Henry followed

162 HISTOEY OF ENGLAND.

his advice, Cromwell was appointed as vicar-general, to exercise the
ecclesiastical powers attributed to the crown in the Act of Supremacy
(1535). As such he ranked before his friend the Primate Cranmer.
His first work was a general visitation of the monasteries : this
resulted in the suppression of the smaller ones in 1536, and the
enforced surrender of the larger ones during the three following years.
In this business he was experienced, having done the same thing for
Wolsey when founding Cardinal College. By means of numerous
spies he was able to find out and punish any of the clergy who spoke
against the religious innovations. Though untrammelled by any
religious feeling, he supported the advanced party, and even forced the
marriage with Anne of Kleves on Henry, in order to form a link with
the Lutheran princes of North Germany against Charles V. (1540).
He was created Earl of Essex for this, but his policy was both dis-
tasteful to the King and unsuccessful. He was quite alone — the gentry
hating him as an upstart, and the clergy as a meddling layman — when
he was accused of malversation, heresy and treason. He was con-
demned unheard by Bill of Attainder, and executed July 28, 1540.

Essex, Walter Devereux, Earl of (1540-1576). He became Earl of Ess- ex
in 1572. The title had already changed hands twice during the period ;
the last of the Bourchiers died in 1539; Cromwell enjoyed the honours for
a few months next year ; they then passed to William Parr, brother of
Henry YIII.'s sixth Queen, who was attainted in 1553 ; it became
extinct in the Devereux family in 1646, and passed to the Capels in
1661. He aided in the repression of the northern revolt of 1569, and
soon afterwards went to Ireland (VII. § 9). ' He sacrificed his
fortune in vain in that quagmire of anarchy' (Hall), and died there in
1576 as Earl Marshal of Ireland. He is supposed to have been
murdered by his wife, Lettice Knollys, who then became Leicester's
third wife.

Fisher, John (1459-1535). He was one of the chief supporters of the
New Learning at Cambridge, both in Greek and in theology. Was
created Bishop of Rochester in 1504, and was especially recommended
as an adviser to Henry VIII. by his grandmother, the Lady Margaret
(q.v.), whose benefactions he to a large extent directed. He came
into conflict with Henry's ecclesiastical aims so early as 1529 ; he had
even before that taken up his stand against the Divorce ; and he was
thought to be concerned in the Nun of Kent's treason. He was im-
prisoned for refusing the oath of the succession in 1£34, and was
beheaded on June 22 in the following year, for denying the supremacy.
He had shortly before been made cardinal, and in 1886 he was beatified
by Leo XIII.

Gardiner, Stephen (1483-1555). After a distinguished carter at
Cambridge, became chancellor of the university in 1540. Before then
he had won great favour with Henry VIII. for his services in promot-
ing the Divorce. He and Fox, Bishop of Winchester, were sent to see
the Pope at Orvieto in 1528 ; he persuaded his university to declare
against the legality of marriage with a deceased brother's wife in 1531 ;
and he wrote a book, De Vera Obedientia, upholding the supremacy.
For this he was rewarded with the See of Winchester, of which he was

APPENDIX. 163

deprived in 1551. He was restored on Mary's accession, and became
lord chancellor, and chief adviser to the Queen. He quite forsook
the moderate position he had taken up during Henry VIII. 's reign,
recanted his anti-papal views, and joined in the Marian persecution.
He died, shortly before his great rival, Cranmer, in October. 1555.

Hawkins, Sir John (1520-1595). Adventurer and merchant-mariner
during Elizabeth's reign. Established the slave-trade by purchasing a
cargo of slaves in Guinea (1562) and selling them in Hispaniola (1564).
Appointed treasurer of the navy, 1573 ; and later commanded the
south-west fleet against the Armada ; was knighted for his services.
He died in a subsequent expedition with Drake to the West Indies.

Howard Family. The most prominent members of this family
during the Tudor period were : — (1) John, the first duke, d. 1485 :
his mother was the heiress of the Mowbrays, the previous holders of
the title ; (2) his son Thomas, second duke, d. 1524 ; (3) his son
Thomas, third duke, d. 1554 ; also four other children — (a) Sir
Edward (II. § 3) ; (b) Edmund, father to Katharine, Henry VIII.'s
fifth wife ; (c) William, Lord Howard of Effingham, whose son Charles
defeated the Armada in 1588 ; (d) Elizabeth, who married Thomas
Boleyn, and was the mother of Mary and Anne Boleyn (II. § 10) ;
(4) Henry, Earl of Surrey, son to the third duke, d. 1547 ; (5) his
son Thomas, fourth duke, d. 1572. (The italicized names are treated
separately.)

Latimer, Hugh (1470-1555). Son of a Leicestershire yeoman,
educated at Clare Hall, Cambridge. Brought forward by Cromwell,
he became chaplain to Henry VIII., and finally Bishop of Worcester
(1535). Refusing to accept the Six Articles he was deprived (1541),
and imprisoned until the accession of Edward VI., during whose reign,
though occupying no official position, he worked hard for the Reforma-
tion. Imprisoned at Mary's accession, and burnt with Ridley at
Oxford, October 16, 1555. A popular and eloquent preacher, he main-
tained throughout his career a vigorous and fearless warfare against
ecclesiastical and social abuses ; on the latter especially his sermons
throw much light (VIII. § 2).

Leicester, Kobert Dudley, Earl of (1532-1588). The fifth son of
Northumberland, he early became a favourite at the court of Elizabeth,
who long seemed likely to marry him. Her partiality was prevented from
going such lengths by Cecil's cogent arguments against the marriage :

1. Nothing is increased by marriage of him, either in riches, estimation, or
power. 2. It will be thought that the slanderous speeches of the Queen with
the earl have been true. 3. He shall study nothing but to enhance his own par-
ticular friends to wealth, to offices, to lands, and to offend others. 4. He is
infamed by the death of his wife. 5. He is far in debt. 6. He is like to be un-
kind and jealous of the Queen's majesty.

Though she did not marry him, Elizabeth bestowed many marks of
favour on him besides the endearing epithet of Siveet Robin. In 1562,
when she thought she was dying, she appointed him protector ; in

1563 she proposed him as husband to Mary, Queen of Scots ; in

1564 she made him Earl of Leicester ; in 1585-1586 she placed him over
an expedition to the Netherlands, which he bungled sadly ; and was

11—2

164 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

about to make him Lieutenant-General of England and Ireland, in
face of the Armada, when he fortunately died. He hated Cecil, and all
who supported any marriage proposal for the Queen. In 1560 he is
supposed to have had his wife Anne (or Amy) Robsart put out of the
way at Cumnor, in order to be free to marry the Queen. In 1578 he
married the Countess of Essex, who is said to have poisoned one
husband to secure the other. After 1567 he posed as the champion
of Puritanism.

Lethington, William Maitland of (d. 1573). ' An able and inscrut-
able politician.' who began his career as a friend of Mary, to whom he
acted as secretary of state. He was one of the Lords of the Congre-
gation, opposed the Darnley marriage, helped to defeat and expel the
Queen (1567-1568), and then put himself at the head of the party which
sought her restoration. He said he ' would make the Queen of England
sit upon her tail and whine like a whipped dog,' and died of grief when
his hopes were blasted by the capture of Edinburgh Castle in May, 1573.

More, Sir Thomas (1478-1535). Son of Sir John More, justice of
the King's Bench : spent his childhood in the household of Cardinal
Morton, who predicted that the boy would turn out a marvellous man.
At Oxford, 1497, he made the acquaintance of Erasmus. Joined Lincoln's
Inn in 1499, and acted as Under-Sheriff of London, 1510. He is said to
have begun his political career in opposing Henry VII. 's demand for an
aid in 1504 (?), but was employed in several missions for Henry VIII. in
1514-1516. As speaker of the Commons in 1523, he resisted Wolsey's
attempt to coerce the House into granting the large sum of £800,000.
He succeeded Wolsey as lord chancellor in November, 1529, and as
such opened the Seven Years' Reformation Parliament. Though an
earnest champion of reform, he was opposed to schism, and soon after
the Submission of the Clergy gave up the seals in May, 1532. He
was accused of complicity in Elizabeth Barton's ' treason,' but, on the
prayer of Cranmer, etc., was pardoned (1534). A few months later he
was committed to the Tower for refusing to swear to the preamble of
the Act of Succession, and on July 6, 1535, was executed for declining
to accept 'the whole effects and contents ' of the Act of Supremacy.
By a decree of Leo XIII. he was in 1886 declared a Martyr. He was
one of the foremost scholars of the New Learning, and anticipated
many modern improvements in the treatment of labour, education,
sanitation, religious toleration, etc., in his political and social romance,
Utopia.

Morton, John, Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury (1410-1500).
Educated for the law at Balliol College, Oxford, he was a devoted
adherent of Queen Margaret till the battle of Tewkesbury, 1471.
On submitting to the victor, he was made master of the rolls (1472),
and Bishop of Ely (1479). He attended the death-bed of Edward IV.,
but was suspected by Richard III. He joined in Buckingham's rising
of October, 1483, but escaped from Brecon to Flanders, where he
acted in Henry Tudor's interests. On Henry's accession his attainder
was reversed, and he became a member of the Privy Council. Later
he was raised to the primacy (1486), and the woolsack (1487). In
1493 he was made a cardinal. As Henry's leading minister he retained

APPENDIX. 165

the Lancastrian practice of ruling through Parliament, but ' was not,'
remarks Bishop Stubbs, ' in his financial administration faithful to the
constitutional principle.' For his use of benevolences see I. § 11.
Bacon considered that ' he deserveth a most happy memory in that he
was the principal means of joining the two Roses.'

Morton, James Douglas, fourth Earl of (1530-1581). A nephew
of Angus (q.v. ), he became a privy councillor on Mary's return to
Scotland in 1561, and supported her loyally till he suspected she had
designs on his lands. He then joined Maitland in promoting the bond
which led to Rizzio's murder (1566), commanded the 150 men who seized
Holyrood to cover the deed, and gave refuge to the conspirators while
they were negotiating a bond of security. Driven across the border by
the 2,000 troops Bothwell and Huntley had raised for Mary, he
returned next year and took an active part in the proceedings against
the Queen. Though he had been a party to the bond for promoting
the Bothwell marriage, he was one of the earliest to join the secret
council against the royal couple ; and it was he who produced the
famous Casket Letters (1567). He was rewarded by being restored to his
offices of lord high chancellor and lord high admiral ; and after the
death of Mar in October, 1572, he was appointed regent, on the very
day of his friend John Knox's death, November 24, 1572. Owing to
the animosity of Athole and Arygle, he lost the favour of the young
King, and retired to Lochleven. He came back to public life only to
be accused of a share in Darnley's murder, to be condemned by sixteen
peers, and to be executed (June 2, 1581). As regent he relied chiefly
on the towns, and sought by adopting a moderate Protestantism, and
enforcing peace on the borders, etc., to further the future union of
Scotland and England. He seems to have spoken truth when he said :
' The King sal luse a gude servand this day !'

Murray (or Moray), James Stuart, second Earl of (1533-1570).
An illegitimate son of James V. by Margaret Erskine, he was made
Prior of St. Andrews when but five years old. He showed, however,
no inclination for monasticism, and was among the earliest to join in
the reforming movement in 1559. At the head of the .National party,
he urged his half-sister Mary's return home from France in 1561, and, as
her chief adviser, induced her to acquiesce in the late religious changes in
Scotland (VI. §§ 4, 5). In 1562 he was created Earl of Mar, but on the
title being claimed by Lord Erskine gave it up, with the property
attached to it, and was compensated with the Earldom of Murray.
He was outlawed in 1565 for defending John Knox, accused of high
treason, and for opposing the Darnley marriage, but was allowed to
return after the death of Rizzio, March, 1566. He withdrew to
France during the ensuing troubles, but was recalled after Mary's abdi-
cation, in July, 1567, to act as regent to the infant 'King James VI.
He filled his difficult position with rare honesty, moderation, tact and
courage, and was able to put down both Mary's attempt to oust him in
1568 (Langsi.de, May 13), and that of the Duke of Chatelherault
shortly afterwards. He was shot down while riding through Lin-
lithgow by James Hamilton, of Bothwellhaugh, January 23, 1570.

Norfolk, Thomas Howard, second Duke of (d. 1524). Fought

166 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

against Henry VII. at Bosworth, where his father was killed. After
suffering imprisonment he gave in his allegiance to Henry. As Earl
of Surrey was appointed commander in the North, and acted against
James IV., whom in the next reign he defeated at Flodden, 1513.
In 1514 he received back the dukedom, and became lord marshal.
Engaged in the fruitless operations against France (1522), and
checked the invasion of Albany in 1523, thus securing peace with
Scotland for eighteen years.

Norfolk, Thomas Howard, third Duke of (1473-1554). On his
father's death, in 1524, became prominent as leader of the nobility in
the Council, and chief opponent of Wolsey, whom on his fall, in 1529,
he succeeded as chief adviser to the King. Was commissioner with
Shrewsbury, to negotiate with the leaders of the Pilgrimage of Grace,
1537, and instrumental in passing the Six Articles, 1539 — a triumph
of his policy. Commanded English army in Scotland in 1542. The
reform party in 1546 acquired sufficient influence to secure his arrest
and condemnation for treason. Only the King's death saved him, and
he remained a prisoner throughout the next reign. On Mary's acces-
sion he was released, and took an active part in the condemnation of
Northumberland and the suppression of the Kentish rising.

Norfolk, Thomas, fourth Duke of (1536-1572). Commanded the
army in the North during Elizabeth's earlier years, and in 1568 was
prtsident of the commission of inquiry at York into charges against
Mary, Queen of Scots. Concerned in a plot in Mary's favour — he was
to marry her — he was arrested in 1569, but next year released. Again
conspiring against Elizabeth, he renewed his engagements with Mary,
intrigued with Spain, and — publicly professing the old faith — allied
himself with the Catholics of the North. He was arrested in
September, 1571, condemned of high treason, and executed in June of
the following year.

Northumberland, John Dudley, Duke of (1502-1553). Son of
Henry VIII. 's extortioner, executed in 1510. Like Somerset — whose
daughter his eldest son married in 1547 — he was knighted in 1523.
In 1542 was raised to the peerage as Viscount Lisle, and made lord
high admiral. In that capacity he conveyed Somerset's troops to
Scotland, and during the next two years was occupied in defending the
south coast against a French fleet of superior numbers. He took a
leading part in the battle of Pinkie, 1547, and was again on his way to
Scotland in 1549 when he turned aside to crush Ket's insurrection at
Dussindale (August 27). Two months later he assisted the Council in
expelling Somerset from power, and became president of the Council.
He took up the late Protector's forward policy in religion, but lacked
his sincerity. He was hardly more successful, and much less popular,
than his predecessor, whom, early in 1552, he brought to the block for
conspiring against himself. He had been created Earl of Warwick in
1547 : he now (October, 1551) became Duke of Northumberland. He
foresaw that with the accession of Mary his day would be over, so
worked on Edward's Protestant feelings to set aside her and her sister
Elizabeth, and make Lady Jane Grey his successor. This was effected
in June, 1553, before which time the selected heiress had been forced

APPENDIX. 167

to marry his son, Lord Guildford Dudley. On Edward's death, July 6,
1553, Queen Jane was proclaimed, but Northumberland found the
country against him, and surrendered at Cambridge to Mary. He was
found guilty of treason, and on August 22 was beheaded on Tower Hill,
a professed Catholic.

Paget, William, Lord (1506-1563). Of humble origin ; became one
of the secretaries of state 1543, and negotiated the French peace of
1546. Was an executor of Henry VIII. 's will, and during Edward VI.'s
reign a consistent and faithful supporter of Somerset, by whom he was
entrusted with a diplomatic mission in 1549, and raised to the peerage.
On Somerset's fall he was imprisoned, but released in 1551, and, as
lord keeper under Mary, urged moderation in ecclesiastical matters
and alliance with Spain, but inclined towards the French alliance after
Elizabeth's accession.

Parker, Matthew, Archbishop of Canterbury (1504-1575). Chaplain
to Henry VIII., became in 1552 Dean of Lincoln, and, having escaped
the Marian persecution, was elevated by Elizabeth to the primacy in
1559. Revised the Thirty-Nine Articles (1562), took part in the trans-
lation of the Bishops' Bible (1563-1568), issued the Advertisements
(1565), and generally aimed at organising a system of Church govern-
ment, strictly enforcing uniformity, and opposed to both Catholicism
and Puritanism. His theology was Calvinistic, and — married him-
self— he ran counter to the Queen's prejudice in favour of a celibate
clergy.

Pole, Reginald, Cardinal and Archbishop (1500-1558). The son of
Sir Richard Pole, by Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, daughter to
George, Duke of Clarence. He was educated under Henry VIII. 's
direction at Magdalen College, Oxon, for the Church, and spent five
years at Padua. He was offered the See of York in 1531, but would
not give in the adhesion to the Divorce required in return. ' I love him
in spite of his obstinacy,' said Henry ; 'and were he of my opinion in
this matter, I would love him better than any man in my kingdom.'
He was allowed to retire to Italy, where he and Contarini were the
leading advocates of an attempt to meet the Lutherans half-way, especi-
ally in the matter of justification by faith. In the last days of 1535 he
was created cardinal by Paul III., and sent next year as legate to Cam-
hray to aid the northern Catholics. This mission, and a second mission
early in 1539 to urge on Charles V. and Francis I. the enforcement of
the Bull of deposition against Henry, only resulted in the death of his
mother and brother and many others (III. § 13). His political im-
portance, so far as England was concerned, ceased with this : the only
other thing to be noted in his relations with Henry VIII. is his treatise
Pro Ecclesiasticce Unitatis Defensione — posthumously published. He was
one of the leaders of the party which sought to win back the Lutherans
by accepting their tenet of justification by faith, etc., and on three
occasions missed the tiara by small majorities. On Mary's accession
his attainder was reversed — he had been included in the Bill agaii:st
his mother— and in November, 1556, he entered London as legate, and
in that capacity formally reconciled England with Rome. He succeeded
Cianmer as Archbishop of Canterbury in April, 1556. His moderation

168 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

brought him into disgrace with Pope Paul IV., who suspended his lega-
tine authority, but Mary stood by him. He died on the day after Mary,
November 17, 1559.

Rich, Richard, Lord (d. 1560). As solicitor-general in 1535, secured
the condemnation of Sir Thomas More ; and rewarded with the speaker-
ship in 1537, was henceforth a willing and able instrument of the royal
will. In 1547 named one of the Council, and became lord chancellor.
Was concerned in Lord Seymour's fall, and afterwards deserted Somerset
and became active in the cause of the opposition.

Ridley, Nicholas (1500-1555). Master of Pembroke College, Cam-
bridge, and royal chaplain during Henry VIII. 's reign ; he was made
Bishop of Rochester in 1547, and in 1550 translated to London, dis-
possessing Bonner. One of the authors of Edward VI. 's First Prayer-
Book, he was zealous in clearing his diocese of the forms of Catholic
worship, and in his anxiety for Protestantism supported Northumber-
land's scheme for the disposition of the crown in 1553. On Mary's
accession he was deprived and imprisoned, and in 1555 condemned
of heresy by a legatine commission and burnt with Latimer at Oxford
(October 16).

Somerset, Edward Seymour, Duke of (d. 1552). A Wiltshire gentle-
man who was knighted for his services in France under Suffolk in 1523.
He rose to importance, with the title of Viscount Beauchainp, when
Henry VIII. married his sister Jane in 1536. Four years later he was
made Earl of Hertford. In 1544 he conducted an expedition to the
Forth, which burnt Leith, but failed to take Edinburgh Castle, and
which he transported later in the year to join Henry before Boulogne.
He sided with the reforming party, and thus the fall of the Howards
in 1546-47 was in his favour. Named one of the sixteen executors of
Henry's will, he got himself named Protector, and acquired much in-
fluence over his royal nephew. He jealously pressed on religious and
social reforms, but the only practical outcome was the risings of 1549
in the West and in Norfolk. These he did not meet vigorously, and
that, combined with the barrenness of his victory at Pinkie Cleugh
(September 10, 1547) and the ill success of his foreign policy, enabled
his rival Warwick to supplant him. The Council sent him to the Tower
(October, 1549), but he was released in February, 1550. An attempt
to regain his influence led to his arrest in October next year for treason
and felony. Being found guilty on the latter count, he was, to the
regret of the populace, executed January 22, 1552.

Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of (1516-1547). Son of the third Duke
of Norfolk. Engaged in French and Scotch wars, superseded in 1546
owing to a defeat as Governor of Boulogne, and in 1547 fell a victim to
the ascendancy of the reforming party in the Council, being accused of
treason, condemned and executed. For his position as a writer, see
U. C. C. Hint. Lit., 1485-1580, ch. ii.

Sussex, Thomas Radcliffe, third Earl of (d. 1583). A rough soldier
and a favourite cousin to Elizabeth. He was Lord-Deputy of Ireland
from 1560-1567. He restored the ecclesiastical regime, oi Edward VI. 's
reign, but Inter quarrelled with Sidney and was recalled. He was then
sent to Vienna to negotiate the Queen's marriage with the Archduke

APPENDIX. 169

(VI. § 10), and on bis return was made President of the North. Though
in favour of the suggested union of Norfolk and Mary, he loyally put
down the revolt of the northern earls in 1569, and a few years later
invaded Scotland thrice in order to compel their extradition.

Tunstall, Cuthbert (1474-1559). Bishop of London (1522) and Dur-
ham (1524) ; was one of the executors of Henry VIII. 's will, but was at
once expelled from the Council by the reforming party, and afterwards
imprisoned, ostensibly for complicity with Somerset. Released under
Mary, he was, with Bonner, Gardiner, and Day, a commissioner for puri-
fying the episcopal bench ; but on Elizabeth's accession refused the
oath of supremacy, and was deprived of his see. He has been described
as 'a spirit without a spot.'

Walsingham, Sir Francis (1536-1590). Was ambassador to France
during the earlier years of Elizabeth's reign, and in 1573 became privy
councillor and a principal secretary of state. Was chiefly engaged
in the suppression of plots against the Queen— secured the condemnation
of Mary of Scotland — and in negotiations with foreign Powers. In his
anxiety about the succession, he urged the marriage with Anjou in
1567-72 ; pressed on severe measures against that 'dangerous woman,'
Mary, whom he is said to have bidden Sir Amyas Paulet to murder;
and befriended the Puritans. Hallam refers approvingly to a tract of
his on Elizabeth's religious attitude (Const. Hist., v., last page). He
married his daughter Frances successively to Sir Philip Sidney and the
second Earl of Essex.

Warham, William, Archbishop of Canterbury (1456-1532). A sup-
porter of the New Learning and patron of Erasmus. Became keeper
of the great seal in 1502, and lord chancellor the following year. Was
also successively Bishop of London and Archbishop of Canterbury.
Resigned the chancellorship to Wolsey in 1515, opposed Wolsey's ad-
ministration, resented the King's claim to ecclesiastical supremacy, and
in 1532 resigned office, and soon after died.

Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal (1471-1530). The son of a rich Ipswich
grazier, he was educated at Magdalen College, Oxford, where he took his
degree at the age of fifteen, and thus acquired the nickname of The Boy
Bachelor. Thanks to his patrons, the Marquis of Dorset and Arch-
bishop Deane, he entered Henry VII. 's service, and was rewarded with
the deanery of Lincoln. He made himself indispensable in work and
play to Henry VIII., who in 1513 gave him the bishopric of Tournay.
In 15 1 4 he was raised successively to the sees of Lincoln and York. He
also administered, and enjoyed the revenues of, the sees of Bath and
Wells, Winchester, and Durham. In 1519 he succeeded Warham as
lord chancellor, and received a cardinal's hat from Leo X., who in 1517
appointed him also Legatus a latere. The latter powers he used in try-
ing to get rid of abuses, more particularly by suppressing useless re-
ligious houses and founding with their revenues Ipswich Grammar
School and Cardinal College, Oxford (now Christ Church). He also
had hopes of reforming the whole Church should he attain the papacy.
As chief minister, he relied little on Parliament — which only met once,
in 1523, during his sway, and was not easy to deal with — but rather
strengthened the Council ; while in foreign policy he leaned to alliance

170 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

with Charles V. until 1525, when he joined in Henry's change of front
and favoured Francis. It was with a view to arranging a marriage-
connection with the latter that Wclseyat first encouraged the Divorce :
having failed to secure which from the Pope, the long-impending charge
-of havii g infringed the Statute of Praemunire was allowed t<» fall in
October, ) 529. He had to give up the Seal; ai d was soon afterwards
impeat hed. He retired to his sole remaining possession, the See of
'York, where his popularity caxi^ed him to be summoned to London on
.a fresh charge of treason. He died of dysentery at Leicester Abbey on
4he way up to town, November 29, 1530.

.Time.

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TUTORS OP
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The following1 Tutors are on the regular staff of University
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A. J. WYATT, Esq., M.A. Lond., First of his year in Branch IV.

(English and French), Teachers' Diploma, Early English Text
Society's Prizeman ; Author of Notes on the Shepherd's Calender,
Nolabilia of Anglo-Saxon Grammar, a. Translation of Havelok the
Dane, A^enbite of Inwit, &c.

B. J. HAYES, Esq., M.A. Lond., First in First Class Honours in

Classics both at Inter, and B.A., Gold Medallist in Classics at
M.A. ; Editor of Homer's Iliad VI. ; Author of Matric. Latin,
Intermediate Greek, a Translation of Xenophon's Oeconomicus, &c.

G. H. BRYAN, Esq., M.A., Fifth Wrangler, First Class, First Division,
in Part II., Smith's Prizeman, Fellow of St. Peter's College,
Cambridge ; Author of B.A. Mathematics.

Mons. L. J. LHUISSIER, B.A. Lond., First in Honours both at
Inter, and Final; B.-es-Sc. and B.-es-L. Paris; also of Stuttgart
and Strasburg Universities.

J. WELTON, Esq., M.A. Lond., First of his year in Mental and Moral
Science, bracketed equal as First of the B.A.'s at Degree Exam.,
Honours in French at B.A. and 4th of twenty-seven in English
Honours at Inter.

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Chemistry at Inter. Science, and First in First Class Honours in
Physics at B.Sc. ; Author of A Text-Book of Heat and Light.

C. W. C. BARLOW, Esq., M.A., Sixth Wrangler, First Class, First

Div., in Pan II. Math. Tripos, late Scholar of St. Peter's College,
Cambridge, Mathematical Honourman of London University.

W. F. MASOM, Esq., B.A. Lond., First Class Honours (Classics) at
B.A., French and English Honours at Inter. Arts, Second in
Honours at Matric., University Exhibitioner; Editor of Hero-
dotus VI. ; Author of a Translation of The Epistles of Horace ;
Inter, Latin ; Synopses of Roman and Grecian History.

H. J. MAIDMENT, Esq., B.A. Oxon. and Lond., First Class Honours.

H. H. JOHNSON, Esq., B.A. Lond., First Class Honours, University
Prizeman in English; Author of a Glossary to Adfric's Hon Hies.

W. H. THOMAS, Esq., B.Sc. Lond., First in First Class Honours in
Chemistry.

J. H. DIBB, "Esq., B.Sc. Lond., Double Honours, Mathematics and
Physics.

R.C.B.'KERIN, Esq., B.A. Lond., First in First Class Honours in Classics.

W. H. Low, Esq., M.A. Lond. (German and English) ; Author ot
A History of English Literature, A Translation of the Saxon
Chronicle, Notes on Dryden1 s Essay on Dramatic Poesy, Notes on
Addison's Essays on Milton, &c.

C. S. FEARENBIDE, Esq., B.A. OXOD., Honourman in Mod. History and
Classics (1st Class) ; Author of A History of England, 1660 to 1714.
22

A D VERT IS EVENTS.

TUTORS OP UNIV. CORK. COT.!*.— continued.
J. THOMPSON, Esq., B.A. Camb., First Class Honour-man in Classical

Tripos, Parts I. and IF. ; Author of A Translation of TacitxJ

Annals I. , 'ATfir **

H. M. G-RfXDox, Esq., M.A. Lond., Classical Hononrman ; Author of

A Translation of Livy. I.

C. P. F. O'DwYER, Esq., B.A. Lond., Classical Honourman.
T. THRELFALL, Esq., M.A. Oxon., Double .Honours Natural Science

and Mathematics (First Class).
H. K. TOMPKINS, Esq., B.Sc. Lond., F.C.S., F.T.C., Honourman in

Chemistry.

F. P. SHIPHAM, Esq., M.A. Lond., Classical Honourman.
A. A. IRWIN NESBITT, Esq., M.A., Classical Honours, late Professor

M. A. O. College, Aligarh, India ; Author of A Translation of

Virgil's Aeneid.
A. H. ALLCROKT, Esq., B.A. Oxon., First Class Classical Honours at

Moderations and Final Classical Exam. ; Editor of Livy I. and

XXI., Sophocles' Antigone, Horace' Odes ; Author of A History of

Sicily, The Reign of Augustus, Latin Syntax and Composition.

roK .I^'i^C muj ,o<5 .T9f/r XS

Additional Tutors for Special Subjects.

F. RYLAND, Esq., M. A., Second in First Class Honours (Mental and

Moral Science, &c.) ; Examiner for the Moral Sciences Tripos,
Cambridge ; Author of A Manual of Psychology and Ethics for
Lond. B.A. and B.Sc., &c.

ROBERT BRYANT, Esq., D.Sc. Lond., B.A. Lond., Assistant Examiner
in Mathematics at London University.

J. H. HAYDON, Esq., M.A. Camb. and Lond., Exhibitioner in Latin
at Inter. Arts. Univ. Scholar in Classics at B.A., Gold Medallist
at M.A. ; First Class, First Div., Classical Tripos.

S. MOSES, Esq., M.A. Oxon., B.A. Lond., First Class Hone. Lond. and
Oxon. (Double), Latin Exhibitioner at Int. Arts, First in Honours
at Matriculation : Assistat t Examiner at London University ;
Editor of Cicero De Amicitia, Pro Balbo, and De Finibus I.

G. F. H. SYKES, Esq., B.A. Lond., Classical Honours, Assistant

Examiner in Classics at Lond. Univ. ; Author of a Translation of
Thucydides IV., and Iphigenia in Tauris.

HBINRICH BAUMANN, Esq., M.A. Lond., First in First Class Honours
at Inter, and Final B.A. both in French and German.

SAMUEL RIDEAL, Esq., D.Sc. (Chemistry), Gold Medallist ; Assistant
Examiner to the Science and Art Department.

J. W. ETANS, Esq., B.Sc., LL.B. Lond., First in First Class Hons.

0. H. DRAPER, Esq., D.Sc., B.A., Teachers' Diploma.

A. H. WALKER, Esq., D.Mus. Lond., 10th in Honours at Matricu-
lation, and Honours in Classical Tripos.

H. E. JUST, Esq., B.A. Lond., Double Honours in French and Ger-
man (1st Class), First in First Class Honours at Inter.

A D VER TI SEME NTS.

CHIEF SUCCESSES

HECWfI,y GAINED BY

Correspondence College.

AT MATRICULATION, JUNE, 1889,
78 U. C, Coll. Students passed,

forming one-twelfth, of the entire list.

This number far exceeds the largest ever passed by any other Institu-
tion at this Examination.

AT INTER. ARTS. 1889,
71 V. C. Coll. Students passed,

(A number altogether unprecedented) ;
Eleven in Honours, two with first places, and one with a second place.

21 also passed the Inter. Sc. and Prel. Sci. Exams.,

five in Honours.

AT B.A., 1889.

7O U. C. Coll. Students passed;

Being a larger number than was ever before passed by any Institution.

Of these 1£ Students took Honours.
6 also passed at B.Sc., 2 of whom headed Honour lists.

AT M.A., 1889,

1
Two Students of Univ. Corr. Coll.

passed in Branch I., and in 1888
Qne headed the Mental and Moral Science List.

AT MATRICULATION, JANUARY, 1890,

53 U. C. Coll. Students passed,

forming one-eighth of the entire list and one-sixth of the Honours
Div., with 2nd, 8th, and 17th places.

Full Prospectus, Pass Lists, and further information may be had on
application to the

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