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Goldwin  Smith 


HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 


UNDER 


HENRY  THE  FOURTH. 


PRINTED    BY   JAMES   CLEGG,    WET    RAKE,    ROCHDALE. 

— * 

STEAM   PRINTING   WORKS  : — SCHOOL    LANE. 


ADDENDUM. 


CHAUCER  (like  GOWER)  recognizes  the  three-fold  claim  of 
Henry  to  the  throne,  addressing  him  thus  : — 

"  O  conquer  our  of  Brutes  Albyoun, 
Which  that  by  lygne  and  free  eleccioun, 

Ben  verray  Kynge." 
The  Compleynte  of  CHAUCER  to  his  Purse,  22. 


HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 

UNDER 

HENRY  THE  FOURTH. 


IN     TWO     VOLUMES. 

BY 

JAMES    HAMILTON    WYLIE,    M.A., 

One  of  Her  Majesty's  Inspectors  of  Schools. 


VOL.  1—1399-1404.  k  3 


I  * 

LONDON:  ' 

LONGMANS,    GREEN,    AND     CO. 

1884. 

All  rights  reserved ^: , ,  .jri_>-^_i_^;%-_ 


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to?<( 

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I    DEDICATE   THIS    VOLUME   WITH    GRATITUDE 
TO   THE   MEMORY   OF 


FUSTIAN    MERCHANT, 
AND   FOUNDER   OF  THE   FIRST   FREE  LIBRARY   AT   MANCHESTER, 

WHO    DIED   A.D.    1653. 
I    HAVE   SPENT   MANY   PROFITABLE   HOURS    IN   THE 

COMPANIONSHIP   OF   HIS   BOOKS, 

AND    IN   THE   QUIET   SECLUSION   OF  THE  VENERABLE  COLLEGE, 
PRESERVED   TO   US   AS   A    RELIC   OF   THE 

LANCASTRIAN    AGE, 
THROUGH   HIS   ENLIGHTENED   LIBERALITY. 


055 

tort 

i 


DEDICATE   THIS    VOLUME   WITH    GRATITUDE 
TO   THE   MEMORY   OF 


FUSTIAN    MERCHANT, 
AND   FOUNDER   OF   THE   FIRST   FREE  LIBRARY   AT   MANCHESTER, 

WHO   DIED   A.D.    1653. 
I    HAVE   SPENT   MANY   PROFITABLE   HOURS   IN   THK 

COMPANIONSHIP   OF   HIS   BOOKS, 

AND    IN    THE   QUIET   SECLUSION   OF   THE   VENERABLE  COLLEGE, 
PRESERVED   TO   US    AS   A    RELIC   OF   THE 

LANCASTRIAN   AGE, 
THROUGH    HIS   ENLIGHTENED   LIBERALITY. 


PREFACE. 


THE  materials  for  this  volume  have  been  put  together 
during  the  broken  intervals  of  a  busy  official  life,  often 
at  a  distance  from  original  sources  of  information.  They 
have  taken  more  than  twelve  years  to  collect,  and,  if,  after 
all,  they  shall  seem  trivial  and  unimportant,  compared 
with  the  amount  of  time  and  labour  which  it  has  cost  to 
gather  them  together,  my  apology  for  publishing  them 
must  be  that  the  ground  has  not  been  thoroughly  worked 
before.  I  do  not  pretend  to  enunciate  a  political  principle 
or  advocate  a  social  theory ;  I  merely  attempt  to  decipher 
some  facts  from  the  life  of  the  people  of  England  in  the 
dimness  of  a  forgotten  past. 

My  acknowledgments  are  due  to  the  officials  of  the 
Public  Record  Office  for  much  courtesy  and  help  received 
from  them  in  the  Search  Room  in  London,  and  I  venture 
to  express  regret  that  so  little  attention  has  been  yet 
directed  to  the  Archives  of  the  i5th  century,  especially 
since  the  publication  of  the  valuable  series  of  Original 
Letters,  edited  under  the  direction  of  the  Master  of  the 
Rolls,  by  the  Rev.  F.  C.  Hingeston,  some  twenty-four 
years  ago. 

Rochdale, 

July  1 8th,  1884. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER.  PAGE. 

I.  Introductory 1 

II.  Dramatis  Personae    19 

III.  The  Coronation 39 

IV.  The  First  Parliament   46 

V.  Foreign  Affairs 80 

VI.  .The  Death  of  Richard 91 

VII.  The  Invasion  of  Scotland  119 

VIII.  Wales  141 

IX.  The  Emperors  of  the  East  and  West   156 

X.  The  Lollards 168 

XI.  The  Restoration  of  Isabella   191 

XII.  Conway  212 

XIII.  Ireland    219 

XIV.  Insurrection  in  Wales 241 

XV.  A  Chapter  of  Marriages 251 

XVI.  The  Begging  Friars 265 

XVII.  "Revolted  Mortimer"     281 

XVIII.  The  Battle  of  Humbledon  288 

XIX.  The  Scottish  Prisoners 295 

XX.  The  King's  Marriage     306 

XXI.  Timur 312 

XXII.  The  French  Challenges    322 

XXIII.  The  Annexation  of  Southern  Scotland 337 

XXIV.  Owen  in  Caermarthen  341 

XXV.  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury 349 

XXVI.  The  Submission  of  Earl  Percy 366 

XXVII.  South  Wales  371 

XXVIII.  The  Pirate  War 379 

XXIX.  The  War  Treasurers 400 

XXX.  The  Commotion  in  Essex     417 

XXXI.  Caernarvon,  Harlech,  and  Dartmouth  429 

XXXII.  The  Franco-Welsh  Alliance 439 

XXXIII.  Inaction  456 

XXXIV.  The  "Illiterate"  Parliament  ..  ..  469 


LIST   OF   PRINTED   BOOKS   REFERRED   TO   IN 
THIS   VOLUME. 

Those  marked  with  an  asterisk  (*)  are  mostly  contemporary 
with  the  events  related. 

*  Acts  of  the  Parliaments  of  Scotland.    Vol.  I.    London,  1844. 
Andrews,  James  Pettit.— HISTORY  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.     2  vols. 

London,  1794. 

*  [Angl.  Sacr.]— WHARTON,  HENRY  (b.  1664,  d.  1695).— ANGLIA  SACRA. 

2  vols.     London,  1691. 

*  [Ann.]— ANNALES  RICH.  II.  ET  HENR.  IV.  (1392-1406),  probably  by 

William  Wyntershylle,  Monk  of  St.  Albans ;  living  in  1396,  but 
died  before  1429.  1vol.  Chron.  and  Mem.  H.  T.  Riley:  London, 
1866. 

Anstis,  John  (b.  1669,  d.  1744).  —  REGISTER  OP  ORDE.R  OF  THE 
GARTER.  2  vols.  London,  1724. 

Arber,  E. — ENGLISH  GARNER.     6  vols.     Birmingham,  1876. 

[Archaeol.]— ARCHJSOLOGIA  ;  OR,  MISCELLANEOUS  TRACTS  RELATING  TO 
ANTIQUITY.  Published  by  the  Society  of  Antiquaries.  39  vols. 
London,  1770-1860. 

*  Aretinus  =  Leonard  Bruni  (b.  1369).— DE  TEMPORIBUS  suis.     1  vol. 

Venice,  1475. 

[Art  de  Ver.]— L'ART  DE  VERIFIER  LES  DATES  ;  Fr.  D'Antine  (b.  1681, 
d.  1746)  and  others.  3  ™ls.  Paris,  1783. 


*  Bekyngton,  Thomas  (circ.  1440). — OFFICIAL  CORRESPONDENCE.    2 

vols.     Chron.  and  Mem.     Williams:  London. 

Beltz,  G.  F.  (d.  1841). —  MEMORIALS  OF  THE  ORDER  OF  THE  GARTER. 
1  vol.     London,  1841. 

*  Bethencourt,  Jean  de  (circ.  1402).— HISTOIRE  DE  LA  CONQUETE  DES 

CANARIES.     1  vol.     R.  H.  Major:  London,  1872. 

Biondi,  J.  F.  (b.  1572,  d.  1644).— HISTORY  OF  THE  CIVILL  WARRES  OF 
ENGLAND.     1  vol.     London,  1641. 

*  Black  Book  of  the  Admiralty.    3  vols.  Chron.  and  Mem.    T.Twiss: 

London. 
Blomefield. — HISTORY  OF  NORFOLK.     5  vols.     Lynn,  1775. 

*  Boucicaut,  Jean   le   Maingre   (b.  1365,  d.  1421).  — HISTOIRE  DU 

MARECHAL  BOUCICAUT  (1368-1407),  by  a  Contemporary  (name 
unknown),  in  Nouvelle  Collection  des  Memoires  pour  servir  a 
1'  Histoire  de  France — Michel  et  Poujoulat,  serie  I.,  vol.  2,  pp. 
203-332.  Paris,  1836. 

Bonnechose,  F.  P.  (b.  1801).— LES  REFORMATEURS  AVANT  LA  RE- 
FORME.     2  vols.    Paris,  1844. 


X.  EEFERENCES— Continued. 

Brut-y-Tywysogion. — A  Welsh  Chronicle,  681  to  1282.     1  vol.     J. 

Williams  :  London,  1860. 
Bulk  of  the  Croniclis  of  Scotland.     3vols.     Chron.  and  Mem. 

London.     (A  metrical  version  of  Boethius.) 

Burn,  Richard    (d.  1785). — ECCLESIASTICAL  LAW.     2  vols.     London, 

1763. 
Byegones. — Relating  to  Wales  and  the  Border  Counties.     Oswestry, 

1871,  &c. 

Camden.— BRITANNIA.     1  vol.     London,  1557. 

*  [Capgr.]  CAPGRAVE,  JOHN  (b.  1393,  d.  1464). —  THE  CHRONICLE  OF 

ENGLAND  TO  1417  (written  circ.  1462).     1vol.     F.  C.  Hingeston: 

London,  1858.— LIBER  DE  ILLUSTRIBUS  HENRICIS.    1  vol.    London, 

1858. 
Carte,  Thos.  (b.  1686,  d.  1754).— A  GENERAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND. 

4  vols.     London,  1750. 
Caxton,  W.    (b.  1412,  d.  1492). — CHRONICLE   OF   ENGLAND.      2  vols. 

Blaydes  :  London,  1861. 
[Chalco.]  CHALCOCONDYLES  LAONICUS  (circ.  1450). — DE  ORIGINE  ET 

REBUS  GESTIS  TuRCORUM.     1  vol.     Paris,  1650. 

*  Christine  de   Pisan  (b.  1363,  d.  1431). — LIVRE  DES  FAICTS  DU  SAGE 

Roi  CHARLES  V.,  in  Nouvelle  Collection  des  Memoires  de  France — 
Midland  et  Poujoulat.     Vols.  I.,  II.     Paris,  1836. 

*  [Chron.  Giles.]  INCERTI  SCRIPTORIS  CHRONICON.    1vol.    J.A.Giles: 

London,  1848. 

*  [Chron.  Lond.]    A   CHRONICLE  OF  LONDON,  1189-1483,  Edited  by 

N.  H.  Nicholas.     1  vol.     London,  1827. 

[Chron.  R.  II.— H.  VI.]  A  CHRONICLE  OF  REIGNS  OF  R.  II.,  H.  IV., 
H.  V.,  H.  VI.  (1377-1461.)  A  translation  into  English  of  Eulo- 
gium  as  far  as  1413,  Edited  by  J.  S.  Davies.  1  vol.  Camd.  Soc. 
London,  1856. 

*  Clavijo,    Ruy  Gonzalez  de   (d.  1412),  Embassy  to  the  Court  of 

Timur.     1  vol.     C.  H.  Markham  :  London,  1859. 
Cluvier,  Ph.   (b.  1580,  d.  1623).— INTRODUCTIO  AD  UNIVERSAM  GEO- 
GRAPHIAM.     1  vol.     Amsterdam,  1697. 

*  Cod  in  us,  George   (d.  1453  circ.)— DE  OFFICIIS  ECCLESI.E  ET  AUL^E 

CONSTANTINOPOLITAN.K     1  vol.     Paris,  1648. 

Collier,  Jeremy  (b.1650,  d.  1726). — ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY.    2  vols. 

London,  1708. 
Collins,  Arthur   (b.  1682,  d.  1760). — THE  PEERAGE  OF  ENGLAND. 

9  vols.     London,  1779. 

*  [Cone.]     CONCILIA   MAGN.E   BRITANNIA:   ET  HIBERNI.E. —  D.  Wilkins 

(b.  1685,  d.  1745).     4  vols.     London,  1737. 

Contelorio,  F.  (circ.  1620).  —  CATALOGUE  DES  CARDINAUX.  Rome, 
1641. 


REFERENCES— Continued.  XL 

Cooper,  C.  P. — ACCOUNT  OF  PUBLIC  RECORDS.     2  vols.     London,  1832. 

*  [Croyl.  Hist.]    HISTORIC    CROYLANDENSIS    CONTINUATIO.      2  vols. 
Fulman  :  Oxford,  1684. 

Daniel,  Geo.  (1616-1657).— TRINARCHORDIA.      A.  B.Grosart.    4  vols. 

1878. 
Davies,  C.  M. — HISTORY  OF  HOLLAND.     3  vols.     London,  1841. 

[Dep.  Keep.  Rept.]— ANNUAL  REPORTS  OF  DEPUTY  KEEPER  OF  PUBLIC 
RECORDS.— F.  Palgrave,  T.  D.  Hardy,  &c.  43  vols.  London,  1840- 
1882. 

Du  Cange. — GLOSSARIUM  AD  SCRIPTORES  MEDI/E  ET  INFIM.E  LATINITATIS. 
6  vols.  Paris,  1733. 

Ducas  Michael   (circ.  1453). —  HISTORIA   BYZANTINA   (1350-1453). 

1  vol.     Paris,  1649. 

Duchesne,  Andre  (b.  1584,  d.  1640).— HISTOIRE  D'ANGLETERRE.  1vol. 

Paris,  1614. 
Dugdale,  Wm.  (b.  1605,  d.  1686).  —  THE  BARONAGE   OF  ENGLAND. 

2  vols.     1675. 


*  Elmham,  Thos.  (circ.  1415).— VITA  ET  GESTA  HENRICI  QUINTI.     1  vol. 

Hearne:  Oxford,  1727. 

*  [Eulog.]    EULOGIUM  HISTORIARUM,  continued  to  1413,  probably  by  a 

Monk  of  Canterbury.     3  vols.     Chron.  and  Mem.     F.  S.  Haydon  : 
London. 
Evans,  Evan. — DE  BARDIS  DISSERTATIO.     1  vol.     London,  1764. 

*  [Eves.]    HISTORIA  VITM  ET  REGNI  RICH.  II.  (to  1402),  by  a  Monk  of 

Evesham,  a  Contemporary  (name  unknown).     1  vol.     T.  Hearne  : 
Oxford,  1729. 

*  [Excheq.  Rolls  Scot.]     THE  EXCHEQUER  ROLLS  OF  SCOTLAND.— G. 

Burnet.     4  vols.     Edinbro',  1876-1880. 


[Fab.]  FABYAN,  ROBT.  (d.  1512). — THE  NEW  CHRONICLES  OF  ENGLAND 
AND  FRANCE  (chiefly  from  Gaguin).     1  vol.     London,  1559. 

*  Fasciculi  Zizaniorum.     1vol.     W.  W.  Shirley  :  London,  1858. 

*  Fortescue,  Sir  John  (circ.  1450). — DE  LAUDIBUS  LEGUM  ANGLI.-E. 

1  vol.     J.  Selden  :  London,  1672. 
Foss,  Edw. — THE  JUDGES  OF  ENGLAND.     4  vols.     London,  1848-51. 

*  Four  Masters  (ANNALS  OF  THE).     3  vols.     Dublin,  1856. 

Fox,  John  (b.  1517,  d.  1587).— ACTS  AND  MONUMENTS.   3  vols.   London, 
1641. 

*  [Frois.]    FROISSART,   J.EAN   (b.  1337  circ.,  d.  1410).  — HISTOIRE  ET 

CHRONIQUE  MEMORABLE.     4  vols.  in  2.     Paris,  1574. 


Xll.  REFERENCES—  Continued. 

Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  (temp.  H.  I.)  —  BRITISH  HISTORY.  A. 
Thompson.  1  vol.  London,  1842. 

*  Gerson,  Jean  Charles  (b.  1363,  d.  after  1418).— J.  GERSONII  OPERA 

OMNI  A.     5  vols.     L.  E.  du  Pin :  Antwerp,  1706. 
Gibbon,  E.  (b.  1737,  d.  1794). — DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  ROMAN 
EMPIRE.     8  vols.     London,  1855. 

*  Gobelin,   Persona    (b.    1358,    d.   after   1418).  —  COSMODROMIUM. 

Frankfort,   1599.  —  Also  in  MEIBOM.   (H.)  —  SCRIPTORES   RERUM 
GERMANICARUM.     Helmstadt,  1688. 

Gough,  Richard  (b.  1735,  d.  1809).— SEPULCHRAL  MONUMENTS.   3vols. 

London,  1786-1799. 
Godwin,  F.   (b,  1561,  d.  1633).— A  CATALOGUE  OF  THE  BISHOPS  OF 

ENGLAND.     1  vol.    London,  1615. 
Green,  J.  R.  (d.  1883).— A  SHORT  HISTORY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  PEOPLE. 

1  vol.     London,  1877. 
Greenwood,  Thos. — CATHEDRA  PKTEI.    6  vols.     London,  1856. 

*  [Greg.  Chron.]  GREGORY,  WM.  (b.  1410  circ.,  d.  1467).— GREGORY'S 

CHRONICLE.     1  vol.     Camd.  Soc.    J.  Gairdner  :  London,  1876. 

Halle,  Edward  (b.  1499  circ.,  d.  1547).— UNION  OF  FAMILIES  OF 
LANCASTRE  AND  YORKE.  1  vol.  London,  1550. 

*  [Hard.]  HARDYNG,  JOHN  (b.  1378,  d.  1470  circ.). — CHRONICLE  FROM 

BRUTE   TO  FLIGHT  OF  HENRY  VI.  TO  SCOTLAND,  in  verse.     1  vol. 
Sir  H.  Ellis  :  London,  1812. 

Harpsfeld,  Nicholas  (d.  1583).— HISTORIA  ANGLICANA  ECCLESIASTICA. 
1  vol.  Douai :  1622. 

Hayward,  Sir  John  (d.  1627). — THE  FIRST  PART  OF  THE  LIFE  AND 
RAIGNE  OF  KING  HENRIE  THE  IIII.  1  vol.  London,  1599. 

Herbert,  Wm. — HISTORY  OF  LIVERY  COMPANIES  OF  LONDON.  2  vols. 
London,  1837. 

Hody,  Humphrey  (b.  1659,  d.  1706).  —  DE  GR^CIS  ILLUSTRIBUS. 
1  vol.  Oxford,  1742. 

[Holins.]  HOLINSHEAD,  RAPHAEL  (d.  1580  circ.). — THE  HISTORIE  OF 
ENGLAND.  3  vols.  in  2,  fol.  London. 

Hook,  W.  F.— LIVES  OF  THE  ARCHBISHOPS  OF  CANTERBURY.  4  vols. 
London,  1865. 

H o wo rt h ,  H.  H.— HISTORY  OF  THE  MONGOLS.  2  vols.  London,  1876, 
Ac. 

*  [Inq.  Post  mort.]   CALENDARIUM  INQUISITIONUM  POSTMORTEM  SIVE 

EsevETARUM.     4  vols.     Cayley  &  Bayley  :  London. 

lolo  MSS.— WILLIAMS,  EDWD.  (b.  1745,  d.  1827).  1  vol.  Llandovery, 
1848. 

*  [Iss.  Roll  Excheq.]  ISSUE  ROLL  OF  EXCHEQUER,  44  ED.  III.  (1370). 

F.  Devon.     1  vol.     London,  1835. 


REFERENCES— Continued.  Xlll. 

*  [JUV.]    JOUVENEL    DBS    URSINS,  JEAN  (b.  1388,  d.  1473).— HlSTOIRE  DE 

CHAELESVI.      1vol.      D.  Godefroy:    Paris,   1653;    also  Vol.  II. 
Nouvelle  Collection  :  Paris,  1836. 

Kennet,  White    (b.  1660,  d.  after  1718).—  COMPLEAT  HISTORY  OF 
ENGLAND.     3  vols.     London,  1706. 

*  [King's  Council,  Ireland.]    A   KOLL   OF   PROCEEDINGS  OF  KING'S 

COUNCIL,  IN  IRELAND,  16  RICH.  II.     1  vol.     J.  Graves  :  London, 

1877. 

[Lei.  Col.]  LELAND  (d.  1553). — DE  REBUS  BRITANNICIS  COLLECTANEA. 

6  vols.     Hearne  :  London,  1715. 
Le  Neve,  J.  (b.  1679,  d.  1741).— FASTI  ECCLESLE  ANGLICANS.    3  vols. 

T.  D.  Hardy  :  Oxford,  1854. 
Lewis,  Saml. — TOPOGRAPHICAL  DICTIONARY.     4  vols.     London,  1831. 

Lingard,  John   (b.  1771,  d.  1851). — THE  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND  TO 

1688.     5th  edition.     10  vols.     London,  1849. 
Lobineau,  G.  A.  (b.  1666,  d.  1727).— HISTOIRE  DE  BRETAGNE.    2  vols. 

Paris,  1707. 

*  [Loch  Ce.]— ANNALS  OF  LOCH  CE.     2  vols.     Chron.  and  Mem.     Hen- 

nessey :  London. 

Lowth.— LIFE  OF  WILLIAM  OF  WICKHAM.    1  vol.     Oxford,  1777. 
Lysons,  Danl.  &  Saml. — MAGNA  BRITANNIA.    London,  1814,  &c. 


Madox,  Thos.  —  HISTORY  OF  THE   EXCHEQUER  TO  ED.  II.      1  vol. 

London,  1711. 
Mallet,  Paul  Henry  (b.  1730,  d.  1807). — HISTOIRE  DE  DANNEMARC. 

1  vol.     Copenhagen,  1758. 
Manet,  F.  G.  B.— HISTOIRE  DE  LA  PETITE  BRETAGNE.     3  vols.     St. 

Malo,  1834. 
Martene,  Edmund   (b.  1654,  d.  1739). — THESAURUS  ANECDOTORUM. 

5  vols.     Paris,  1717. 
Matthew,  F.  D.  —  THE  ENGLISH  WORKS  OF  WYCLIF.     1vol.    Early 

Eng.  Text  Soc.,  1880. 

Mezerai,   Francois    Eudes   de    (b.  1610,  d.  1683).  —  HISTOIRE  DE 
FRANCE.     3  vols.     Paris,  1643. 

Michelet,  M. — THE  HISTORY  OF  FRANCE.    2  vols.     London,  1844. 

Milman,  H.  H. — HISTORY  OF  LATIN  CHRISTIANITY.     6  vols.     London, 

1857. 
[Mod.  ten.   Parl.]     MODUS  TENENDI    PARLIAMENTUM.       A  treatise 

written,  probably,  temp.  Ed.  II.,  Edited  by  T.  D.  Hardy.     1  vol. 

London,  1846. 

Monasticon  Anglicanum. — W.  Dugdale  (b.  1605,  d.  1686).     6  vols. 
Caley  &  Ellis  :  London,  1817. 


XIV.  REFERENCES— Continued. 

*  [Monstr.]    MOXSTRELET,  EXGUERRAND  DE  (b.  1390  circ.,  d.  1453). — 

CHRONIQUE.     1  vol.     Paris,  1603. 

*  [Mon.  Fran.]    MONUMENTA  FRANCISCANA.     1vol.     Chron.  and  Meni. 

J.  S.  Brewer  :  London. 

Morant  Philip  (b.  1700,  d.  1770).— HISTORY  OF  ESSEX.    2  vols.    1760. 
Morice  de  Beaubois.  DOM  PIERRE  HYACINTH  (b.  1693). — L'HISTOIRE 

DE  BRETAGNE,  1750.    20  vols.     Guincamp,  1835. 

Mosheim,  John   L.   (b.  1695,  d.  1755). — ECCLESIASTICAL  HISTORY. — 
A.  MacLaine.     2  vols.     London,  1765. 

Motley,  J.  L. — THE  RISE  OF  THE  DUTCH  REPUBLIC.     1  vol.     London, 

1852. 
Muratori,  L.  A.  (b.  1672,  d.  1750). — SCRIPTORES  RERUM  ITALICARUM. 

27  vols.     Milan,  1723,  &c. 

Newcourt,  Richard    (d.  1716).— REPERTORIUM  ECCLESIASTICUM.      2 

vols.     London,  1708. 
Nicholas,  N.  H. — HISTORY  OF  THE  ORDERS  OF  KNIGHTHOOD.    4  vols. 

London,  1842.— HISTORY  OF  THE  ROYAL  NAVY.     2  vols.     London, 

1847. 

*  [Ord.  Priv.  Co.]  ORDINANCES  OF  THE  PRIVY  COUNCIL  OF  ENGLAND.— 

Sir  H.  Nicholas.     7  vols.     London,  1834. 
[Orig.  Let.]    ORIGINAL  LETTERS  ILLUSTRATIVE  OF  ENGLISH  HISTORY. 

Sir  H.  Ellis.      j  Series    II.     4  vols.     London,  1827. 
{  Series  III.     4  vols.     London,  1846. 
Ormerod,  Geo. — HISTORY  OF  CHESHIRE.    3  vols.    London,  1819. 

*  [Ott.]  OTTERBOURNE,  THOS.   (a  Franciscan,  at  Oxford,  temp.  H.  IV., 

H.  V.) — CHRONICA  REGUM  ANGLIJE.    1  vol.    Hearne:  Oxford,  1732. 

Owen,  H.,  and  Blakeway,  J.  B.— HISTORY  OF  SHREWSBURY.    2  vols. 
London,  1825. 

[Parl.'Hist.]    THE  PARLIAMENTARY  OR  CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY  OF 
ENGLAND.     24  vols.     London,  1762. 

Pennant,  Thos.   (b.  1726,  d.  1798).— A  TOUR  IN  WALES.     2  vols. 

London,  1784. 
Pfeffel,  Ch.  F.  (b.  1726,  d.  1807). —  NOUVEL   ABREGE  DE  L'HISTOIRE 

D'ALLEMAGNE.    2  vols.    Paris,  1776. 
Pinkerton,  John   (b.  1758). — THE  HISTORY  OF  SCOTLAND.    2  vols. 

London,  1797. 

*  [Pol.  Songs.]    POLITICAL  POEMS  AND  SONGS,  ED.  III.  TO  RICH.  III. 

Chron.  and  Mem.     T.  Wright.     2  vols.     London. 

[Pol.  Verg.]     POLYDORI  VERGILII    (d.  1555)     URBINATIS    ANGLIC^E 
HISTORIC  LIBRI  27.     1  vol.     Basle,  1560. 

Powel,   David    (b.  1552,  d.  1598). —  HISTORY  OF   CAMBRIA.     1vol. 

London,  1584. 

Prynne,  Wm.  (b.  1600,  d.  1669).— BRIEF  REGISTER.     4  vols.  in  2. 
London,  1659. 


REFERENCES— Continued.  XV. 

Raleigh,   Sir  Walter   (b.   1552,  d.  1618).— THE  PREROGATIVES   OF 
PARLIAMENTS.     1  vol.     Midelburgk,  1628. 

*  [Rept.   Dign.   Peer.]    Report  touching  the  DIGNITY  OF  A  PEER  OF 

THE  REALM.     4  vols.     London,  1826. 
Rinaldi    (or   Raynaldus),   Oderic   (b.   1595,  d.  1671).— ANNALES 

ECCLESIASTICI.     8  vols.     Cologne,  1693,  &c. 
Ross  (or  Rouse),  John  (d.  1491). — HISTORIA  REGUM  ANGLIC.     1  vol. 

Hearne :  Oxford,  1715. 

*  [Rot.  Parl.]  ROLLS  OF  PARLIAMENT.    Henry  IV.,  Vol.  III.,  pp. 41 5-666. 

6  vols.     London. 

*  [Rot.  Scot.]  ROTULI  SCOTIA.     2  vols.     London,  1814. 

*  [Roy-   Let.]    ROYAL  AND  HISTORICAL  LETTERS   during  the  Reign  of 

Henry  IV.     Vol.  I.  (1399-1404).     F.  C.  Hingeston  :  London,  1860. 
THOMAS  RYMER  (d.  1713).— FCEDERA.     15  vols.     London,  1704, 
&c.;    continued   to  20   vols.   by    Robert   Sanderson,    1735.     See 
Hardy's  Syllabus.     2  vols. 
Rogers,  J.   E.  Thorold. — HISTORY  OF  AGRICULTURE  AND  PRICES  IN 
ENGLAND.     2  vols.     Oxford,  1866. 


*  Saintre,  Petit- Jean   de.— PLEASANT  CHRONICLE  OF  LITTLE  JEHAN 

DE  SAINTRE,  written  by  Antoine  de  la  Sale  (b.  1398),  translated 
by  A  Vance.     1  vol.     London,  1862. 

Sandford,  F.  (b.  3630,  d.  1693). — GENEALOGICAL  HISTORY  OF  KINGS 
AND  QUEENS  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.  1  vol.  London,  1707. 

*  Schiltberger,  Johan  (circ.  1400). — BONDAGE  AND  TRAVELS.    1  vol. 

J.  B.  Telfer  :   London  (Hakluyt),  1859. 

*  [Scottichron.]  Bower,  Walter  (b.  1385,  d.  after  1449).— SCOTTI- 

CHRONICON.     2  vols.     W.  Goodall :  Edinburgh,  1775. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter.— HISTORY  OF  SCOTLAND  (in  Lardner's  Cabinet 
Cyclopaedia).  2  vols.  London,  1830.  ESSAY  ON  CHIVALRY. 
Vol.  6  of  Miscellaneous  Prose  Works.  28  vols.  Edinburgh,  1834. 

Sismondi,  J.  C.  L.  S.  de  (b.  1773,  d.  1842). — ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 
1  vol.  London,  1832. 

Speed,  J.  (b.  1555,  d.  1629). — HISTORY  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN.  1  vol. 
London,  1623. 

Spondanus  =  Henri  de  Sponde,  (b.  1568,  d.  1643). —  ANNALIUM 
BARONII  CONTINUATIO.  2  vols.  Paris,  1659. 

*  [Stat.] — STATUTES  OF  THE  REALM.     9  vols.     London. 

*  St.  Denys,  Chronique  du  religieux  de  (1380-1422). — BELLAQUET, 

COLLECTION  DES  DOCUMENTS  INEDITS.     6  vols.     Paris,  1839. 
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Stonehouse,  W.  B. — HISTORY  OF  THE  ISLE  OF  AXHOLME.  1  vol. 
London,  1839. 


XVI.  REFERENCES— Continued. 

Stow,   John    (b.   1525   circ.,   d.   1605). —  CHRONICLE   OF    ENGLAND. 

1  vol.     London,  1615. 

Strickland,  Agnes. — QUEENS  OF  ENGLAND.    6  vols.    London,  1868. 
Strutt,  Jos.  (b.  1749,  d.  1802).— ANGEL-CYNNAN.     3  vols.     London, 

1775. 
Stubbs,  W.     CONSTITUTIONAL  HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND.     3  vols.     Oxford, 

1878. 

Thomas.  F.  S. — ANCIENT  EXCHEQUER  OF  ENGLAND.     1  vol.     London, 

1848. 
Tlllet,  Jean  du   (b.  1500  circ.,  d.  1570).— RECEUIL   DBS  Rois  DE 

FRANCE.     1  vol.     Paris,  1618.- — GUERRES  ET  TRAICTEZ  DE  PAIX. 

1  vol.     Paris,  1588. 

*  [Trais.]  CHRONIQUE  DE  LA  TRAISON  ET  MORT  DE  RICHARD  II.,  probably 

by  a  Monk  of  St.  Denys,  or  a  Priest  who  accompanied  Henry  from 
Paris.     1  vol.     Engl,  Hist.  Soc.     B.  Williams  :  London,  1846. 

Tyler,  J.  Endel I.— HISTORY  OF  MONMOUTH.     2  vols.     London,  1838. 

Tytler,  P.  F.— HISTORY  OF  SCOTLAND.    9  vols.    Edinbro',  1828-1843. 

*  [Usk.]  ADAM  OF  USK  (b.  1360  circ.) — CHRONICON  AD.E  DE  USK  (1377- 

1404),  written  after  1415.     1  vol.     E.  M.  Thomson :  London,  1876. 


Velli,  P.  F.  (b.  1711,  d.  1759),  and  VILLARET  CL.  (d.  1766)  HISTOIRE 
DE  FRANCE. 

*  [Ven.  State  PP.]  CALENDAR  OF  STATE  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  ENGLISH 
AFFAIRS  IN  THE  ARCHIVES  OF  VENICE.  Vol.  I.  1202-1509.  Raw- 
don  Brown  :  London,  1864. 


*  [Wals.]   THOMAS  WALSINGHAM   (circ.  1440). —  HISTORIA  ANGLICANA. 

Vol.  II.     1381-1422.      Chron.  and  Mem.      2  vols.      H.  T.  Riley : 
London,  1846. 

*  [Waur.]  WAURIN,  JEHAN  DE  (b.  1390  circ.,  d.  1474  circ.).— RECEUIL 

DBS  CHRONIQUES.     2  vols.    W.  Hardy  :  London. 

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London,  1868. 

Wynne,  W.— HISTORY  OF  WALES.    1  vol.    London,  1774. 

*  [Wynt.]    WYNTOWN,  ANDREW   (b.  1344  circ.,   d.  after  1420).— THE 

ORYGYNALE   CRONYKIL  OF  SCOTLAND.     2  vols.      D.  MacPherson  : 
London,  1795. 


HISTORY  OF  ENGLAND 


UNDER  HENRY  THE  FOURTH 


CHAPTER    I. 
INTRODUCTORY. 

THE  history  of  the  English  nation  under  the  Kings  of  the  House 
of  Lancaster  has  not  yet,  so  far  as  I  know,  been  fully  treated  by 
any  modern  enquirer.  Like  every  portion  of  human  history  it 
is  well  deserving  of  minute  examination,  and  is  rich  in  dramatic 
interest.  It  is  a  time  of  transition  in  manners  and  learning, 
religion  and  government.  It  is,  moreover,  marked  with  strong 
and  peculiar  characteristics  of  its  own,  an  accurate  study  of 
which  may  help  to  advance  our  knowledge  of  those  periods 
immediately  succeeding,  which  have  long  occupied  so  large  a 
share  of  public  attention. 

Edward  III.  ruled  England  for  fifty  years.  His  reign  had 
begun  in  rebellion  and  parricide,  amidst  vicious  and  corrupt 
advisers,  but  by  skill  and  vigour  in  his  government  at  home, 
and  by  brilliant  successes  abroad,  he  had  outlived  the  memory 
of  his  first  evil  training,  and  had  reigned  unquestioned  as  the 
leader  and  the  patriarch  of  his  people.  But  he  left  to  his 
young  grandson  and  successor  a  fearful  legacy.  The  army  was 
exhausted,  the  nation  impoverished ;  men's  thoughts  were 
just  stirring  under  the  rising  breath  of  heresy,  and  a  Strange 

1  Cf .  the  risings  in  Ghent,  Languedoc,  Florence,  Paris,  and  Eouen, 
in  1381-2. 


2  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

wave  of  democratic  agitation  was  rolling  over  Europe,  bearing 
crude  and  violent  remedies  against  tyranny  and  misrule. 

To  these  difficulties,  which  would  have  taxed  the  genius  of  a 
strong  and  wise  prince,  was  added  an  element  of  danger  more 
formidable  than  all  the  others  combined.  Years  of  plundering 
warfare  in  France  and  Spain  had  generated  a  spirit  of  restless- 
ness and  ambition  amongst  the  great  English  nobles,  and  even 
before  the  death  of  Edward  III.  were  heard  the  first  threaten- 
ings  of  the  coming  storm. 

In  1377,  Richard  of  Bordeaux  ("the  Redeless,"  as 'he  was 
nicknamed  after  his  fall)  was  crowned  King  of  England.  He 
was  at  the  time  a  boy,  eleven  years  old,  under  the  care  of 
powerful  and  unprincipled  uncles.  As  he  grew,  he  developed 
much  of  the  character  of  his  Plantagenet  fathers,  but  little  of 
their  sturdiness.  *He  was  hasty  and  irresolute  ;  his  features 
were  delicate,  his  figure  handsome ;  his  face  often  flushed,  and 
his  tongue  stammered.  With  cultivated  tastes  he  combined  an 
excessive  love  of  display ;  and  in  beauty  of  person,  in  luxury 
of  furniture  and  equipage  and  dress,  he  seemed  a  ~ "second 
Absalom."  3His  temper  was  arbitrary  and  wilful,  and  though 
punctual  in  the  observance  of  the  forms  of  religion,  he  was 
penetrated  with  a  spirit  of  faithlessness  and  revenge.  His 

1  See  the  story  of  his  hot  ride  from  Daventry  to  Westminster  to  chas- 
tise the  French — but  he  changed  his  mind  in  the  night.  (1383)  WALS., 
ii,  103.  2  USK,  1.  3  Cf .  his  conduct  at  Flint  and  in  the  Tower  :  after- 
long  desponding  silence  and  a  passionate  outburst  of  cursing,  he  chal- 
lenged any  four  lords  to  fight,  and  kicked  the  Duke  of  Albemarle's  cap 
across  the  room. — TRAIS.,  216.  Also  the  story  of  his  thrashing  the  Earl 
of  Arundel  with  his  own  hand,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  whilst  the  funeral 
service  was  proceeding  for  the  Queen,  just  dead  (1394). — ANN.,  424. 
He  sometimes  spent  whole  nights  in  drinking  and  debauchery,  in  which 
he  was  joined  by  the  Bishops  of  Carlisle  and  Worcester,  and  others. — 
EVESH.,  169.  Add  his  determination  at  Conway,  when  submitting  to 
parley  with  Henry.  "But  in  truth,"  said  he  to  his  friends,  "whatever 
agreement  or  peace  he  (Henry)  may  make  with  me,  if  I  can  ever  get 
him  into  my  power  I  will  cause  him  to  be  foully  put  to  death." 
Immediately  afterwards  he  heard  the  mass  very  devoutly,  "car  il 
estoit  vray  catholique." — TRAIS.,  50. 


I.]  "  Richard  the  Redeless."  3 

inglorious  reign  is  the  record  of  petty  family  struggles,  without 
unity  of  purpose  or  common  design ;  of  shifting  rivalries  of 
factions  striving  to  govern  him  and  the  nation  through  him ; 
no  party  solid  enough  to  overawe  the  rest,  but  each  breaking 
into  new  hatreds  and  mutual  suspicions  as  their  temporary 
objects  seemed  almost  attained. 

Through  jealousies  amongst  his  enemies  and  the  subservience 
of  a  packed  parliament,  the  King  seemed  at  last,  by  the  twen- 
tieth year  of  his  reign,  to  have  made  himself  absolute  and 
independent  of  control.  But  he  was  only  betrayed  into  a  false 
security,  and  in  the  hour  of  his  need  he  found  himself  without 
a  friend.  Thus,  at  the  age  of  33,  in  the  opening  vigour  of 
manhood,  with  prospect  of  issue  to  succeed  him,  he  abdicated 
the  throne  without  a  struggle,  and  was  forced  to  remain  a 
helpless  prisoner  for  the  rest  of  his  short  life. 

Richard  had  been  married  from  his  sixteenth  year.  His 
wife,  Anne,  (daughter  of  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.  and  sister 
of  the  Emperor  Wenceslaus,  King  of  Bohemia)  had  died  in 
1394,  leaving  him  a  childless  widower  at  the  age  of  28.  But 
a  marriage  of  convenience  was  soon  arranged  for  him,  and 
in  1396  he  had  been  wedded  to  Isabella,  eldest  daughter  of 
his  neighbour  Charles  VI.,  King  of  France.  She  was  at  the 
time  a  girl  of  eight  years  old,  but  she  was  formally  crowned 
at  Westminster  as  Queen  of  England,  and  lived  with  the 
King  as  his  wife.  Having  yet  no  son,  Richard  had  declared 
his  heir  apparent  to  be  Roger,  Earl  of  March,  the  young 
grandson  (by  his  mother's  side)  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence, 
third  son  of  Edward  III.  But  Hn  the  summer  of  1398,  the 

1  He  was  killed  in  a  skirmish  against  the  O'Briens  and  O'Tooles,  in 
Leinster,  on  St.  Margaret's  Day,  July  20th,  1398.  —  See  DEP.  KEEP. 
36th  KEP.,  pp.  213,  223.  For  an  account  of  him  see  USK,  18.  Adam 
of  Usk  was  a  protege  of  Edmund  Mortimer,  father  of  Roger.  He  con- 
nects the  family  with  the  royal  houses  of  England,  Scotland,  France, 
Spain,  Italy,  and  Troy;  and  with  the  princes  of  Wales  through  Gwladus 
the  Dark  and  lorwerth  the  Broken-nosed. 


4  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

Earl  of  March  had  been  killed  in  Ireland,  leaving  two  infant 
sons,  Edmund  and  Roger,  to  succeed  to  his  title  and  pretensions 
should  the  Queen  have  no  male  issue.  While  the  succession 
was  thus  precarious,  all  doubt  was  for  the  moment  cleared  away 
by  the  rebellious  return  to  England  of  Henry,  2Duke  of  Lan- 
caster, who,  with  the  consent  of  the  nation  and  the  parliament, 
deposed  the  King  and  usurped  the  throne. 

Henry  Plantagenet  (called  afterwards  Henry  of  Bolingbroke, 
from  his  birthplace  in  Lincolnshire)  was  the  oldest  surviving 
son  of  John  of  Ghent,  fourth  son  of  Edward  III.  and  Blanche, 
only  child  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  a  direct  descendant  by  a 
younger  branch  from  King  Henry  III.  He  was  the  youngest 
child  of  John  of  Ghent  by  this  marriage.  His  three  brothers 
had  died  young,  and  his  mother  died  before  he  was  three  years 
old.  He  was  thus  King  Richard's  cousin.  He  was  also  his 
equal  in  3age  and  in  nobility  of  birth.  During  their  boyhood 
there  had  been  bitterness  and  jealousy  between  their  fathers, 
Edward  the  Black  Prince  and  John  of  Ghent ;  and,  at  the  time 
of  Richard's  father's  death,  the  father  of  Henry  had  given  open 
evidence  of  his  ambition  to  dispossess  his  brother's  line  in 
favour  of  himself  or  his  son.  But  after  the  full  recognition  of 
Richard  as  King  these  jealousies  were  forgotten,  and  the  friend- 
ship of  the  lads  must  have  been  cemented  when  they  were 
exposed  to  a  common  danger  from  the  rioters  on  Tower  Hill 
(1381).  In  1386,  Henry  was  made  Earl  of  Derby,  and  when 
still  a  very  young  man,  had  taken  a  prominent  and  independent 
part  in  the  events  of  that  eventful  year,  siding  with  his  uncles, 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  i,  28,  dated  November  30th,  1400,  grants  300  marks 
per  ann.  to  Edmund,  Earl  of  March  and  Roger,  his  brother.  2  Besides 
being  Duke  of  Lancaster  and  Hereford,  he  was  Earl  of  Derby,  Lincoln, 
Leicester,  and  Northampton. — RYM.,  viii,  90.  3  Both  were  born  in  1367, 
Richard  in  January,  and  Henry  on  April  3rd. — NOTES  AND  QUERIES, 
4th  Series,  11,  162.  Both  were  married  young,  and  both  lost  their 
wives  in  the  same  year,  1394. 


I.]  Henry  of  Bolingbroke.  5 

the  Dukes  of  York  and  Gloucester,  in  procuring  the  Commission 
of  Fourteen,  which  for  a  time  virtually  deposed  the  King  and 
governed  the  country  in  his  name.  But  it  was  soon  evident 
that  there  was  no  unity  of  purpose  amongst  the  Commissioners, 
and  Henry,  who  was  too  young  to  be  actually  one  of  the 
members,  was  among  the  first  to  show  his  independence.  In 
less  than  a  year  he  had  quarrelled  openly  with  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  and  was  working  actively  to  overthrow  him.  Thus 
he  was  ready  to  take  a  high  place  in  the  confidence  of  the  King 
on  the  fall  of  Gloucester  in  1389,  and  his  name  appeared  as  one 
of  the  powerful  lords  who  approved  of  the  Duke's  subsequent 
arrest  and  imprisonment  eight  years  afterwards. 

In  1386,  Henry  had  married  Mary,  daughter  of  Humphrey 
de  Bohun,  formerly  Count  of  Hereford,  luthe  richest  heiress  in 
England,  except  her  sister,  who  was  married  to  Henry's  uncle, 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester."  She  died  at  the  age  of  28  in  1394, 
leaving  four  sons  and  two  daughters.  This  part  of  Henry's  life 
was  a  time  of  roving  restlessness  and  adventure.  In  1390, 
Henry  and  Richard  were  both  present  at  a  grand  joust  of  arms 
in  the  plain  of  St.  Ingelbert,  near  Calais.  2  Henry  greatly 
distinguished  himself  by  his  bodily  strength  and  skill,  but 
an  eye-witness,  the  3  Marquis  de  Saluzzo,  reports  that  very  little 
account  was  taken  of  Richard.  In  the  same  year,  Attended  by 
three  hundred  English  knights,  he  accompanied  the  Duke  of 
Bourbon,  at  the  call  of  the  Doge  of  Genoa,  in  his  expedition  to 
Barbary,  and  was  present  at  the  taking  of  Tunis,  "the  only 
service  which  the  Englishemen  and  Frenchmen  performed 
together  without  jotte  of  Jarre."5  He  joined  expeditions  with  the 
Teutonic  knights  on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic  and  the  Gulf  of 
Danzig.  6In  the  winter  of  1392  he  left  Venice  for  Jerusalem 

1  STRICKLAND,  i,  467.  SBOUCICAUT,  I,  xvii.  3  Extract  from  Chevalier 
Errant  in  TEAIS.,  p.  xliv.  4  VEN.  STATE  PAPERS,  I,  Ixxxi.  5  HAYWARD,  31. 
e  VEN.  STATE  PAPERS,  I,  Ixxxii. 


6  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

in  a  galley  specially  equipped  for  him  on  the  recommendation 
of  the  Duke  of  Austria.  He  had  long  wished  to  visit  the  Holy 
Sepulchre  in  person,  and  astill  retained  the  wish  long  afterwards 
when  King  of  England,  but  he  failed  to  carry  out  his  purpose, 
and  returned  to  Venice  disappointed  in  the  spring  of  1393. 
In  September,  1396,  he  was  present  2in  command  of  1000 
English  lances  at  the  battle  of  Nicopolis,  and  after  the  disaster 
8he  escaped  from  the  fury  of  the  Turks  with  Sigismund,  King  of 
Hungary,  on  board  a  Venetian  galley  on  the  Danube.  4He 
was  afterwards  urged  to  join  an  expedition  against  Friesland  by 
the  Count  of  Oostervant  (1396),  and  to  accompany  the  French 
force,  which  followed  Marshal  Boucicaut  to  the  aid  of  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople  ;  but  from  both  he  was  dissuaded, 
and  returned  to  England  to  lend  his  aid  to  that  revolution 
which  destroyed  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and,  for  the  moment, 
freed  Richard  from  all  effective  control. 

Immediately  after  this  revolution,  Henry  was  created  Duke 
of  Hereford  (September  29th,  1397).  Up  to  this  time  he 
had  given  no  evidence  of  any  wish  to  drive  his  cousin  from 
the  throne.  He  was,  it  is  true,  capable  of  becoming  a 
formidable  enemy,  5rich,  active,  and  unscrupulous  ;  but  the 
part  which  he  was  soon  to  play  seems  rather  to  have  been  the 
result  of  events  than  of  any  deliberate  design.  In  September, 
1398,  he  brought  an  accusation  against  the  Duke  of  Norfolk, 
a  favourite  with  Richard  and  lately  a  confederate  with  himself 
in  the  conspiracy  against  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  The 


i  ROY.  LET.,  421  ;  ORIG.  LET.,  III.,  i,  54.  2  Due  AS,  ch.  xiii. 
STATE  PAPEKS,  I,  Ixxxv.  4  TRAIS.,  xliv,  quoting  BAR  ANTE,  Dues  DE 
BOURGOYNE,  ii,  358.  5  The  list  of  castles  belonging  to  his  family  in- 
cludes :  Knaresborough,  Pickering,  Pontefract,  Lydel,  Dunstanborough 
(Northumberland),  Cykhull  (Durham),  Bolingbroke,  Lancaster,  Leices- 
ter, Kenilworth,  Tutbury,  Hertford,  Pevensey,  Monmouth,  Skenfrith, 
Blanchcastle,  Grossmont,  Oken,  Oggermore,  Caerkennyn,  KidweJly.  — 
ARCH^OL,  xx,  62. 


I.]  Henry  of  Bolingbroke.  7 

political  significance  of  this  quarrel  is  difficult  to  unravel,  but 
in  the  result  lboth  Dukes  were  banished  by  a  kind  of  double 
ostracism,  though  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  the  sentence  fell 
far  more  lightly  on  Henry.  On  October  i3th,  1398,  he  left 
England  and  withdrew  to  Paris.  2^2ooo  annually  was  allowed 
to  him  "of  the  King's  gift"  and  ^500  per  annum  to  his  eldest 
son,  Henry.  Early  in  the  following  year,  while  Henry  was  in 
Paris,  his  father  died  (February  3rd,  1399),  and,  in  spite  of  law 
and  of  special  promise,  his  vast  estates  were  declared  forfeit 
to  the  King.  This  may  not  in  itself  be  a  sufficient  cause  to 
justify  rebellion  and  the  course  of  violence  upon  which  Henry 
now  entered,  but  it  supplied  at  least  an  occasion  for  return  ; 
and  when  in  the  following  3  summer  he  landed  in  Yorkshire,  he 
would  find  many  to  believe  that  he  was  quite  sincere  in  his 
declaration  that  he  came  with  arms  in  his  hands,  merely  to 
demand  the  restoration  of  his  family  estates,  without  any  fixed 
intention  of  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  a  party,  and  allowing 
himself  to  be  made  King.  Once  in  full  tide,  the  rebellion 
hurried  on.  The  King  had  been  absent  in  Ireland  since  May. 
The  heir-apparent  was  dead.  The  nation  was  over-taxed  and 
discontented.  The  Earls  of  Northumberland  and  Westmore- 
land admitted  Henry  to  the  north.  The  Castles  of  Pickering, 
Knaresborough,  and  Pontefract  opened  their  gates  to  him. 
The  city  of  London  invited  him.  No  resistance  was  offered. 
Richard  was  betrayed,  entrapped,  and  deserted  by  his  friends  ; 
and  on  September  29th,  1399,  being  at  the  time  a  prisoner  in 
the  Tower  of  London,  he  was  induced  to  read  and  subscribe 
in  the  presence  of  a  select  deputation  of  witnesses  a  formal 

1  The  Duke  of  Norfolk  died  on  his  way  from  Jerusalem,  and  was  buried 
at  Venice  (September,  1399),  where  a  stone  monument  was  erected  to 
his  memory. — YEN.  STATE  PAPERS,  I,  Ixxxiii.  2  TYLER,  i,  35,  quoting 
Pell  Records.  3  The  date  is  variously  given  : — "  about  June  24th," 
EVESH.,  151 ;  June  28th,  USK,  24  ;  July  4th,  OTTERBOURNE,  203  ;  July 
22nd,  MS.  BODL.  DODSWORTH,  116,  fol.  148  in  TRAIS.,  App.  D,  p.  286. 


8  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

renunciation  of  his  claims  to  be  King.  By  this  Mocument,  with 
his  hand  on  the  gospels,  he  absolved  all  his  subjects,  civil  and 
ecclesiastical,  from  homage  and  service ;  renounced  the  crown 
and  government  of  his  kingdom  and  dominions,  purely,  freely, 
simply,  and  absolutely ;  and  declared  that  he  was,  and  had  been, 
insufficient  and  useless,  and  that  he  ought  justly  to  be  deposed. 
Finally,  he  declared  that  he  would  never  hereafter  withdraw  or 
impugn  this  declaration,  but  that  he  would  for  ever  maintain  it 
in  whole  and  in  part.  This  last  clause  was  of  special  significance, 
for  this  was  not  the  first  time  that  Richard  had  submitted  to, 
humble  himself  and  his  office  before  his  rebellious  subjects, 
and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  would  have  disavowed  it  on  the 
first  opportunity.  But,  for  the  present,  he  was  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  a  faction  unusually  compact  and  strong.  Times  could 
not  be  worse  with  him,  and,  by  waiting,  he  might  live  to  see  his 
enemies  divided  again.  So  of  his  own  accord  he  read  and 
signed  the  declaration  "with  a  smiling  face."  The  account 
of  the  interview  is  given  with  unusual  detail.  The  witnesses 
comprised  an  archbishop,  a  bishop,  a  prior,  an  abbot,  two 
judges,  two  doctors-of-law,  two  public  notaries,  two  lords,  two 
earls,  and  two  knights.  These  met  in  the  council  chamber, 
and  proceeded  to  the  Tower,  where  they  had  an  interview  with 
Richard  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  King  received 
them  graciously,  but  requested  to  see  also  the  Duke  of  Lancas- 
ter (Henry)  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (Arundel),  and 
then  in  the  presence  of  them  all  he  signed  the  document. 

On  the  following  day  ^(Wednesday,  September  3oth,  1399), 
the  Parliament  met  in  the  great  hall  at  Westminster.  It  had 
been  Summoned  in  Richard's  name,  and  had  assembled  in  haste. 

1  It  was  drawn  up  on  parchment,  in  quadam  cedula  pergameni 
redactam  (ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  416,  OTTEEBOURNE,  212,)  and  was  seen  and 
consulted  by  the  St.  Alban's  Chronicler.  2  FROIS.,  iv.  669.  *  CAPGRAVE, 

272. 


I.]  Articles  of  Accusation.  9 

The  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  occupied  their  places,  and  a 
large  crowd  of  the  representatives  of  counties  and  boroughs 
filled  the  hall.  There  was  no  president.  The  throne  stood 
empty  dressed  in  cloth  of  gold.  The  Archbishop  of  York 
(Richard  Scrope),  whose  cousin  had  just  been  executed  by 
the  mob  as  one  of  Richard's  evil  advisers,  read  the  King's 
renunciation,  in  Latin  and  in  English.  The  question  was  put 
whether  it  was  expedient  for  the  parliament  and  the  kingdom 
that  such  renunciation  should  be  accepted,  and  aeach  and  all, 
separately  and  by  acclamation,  made  answer  that  it  was.  It 
was  then  proposed,  for  the  removal  of  all  scruple  and  doubt, 
to  read  publicly  the  list  of  charges  against  the  fallen  King. 

The  articles  of  accusation  were  32  in  number.  In  spite  of 
some  verbiage  and  apparently  needless  repetition,  they  are  drawn 
up  with  clearness  and  method.  They  exhibit  the  views  of  the 
dominant  party  alone,  and  probably  put  the  case  against  the 
King  in  its  blackest  form.  Many  of  them  refer  to  personal 
grievances  committed  against  particular  individuals  of  the  party 
now  about  to  secure  power ;  others  have  a  more  general  appli- 
cation. A  short  notice  of  these  articles  of  accusation  will  be 
useful  from  a  two-fold  point  of  view.  They  show  the  state  of 
political  parties  at  the  time  of  Henry  the  Fourth's  accession, 
thus  forming  a  convenient  introduction  to  the  new  period  just 
opening ;  and,  by  specifying  the  points  in  which  King  Richard 
is  accused  of  breaking  the  law,  they  form  a  kind  of  manifesto 
or  public  declaration  on  the  part  of  the  coming  King,  that  all 
who  in  future  shall  so  transgress,  will  be  justly  liable  to  a  similar 
punishment.  Though  they  are  called  articles  of  accusation,  it 
should  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  was  no  formal  trial,  accu- 

*"  Which  no  man  then  repugned." — HAEDYNG,  351 ;  LINGARD,  iii,  186. 
For  the  worthlessness  of  unanimous  parliaments,  cf.  the  proceedings  in 
1387,  where  all  had  specially  sworn  that  no  statute  then  enacted  should 
be  repealed,  with  those  of  1397,  which  repealed  them  wholesale. 


io  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

sation,  or  defence.  The  case  was  regarded  as  closed  by  the 
King's  voluntary  resignation,  and  these  articles  were  set  forward 
gratuitously  by  the  party  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster.  So  far  as 
they  concern  the  immediate  disputes  and  quarrels  of  Richard 
the  Second's  reign,  we  may  pass  them  over.  The  King  may 
have  been  answerable  for  all  that  these  articles  urge  against  him. 
The  times  were  out  of  joint,  and  law  had  been  pushed  aside  by 
violence.  Nevertheless,  it  is  more  than  probable  that,  if  Richard 
had  lived  longer,  he  would  have  seen  himself  plausibly  and 
even  triumphantly  defended  against  every  charge  by  some,  at 
least,  of  the  very  men  who  now  accused  him.  It  is  more 
profitable  to  look  at  those  articles  in  which  Richard  is  accused 
of  violating  laws,  customs,  and  statutes  which,  at  his  coronation, 
he  had  sworn  to  defend  and  observe.  Henry's  claim  to  the 
throne  was  based  on  the  unfitness  of  Richard.  :This  alone, 
in  the  eyes  of  the  parliament  and  the  nation,  was  deemed 
sufficient  to  wash  the  balm  off  from  their  anointed  King.  The 
modern  doctrine  of  right  divine  was  never  urged.  Richard 
himself  absolved  his  subjects  from  their  homage  and  allegiance. 
He  had  broken  his  coronation  oath,  and  the  contract  between 
himself  and  his  subjects  was  thereby  dissolved.  He  might, 
conceivably,  have  pleaded  ignorance  ;  but,  by  this  public 
statement,  a  clear  interpretation  was  put  by  parliament  upon 
the  meaning  of  the  coronation  oath  for  the  future,  and  whoever 
next  should  reign,  would  see  his  duty  distinctly  defined  by  this 

1  The  question  had  been  judicially  examined  by  certain  doctors, 
bishops,  and  others  —  Adam  of  Usk  being  among  the  number,  (UsK, 
141).  Annals  and  records  had  been  previously  carefully  searched  for 
precedents  from  the  time  of  William  the  Conqueror  downwards,  and 
the  deposition  of  the  King  was  resolved  on,  "  in  accordance  with  the 
ancient  custom  of  the  realm  in  such  cases."  —  WALS.,  278;  see  also 
OTTKRB.,  209.  Creton,  a  Frenchman,  strongly  convinced  of  Henry's 
treachery,  in  a  poem,  written  in  France,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
exciting  sympathy  for  Eichard  and  hostility  to  Henry,  blames  him  for 
usurping  the  throne,  "  faulcement  sans  mander  deffiance,"  i.e.  for  a 
breach  of  feudal  etiquette.— ARCH^OL,  xx,  379. 


I.]  Articles  of  Accusation.  n 

new  confirmation  of  charters,  and  stand  doubly  convicted,  if 
he,  in  his  turn,  should  trample  on  the  recognized  liberties  of 
the  nation. 

The  following  are  the  principles  of  law  asserted  to  have  been 
violated  by  King  Richard  : — 

ART.  5  asserts  that  a  body-guard  of  Richard's  troops,  while 
passing  from  place  to  place,  had  killed  or  beaten  the  King's 
subjects,  and  taken  their  goods  without  payment.  This  was  a 
violation  of  several  statutes  of  Edward  III.,  :which  secured  an 
immediate  money  compensation,  according  to  the  decision  of 
local  jurors,  on  account  of  all  articles  required  for  the  purvey- 
ance or  victualling  of  those  in  attendance  upon  the  King. 

ART.  8  accuses  Richard  of  conducting  the  government  by 
the  advice  and  assistance  of  a  committee  of  parliament,  consist- 
ing of  1 8  persons  (12  peers  and  6  commoners)  devoted  to  his 
interest,  thereby  2 dispensing  with  the  help  of  parliament,  and 
lowering  its  dignity  and  authority. 

ART.  10  accuses  Richard  of  applying  to  the  Pope  to 
excommunicate  all  who  should  subvert  the  statutes  passed  in 
the  parliament  of  1397.  Such  foreign  interference  is  declared 
to  be  against  the  crown  and  the  royal  dignity,  and  against  the 
statutes  and  liberties  of  the  realm. 

ART.  13  accuses  the  King  of  appointing  his  own  relations  and 
dependents  to  be  Lieutenants  and  Sheriffs  of  Counties,  though 
statutes  required  that  these  officers  should  be  elected  in  the 
counties. 

ART.  1 8  asserts  that  he  had  8 retained  these  Sheriffs  for  two  or 

1  LING.,  iii,  104  :  CONC.,  iii,  245.  *  Cf.  STATUTES,  4  Edw.  III.  (1330)  ; 
36  Edw.  III.  (1362)  ;  1  Rd.  II.  (1377)  ;  That  parliament  shall  meet 
at  least  once  every  year.  Cf .  MAY,  32.  3  Et  hoc  est  notorium  publicum 
et  famosum.  It  probably  remained  the  common  practice  afterwards. 
—See  lists  of  sheriffs  in  Chester  and  Flint  for  instances  of  six  years 
in  succession,  in  DEP.  KEEP.  21st  REP.,  App.  3  ;  for  other  counties,  see 
31st  REP.,  App.  4. 


1 2  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

three  years  in  office,  though  statutes  declared  it  to  be  illegal  for 
a  Sheriff  to  hold  office  longer  than  a  year,  or  to  be  re-elected 
before  three  years  had  elapsed  from  the  time  of  his  resignation. 
The  intention  seems  to  have  been  that  an  early  opportunity 
might  be  given  to  any  aggrieved  person  to  sue  the  Sheriff  in 
the  civil  courts,  as  soon  as  he  resigned  his  office. 

ART.  19. — That  by  means  of  these  Sheriffs  he  had  secured 
the  return  to  parliament  of  those  Knights  of  the  Shire  only  who 
were  pledged  to  his  interest,  thereby  preserving  for  himself  the 
grant  of  the  wool-tax  for  life,  and  other  oppressive  enactments. 
This  is  declared  to  be  contrary  to  statute  and  to  the  custom 
of  the  realm,  whereby  it  is  claimed  that  4n  the  calling  of  a 
parliament,  the  people  in  each  county  ought  to  be  free  in 
choosing  and  deputing  Knights  for  the  Shires  to  be  present  in 
parliament,  to  set  forward  their  complaints  and  to  press  for 
remedies. 

ART.  20. — That,  in  addition  to  the  ancient  form  of  oath, 
the  King  had  required  the  Sheriffs  of  Counties  to  swear  to  be 
obedient  to  his  letters  under  the  great  or  privy  seal,  requiring 
them  to  arrest,  and  detain  in  prison  during  the  King's  pleasure, 
all  bailiffs,  of  whatever  rank,  who  were  known  to  have  spoken, 
secretly  or  publicly,  anything  which  might  turn  to  the  dishonour 
or  shame  of  the  King's  person.  It  is  remarkable  that  this 
oppressive  and  tyrannical  power  is  not  declared  to  be  contrary 
to  any  statute,  and  that  it  is  complained  of,  not  as  having  been 
actually  abused,  but  as  one  "  which,  probably,  might  lead  to 
the  destruction  of  some  of  the  King's  subjects." 

ART.  26. — That  accused  persons  had  been  imprisoned,  and 
brought  before  military  courts,  where  no  defence  was  allowed 
them,  except  a  total  denial  of  the  charge  and  an  offer  to  submit 
to  the  wager  of  battle.  This  is  declared  to  be  contrary  to  the 

1 38  H.  III.,  (1254).     See  MAY,  p.  17. 


I.]  Articles  of  Accusation.  1 3 

Great  Charter  of  John,  which  provides  that  no  man  shall  be 
taken,  or  put  to  death,  except  by  a  legal  decision  of  his  peers, 
or  by  the  law  of  the  land.  The  injustice  of  the  wager  of 
battle  consisted  mainly  in  the  fact  that  the  accused  might  be 
aged  and  infirm,  while  the  appellants  were  young  and  strong — 
the  worst  form  of  abuse  of  the  maxim  that  might  is  right. 

ART.  28. — The  King  is  charged  with  granting,  in  his  own 
name,  "prohibitions"  to  interfere  with  the  action  of  the  spiritual 
courts,  though  the  Chancellor  had  previously  refused  them. 
The  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  in 
England  had  been  very  ill-defined.  It  had  become,  however, 
the  practice  of  the  lay  judges  to  issue  orders  requiring  that 
certain  cases  should  be  tried  in  civil  courts,  and  not  in  the 
courts  spiritual.  Such  orders  were  termed  "  prohibitions,"  and 
the  right  to  issue  them  seems  not  to  have  been  disputed.  The 
article  charges  the  King  with  issuing  them,  in  his  own  name, 
although  the  Chancellor,  after  due  consideration,  had  declined 
.to  interfere. 

Such  are  the  chief  infractions  of  the  law  with  which  Richard 
is  charged.  The  remaining  articles  refer  to  his  perfidy, 
extravagance,  and  notorious  faithlessness.  In  one  of  them  he 
is  accused  of  having  said  that  he  could  make  and  alter  the 
laws  of  his  own  accord,  and  dispose  of  his  subjects'  property 
according  to  his  own  pleasure.  Several  articles  refer  to  the 
attempt  he  had  made  to  free  himself  from  the  control  of  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester's  commission,  in  the  nth  year  of  his  reign 
(1387),  and  the  subsequent  events  of  the  2ist  year  (1397-8),  in 
which  the  proceedings  of  Gloucester's  commission  were  solemnly 
annulled  by  parliament,  the  Duke  himself  was  murdered  in  pri- 
son, the  Earl  of  Arundel  impeached  and  executed,  and  several 
of  their  leading  accomplices  exiled.  Only  it  almost  passes 
belief  that  these  events  should  be  charged  against  Richard  now 


14  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

by  the  very  faction  which  had  sanctioned  and  approved  them, 
Henry  of  Bolingbroke  himself  being  amongst  the  foremost  of 
his  then  supporters. 

These  articles  were  read  in  Latin  and  in  English.  The 
representatives  of  the  different  estates  were  asked,  separately 
and  jointly,  whether  these  crimes  called  for  the  deposition  of  the 
King,  and  when  their  consent  was  obtained,  eight  commissioners 
were  at  once  appointed  to  draw  up  and  pronounce  the  sentence 
of  deposition.  These  immediately  formed  themselves  into  a 
tribunal,  sitting  in  front  of  the  empty  throne,  and  pronounced 
sentence  of  deposition  in  the  name  of  the  parliament,  absolving 
all  Richard's  subjects  from  their  allegiance,  and  forbidding  them 
to  render  obedience  to  him  in  the  future. 

So  ended  the  reign  of  Richard.  He  had  allowed  himself  to 
become  the  tool  of  factions  and  dishonourable  intrigues,  and 
now  he  had  himself  fallen  into  the  snare.  He  had  taught  the 
evil  lesson  of  misgoverning  under  the  appearance  of  law,  and, 
with  the  sanction  of  packed  parliaments,  and  now,  by  a 
packed  parliament,  and  with  a  semblance  of  law,  his  office 
was  to  be  taken  away.  He  had  been  faithless  to  his  pledged 
word,  and  now,  he  himself  was  faithlessly  betrayed.  He  had 
imprisoned  without  trial,  and  put  to  death  without  mercy  his 
own  kinsmen  who  stood  in  his  way;  now,  by  his  own  kinsmen, 
he  was  himself  illegally  imprisoned  and  soon  to  be  mercilessly 
put  to  death. 

The  throne  was  thus  vacant.  But  immediately  Henry  'rose 
up  erect  from  his  place.  He  was  sitting  in  the  seat  of  his 
father,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  and  on  either  side  of  him  sat 

1  They  assert  that  they  acted  "  deliberatione  diligenti;"  but  the  whole 
process  was  carried  through  with  the  utmost  haste,  "  car  ils  avoient 
tous  envie  de  le  deffaire  assez  briefment." — ARCH^EOL.,  xx,  383.  2  All 
were  required  to  stand  while  speaking,  except  the  King. — MOD.  TEN. 
PARL.,  33. 


I.]  Henry's  Claim.  15 

the  '  Duke  of  York  and  the  2  Bishop  of  Carlisle.  He  made  the 
sign  of  the  cross  on  his  forehead  and  on  his  breast,  that  all 
might  see,  and  spoke  in  English,  that  all  might  understand : — 
3 "  In  the  name  of  God,  I,  Henry  of  Lancastre,  challenge  this 
reiaume,  this  the  corone,  with  alle  the  membris  and  appurten- 
aunce  therto,  4save  the  ryght  blood  comyng  of  the  Kyng  Henry, 
and  thorghe  that  ryght  that  Gode  of  hys  grace  hath  sent  me, 
with  the  help  of  my  kyn  and  of  my  frendes  to  recovere  it ;  the 
whiche  roiaume  was  in  poynt  to  ben  undon  for  defaute  of 
governaunce  and  undoyng  of  the  lawes."  Then  the  lords 
spiritual  and  temporal,  with  the  several  estates  present,  were 
asked,  singly  and  collectively,  what  they  thought  of  the  claim, 
who  answered,  without  difficulty  or  delay,  that  Henry  should 
be  their  King.  Then  Henry  showed  the  signet  ring  that  had 
been  given  up  the  previous  day  by  Richard  in  the  Tower,  and 
the  4outlaw  -Archbishop  of  Canterbury  led  the  outlaw  Duke  of 
Lancaster  by  the  right  hand,  and  placed  him  on  the  throne  ; 
the  people  shouting  for  excess  of  joy.  When  silence  was  at 
length  procured,  the  Archbishop,  in  a  short  harangue,  preached 
of  the  story  of  the  choice  of  Saul,  how  Jehovah  had  said, 
through  the  mouth  of  His  prophet, 3" This  man  shall  reign  over 
my  people."  An  ominous  text,  and  not  very  full  of  comfort,  had 
any  present  cared  to  understand  it  in  its  original  connection. 
The  Archbishop,  however,  judiciously  pointed  the  moral  other- 

1  ARCH.EOL.,  xx,  192.  a  EULOG.,  iii,  382.  ;!  Verbatim  from  ANN.,  281. 
*  Others  have  "as  be  the  right  blod."  He  clearly  means  that  his  father 
and  mother  were  both  direct  descendants  from  Henry  III.  ROT.  PARL., 
iii,  423,  gives  "  als  I  yt  am  discendit  be  ryght  lyne  of  the  blode  comyng 
fro  the  gude  lorde  Kyng  Henry  therde."  CAP.  273  :  "  as  for  descensus 
of  the  real  blod  of  Kyng  Henry."  The  Earl  of  Northumberland  after- 
wards said  that  on  St.  Matthew's  Day  (September  21st)  Henry  sent  for 
all  chronicles  from  the  principal  monasteries,  and  had  them  examined  to 
see  whether  his  claim  from  Henry  III.  could  be  substantiated,  but  failed. 
— HAKDYNO,  353.  Cf.  POL.  VKRG.,  xxi,  439  ;  HALLE,  10  ;  HOL.,  ii.  511. 
i  The  indictment  against  Archbishop  Arundel  was  not  formally  quashed 
until  October  29,  1399.— See  PAT.,  1  Henry  IV.,  pt.  i,  m.  8.  «1  SAM., 
ix,  17. 


1 6  Introductory.  [CHAP. 

wise.     *  He  who  was  about  to  reign  should  be  a  man,  not  a 
child — thinking,  speaking,  and  understanding  as  a  man. 

Then  Henry  rose,  and  spoke  from  the  throne  these  words  : — 
2 "  Syres,  I  thank  yow  espirituelx  and  temporelx,  and  alle  the 
estates  of  the  lond,  and  I  do  yow  to  wyte  that  it  ys  nought  my 
wil  that  no  man  think  that  by  wey  of  conquest  y  wolde  desherte 
any  man  of  hys  heritage,  fraunchis,  or  other  ryghtes  that  hem 
ought  to  have,  ne  put  hym  out  of  that  he  hath  and  hath  had  in 
the  gode  lawes  of  this  reiaume  except  hem  that  han  ben  ageyn 
the  gode  purpos  and  the  commune  profyte  of  the  reiaulme." 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  Henry  had  throughout  the  whole  of 
his  rebellion,  striven  to  keep  himself  within  the  law.  He 
searched  records  and  consulted  jurists.  3  His  title  to  succeed 
Richard  by  right  of  birth  was  barred  by  the  boy,  Edmund 
Mortimer  (now  six  years  old),  son  of  Roger,  Earl  of  March, 
a  descendant  of  Edward  III.,  from  an  older  branch  than  his, 
and  he  saw  no  other  way  open  than  to  claim  by  right  of 
conquest.  But  from  this  he  was  dissuaded  by  Justice  Thernyng, 
who  represented  that  he  would  thereby  raise  a  needless  alarm, 
and  disturb  the  security  of  property.  Hence  was  devised  the 
singular  formula  quoted  above,  in  which  a  curious  compromise 
appears  to  be  made  between  4two  contradictory  grounds  of 

1  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  423  ;  OTT.,  220.  As  reported  by  CKETON,  the  sermon 
was  about  Jacob,  the  younger  son,  securing  the  blessing  from  his  father. 
2  ANN.,  282.  3  Yet  EULOG.  (iii,  384)  makes  him  claim  as  the  next  male 
heir — proximus  masculus  de  sanguine  suo.  HARDYNG  pretends  that  there 
was  a  free  election,  the  young  Earl  of  March  being  passed  over  because 
of  his  youth,  though  the  nearest  heir  male  ;  but  this  is  probably  au  after- 
thought, intended  to  bear  out  the  claim  of  Edward  IV.  and  the  Yorkists, 
as  descended  from  the  Mortimers. — See  Pref.  to  HARDYNG.  POL.  VERG. 
represents  Roger  as  still  alive  ;  but  this  is  a  mistake,  he  was  killed  in 
Ireland  the  previous  summer.  *  FROIS.  (iv,  669)  says  that  he  claimed  on 
three  grounds,  viz.:  conquest,  right  of  birth,  and  the  resignation  of 
Richard. —  See  the  three  reasons  set  out  by  Gower,  in  his  doggerel 
Chronicle : — 

Regnum  conquestat  que  per  hoc  sibi  jus  manifestat ; 

Regno  siiccedit  hceres  nee  abinde  recedit ; 

Insnper  eligitur  a  plebeque  sic  stabilitur. — POL.  SONGS,  i.,  449. 


I.]  The  First  Parliament.  17 

claim.  Henry  has  been  .sent,  by  God's  grace,  to  recover  a 
birthright,  which  no  one  had  ever  dreamed  that  he  or  his 
fathers  had  ever  possessed.  The  wonder  is  that  such  trans- 
parent flimsiness  should  have  satisfied  any  reasoning  man  ;  but 
it  must  have  been  sufficient  to  the  mind  of  the  Chief  Justice  of 
Common  Pleas,  or  he  would  not  have  given  his  sanction  to  the 
proceedings  of  that  day. 

Henry's  first  speech  from  the  throne  was  meant  to  reassure 
those  who  might  be  yet  uncertain  of  his  intentions,  now  that 
they  had  placed  power  in  his  hands ;  but  he  speaks  as  one 
who  has  conquered  his  crown,  not  as  bound  under  a  mutual 
contract  with  those  who  had  bestowed  it  on  him,  and  his 
gracious  assurance  contains  an  ominous  proviso  which  might 
be  interpreted  consistently  with  absolute  despotism. 

1  Immediately,  by  Henry's  order,  it  was  publicly  proclaimed 
that  a  new  parliament  should  meet  on  the  following  Monday, 
(October  6th)  and  October  i3th  was  fixed  for  the  coronation 
day.  It  was  explained  that  this  ~  short  notice  in  summoning 
parliament  was  unavoidable  and  should  not  be  made  into  a 
precedent,  but  that  it  was  necessary  in  order  to  avoid  expense 
and  delay. 

Accordingly,  on  Monday,  October  6th  (St.  Faith's),  the  first 
parliament  of  Henry  IV.  met  at  Westminster.  The  King 
himself  presided,  and  with  him  were  his  two  elder  sons,  Henry 
and  Thomas.  The  former,  a  lad  of  twelve  years  of  age, 
occupied  the  chief  place  among  the  temporal  peers,  while  the. 
latter  carried  the  wand  of  his  new  office  as  Seneschal  or  Steward 
of  England.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  spoke  in  the  name 
of  the  King,  excusing  the  haste  with  which  the  parliament  had 
been  summoned  and  declaring  that  it  was  the  King's  intention 

1  He  at  once  assumed  the  title  of  King. — See  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  iii,  24, 
dated  September  29th,  1399,  in  which  he  grants  to  Thernyng  one  cask 
of  wine.  ~  Forty  days  were  usually  allowed. — MOD.  TEN.  PAUL.,  3. 


1 8  /;/ 1)  'oductory. 

to  govern  according  to  right  and  the  law,  that  no  favour  should 
be  shown  to  rank  or  degree,  but  that  all  should  be  governed 
with  equal  justice;  that  the  Church  should  enjoy  all  her  liberties, 
and  that  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  the  cities  and 
boroughs  should  retain  all  franchises  and  privileges  granted  by 
his  predecessors ;  that  the  King  was  determined  to  govern  not 
by  his  own  will,  but  by  the  common  advice  and  consent  of  the 
honourable  and  sage  and  discreet  persons  of  his  realm  ;  but 
that,  inasmuch  as  it  was  the  King's  wish  that  nothing  should 
be  begun  till  after  he  had  received  the  full  sanction  and 
blessing  of  the  coronation  oil,  he  wished  them  to  consent  to 
adjourn  their  meetings  till  the  i4th  October.  In  the  meantime, 
the  knights  of  parliament  were  to  choose  for  themselves  a 
Speaker,  certain  lords  would  be  appointed  to  examine  and 
decide  upon  petitions,  or,  if  necessary,  submit  them  to  the 
parliament.  The  houses  gave  their  consent.  Twenty-three 
lords  and  others  were  appointed  Triers  of  Petitions  from  home 
and  abroad,  and  the  parliament  was  adjourned  till  after  the 
coronation. 


CHAPTER    II. 
DRAMATIS   PERSONS. 

GREAT  were  the  expectations  awakened  by  the  return  of  Henry 
from  banishment.  The  doggerel  poets  jested  over  the  fall  of 
Richard's  councillors,  and  sighed  for  a  ruler  who  should  bring 
peace  to  the  country  and  aheal  the  divisions  in  the  church. 
They  derided  the  extravagance  and  licentiousness  of  the  court  • 
and  welcomed  the  invader,  as  the  2 eagle,  the  true  mother  of 
the  brood,  which  had  long  been  nursed  by  a  false  mother,  but 
waited  only  to  hear  the  voice  of  the  true  to  flock  to  her. 
Henry  is  the  3"boar  of  commerce,"  returning  to  call  back  the 
herd  to  their  lost  pasturage.  He  is  urged  to  purge  the  court 
of  the  4  proud,  penniless  adventurers,  with  their  painted  sleeves; 
to  reprove  the  robbers  and  riflers  of  the  people,  the  5  flatterers 
and  false  men  who  use  no  faith,  and  all  the  devilish  doers ;  to 
choose  out  knights  who  know  themselves  well,  who  have 
suffered  and  travelled  and  tempered  themselves ;  and  they 
point  specially  to  Thomas  Fitz-Alan,  son  of  the  late  Earl  of 
Arundel,  and  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  as  the  regenerators  who 
had  suffered  most  from  the  oppression  of  the  last  years  of 
Richard. 

1  POL.  SONGS,  i,  400;  ii,  15.  2  «  Pullus  aquilEe."— USK,  133,  i.e.  the 
son  of  John  (cf.  the  symbol  of  the  Evangelist).  3  OTT.,  210.  4  "  til  no 
proude  peniles  with  his  peynte  sieve."  5ARCH^:oL.,  xx,  101.  See  also 
the  passage  in  HARDYNG,  346-7.  He  had  his  account  from  Eobert 
Ireclife,  "  clerk  of  the  green  cloth." 

Greate  lechery  and  fornicacion 
Was  in  that  house  *  and  also  greate  aduoutree 
Of  paramoures  was  greate  consolacion 
Of  eche  degre  wel  more  of  prelacie 
Then  of  the  temporall  or  of  the  chiualrie. 
*  i.e.  Richard's  court. 


2o  Dramatis  Persons.  [CHAP. 

When  Henry  had  landed  in  Yorkshire  with  three  small 
vessels  hired  from  Brittany,  he  was  accompanied  by  a  l  handful 
of  followers,  most  of  them  of  no  great  weight  or  influence. 
Amongst  them  was  Thomas  of  Arundel,  who  had  been  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  but  had  been  banished  the  country  by 
King  Richard  two  years  before,  at  the  time  when  his  brother, 
the  Earl  of  Arundel,  had  been  appealed  of  treason,  and  executed 
for  complicity  in  the  intrigues  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  He 
had  spent  these  two  years  partly  at  Rome,  2  (where  he  had 
secured  the  personal  friendship  of  Pope  Boniface  IX.)  partly 
at  Florence,  Cologne,  Utrecht,  and  other  cities.  In  spite  of 
express  efforts  to  prevent  their  correspondence,  he  had  at  last 
joined  Henry  in  Paris,  and  had  instigated  his  plans  for 
returning  to  England.  In  his  absence  he  had  been  deprived, 
and  his  office  taken  by  Roger  of  Walden,  3Dean  of  York,  4a 
married  man  and  an  ex-soldier,  the  5son  of  a  butcher  in  "Essex. 
Roger  is  called  a  "  modest,  pious,  and  affable  man,  more 
versed  in  war  and  in  the  world  than  in  learning  or  the  church," 
but  his  low  birth  and  6lay  training  are  an  offence  in  the  eyes  of 
monkish  writers,  and  his  deprivation  was  regarded  by  the 
'friends  of  Arundel  with  huge  delight.  Arundel  had  been  by  a 
fiction  translated  to  the  see  of  St.  Andreas  in  Dordogne,  7but 
he  now  claimed  that  this  translation  was  not  valid,  as  he  had 
not  given  his  consent,  and  it  was  suspected  that  there  was  an 
understanding  with  the  Pope  that  Walden  should  be  treated  as 
an  usurper,  in  case  Arundel  should  ever  become  reinstated  in 
the  king's  favour.  Immediately  on  landing  he  had  assumed  his 
old  title,  and  by  the  end  of  September,  1399,  his  Influence 

1  Variously  stated  :  e.g.,  "  ten  or  twelve,"  OTT.,  202  ;  "  forty  men," 
HARDYNG,  349  ;  " sixty,"  EVESH.,  151 ;  "  scarce  300,"  USK,  134.  2  HARPS- 
FELD,  616.  3  CONC.,  iii,  246.  *  TRAIS.,  227.  5  USK,  38.  6  "  Quondam 
laicum  literatum." — EULOG.,  iii,  377.  7  HOOK,  iv,  451.  Boniface  in 
restoring  Arundel  complained  that  he  had  been  deceived  by  the  mis- 
statements  of  Walden. — ANN.,  321.  8  Quern  sequi  videbatur  velut  ex 
integro  totus  mundus. — ANN.,  287. 


II.]  The  Arundels.  21 

and  genius  were  all-powerful,  and  none  could  stand  against 
his  authority.  Henry  was  deeply  pledged  to  him.  He  had 
shared  his  danger  in  exile  and  had  placed  him  on  the 
throne  at  Westminster.  He  was  now  in  the  prime  of  life— 
J46  years  old  —  having  filled  either  the  see  of  a  bishop  or  an 
archbishop  since  he  was  quite  a  youth.  Walden  made  no 
resistance  but  retired  without  a  struggle.  2He  was  at  first 
charged  with  treason,  and  everything  was  taken  from  him,  but 
he  was  acquitted,  his  private  property  was  restored  (February 
1  8th,  1400),  and  on  ;!July  i2th  he  received  a  grant  of  two 
casks  of  wine  annually.  A  few  years  later  (1404)  he  was  made 
Bishop  of  London  on  the  first  vacancy,  the  archbishop  himself 
recommending  his  appointment. 

Another  member  of  the  small  landing  party  was  Thomas 
Fitz-Alan,  son  of  the  late  Earl  of  Arundel.  After  his  father's 
death  he  was  kept  in  the  custody  of  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  4"but 
alwey  in  gret  repref  and  dispite  in  moche  disese  and  sorwe 
of  herte"  in  the  Castle  of  ^Ryegate.  His  estates  had  been 
confiscated.  Lands  in  6  Sussex,  yielding  ^400  per  annum, 
had  been  granted  or  sold  to  the  Abbey  of  Fecamp,  while  his 
^property  on  the  border  of  Wales  had  been  annexed  to  the  new 
Principality  of  Chester.  Through  the  help  of  William  Scot,  a 
mercer  of  London,  he  had  escaped  from  Ryegate,'  disguised  as 
a  groom,  and  had  crossed  to  France.  8He  now  returned  to 
find  his  father  treated  by  the  parliament  as  a  murdered  martyr, 
and  himself  the  chosen  of  the  people.  Estates  which  he 
claimed  had  been  granted  away  and  long  enjoyed  by  his  father's 
accusers,  amongst  them  the  9Duke  of  Albemarle  and  the  Earl 
of  Gloucester,  both  of  whom  had  just  rendered  signal  service 


xx,  47.  He  was  Bishop  of  Ely  when  22  years  old. 
2  TEAIS.,  75.  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  6,  37.  SPAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8,  20.  *  CHEON. 
LOND.,  83.  -5  CHEON.,  (E.  II.-H.  VI.)  15.  eFipE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  co. 
Sussex.  7  ROT.  PAEL.,  iii,  435.  »  USK,  14.  9  ROT.  PAEL.,  iii,  354.  In 
Chester,  Salop,  and  Flint. 


22  Dramatis  Persona.  [CHAP. 

to  Henry  by  abandoning  King  Richard  and  his  falling  fortunes. 
Moreover,  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  his  late  gaoler,  was  married  to 
Henry's  sister,  and  had  betrayed  King  Richard;  so  that  no  resti- 
tution could  be  attempted  without  offending  powerful  friends, 
on  whose  support  the  new  king  was  for  the  present  bound  to 
rely. 

The  Earl  of  Warwick  (Thomas  Beauchamp)  had  been 
banished  by  King  Richard  to  the  Isle  of  Man,  and  his  large 
estates  had  been  portioned  out  to  others.  Some  had  fallen  to 
the  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  others  to  the  Earls  of  Worcester  and 
Gloucester,  while  a  substantial  share,  together  with  the  custody 
of  the  young  heir  ^Richard  Beauchamp),  had  passed  to  King 
Richard's  half-brother,  the  Earl  of  Kent,  now  Duke  of  Surrey. 

These  are  not  isolated  instances,  and  they  show  the  kind  of 
difficulty  which  Henry  would  have  to  face  in  governing  his 
new-found  brood.  Enmities  and  factions  had  been  inextricably 
intermixed  during  the  past  reign,  and  there  were  none  of  those 
who  now  unanimously  supported  Henry,  who  had  not  in  some 
of  the  various  crises  of  the  previous  reign,  ranged  themselves 
in  opposite  camps  and  plundered  each  other  royally. 

The  chief  military  power  was  then  in  the  hands  of  the  Con- 
stable of  England.  This  officer  was  ex-officio  a  member  of  the 
King's  court,  held  a  high  command  under  the  King,  arranged 
the  army,  and  enquired  whether  the  military  tenants  sent  their 
proper  quota  of  men.  2For  this  purpose  he  was  empowered 

1  Born  January  28th,  1381.  See  his  life  by  John  Rous  (or  Ross)  in 
COTT.  JUL.  E.,  4,  201.  Cf.  STRUTT,  ii,  121.  His  castle  and  county  of 
Worcester  had  been  confiscated  to  be  the  property  of  the  king  for  ever. 
ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  354.  2  "  He  ought  to  have  cognisance  of  contracts 
touching  feats  of  arms  and  of  war  out  of  the  realm,  and  also  of  such 
things  relating  to  arms  or  war  within  the  realm  as  could  not  be 
discussed  by  common  law." — MADOX,  29,  quoting  STAT.  13,  R.  II., 
"  Thus  in  the  court  of  honour  or  chivalry  the  Lord  High  Constable  and 
Earl  Marshal,  who  are  the  judges  thereof,  are  to  proceed  according  to 
the  civil  law,  as  being  the  most  proper  law  for  deciding  all  controversies 
arising  upon  contracts  made  in  foreign  countries,  deeds  of  arms  and  of 


II.]  The  Perries.  23 

to  hold  a  special  court.  The  limits  of  its  jurisdiction  were 
vaguely  defined  by  the  Charter  of  John,  but  by  gradual  en- 
croachments it  had  become  an  instrument  of  oppression,  and 
the  injustice  perpetrated  by  means  of  the  summary  process  of 
the  Constable's  court  forms  one  of  the  grounds  of  accusation 
against  King  Richard.  The  Constable  was  of  course  a  subject 
appointed  during  the  King's  pleasure,  and  bound  to  attend  on 
the  King's  person,  but  he  was  by  his  office  the  most  powerful  of 
the  King's  subjects ;  and  in  strong  hands,  under  a  weak  ruler, 
the  office  had  not  unfrequently  been  made  the  medium  of 
successful  rebellion.  It  had  been  held  by  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester  up  to  the  time  of  his  death  in  September,  1397, 
and  afterwards  by  the  Duke  of  Albemarle.  llt  was  now 
bestowed  for  life,  as  the  first  official  act  of  Henry's  reign, 
upon  Henry  Percy,  Earl  of  Northumberland. 

The  family  of  Percy  had  great  influence  and  immense 
possessions  in  the  north  of  England.  To  the  lands  and 
mandts  in  Yorkshire  which  had  been  first  bestowed  on  them 
by  the  Conqueror,  they  had  added  others  by  intermarriage 
with  wealthy  families  in  the  far  north,  where  they  were 
quite  removed  from  the  influence  of  the  central  life  of 
England.  On  the  south,  they  were  cut  off  by  the  2 County 
Palatine  of  Durham,  which  sent  no  representatives  to  the  parlia- 
ment at  Westminster,  but  was  governed  by  its  own  Prince 
Bishop,  who  exercised  royal  rights  and  jurisdiction,  held  his 
own  courts,  appointed  his  own  judges,  and  might  assert  an 
actual  independence  when  the  central  government  was  weak 
and  distracted.  On  the  north,  their  possessions  were  bounded 

war  out  of  the  realm,  and  things  that  pertain  to  war  within  the  realm, 
&c." — BURN,  Pref.  v. 

i  FROIS.,  iv,  670.  2  For  history  of  Palatinate  of  Durham  see  DEP. 
KEEP.  16th  REP.,  App.  4.  Also  30th  REP.,  p.  ix,:  and  33rd  REP.,  App.  2, 
p.  43.,  for  calendar  of  the  roll  of  Bishop  Walter  Skirlawe  (3rd  April, 
1388— 24th  March,  1405). 


24  Dramatis  Personce.  [CHAP. 

by  the  arbitrary  and  unsettled  line  formed  by  the  Tweed  and 
the  Cheviot  Hills  ;  while  the  mountains  on  the  south  and  west 
marked  a  strict  barrier  between  them  and  the  County  Palatine 
of  Lancaster.  Thus  isolated  and  protected,  they  had  preserved, 
more  than  any  other  Norman  house,  both  the  spirit  and  the 
letter  of  feudalism,  exaggerating  both  its  weakness  and  its 
strength  ;  and  while  the  feudal  tie  grew  slacker  in  the  south,  the 
Lord  Percy  in  Northumberland  kept  his  patriarchal  influence 
unbroken.  His  lands  and  honours  were  still  compact  and  un- 
impaired. No  rival  claimed  in  them  by  taint  or  confiscation. 
In  his  own  county  his  will  was  supreme,  his  name  a  thing  to 
conjure  with.  He  lived  apart  from  English  life,  keeping  court 
at  Bamborough,  Warkworth,  Newcastle,  and  Berwick  ;  a  border 
robber  holding  his  lands  by  his  sword ;  rough  and  unlettered 
himself,  he  loved  the  flatteries  of  his  own  *  bards  and  rhymers  ; 
without  control,  a  slave  to  family  feuds,  a  bitter  hater  or  a 
steady  friend,  generous  and  faithless,  merciless  and  brave,  a 
loyal  Englishman,  not  from  love  to  England,  but  from  hatred 
to  the  Scot. 

Henry  Percy  was  the  first  of  his  house  whose  ambition  had 
extended  beyond  the  petty  feuds  and  border  raids  which  had 
been  the  glory  of  his  fathers.  He  had  been  created  Earl  of 
Northumberland  by  Edward  III.,  and  through  the  influence  of 
John  of  Ghent,  Duke  of  Lancaster  had  been  made  Earl 
Marshal  of  England  in  1377,  and  with  the  Duke  attended  the 
trial  of  Wyclif  in  London.  At  this  time  he  had  made  himself 
so  unpopular  with  the  citizens  of  London  as  a  supporter  of  the 
Lollards,  that,  when  the  mob  demolished  the  Marshalsea,  he 
narrowly  escaped  assassination.  But  in  the  course  of  the  next  few 
years  he  had  quarrelled  with  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  resigned 
the  marshalship,  and  was  occupied  in  his  own  county  defending 

i  For  the  custom  of  keeping  court  poets  or  versifiers  see  ISSUE  KOLT. 
EXCHEQUER,  44  Ed.  III.,  p.  xxix. 


II.]  The  Earl  of  Northumberland.  25 

the  borders  against  the  Scots,  who  were  now  acting  probably 
at  the  instigation  of  his  enemy  the  Duke.  This  feud  between 
the  two  most  powerful  barons  of  the  north  was  carried  on 
with  great  violence  and  bitterness.  The  young  King  was 
powerless  and  the  J  country  panic-stricken  by  organized  and 
ferocious  mobs.  The  Duke  accused  the  Earl  before  the 
King.  The  Earl  appeared  with  armed  attendants,  2defied  and 
bullied  the  council  into  an  acquittal.  London  was  agitated 
and  dreadful  fears  were  entertained.  This  time  the  Earl  was 
the  popular  man  with  the  citizens.  By  a  well-timed  and  prudent 
stroke  of  policy  his  interest  was  secured  and  his  dangerous 
energies  were  diverted  into  a  useful  channel.  He  was  made 
governor  of  Calais,  and  afterwards,  on  his  recall  from  that  fortress, 
he  was  Appointed  Warden  of  the  Northern  Marches,  in  1391,  to 
repel  the  incursions  of  the  Scots.  In  1398, 4he  was  summoned 
from  the  north  before  Richard,  on  account  of  some  treasonable 
language  reported  to  have  been  used  by  his  eldest  son  Henry, 
but  he  refused  to  make  his  appearance,  and  for  this  he  was 
sentenced  to  banishment.  It  was  while  he  was  preparing  to 
retire  into  Scotland,  where  he  had  estates,  that  Richard  crossed 
over  into  Ireland.  Instead  of  going  into  banishment  the  Earl 
boldly  joined  Henry  in  Yorkshire,  and  for  this  invaluable  service 
he  was  Appointed  Constable  of  England  by  the  son  of  the  man 
who  had  been  his  bitterest  enemy.  Time  and  opportunity 
were  alone  wanted  to  develop  the  natural  and  necessary  result. 
6The  Isle  of  Man,  which  had  been  forfeited  to  the  crown  on 
the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  was  granted  to  him  and  to 
his  heirs.  7He  was  entrusted  with  lands  and  domains  in  Wales 

1  Quisque  sibi  exosum  decapitabat,  si  diciorem  spoliabat. —  USK,  2. 
2lmpatiens,  more  gentis  xuce,  contra  prohibitionem  regiam. — WALS.,  ii, 
44.  s  With  power  to  grant  knighthood.  —  STATE  PAPERS,  iv,  629,  in 
Introdn.  to  Hist,  of  Orders  of  Brit.  Knighthood.  NICHOLAS,  vol.  5,  p.  xii. 
*AKCHJEOL.,  xx,  157.  -September  30th,  1399.— PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  i,  15. 
«  RYM.,  viii,  91.  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  35,  October  19, 1399.  "  He  paid  £128 
for  the  farm  on  May  20th,  1400.— RECEIPT  ROLL,  1  H.  IV. 


26  Dramatis  Persona.  [CHAP. 

and  on  the  border,  lately  belonging  to  Roger  Earl  of  March  ; 
and  on  August  2nd  he  had  received  the  castle  of  Carlisle  and 
the  charge  of  the  West  March  for  ten  years,  xwith  ^£1500  per 
annum — his  eldest  son  Henry  having  henceforward  the  charge 
of  the  East  March,  with  the  castles  of  2Bamborough,  Roxburgh, 
and  Berwick.  The  Earl  was  now  about  5  7  years  of  age.  He 
had  married  (in  1359)  Margaret,  daughter  of  Ralph,  Lord 
Nevil  of  Raby,  in  Durham,  and  had  three  grown  sons  Henry, 
3 Thomas,  and  Ralph. 

Associated  with  Lord  Percy  was  his  4  kinsman,  Ralph  Nevil, 
Earl  of  Westmoreland.  He  had  been  high  in  favour  with 
Richard,  had  been  a  member  of  the  council,  Warden  of  the 
West  March,  Constable  of  the  Tower  of  London,  and  frequently 
a  commissioner  and  representative  of  the  King  abroad.  3He 
had  married  Joan  Beaufort,  a  daughter  of  John  of  Ghent,  and 
half-sister  of  King  Henry.  In  1398  he  had  been  made  Earl 
of  Westmoreland,  but  he  joined  with  the  Earl  of  Northumber- 
land in  giving  welcome  to  Henry  on  his  landing  in  Yorkshire, 
and  was  rewarded  with  the  office  of  Marshal  of  England,  an 
office  of  great  power  and  influence,  conferring  on  the  holder 
the  right  to  a  seat  in  the  King's  court  or  council.  G  Special 
privileges  which  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  office,  but  which 
had  lapsed  or  been  neglected  with  time,  were  now  expressly 
restored  to  it.  The  Marshal  was  to  have  the  sole  appointment 

1  ISSUE  ROLL,  November  22,  1399;  EOT.  SCOT.,  151.      2  PAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
i,  12  (Oct.  24th,  1399),  also  pt.  4,  m.  2,  and  GLAUS.,  1  H.  IV.,  i,  15  (Oct. 
14th).      3  Thomas   Percy  soon  afterwards  died  in   Spain. — ANN.,  342. 
4  Lord  Percy  had  married  his  aunt,  thus  : 
Ralph  Nevil,  +  1367. 


John,  + 1388.  Margaret,  =  E.  of  Northumberland. 

Ralph,  E.  of  Westmoreland. 
5OTT.,  204.     For  he  had  wed  the  Duke's  (=Hy.  IV.)  sister  dere, 

A  full-good  lady  without  any  were. 
6RYM.,  viii,  115. 


II.]  The  Council.  27 

of  his  subordinates  vested  absolutely  in  himself,  and  in  token 
of  this  renewal  of  the  lost  privileges  of  the  office,  he  was  to 
carry  a  gold  staff  or  baton,  instead  of  the  wooden  one  previously 
borne  by  his  predecessors.  The  Earl  had  also  a  grant  of  the 
Jcastle  and  honour  of  Richmond,  forfeited  by  the  Duke  of 
Brittany  ;  the  custody  of  the  castles  and  lands  of 2  William,  late 
Lord  of  Dacre;  together  with  a  portion  of  the  3  confiscated 
property  of  the  late  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  a  4 grant  of  ^130  per 
annum  from  the  revenues  of  Carlisle,  and  the  custody  of  all 
the  royal  5 forests  north  of  the  Trent.  His  brother  Thomas, 
Lord  Furnival,  at  the  same  time  received  the  disputed  border 
lands  in  6Annandale,  on  the  West  March,  together  with  the 
castle  of  Lochmaben. 

The  throne  having  been  vacant,  it  was  held  that  all  judges, 
lieutenants  of  counties,  and  other  officers  who  held  their 
appointments  from  the  King,  had  ceased  to  hold  office  when 
Richard  had  resigned.  To  prevent  delay  in  the  administration 
of  the  kingdom,  their  places  were  immediately  refilled,  the 
new  officers  taking  an  7oath  of  allegiance  to  Henry. 

The  five  chief  officers  of  state  were  then  the  Chancellor, 
Treasurer,  Keeper  of  Privy  Seal,  Chamberlain,  and  Seneschal 
or  Steward  of  the  King's  Household — all  of  them  being  ex-officio 
members  of  the  King's  Council.  8  The  Council  at  this  time  con- 
sisted of  some  twenty-five  persons,  including  the  Archbishops  of 
Canterbury  and  York.  All  but  the  ex-officio  members  were 
appointed  for  one  year ;  they  were  paid  for  their  services,  and 
liable  to  fine  for  non-attendance. 

Archbishop  Arundel  had  resumed  his  old  office  of  Chancellor 

1  See  the  grant  dated  October  20th,  1399,  in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  p.  i,  m.  17. 
Ibid,  viii,  39.  2  Dated  October  19th,  1399,  in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  i,  19.  »  PAT., 
1  H.  IV.,  iv,  12  (December  llth,  1399).  4  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  vii,  28  (May 
25th,  1400).  s  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  viii,  32  (May  25th).  6  ROT.  SCOT.,  151. 
7  See  the  form  of  oath  in  Foss,  iii,  360.  8  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  I.,  iv. 
Twenty-four  were  present  at  the  Council  on  December  4th,  1399. 


28  Dramatis  Persona.  [CHAP. 

as  soon  as  the  success  of  Henry  seemed  assured.  He  had  then 
resigned  it  (September  5th)  into  the  hands  of  Sir  John  Scarle, 
an  ecclesiastic  and  a  lawyer,  who  had  had  more  than  twenty 
years'  experience  of  political  life.  1  He  had  been  a  Master  in 
Chancery,  Master  of  the  Rolls,  Clerk  to  the  Parliament,  and 
several  times  a  Receiver  of  Petitions. 

John  2Norbury,  a  rich  Cheshire  squire,  and  one  of  the  few 
who  landed  with  Henry,  was  appointed  Treasurer,  in  place  of 
the  Earl  of  Wiltshire,  who  had  lately  been  executed  at  Bristol. 
3  He  was  to  have  the  custody  of  the  Manor  of  Havering-atte- 
Bower,  with  a  maintenance  of  ^40  per  annum.  He  had  also 
the  castles  of  Ledes,  Cromelyn  (in  Ireland),  and  Guynes,  to- 
gether with  valuable  perquisites  from  the  tin  mines  and  wreckage 
in  Cornwall. 

Sir  Thomas  Erpingham,  a  knight  4who  had  also  crossed  with 
Henry  from  Brittany,  was  made  Chamberlain.  He  had  served 
with  Henry's  father  in  Spain,  and  had  been  rewarded  with  large 
estates  near  King's  Lynn,  in  Norfolk.  On  the  5 1 2th  November 
he  was  made  Constable  of  the  Castle  of  Framingham,  with  the  - 
custody  of  the  lands  of  John  Clifton.  He  was  at  that  time  a 
favourer  of  the  Lollards,  more  probably  from  attachment  to 
John  of  Ghent  than  from  any  personal  convictions.  He  was 
now  made  Constable  of  6  Dover  Castle  and  7 Warden  of  the 
Cinque  Ports  for  life,  and  had  8custody  of  the  lands  of  Thomas, 
Duke  of  Norfolk. 

Sir  Richard  Clifford  remained  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal, 
though  he  had  been  a  strong  partisan  of  King  Richard,  and  was 
even  named  9one  of  the  executors  of  his  will.  He  made  his 

1  Foss,  iv,  178.  2  ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  553.  "  Scutifer  valentissimus 
clivitiarum  opulentia  divitibus  prseferendus.  3  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  iii,  1 
(November  5th,  1399).  *  EVESH.,  151.  5  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  iii,  30.  6  PAT., 
1  H.  IV.,  v,  22  (September  30th,  1399).  7  WRIT.  PART,.,  1  H.  IV. 
PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  ii,  5  (November  5th,  1399).  »He  paid  £77  13s.  4d.  on 
May  20th,  1400.—  RECEIPT  ROLL  PASCH.,  1  H.  IV.  9RYM.,  viii,  77. 


II.]  The  Judges.  29 

submission  however,  and  retained  his  office.     1  His  pardon  was 
granted,  and  he  was  taken  for  a  good  and  loyal  subject. 

The  King's  second  son,  Thomas,  a  boy  eleven  years  old, 
was  made  Seneschal  of  England,  with  liberal  grants  of  land 
in  2  Yorkshire,  Lincolnshire,  and  elsewhere,  to  maintain  the 
dignity  of  the  office.  In  this  he  was  merely  attached  to  the 
Constable  and  Marshal,  who  were  to  hold  a  feudal  court  at 
Whitehall,  to  hear  and  decide  upon  claims  to  offices  which 
were  to  be  filled  on  the  day  of  coronation.  He  himself  was 
assisted  and  advised  by  a  Vice-Seneschal.  This  was  Thomas 
Percy,  Earl  of  Worcester,  and  brother  to  the  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland, who  had  served  under  the  Black  Prince  in  France  and 
Spain ;  had  been  three  times  Admiral  of  the  Fleet ;  often  an 
Ambassador  abroad;  and  had  held  the  office  of  Steward  or 
Seneschal  under  King  Richard,  but  had  resigned  it  at  his  fall ; 
and  had  been  Confirmed  by  Henry  in  all  his  previous  grants 
and  emoluments.  On  the  4i5th  of  November  he  was  appointed 
Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Thames  northward 
and  westward,  as  well  as  of  vessels  in  Ireland,  with  power  to 
appoint  a  deputy. 

Every  judge  was  continued  in  his  office,  no  single  alteration 
being  made,  save  the  appointment  of  two  additional 5  Barons  of 
the  Exchequer  to  fill  the  vacancies  which  had  occurred  before 
the  deposition  of  Richard.  This  conduct  of  Henry  indicates 
very  unmistakeably  the  character  of  the  revolution.  Several  of 
the  judges  thus  retained  in  office  had  practically  given  their 
adherence  to  the  party  of  Richard,  sanctioning  publicly  the 

1  ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  428.  2  pAT<)  i  H.  IV.,  ii,  5  (November  3rd,  1399)  ; 
also  m.  14  (November  13th)  ;  also  PAT,,  1  H.  IV.,  iv,  9  (November  2nd). 
"PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  iii,  14  (November  7th,  1399).  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  iii,  29. 
Ibid,  vi,  36 ;  add  GLAUS.,  1  H.  IV.,  i,  6,  11,  13.  5The  puisne  Barons  of 
the  Exchequer,  though  ecclesiastics,  as  all  the  judges  then  were,  were 
not  reckoned  as  men  of  the  law,  and  occupied  inferior  positions  as 
compared  with  the  puisne  judges  in  the  other  courts. 


30  Dramatis  Persona.  [CHAP. 

conduct  of  their  predecessors,  who  had  been  executed  or 
banished  by  the  Duke  of  Gloucester's  commission.  Judges  in 
the  late  reign  had  been  deprived  and  banished  en  bloc,  aso  that 
it  would  have  been  no  unheard-of  thing,  had  Henry  followed 
the  evil  example,  and  required  all  those  who  held  office  as 
judges  to  be  his  2  personal  partisans  and  adherents.  But  his 
prudence  and  his  real  interests  alike  required  him  to  make  as 
few  changes  as  possible,  and  he  was  fortunate  in  3 securing  the 
support  of  the  lawyers,  to  give  an  appearance  of  legality  to  his 
usurpation. 

The  courts  in  which  justice  was  administered  were  four  in 
number  :  (i)  The  Chancery;  (2)  The  Court  of  King's  Bench  ; 
(3)  The  Exchequer  Court ;  (4)  The  Court  of  Common  Pleas. 
These  courts  were  presided  over  each  by  its  own  judge.  They 
had  originated  from  the  gradual  subdivision  of  the  King's  Court 
(curia  regis),  in  which  all  great  disputes  had  at  first  been  de- 
cided by  the  King  in  person.  Gradually,  with  the  great  increase 
of  business,  and  with  the  increasing  complexity  of  the  law,  it 
became,  of  course,  necessary  to  divide  the  work,  and  to  entrust 
the  administration  to  officers  specially  trained  in  legal  learning 
and  practice.  These  officers,  at  the  close  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  were  all  ecclesiastics,  and  although  several  attempts 
had  been  made  by  refractory  parliaments  to  procure  the  appoint- 
ment of  judges  who  were  laymen,  yet,  so  far,  the  rule  remained 
practically  universal,  that  none  but  ecclesiastics  presided  over 
or  pleaded  in  the  courts.  This  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  enacted  by  statute,  but  was  the  natural  consequence 
of  the  system  of  training  of  the  time,  which  4  opened  all  the 

1  Cf .  also  temp.  H.  III.  ;  Foss,  ii,  146.  ~  By  oath  the  judges  bound 
themselves  "if  they  were  found  in  default,  to  be  at  the  King's  will  of 
body,  lands,  and  goods  thereof,  to  be  done  as  shall  please  him." — Foss, 
iii,  362.  s  By  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  i,  28,  dated  September  30th,  1399,  Henry 
had  already  granted  to  Clopton  180  marks  beyond  usual  fees,  to  Thern- 
yng  £93  6s.  8d.,  and  to  seven  other  judges  110  marks  each.  4See 
STATUTES  OF  COLLEGES  at  Oxford. 


II.]  The  Chancellor.  31 

advantages  for   the    study  of  the  common   and   civil   law   to 
the  clergy  alone. 

The  limits  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  several  courts  were  not 
very  accurately  denned,  but  the  subjects  which  came  under  the 
cognisance  of  each  may  be  roughly  classified  thus  : 

i .  The  Chancery,  or  Chancellor's  Court,  was  of  more  political 
significance  than  the  other  three.  The  Chancellor  was  the 
King's  representative  in  affixing  the  great  seal  to  all  documents 
which  received  the  royal  assent.  These  might  be  of  the  nature 
of  summons  to  parliament,  charters  to  cities  or  boroughs,  grants 
of  land  to  individuals  or  corporations.  In  short,  any  pro- 
ceedings which  required  the  sanction  of  the  King's  seal  were 
decided  in  the  Chancellor's  Court.  The  Chancellor  has  been 
happily  termed  "  the  Chief  Secretary  of  State  for  all  Depart- 
ments." "  His  influence  pervaded  all  the  branches  of  the 
administration.  Diplomacy  was  very  peculiarly  within  his 
province."  "Until  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  there  is  reason  to 
suppose  that  almost  every  branch  of  policy,  whether  foreign  or 
domestic,  came,  at  some  stage  or  other,  into  what,  in  modern 
limes,  would  be  called  the  Chancellor's  office.  About  that 
period,  however,  many  portions — especially  those  relating  to 
foreign  affairs — were  drawn  off  into  the  council."  The  Chan- 
cellor was  himself  the  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal ;  or  the  actual 
custody  of  the  seal  was  at  times  committed  to  a  separate  officer 
of  great  dignity  and  authority,  appointed  either  as  an  assistant 
or  a  counterpoise.  The  term  of  office  of  the  Chancellor,  and  of 
all  other  judges,  was  variable  and  dependent  upon  the  King's 
pleasure.  The  Chancellor  was  now  regularly  assisted  by  a 

1  DEP.  KEKP.  3rd  KEPT.,  p.  20.  See  specimens  of  Chancery  Eolls  in 
GEN.  KEPT.  RECD.  COM.,  1837,  including  Close  Rolls  (under  which  are 
parliamentary  writs  of  summons  and  election,  wages  of  members, 
swearing  of  officers,  &c.)  Patent  Rolls,  Norman  Rolls,  Oblates  and  Fines, 
Liberate  Rolls,  Charter  Rolls,  Gascon  Rolls,  Statutes  and  Parliamentary 
Rolls.  See  also  Schedule  in  App.  I.,  p.  3,  DEP.  KEEP.  REPT.,  1841 ;  also 
pp.  26-47  for  various  branches  of  the  functions  of  the  Great  Seal. 


32  Dramatis  Persona.  [CHAP. 

Master  or  Keeper  of  the  Chancery  Rolls,  who  was  always  a 
lawyer  and  ecclesiastic,  though  subordinate  in  rank.  The 
Chancellor  was,  by  his  office,  one  of  the  five  chief  officers  of 
state,  and  as  such  was  entitled  to  a  seat  at  the  King's  Privy 
Council.  The  office  was  now  filled,  as  above  stated,  by  John 
Scarle,  who  had  before  been  Master  of  the  Rolls  ;  while  JSir 
Thomas  Stanley,  who  had  been  for  several  years  past  a  Clerk 
or  Master  of  the  Chancery,  and  who  had  been  appointed 
Master  of  the  Rolls  in  1397,  was  continued  in  his  office. 
There  were  living  several  eminent  men  who  had  already  filled 
(some  of  them  more  than  once)  the  office  of  Chancellor  in 
preceding  reigns  ;  among  them  being  Thomas  Arundel  (now 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury) ;  William  of  Wickham,  Bishop  of 
Winchester ;  Sir  Richard  Scrope,  (a  layman,  an  exceptional 
case) ;  and  Edmund  -Stafford,  Bishop  of  Exeter. 

2.  The  Court  of  King's  Bench  dealt  with  all  cases  (except 
those  belonging  to  the  revenue)  in  which  the  King's  interests 
were  concerned.      The  Court  was  usually  held  at  Westminster, 
and  was  then  presided  over  by  a  Chief  Justice  and  two  puisne 
judges.     The  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench  was  Sir  Walter 
Clopton,  who  had  held  the  appointment  during  the  last  twelve 
years  of  Richard's  reign. 

3.  The  Court  of  Common  Pleas  had  cognisance  of  a"  per- 
sonal actions  "  and  disputes  to  which  the  King  was  not  a  party. 
It  had  been  a  grievance  felt  under  the  misgovernment  of  John 
that  Common  Pleas  had  to  "  follow  the  crown,"  i.e.  that  justice 
could  only  be  obtained  in  such  cases  by  attending  at  the  place 
where  the  King  happened  to  be  in  person  resident.     By  one  of 
the  clauses  of  the  Great  Charter  of  John,  Common  Pleas  were 
to  be  decided  in  a  fixed  place,  and  now  that  a  separate  Court 
was   constituted   for  their  decision,   the   sittings   were   almost 

i  PAT. ,  1H.  IV.,  i,  32  (September  30th,  1399).      ~  OTT.,  202.      a  ROT. 
PAUL.,  iii,  466  b. 


II.]  Chief  Justice  Thernyng.  33 

always  held  at  Westminster.  The  Court  was  managed  by  six 
judges,  one  of  whom  was  the  l Chief  Justice  of  the  Common 
Bench.  The  Chief  Justice  was  2  Sir  William  Thernyng,  who 
had  held  the  office  since  1396.  He  had  had  a  long  experience 
of  public  life,  3 having  been  on  the  bench  for  more  than  twelve 
years,  during  which  time  he  had  managed  to  keep  his  place 
under  opposing  factions  and  rival  governments.  Now  that  the 
star  of  Henry  was  rising,  he  stood  forward  as  his  chief  judicial 
supporter,  greatly  assisting  the  usurpation  by  his  legal  knowledge 
and  his  experience  of  constitutional  procedure.  It  was  by  his 
advice  that  Henry  had  so  scrupulously  observed  the  forms  of 
seeming  legality  in  all  the  proceedings  connected  with  his 
accession,  and  had  given  up  his  expressed  determination  to 
base  his  claim  upon  the  right  of  conquest.  It  may  have  been 
by  his  advice  that  Henry  at  first  merely  claimed  to  revive  the 
office  of  Chief  Justiciary  of  England,  which  he  asserted  to  be 
his  by  right  as  Duke  of  Lancaster.  The  office  had  been  one  of 
great  power  in  the  old  days,  and  conferred  upon  the  holder 
(usually  a  powerful  layman  or  ecclesiastic)  all  the  rights  of  a 
Regent  in  the  absence  of  the  King.  But  events  had  moved 
rapidly,  and  Henry  could  no  longer  be  content  with  anything 
short  of  his  cousin's  crown.  Thernyng  had  been  the  spokesman 
and  the  leading  spirit  of  the  deputation  from  the  parliament, 
which  had  exacted  from  Richard,  in  the  Tower,  his  abdication 
and  renunciation  of  the  throne.  He  of  course  would  not 
hesitate  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Henry,  and  was  con- 
tinued in  office  during  the  whole  of  his  reign. 

4.  Fiscal  questions  and  matters  concerning  the  revenue  were 
decided  in  the  Court  of  Exchequer,  which  claims  a  higher 
antiquity  than  either  of  the  two  preceding  courts.  It  held  its 

1  Chief  Justice  de  Commune  Bank. — ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  454.  2  Iss.  KOLL, 
1  H.  IV.;  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  i,  35  (September  30th,  1399).  »Foss  (iv,  210) 
calls  him  the  oldest  and  most  respected  judge  on  the  bench. 


34  Dramatis  Persona.  [CHAP. 

sittings  at  Westminster,  and  was  presided  over,  at  the  close  of 
Richard's  reign,  by  a  Chief  Baron  and  four  others,  "to  :speed 
the  levying  and  getting  in  of  the  King's  debts,  and  to  manage 
the  crown  revenue  to  the  best  advantage."  The  Juniors  in  this 
Court  were  not  necessarily  skilled  lawyers,  but  were  often  merely 
special  officers  who  had  a  practical  knowledge  of  the  revenue. 
The  Chief  Baron  was  2John  Cassy,  who  had  been  appointed  in 
1389.  He  was  retained  in  office  by  Henry,  as  also  were  two 
of  his  juniors,  3two  others  being  at  the  same  time  appointed  to 
fill  vacancies  which  had  occurred. 

The  judges  were  forbidden  by  statute  and  by  their  oath  to 
accept  any  fee,  payment,  or  reward  from  those  whose  cases 
were  decided  by  them,  except  sufficient  meat  and  drink  at  the 
time  the  case  was  proceeding  ;  but  it  is  probable  that  this  rule 
was  often  violated,  at  least  in  previous  reigns.  The  salary  of 
each  Chief  Justice  was  ^"40  and  of  the  others  40  marks 
(£26  133.  4d.)  per  annum  ;  4but  large  increments  were  usually 
paid,  bringing  up  the  salary  of  a  Chief  Justice  to  ^132,  and  of 
a  puisne  judge  to  ^100  per  annum,  together  with  an  additional 
£20  in  each  case,  to  support  their  dignity  and  defray  expenses 
when  going  circuit.  These  sums  were  supposed  to  be  sufficient 
to  prevent  the  necessity  of  accepting  gifts  from  suitors.  They 
were  also  paid  additionally  for  their  services  when  employed  as 
itinerant  justices,  to  hold  courts  in  the  assize  towns,  and  several 
of  them  had  important  parliamentary  work  to  do  as  receivers 
and  triers  of  petitions,  much  the  same  kind  of  work  as  is  now 
done  in  Parliamentary  Committees.  Their  persons  were  to  be 
protected  while  in  the  exercise  of  their  duties,  and  by  a  statute 
(passed  in  1351),  it  was  declared  to  be  treason,  and  punishable 

i  MADOX,  EXCH.,  592.  SPAT.,  i  H.  IV.,  i,  32  (September  30th,  1399). 
s  John  Nottingham  (clerk)  was  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  receiving 
40  marks  per  annum.  —  ISSUE  ROLL.  4  See  payments  to  William 
Brenchley  and  Hugh  Huls  in  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  November  6th. 


II. J  The  Clergy.  35 

with  forfeiture  and  death,  to  kill  them  while  doing  their  offices. 
They  were  (as  stated  above)  all  ecclesiastics  and  might  hold 
bishoprics  or  other  church  preferment  conjointly  with  their 
legal  offices. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  parliament  had  been  sum- 
moned (October  6th,  1399)  the  Convocation  of  the  Clergy  of 
the  province  of  Canterbury  met  in  the  Chapter  House  of  St. 
Paul's  Church  in  London.  Next  after  the  power  of  the  nobles 
and  owners  of  the  land,  and  far  superior  in  power  to  the  citizens, 
traders,  and  commoners,  stood  the  Clergy.  Their  power  was 
derived  from  their  zeal,  their  learning,  their  individual  influence 
with  the  courtiers  and  nobles,  and  their  organisation  for  united 
defence  as  a  wealthy  and  privileged  class.  In  by-gone  simpler 
days,  they  had  claimed  and  enjoyed  an  independence  which 
would  now  have  been  dangerous,  and  exemptions  which  would 
now  have  been  impossible.  They  had  been  subject  only  to 
ecclesiastical  courts,  constituted  from  among  members  of  their 
own  order,  and  guided  by  church-made  law.  They  had  held 
lands  free  from  feudal  obligations,  and  had  claimed  to  appeal  to 
a  foreign  court  against  the  ordinances  of  the  parliament  at  home; 
but  with  their  growing  power  their  independence  was  disap- 
pearing, and  being  now  the  trustees  and  possessors  of  immense 
wealth  in  land  and  moveables,  they  were  gradually  yielding  up 
their  separate  privileges  and  becoming  merged  in  the  growing 
strength  of  the  whole  united  nation. 

As  yet,  however,  their  position  was  uncertain  and  undefined. 
The  Bishops  (though  much  against  their  will)  had  been  long 
ago  made  to  bear  their  share  of  the  usual  feudal  obligations, 
and,  as  barons,  they  had  received  their  summons  to  assist  the 
King  and  tax  themselves  in  Parliament.  But,  inasmuch  as  the 
Bishops  and  the  few  Abbots  and  Priors  who  were  summoned 

1  i.e.  From  all  counties  (except  Cheshire,  but  including  Wales)  south 
of  the  Humber  and  Mersey.  See  VALOR  ECCLESIASTICUS.  EECD.  COM. 


36  Dramatis  Persona.  [CHAP. 

could  represent  none  but  themselves  and  their  individual  estates, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  make  the  whole  clergy  tax  themselves 
by  means  of  their  Convocations.  These  were  meetings,  originally 
of  Bishops,  to  settle  merely  ecclesiastical  matters,  and  for  the 
government  of  the  Church.  But,  by  the  time  of  Edward  I.,  the 
Convocations  had  been  remodelled.  Originally  the  Archbishops 
of  Canterbury  and  York  summoned  in  their  own  name  the 
Bishops  and  Prelates  (i.e.  Abbots  or  Priors)  whom  they  wished 
to  attend,  ^ow,  the  King's  writ  was  necessary  to  the  Arch- 
bishops, authorizing  them  to  summon  the  Convocations  of  their 
respective  Provinces.  But,  whereas  the  Convocation  had  before 
consisted  of  Bishops  and  Prelates  alone,  it  was  now  enlarged 
so  as  to  include  Deans,  Archdeacons,  Colleges,  and  Proctors, 
or  representatives  of  the  whole  clergy  from  each  diocese.  So 
the  Convocations  were  reformed  in  spite  of  much  opposition 
from  the  Bishops,  whose  monopoly  of  church  government  was 
thereby  destroyed.  The  whole  body  of  the  clergy  were  allowed 
a  voice  in  the  making  of  the  canons  by  which  they  were  to  be 
governed,  and  at  the  same  time  were  required  to  tax  themselves 
according  to  the  King's  and  the  nation's  necessities.  Side  by 
side  with  this  obligation,  they  at  once  asserted  their  right  to 
submit  grievances  and  complaints  (gravamina),  making  their 
redress  the  condition  on  which  the  Supplies  asked  for  were 
to  be  granted. 

1  Writs  of  summons  from  the  King  were  issued  to  the  two  Archbishops, 
eighteen  Bishops  with  their  Archdeacons  and  Deans  (as  Priors  of 
Cathedral  Churches),  twenty-five  Abbots,  two  Priors,  and  from  every 
diocese  two  Proctors,  to  represent  the  bodv  of  the  clergy.  The  list 
of  the  Abbots  is  made  up  from  Peterborough,  Glastonbury,  Bury  St. 
Edmunds,  Abingdon,  York  (St.  Mary's),  Waltham,  Croyland,  Bardney, 
St.  Benet  of  Hulme,  Malmesbury,  Reading,  St.  Alban's,  Selby,  Thorney, 
Beaulieu,  Westminster,  Canterbury  (St.  Augustine),  Cirencester,  Eves- 
ham,  Gloucester,  Eamsey,  Whitby,  Shrewsbury,  and  Colchester.  The 
two  Priors  are  from  Coventry  and  Clerkenwell.  See  list  in  REP.  DIGN. 
PEER,  iii,  768.  2  The  old  theory  remained,  viz.:  that  church  property 
was  exempt;  though  the  priests  might  pay  if  the  prelates  gave  their 
consent.  See  it  stated  by  the  Friar  (Daw  Topias)  in  POL.  SONGS,  ii,  80. 


II.]  Gravamina.  37 

Henry  had  owed  his  sudden  success  largely  to  the  assistance 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  ;  he  depended  greatly  upon 
the  judges  and  law  officers,  all  of  whom  were  ecclesiastics.  He 
had  declared  that  he  was  resolved  to  preserve  all  the  liberties 
of  the  Church,  and  he  now  sent  the  Constable  and  Marshal  to 
the  Convocation,  explaining  that  henceforth  the  clergy  should 
not  be  subject  to  tax,  tallage,  or  benevolence,  except  under 
urgent  necessity,  asking  in  set  form  for  their  prayers,  and 
declaring  himself  willing  to  punish  heresy  as  far  as  lay  in  his 
power.  A  list  of  grievances  was  then  drawn  up,  to  be  presented 
while  the  iron  was  hot,  and  the  Convocation  was  adjourned  till 
after  the  King's  coronation. 

The  complaints  are  directed  partly  against  the  Bishops  for 
the  greediness  and  fraud  and  abuse  committed  in  their  name, 
and  apparently  with  their  sanction,  in  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts ; 
and  the  fcing  took  the  earliest  opportunity  (Thursday,  October 
1 6th)  to  assert  publicly  in  the  parliament,  Hhat  he  would  see  that 
worthy  persons  should  be  over  the  Church,  and  not  such  as  many 
of  those  appointed  in  the  late  reign  had  proved  themselves. 
Partly  they  complain  against  encroachments  of  the  royal  officers 
upon  the  privileges  of  the  clergy,  by  bringing  them  into  the 
secular  courts.  They  requested  also  that  the  great  Statute 
against  Provisors  should  be  set  aside,  as  bearing  hardly  upon 
students  at  the  Universities,  who  could  not  reside  at  their 
cures ;  and  this  favour  they  were  strong  enough  to  obtain. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Pope  had  quite  recently  granted 
dispensations  for  the  worst  ecclesiastical  abuses,  e.g.  simony, 
plurality  of  livings,  beneficed  minors,  &c.,  in  consideration  of 
grants  of  money ;  and  had  sent  a  representative  to  England 

(1402).  "Not  for  thanne  the  comun  lawe  may  wel  suffren,  that  preest- 
hode  may  paye  bi  assent  of  prelatis  ffreli  of  her  owne  wille  no  thing 
constreynede,  and  thus  prelatis  and  persouns  aftir  her  state  ben  stended 
to  paien  what  that  nede  askith." 

1  ANN.,  304.— USK,  140. 


38  Dramatis  Persona. 

1  (Peter  du  Bois,  Bishop  of  Dax,  in  Gascony)  in  October,  1398, 
to  obtain,  if  possible,  the  abolition  of  the  Statute ;  but  in  this 
he  had  failed,  in  spite  of  the  subservience  of  Richard  and  his 
Committee  of  Parliament. 

1  USE,  149 ;  TRAIS.,  161 ;  KYM.,  viii,  111.     FAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  i,  17,  confirms 
a  grant  of  50  marks  to  "  Peter  van  Busch,"  October  28th,  1399. 


CHAPTER    III. 
THE    CORONATION. 

THE  arrangements  for  the  coronation  being  completed,  the 
King  prepared  to  make  a  triumphal  progress  through  London. 
On  Saturday,  October  nth,  he  slept  at  the  Tower,  and  appears 
that  night  to  have  instituted  a  new  military  Order  of  Knight- 
hood, *  King  Richard  being  present  at  the  proceedings. 

Military  Orders  or  Brotherhoods  had  done  great  service  some 
generations  before.  Originating  with  the  Crusaders,  they  formed 
associations  for  the  defence  of  Christians,  and  their  members 
had  bound  themselves  by  vows  to  a  life  of  chastity,  poverty,  and 
obedience.  Some  kept  the  roads,  protecting  travellers  on  their 
way  to  the  Holy  Places  ;  others  entertained  pilgrims  during  their 
stay,  tending  the  sick  and  sheltering  strangers.  The  Church  gave 
her  sanction,  granting  privileges  and  exemptions  ;  and  wealthy 
pilgrims  gave  goods,  lands,  and  possessions,  as  tokens  of  their 
piety  and  gratitude.  Active  service  against  the  infidel  brought 
profit  and  honour,  and  multitudes  of  Orders  rose  rapidly  to  fame 
and  reputation  for  great  deeds  done  against  the  Turks,  the 
Moors,  and  the  heathen  of  the  North.  Knights  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  Knights  Templars,  Knights  Hospitallers,  Teutonic 
Knights,  Knights  of  St.  James,  St.  Catherine,  St.  Lazarus, 
found  work  and  profit  in  Palestine  and  Spain  and  on  the 
shores  of  the  Baltic.  But  wealth  and  idleness  soon  worked 
decay ;  and  ~  though  attempts  were  made  to  give  new  meaning 
to  the  Brotherhoods  by  inciting  them  to  destroy  the  heretics  of 

1  USK,  146.     2  Of .  the  Knights  of  Jesus  Christ  in  France  and  Italy,  or  the 
Brothers  of  the  Militia  of  St.  Dominic,  enrolled  against  the  Albigenses. 


40  The  Coronation.  [CHAP. 

Albi  in  the  thirteenth  century,  yet  this  perversion  had  but  a 
momentary  success,  and  the  military  orders,  purely  ecclesiastic, 
never  really  revived. 

In  the  fourteenth  century  Edward  III.  instituted  the  first 
English  military  Order  under  altered  circumstances.  The  strict 
ecclesiastic  vows  were  not  abolished,  but  differently  explained. 
The  members  were  to  be  vowed  to  a  life  of  chastity  in  the  sense 
of  fidelity  to  their  wives  ;  of  poverty,  not  of  purse  but  of  spirit ; 
and  of  obedience,  not  to  the  church  to  command  their  services 
against  its  enemies  but  to  the  King  as  their  superior ;  not  to 
take  arms  against  one  another ;  not  to  leave  the  country  without 
express  permission,  but  to  follow  their  sovereign  in  all  things 
with  absolute  devotion.  Edward's  long  wars  in  France  had 
been  a  nursery  for  a  new  race  of  English  soldiers  and  captains  ; 
military  talent  had  free  scope,  and  many  who  had  no  claim  to 
precedence  by  birth  had  made  their  services  felt  in  battle,  and 
had  been  dubbed  or  knighted  on  the  field.  The  foremost  of 
these  had  been  constituted  Knights  Companions  of  a  new  Order, 
and  by  this  means  the  King  had  offered  a  reward  for  past 
services  and  an  incentive  for  the  future  ;  while  he  collected 
around  his  person  a  strong  body-guard  of  devoted  and  skilful 
soldiers,  united  in  a  powerful  bond  of  sentiment,  to  advance  his 
interests  and  defend  his  throne. 

lrfhe  new  brotherhood  was  to  consist  of  twenty-six  members, 
i.e.  twenty-five  Knights  Companions,  and  the  reigning  King,  who 
was  always  to  be  the  Superior  of  the  Order.  The  first  members 
were  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  three  Earls, 
five  Lords,  and  fifteen  Commoners, 8 nearly  all  Englishmen,  and 
all  without  exception  distinguished  for  valour  in  the  foreign 
wars.  3Those  who  had  not  family  estates  were  granted  pensions 

1  See  ARCELEOL.,  xxxi,  1-162.  2  Three  were  foreigners. — NICHOLAS, 
p.  38.  8  e.g.  £200  to  Sir  John  Lisle,  £20  to  Sir  Nele  Loring,  for  sea-fight 
at  Sluys. 


III.]  Order  of  the  Garter.  41 

for  the  due  support  of  their  new  dignity.  The  number  of 
Knights  was  to  be  strictly  limited  to  twenty-six.  They  were  to 
be  supplied  with  coats,  mantles,  and  hoods  from  the  royal 
wardrobe,  and  to  wear  always  on  the  left  leg  a  blue  garter, 
supplied  also  at  the  King's  expense,  and  inscribed  with  the 
1  French  motto  worked  in  gold  thread  :  "  Hony  soyt  quy  mal  y 
pense."  This  garter,  with  the  motto,  was  to  be  the  distinguishing 
badge  of  the  Knights.  It  was  chosen  perhaps  from  some  trivial 
circumstance,  though  the  exact  reason  is  now  no  longer  known, 
and  the  meaning  of  the  inscription  can  only  be  guessed.  The 
connection  with  the  story  of  Edward's  amour  with  the  Countess 
of  Salisbury  was  probably  invented  afterwards  to  give  a  sort 
of  meaning  to  the  obscure  motto.  But  no  such  explanation  is 
necessary.  It  was  the  custom  of  the  time  to  take  some  common 
object  as  a  fantastic  badge  of  dignity.  2Edward  III.  wore  on 

his  shield  the  words  : 

"  Ha,  ha,  the  white  swan, 
By  God  his  soul  I  am  thy  man." 

Richard  II.  assumed  the  white  hart  :  3 Henry  IV.  an  antelope, 
.a  white  swan,  a  fox's  brush,  or  a  greyhound.  There  were 
military  Orders  of  the  Stocking,  the  Collar,  the  Porcupine,  the 
Broom  Flower,  .and  the  Thistle  ;  i  while  the  fashion  of  the  time 
supplies  abundant  instances  of  the  practice  then  prevalent  of 
embroidering  mottoes  upon  articles  of  clothing,  frequently  mere 
fragments  of  words  and  sentences,  the  meaning  of  which  is  now 
altogether  lost.  The  Order  though  partly  military  still  retained 

*A  contemporary  of  Rich.  II.  gives  it:  "  Honniz  soit  celluy  qui  mal 
pense,"  from  the  robes  worn  in  the  lists  at  Coventry,  in  September,  1398. 
TRAIS.,  18.  2  SCOTT,  Essay  on  Chivalry,  33.  BUSK,  133.  4Cf.  MICHELET, 
Hist,  iv.,  Bk.  7,  quoting  Ordonnances  de  Charles,  Due  d'Orleans.  "And 
they  will  take  for  their  badge  a  garter,  or  a  bracelet,  a  smock,  a  turnip,  or 
a  pig,  or  God  only  knows  what  trumpery,"  says  the  Abbot  in.  PETIT  JEAN 
DE  SAINTEE,  ch.  Ixxxi.  Cf.  the  lists  of  Richard  und  Isabella's  effects  for 
chapel  services  in  RYM.,  8,  294,  including  cloth  embroidered  with  trees, 
white  harts,  parrots,  lions,  red  beasts,  flowers,  &c.  Chaucer's  Squire  was 
"  Embrouded  as  it  were  a  mede, 
Alle  ful  of  freshe  floures,  white  and  rede." — PROLOGUE,  90. 


42  The  Coronation.  [CHAP. 

a  strong  connection  with  the  Church.  It  was  put  under  the 
especial  protection  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  the  Blessed  Virgin,  St. 
Edward  the  Confessor,  and  St.  George  of  Cappadocia,  Hhe 
Church's  favourite  military  champion  against  the  heathen. 
There  were  Canons  and  Chaplains,  a  Chancellor,  Prelates, 
2  Vergers  and  Almoners  for  the  services  of  the  chapel  of  St. 
George  at  Windsor,  with  Heralds  for  North  and  South, 
Pursuivants  and  Kings-at-arms  to  regulate  the  pageantry  at  the 
great  annual  feast  on  St.  George's  Day.  The  original  statutes 
of  the  Order  have  long  since  been  lost,  but  a  copy  made  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  V.  may  still  be  seen.  It  is  probably  only  a 
fragment,  as  it  contains  very  little  beyond  minute  directions  for 
attending  divine  service,  and  for  choosing  members  to  fill 
vacancies  as  they  occurred.  3  Ed  ward's  example  was  soon 
followed  in  other  countries,  and  numerous  military  Orders  on 
the  new  model  sprang  up,  some  following  the  pattern  of  the 
English  Order  very  closely,  but  all  intended  like  the  English 
type  to  foster  military  prowess,  not  as  in  the  old  days  in  the 
interest  of  the  Church  against  infidels  and  heretics,  but  to  be 
used  for  the  advancement  of  the  designs  of  their  founder,  who 
was  often  some  unscrupulous  pretender  with  a  questionable 
title  which  needed  help  from  any  obtainable  quarter.  *So  on 
the  opening  of  his  uncertain  reign,  Henry  IV.  instituted  a 
second  English  military  Order  of  Knights,  intended  certainly  to 
strengthen  his  position  in  the  country,  and  perhaps  with  a  hope 
of  one  day  superseding  the  older  Order,  the  5  Knights  of  the 

JQui  totius  militise  Anglicans  spiritualis  esfc  patronus.— CONG.,  iii,  241. 
»On  November  llth,  1399,  Thomas  Sy  was  appointed  verger  of  the 
"  Comitiva"  of  the  Garter.— PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  20.  3  e.g.  The  Thistle  of 
Bourbon,  by  Louis,  second  Duke  of  Bourbon,  in  1370 ;  the  Golden  Fleece, 
St.  Michael;  L'ordre  de  1'Hermine,  to  which  ladies  were  eligible, 
formed  by  John,  fourth  Duke  of  Brittany  (1364-1399).— ART  DE  YEE., 
ii,  907.  *  In  the  same  year  (1399)  Boucicaut,  Marshal  of  France, 
founded  his  Order  of  thirteen  Knights  of  the  White  Lady  with  the  Green 
Shield,  La  Dame  Blanche  a  1'escu  verd.— MEM.  17,209.  sSee  ANSTIS, 
Register  of  Order  of  Garter. 


III.]  Order  of  the  Bath.  43 

Garter  being  many  of  them  uncertain  in  their  allegiance,  and 
the  Order  itself  having  lost  much  of  its  original  brilliancy. 

The  new  Knights  were  styled  "  Knights  Companions  of  the 
Bath,"  from  the  2custom  of  washing  the  body  on  the  eve  of  great 
religious  ceremonies.  Their  number  was  never  fixed,  but  might 
depend  upon  the  pleasure  of  the  King.  3"  There  is  no  early 
or  complete  register  of  the  Older  of  the  Bath."  There  were  no 
statutes.  The  emblem  of  the  Order  consisted  of  three  crowns 
with  the  ecclesiastical  legend  :  "  Tria  juncto  in  uno,"  and  its 
special  services  were  held  in  the  Abbey  Church  at  Westminster. 
The  Knights  wore  their  robes  only  at  ceremonies.  The  original 
number  of  members  is  variously  given  at  44i,  545,  646,  75<D  or 
854;  but  the  artificial  character  of  the  new  distinction  is  shown 
very  plainly  by  the  appearance  amongst  the  first  created  Knights 
of  Henry's  four  sons,  all  of  them  boys  under  twelve  years  of 
age.  Writers  strictly  contemporary  give  scanty  details  as  to  the 
new  Order,  and  the  truth  of  the  whole  story  has  been  questioned. 
But  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  Order  of  the  Bath  did 
originate  as  described,  and  the  Issue  Roll  dated  e  November 
2 2nd,  1399,  records  a  payment  of  ^43  6s.  8d.  to  Henry 
Greene,  and  other  heralds  "on  account  of  the  solemnity  of 
divers  Knights  created  anew  by  the  King  on  the  day  before  the 
coronation."  As  usual,  the  accounts  become  more  full  and 
circumstantial  with  later  writers,  living  more  than  one  hundred 
years  after  the  events,  until  10Holinshead  is  able  to  give  us  a  list 
of  forty  names  of  the  first  batch  of  Knights.  But  the  list  is 
suspiciously  complete,  and  is  rendered  the  more  doubtful  as  it 
contains  the  names  of  utwo  Justices  of  Common  Pleas,  both 

!Cf.  The  account  of  the  ten  "Companies"  in  L'HiSTOiRE  DE  PETIT  JEAN 
DE  SAINTEE. — Ch.  65-67.  2  See  BURKE,  John  de  Harrington,  temp.  Ed.  I. 
CHAUCER,  KNIGHTS  TALE,  1425,  "  Hise  body  wessch  with  water  of  a  welle." 
3 NICHOLAS  I,  iv.  *FAB.  SCRET.  from  Eyewitness.  6FROis.  7ANN. 
sTRAis.  9PELLS.  BODL.,  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.  Mich.  i°Copying  from 
MS.  BODL.,  2376  (says  TRAIS.,  225).  "Yet  see  precedents  for  this  in 
NICHOLAS,  I,  xxxiv. 


44  The  Coronation.  [CHAP. 

ecclesiastics,    one   of   whom,    Sir    William    Hankford,  was  an 
ancestor  of  Ann  Boleyn,  the  mother  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

On  Sunday  (October  i2th,  1399)  the  King  passed  in  state 
through  London.  He  had  previously  established  cordial  rela- 
tions with  the  citizens,  and  was  sure  of  an  enthusiastic  reception. 
Starting  from  the  Tower  (where  Richard  was  still  detained), 
he  rode  bare-headed  in  the  rain  through  the  city,  with  great 
magnificence,  and  was  everywhere  hailed  with  acclamation. 
He  was  mounted  on  a  white  horse,  and  wore  a  short  jacket  of 
gold  cloth  ;  on  his  left  leg  was  the  blue  garter,  and  2 round  his 
neck  an  order  of  the  King  of  France.  3With  him  rode  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  six  Dukes,  six  Earls,  and  eighteen  Barons. 
Six  thousand  horsemen  were  in  the  procession,  and  among  them 
many  of  the  newly  created  Knights.  The  citizens  of  London, 
the  Lombard  Merchants,  the  4  Masters  of  the  Companies,  wel- 
comed him ;  and  in  Cheapside,  nine  fountains  flowed  with  red 
and  white  wine.  At  Westminster,  the  King  was  received  by 
the  Abbot,  and  slept  in  the  palace  that  night.  The  following 
day  he  was  crowned  in  the  Abbey,  after  the  old  form  of 
coronation  of  the  English  Kings.  Four  burgesses  of  Dover, 
representing  the  Cinque  Ports,  carried  the  canopy  of  blue  silk 
over  his  head ;  and  he  received  the  crown,  the  sceptre,  the 
swords,  the  golden  wand  with  the  dove,  the  sandals  and  the 
bracelets.  *It  was  noticed  that  exactly  one  year  before  he  had 
left  the  country  an  exile,  and  that  a  special  Providence  had 
brought  him  back  to  set  him  amongst  Princes.  9A  story  was 
spread  that  the  oil  with  which  he  was  anointed  had  been 
miraculously  given  to  Archbishop  Thomas  Becket,  when  he 

1  For  his  letters  from  Pontefract  and  Bristol,  see  TRAIS.,  40.  2  FEOIS., 
iv,  670.  3The  figures  are  of  course  variously  given  both  in  contemporary 
writers,  such  as  Froissart  and  Otterbourne,  and  in  subsequent  chroniclers 
who  delight  in  pageant,  such  as  Fabian  and  Holinshead.  4  HERBERT, 
Hist.  Livery  Companies,  i,  90.  5  HARD.,  348  ;  OTT.,  221.  6  BOUCHET, 
Annales  d'  Aquitaine,  III,  ch.  iv  (in  ARCH.,  xx,  266).  Cf.  EEL.  DE 
ST.  DENTS. 


III.]  The  Holy  Oil  45 

was  an  exile  from  his  country  at  Sens ;  that  it  had  been 
preserved  in  the  church  of  St.  Gregory  at  Poictiers,  the  Arch- 
bishop having  declared  that  he  who  should  be  anointed  King 
with  it  should  be  a  King  indeed  ;  should  be  the  champion  of 
the  Church  and  the  destroyer  of  heresy ;  that  he  should  build 
many  churches  in  the  ^oly  Land,  drive  out  the  heathen  from 
Babylon,  and  should  recover  the  lost  provinces  of  Normandy 
and  Aquitaine.  Clearly,  great  hopes  were  entertained  by  the 
churchmen,  as  well  as  others,  that  they  had  in  Henry  an 
instrument  ready  to  their  hands. 

1Si.  DEN.,  xx,  13. 


CHAPTER     IV. 
THE  FIRST  PARLIAMENT. 

On  Tuesday,  October  i4th,  1399,  the  Parliament  met  for  the 
transaction  of  business  at  Westminster.  Parliaments  had  played 
a  singularly  conspicuous  part  in  the  History  of  the  late  reign, 
but  the  fatal  unanimity  with  which  they  had  alternately 
sanctioned  and  annulled  the  proceedings  of  opposite  factions, 
proves  beyond  doubt  that  they  had  as  yet  no  real  independence. 
The  position  and  privileges  of  the  Parliaments  of  that  age  can 
be  understood  only  by  studying  their  action  year  by  year,  but 
a  few  notes  of  their  constitution  at  the  time  may  serve  as  an 
introduction  to  the  subject  here.  These  notes  are  chiefly  taken 
from  an  anonymous  tract,  entitled  "  Modus  tenendi  Parliamen- 
tum,"  often  discussed  and  variously  interpreted.  The  author 
is  unknown,  but  the  book  was  probably  written  in  the  fourteenth 
century;  and  as  a  copy  of  it  was  authorised  in  1405,  under  the 
Great  Seal  for  application  to  Ireland,  it  is  certain  that  even  if 
the  writer  were  not  a  contemporary,  yet  the  contents  of  the 
book  were  not  obsolete  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Henry 
IV.  It  deals  with  the  Parliament  as  a  Court  composed  of  six 
degrees  or  ranks,  viz.:  i. — The  King.  2. — The  Archbishops, 
Bishops,  Abbots,  and  Priors.  3 . — The  LowerClergy,  represented 
by  two  Proctors  or  Prolocutors  (i.e.  speakers)  for  each  arch- 
deaconry. 4. — The  Earls  and  Barons,  (i.e.  all  who  had  rents 
and  lands  valued  at  ^400  or  400  marks  respectively).  These 
were  summoned  by  writs  from  the  King.  5. — Knights  to 

1  HARDY'S  Edition. 


The  Estates.  47 

represent  the  counties,  two  from  each,  elected  through  and 
probably  by  the  Sheriffs.  6. — Citizens  and  Burgesses,  two 
from  each  city  or  borough,  elected  through  and  probably  by  the 
Mayors  and  Sheriffs  in  cities,  and  the  Bailiffs  and  "  good  men" 
(probi  homines)  in  boroughs.  Of  these  ranks,  the  Lower 
Clergy,  the  Knights  of  Shires,  the  Burgesses  and  Citizens  are 
collectively  styled  "  the  Commons  "  (communitas).  They  were 
to  be  paid  for  their  services  while  attending  the  Parliament, 
Hhe  payments  not  to  exceed  IDS.  or  occasionally  one  mark 
(135.  4d.)  per  day  for  the  two,  to  be  paid  by  the  county,  city  or 
borough,  which  they  represented.  No  one  who  was  summoned 
could  be  absent  under  penalty  of  a  heavy  fine,  2  though  special 
exemptions  could  be  granted  at  the  pleasure  of  the  King.  The 
King  himself  was  required  to  be  present,  except  in  case  of 
illness,  and  he  could  require  the  Parliament  to  meet  at  any 
place  that  he  chose.  Each  Order  was  to  deliberate  separately, 
and  each  had  its  own  clerk,  whose  duty  was  to  attend  their 
discussions  and  enrol  their  petitions  and  grievances  on  3 parch- 
ment rolls,  to  be  presented  to  the  King  in  due  course  for  redress. 
The  Parliament  was  not  to  separate  till  every  petition  had  been 
considered  and  answered.  The  decision  in  each  case  was 
enrolled  by  two  principal  clerks,  who  delivered  the  rolls  to  the 
Treasurer  to  be  deposited  in  the  Treasury;  but  any  Order  or 
individual  member  could  procure  a  copy  of  any  petition  and 
answer  in  which  he  was  interested  by  a  payment  to  the  clerk  of 
the  Order  to  which  he  belonged.  The  rate  of  payment  was  to 
be  id.  for  ten  lines,  each  line  to  be  ten  inches  long,  but  a  copy 
could  be  obtained  for  nothing  by  the  applicant  making  a 
declaration  that  he  was  altogether  unable  to  pay. 

1They  were  usually  less,  i.e.  4s.  each  per  day  for  Knights  of  Shires, 
2s.  for  Burgesses. — P  RYNNE,  passim.  2  Cf.  EYM.,  viii,  110,  two  years' 
exemption  granted  as  a  favour  to  Bishop  of  Ely.  Ibid,  viii,  236,  three 
years'  exemption  to  Lord  de  la  Warr ;  also  Bishop  of  Coventry 
and  Lichfield.— PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  i,  6.  3The  Lords'  Journals  do  not 
begin  till  Hy.  VIII. ;  the  Commons  till  Ed.  VI.— PAEL.  FIST.,  Pref.  i. 


48  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

The  business  with  which  the  Parliament  had  to  do  was  divided 
under  three  heads,  i. — War,  and  matters  relating  to  the  King 
or  Queen,  or  their  children.  2. — The  consideration  of  laws, 
chiefly  the  alteration  of  existing  enactments.  3. — Private  busi- 
ness contained  in  petitions  presented  by  individual  Orders  or 
districts,  or  boroughs,  or  persons. 

In  all  these  matters  it  was  recognized  that  "  the  Commons  " 
were  only  "  petitioners," — that  the  decision  or  "  judgment  "  of 
all  matters  rested  with  the  King  and  the  Lords, — but  that  the 
King  should  specially  ask  the  "  advice  and  consent  "  of  the 
Commons  in  making  statutes,  grants,  or  subsidies,  or  other  such 
matters  "for  the  common  profit  of  the  kingdom."  In  cases  of 
disagreement,  provision  was  made  for  a  joint  conference  of 
representative  members  from  all  the  Orders,  but  for  most  pur- 
poses they  met  and  deliberated  apart. 

2  The  two  clerical  Orders  formed  the  Convocation  of  the  Clergy. 
The  Convocation  of  the  Province  of  Canterbury  met  in  the 
Chapter  House  of  St.  Paul's,  in  London,  under  the  presidency  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  issued  writs  of  summons. 
Eighteen  Bishops,  with  the  Benedictine  Abbots  of  Gloucester 
and  Glastonbury,  and  the  Prior  of  Christ  Church,  Canterbury, 
formed  one  assembly ;  while  other  Priors  and  Abbots,  and  the 
Proctors  of  the  Clergy  deliberated  apart,  though  within  the  same 
building. 

The  Earls  and  Barons  were  summoned  personally  by  the 
King.  The  right  or  duty  of  attending  seems  to  have  become 
hereditary.  When  once  conferred  on  a  nobleman  it  was  usually 
continued  to  his  successor,  3until  the  family  was  either  disgraced 

1  See  DEP.  KEEP.  17th  REPT.,  p.  8,  for  account  of  ancient  petitions  in 
Tower;  also  34th  REPT.,  App.  i,  gives  alphabetical  list  of  petitions  to  the 
King  in  Council,  (Ed.  I.— Ed.  IV.)— 9600  documents.  -2  This  at  least  is 
the  view  of  the  "Modus  ;  "  but  Archbishops,  Bishops,  and  Royal  Abbots 
received  their  summons  from  the  King  to  sit  at  Westminster  as  Lords, 
and  thirty-two  of  the  latter  class  were  present  in  the  Parliament  on 
September  30th,  1399.— TRAIS.,  68.  3See  REP.  DIG.  PEER.  ;  also  COOPER, 
ii,  82  ;  also  Parliamentary  Writs  and  Returns  from  18  Ed.  I. — 17  Ed.  IV., 
in  DEP.  KEEP.  2nd  REPT.,  App.  I,  1. 


IV.]  "  The  Commons"  49 

or  extinct.  The  list  of  Nobles  summoned  by  Henry  to  this 
Parliament  shows  no  departure  of  any  consequence  from  the 
lists  of  those  summoned  to  the  Parliaments  of  his  predecessor. 
Forty-nine  persons  are  summoned  by  name,  four  of  them  Dukes, 
1  the  only  holders  of  the  title,  viz. :  the  Dukes  of  York  and  Albe- 
marle  (the  King's  uncle  and  cousin),  the  Duke  of  Exeter  (his 
brother-in-law),  and  the  Duke  of  Surrey  2 (nephew  to  the  Duke 
of  Exeter).  The  list  includes  also  the  Marquis  of  Dorset  (half- 
brother  to  the  King),  the  Earls  of  Warwick,  Oxford,  Devon, 
Salisbury,  Northumberland,  Stafford,  Suffolk,  Worcester,  Glou- 
cester, and  Westmoreland,  and  thirty-four  Barons  owning  estates 
in  every  county  of  England,  and  most  of  them  related  together 
by  ties  of  blood  or  intermarriage. 

The  Knights  of  the  Shire  were  summoned  through  the  3  Sheriff 
in  the  court  of  their  county,  but  there  was  probably  very  little 
election  in  the  matter,  the  Sheriffs  having  practically  the  power 
of  nominating,  *  though  some  recollection  was  preserved  of  a 
claim  that  the  people  of  the  district  had  originally  a  right  to 
elect  the  representatives  for  their  counties. 

Writs  to  the  Sheriffs  for  this  First  Parliament  of  Henry  are 
extant  for  thirty-four  counties,  each  of  which — the  small  and  the 
great  alike — returned  two  members,  Yorkshire  no  more,  and 
Rutland  no  less.  No  summons  was  issued  to  the  Palatine 
Counties  of  Durham  and  5  Cheshire,  as  the  King's  writ  did  not 

1  The  Duke  of  Norfolk  had  just  died  at  Venice,  and  his  children  had 
not  been  recognized.    2  Not  brother,  as  GREEN,  259. 
3  "And  sente  side  sondis 
To  schrevys  abouzte 
To  chese  swiche  chevalleris 
As  the  charge  wold 
To  schewe  for  the  schire 

In  company  with  the  grete." — POL.  SONGS,  i,  413. 

4  e.g.  In  1404,  Thomas  Thorpe  claimed  that  he  had  been  elected  "  in  full 
county,"  yet  the  Sheriff  set  him  aside  and  returned  his  own  nominee. 
An  enquiry  was  held,  and  the  Sheriff  was  dismissed,  imprisoned,  and 
fined. — ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  530.  5  ORMEROD,  I,  xxxiii.,  Cheshire  sent  no 
member  till  temp.  Henry  VIII. 

D 


50  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

run  there,  and  no  writs  are  to  be  found  for  the  counties  of 
Devon,  Huntingdon,  or  Cambridge.  :  They  are  evidently  lost, 
and  we  shall  probably  be  correct  in  calculating  the  number  of 
Knights  of  the  Shire  at  seventy-four,  representing  thirty-seven 
English  Counties.  The  Knights  were  to  be  belted  (gladio 
rincti),  and  were  to  have  full  power  to  speak  in  the  name 
of  the  county  which  sent  them  up. 

One-hundred  and  seventy-three  Citizens  and  Burgesses  are 
returned  on  the  existing  writs  for  eighty-five  Cities  and  Boroughs. 
If  the  missing  writs  for  the  three  remaining  counties  were 
available  the  numbers  would  probably  be  about  one-hundred 
and  ninety.  They  are  to  be  chosen  from  the  "  most  discreet 
and  sufficient "  of  the  Burgesses  and  Citizens.  Each  borough 
and  city  named  sends  two  members,  except  London  and 
Hull,  which  send  four  and  three  members  respectively.  The 
distribution  of  representatives  is  very  unequal,  athe  Southern 
counties  having  a  great  preponderance  over  the  Northern 
and  Midland.  Thus  Sussex  has  the  largest  borough  repre- 
sentation, sending  eighteen  members  to  represent  3nine  boroughs, 
while  Wiltshire  sends  sixteen,  and  the  seven  Cinque  Ports 
fourteen  members.  Lancashire,  on  the  other  hand,  though 
sending  two  Knights  for  the  Shire,  can  find  no  Citizens  or 
Burgesses  to  attend  on  account  of  their  "  poverty  and  weakness," 
aggravated  by  the  pestilence  then  prevalent  in  the  North. 

1 1  had  consulted  the  original  writs  for  this  Parliament  in  the  Public 
Record  Office  and  made  full  extracts  of  the  names  of  members,  intending 
to  print  them  as  an  appendix  to  this  volume.  This  is  now  fortunately 
unnecessary,  as  the  names  may  be  seen  in  the  two  fol.  vols.  recently 
issued  (1879)  as  Blue  Books,  by  authority  of  Parliament.  2  Cf.  the  old 
rhyme  :  "A  knight  of  Gales,  a  gentleman  of  Wales, 

And  a  laird  of  the  north  countree ; 
A  yeoman  of  Kent,  with  his  yearly  rent, 
Will  buy  them  out  all  three." 

Quoted  in  DANIEL,  TRINAECHORDIA,  iv,  252. 

3  Viz. :  Chichester,  Arundel,  Lewes,  Grinstead,  Midhurst,  Horsham, 
Shoreham,  Steyning,  and  Seaford,  besides  Hastings  and  Winchelsea, 
which  sent  each  two  members  as  Cinque  Ports.  4  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  434. 


IV.]  The  Speaker.  51 

On  the  assembling  of  Parliament,  the  names  of  those  sum- 
moned were  called  over  and  their  presence  verified.  The 
Chancellor,  or  some  one  appointed  by  him,  would  preach  some 
exhortation  founded  upon  a  passage  of  Scripture  inculcating 
obedience,  and  referring  to  contemporary  events.  These 
harangues  are  frequently  reported  at  length  on  the  Rolls. 
Then  the  King,  accompanied  by  the  principal  members  of  his 
Council,  (i.e.,  the  five  Chief  Officers  of  State,  the  Judges  and 
Barons  of  the  Exchequer,  with  the  Sergeants-at-law),  took  his 
seat  and  addressed  the  assemblage,  explaining  for  what  purposes 
they  had  met,  and  promising  to  keep  unimpaired  their  liberties 
and  privileges.  Each  section  then  deliberated  apart,  and  the 
discussions  were  continued  from  day  to  day,  Jthe  meetings 
beginning  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  at  latest. 

The  Lower  Clergy  being  detached  as  a  separate  order  to  vote 
with  the  clerical  body  in  Convocation,  the  Commons  (i.e.,  the 
Knights  of  Shires,  Citizens  and  Burgesses)  were  accustomed  to 
meet  as  one  body  in  the  2  Chapter  House  or  the  Refectory  at 
Westminster,  where  they  deliberated  together,  and  afterwards 
sent  up  one  of  their  number  as  their  Speaker  or  Proctor  to 
announce  their  answers  or  present  petitions  in  their  name  to 
the  King.  When  the  Parliament  had  met  before  the  coronation 
they  had  been  ordered  to  elect  their  Speaker  or  Parlour.  They 
had  chosen  one  of  their  number,  Sir  John  8  Cheyne,  one 
of  the  Knights  for  the  county  of  Gloucester,  a  soldier  and  a 
married  man,  who  had  been  ordained  deacon  when  younger, 
but  had  ^renounced  his  orders  without  the  necessary  dispensation, 
and  had  adopted  Lollard  opinions,  hostile  to  the  Church.  5  In 

1  A  oept  del  clocke,  a  pluis  tarde. — EOT.  PAEL.,  iii,  522.  ~  ROT.  PARL., 
iii,  523,  329.  3  Pronounced  as  a  dis-syllable,  and  sometimes  spelt 
Cheynee  (RoY.  LET.,  306)  ;  or  Cheyny  (Roy.  LET.,  312)  ;  or  Cheyney 
(Roy.  LET.,  224).  4  WALS.,  ii,  266.  "And  withoute  dispensasioune 
aspired  to  the  order  of  wedlak,  and  eke  the  degree  of  knythod." — CAPGR 
287.  5  TEAIS.,  136. 


52  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

the  troubles  of  1397  he  had  been  arrested,  together  with  Sir 
John  Cobham,  as  concerned  in  the  conspiracy  of  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester.  By  the  Clergy  he  was  reviled  as  a  renegade,  and 
the  Convocation  had  been  specially  warned  of  the  danger 
threatened  to  their  Order  by  his  election  as  Speaker  of  the 
Commons. 

On  the  day  following  the  coronation  (Tuesday,  October 
1 4th),  the  new  Speaker  presented  himself  before  the  King, 
making  the  customary  protestation  that  if  he  should  err  in 
anything  that  he  said,  his  companions,  the  Commons,  might 
not  be  held  responsible  for  his  ignorance  or  neglect,  but  that 
they  might  themselves  correct  anything  which  he  might  say  to 
which  they  had  not  really  given  their  consent.  The  King 
accepted  the  choice,  but  on  the  following  day  (Wednesday, 
October  i5th),  Sir  John  came  again  before  him,  and  requested, 
in  the  name  of  the  Commons,  that  he  might  be  excused  from 
the  duties  on  the  plea  of  illness,  the  Commons  requesting  that 
John  Doreward,  a  1  wealthy  esquire  and  landowner  of  Essex, 
and  one  of  the  Knights  of  the  Shire  for  that  county,  might  be 
their  Speaker  in  his  stead.  This  alteration  the  King  agreed  to, 
and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  change  was  brought  about 
through  the  influence  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  for  it  is 
certain  that  Cheyne  was  not  permanently  disabled,  2but  was 
frequently  employed  afterwards  in  public  duties  which  would 

1  MORANT,  ii,  383.  PAT.,  1  II.  IV.,  4,  8  (November  10,  1399),  grants  to 
him  £35  p.a.  from  revenues  of  Colchester.  2  In  February  following  he 
is  said  to  have  gone  as  one  of  an  embassy  to  Rome. — ANN.,  320,  ORD. 
PRIV.  Co.,  i,  111.  But  this  is  proved  to  be  a  mistake,  by  reference  to 
PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  PASC.  (May  20th)  where  payment  of 
£33  6s.  8d.  is  made  to  "  William  Cheyne,  Esquire,"  sent  on  a  secret 
embassy  to  Home.  On  the  22nd  of  February,  1400,  John  Cheyne  was 
present  in  person  in  the  Exchequer  (GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  i,  16.)  He 
likewise  served  on  various  commissions  of  enquiry  in  the  same  year 
(e.g.,  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  7,  26),  and  received  numerous  grants  and  other 
favours  from  the  King.  On  April  15th,  1402,  he  was  sent  to  Germany 
to  attend  the  Princess  Blanche. — RYM.,  viii,  243.  He  was  also  constantly 
employed  as  a  negociator  with  France. 


IV.]  The  Subsidy.  53 

try  his  strength  quite  as  much  as  this.  But  the  Archbishop  had 
just  denounced  him  before  his  Clergy,  at  St.  Paul's.  xThe 
Commons  accordingly  withdrew  their  obnoxious  nominee  ;  the 
Clergy  were  warned  of  the  necessity  of  reforming  some  of  the 
most  assailable  of  their  weaknesses,  and  for  the  present  an 
awkward  contest  was  postponed.  But  the  incident  is  typical  of 
the  many  smouldering  discords  which  were  waiting  their  time, 
though  patched  up  for  the  moment  under  the  form  of  a 
necessary  compromise. 

The  Commons  then  voted  the  usual  subsidy.  The  revenue 
for  carrying  on  the  Government  of  the  country  was  to  a  certain 
limited  extent  derived  partly  from  customs  on  exported  and 
imported  articles,  and  partly  from  direct  taxation.  Over  both 
sources  the  Parliament  had  long  exercised  a  jealous  control. 
England  was  then  a  grazing  country.  2A  Greek  writer,  from 
Constantinople,  describing  the  country  a  short  time  after, 
specifies  its  chief  products  as  corn  and  honey,  but  especially 
cloth  and  wool.  The  population  was  small  and  the  production 
abundant,  and  though  the  3  exports  included  salt,  lead,  tin,  yarn, 
cloth,  hides,  honey,  fish,  and  farm  produce,  yet  the  bulk  of  the 
stuff  exported  consisted  of  sheep-skins  and  wool,  which  were  in 
great  demand  and  found  a  ready  sale  with  the  Lombard, 
Genoese  and  Catalan  traders.  Wool  was  "the  4  sovereign 
merchandize  and  jewel  of  the  realm."  The  value  of  it  fluctuated 
of  course,  but  apparently  within  very  narrow  limits,  and  we  shall 
not  be  so  far  out  if  we  calculate  the  average  value  of  the  sack 
of  wool  at  that  time  at  from  ^5  to  £6  in  the  home  markets, 
8  each  sack  weighing  twenty-six  stone  of  fourteen  pounds  to  the 
stone.  From  very  early  times  the  King  had  claimed  as  his 


iii,  242.  2  CHALCOCONDYLES,  ii,  48.  3  Laynes,  Peux  lanuz, 
Qnirr,  Plumbe,  Estein,  Bnre,  Furmage,  Mel,  Felparie,  Sceu,  Worstedes, 
Draps,  Harangsore.  —  ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  500.  4  Stat.  of  Staple.  5  240  skins, 
or  wool-fells,  with  the  wool  on,  were  rated  as  equal  to  one  sack.  —  ROT. 
PARL.,  iii,  546. 


54  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

custom,  or  customary  due,  a  payment  of  6s.  8d.  (half  a  mark) 
upon  every  sack  of  wool  exported,  and  this  claim  was  never 
disputed.  But  when  money  was  urgently  needed  for  the  French 
wars,  the  advisers  of  Edward  III.  had  hit  upon  the  following 
ingenious  device  for  raising  money  upon  the  export  of  wool, 
whereby  large  additions  were  made  to  the  royal  revenue,  and 
nobody  seemed  to  be  the  sufferer,  except  the  consumers 
abroad,  whose  interests  might  be  left  to  take  care  of  themselves. 
A  fair  average  price  was  fixed  for  the  wool,  according  to  the 
current  price  for  each  county.  It  was  then  purchased  by  the 
King's  officers  and  sold  to  the  wool  merchants  for  exportation, 
the  merchant  paying  less  per  sack  than  the  fixed  price  for  the 
wool,  but  undertaking  to  pay  a  far  larger  custom  to  the  King 
when  the  goods  were  exported.  For  instance,  if  the  fixed 
price  for  Yorkshire  wool  were  £6  per  sack,  the  King's  officers 
purchased  the  wool  at  that  rate  and  the  farmer  was  no  loser. 
The  merchants  could  then  buy  the  wool  at  ^£5  per  sack,  but 
they  undertook  to  pay  £2  on  each  sack  at  exportation,  in 
addition  to  the  old  customary  half-mark  (6s.  8d.),  whereby  the 
revenue  gained  at  least  twenty  shillings  on  each  sack,  while  the 
merchant  could  still  make  his  profit  (so  it  was  supposed)  by 
raising  the  price  of  wool  to  his  customers  abroad.  By  this 
singular  device  the  King  was  able  to  raise  money  readily  for 
his  immediate  necessities  ;  the  people  did  not  feel  any  additional 
increase  of  taxation,  and  it  was  thought  that  the  foreign 
consumers  alone  were  the  losers.  In  a  very  short  time  many 
restrictions  and  regulations,  which  were  rendered  necessary 
by  this  clever  financing,  were  petitioned  against  (principally  by 
the  merchants)  and  were  in  due  course  removed  ;  but  the 
arrangement  was  never  in  itself  unpopular.  Frequent  com- 
plaints were  made,  but  they  are  directed  not  against  the 
increased  duty,  but  against  illegal  extortion  on  the  part  ot 
the  "  farmers  of  the  customs,"  i.e.,  companies  of  bankers  who 


IV.]  Wool.  55 

occasionally,  and  with  the  special  consent  of  the  Council,  paid 
a  sum  of  money  down  to  the  King,  and  made  the  duty  as 
remunerative  to  themselves  as  they  could.  But  from  1340 
(the  date  at  which  the  bargain  was  introduced)  the  Parlia- 
ments regularly  voted  the  increased  duty,  taking  care,  however, 
to  distinguish  the  original  half-mark,  which  they  called  the 
"ancient  custom,"  from  the  additional  sum  (rarely  less  than 
forty  shillings)  which  they  describe  as  a  "subsidy  of  wools." 
This  they  granted  always  for  a  limited  term,  varying  from 
one  to  five  years,  indicating  always  that  the  "  subsidy "  is 
granted  to  provide  for  some  special  emergency.  But  when 
once  imposed  the  yield  of  the  golden  fleece  was  not  easily 
reduced,  and  it  reached  its  highest  point  in  1397,  when,  in 
1  addition  to  ^5  (or  £6}  on  every  last  of  leather  exported,  the 
Parliament  2granted  to  Richard  II.  the  "  subsidy "  for  his 
life-time  at  the  rate  of  fifty  shillings  per  sack  of  wool  (including 
the  original  half-mark),  to  be  paid  by  English  exporters,  and 
sixty  shillings  per  sack  to  be  paid  by  resident  foreign  merchants, 
who  always  paid  an  additional  premium  for  the  privilege  of 
trading  under  English  protection. 

Besides  this,  a  duty  called  the  3" small  custom"  (amounting 
to  about  threepence  in  the  £,  or  i^  per  cent.)  was  levied 
on  all  other  articles  imported  or  exported.  Thus  in  the  port  of 
4  Boston,  during  the  months  of  October  and  November,  1400, 
fourteen  vessels  arrived  with  various  cargoes,  comprising  olive 
oil,  onions,  garlic,  fish,  copper,  ermine,  linen  thread  and  fustian, 
the  value  of  which  was  ^3923.  Upon  these  the  "small 
custom"  amounted  to  ^48  75.  A  roll  of  customs  for  the 

i  See  CUSTOMS  ROLL,  Hull.  2  Adam  of  Usk,  who  was  present  in  this 
Parliament,  says  (p.  18)  five  marks  per  sack  of  wool,  i.e.,  60s.  (subsidy) 
+  6s.  8d.  (custom).  3  In  January,  1401,  the  Parliament  raised  the  duty 
to  2s.  on  every  tun  of  wine,  and  8d.  in  the  £  on  all  goods  (other  than 
wool)  entering  or  leaving  the  country. — ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  455  b.  In  H03, 
the  loss  from  smuggling  is  estimated  at  from  £3000  to  £4000  per 
annum. — ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  506.  4  MISCELLANEA  QUEEN'S  REMEMBRANCER. 


56  The  First  Parliament.  [€HAP. 

port  of  Bristol  for  the  year  ending  September  29th,  1400,  shows 
a  total  yield  of  ^207  6s.  2d.  for  the  year.  Thirty-eight  ships 
cleared  from  the  port  carrying  cloth  to  Ireland,  Gascony, 
Brittany,  and  Spain.  Two  only  are  recorded  as  bringing 
imports  (viz. :  *  iron,  linen,  and  wine),  liable  to  the  smaller 
custom,  the  yield  being  only  £i  os.  3d.  It  was  probably 
exceptionally  low  in  Bristol  owing  to  insecurity  on  the  Welsh 
frontier,  and  2  disaffection  among  the  population. 

It  would  be  possible  to  calculate  approximately  the  total 
amount  of  the  customs  raised  in  any  particular  year  by  con- 
sulting the  returns  of  the  collectors  at  the  several  ports,  so  far 
as  they  are  preserved ;  but  this  task  I  must  leave  to  others 
who  have  better  means  than  I  have  of  consulting  the  original 
rolls  in  the  Public  Record  Office. 

3  In  1404  it  was  estimated  that  the  customs  exceeded  in  value 
the  whole  of  the  revenues  from  crown  lands  (proventus  corona), 
including  those  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  but  this  unfortunately 
gives  us  no  sure  clue  as  to  the  actual  amount. 

The  return,  just  quoted,  from  the  port  of  Boston,  for  two 
months  (viz.,  from  September  2pth  to  November  2yth,  1400) 
shows  payments  upon  938  sacks  of  wool  exported  (at  505.),= 
^£2,345,  and  upon  1,585  skins,  =  £17,  while  during  the  same 
time  the  dues  on  imported  articles  amounted  to  £48  75., 
showing  a  total  yield  of  ^2,410  73.  for  two  months  from  one 
port  on  the  eastern  coast  alone. 

Returns  entered  on  the  Customs  Roll  show  that  the  coast 
was  mapped  out  into  districts,  each  with  a  central  port.  On 
the  east  coast  there  were  seven  such  districts,  the  chief  ports 
being  Newcastle,  Hull,  Boston,  Lynn,  Yarmouth,  Ipswich,  and 
London.  The  returns  from  Newcastle,  including  the  coast  from 

1  On  eight  tons  of  iron  (value  =  £30)  the  small  custom  =  7s.  6d. 
aRoi.  PAEL.,  iii,  457.  «  EUL.,  iii,  399. 


IV.]  The  "Small  Custom:'  57 

Berwick  to  Scarborough,  are  missing  since  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  Richard  II.,  but  the  total  yield  from  the  other  six  in 
the  year  ending  September  29th,  1400,  including  the  small 
customs,  Amounts  to  .£35,667  los.  If  to  these  we  add 
the  amounts  received  at  Southampton  and  Bristol,  the  two 
most  important  ports  in  the  south  and  west,  we  arrive  at  a 
total  of  ^41,383  os.  pd.  So  that  we  shall  not  be  far  wrong  in 
estimating  the  yield  from  the  customs  for  the  whole  country  at 
the  beginning  of  Henry  the  Fourth's  reign  at  somewhere  about 
^50,000  per  annum. 

The  subsidy  was  now  voted  to  Henry  IV.  for  three  years,  for 
the  wars  in  Scotland,  2the  protection  of  Calais,  and  the  necessities 
of  Ireland,  though  the  country  was  practically  in  profound  peace. 
The  King,  however,  began  by  assuming  that  the  grant  would 
be  continued  without  opposition  during  his  life-time,  and  was 
proceeding  to  deal  with  it  on  this  assumption ;  but  the  Parliament 

i  The  figures  are  extracted  from  a  thick  roll  called  the  Customs  Roll, 
which  includes  returns  from  40  Ed.  III.  to  7  H.  IV.,  arranged  under  the 
several  ports.  The  return  includes  the  total  amount  received  from  the 
subsidy  at  50s.  per  sack,  and  from  the  "  small  customs,"  thus : — Year 
from  29th  September,  1399,  to  29th  September,  1400.  £  s.  d. 

Hull  (to  Grimsby,  Barton,  and  Hornsea)   7179     1     2 

Boston  (from  Grimsby  to  Wisbeach)    7891     5     0 

Lynn  (from  Wisbeach  to  Blakeney)    4272     2     0 

Yarmouth  (from  Blakeney  to  Ipswich) 160  19     0 

Ipswich 1212     7    0 

London  (to  Tilbury  and  Gravesend)   14951  15  10 


35667  10  0 

Southampton  (and  coast  from  Portsmouth  to  Poole)      5508     8  5 
Bristol  (and  all  ports  up  and  down  Severn  to  Bridge- 
water,  Newnham,  and  Chepstow)     207     2  4 


£41,383     0     9 

Ships  are  usually  referred  to  in  these  lists  by  their  names,  of  which  the 
following  are  samples  : — La  Trinite,  La  Gracedieu,  Le  Nicholas,  Le  Holy- 
gost,  La  Anne,  La  Marie,  Le  Aleson,  &c. 

2  13s.  4d.  per  sack  was  assigned  to  pay  the  garrison  at  Calais  from 
customs  at  five  ports,  which  yielded  the  following  sums,  viz. :  Hull, 
£1825  Os.  9d.;  London,  £3840 ;  Boston,  £2047  6s.  8d.;  Southampton, 
£1066  2s.  10d.;  Lynn,  £1135  15s. 


58  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

took  an  early  opportunity  to  protest  (February,  1401)  that  the 
grant  was  only  for  a  limited  time,  and  for  a  special  purpose  ; 
and  Henry  had  the  wisdom  to  submit  to  the  reproof. 

It  was  represented  in  this  Parliament  that  great  loss  was 
occasioned  to  the  revenue,  by  irregularities  in  the  collecting, 
that  as  much  as  10,000  marks  (about  ^7,000)  had  been  lost 
to  the  country  from  this  cause  alone.  The  loss  was  attributed 
chiefly  to  the  appointment  of  incompetent  persons  as  customers 
or  controllers  who  did  not  reside  at  their  posts,  but  employed 
others  to  collect  for  them.  Henry  granted  an  enquiry  2 insisting 
especially  that  those  responsible  for  the  customs  should  reside 
at  the  port  to  which  they  were  appointed.  The  enquiry  was 
to  extend  to  the  accounts  of  Sheriffs  and  Escheators,  to  prevent 
falsification  or  concealment ;  and  grants  which  had  been  made 
to  collectors  under  false  pretences  were  to  be  cancelled.  The 
evil,  however,  was  not  easily  remedied,  for  after  three  years  the 
3enactment  was  repeated  with  increased  stringency,  and  a  penalty 
of  ;£ioo  was  imposed  for  every  infringement. 

Another  source  of  income  had  gradually  been  introduced, 
and  had  now  become  a  permanent  charge  on  the  country.  As 
far  back  as  the  reign  of  Edward  I.,  a  special  tax  or  tallage  had 
been  granted  for  special  emergencies,  calculated  upon  the  value 
of  possessions  other  than  land.  Commissions  were  issued  to 
two  taxers  in  each  county,  who  should  appoint  others  in  each 
borough,  or  city,  or  hundred,  to  act  under  them,  and  be 
responsible  to  them  ;  and  before  these  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
district  were  to  appear  and  make  a  declaration,  on  oath,  of  the 
value  of  their  possessions,  e.g.,  horses,  pigs,  cattle,  hay,  corn, 
leather,  implements  of  trade,  dresses,  ornaments,  kitchen  utensils, 
— everything  moveable  that  they  possessed— and  a  proportion 
of  the  total  value  was  levied  by  the  Sheriff  for  the  King.  None 

1  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  457.     "  STAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  c.  13.     *  STAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  c.  20. 


IV.]  Direct  Taxation.  59 

paid  whose  moveable  possessions  amounted  to  less  than  58., 
which  was  about  the  1  value  of  one  cow. 

The  inhabitants  of  boroughs  and  cities  always  paid  more  than 
those  who  lived  in  the  country.  Thus,  if  the  counties  paid 
one-twentieth,  the  cities  paid  one-fifteenth  ;  if  the  counties  paid 
one-fifteenth,  the  cities  paid  one-tenth.  This  last  proportion 
had  been  the  sum  usually  granted.  It  had  been  granted  to 
Edward  III.  to  support  the  expense  of  his  French  wars,  and 
had  been  continued  to  Richard  II.  by  successive  Parliaments, 
until  1397,  when  the  Parliament  granted  one-fifteenth  (or 
6^3  per  cent.)  on  moveables  in  counties,  and  one-tenth  (or 
ten  per  cent,)  in  cities,  to  be  levied  annually  during  the 
King's  life,  adding  an  additional  sum  of  half  as  much  again, 
which  was  to  be  regarded  as  a  loan.  So  much  of  the  grant  of 
one-tenth  and  one-fifteenth  as  had  yet  to  be  levied  was  now 
confirmed,  but  the  additional  bonus  or  loan  which  had  just 
fallen  due  (September  29th,  1399)  was  to  be  remitted,  or 
refunded  if  already  paid  in.  And  it  was  declared  that  the  tax 
should  not  be  made  a  precedent,  and  that  the  nation  should 
not  be  called  upon  to  pay  for  wars  except  by  the  consent 
of  Parliament. 

Besides  these  sources  of  income,  the  King  could  claim,  as 
his  undoubted  due,  two  tuns  or  casks  of  wine  from  every  ship 
entering  any  port  to  land  a  cargo  of  wine  exceeding  thirty 
tuns.  2This  was  called  the  "prise  of  wine,"  and  was  not  subject 
to  any  control  from  Parliament. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  these  were  the  only  sources  of 
revenue  to  the  crown.  The  bulk  of  the  revenue  arose  from 
charges  on  land,  and  this  was  returned  each  year  through  the 
Sheriff  in  each  county  without  any  responsibility  to  Parliament. 

1  For  lists  of  prices  see  Bishop  Fleetwood's  CHROMCUM  PRECIOSUM  ;  also 
Godwin's  LIFE  OF  CHAUCER,  ii,  329,  338;  RETROSPECTIVE  REVIEW,  ix. 
189-190.  ~>  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  476  a ;  446  b. 


60  The  First  Parliament.,  [CHAP. 

lrThe  Cities  and  Boroughs  also  paid  various  sums  annually  for 
charters  and  privileges  granted  at  various  times  in  previous 
reigns.  Lands  forfeited  for  treason,  or  escheats,  i.e.  entailed 
estates  falling  to  the  crown  for  default  of  heirs,  were  re-granted 
or  re-let  to  others  subject  to  annual  charges  paid  to  the  crown. 
The  total  amount  realized  in  a  particular  year  from  all  or  each 
of  these  sources  might  be  calculated  from  a  perusal  of  the  2Great 
Pipe  Rolls  of  the  counties.  But  the  task  would  be  a  very  com- 
plicated one,  for  though  exact  accounts  were  rendered  to  the 
Exchequer  each  term  by  Sheriffs  and  Collectors,  of  the  amount 
that  had  been  received,  and  the  way  in  which  it  had  been 
disbursed,  yet  very  little  money  actually  passed,  as  each  account 
was  usually  charged  with  outgoing  expenses  for  salaries,  pensions, 
gratuities,  &c.,  specially  assigned  to  be  payable  out  of  it ;  and 
the  Sheriff  or  Collector  was  usually  required  to  have  a  consider- 
able sum  credited  to  him  as  a  deposit  in  the  Exchequer,  which 
was  his  guarantee  against  deficit  or  arrears. 

For  all  practical  purposes,  however,  a  good  working  estimate 
may  be  formed  as  to  the  annual  Receipts  and  Expenses  of  the 

1e.flf.,  Lincoln,  £180.  —  EOT.  PAUL.,  iii,  503;  Cambridge,  £101  (iii, 
515);  lpswich,'£66  (iii,  514);  Dtmwich,  £14  10s.  9d.  (iii,  514). 
2  A  specimen  abstract  for  one  county  (Sussex)  will  suffice  as  a  sample 
of  the  Sheriff's  Statement  of  Receipts,  (see  PIPE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.) 

£      s.    d. 

For  lands  of  Earl  of  Arundel,  Abbey  of  Fecamp 234  16     9 

Sundry  small  fines  576 

From  Thos.  Tutbury  for  Bramber  aud  Knapp  during 

minority  of  son  of  the  late  Duke  of  Norfolk 309     8     1 

Sundries,  including  for  lands,  during  minority  of  heir 

of  Lord  Thos.  de  Spenser 7215     6 

From  Sheriff,  sundries,  including  farm  of  county 96     0     5 

From  Kingston    58     8     6 

From  Guildford    10     0     0 

Prior  of  Lewes  (alien)    4  11     5 

Sundries    0  12     1 

Southwark     10     0     0 

Priory  of  Leominster  (alien)     20     0     0 

Sundries     .  ..   1073  15     3 


£1895  15     6 


IV.]  Pells.  6 1 

Public  Exchequer  by  consulting  the  Pells  Rolls,  many  of  which 
are  still  to  be  seen  in  excellent  preservation  in  the  Public 
Record  Office.  Each  Roll  contains  a  statement  of  the  Receipts 
and  Expenses  of  the  King's  Exchequer,  arranged  under  dates 
and  amounts  with  the  utmost  minuteness  of  detail,  the  whole 
being  duly  totalled  at  the  end  of  each  half-year.  In  the  Receipt 
Rolls  are  entered  the  sums  received  from  loans,  customs, 
subsidies ;  from  ulnage,  tonnage,  and  poundage  ;  from  tenths 
and  fifteenths  (both  lay  and  clerical) ;  from  Sheriff's  accounts, 
farms,  fines,  forfeitures,  and  hanaper  fees.  In  the  Issue  Rolls 
are  payments  for  fleets,  armies,  garrisons,  embassies,  pensions, 
and  household  expenses.  We  have  payments  to  the  King's 
Tooth-drawer,  Barber,  Apotecar,  Artillerar,  to  the  Keeper  of 
his  Lions  and  Leopards,  his  Sumpterman,  his  Silkwoman,  his 
Hauberger,  his  Stuffer  of  Arms,  to  the  Janitor  of  the  Council- 
room,  and  the  Keeper  of  the  Great  Clock.  Nothing  is  too 
minute  for  record,  and  the  items  range  from  thousands  of 
pounds  for  the  defence  of  Berwick  or  Calais  down  to  is.  8d.  to 
"a  certain  woman,"  or  8d.  lu  to  divers  porters,"  for  bringing 
Edmund  Mortimer's  jewels  and  silver  vessels  from  the  Thames 
to  the  Palace  at  Westminster.  From  a  comparison  of  these 
Rolls  it  appears  that  when  Henry  ascended  the  throne  on  the 
29th  September,  1399,  there  was  a  respectable  balance  in  the 
Exchequer  amounting  to  ,£1,333  6s.  8d.;  that  the  total  income 
during  the  first  year  of  his  reign  was  £109,249  i6s.  2^d., 
and  that  the  total  expenditure  for  the  same  period  reached 
£109,006  us.  8^d.,  leaving  a  balance  on  the  right  side  at 
the  year's  end  of  £243  45.  6d. 

With  proper  economy,  and  judicious  expenditure,  it  ought  to 
have  been  possible  for  the  King  to  govern  without  putting  him- 
self in  the  power  of  his  Parliament ;  but  this  could  only  be  by 
avoiding  entanglements  in  foreign  wars,  the  burdens  of  which 

i  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  4  H.  IV.,  MICH.  (October  19th,  1102). 


62  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

could  not  be  borne  by  the  ordinary  revenue  of  the  country. 
But  misgovernment  and  extravagance  had  marked  the  close  of 
Richard's  reign.  He  had  discovered  a  device  for  continuing 
his  extortions  and  dispensing  with  his  Parliament,  and  this  had 
led  him  to  his  ruin. 

Two  years  had  passed  since  his  last  Parliament  was  called. 
It  had  met  at  Westminster  in  September,  1397,  in  a  building 
specially  erected  in  the  Palace  yard,  and  surrounded  by  4,000 
of  the  King's  archers,  who  more  than  once  stood  with  bows 
drawn  and  arrows  to  their  ears  1 "  to  the  great  terror  of  all  there 
present,"  as  reported  by  an  eye-witness.  It  sat  for  ten  days, 
during  which  time  it  had  sanctioned  the  arrest  of  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  and  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  and  the  banishment  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  for  their  share  in  acts  committed 
eleven  years  before,  although  special  indemnities  had  been 
since  granted  to  each  and  all  of  them.  The  Earl  of  Warwick 
was  exiled  and  his  estates  forfeited,  and  it  was  declared  to  be 
treason  to  attempt  to  repeal  any  of  the  judgments,  ordinances, 
and  statutes  then  made.  The  Parliament  was  then  adjourned 
till  after  Christmas,  and  met  again  in  the  end  of  January,  1398, 
at  Shrewsbury,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  newly-created 
Principality  of  Chester,  where  the  royal  influence  was  strong, 
and  far  removed  from  any  danger  of  London  rioters  or  mobs.  At 
Shrewsbury  the  Parliament  sat  for  four  days,  doing  an  infinite 
amount  of  hasty  and  precipitate  mischief.  The  whole  of  the 
Acts  of  the  Parliament  of  1387-8  were  annulled.  Several  previous 
forfeitures  and  attainders  were  reversed  in  favour  of  the  King's 
friends.  The  heavy  subsidy  of  wools  and  the  tax  on  moveables, 
far  in  excess  of  any  previous  grant  in  any  previous  reign,  were 
granted  to  the  King  for  life,  and  the  oath  already  taken  at 
Westminster  was  exacted  again  under  the  sanctions  of  the 
Church.  Finally,  a  Commission  of  twelve  Lords  and  six 

1  USK,  11,  "  ad  magnum  metnm  omnium." 


IV.]  Restitution.  63 

Knights  of  the  Shire  was  entrusted  with  full  powers  to  "  ex- 
amine, answer,  and  finally  deal  with  all  matters  moved  in  presence 
of  the  King,"  which,  "  from  the  shortness  of  the  time,"  could 
not  be  dealt  with  then.  The  Parliament  was  then  dismissed, 
and  the  new  experiment  produced  its  natural  fruit  in  the 
disasters  of  1399. 

The  first  step  of  Henry's  present  Parliament  was  to  1  annul 
the  whole  of  the  measures  of  the  Parliament  of  1397-8  (21  R.  II.) 
with  all  Acts  springing  from  them  by  virtue  of  the  powers 
granted  to  the  Commission  of  Eighteen.  But  inasmuch  as  some 
harmless  or  useful  Acts  were  then  passed,  together  with  others 
now  declared  to  be  "  erroneously  and  dolourously "  ordained, 
the  Commons  were  to  deliberate  and  petition  that  any  statutes 
then  passed,  which  in  their  opinion  were  necessary  and  profitable 
for  the  common  good,  might  be  retained  or  renewed  in  spite  of 
the  wholesale  condemnation  of  the  authority  by  which  they 
had  been  passed.  It  was  then  enacted  that  the  ~  estates  and 
honours  forfeited  (in  1397)  by  the  Earls  of  Arundel  and 
3  Warwick,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  Lord  John  Cobham, 
and  others  implicated  in  similar  charges,  should  be  entirely 
restored  to  them  and  their  heirs ;  but  though  the  Commons 
petitioned  that  restitution  might  be  made  to  them  for  their 
losses  in  the  interval,  4the  King  would  not  entertain  the 
petition,  and  wisely  refused  to  open  a  road  to  irritating  and 
vexatious  reprisals.  A  special  exception  was  made  in  the  case 
of  the  Archbishop,  who  was  allowed  to  recover  from  his 
predecessor  for  damage,  waste,  and  destruction  during  his 
tenure.  On  the  other  hand,  a  5grant  amounting  to  500  marks 

i  EVES.,  163.  2PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  28  (November  28th,  1399).  This  could 
be  the  more  easily  done,  as  the  principal  recipients  had  been  the  Earl  of 
Wiltshire,  who  had  been  executed  at  Bristol,  and  the  Duke  of  Surrey, 
and  the  Earl  of  Gloucester,  both  of  whom  were  now  in  prison  and 
disgraced.— EVES.,  162;  OTT.,  210.  3pAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  14  (February  6th, 
1400).  *  ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  427.  5  Dated  December  13th,  1399. — PAT., 
1  H.  IV.,  5,  27. 


64  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

per  annum   was  made  to  the  Earl  of  Worcester  in  lieu  of  the 
estates  which  he  was  now  required  to  restore. 

A  general  indemnity  was  then  declared  for  all  acts  committed 
in  the  course  of  the  rebellion,  from  the  day  when  Henry 
landed  in  Yorkshire  to  the  day  of  his  coronation.  Certain 
charters  which  had  been  exacted  through  intimidation  from 
many  citizens  of  London,  and  inhabitants  of  seventeen  counties, 
were  declared  to  be  void,  as  having  been  sealed  under  com- 
pulsion. Those  persons  who  had  signed  them  had  been  made 
to  appear  to  confess  themselves  guilty  of  treason  and  other 
offences,  in  order  that  the  King  might  grant  his  pardon  in 
consideration  of  the  payment  of  a  sum  of  money. 

These  curious  fictions  were  nicknamed  "  Raggeman's  Rolls," 
1 "  Blaunkchatres  "  or  more  euphemistically  -  "  Le  Pleasaunce." 
3  An  order  was  issued  for  their  destruction,  and  they  were 
afterwards  collected  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  4  carried  to 
London  on  the  points  of  spears,  and  5  publicly  burnt  (February 
6th,  1400)  "at  the  Standard  in  Cheape." 

One  notable  citizen, 6  Richard  Whityngton,  mercer,  of  London, 
had  lent  1000  marks  to  Richard,  but  he  was  influential  enough 
to  secure  repayment  in  three  annual  instalments. 

Then,  inasmuch  as  Henry's  father  and  uncle,  and  many  of 
his  present  supporters,  had  been  members  of  the  Commission 
of  Eighteen,  he  was  requested  to  declare  emphatically  his  own 
opinion  of  the  legality  of  its  proceedings.  He  delighted  his 
people  by  asserting  that  he  regarded  the  appointment  of  the 
Commission,  and  all  its  acts,  as  derogatory  to  all  the  estates  of 
his  realm,  and  declared  it  to  be  his  wish  that  such  an  expedient 

1  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1, 12.  2  OTT.,  THAIS.,  xxxix ;  CHEON.  LOND.,  83  ; 
though  "  ragman"  is  certainly  an  older  legal  title. — See  "  De  quo  warranto 
et  Rageman."  15  Ed.  I.  in  Coventry.  —  MONASTICON,  iii,  195.  s  Dated 
November  30th,  1399.— RYM.,  viii,  109.  4  USK,  42.  5  "Brende  openli."- 
CHRON.,  R.  II. — H.  VI. — STOW,  325;  from  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY  CHRON. 
52.  "Bed  de  scriptura  patuit  non  una  figura." — GOWER,  in  POL  SONGS, 
i,  440.  e  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  7,  9  (May  24th,  1400). 


IV.]  The  Heir  Apparent.  65 

should  never  again  be  tried.  The  mischievous  and  useless 
precedent  first  introduced  in  the  late  reign  of  requiring  an  oath 
from  the  members  that  they  would  never  annul  the  Acts  passed 
in  any  Parliament,  under  penalty  of  treason,  was  now  distinctly 
condemned;  so  Jthat  all  the  King's  loyal  lieges  might  ever  be 
free  to  make  known  and  discuss  their  grievances  as  right  and 
reason  demand. 

Finally,  of  his  own  accord,  the  King  declared  that  no  act 
should  be  considered  as  Treason  except  those  specified  in 
the  great  Statute  of  1351  (25  Ed.  III.),  and  that  the  additional 
acts  declared  to  be  treasonable  in  1397,  viz.:  to  compass  the 
deposition  of  a  King,  or  to  give  back  homage  to  him,  should 
not  be  considered  as  treasonable,  because  not  included  in  the 
older  Statute.  At  this  declaration  the  Lords  and  Commons 
were  "very  greatly  rejoiced,  and  most  humbly  thanked  him." 

The  same  day  (Wednesday,  October  i5th),  the  Archbishop 
informed  the  Houses  that  the  King  purposed  to  create  his 
eldest  son,  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  Duke  of  Cornwall  and  Earl 
of  Chester,  and  requested  them  to  declare  him  heir  to  the 
throne  in  the  event  of  his  father's  death.  This  being  done,  the 
young  Prince  was  solemnly  invested  with  his  new  titles,  being 
attended  and  supported  throughout  by  the  King's  uncle, 
Edmund,  Duke  of  York.  The  customary  lands  and  honours 
were  attached,  together  with  the  royal  castles  of  Wallingford 
and  Berkhampstead,  and  estates  in  almost  every  county  in 
England,  together  with  all  revenues  and  3  arrears,  and  the 
4  custody  and  wardship  of  all  minors  in  Wales,  Cornwall,  and 
Cheshire. 

By  making  his  son  Earl  of  Chester,  Henry  secured  his  own 
influence  and  authority  in  the  most  turbulent  and  lawless 
corner  of  England.  Cheshire  was  denounced  by  its  neighbours 

1  ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  442  a.     2  November  8th,  1399.— RYM.,  viii,  148.     *  PAT 
1  H.  IV.,  2,  21  (November  8th,  1399).     4  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  8  (November 
13th,  1399). 


66  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

as  a  1  "  den  of  robbers,"  from  which  murderers  and  cut-throats 
issued  for,  nightly  raids  upon  the  persons  and  cattle  of  their 
peaceful  neighbours,  claiming  the  immunities  of  a  County 
Palatine  to  defy  the  King's  officers  of  justice,  and  responsible 
by  law  to  none  but  their  own  Earl.  A  few  days  later  the  young 
Prince  assumed  the  further  titles  of  Duke  of  Aquitaine  and 
Duke  of  Lancaster,  lately  held  by  his  grandfather,  John  of 
Ghent,  it  being  declared  the  special  privilege  of  the  Duchy  of 
Lancaster  that  it  should  remain  independent  of  the  Crown, 
though  thus  conveniently  united  with  the  royal  house. 

The  youngest  Prince,  Humphrey,  also  received  a  nice  little 
provision  of  lands  in  2Kent  and  on  the  Upper  Thames,  while 
his  brother  3John  was  not  forgotten  in  the  general  distribution. 

Since  his  abdication,  Richard  had  been  kept  a  close  prisoner 
in  the  Tower  under  the  custody  of  Sir  Thomas  4Rempston 
5 the  constable,  one  of  Henry's  devoted  followers,  who  had 
lately  crossed  with  him  from  Brittany.  In  the  midst  of  the 
rejoicings  at  the  installation  of  the  new  King,  and  the 
inauguration  of  the  new  policy,  there  were  as  yet  no  signs  of 
reaction  in  his  favour,  but  his  presence  in  the  capital  was  a 
source  of  danger,  and  arrangements  were  speedily  made  for  his 
removal.  On  Tuesday,  October  2ist,  the  Commons  prayed 
that  Richard  might  be  produced  and  called  upon  to  answer 
publicly  for  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge.  Had  this  been  done, 
it  is  likely  that  his  trial  might  have  been  short  and  summary, 
for  the  6  Londoners,  some  two  months  before,  when  they 
heard  that  he  was  a  prisoner,  had  sent  a  message  to  Henry, 
in  Coventry,  to  behead  him  at  once.  But  the  King  postponed 

1  Spelunca  latronum.  —  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  440  fc ;  see  also  USK,  136. 
2  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  17.  Ibid,  8,  1  (December  2nd,  1399).  3,On  February 
22nd,  1400,  he  received  a  further  grant  of  £60  per  annum  from  forfeited 
estates  of  Thomas  Lord  de  Spenser.  *  EVES.,  151 ;  TEAIS.,  289  ;  ROT. 
PARL.,  iii,  553.  5  See  his  appointment,  dated  October  7th,  1399,  in 
PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  6,  3.  o  TRAIS.,  212. 


IV.]  "  Unking d  Richard."  67 

his  answer  till  the  prelates  should  be  present.  A  week  later,  a 
special  sitting  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  was  held, 
at  which  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  charged  them  on 
their  allegiance  to  maintain  absolute  secrecy.  The  Earl  of 
Northumberland  then  asked  them  their  advice  as  to  what 
should  be  done  with  the  person  of  the  late  King  Richard. 
The  King  would  have  nothing  done  against  his  life?  but  for  the 
security  of  the  country  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  be  kept 
a  prisoner.  The  lords  answered  that  he  should  be  removed  to 
some  safe  place  where  there  was  no  chance  of  rescue  by  a  mob 
of  people  ;  that  he  should  be  there  kept  in  custody ;  and  that 
none  should  have  access  to  him  who  had  ever  been  members 
of  his  household.  Fifty-eight  lords,  spiritual  and  temporal, 
agreed  by  name  to  this  decision.  There  was  no  attempt  at 
trial,  and  no  publicity  ;  and  in  the  official  report  there  is  no 
indication  of  any  difference  of  opinion  being  expressed. 

On  the  following  day  (Monday,  October  27th),  the  King  met 
the  assembled  Parliament  in  the  Great  Hall  at  Westminster,  and 
informed  them  that,  with  the  assent  of  the  lords,  Richard,  late 
King  of  England,  had  been  condemned  to  secret  imprisonment 
for  life  ;  that  he  should  be  guarded  by  attendants  who  were 
personally  unknown  to  him,  in  some  secret  place  to  be  decided 
upon  by  the  Council;  and  that  he  should  neither  send  nor  receive 
letters  of  any  kind.  An  enquiry  was  to  be  held  as  to  his 
personal  property,  that  none  might  be  J  stolen  or  hidden  away, 
special  Commissioners  being  appointed  for  Hampshire  to  enquire 
as  to  his  belongings  in  2Porchester.  The 3  Commons  gave  their 
assent.  At  midnight,  October  28th,  Richard  was  secretly 
transferred  from  the  Tower.  4  Disguised  as  a  forester,  with  a 
hunting  spear,  and  a  horn  round  his  neck,  he  was  conducted 
by  men  of  Kent  to  Gravesend,  and  thence  to  the  Castle  of 

i  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  439  b.     2PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4, 2  in  tergo  (dated  December 
13th,  1399).     »  ANN.,  313.      *  THAIS.,  75  ;  CRET.,  24,  215. 


68  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP 

Ledes,  whence  he  was  soon  afterwards  removed  and  imprisoned 
—none  knew  where. 

In  this  Parliament  a  statute  was  passed  which  is  an  interesting 
evidence  of  the  silent  change  that  had  long  been  creeping  over 
the  customs  and  character  of  the  country.  For  a  century  past, 
complaints  had  been  continually  made  that  lingering  traces  of 
feudal  tradition  were  proving  too  powerful  for  the  statute 
law  of  the  country.  A  needy  rogue  might  lay  claim  to  a  manor 
or  farm.  The  action  might  be  wholly  fictitious,  but  the 
claimant  could  enter  into  an  arrangement  with  some  powerful 
lord,  by  declaring  himself  his  vassal,  and  in  collusion  with  him 
the  lord  undertook  to  "maintain,"  the  suit,  and  the  poorer 
occupant  was  powerless  against  the  combination.  This  legal 
robbery  took  various  forms,  till  1 "  maintenance "  in  the  old 
statutes  becomes  the  technical  equivalent  for  roguery.  2The 
evil  spread  in  the  unsettled  reign  of  Richard,  and  a  new 
development  of  the  feudal  tie  was  springing  up.  Many  lords 
were  encouraging  the  formation  of  troops  of  men,  nominally 
their  vassals,  but  really  banded  together  for  mutual  assistance 
in  lawlessness  and  violence.  They  wore  some  livery,  frequently 
a  mere  badge  or  sign  stuck  in  the  hat,  which  they  received 
from  the  lord,  and  thereby  declared  themselves  of  his 
"company."  3 Companies  of  outlaws  and  reckless  adventurers 
4  (even  priests  amongst  them,  so  that  Friar  Tuck  is  not 
altogether  an  invention  of  romance),  roamed  from  county  to 
county  defying  justice,  and  lying  in  wait  in  the  woods  for  the 

1 "  Maintenance  "  has  been  quite  recently  denned  as  "  a  factitious  inter- 
ference in  a  suit  with  which  the  person  so  interfering  has  no  personal 
interest." — Lord  Chief  Justice  COLERIDGE  in  Bradlaugh  v.  Newdegate, 
April  24th,  1883. 

%  They  constrewed  qarellis  to  quenche  the  peple, 
And  pletid  with  pollaxis  and  poyntis  of  swerdis, 
And  at  the  dome-gevinge  drowe  out  the  bladis, 
And  lente  men  levere  of  their  long  battis 
Of  the  Cheshire  men  in  the  courts  of  law. — In  RICHARD  THE  REDELESS, 

iii,  317.— Cf.  USK,  130. 
»  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  445  b.      4  Clerici  ac  etiam  presbyteri. — CONC.,  iii,  244. 


IV.]  Livery.  69 

lives  of  those  whose  lands  were  threatened ;  so  that  they 
could  not  till  their  lands,  or  attend  their  parish  churches,  or  go 
about  any  business,  unless  accompanied  by  armed  followers. 
1  Their  houses  were  burnt,  their  servants  and  tenants  beaten 
and  robbed.  Riotous  bands  attended  at  fairs  and  markets,  or 
plundered  peaceful  travellers  on  the  high  roads.  Various  partial 
measures  were  passed  to  counteract  the  evil,  and  to  confine  the 
feudal  tie  strictly  to  its  original  limit,  between  bona-fide  lord 
and  vassal,  as  owners  and  occupants  of  land,  bound  to  each 
other  for  life  in  peace  or  war ;  but  these  measures  all  proved 
ineffectual,  and  2  tailors,  drapers,  souters,  tanners,  pisceners 
(or  pessoners,  i.e.  fishmongers),  butchers,  and  artificers,  wore 
liveries  or  badges  for  maintenance;  while  powerful  subjects, 
such  as  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  and  the  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
were  followed  to  Parliament  and  Council  by  bands  of  armed 
followers,  at  the  risk  of  violent  collisions. 

Henry's  first  Parliament  now  passed  a  sweeping  Act, 
forbidding,  for  the  future,  any  subject,  of  whatever  rank,  to  use 
or  give  any  livery  or  badge  of  company  within  the  realm.  The 
King  alone  would,  in  future,  have  the  right  to  grant  his 
honourable  livery  to  whom  he  chose ;  but  those  who  were  so 
favoured  were  not  to  wear  it  except  in  his  presence,  unless 
abroad  or  on  the  border  or  the  marches  in  time  of  war.  3  The 
statute  was  to  take  effect  from  the  Feast  of  the  Purification  in 
the  following  year  (i.e.  February  2nd,  1400),  and  was  not  to 
apply  to  the  livery  of  the  menials  or  others  living  in  the 
households  of  the  great  lords.  4Any  Knight  or  Esquire  who 
should  thereafter  give  a  livery,  would  forfeit  his  lands  for  ever ; 

1  See  a  case  in  Northumberland. — RYM.,  viii,  100 ;  also  POL.  SONGS,  i, 
381.  2  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  307,  a.  (1392).  The  livery  companies  of  London 
were  probably  incorporated  about  this  time  (HERBERT,  i,  103).  3EVES., 
164.  On  January  6th  and  10th,  the  Earls  of  Kent  and  Huntingdon  still 
head  "  companies," — aggregates  sibi  quampluribus  malefactoribus. — 
KYM.,  viii,  120.  *  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2, 19  in  tergo. 


yo  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

and  any  Yeoman  or  Valet  receiving  a  livery,  would  be  liable  to 
be  imprisoned  and  fined  at  the  King's  pleasure. 

On  the  same  day  a  noteworthy  step  was  taken,  probably  at 
the  instigation  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who,  during, 
his  exile,  had  visited  Rome,  and  secured  the  friendship  of  the 
Pope.  A  Papal  Collector  (Louis,  Bishop  of  Volterra)  was 
already  in  the  country,  and  was  officially  consulted  by  the 
Convocation  (October  nth)  in  reference  to  grievances  of  the 
Clergy.  He  recommended  that  Henry  should  write  direct  to 
the  Pope.  It  was  now  declared  in  the  Parliament  that  the 
King,  with  the  assent  and  advice  of  such  wise  and  worthy 
persons  as  he  should  be  able  to  call,  might  occasionally 
modify  or  annul  the  terms  of  the  Statute  against  Provisors,  the 
great  bulwark  against  Papal  encroachment.  This  permission 
was  at  once  acted  upon  in  filling  the  See  of  Carlisle,  vacant  by 
the  deposition  of  Thomas  Merks,  an  adherent  of  the  dethroned 
King.  William  Strickland  had  been  elected  some  years 
previously  by  the  Chapter,  but  the  Pope  had  set  aside  their 
choice,  and  had  appointed  Merks.  The  Pope  now  consented 
to  recognise  Strickland,  and  provided  by  bull  for  his  appoint- 
ment. The  *  King,  on  his  side,  recognised  the  Pope's  right  to 
"  provide,"  and  granted  the  temporalities  to  Strickland,  but  first 
required  that  the  new  Bishop  should  submit  to  his  pleasure, 
and  expressly  renounce  any  words  contained  in  the  Pope's  bull 
which  were  prejudicial  to  him  or  to  his  crown.  2The  Collector 
shortly  afterwards  (December  i6th)  left  England  with  valuable 
presents  for  the  Cardinals,  and  in  accordance  with  his 
advice  an  3  embassy  consisting  of  the  Bishop  of  Hereford 
and  others,  started  in  the  following  February,  with 
friendly  letters  for  the  Roman  Court.  4  In  the  following  year 
(March,  1401),  the  Commons,  while  agreeing  to  modify  the. 

1RYM.,  viii,  100.  See  another  example,  dated  November  25th,  1399, 
in  EYM.,  viii,  107.  2  RYM.,  viii,  117.  3ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  111.  4RoT. 
PARL.,  iii,  458. 


IV.]  "Forsworn  Aumerle"  71 

statute,  express  the  hope  that  the  King  will  not  allow  foreigners 
(Cardinals  or  others)  to  benefit  by  the  concession.  . 

The  principal  offenders  against  whom  the  Liveries  Act  was 
directed  were  the  Dukes  of  Albemarle,  Surrey,  and  Exeter,  the 
Marquis  of  Dorset,  and  the  Earl  of  Gloucester,  all  of  them 
supporters  of  the  late  King  so  long  as  it  was  possible  to  make 
a  stand,  though  since  his  fall  they  had  made  haste  to  make 
-their  peace  with  Henry.  All  of  them  had  joined  in  appealing 
the  Earls  of  Arundel  and  Warwick  of  treason  ;  all  had  been 
members  of  the  Commission  which  misgoverned  the  country 
in  the  name  of  Parliament,  and  by  the  confession  of  one  Hall — 
a  servant  of  the  late  Duke  of  Norfolk,  the  Governor  of  Calais, 
where  the  Duke  of  Gloucester  had  been  imprisoned — the 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  at  least,  was  deeply  implicated  in  the 
murder. 

On  the  third  day  after  the  opening  of  Parliament  (Thursday, 
October  i6th),  the  Commons  petitioned  the  King  that  all  the 
evil  counsellors  of  Richard  should  be  arrested.  Sir  William 
Bagot,  a  prominent  member  of  the  late  Commission,  and  one 
of  the  most  unpopular  men  in  the  country,  who  had  escaped 
death  when  his  colleagues  were  hanged  at  Bristol,  but  had 
afterwards  been  captured  and  imprisoned,  was  now  called 
upon  (October  i6th)  to  answer  for  his  misdeeds.  He 
excused  himself,  and  in  his  turn  accused  the  Duke  of 
Albemarle.  The  Duke  replied  by  challenging  Bagot  to  prove 
his  words.  An  angry  discussion  arose.  The  appearance  of 
Albemarle  was  the  signal  for  a  violent  outbreak.  In  asserting 
his  innocence,  he  concluded  with  the  usual  declaration  that  he 
was  ready  to  prove  it  against  all  comers.  Hereupon  the  young 
Lord  Fitzwalter  threw  down  his  gage,  charging  the  Duke 
outright  with  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  *  The 
Duke  took  up  the  challenge,  which  was  at  once  supplemented 
by  others  from  Lord  Morley,  Lord  Beauchamp,  and  many  more. 
1  EVES.,  162. 


72  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

As  many  as  forty  gages  were  thrown  down  against  him,  and 
amid  immense  uproar  the  King  was  compelled  to  interfere. 

On  the  following  day  (Friday,  October  iyth)  the  Council, 
chiefly  through  the  influence  of  Sir  John  Cobham,  decided 
unanimously  that  the  late  advisers  of  Richard  should  be  put 
under  arrest.  The  principal  amongst  them  were  then  seized 
1  (October  2oth)  and  lodged  in  separate  prisons.  The  Duke  of 
Surrey  was  at  first  committed  to  the  Tower,  but  on  October 
23rd  he  was  transferred  to  Wallingford.  The  Duke  of  Exeter 
was  imprisoned  in  the  Castle  at  Hertford ;  the  Duke  of 
Albemarle  at  Windsor ;  and  the  Earls  of  Gloucester  and 
Salisbury  in  the  Tower  of  London.  Here  they  were  privately 
examined  and  called  upon  to  clear  themselves  for  their  share  in 
recent  events. 

They  each  and  all  denied  that  they  had  been  willing  agents, 
and  excused  themselves  as  best  they  might.  The  King  now 
felt  himself  strong  enough  to  proceed  against  them.  The 
informer  Hall  was  at  once  executed  with  savage  and  disgusting 
cruelty.  He  was  drawn  by  horses  from  Tower  Hill  to  Tyburn. 
There  his  body  was  ripped  open,  and  while  he  was  yet  alive 
his  bowels  were  drawn  out  and  burnt  in  his  sight.  2His  head 
was  afterwards  cut  off,  and  his  body  severed  limb  from  limb. 

On  Wednesday,  October  2  9th,  at  the  urgent  demand  of  the 
Commons,  the  accused  Lords  were  brought  up  to  answer  the 
charges  brought  against  them.  This  time  the  8  Bishop  of 
Carlisle  was  arraigned  with  them,  and  put  on  his  defence. 

Much  minute  controversy  has  been  carried  on  amongst 
historical  inquirers  as  to  the  character  and  position  of 
this  Bishop.  He  has  found  as  warm  partisans  as  though  he 

^  J GLAUS.  1  H.IV.,  1,  24  (October  20th,  1399).  *TRAIS.,  224;  ROT.  PARL., 
iii,  453,  called  "judicium  tractionis,  exenterationis,  internorum  com- 
buationis,  suspensions,  decapitationis  et  quarterizationis." — ANN.,  311. 
•GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  24  (October  28th). 


IV.]  "A  Subject  speaks"  73 

were  a  person  of  prime  consequence.  l  Those  who  considered 
that  Henry's  usurpation  was  an  impious  invasion  of  a  Divine 
Right  applaud  the  Bishop  as  the  one  honest  adherent  of  the 
martyred  Richard,  "  amidst  the  faithless,  faithful  only  found ;" 
while  others  have  discovered  that  he  was  at  best  a  man  of 
dissolute  life — a  time-server  like  the  rest  of  his  generation — and 
that  the  noble  speech  which  Shakespeare  found  ready  to  his 
hand,  and  has  used  with  such  dramatic  effect,  was  not,  and 
could  not  by  any  possibility  ever  have  been,  uttered. 

From  the  best  contemporary  evidence  that  I  can  find,  his 
history  seems  to  have  been  briefly  this.  2 Thomas  Sumestre,  of 
Newmarket  (de  novo  mercatu),  called  commonly  Thomas  3Merks, 
was  a  Benedictine  monk,  of  4  Westminster,  who  had  been  made 
Bishop  of  Carlisle  in  1397  by  Papal  Provision,  in  spite  of  the 
law  and  in  direct  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  Chapter,  who 
claimed  that  the  right  of  election  rested  with  them.  He  was 
an  intimate  friend  and  companion  of  King  Richard,  with  whom 
he  is  said  to  have  often  passed  whole  nights  in  feasting  and 
excess.  He  went  with  Richard  to  Ireland,  and  was  certainly 
one  of  the  few  who  refused  to  desert  him,  and  who  were  with 
him  at  the  time  of  his  capture  at  Flint,  in  August,  1399.  5He 
was  present  in  the  Parliament  which  met  at  Westminster  on 
September  3oth,  where  he  sat  next  to  Henry,  and,  like  the  rest, 
raised  no  objection  either  to  the  deposition  of  Richard  or  to 
Henry's  claim  to  succeed  him.  While  the  storm  against 

1 "  In  which  Parliament,  or  rather  unlawful  assembly,  there  appeared 
but  one  honest  man,  to  wit,  the  Bishop  of  Carlisle,  who  scorned  his  life 
and  estate  in  respect  of  right  and  his  allegiance." — RALEIGH.  PKEROG. 
OF  PARLIAMENT,  45. 

"  Faithfull  Achates,  if  the  glorious 
Names  who  have  honoured  virtue  and  pursued  it, 
Ennoble  memory,  let  my  verse  be 

One  sprig  to  keep  alive  thy  memory." — GEO.  DANIEL,  iv,  4. 
[Written  soon  after  execution  of  Charles  I.] 

2  RYM.,  viii,  167.      3  So  he  signs  himself.      See  his  letter,  dated  June  7th, 
1401,  in  ROY.  LET.,  i,  66.     4  USK,  42.     5  Juxta  episcopum  Carleoli. — EUL 
382  ;  CRET.,  xix,  388. 


74  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

Richard's  counsellors  was  at  its  height,  he  was  removed  *  for 
security  to  the  custody  of  the  Abbot  of  St.  Alban's,  a  Benedic- 
tine like  himself.  He  was  now  required  to  answer  the  charges 
made  against  him,  together  with  the  accused  Dukes  and  Earls. 
Waiving  his  right  to  be  tried  in  the  Church  Courts,  he  declared 
his  innocence  of  any  complicity  in  the  murder  of  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  and  eloquently  demanded  his  liberty.  He  was  told 
that  his  life  would  not  be  safe  from  the  popular  violence,  and 
quietly  returned  for  a  time  to  the  friendly  protection  of  St. 
Alban's  Abbey. 

This  is  probably  the  foundation  for  the  account  which  is 
worked  into  the  story  by  a  French  writer,  who  wrote  in 
Paris  from  the  information  of  others,  and  with  the  avowed 
purpose  of  inciting  the  French  people  to  hatred  against  Henry 
for  his  usurpation.  The  story  has  been  taken  up  by  Hall, 
writing  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  copied  from  him  by 
Grafton  and  Holinshead,  and  has  thus  found  its  way  into  the 
Shakespearian  drama  ;  hence,  with  literary  embellishments,  into 
Heywood,  Trussel,  Collier,  and  every  succeeding  author,  till 
Guthrie  (1747)  and  Carte,  to  whom  it  must  have  been  bitter  to 
lose  so  telling  a  point  against  "  usurpers." 

A  similar  leniency  was  dealt  out  to  the  other  accused  persons. 
They  were  to  be  degraded  from  the  titles  which  they  held,  the 
three  Dukes  (of  Albemarle,  Surrey,  and  Exeter)  to  resume  their 
old  2styles  as  Earls  of  Rutland,  Kent,  and  Huntingdon  ;  the 
Marquis  of  Dorset  and  the  Earl  of  Gloucester,  their  old  names 
of  Earl  of  Somerset  and  Lord  Despenser,  respectively.  The 
lands  and  possessions  which  they  had  acquired  since  1397  were,, 
taken  from  them,  and  they  were  significantly  warned  not  to 
attempt  any  further  support  of  Richard  under  pain  of  treason. 

1  Pro  tutela  sua. — ANN.,  314.  2 The  degradation  took  place  before 
November  4th ;  (PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  17,)  where  the  Duke  of  Albemarle  is 
called  "  Edward,  Earl  of  Rutland."  Of.  November  6th  (in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
2,  18),  and  November  llth  (Ibid.,  m.  7),  for  similar  designations. 


IV.]  Sentence.  75 

They  were  to  give  no  liveries  of  signs  and  to  have  no  retinue 
but  their  own  necessary  officers,  and  all  who  were  aggrieved  by 
any  riotous  assaults  or  attacks  from  members  of  their  "  com- 
panies "  were  invited  now  to  make  known  their  complaints. 
1  After  a  short  imprisonment  they  were  delivered  up  to  the 
friendly  custody  of 2  William  Colchester,  Abbot  of  Westminster, 
himself  a  secret  partisan  of  Richard,  who  gave  security  to  Henry 
to  deliver  them  up  when  called  upon.  They  were  then  treated 
with  every  consideration  and  respect,  and  very  soon  allowed 
their  liberty.  The  Earl  of  Salisbury  alone  was  exempted  from 
this  favourable  treatment,  perhaps  on  account  of  Henry's  per- 
sonal dislike  to  him.  He  had  been  challenged  by  the  Earl  of 
Morley,  and  arrangements  were  being  made  for  the  trial  by 
battle  at  Newcastle-on-Tyne.  Salisbury  was  in  the  meantime 
kept  in  prison,  the  Londoners  clamouring  for  his  head  in 
Cheapside.  He  was,  however,  subsequently  released,  four 
friends  being  security  for  him,  through  the  influence  of  Henry's 
sister  3 Elizabeth,  who  was  married  to  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon. 
4  Sir  William  Bagot  remained  a  close  prisoner  in  the  Tower. 

1  Said  to  be  nine  weeks;  though  this  is  not  easy  to  calculate. — TRAls.,76. 
But  the  hollowness  and  unreality  of  the  royal  displeasure  may  be  in- 
ferred by  consulting  the  Patent  Bolls  for  the  year.  On  November  7th, 
1399,  the  King  expresses  his  confidence  in  the  fidelity,  discretion,  and 
industry  of  his  dear  brother  John,  Earl  of  Somerset,  and  appoints  him  to 
be  Chamberlain  of  England  (PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2, 4) .  Similarly,  on  November 
4th,  1399  (PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  17),  the  Kinjr  nominates  Edward,  Earl  of 
Rutland,  to  be  Justiciary  and  Keeper  of  the  New  Forest,  and  of  all 
forests  south  of  the  Trent.  On  November  24th,  the  custody  of  the 
Channel  Islands  was  confirmed  to  him  (PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  20),  arid  three 
days  later  (November  27th)  he  received  a  grant  of  the  Isle  of  Wight 
(PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  11).  On  the  1st  December,  the  Earl  of  Kent  had  a 
grant  confirmed  to  him  of  200  marks  per  annum  and  six  casks  of  wine 
(PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  1).  On  the  4th  December,  the  Earls  of  Rutland  and 
Huntingdon  were  present  as  regular  members  of  the  Council  (ORD. 
PRIVY  Co.,  i,  100),  while  the  Earl  of  Kent  was  even  accepted  as  a 
guarantee  for  the  good  behaviour  of  his  fellow  conspirator,  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury.  — Ho L.  £  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  19.  3  FROIS.  4  The  order  for 
his  committal  to  the  Tower  is  dated  November  22nd,  1399. — GLAUS. 
1  H.  IV.,  1,  29. 


76  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

He  was  at  first  kept  in  chains,  but  on  x April  5th,  1400,  this 
indignity  was  remitted,  and  he  was  allowed  to  take  exercise  in 
the  grounds,  on  giving  his  word  that  he  would  not  attempt  to 
escape,  strengthened  by  bail  on  the  part  of  his  friends  to  the 
extent  of  ,£1,000.  On  2  September  25th,  1400,  he  was  still 
a  prisoner  in  the  Tower ;  but  on  the  26th  of  February,  1401, 
the  Commons  petitioned  the  King  on  his  behalf,  and  received 
a  favourable  answer.  He  was  subsequently  set  at  liberty 
and  restored  to  his  lands  at  Packington,  where  he  died  seven 
years  afterwards  in  obscurity. 

Considering  the  high  birth  and  prominent  station  of  the 
offenders,  the  sentences  may  be  considered  a  model  of  mildness, 
amounting  almost  to  foolhardiness.  On  the  one  hand  the 
supporters  of  Richard  were  already  beginning  to  recover  heart, 
openly  declaring  themselves  "King  Richard's  nurselings" 
(nurres  d  le  Rey  Richard),  and  ostentatiously  displaying  the 
white  hart,  his  badge  of  livery.  On  the  other  hand  the 
-Londoners,  disappointed  of  their  revenge,  were  crying  out 
against  the  King,  the  Archbishop,  and  the  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland, for  their  culpable  leniency  in  dealing  with  the 
accused.  It  was  insinuated  that  they  had  all  been  bribed  to 
spare  the  lives  of  the  guilty,  and  a  4 letter  mysteriously  found  its 
way  into  the  King's  closet  threatening  him  with  an  insurrection 
if  he  did  not  execute  the  Lords.  The  author  of  the  letter  was 
never  discovered,  and  the  angry  feeling  had  not  diminished  at 
the  dissolution  of  Parliament. 

As   a    safeguard  against  the  reckless  grants  of  lands   and 

1  TRAIS.,  187.  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  5,  vinculis  quibus  jam  ligatus  est. 
2  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  2,  6.  3  pAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  8  ;  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  459 ; 
ARCHJEOL.,  xx,  278,  from  Kenilworth  MS.,  though  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  26 
(dated  November  12th,  1400)  had  already  contained  an  order  for  his 
release.  In  June,  1402,  John  Benyngton,  of  Coventry,  complains  that  hi« 
life  had  been  threatened  by  Sir  William  Bagot,  at  Whitemarch,  by  force 
and  arms,  for  two  years  past. — EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  484.  4  ANN.,  320. 


IV.]  Floods.  77 

offices  to  personal  favourites  of  the  King,  which  had  proved  so 
ruinous  in  the  late  reign,  it  was  *  enacted  in  this  Parliament 
that  no  offices  of  profit  or  gifts  of  land  should  be  granted  by  the 
King  without  first  taking  the  advice  of  his  Council  "saving 
ahvays  his  liberty;"  and  that  letters  patent  of  the  King  granting 
such  offices  and  possessions  should  not  be  held  valid  unless  the 
exact  value  of  the  grant  was  specified  distinctly  at  the  time  the 
letters  were  issued. 

"On  Wednesday,  November  i9th,  the  Parliament  was 
fittingly  dissolved,  with  a  declaration  of  a  general  pardon  for  all 
past  political  offences,  treasons,  or  felonies,  except,  of  course 
those  committed  by  common  criminals  and  malefactors.  One 
exception  alone  was  made  to  this  general  clemency.  No 
pardon  was  to  be  extended  to  those  who  were  present  at  the 
murder  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  Little  domestic  legislation 
had  been  attempted.  The  "  Companies  "  were  to  be  put  down, 
and  liveries  forbidden.  Various  irregularities  in  the  collection 
and  disbursement  of  the  customs  were  to  be  checked,  and 
Commissioners  were  to  enquire  into  the  state  of  wears  and 
obstructions  in  rivers,  3  especially  in  Wales  and  Yorkshire, 
with  a  view  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  late  disastrous 
floods.  The  names  of  the  Commissioners  and  their  instructions 
are  dated  October  22nd,  1399.  All i  "piles,  pales,  pools,  kidels, 
dams,  and  races"  that  had  been  placed  in  rivers  since  the  time 
of  the  Statute  of  25  Edward  III.,  or  altered  so  as  to  impede  the 
passage  of  boats,  were  to  be  altogether  removed  or  destroyed. 

In  the  Fens  of  Lincolnshire,  particularly  about  Boston  and 
Friskney,  and  in  parts  of  Lindsey,  the  sea  had  broken  in  and 
done  immense  damage  to  walls,  dykes,  sewers,  and  bridges.  A 
'Commission  was  appointed  under  the  Earl  of  Northumberland 

1  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  433  a ;  STAT.  1  H.  IV.,  c.  6.  2  EVES.,  164.  *  PAT.,  1 
H.  IV.,  1,  1.  4  Ibid,  3,  23  (November  19th,  1399).  5Ibid,  4,  32  in  tergo 
(December  1st,  1399). 


7 8  The  First  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

to  enquire  and  devise  remedies.  Similar  damage  was  done  in 
^olderness  (Yorkshire),  about  Osgoldcross,  in  the  flats  near 
the  3Aire,  the  Ouse,  and  the  Don ;  in  the  Thames  about 
3  Woolwich  and  Greenwich,  4Sheppey  and  Queenborough,  Rain- 
ham,  and  "'Stratford-at-Bow;  on  the  south  coast,  round  GHythe, 
Farleigh,  7Appledore,  8Bexley,  and  Pevensey ;  in  the  flat  lands 
known  as  9  Holland,  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  Humber; 
around  10Pocklington  and  the  Derwent  on  the  Yorkshire  shore; 
at  u  Sandwich  in  Kent,  in  the  valley  of  the  Arun  as  far  as 
12Pulborough  in  Sussex,  at  13Orford  on  the  coast  of  Suffolk,  at 
14  Bristol  and  Taunton  and  up  the  valley  of  the  Severn  at 
15Tockington  and  Rockhampton.  In  Lancashire  the  bridge 
over  the  Ribble  at 16  Preston  was  so  broken  by  the  floods  in  the 
river  and  the  high  tides,  which  washed  the  floating  masses  of 
ice  about  in  the  winter,  that  "  there  was  no  crossing  or  access  " 
without  danger  to  person  or  property.  The  inhabitants  were 
willing  to  rebuild  a  stone  bridge  by  the  side  of  the  other  if  the 
King  would  forego  some  portion  of  the  dues,  and  this  he  was 
willing  to  do. 

In  dealing  with  the  pressing  necessities  of  the  moment,  Henry 
and  his  Council  had  shown  a  wise  moderation.  Legal  remedies 
had  been  applied ;  the  owners  of  forfeited  estates  had  been 
restored  to  their  own  without  violence  or  retaliation ;  and 
the  17  attack  upon  the  privileges  of  the  Clergy,  which  had  been 
at  first  so  much  dreaded,  had  not  even  been  mentioned  since 
the  day  on  which  Sir  John  Cheyne  had  vacated  his  post  as 
Speaker.  On  the  contrary,  a  special  confirmation  of  Clerical 
Privileges  was  secured,  and  it  was  18  enacted  that  no  Bishop  or 

1  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  27.  2  pAT.}  i  H.  IV.,  5, 13.  slbid,  6, 13.  *PAT.,  3 
H.  IV.,  1,  12.  slbid,  m.  7.  6pAT>j  i  H.  IV.,  5,  22.  7 PAT.,  2  H.  IV., 
3,  4.  8pAT.;  3  H.  IV.,  1,  26.  9  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  22.  ™Ibid,  m.  35. 
"PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  2.  12 GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  17.  ^PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  23. 
"Ibid,  4,  10.  Klbid,  I,  27.  "Ibid,  1,32  (November  12th,  1400). 
J7  CONC.,  iii,  242.  l8  RYM.,  viii,  123. 


IV.]  Alie?i  Priories.  79 

Archbishop  should  be  liable  to  be  called  to  account  in  the 
secular  courts  on  any  charge  whatever,  except  by  a  special 
order  from  the  King  and  after  other  means  of  enquiry  had 
proved  ineffectual. 

During  the  long  wars  with  France  the  property  of  the  "  alien 
priories,"  i.e.  of  the  French  ecclesiastics  settled  in  England,  had 
been  gradually  seized  and  the  houses  impoverished,  thus 
stopping  in  many  districts  the  sources  of  hospitality  and 
almsgiving,  as  well  as  causing  a  cessation  of  the  Church  services 
in  remote  country  districts.  On  November  i3th  an  order  was 
issued  that  fresh  appointments  should  be  made  to  these 
neglected  neighbourhoods,  and  for  the  next  three  months  the 
records  abound  with  the  names  of  fresh  Priors  appointed.  At 
least  thirty  places  are  Specified,  including  Barnstaple,  Loders 
(near  Bridport),  Blyth  (near  Newcastle),  St.  Michael's  Mount, 
Modbury,<  Andover,  Montague,  Folkestone,  Haigh,  Linton  (in 
Cambridgeshire),  St.  Neot's,  Ocle  (near  Hereford),  Carisbrook, 
Lapley  (in  Staffordshire),  Stoursey,  Monmouth,  St.  Helens  (Isle 
of  Wight),  Tykeford  (near  Newport  Pagnell),  Tuttlebury, 
Pembroke,  £irkeby  Monachorum,  Hinkley,  Strogutha  (Llandaff), 
Coton  (Exon),  Lancaster,  York,  and  Northampton. 

Thus  after  a  busy  session  of  five  weeks  the  Parliament  broke 
up,  giving  the  country  better  promise  of  orderly  development 
for  the  future  than  it  had  enjoyed  for  very  many  years. 

ipAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  3. 


CHAPTER   V. 
FOREIGN    AFFAIRS. 

FOR  ten  years  past  there  had  been  peace  with  Scotland,  and  the 
forces  which  had  burst  and  spent  themselves  at  Otterbourne 
were  gathering  strength  for  another  periodical  outbreak  on  the 
Border.  The  Scots  were  then  ruled  by  the  degenerate  and 
decrepit  hand  of  Robert  III.  l  His  son,  the  Duke  of  Rothsay, 
had  just  attained  his  majority  (twenty-one  years),  and  had 
taken  up  the  office  of  Guardian  of  the  Realm  (January,  1399), 
acting  as  Regent  for  the  King,  with  the  assistance  of  a  Council 
of  Eighteen ;  while  his  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Albany,  brother  to 
the  King,  remained  Chamberlain  of  Scotland.  A  short  truce 
had  been  negociated  between  John  of  Ghent  and  the  Duke  of 
Rothsay,  but  this  would  expire  on  September  29th,  1399.  The 
Scots,  elated  with  the  memory  of  Otterbourne,  and  weary  of 
long  inaction,  were  eager  to  invade. 

After  securing  the  person  of  Richard,  and  before  he  himself 
had  been  made  King,  Henry  had  acted  on  a  suggestion  of  the 
Earls  of  Northumberland  and  Westmoreland,  and  authorized 
Commissioners  on  the  Border  to  meet  with  Commissioners 
from  the  Scots,  and  to  agree,  if  possible,  to  a  further  pro- 
longation of  the  truce  for  twelve  months,  dating  from  September 
29th,  1399.  2He  had  about  the  same  time  sent  a  letter  to  King 
Robert,  notifying  him  that  the  Commissioners  had  met,  and 
requesting  that  he  would  at  once  appoint  some  member  of 
his  Council  to  declare  and  proclaim  the  continuance  of  the 
truce.  This  letter  was  received  by  the  Scottish  King  at 

1  EXCH.  BOLLS  SCOT.,  iii,  Ixxxv,  486.    a  ROY.  LET.,  4. 


V.]  Scotland.  81 

Linlithgow,  on  October  3rd,  before  any  news  could  have 
reached  the  North  as  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Parliament  in 
London.  King  Robert  replied  by  the  same  messenger  that  his 
Council  could  not  at  present  meet,  but  that  he  would  soon  call 
his  Parliament  together  and  lay  the  matter  before  them.  He 
would  then  at  once  acquaint  Henry  with  his  decision. 

Accordingly  after  a  month's  delay  he  (on  November  2nd) 
sent  a  further  letter  to  Henry,  whom  he  still  addressed  as 
"  Duke  of  Lancaster,  Earl  of  Derby,  and  Seneschal  of  England," 
the  title  under  which  negociations  had  been  at  first  opened 
between  them.  In  this  letter  he  agreed  to  appoint  recognized 
Commissioners  to  meet  any  whom  Henry  might  depute  to  treat  on 
the  Border  for  a  prolongation  of  the  truce,  or  for  consolidating 
it  into  a  formal  treaty.  Meantime,  however,  news  had  arrived 
that  the  Scots,  taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  great 
Northern  Earls  from  their  commands,  and  the  weakness 
caused  in  the  North  by  the  continuance  of  the  8pestilence,  had 
captured  and  destroyed  the  Castle  of  Wark,  on  the  south  bank 
of  the  Tweed,  between  Berwick  and  Roxburgh,  and  done  much 
damage  in  the  neighbourhood.  Wark  Castle  was  in  the  charge 
of  Thomas  Gray,  who  had  received  it  from  Henry  since  his 
landing.  About  the  beginning  of 8  October  the  Castle  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Scots,  who  carried  off  Gray's  children  and 
many  of  his  tenants  (for  whose  ransom  they  exacted  a  sum  of 
;£i,ooo),  together  with  property  to  the  value  of  2,000  marks. 

At  this  news  Henry's  blood  was  up,  and  he  declared  in  the 
Parliament  (Monday,  November  loth)  that  he  would  himself 
conduct  an  expedition  to  chastise  the  Scots.  The  Northern 
Earls,  to  whom  the  custody  of  the  Marches  had  been  allotted, 
protested  that  they  had  not  advised  him  to  take  this  course,  and 

i  ROY.  LET.,  8.  2  "  Plague  only  is  a  harbinger  to  Scots,  worse  maladies ! " 
— G.  DANIEL,  iv,  14  (Trinarch,  53).  3  Before  the  coronation,  according 
to  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  7,  28. 

F 


82  Foreign  Affairs.  [CHAP. 

made  a  public  declaration  to  this  effect.  The  Commons  also 
petitioned  that  the  King  would  remember  the  risk  he  would  run 
by  exposing  himself  to  the  pestilence  then  prevalent  in  the 
North,  reminding  him  that  he  was  only  now  beginning  to  feel 
his  feet,  and  that  his  throne  was  not  yet  secure.  They  insisted 
that  at  least  the  Prince  of  Wales,  being  yet  of  tender  years, 
should  not  leave  the  kingdom.  The  King  replied  that  he 
undertook  the  expedition  of  his  own  accord,  and  that  he  would 
not  spare  himself  in  defence  of  the  kingdom. 

He  may  perhaps  have  resolved  to  assert  his  independence  of 
the  great  Northern  Earls  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  by 
undertaking  the  personal  charge  of  the  first  operations  in  which 
the  Constable  was  to  engage,  and  on  the  very  ground  on  which 
his  family  interest  was  strongest ;  but  he  certainly  exposed 
himself  and  his  new  dynasty  to  unusual  risks  by  absenting 
himself  from  the  capital,  and,  had  his  throne  then  fallen,  he 
would  have  seemed  to  have  courted  failure  by  an  exaggeration  of 
that  infatuated  recklessness  which  had  decoyed  Richard  across 
to  Ireland  a  few  months  before. 

On  reflection  however,  and  perhaps  after  receiving  the  letter 
of  the  Scottish  King,  Henry  thought  it  better  not  to  act  too 
hastily.  He  did  not  proceed  to  the  North;  on  the  contrary 
he  authorized  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland  to  arrange  for  the 
preservation  of  his  property  on  the  West  Marches,  2"in  case  our 
enemies,  the  Scots,  shall  be  willing  to  treat  and  bargain  with 
him ;"  and  while  clearly  recognising  the  possibility  of  war  ;i  he 
sent  a  moderate  remonstrance  to  King  Robert  complaining  of 
the  "  very  great  and  horrible  wrongs  "  committed  even  by  the 
sons  of  the  Scotch  Wardens,  but  stating  his  willingness  still  to 
treat  "  for  the  honour  of  God  and  the  good  of  peace,"  if  the 
Scotch  King  would  send  Commissioners  to  the  Abbey  of  Kelso 

1  Q'il  est  ore  yore. — EOT.  PAUL.,  iii,  434;  ARCH^EOL.,  xx,  App.  vi. 
2  RYM.,  viii,  107.  3  ROY.  LET.,  11. 


V.J  Janico  D'Artasso.  83 

by  Monday,  January  5th  next  ensuing,  appointing  in  the 
meantime  three  Special  Commissioners  to  arrange  all  necessary 
preliminaries  in  his  name.  Nevertheless  piracy  continued  to 
be  openly  practised.  The  men  of  Yarmouth  captured  a 
quantity  of  wine  from  the  Scots,  at  sea,  and  Henry  claimed  it 
as  his  own  (November  26th,  1399). 

2  One  of  the  three  Commissioners  so  empowered  was  Sir 
Thomas  Gray,  the  Northumberland  Knight,  who  had  just  lost 
Wark  Castle,  and  another  was  3Jean  D'Artois  (4 "  Janico 
D'Artasso  "  or  D'Artays),  a  young  Gascon  esquire  naturalised 
and  settled  in  England,  and  lately  one  of  the  close  intimates  of 
King  Richard.  He  had  been  with  Richard  in  Ireland,  and  had 
done  great  things  against  the  wild  Irish  in  the  bogs  of  Kildare. 
He  had  then  crossed  with  him  to  Wales,  and  had  remained  one 
of  his  five  faithful  adherents  when  all  others  deserted.  In 
conjunction  with  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  and  the  Bishop  of 
Carlisle,  he  had  advised  Richard  to  withdraw  to  Bordeaux,  but 
being  overruled  he  accompanied  him  to  Flint,  Rhuddlan,  and 
Chester.  At  Chester  he  parted  with  King  Richard  for  ever, 
and  as  he  refused  to  remove  his  badge  he  was  imprisoned  by 
Henry  in  Chester  Castle.  But  like  the  rest,  when  the  game 
seemed  hopelessly  lost,  he  looked  to  his  own  interest.  5He 
sued  to  Henry  and  was  taken  into  his  service,  receiving  a 
continuation  and  increase  of  the  grants  made  to  him  by 
Richard,  with  a  promise  of  employment  for  life  in  the  service 
of  the  new  King.  Thus  before  four  months  had  passed  he  was 
not  only  again  at  liberty,  but  entrusted  by  Henry  with  weight) 
negociations  on  the  Border,  300  miles  from  London,  in  a  field 
well  placed  for  Northern  disaffection  and  French  intrigue. 
But  peace  abroad  was  at  present  a  necessity  for  King  Henry, 

1  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  27.  a  December  10th,  1399.— RYM.,  viii,  113. 
3  ABCILEOL.,  xx,  92,  &c.  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  7,  22.  5  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  10 
(November  10th,  1399). 


84  Foreign  Affairs.  [CHAP. 

and  he  seems  by  this  time  to  have  rightly  gauged  the  value  of 
the  lip-loyalty  which  had  bound  even  the  most  faithful  of 
Richard's  adherents  to  a  falling  cause.  *On  November  29th, 
1399,  Jean  D'Artois  had  permission  to  cross  to  Ireland  to 
prosecute  his  gains  there  for  one  year,  if  he  wished.  He  was 
allowed  ^40  per  annum  from  the  revenues  of  Dublin  in  lieu 
of  the  Manor  of 2  Norragh,  and  was  to  keep  his  other  lands  and 
possessions  in  Ireland  which  might  be  managed  by  3 deputy. 
On  September  22nd,  1400,  he  and  his  wife  Johanna  received 
further  grants  in  Bordeaux. 

A  like  feeling  of  security  can  alone  account  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  Sir  Peter  Courtney  as  Governor  of  Calais.  He  was  a 
relation  of  Richard's,  and  had  held  Bristol  for  him  only  a  few 
weeks  before.  Yet  as  early  as  ^October  8th,  1399,  he  received 
large  grants  of  land  from  Henry,  and  was  retained  in  his  office 
as  Constable  of  Windsor  Castle.  5He  was  likewise  continued 
in  his  command  as  Captain  of  the  town  of  Calais  for  six  years, 
6a  post  which  he  had  previously  held  under  King  Richard 
during  the  King's  pleasure. 

With  France  the  country  was  at  peace.  Three  years  before, 
Richard  had  married  Isabel,  the  eldest  child  of  Charles  VI., 
and  a  7treaty  of  peace  had  been  concluded  between  the  two 
countries  which  was  to  last  until  the  year  1426.  On  the  fall  of 
Richard,  his  little  Queen,  then  only  eleven  years  old,  was  kept 
under  the  custody  of  the  Duke  of  York,  in  the  Royal  Castle  of 
Wallingford,  from  whence  she  was  soon  afterwards  removed  to 
the  Manor  of  Sonning,  near  Reading. 

1  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,6.  2 PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  7  (December  14th,  1399); 
Ibid,  6,  14.  3PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  31  (November  19th).  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV. 
r>  OUIG.  LET.,  dated  November  2nd,  refers  to  command  as  beginning 
October  1st.  6  RYM.,  viii,  83.  1  RYM.,  vii,  820.  At  the  negotiations  in 
1396,  for  the  marriage  of  Richard  and  Isabella,  it  was  proposed  that 
Henry  should  have  her  sister  Marie  for  his  wife  when  she  was  old  enough, 
but  the  little  princess  was  then  only  three  years  old  and  nothing  came  of 
it.— TILLET,  310. 


V.]  France.  85 

1  News  of  the  capture  and  deposition  of  Richard  reached  the 
French  Court  slowly,  at  first  from  the  evidence  of  some 
merchants  from  Bruges  ;  but  the  worst  fears  were  confirmed  on 
the  arrival  of  Madame  de  Coucy,  who  had  been  Governess  to 
Queen  Isabella,  but  had  been  dismissed  and  had  made  her  way 
across  directly  to  Paris.  It  was  not  likely  that  the  French 
King  would  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  man  who  had 
imprisoned  his  son-in-law  and  ally,  and  usurped  his  throne. 
But  Charles  VI.,  used  up  with  debauchery  at  the  age  of  thirty 
years,  had  more  than  once  been  put  under  restraint  when 
under  the  influence  of  mental  2  derangement,  and  had  been,  like 
Richard,  all  his  lifetime  under  the  control  of  three  powerful  and 
unscrupulous  uncles,  the  Dukes  of  Anjou,  Berri,  and  Burgundy. 

When  Henry  was  in  exile  a  year  before,  he  had  been 
graciously  received  in  Paris,  and  being  himself  a  widower,  had 
entertained  hopes  of  marrying  3  Marie,  the  daughter  of  the 
Duke  of  Berri,  herself  only  twenty-four  years  of  age,  but  already 
twice  a  widow.  This  plan  was  frustrated,  however,  through  the 
suspicions  of  Richard,  who  sent  over  the  Earl  of  Salisbury 
to  oppose  it.  Nevertheless,  a  friendly  understanding  was 
maintained  between  Henry  and  the  Duke  of  Berri,  and  Louis, 
Duke  of  Orleans,  with  the  latter  of  whom  he  entered  into  a 
special  secret  Agreement  for  mutual  support  and  defence. 
Henry  afterwards  maintained  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  had 
incited  him  to  the  enterprise  against  the  Crown  of  England  in 
order  to  embarrass  (contrarier)  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  At 
any  rate  some  of  the  detainers  of  the  Dukes  of  Berri  and 


.,  iv,  313.  ~  "  Comrae  les  vengences  de  Dieu  soyent  merveilleuses  ! 
ainsi  comme  jadis  la  punicion  du  pechie  de  David  purgia  par  la  percussion 
du  peuple  peut  estre  pour  nos  pechiez  Dieu  consent  la  playe  sus  notre 
chief,"  says  CHRIST.  DE  Pis.,  ii,  15.  3  MEZERAI,  i,  982.  *  See  the  document, 
dated  Paris,  June  17th,  1399,  in  ARCHIVES  DE  FRANCE,  REPORT  ON  FCEDERA, 
D.  145.  Henry  was  attended  by  three  esquires,  viz.:  Thomas  Erpingham, 
Thomas  Reinpston,  and  John  Norbury,  who  witnessed  the  agreement.  — 
MONSTR.  (i,  10)  gives  date  1396  ;  WAUR.,  (iv,  75)  1382.  5  Juv.,  418. 


86  Foreign  Affairs.  [CHAP. 

Orleans  were  present  at  Henry's  coronation  at  Westminster, 
where  they  were  received  with  marked  attention  and  entertained 
at  the  King's  table  when  all  other  foreigners  were  excluded. 
Everything  was  thus  possible,  and  it  rested  very  much  with  the 
caprice  of  the  French  Dukes,  and  the  accident  of  to-morrow, 
whether  Henry  would  secure  the  neutrality  and  even  the 
friendship  of  the  French,  or  whether  Charles  should  take  up  his 
son-in-law's  quarrel  and  endeavour  to  restore  him  to  his  throne. 
Upon  the  French  King  the  news  of  Richard's  capture  came 
as  a  heavy  blow,  plunging  him  into  deep  melancholy  and 
causing  a  return  of  his  mania.  He  assumed  either  that 
Richard  was  dead  or  that  he  would  shortly  be  put  to  death, 
and  he  insisted  that  messengers  should  cross  at  once  to 
England  to  see  his  daughter  in  person,  and  bring  back  word 
of  her  condition. 

On  the  English  side  a  Commission  was  issued  ^November 
29111,  1399)  to  Walter  Skirlaw,  the  aged  and  munificent  Bishop 
of  Durham,  and  Thomas  Percy,  Earl  of  Worcester,  to  proceed 
to  France  with  proposals  of  friendship,  and  even  intermarriage, 
between  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  "or  any  of  his  sisters  and 
brothers,"  and  any  of  the  children  either  of  the  King  or  of 
any  of  his  uncles,  a  wholesale  sacrifice  indicating  a  desperate 
desire  for  alliance  and  peace  at  any  price. 

Immediately  after  his  accession  Henry  despatched  a  letter 
(October  4th)  to  ~  Antonio  Venier,  Doge  of  Venice,  in  which 
city  he  had  more  than  once  been  splendidly  received  in  his 
roving  days  of  adventure  in  the  East.  In  this  letter  he  referred 
to  the  constant  proofs  he  had  received  of  the  friendship  and 
affection  of  the  Adriatic  Commonwealth.  These  he  was  now 
at  length  in  a  position  to  reciprocate,  and  he  invited  the  citizens 
and  traders  of  Venice  to  come  freely  to  England  where  they 
should  be  assured  of  special  privileges  under  his  special 

1RYM.,  viii,  118.    2  STATE  PP.  YEN.,  i,  39. 


V.]  Hanse  Towns.  87 

protection.  His  letter  was  gratefully  received  and  considered 
in  the  Venetian  Senate,  and  Jon  February  loth,  1400,  two 
Ambassadors  were  elected  to  represent  the  Republic  in  London, 
with  full  instructions  to  communicate  with  the  King  with  all 
suitable  ceremony. 

The  trade  of  the  North  of  Europe  was  then  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  the  German  towns  on  the  Baltic  and  the  North  Sea. 
Complaints  had  long  been  growing  against  the  piracy  and  acts 
of  violence  committed  by  or  with  the  sanction  of  the  members 
of  the  Hanseatic  League.  The  principal  coast  towns  in  the 
2  League  were  Liibeck,  Danzig,  Rostock,  Stralsund,  Elbing, 
Thorn,  Wismar,  and  Greifswald.  Towards  the  close  of 
Richard's  reign  warning  had  been  sent  to  Liibeck  that  if  redress 
were  not  made  before  a  stated  time  the  English  would  resort  to 
reprisals,  the  only  available  means  of  self-defence  in  the  absence 
of  a  permanent  protecting  fleet.  Henry  now  renewed  afresh  the 
old  privileges  granted  by  Edward  I.  to  the  merchants  of  the 
Hansa  in  London,  and  thereby  completed  a  chain  of  security 
for  English  merchants  having  intercourse  with  the  north,  as 
well  as  the  south  of  Europe,  and  the  East.  He  added  a  proviso, 
however,  to  the  effect  that  the  privileges  would  be  curtailed 
unless  similar  rights  were  extended  to  English  traders  residing 
in  Germany,  and  unless  deputies  from  the  Hanse  towns 
appeared  before  the  Council  before  the  next  Midsummer  Day, 
to  answer  complaints  lodged  by  English  merchants  as  to  their 
3 treatment  there.  Satisfactory  explanations  appear  to  have 
been  given,  and  the  privileges  of  the  Hanse  towns  were  con- 
firmed on  4  December  6th. 

In  a  friendly  letter  written  to  his  sister  Philippa,  who  was 
the  wife  of 5  John,  King  of  Portugal,  he  begged  her  intervention 

i  STATE  PP.  YEN.,  i,  40.  a  MALLET,  i,  374.  3  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  23 
(October  23rd,  1399).  4  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  21.  5  jn  a  subsequent  letter 
from  King  John  (December  30th,  1403),  he  addresses  Henry  as  his 
"brother  and  friend,  whom  we  most  truly  love  and  esteem  above  all  the 
princes  of  the  world." — ROY.  LET.,  i,  191. 


88  Foreign  Affairs.  [CHAP. 

with  her  husband  to  check  the  Moorish  corsairs  who  issued 
from  the  ports  of  Africa,  and  preyed  upon  the  commerce  of 
the  Straits  and  the  Mediterranean. 

We  may  here  glance  for  a  moment  at  the  relations  between 
England  and  the  Princes  of  the  Lower  Rhine.  The  young 
Duke  William,  after  a  youth  of  storm  and  adventure,  had,  on 
the  death  of  his  father  in  1393,  united  for  the  first  time  in  his 
own  person  the  two  rival  duchies  of  Gueldres  and  Julier,  on  the 
Lower  Rhine.  He  was  of  Henry's  age,  and  had  been  his 
comrade  in  arms  with  the  Teutonic  knights  against  the  Prus- 
sians, and  in  Africa  against  the  Saracens  in  1390.  In  1386, 
when  Duke  of  Gueldres  alone,  he  had  made  an  alliance  with 
Richard  to  last  during  his  lifetime,  in  which  he  did  homage  to 
the  King  of  England  as  his  vassal,  undertaking  to  serve  him 
with  500  knights,  whose  wages  were  to  be  paid  by  the  English 
King,  against  the  King  of  France.  The  King  of  England  was 
to  supply  him  also  with  money  to  the  amount  of  ^1,000  per 
annum  during  his  life.  The  young  Duke  was  at  that  time 
engaged  in  border  quarrels  with  his  neighbour  Joan,  the  aged 
Duchess  of  Brabant,  who  through  the  influence  of  Philip,  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  had  secured  the  support  of  the  King  of  France, 
and  a  French  army  commanded  by  Charles  VI.  in  person  was 
on  the  march  to  invade  his  little  domain.  The  alliance  with 
England  having  availed  him  nothing,  he  submitted  to  the 
French  King  for  a  time  and  turned  his  energies  elsewhere,  but 
he  kept  up  his  hatred  to  the  Frenchmen,  and  in  1392  he  visited 
England  and  advised  Richard  not  to  conclude  any  truce  with 
the  common  enemy,  or  with  Scotland.  He  was  supported  by 
the  Dukes  of  Lancaster  and  Gloucester,  and  was  made  a  Knight 
of  the  Garter.  He  then  returned  to  his  own  country,  only  to 
renew  the  old  wars  against  his  neighbours,  who  were  abetted  by 
the  powerful  influence  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  the  French. 
As  before,  he  derived  no  benefit  from  his  connection  with 


V.]  Gelderland.  89 

England,  and  he  was  driven  to  conclude  a  peace  with  Brabant 
in  June,  1399.  He  at  once  took  advantage  of  the  change  that 
was  coming  over  England,  *He  helped  the  young  Earl  of 
Arundel  with  money  when  he  escaped  from  the  custody  of  the 
Duke  of  Exeter,  and  he  promptly  recognised  Henry  as  soon  as 
the  Parliament  had  supplied  him  with  a  title. 

On  October  2nd,  he  assured  Henry  of  his  friendship  and  his 
wish  to  renew  the  alliance  that  had  existed  in  the  time  of 
Richard.  Henry  returned  a  reassuring  answer,  referring  to 
their  early  friendship,  and  a  further  interchange  of  letters 
followed  in  which  the  Duke  proposed  to  visit  Henry  in  person 
in  England,  a  proposal  to  which  2  Henry,  in  set  diplomatic 
phrase,  graciously  signified  his  assent.  3On  June  i9th,  1400, 
William  Feriby  left  England  on  an  embassy  to  the  Duke, 
probably  requesting  him  to  postpone  his  visit  till  the  King's 
return  from  Scotland.  At  any  rate,  the  Duke  did  not  visit 
England.  4In  May,  1401,  commissioners  were  sent  to  him  to 
treat  for  alliance,  to  receive  his  homage,  and  cordially  to  renew 
the  friendship  which  had  existed  during  the  previous  reign, 
though  at  the  very  same  time  he  was  in  treaty  with  the  King  of 
France,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  his  brother,  the  Count  of 
Cassel ;  and  5in  1401  he  visited  Paris,  where  he  entered  into  a 
league  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  6His  brother  was  to  do 
homage  to  the  French  King,  and  to  receive  20,000  crowns  in 
return,  while  7he  himself  was  to  do  homage  and  fealty  in 
return  for  50,000  crowns,  and  to  lend  his  aid  against  the 
English  King.  But  early  in  the  following  year  8(February  i5th, 
1402)  Duke  William  died  after  a  long  illness,  and  was  succeeded 

i  TRAIS.,  98.  2  See  the  letter  (dated  May  20th,  1400)  in  ROY.  LET.,  i, 
33.  3  FOREIGN  ROLL.,  1  H.  IV.  He  was  absent  till  August  3rd,  and 
received  £75  for  his  expenses.  *  RYM.,  viii,  189,  191.  «  Jcv.,  420.  6  See 
the  documents  (dated  June  2nd,  1401)  referred  to  in  TILLET,  119. 
7 Dated  June  20th,  1401,  in  THRESOR  DBS  CHARTRES  [vii,  284  (26)— 285 
(29)  ]  Archives  de  France,  in  REPT.  ON  FCED.,  App.  D.  343.  8  ROY.  LET., 
i,  93  ;  I/ART  DE  VERIF.,  iii,  181. 


90  Foreign  Affairs. 

by  his  brother  Reynald.  So  that  England  took  neither  good  nor 
harm  from  the  homage  of  this  greedy  and  double-faced  ally. 

Friendly  communications  were  also  opened,  and  xkind 
messages  interchanged  with  2  Duke  Albert,  Count  of  Holland 
and  Zealand,  who  was  likewise  Count  of  Hainault  on  the 
French  border,  and  whose  son  and  heir,  William,  Count  of 
Oostervant,  (afterwards  William  VI.  of  Holland)  was  married 
to  Margaret,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  recently 
acknowledged  as  Count  of  Flanders  ;  though  these  diplomatic 
courtesies  did  not  prevent  the  3  issue  of  letters  of  marque  from 
London  to  prey  upon  Dutch  commerce  (October  27th,  1399). 

Arrangements  were  also  made  for  announcing  the  King's 
accession  to  the  courts  of  Spain,  Portugal,  and  Germany. 
4 Walter  Blount  and  a  clerk  were  to  be  sent  (February  2nd, 
1400)  to  Portugal  and  Arragon,  while  5John  Trevor,  Bishop  of 
St.  Asaph,  and  Sir  William  Parre  proceeded  to  Spain,  where 
Henry  the  Third,  the  young  King  of  Castile  and  Leon,  was 
married  to  Henry's  half-sister  Catherine.  But,  in  spite  of  the 
friendly  feeling  between  the  two  Courts,  6  complaints  were 
heard  from  English  merchants  and  shipowners  of  robberies  of 
their  merchandise  committed  by  Spanish  vessels. 

7  William  Cheyne  likewise  proceeded  about  the  same  time  to 
Rome,  to  communicate  with  the  Pope  "on  secret  business." 

iRoY.  LET.,  i,  21.  *So  called  in  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  6.,  as  a  Duke  of 
Bavaria.  SPAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  1,  13.  *  ORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  111.  s  ANN.,  320; 
HEYWOOD.,  114.  6  EXCH.  TBEAS.  OF  RECEIPT,  Misc.,  I®  7  PELLS  ISSUE 
KOLL,  1  H.  IV.,  Pasc.  (May  20th,  1400)  not  John  Cheyne,  as  ANX.,  320. 


CHAPTER    VI. 
THE    DEATH    OF    RICHARD. 

WE  have  seen  that  the  Earls  of  Rutland,  Huntingdon,  and 
Kent,  after  being  formally  degraded  from  their  titles  as  Dukes 
and  being  imprisoned  for  a  short  time,  had  been  committed  to 
the  custody  of  the  Abbot  of  Westminster.  Their  detention 
cannot  have  been  strict  or  long  continued,  for  the  two  former 
were  present  as  recognised  Members  of  the  King's  council  on 
December  4th,  1399  ;  the  Duke  of  2York  being  bound  in 
person  and  property  for  the  good  behaviour  of  the  Earl  of 
Rutland,  his  son ;  while  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  in  spite  of 
Henry's  personal  aversion  to  him  and  the  hatred  borne  him  by 
the  Londoners,  was  soon  again  at  liberty  through  the  inter- 
cession of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  and  his  wife,  his  good 
behaviour  being  guaranteed  8by  the  Earl  of  Kent.  The 
Ex-Bishop  of  Carlisle  also,  though  nominally  in  ward  at  St. 
Albans,  was  at  perfect  liberty  to  come  and  go  where  he  would, 
so  long  as  he  did  not  risk  his  person  too  openly  in  the  hands 
of  a  London  mob.  By  4  December  6th,  1399,  he  was  certainly 
hiding  in  London  and  conspiring  secretly  with  Sir  Thomas 
Blount  and  Sir  5  Benedict  Sely.  We  have  seen  also  that  at 
least  two  other  partisans  of  the  deposed  Richard  were  entrusted, 
the  one  with  the  custody  of  the  town  and  castle  of  Calais,  and 
the  other  with  the  conduct  of  negociations  with  the  Scotch  on 
the  border.  On  the  part  of  Henry  such  heroic  generosity  can 

aORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i.  100.  2TRAis.,81.  3  HOL.  *RYM.,  viii,  165.  5Or 
Cely.  See  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  33  (dated  November  14th,  1399),  where  a 
grant  is  confirmed  to  him  of  forty  marks  per  annum,  and  a  manor  near 
Winchelaea.  Also  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  1  (December  14th,  1399),  where  he 
received  the  confirmation  of  grants  of  several  alien  Priories. 


92  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

only  be  explained  by  excessive  confidence  in  his  strength,  or  by 
excessive  weakness ;  but  fortunately  for  him  his  enemies  lost 
no  time  in  openly  abusing  his  clemency,  before  the  inevitable 
Reaction  had  set  in  among  the  masses  of  the  people  against  his 
late  rapid  rise  and  sudden  success. 

On  Wednesday,  December  lyth,  1399,  the  Earls  of  Hunting- 
don, Kent,  Rutland,  and  Salisbury,  met  in  the  Abbey  House 
at  Westminster,  and  with  them  the  deposed  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  (Roger  Walden),  the  Ex-Bishop  of  Carlisle,  and 
William  Colchester,  the  Abbot  of  Westminster.  There  was 
present  also  Richard  Maudeleyn,  a  priest  from  the  disaffected 
district  of  2  Essex,  who  had  been  one  of  King  Richard's  most 
intimate  personal  companions.  This  man  bore  a  remarkable 
likeness  to  the  late  King  both  in  face  and  figure,  and  had  been 
employed  by  him  on  confidential  service  in  some  of  the  most 
questionable  of  the  many  acts  of  oppression  which  marked  the 
close  of  his  reign.  8On  leaving  Ireland  he  had  taken  all  the 
money  that  was  in  the  Treasury,  and  refused  to  give  it  up. 
Two  others  were  present  at  the  Abbot's  house :  the  one  a 
French  physician,  4  John  Paule  ("  Master  Pol  "),  whom  Richard 
had  left  at  Wallingford  as  one  of  the  specially  trusted  guardians 
of  his  Queen  ;  the  other,  Sir  Thomas  Blount,  "  a  sage  baron," 
of 5  Oxfordshire,  is  up  till  now  unknown,  except  that  he  had 
6lands  in  Hampshire  and  Wilts,  and  7that  a  grant  of  £20  per 

1  Disaffection  was  already  prevalent  in  Kent.  See  the  accusation 
-against  Sir  Stephen  Scrope  for  plotting  against  the  King  at  Bynbury. — 
RYM.,  viii,  170.  2  pAT.5  1  H.  IV.,  4,  9  (dated  December  16th,  1399),  refers 
to  a  dispute  existing  between  him  and  Thomas  Coggeshall,  concerning 
some  property  in  Childerditch  and  other  places  in  the  Hundred  of 
Chafford,  in  Essex.  3  MS.  TITUS  B,  xi,  3,  in  King's  County,  Ireland, 
263.— ARCH.EOL.,  xx,  244-.  CLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  28  (dated  October  29th, 
1399),  contains  an  acknowledgement  on  the  part  of  Richard  Maudeleyn, 
clerk,  of  a  debt  of  1000  marks  to  Henry  Bowet,  with  a  promise  to  pay 
before  next  February  2nd.  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  5  (dated  November  19th, 
1399),  confirms  grant  of  two  casks  of  wine  per  annum,  made  by  Richard 
to  "  John  Paule,  chivaler,  and  Johanna  his  wife."  5PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5, 13. 
elNQ.  POST  MORT.,  1  H.  IV.,  265.  7  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  1, 1.  See  also  a  men- 
tion of  him  in  1389,  as  reviewing  troops  at  Dover  about  to  depart  for 
Calais.— Rot.  Fr.,  12  R.  II.,  in  TRAIS.,  244. 


VI.]  "Mommyng"  93 

annum  from  revenues  of  the  city  of  Hereford  was  confirmed 
to  him  by  Henry  on  November  nth,  1399. 

The  King  was  at  Windsor,  and  had  issued  letters  of  invitation 
to  all  parts  of  the  country  to  attend  a  great  tournament  (or 
"mommyng"),  which  was  to  be  held  there  on  the  ensuing  Feast 
of  Epiphany  (January  6th).  The  conspirators  had  now  met 
to  arrange  their  opportunity.  In  accordance  with  familiar 
precedents  in  similar  surprises,  armed  men  were  to  be  intro- 
duced into  the  castle  at  Windsor  with  carts  of  harness,  as  if  in 
preparation  for  the  jousts.  The  rebel  lords  were  to  meet  at 
Kingston  on  the  evening  of  8  January  4th,  and  to  move  from 
thence  in  the  night,  with  their  followers,  rapidly  on  to  Windsor. 
Their  partisans  within  the  castle  were  to  rise  and  kill  the  guards 
at  a  signal,  and  open  the  gates  to  their  masters  outside.  King 
Henry  and  his  sons  were  to  be  surprised  and  despatched.  The 
conspirators  would  then  proclaim  that  King  Richard  had 
escaped  and  was  again  in  their  midst  to  claim  his  own,  Maude- 
leyn  doing  duty  for  him  on  the  spot  until  the  real  Richard 
should  be  released,  or  the  chapter  of  accidents  disclose  some 
other  issue  of  the  complications  which  would  certainly  ensue. 

But,  as  though  to  guard  against  suspected  treason  in  their 
midst,  six  bonds  were  drawn  out,  in  which  the  conspirators 
bound  themselves  to  be  true  to  one  another  and  to  restore 
King  Richard  to  his  throne  or  die  in  the  attempt.  These 
bonds,  being  privately  notched  and  marked,  were  then  sealed 
and  sworn  to  by  the  conspirators,  each  retaining  his  copy  as  a 
check  or  guarantee  upon  the  fidelity  of  the  others.  So  they 
parted,  to  meet  at  Kingston  two  days  before  the  jousts. 

But  there  were  too  many  in  the  secret.     The  preparations 

1  Cf.  the  capture  of  the  castle  at  Linlithgow,  in  1314,  by  a  few  armed 
men  concealed  in  a  load  of  hay. — LING.,  iii,  10 ;  also  Mons,  by  Count 
Louis  of  Nassau,  in  1572,  when  arquebusses  were  introduced,  concealed 
as  merchandise  in  three  carts. — MOTLEY,  473.  2  "Le  premier  dimenche 
de  Tan." — MS.  LE  BAUD. 


94  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

could  not  be  altogether  disguised,  and  tumour,  the  woman 
with  the  wings  and  the  hundred  eyes,  had  blown  the  deed  upon 
the  wind.  The  wife  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  was  Henry's 
sister,  the  mother  of  the  Earl  of  Kent  was  Archbishop  Arundel's 
sister,  while  other  2  lighter  bonds  of  divided  woman's  affection 
among  Henry's  personal  attendants  spread  shadowy  warnings 
in  the  castle  against  some  mysterious  impending  crime. 

The  King  with  his  four  sons  and  some  few  friends  was 
keeping  Christmas  in  retirement  at  Windsor.  He  was  out  of 
health  and  needed  rest.  The  Prince  of  Wales  also  and  many 
of  the  royal  household  were  ailing,  and  the  usual  suspicions  of 
wholesale  poisoning  were  abroad.  3 Archbishop  Arundel  had 
been  expected  at  Windsor,  but  Henry  had  sent  him  a  message 
to  keep  out  of  the  way  at  Reigate.  A  general  uneasiness 
prevailed,  and  the  King  was  heard  to  say  that  he  wished 
that  Richard,  the  focus  of  all  intrigue,  were  dead.  The  Duke 
of  York,  the  Earls  of  Northumberland,  Westmoreland,  Arundel, 
and  Warwick,  with  others,  approached  him  with  a  petition  that 
his  wish  might  be  carried  into  effect,  but  he  refused  with  some 
show  of  indignation,  though  he  added  that  4if  there  should  be 
any  rising  in  the  country,  then  Richard  should  be  the  first  to  die. 

The  Fourth  of  January  arrived.  The  conspirators  were  at 
their  posts  at  Kingston,  but,  whether  with  consent  or  not,  the 
Earl  of  Rutland  was  not  with  them.  He  was  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Windsor,  with  his  father,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  a 
5letter  was  despatched  to  him  from  Kingston  by  a  confidential 
servant,  reminding  him  of  his  oath  and  bond  and  requiring  that 

1  Tot  vigiles  oculi  subter  mirabile  dictu, 
Tot  linguae,  totidem  ora  sonant,  tot  subrigit  aures. 

Ms.y  iv,  182. 

SLEL.  COL.,  ii,  310 ;  EUL.,  iii,  385.  3  EUL.,  iii,  386.  4  Later  writers,  after 
Hall,  assume  that  this  proviso  was  inserted  in  the  judgment  of  Parliament 
which  condemned  Eichard  to  perpetual  imprisonment.  5  All  accounts 
say  that  the  letter  was  sent  to  him  "to  London,"  but  events  pressed  too 
fast  to  make  this  at  all  possible. 


VI.]  "  Spur  post,  and  get  before  him."  95 

he  should  join  the  others  at  Colnbrook  in  time  for  the  projected 
attempt  on  the  6th.  Thus  a  second  time  within  a  few  months 
Rutland  had  gathered  the  threads  of  events  into  his  hands,  and 
showed  that  if  he  could  make  conspiracy  he  could  mar  it 
also.  Six  months  before,  he  had  delayed  the  vessels  for 
Ireland  just  at  the  critical  moment  when  warning  might  have 
been  brought  to  Richard  of  his  danger  at  home,  and  now  a 
second  time,  in  the  face  of  solemn  promises,  he  failed  his  friends 
and  delivered  them  up  to  save  his  own  neck  and  fortunes.  He 
took  the  letter,  with  his  bond  and  the  six  seals  attached,  to  his 
father,  who  lost  not  an  hour  in  disclosing  the  whole  matter  to 
the  King. 

Henry,  being  thus  forewarned,  might  have  well  defended 
himself  and  his  sons  in  the  castle  at  Windsor  against  any 
surprise*,  but  he  saw  the  risk  he  ran  in  being  cut  off  from 
London  even  for  a  day,  while  his  new  throne  could  not  afford 
to  stand  the  chance  of  shock  from  the  appearance  of  an  armed 
force  in  the  field  beginning  the  attack  unopposed. 

It  was  now  late  on  a  winter  afternoon.  Horses  were  saddled. 
The  King,  with  his  sons  and  two  attendants,  threw  himself 
promptly  into  the  adventure,  daring  all  the  chances  of  capture 
or  ambuscade  by  the  way.  He  took  the  road  to  London 
which  would  lead  him  right  through  the  gathering-ground  of  the 
rebels,  and  l  posting  hard  he  reached  the  capital  unobserved 
that  Sunday  night  at  nine  o'clock.  On  the  road  he  was  met  by 
the  Mayor  of  London,  with  tidings  that  the  rebels  were  in  the 
field  with  an  army  which  terror  magnified  to  6,000  men.  Once 
in  2  London  he  threw  himself  upon  his  people.  Letters  were 
issued  to  the  Sheriffs  of  Counties  all  over  England  to  arrest  as 
traitors  Thomas,  Earl  of  Kent,  John,  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  and 

1  The  speed  with  which  journeys  were  then  performed  fully  bears  out 
the  assumption  of  ROGERS  (i,  664)  that  the  highroads  of  England  were 
in  that  age  far  from  being  so  desperately  impassable,  as  has  been  often 
assumed.  2  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  22  (January  5th,  1400). 


96  The  Death  of  Richard,  [CHAP. 

any  of  their  company,  including  :four  priests,  viz.:  John  Ikeling- 
ton,  Richard  Maudeleyn,  Nicholas  Slake,  and  Richard  Ffelde, 
wherever  they  might  be  ;  to  seize  all  their  lands  and  belongings  ; 
while  all  who  received,  maintained,  or  supported  them  were  to 
be  liable  to  forfeiture  of  life  and  limb.  Similar  letters  were 
sent  also  to  the  2  governor  of  Calais,  requiring  especial  note  to 
be  taken  of  the  movements  of  the  King  of  France.  3The 
Sheriffs  of  Leicester,  Shropshire,  Staffordshire,  Derby  and 
Nottingham  were  to  array  their  forces.  Strict  Borders  were 
sent  to  the  ports  that  no  ships  were  to  be  allowed  to  pass 
across  the  sea,  as  it  was  feared  that  mercenaries  might  be 
introduced  from  Flanders  if  once  the  news  got  abroad  that  the 
English  were  in  rebellion.  It  was  even  ordered  in  the  heat  of 
the  panic  5 (January  5th),  that  the  Wardens  of  the  Ports  of 
London  and  elsewhere  should  prevent  any  one  from  leaving  the 
country  without  express  permission.  Nine  days  later  (January 
1 4th)  this  order  was  modified  to  mean  that  no  Frenchman  was 
to  leave  the  country,  and  on  January  i8th  it  was  ordered  that 
all  well-known  traders  should  be  allowed  to  proceed  about  their 
ordinary  business.  6A  look-out  was  kept  in  Guernsey  and  the 
Channel  Islands,  to  watch  and  report  any  movements  of  the 
French  by  sea.  All  who  were  for  the  King  were  to  give  in 
their  names  without  delay.  High  pay  was  offered  for  fifteen 
days,  and  by  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  Monday  (January 
5th)  more  than  16,000  archers  and  bill-men  were  enrolled  and 
ready  to  follow  the  King  to  the  field. 

i  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  28  (January  4th,  1400)  ;  CLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  22. 
2 GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  23  (January  6th,  1400).  3 GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  22 
(January  5th,  1400).  *  This  order  was  actually  in  force  until  March 
28th,  1400,  when  large  numbers  of  vessels,  which  had  been  detained  at 
Plymouth,  Weymouth,  Exeter,  Winchester,  and  twenty-three  other  ports, 
were  allowed  to  proceed  on  their  way. — GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  1,  5.  5  GLAUS. 
1  H.  IV.,  1,  20,  24.  Payments  to  messengers  for  bearing  these  orders 
appear  in  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  under  date  January  17th, 
1400  6  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLLS,  1  H.  IV.,  quoted  in  TRAIS.,  p.  Ixi.  (payment 
made  on  February  21st,  1400,  for  services  in  watching  five  weeks). 


VI.]  Windsor.  97  ; 

The  next  day  (Tuesday,  January  5th)  Henry,  having'  com- 
mitted his  sons  to  the  keeping  of  the  Mayor  and  citizens, 
marched  out  of  London,  and  in  the  afternoon  reviewed  his 
troops,  some  20,000  strong,  on  the  Heath  at  Hounslow.  He  at 
once  despatched  4,000  archers  and  200  lances  in  two  companies,1 
jmder  the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Somerset  and  Sir  Thomas " 
Erpihgham,  to  advance  by  different  roads  and  bring  him  tidings 
of  the  enemy. 

Meantime  the  conspirators,  apprised  perhaps  of  the  necessity 
of  haste,  had  themselves  anticipated  their  plans.  In  the  night 
of  Sunday,  January  4th,  they  set  out  from  Kingston  with  400 ' 
or  500  armed  followers,  and  arrived  at  Windsor  scarcely  twelve 
hours  after  Henry  and  his  sons  had  left  it.  2They  were 
admitted,  and  after  a  feeble  resistance  found  themselves  masters 
of  the  castle  and  town.  They  searched  everywhere  for  the' 
King  "and  3deden  moche  harme  thereaboughte."  The  victim 
had  escaped,  but  even  this  mischance  might  be  turned  to  good 
account.  The  district  had  been  prepared  for  revolt.  News 
was  at  once  posted  to  the  towns  where  they  had  intelligence, 
that  the  castle  at  Windsor  was  in  their  hands,  that  Henry  was 
flying  before  them,  that  Richard  had  escaped  and  was  assem- 
bling an  army  on  the  upper  Thames.  4In  Wantage,  Faringdon, 
and  Cirencester,  Richard  was  proclaimed  King.  The  Earl  of 
Kent  rode  off  to  Sonning,  near  Reading,  and  was  received  by 
the  Ex-Queen  Isabella.  He  proclaimed  his  success,  tore  dff 
Henry's  badges  from  those  of  the  servants  who  attended  her, 
and  comforted  her  with  hopes  of  still  greater  successes  to  come. 
He  then  hastened  to  rejoin  the  rest.  Large  numbers  had 
already  risen  to  join  them,  and  the  leaders  moved  out  to  Coln- 

iUrbs  fuit  adjutrix  quae  regis  tune  quasi  nutrix 
Natos  servavit  et  eos  quasi  mater  amavit. 

GOWEE,  in  POL.  SONGS,  i,  452. 
2  RYM.,  viii,  165.      SCHRON.  LOND.,  86.      *  BYM.,  viii,  165. 


98  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

brook  (January  6th),  thinking  to  occupy  the  ground  for  a  rapid 
march  on  London,  while  a  body  of  them  had  gone  forward  to 
Brentford  in  the  same  direction. 

At  Colnbrook  they  were  joined,  as  had  been  arranged,  by  the 
Earl  of  Rutland,  whose  dealings  seem  as  yet  to  have  been 
unsuspected.  He  told  them  that  Henry  was  approaching  with 
forces  too  large  for  them  to  cope  with.  A  consultation  ensued, 
and  it  was  decided  not  to  advance  further  to  the  east,  but  to 
fall  back  upon  the  west,  where,  with  all l  Wales  and  Cheshire  at 
their  back,  they  could  alone  hope  to  make  a  stand.  And  so 
the  hopes  of  Richard  began  to  melt  away. 

In  all  speed  they  drew  off  westward.  But  at  Maidenhead 
Henry's  advanced  troops  were  upon  them.  Rutland  escaped. 
The  Earl  of  Kent  made  a  successful  stand  at  the  bridge,  and 
kept  the  assailants  off  till  2all  his  party  and  the  baggage  were  in 
safety.  The  Earl  of  Salisbury  meanwhile  led  off  the  bulk  of 
their  followers  through  Henley  and  Oxford  to  Woodstock, 
where  the  Earl  of  Kent  soon  joined  them,  having  stolen  off 
from  Maidenhead  unperceived  in  the  night.  He  travelled  by 
Wallingford  and  Abingdon,  spreading  still  the  rumour  of  his 
sham  success.  The  whole  force,  now  much  disheartened, 
retired  hastily  to  Cirencester,  whither  Sir  Thomas  Blount,  the 
Ex-Bishop  of  Carlisle,  and  others  of  their  friends  had  preceded 
them.  Another  body  found  their  way  round  to  join  them  by 
St.  Albans  and  Berkhampstead,  and  the  whole  force  encamped 
in  some  fields  outside  the  town  of  Cirencester. 

But  in  the  night  the  townspeople,  headed  by  their  Bailiff, 
John  Cosyn,  surrounded  the  house  in  which  the  rebel  leaders 
were  sleeping,  barred  up  the  entrances  with  beams  and  timber, 
and  having  closed  all  the  approaches  began  to  8 assail  the 
inmates  with  showers  of  arrows,  lances,  and  stones,  the  women 

1 "  Seying  that  Kyng  Richard  was  up  with  alle  Walys  and  Chester- 
schire." — CHRON.  LOND.,  86.  2  ST.  DEN.,  xx,  15.  s  RYM.,  viii,  150. 


VI.]  "  Our  town  of  Cicester  in  Gloster shire."  99 

helping  in  the  streets.  A  fierce  attack  was  kept  up  from  day- 
break through  doors  and  windows,  the  disheartened  troops 
outside  the  town  having  melted  away,  while  the  small  band  of 
leaders  in  the  crowded  building  were  left  to  defend  themselves 
as  best  they  might  against  the  fury  of  the  townsfolk.  By  nine 
o'clock  the  mob  had  broken  in,  and  the  whole  party  forthwith 
surrendered  under  a  promise  that J  their  lives  might  be  spared 
"until  they  should  have  an  audience  with  the  King.  They  were 
then  lodged  in  the  Abbey  of  the  Austin  Canons,  in  the  centre 
of  the  town,  and  news  of  the  capture  was  despatched  to  Henry 
at  Oxford. 

Already  vast  crowds  had  gathered  into  the  town  irom  all  the 
country  round,  but  in  the  afternoon,  about  three  o'clock 
*( January  8th),  when  alarm  and  excitement  were  high,  a  fire 
broke  out  in  some  buildings  in  another  part  of  the  town. 
Supposing  that  this  was  the  work  of  the  conspirators,  who 
might  make  their  escape  while  the  citizens  were  busied  with 
the  flames,  the  mob  rushed  wildly  to  the  Abbey  and  demanded 
with  threats  of  violence  that  the  leading  conspirators  should 
be  given  up.  3Sir  Thomas  Berkeley,  who  had  taken  over 
the  custody  of  the  rebels  and  was  making  arrangements  to 
conduct  them  to  a  place  of  greater  safety,  resisted  for  a  time, 
but  was  overborne,  and  in  the  night  of  January  8th  the  Earls  of 
Kent  and  Salisbury  were  brought  out  and  ignominiously 
beheaded  by  the  mob  in  the  streets,  "  the  Lord  of  vengeance 
thus  paying  them  the  penalty  due  to  their  faithlessness  and 
unbelief.  Both  had  been  faithless  to  their  King,  who  had  just 
shown  such  favour  to  them,  but  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  John 
Montague,  the  friend  of  Lollards,  the  derider  of  images,  the 
scoffer  at  sacraments,  died  miserably,  refusing  the  sacrament  of 

1  Les  ditz  gentz  lui  prometteront  de  lui  avoir  amesne  saufment  au 
roi. — EOT.  PABL.,  2  H.  V.,  iv,  18.  aTertio  post  Epiphaniam. — EYES. 
sEtesteant  en  lour  garde  p.  un  jour  et  demi  noet  ensuant. — ROT.  PARL., 
1  H.  V. 


T  oo  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

confession,  if  the  common  account  be  true,"  ^ays  the  monkish 
chronicler  then  living  at  St.  Albans.  But  one  who  knew  him 
well  has  sketched  his  portrait  thus  :  "  He  2was  humble,  sweet 
and  courteous  in  all  his  ways,  and  had  every  man's  voice  for 
being  loyal  in  all  places  and  right  prudent.  Full  largely  he 
gave  and  3 timely  gifts.  He  was  brave  and  fierce  as  a  lion. 
Ballads  and  songs  and  roundels  and  lays  right  beautiful  he 
made.  Though  but  a  layman,  still  his  deeds  were  all  so 
gracious  that  never,  I  think,  of  his  country  shall  be  a  man  in 
whom  God  put  so  much  of  good,  and  m  ay  his  soul  be  set  in 
Paradise  amongst  the  saints  for  ever."  His  body  was  buried  in 
the  Abbey  at  Cirencester,  but  his  head,  with  that  of  the  Earl  of 
Kent,  was  sent  to  the  King  in  a  basket,  "  like  fish  for  the 
market "  ^(comme  on  porte  la  maree). 

Quite  a  different  account  of  the  fight  at  Cirencester  is  given 
by  Froissart,  with  whom  these  high-born  lords  meet  a  hero's 
death,  overpowered  by  numbers.  He  could  not  let  them, 
vulgarly  yield  and  be  murdered  by  5 "  villain  tipplers."  The 
account  which  I  have  followed  is  more  consistent,  and  agrees 
with  the  description  in  the  official  record,  that  they  were 
""  taken  and  beheaded  by  the  King's  loyal  lieges  without 
process  of  law." 

Up  till 7  November  i8th  Cirencester  was  taken  over  by  royal 
officers  and  strictly  guarded  in  the  name  of  the  King,  the 
expenses  of  the  occupation  being  deducted  from  the  revenues 
"usually  paid  to  the  Abbot. 

On  the  8i5th  of  January,  a  like  fate  overtook  Lord  de 
Spenser,  the  Ex-Earl  of  Gloucester.  He  escaped  from  Ciren- 
cester, but  was  captured  and  carried  to  Bristol,  where  he  was 

1  ANN.,  174.  "  For  he  wold  not  be  confessed  when  he  schuld  deie."- 
CAPGR.,  276.  2  CHRIST.  DE  PISAN,  who  calls  him  "gracienx  chevalier 
aimant  dictiez  et  luy  meme  gracieux  dicteur,"  in  BOIVIN,  Mem.  Liter., 
.<  1  noted  in  ANDREWS,  p.  2  ;  CRET.,  320.  3"De  preulx  dons."  *FROIS. 
-'"Vilains  godaliers.  6  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  459.  7  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  26. 
*  "In  septimana  proxima  sequente." — EVES. 


VI.]  The  Earl  of  Huntingdon.  101 

beheaded  by  the  mob.  His  :head  was  sent  to  London  ;  the 
*  "furred  cloak  of  motley  velvet  of  damask  "  in  which  he  was 
dressed  at  the  time  of  his  capture  was  retained  as  a  trophy  by 
the  citizens  of  Bristol,  and  his  estates  were  confiscated.  His 
wife,  8  Constance,  was  allowed  sufficient  to  maintain  her  from 
the  day  of  her  husband's  death,  together  with  the  custody  of 
her  eldest  son  Richard,  the  other  children  being  placed  under 
the  charge  of  "Lord  William  Beauchamp.  The  forfeiture 
was  subsequently  remitted  in  favour  of  the  widow  in  "March 
1404. 

Within  a  very  short  time  Johanna,  the  wife  of  the  Earl  of 
Kent  was  captured  at  Liverpool  together  with  a  large  quantity 
of  plate  and  personal  belongings,  with  which  she  was  probably 
endeavouring  to  escape  to  France  or  Ireland.  The  6  property 
included  a  couch  of  red  damask  embroidered  with  "  Oystrych- 
fethes  "  and  curtains  of  "  red  Tartaryn,"  together  with  tapestry 
illustrating  the  history  of  Guy  of  Warwick,  all  which  finery  fell 
to  the  share  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  The  lady  was  taken  to 
7  London,  and  received  lenient  treatment  from  the  King. 

Mathilda,  the  wife  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  also  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors.  She  was  allowed  to  retain  the  manor  of 
8Stokenham  in  Devonshire,  together  with  an  annuity  of  ^"100 
per  annum  for  the  maintenance  of  herself  and  her  children. 

The  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  meanwhile,  seems  to  have  remained 
in  London  intending,  if  the  rising  succeeded  in  the  open 
country,  to  bring  what  help  he  could  to  bear  from  the  disaffected 
in  the  capital.  On  the  arrival  of  Henry  in  London  he  had 
been  compelled  to  hide  himself,  and  9on  the  zoth  January  the 

1  See  order  to  the  Mayor  of  Bristol  (dated  January  24th,  1400)  in 
"CLArs.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  19,  28.  2  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  8.  3  Ibid,  m.  4  (dated 
February  19th,  1400).  *  Ibid,  m.  21  (January  25th,  1400).  5  ROT.  PARL., 
iii,  533.  e  See  the  list  (dated  February  21st,  1400)  in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5, 
3,  6.  7  See  the  order  for  her  removal  (dated  January  23rd,  1400)  in 
PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  6,  35  in  tergo.  8PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  6,  33  (dated  February 
28th,  1400).  9RYM.,  viii,  121. 


102  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

Council,  sitting  at  Westminster,  issued  an  order  to  the  Constable 
of  the  Tower  for  his  safe  keeping  there  until  further  instructions. 
1  This  order,  however  was  never  acted  upon,  for  when  the  game 
was  evidently  lost,  the  Earl  succeeded  in  getting  on  board  a 
small  boat  and  dropped  down  the  river  intending  to  make  his 
escape  to  France.  This  is  the  account  given  by  the  English 
chronicler.  The  French  story  represents  that  he  was  with  the 
rebels  in  the  country,  that  he  was  surrounded  with  the  others  at 
Cirencester,  but  2that  he  slipped  from  a  window  in  the  darkness 
and  made  his  way  to  Essex.  This  does  not  seem  so  probable 
a  story  as  the  other,  for  if  he  had  been  in  Gloucestershire  he 
could  with  much  more  security  have  made  his  escape  from  the 
West  coast,  while  by  making  for  the  Thames  he  would  be  almost 
inviting  capture.  However  this  may  be,  he  was  driven  back  by 
the  weather,  and  his  small  boat  was  compelled  to  put  in  to  the 
marshes  on  the  north  shore  .of  the  Thames.  Here  he  made  his 
way  to  Hadley  Castle,  the  home  of  Aubrey  de  Vere,  the  infirm 
Earl  of  Oxford,  3who  was  married  to  his  eldest  daughter,  Alice - 
Finding  himself  beset  with  spies,  he  stole  out  of  the  castle  and 
hid  himself  in  a  mill  in  the  marshes,  waiting  for  the  weather  to 
abate.  He  was  'accompanied  by  two  faithful  followers,  his 
esquire,  Sir  Thomas  5  Shelley  of  6Aylesbury,  and  his  butler, 
Hugh  Cade.  For  two  days  and  nights  he  lurked  about 
7 disguised.  Then,  in  desperation,  he  tried  the  river  again,  but 
was  again  driven  ashore,  and  took  shelter  in  the  night  at  the 

1  Similar  writs  were  issued  to  the  Constable  for  the  custody  of  the 
"Duke  of  Surrey,"  the  "Earl  of  Gloucester,"  and  the  Earl  of  Salisbury, 
but,  of  course,  they  came  too  late.— See  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  24.  2  "  Fled 
out  of  the  backsyde." — HALLE.  3BELTZ,  233 ;  INQ.  POST  MORT.,  1  H.  IV., 
264;  DUGDALE,  s.v.  "Vere."  He  died  before  July  20th,  leaving  a  son, 
Richard,  under  age  (GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2, 10).  4  Sine  stipatu  famulantium. 
—CHRON.  GILES,  10.  5  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  19.  Spelt  "  Shelle,"  in  INQ. 
POST  MORT.,  1  H.  IV.;  called  "Sir  Thomas  Shelle,"  in  EXCH.  TREAS.  OF 
HECPT.  Misc.,  •>* ;  or  "  Shelleye,"  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  8  ;  or  "  Schelley," 
GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  3.  In  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  3,  he  is  called  Thomas 
Shelley,  chivaler,  qui  adhesit  Johi.  nup.  comiti  Hunt.  6PAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
5,  ]6.  7  "  In  veste  simplicis." — LEL.,  ii,  310. 


VI.]  Fleshy. 

house  of  a  friend,  John  *  Prittlewell,  at  Barrow  Hall  near 
Wakering,  in  the  flats  near  Shoebury. 

But  by  this  time  the  hue  and  cry  of  the  county  was  on  him. 
Acting  on  the  King's  proclamation  the  men  of  Essex  surrounded 
the  house.  2The  Earl  was  captured  while  sitting  at  a  meal  and 
carried  to  Chelmsford.  Here  the  mob  would  have  despatched 
him  but  for  the  intervention  of  Joan  de  Bohun,  3 Countess  of 
Hereford,  who  sent  him  under  a  strong  guard  to  her  fortress  of 
Fleshy,  and  reserved  him  for  the  sweetness  of  private  revenge. 

This  Countess  of  Hereford  had  had  two  daughters,  both  now 
dead.  One  of  them,  Eleanor,  had  been  the  wife  of  the 
ill-fated  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  since  his  death  had  lived  as  a 
nun  at  Barking.  Her  only  son,  Humphrey,  had  been  shut  up 
by  King  Richard  in  Ireland,  and  news  had  lately  reached  her 
of  his  untimely  death.  4  Suspicions  had  been  spread  that  the 
boy  had  been  poisoned  by  Lord  de  Spenser.  His  mother  did 
not  long  survive  him,  but  "died  broken-hearted  on  October 
3rd,  1 399.  The  younger  daughter,  Mary  de  Bohun,  had  been  the 
6  wife  of  King  Henry,  and  was  the  mother  of  the  young  Princes 
and  Princesses  whose  seizure  and  death  had  just  been  planned 
by  Huntingdon  and  the  rebel  lords.  The  Countess  of  Hereford 
was  moreover  herself  a  sister  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
and  of  the  late  Earl  of  Arundel,  whose  life  had  been  sacrificed 

1  TRAIS.,  275  ;  MORANT,  i,  305.  -  "  And  yat  was  taken  at  zour  hous  " 
(TRAis.,  270)  ;  "  Sir  John  Holand  was  take  in  Essex,  atte  Putelwelle,  in 
a  mille"  (variation  of  reading  in  GREG.  CHRON.,  102).  3She  was  also 
Countess  of  Essex  and  Northampton.  4  USK,  140 ;  GOWER,  in  POL. 
SONGS,  i,  447.  5See  her  monument  in  St.  Edmund's  Chapel,  in  West- 
minster Abbey,  beautifully  figured,  in  SANDFORD,  231.  PAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
1, 10  (dated  October  28th,  1399)  grants  £10  per  annum  for  life  to  Sibylla 
Beauchamp,  late  a  servant  of  "our  dear  sister,  Duchess  of  Gloucester, 
deceased."  William  Blake,  another  of  her  servants,  received  4|d.  per 
day  for  life.— PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  29  (November  5th,  1399).  ^The  Countess 
is  called  "our  dear  mother"  in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  1,  10,  where  Henry 
confirms  to  her  the  right  of  hunting  and  lodging  on  the  parks  of  Hadley, 
Raleigh,  and  Inderby,  in  Rocheford,  Essex  ;  add  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  21 
(November  5th,  1399),  where  she  is  granted  the  custody  of  Rochester 
Castle. 


104  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

to  Richard's  vengeance.  She  was  now  the  occupant  of  Fleshy 
Castle,  the  scene  of  the  treacherous  seizure  of  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  her  son-in-law,  two  years  before,  by  King  Richard, 
acting  under  the  advice  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon. 

Once  securely  lodged  at  Fleshy,  news  was  despatched  to  the 
King  of  the  capture  of  the  runaway  Earl.  Meanwhile,  the 
turbulent  Essex  men  were  gathering  round  the  castle,  threat- 
ening and  demanding  the  death  of  the  traitor.  The  Countess 
needed  little  compulsion  to  give  up  her  victim  into  their  hands. 
In  the  evening  of  Thursday  (January  i5th), .as  the  Earl  was  on 
his  knees  with  his  squire,  he  was  suddenly  bidden  to  prepare 
for  death.  His  hands  were  bound.  He  was  led  across  the 
bridge,  through  files  of  armed  men,  to  the  very  spot  where  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester  had  been  seized.  A  short  bench  was  set 
up  for  a  block,  a  headsman  was  extemporized  'from  among  the 
Earl's  own  servants,  and  after  much  clumsy  hacking  his  head 
fell.  He  died  with  edifying  contrition,  confessing  his  faults 
and  repeating  the  customary  responses  of  the  Church.  The 
people  were  touched  by  his  patient  dignity  in  the  face  of  death, 
but  the  Countess  would  allow  no  pity  ;  and,  if  the  French 
account  be  true,  the  young  Earl  of  Arundel,  her  nephew,  who 
had  arrived  to  take  over  the  custody  of  the  prisoner  "  alive  or 
dead,"  reviled  the  victim  for  his  father's  murder,  and  for  the 
treatment  he  had  himself  received  when  a  prisoner  in  the  Earl's 
castle  at  Reigate.  The  body  was  buried  by  the  monks  in  the 
•  neighbouring  college,  but  the  head  was  sent  to  London,  where 
with  those  of  the  other  leaders  in  the  rising  it  was  fixed  on  a  pole 
and  stuck  upon  London  Bridge,  to  2remain  exposed  "as  long  as 
it  should  last  and  endure."  But  in  little  more  than  a  month 

1  CHRON.  GILES,  10.  Per  plebek>s  et  mechanicos.  —  USK,  41.  2  Set- 
writs  in  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  13,  16.  The  same  roll  (m.  8)  contains 
similar  writs  to  the  Sheriff  of  London  to  deliver  up  the  head  of  the 
Earl  of  Kent  (dated  March  I3th,  1400).  The  head  of  William  Lescrope 
was  not  removed  till  November  4th,  1400.— GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  26. 


.VL]  Oxford,  105 

(February  igth,  1400)  it  was  taken  down,  restored  to  the  Earl's 
widow  and  buried  with  the  body  at  Fleshy.  The  Earl's  goods 
were  confiscated,  suitable  provision  being  made  for  the  support 
of  his  three  sons  and  daughters  at  the  manor  of  1Dartington, 
near  Totnes  in  Devonshire.  His  widow,  Elizabeth,  lost  no  time 
in  repairing  her  loss.  On  February  i8th,  1400,  she  ~ received  an 
annuity  of  1,000  marks  from  the  King,  her  brother,  and  at  once 
secretly  married  Sir  John  "'Cornwall,  a  man  of  great  bodily 
strength.  At  first  an  order  was  issued  'committing  "John 
Corn waill "  to  the  Tower.  But  in  June,  1400,  when  Henry's 
enemies  were  gathering  round  him  again,  he  was  politic  enough 
to  "recognize  the  marriage,  granting  ''subsequently  a  handsome 
allowance  and  the  custody  of  the  lands  of  the  late  Earl  of  Devon 
during  the  nonage  of  the  rightful  heir.  Elizabeth  herself  died 
in  1426,  and  is  7 buried  in  the  church  of  Burford  in  Shropshire. 
Henry,  meantime,  had  followed  close  on  the  retreating  rebels 
and  reached  Oxford  completely  victor,  without  the  loss  of  a 
single  man.  "The  Earl  of  Rutland  was  in  his  company,  and 
personally  directed  the  despatch  of  troops,  together  with  stores 
of  shields  and  arrows,  to  Cirencester,  Gloucester  and  Monmouth, 
against  his  old  confederates.  The  King  rested  at  the  Carmelite 
monastery  without  the  city,  and  here  were  brought  to  him  the 
heads  of  the  Earls  of  Kent  and  Salisbury,  together  with  some 
thirty  of  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy  who  had  surrendered  to 
the  Bailiff  at  Cirencester.  These  had  been  bound  and  sent 

i  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  2  H.  IV.,  MICH.  (November  22nd,  1401),  records 
payment  of  £14  13s.  4d.  to  Sheriff  of  Devon  on  their  behalf. — Cf.  Ibid, 
1  if.  IV.,  PASO.  May  3rd.  a  CUSTOMS  ROLL.  London,  1  H.  IV.  PAT.,  1 
H.  IV.,  5,  6,  together  with  two  silk  couches,  some  tapestry,  and  a  fur 
coverlet  of  minever  (m.  3).  "Called  "the  Green  Cornwall,"  because  he 
was  born  at  sea,  in  Mount's  Bay. — SANDFOHD,  258.  4CLAUS.  1  H.  IV., 
1,  4,  April  6th,  1400.  «  ANN.,  333.  6  ;n6mt  January,  1402.— ROT.  PARL..  iii, 
483,  550  ;  also  December  12th,  1401.— PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  2.  ?  See  her 
epitaph  in  GOUGH,  (iii,  78,)  and  portraits  of  herself  and  her  husband  in 
window  of  Ampthill  Church,  figured  in  SANDFORD,  259.  8  PELLS  ISSUE 
ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  March  20th. 


io6  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

on  foot  to  Oxford  ;  and  1  after  a  short  inquiry  twenty-six  of 
them,  of  whom  2  Robert  Swallow  was  one,  were  summarily 
executed  in  the  castle.  Twenty-two  others  were  condemned  to 
death  at  the  same  time,  and  fifteen  to  outlawry  ;  but  these  were 
all  pardoned  within  a  :!  month,  being  all  of  them  persons  of  no 
consideration  or  importance,  eleven  of  them  being  entered  as 
servants  of  Sir  Thomas  Blount. 

There  is  no  need  to  dwell  upon  the  story  of  the  savagery  of 
the  execution  of  Sir  Thomas  Blount,  told  with  elaborate  detail 
in  the  French  narrative.  The  executioner  kneeling  for  pardon, 
the  calm  stoicism  of  the  victim,  the  ungenerous  taunts  of  the 
triumphant  enemy  are  commonplace  features  of  the  scene, 
which  do  duty  rather  too  often  when  repeated  for  two  suc- 
cessive executions,  within  five  pages  of  one  another.  The 
anatomy,  however,  is  interesting.  When  the  bowels  are 
removed,  the  intestine  is  tied  with  a  cord,  "to  ^prevent  the 
wind  escaping  from  the  heart."  The  comic  element,  also,  is 
not  wanting.  The  poor  disembowelled  man,  seated  on  a  bench 
before  a  roasting  fire,  roundly  cursing  his  enemies  and  saying 
that  it  made  him  ill  to  look  at  traitors.  When  they  ask  him  if 
he  will  drink,  he  says,  "  No,  you  have  taken  away  the  place  to 
put  it  in,  God  be  thanked."  The  whole  story  was  compiled  to 
excite  hatred  against  Henry  and  the  English,  5and  its  exagger- 
ation recoils  upon  itself. 

The  storm  having  thus  suddenly  gathered  and  burst,  the  air 
was  cleared,  and  the  King  set  out  on  his  return  journey  to 
London.  He  sent  the  heads  on  before,  6  partly  in  sacks,  partly 
slung  on  poles  between  men's  shoulders,"  as  a  ghastly  evidence 

14'Per  legem  terras  nostrae  morti  adjudicatis."  —  EYM.,  viii,  165. 
aHis  wife,  Christina,  was  allowed  to  keep  his  Manor  of  Lymington,  in 
the  New  Forest.— PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  6,  42  (February  12th,  1400).  3PAT., 
1H.  IV.,  6,  33  (February  19th,  1400).  *  Modified  a  generation  later 
into  :  "adfinque  le  vent  n'eritrast  ou  corps.  — WAUR.,  42.  5Cf.  a  similar 
fiction  to  Henry's  treatment  of  the  Earl  of  Worcester,  after  the  battle  of 
Shrewsbury,  in  Juv.,  426.  c  USK,  167  (an  eye-witness). 


VI.]  "  God  save  thee,  Bolingbroke  !  "  107 

of  his  success.  These  were  received  with  music  and  sound  of 
trumpet,  and  within  ten  days  of  his  perilous  ride  for  life  King 
Henry  re-entered  his  capital  (Thursday,  January  i5th).  He 
was  met  by  the  Archbishop  and  a  long  file  of  Bishops  and 
Abbots,  who  conducted  him  to  St.  Paul's,  where  Te  Deum  was 
sung  in  honour  of  his  victory.  By  a  mandate  of  the  Archbishop 
special  thanks  were  to  be  paid  to  the  Virgin  for  her  intervention 
in  "rescuing  the  most  Christian  King  from  the  fangs  of  the 
wolves  and  the  jaws  of  wild  beasts,  who  had  prepared  above 
our  backs  a  2gallows  mixed  with  gall,  and  hated  us  with  a 
wicked  hate." 

The  next  day  Henry  made  a  triumphal  progress  through  the 
city  and  was  hailed  with  rapturous  plaudits  by  the  people 
shouting,  "  God  preserve  our  Lord  King  Henry  and  my  Lord 
the  Prince  !"  Two  short  speeches  he  made,  which  are  reported 
on  the  3authority  of  those  who  heard  them.  To  the  prelates  he 
said :  "  Fine  sight  it  were  to  see  us  all  assembled  thus,  if  all 
were  true  and  loyal.  But  there  are  traitors  among  us,  and  I 
will  gather  up  the  tares  and  cast  them  out  and  set  good  plants 
in  my  garden,  and  my  garden  shall  be  all  within  my  walls  and 
ditches — unless  some  of  you  repent."  To  the  people  assembled 
in  the  fields  on  the  following  day  he  said  :  "  My  uncle  (i.e.,  the 
Black  Prince)  went  not  so  forward  nor  so  far  in  war  but  I 
(please  God)  will  go  further,  or  die  in  the  attempt,"  and  the 
people  cried  again :  "  God  guard  our  King  Henry,  and  God 
bless  my  Lord  the  Prince !  Now  will  we  wage  war  with  all 
the  world — except  the  Flemings." 

Orders  were  at  the  4same  time  sent  to  every  county  through- 

]  ST.  DEN.,  xx,  15,  says  January  17th.  2  "  Ferculum  felle  mixtum," 
perhaps  a  dish  of  poison. — CONC.,  iii,  246.  I  am  not  sure  that  I  have 
caught  the  Archbishop's  meaning,  but,  in  a  moment  of  courtly  enthusiasm, 
some  allowance  must  be  made  for  a  little  confusion  in  the  exuberance  of 
metaphor.  3  Ce  disoient  ceulx  qui  la  estoient. — TKAIS.,  93.  <  January 
27th,  1400.— RYM. 


io8  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

out  the  kingdom,  that  all  men  liable  to  bear  arms  were  to 
be  held  constantly  in  readiness  to  repel  an  expected  invasion 
of  the  French,  who  were  preparing  fleets  to  attack  the  coast ; 
and  Abbots,  Bishops,  and  other  ecclesiastical  lords  were 
required  to  array  their  tenants  with  those  of  the  lay  barons,  to 
face  the  common  danger.  In  South  Wales  the  town  of  Pem- 
broke had  been  allotted  to  Isabella  as  part  of  her  dower,  and  it 
was  feared  that  the  French  would  make  an  effort  to  seize  it. 
In  the  Council  held  l  early  in  February,  orders  were  issued  to 
guard  the  castle  of  Pembroke,  and  other  castles  on  the  coast  in 
its  immediate  neighbourhood,  from  the  threatened  invasion. 

The  Ex-Bishop  of  Carlisle,  the  Ex- Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
(Roger  Walden),  and  the  Abbot  of  Westminster  had  heen 
arrested  in  London.  The  2  Abbot  was  at  first  sent  to  Reigate 
Castle,  but  on  the  25th  of  January  he  was  transferred  to  the 
Tower,  and  was  in  his  turn  charged  before  the  Commissioners. 
Maudeleyn  the  priest  had  been  captured  by  a  shepherd  in  the 
open  country  and  sent  to  London,  and  others  of  the  ringleaders 
stood  yet  for  final  examination.  Commissions  were  issued  to 
the  3Earl  of  Warwick,  Thomas  Erpingham,  Thomas  Rempston, 
John  Norbury,  and  the  judges,  to  hold  special  courts  of  inquiry 
as  to  cases  of  treason  in  London  and  the  neighbourhood  ;  and 
the  "benefit  of  clergy,"  specially  confirmed  in  the  recent  Parlia- 
ment, was  now  specially  withdrawn,  the  King  declaring  that 
under  the  pressing  sense  of  immediate  danger,  Churchmen 
should  not  be  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Secular  Courts. 
Accordingly,  on  Wednesday  (February  4th)  a  court  was  held  in 
the  Tower  of  London,  and  seven  of  the  leading  persons  accused 
of  participation  in  the  late  rising  were  brought  up  for  examin- 
ation. They  were  charged  with  plotting  against  the  life  of  the  v 
King,  with  proclaiming  King  Richard  who  had  been  justly 

1  Between  February  2nd   and   February  8th.— ORB.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  108. 
2  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  19.     3  CLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  6. 


VI.]  Bishop  Merks.  109 

deposed,  and  with  attempting  to  bring  the  French  into  the 
country.  All  were  declared  guilty.  Walden  and  the  Abbot 
were  soon  again  at  liberty.  The  Ex-Bishop  of  Carlisle  was 
condemned  to  death,  but  was  for  the  present  kept  in  custody  in 
the  Tower,  where  he  remained  for  Jsome  time  a  prisoner.  In 
the  meantime  the  Pope  had  translated  him  to  another  see,  as 
Bishop  of  2Samothrace.  On  hearing  this,  Henry  at  once 
"(March  i5th,  1400)  applied  to  the  Pope  to  have  him  formally 
degraded  and  handed  over  to  the  secular  arm,  and  so  be 
proceeded  against  "summarily  and  squarely,  without  stir  or 
form  of  trial,"  adding  curtly  that  if  "His  Apostolic  Blessedness" 
should  refuse,  His  Apostolic  Blessedness  must  not  be  surprised 
if  he  acted  without  permission  in  the  matter.  4 After  four 
months  imprisonment  the  Bishop  was  quietly  transferred  to  the 
charge  of  his  old  friend  and  fellow-conspirator,  the  Abbot  of 
Westminster.  5 On  the  following  November  28th,  he  received  a 
full  pardon,  on  condition  of  his  holding  himself  in  readiness  to 
answer  in  the  King's  Court  if  further  charged.  6By  March  4th, 
1401,  Henry  had  further  relented.  Hearing  that  the  Ex-Bishop 
was  very  poor,  and  the  church  of  "Samaston"  had  neither  clergy 
nor  Christian  people,  he  consented  that  the  Pope  might  provide 
some  more  profitable  benefice  for  poor  Merks,  if  its  value  did 
not  exceed  100  marks  per  annum.  Accordingly, 7 in  June,  1401, 
he  received  the  prebend  of  Masham,  in  Yorkshire.  On  the  85th 
of  November,  1401,  he  was  able  to  report  that  he  had  "expec- 
tations "  of  benefices  from  the  Pope  up  to  300  marks  per  annum, 
if  he  might  accept.  The  King  again  relented  and  allowed  this 
favour,  together  with  a  full  pardon,  on  account  of  his  great 

1  i.e.,  till  June  23rd  (RYM.,  viii,  150),  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2, 5.  CAKTE  (ii, 
618)  says  till  January  26th,  quoting  ROT.  PLACIT  CORAM  REGE  DE  TERM 
Hir,.,  2  H.  IV.  ;  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  29.  2  "  Samastranensis."— ROY.  LET., 
i,  66.  »  Oan.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  116.  Brachio  baculari  (?  sseculari)  tradendum. 
<RYM.,  viii,  150;  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  6.  SRYM.,  viii,  165  6PAT 
2  H.  IV.,  2,  11.  7  ROY.  LET.,  i,.  66.  8  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  29,  33. 


1 10  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

poverty  and  the  expenses  incurred  in  his  barren  translation. 
Two  years  later  a  (November  i9th,  1403)  the  King  presented 
him  to  the  living  of  Sturminster-Marshall,  near  Wimborne  in 
Dorsetshire.  He  was  never  formally  degraded,  but  remained 
in  the  country  as  a  sort  of  journeyman  or  coadjutor  Bishop,, 
2taking  ordinations  and  other  routine  work,  where  the  regular 
diocesan  was  unable  to  attend ;  and  so  he  ceased  from  troubling, 
and  vanished  from  the  scene. 

Of  the  lesser  conspirators,  Sir  Bernard  Brokas  and  the  two 
priests,  Richard  3Maudeleyn  and  William  4Feriby,  were  forthwith 
executed  at  Tyburn.  The  Bishop  of  Norwich  (Henry  de 
Spenser,  uncle  to  the  Ex-Earl  of  Gloucester)  who  had  been 
arrested  for  complicity  in  the  plot  and  delivered  to  the  custody 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  was  6  afterwards  released  and 
restored  to  his  diocese,  7  probably  through  the  influence  of  Sir 
Thomas  Erpingham,  with  whom  he  had  then  been  reconciled. 

Similar  enquiries  were  held  by  the  King's  justices  throughout 
the  country.  At  Huntingdon  8Thomas  Overton,  Abbot  of 
Croyland,  and  others  were  summoned  to  answer  a  charge  of 
treason.  The  Abbot,  however,  was  acquitted  and  allowed  to 
return  to  his  abbey.  The  good  people  of  9Cirencester  retained 
all  the  belongings  of  the  Earls  of  Kent  and  Salisbury  which 
were  found  in  the  town  at  the  time  of  their  arrest.  They  were 
further  gratified  by  the  issue  of  a  10  Commission  to  enquire  into 

i  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  1,  27.     *e.g.t  for  William  of  Wickham,  May,  1401,  and 
at  other  times  till  his  death  in  1404.— LOWTH,  269,  quoting  REGISTRUM 
WICKHAM.      3  The  whole  of  the  goods  of  Maudeleyn  were  granted  to 
Henry  Bowet,  afterwards  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  who  had  a  claim 
against  him  for  500  marks.       4  See  an  extract   from  the  writings   of 
William  Feriby,  in  CHRON.  GILES,  11-18,  lamenting  the  fate  of  Richard, 
whom   he   treats  as  already  dead  :    0  mors   crudelis,  mundi  honorem 
extinxisti !  Rapuit  nunc  mors  cui  similem  nequit  reddere  natnra,  &c.,  &c. 
s  Sir  John  Shelley,  the  companion  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  is,  by  one7 
330     account,  executed  with  them.     6  USK,  42.     7  See  the  public  reconciliation 
in  Parliament,  February  9th,  1401.— ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  456.    sHisT.  CROYL,, 
•    '£95.     o  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,*  6,  36  (February  28th,  1400).     10PAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
*#*!«•  *7  5,  3  in  tergo  (February  25th). 
^t> 


VI.]  Pontefract.  1 1 1 

the  usurpations  and  encroachments  on  the  part  of  the  Abbot  in 
their  midst,  while  xthe  Bailiff,  John  Cosyn,  received  an  annuity 
of  100  marks  for  life,  2and  four  does  from  the  forest  of  Bradon 
were  to  be  presented  to  the  townsfolk  every  year,  to  com- 
memorate their  loyal  services  for  ever. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  after  the  judgment  passed  upon 
the  late  King  Richard,  he  had  been  secretly  removed  from  the 
Tower  of  London,  by  night,  and  transferred  to  the  castle  of 
-Ledes,  under  the  custody  of  3John  Pelham.  Soon  afterwards 
he  was  sent  to  Henry's  stronghold  at  Pontefract,  where  he  was 
entrusted  to  the  care  of  the  steward,  4  Robert  Wat  erton,  and 
5  Sir  Thomas  Swynford.  Here  all  tidings  of  him  were  lost,  and 
he  was  kept,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  his  sentence,  in 
strict  seclusion.  Towards  the  close  of  January  (1400)  rumours 
were  afloat  that  he  was  dead,  5but  of  the  manner  of  his  death 
no  certain  tidings  could  be  obtained.  Two  stories  got  abroad 

i  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  24  (January  27th,  1400)  ;  PELLS  ISSUE  BOLL, 
1  H.  IV.,  PASC.  June  26th,  to  date  from  January  27th.  2  pAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
8,  39  (July  5th,  1400).  3CHRox.  GILES,  10.  *  Waterton  was  "the  chief 
forester  of  Henry's  Forest  of  Knaresborough,"  and  was  the  first  to 
receive  him  in  Lincolnshire  after  his  landing  at  Ravenspur. — See  STONE- 
HOUSE,  Isle  of  Axholme,  p.  445  ;  also  USE,  134.  He  was  made  Master  of 
the  Horse,  November  26th,  1399  (PAT.  1  H.  IV.,  3,  11),  with  a  grant  of 
£40  per  annum  (PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  27),  and  manor  lands  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Spalding,  in  Lincolnshire  (PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  17,  November 
28th,  1399).  He  was  sent  on  an  embassy  to  the  Duke  of  Gueldres, 
April  20th,  1401  (RYM.,  viii,  190),  where  he  is  called  "domicellus  noster." 
He  was  trusted  by  Henry  the  Fifth  (ORIG.  LET.,  i,  6).  In  1415  the  Duke 
of  Orleans  was  committed  to  his  care  at  Pontefract  (RYM.,  ix,  456. 
"  Dilectum  armigerum  nostrum.")  See  his  will  (dated  February  14th, 
1426)  and  his  tomb  and  effigy  in  Methley  Church,  in  WHITTAKEE  AND 
THORESBY,  Loidis  and  Elmete,  i,  269. 

5  Thare  wes  he  delyveret  then 

Tyl  twa  wele  trowit  famous  men, 

Swynburn  and  Wattertown, 

Men  of  gud  reputatioune. — WYNTOWN,  ix,  20,  154. 

For  Sir  Thomas  Swynford,  afterwards  Governor  of  Calais,  see  TRAIS., 
Pref.  Iviii  and  Ixxi,  quoting  PELLS  ROLL,  1  H.  IV. ;  add  USK,  41. 
"  Victualium  penuria  domino  N.  Swynford  ipsum  tormentante."  "5La 
cause  comment  ce  fut  ne  par  quelle  incidence,  point  je  ne  la  savoie  au 
jour  que  j'ecrivi  les  chroniques." — FROIS.,  cxix. 


1 12  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

and  have  been  incorporated,  xwith  reserve,  in  the  contemporary 
chronicles.  According  to  the  one  account  Richard  had  heard 
of  the  total  failure  of  his  friends  to  accomplish  his  release  and 
restoration  •  he  then  fell  into  despondency,  refused  food  until 
he  was  past  recovery,  and  so  died  of  voluntary  starvation. 
2 This  story  has  nothing  improbable  in  it,  and  agrees  with  the 
best  estimate  that  can  now  be  formed  of  Richard's  character, 
viz.:  that  he  was  fitful,  impulsive,  self-willed,  and  given  to 
despondency.  Mortified  by  disappointment,  he  may  have  given 
way  to  despair,  and  with  his  health  already  enfeebled  by  past 
excesses,  and  by  the  straightness  of  his  confinement,  he  may 
have  been  unable  to  bear  up  against  this  utter  failure  of  all 
his  hopes. 

The  second  story  represented  that  he  was  starved  to  death  by 
Henry,  after  lingering  for  fifteen  days  in  agony,  3some  asserting 
that  he  tore  his  own  flesh  from  his  hands  and  arms  to  keep 
himself  alive  ;  "  the  foulest  form  of  murder,  and  one  unknown 
until  then  in  our  land."  This  charge  was  darkly  insinuated 
two  years  later  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  was  by  Henry 
flatly  denied.  Three  years  afterwards  it  was  again  openly 
advanced  by  Archbishop  Scrope,  on  the  evidence  of  5 common 
rumour,  and  was  welcomed  by  all  who  regarded  Henry  as  a 
usurper ;  but  it  has  no  direct  authority  to  rest  upon,  and  is  at 
least  not  more  probable  than  the  other. 

A  third  version  has  long  been  connected  with  the. story,  viz.: 
that  Henry,  before  leaving  London  to  take  the  field  against  the 
rebels,  despatched  Sir  Peter  Exton  to  Pontefract  to  kill  Richard  ; 

1  "Ut  fertur." — ANN.  "Ut  dicebatur." — EULOG.  "As  sum  men  say." 
— CAPGR.  Secundum  communem  famam. — KIRKSTALL  CHRON.,  COTT. 
DOMIT.  xii,  in  USK,  158.  2  GOWER,  writing  in  this  very  year,  accepts  this 
view.  Solam  deposcit  mortem  ne  vivere  posset  Amplius,  &c.  —  POL. 
SONGS,  i,  452.  3"J'aytenu  aucunes  escriptures  lesquelles  disoient  que 
lui  mesmes  mengea  urwe  partie  de  ses  mains  et  de  ses  bras." — MS.  8323 
BIBL.  DU  ROY.,  quoted  in  TRAIS.,  Introd.  p.  50.  *  "  Dieu  scait  par  qui."— 
MONSTR.,  1,  1,  9.  5 "  Ut  vnlgariter  dicitur."— ANGL.  SACK.,  ii,  365. 


VI.]    '''•Have  I  no  friend  will  rid  me  of  this  living  fear?"      1 13 

that  Sir  Peter  entered  the  room  where  Richard  was  seated  in 
the  castle,  accompanied  by  seven  men  armed  with  bills ;  that 
Richard,  seeing  their  purpose,  seized  an  axe  from  one  of  them, 
rushed  upon  them,  and  killed  four  of  them,  being  only  over- 
powered by  Exton,  who  mounted  a  chair,  felled  him  with  two 
blows  on  the  head  from  his  axe,  and  was  then  filled  with  the 
customary  remorse  when  he  found  that  the  King  was  dead. 

The  details  of  the  story  are  open  to  very  strong  suspicion. 
It  was  written  after  the  events  by  a  Frenchman,  for  circulation 
in  France,  with  the  Avowed  object  of  creating  hatred  against 
Henry  at  a  time  when  there  was  a  strong  irritation  existing 
between  the  two  countries.  The  writer  was  not  in  England  at 
the  time  of  Richard's  death,  and  he  was  misinformed  as  to  the 
place  of  his  imprisonment.  The  story  found  its  way  into  the 
chronicle  of  St.  Denys,  where  it  is  reported  on  the  authority  of 
the  man  2"who  made  known  the  events  to  the  King  of  France," 
but  he  knew  so  little  of  the  facts  that  he  reported  that  the 
murder  took  place  in  the  Tower  of  London,  and  the  burial  at 
Poursay  (Pontefract).  No  English  chronicle  contains  the  story 
until  Caxton,  except  perhaps  one  obscure  reference  in  Capgrave, 
neither  of  whom  wrote  till  more  than  sixty  years  after  the  event, 
and  Caxton  only  translates  the  French  account.  Sir  Peter 
:i  Exton,  Henry's  reputed  agent  in  committing  the  crime,  is 
otherwise  entirely  unknown.  But  the  strongest  evidence  by 
which  to  refute  the  story  of  Exton  and  the  axe  is  afforded  by 

1  Qu'il  vueille  brief  prendre  vengance, 

Des  grands  maux  et  desconnoissance, 

De  1'oultrage  et  Injuste  fait, 

Que  les  mauvais  Englois  out  fait, 

A  leur  Roy  et  a  leur  Eoyne. 

CRETON,  in  ARCH^OL.,  xx,  421. 

~  Qui  hsec  regi  Francise  nota  fecit.  — ST.  DEN.,  xx,  17.  3  There  is  a 
Nicholas  Exton,  M.P.  and  Fishmonger,  Lord  Mayor,  1387-8  (HERBERT, 
ii,  42)  ;  also  a  Thomas  Exton,  of  London,  Goldsmith,  who  gives  bail  in 
1403  (GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  21)  ;  and  a  John  Exton,  Clerk,  presented  to 
the  living  of  Edlesborough,  May  24th,  1403  (PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  22). 


ii4  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

the  condition  of  the  skull  of  Richard  itself,  l  which  was  ex- 
amined towards  the  end  of  the  last  century,  in  its  final  burial 
place  in  Westminster  Abbey,  when  "  there  did  not  appear  any 
such  marks  of  a  blow  or  wound  upon  it  as  could  at  all  warrant 
the  commonly  received  history  of  this  wretched  King's  unhappy 
end." 

Another  stream  of  tradition,  inconsistent  with  all  the  preceding 
accounts,  stated  that  Richard  had  escaped  from  Pontefract 
through  the  help  of  a  priest  who  was  in  the  service  of  Sir 
Henry  Percy,  and  with  the  connivance  of  a  yeoman  of  Robert 
Waterton  ;  that  he  was  set  upon  a  horse  and  taken  to 
Northumberland,  and  thence  into  "  an  isle  of  the  see,"  where 
he  was  kept  for  a  time  and  afterwards  conveyed  away  into 
Scotland.  But  this  and  all  similar  stories  are  not  authentic. 
All  of  them  date  from  at  least  two  or  more  years  after  the 
reputed  death  of  Richard,  when  false  Richards  were  abundant, 
and  the  Percies  and  the  Scots  had  their  own  special  reasons 
for  spreading  rumours  such  as  these.  All  these  inventions  will 
be  better  dealt  with  in  the  sequel. 

In  the  midst  of  the  obscurity  which  enshrouds  the  subject  it 
is  impossible  to  vouch  for  details,  but  I  think  that  the  few 
known  facts  of  undoubted  authenticity  all  go  to  prove  that 
Richard  really  died  at  Pontefract  about  the  middle  of  January- 
1400 ;  and  the  fact  that  he  died  just  at  this  time  seems  to  point 
to  a  death  by  violence,  less  attributable  to  accident  than  design. 
Bearing  in  mind  the  events  of  the  first  fifteen  days  of  January, 
with  their  dates  as  given  above,  let  it  be  remembered  that  three 
remarkable  entries  stand  on  the  Issue  Roll  of  the  Exchequer 
regarding  the  events  of  this  winter,  though  we  do  not  know  the 
exact  days  to  which  they  refer.  2They  were  all  enrolled  by  the 
same  hand,  under  date  March  2oth,  1400,  showing  that  the 

1  See  Mr.  King's  account  of  his  examination,  in  ARCH^OL.,  vi,  315  ; 
also  GOUGH,  i,  165.  2  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  12. 


L 


VI.]  Proofs  of  his  Death.  115 

payments  had  been  made  before  that  day.     They  stand  in  the 
following  order  : 

(a)  To  William  Loveney,   Clerk  of  the   Great   Wardrobe, 
sent  to  Pontefract  Castle  on  secret  business  ^  by  order  of 
the  King,  66s.  8d. 

(b)  To   a    Valet  of  Sir  Thomas    Swynford,   coming    from 
Pontefract  to  London,  to  certify  to  the  King's  Council  of 
certain    matters   which   concern   the   King's   advantage 
(de  certis  materiis  commodum  domini  Regis  concernentibus) 
including  the  hire  of  one  horse  for  speed  (festinationis 
causa),  265.  8d. 

(c)  To  another  Valet,  sent  from  London  on  behalf  of  the 
Council  to  Pontefract  Castle,  to  the  guards  and  keepers 
of  the  body  of  Richard,  late  King  of  England,  6s.  8d. 

It  is  certain  that  on  January  2pth  the  French  King  and  his 
Council  (having  absolutely  no  motive  for  falsehood)  signed  a 
document  in  which  they  refer  to  Richard  as  dead.  2Three 
other  letters  of  the  same  date,  from  Charles  VI.  to  his  ambas- 
sadors at  Boulogne,  refer  to  Richard  in  the  same  terms. 

The  French  Court  certainly  believed  that  Richard  was  dead. 
The  3  ambassador  Pierre  Blanchet  was  to  tell  the  English  that 
news  of  his  death  had  arrived,  and  the  whole  of  the  negociations 
for  the  return  of  Isabella  proceed  only  on  this  assumption.  4  At 
the  conclusion  of  them,  in  the  summer  of  1401,  Richard  is  still 
described  as  dead. 

In  London,  rumours  of  his  death  were  prevalent  in  January, 
and  these  rumours  were  officially  recorded  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Council,  which  certainly  took  place  5between  February  2nd  and 
February  8th,  1400. 

i "  Que  dieu  assoille." — RYM.,  viii,  124.  2  THAIS.,  Iviii ;  ARCHIVES  DU 
ROYAUME.  J.  649.  ART.,  23.  s"Que  1'on  avait  advis  de  la  mort  du 
Roy  Richard."— ?ee  letter  (dated  January  29th,  1400)  in  THRES.  DBS 
CHARTRES,  in  REFT.  ON  FCED.,  App.  D.  66.  4  "Vita  functo." — RYM.,  Tiii, 
JL96  ;  "  Defuncti  viri  sni  dram  viveret." — RYM.,  viii,  198.  5Not  24th,  as 
Nicholas,  wrongly  quoting  date  in  Kym. — ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  111. 


1 1 6  The  Death  of  Richard.  [CHAP. 

In  discussing  the  probabilities  of  the  case  the  various  1  modem 
writers  have  felt  themselves  to  be  at  the  outset  engaged  in  an 
attack  or  defence  of  Henry's  personal  character.  I  am  not 
concerned  with  this.  Henry's  character  must  be  judged,  if 
judged  at  all,  by  what  we  do  know  for  certain  of  him  during 
the  publicity  of  a  reign  of  thirteen  years.  In  this  opening 
episode  nothing  is  proved ;  and  if,  in  the  estimate  of  some,  he 
begins  his  reign  with  the  suspicion  of  murder  on  his  head,  let 
us  not  conceal  the  fact,  but  remember  that  it  is  a  suspicion 
only.  He  will  then  be  to  us  in  no  worse  a  position  than  he 
stood  in  to  his  contemporaries.  His  enemies,  both  at  home  and 
abroad,  repeatedly  assailed  him  with  secret  insinuations  and 
outspoken  challenge  that  he  was  guilty  of  the  blood  of  Richard, 
"that  true  Christian  and  Catholic  King."  He  denied  the 
charge  on  oath,  but  has  left  us  nothing  but  his  direct  denial  to 
prove  his  innocence.  His  countrymen,  grateful  for  recent 
deliverance  from  Richard's  criminal  and  reckless  misgovern- 
ment,  could  do  no  more  than  state  that  Richard  was  dead,  and 
that  he  died  at  such  a  time,  viz. :  in  the  very  week  when  his 
friends  were  in  rebellion  in  Berkshire,  Oxford  and  Gloucester, 
when  hasty  proclamations  to  all  the  counties  seemed  to  give  a 
license  to  mob-law  and  violence  ;  and  the  certain  connivance  of 
Henry  at  the  open  lawlessness  in  Cirencester,  Bristol  and 
Fleshy,  must  be  read  in  direct  connection  with  the  secret 
events  which  took  place  simultaneously  in  his  own  strong  castle 
at  Pontefract. 

The  Council,   seeing  the  danger  likely  to    arise   from   the  ' 
present   uncertainty,    met   early  in  February  and  advised  the 
King,  who  was  at  Eltham,  that  some  steps  should  be  taken  in 
the  face  of  the  prevailing  rumours.     If  Richard  were  alive,  2("as 

1  See  the  discussions  of  WEBB  v.  AMYOT  v.  TYTLER  v.  DILLON  v.  WILLIAMS, 
together  with  the  lesser  luminaries  losing  themselves  in  vigorous  person- 
alities in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine.  2"A  ce  que  1'en  suppose." — ORD. 
PRIV.  Co.,  i,  107. 


VI.]  "  He  leyde  him  bare  the  visage  on  the  beere"  117 

was  supposed  ")  that  strict  measures  should  be  taken  to  keep 
him  in  security,  "  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  lords  "  in 
the  late  Parliament ;  but  that  if  he  were  dead,  his  body  should 
be  shown  openly  to  the  people,  in  order  that  they  might  have 
certain  knowledge  of  his  death.  Accordingly,  the  body  was  at 
once  brought  to  London,  and  shown  at  the  various  places  where 
it  rested  on  the  road.  The  last  halt  before  entering  London 
was  at  St.  Albans,  where  it  was  probably  seen  by  the  chronicler, 
or  "  so  much  at  least  of  the  body  as  would  be  recognized,  that 
is  to  say,  from  the  brow  to  the  throat."  2Thence  it  was  carried 
forward  to  London,  the  whole  cost  of  the  3carriage  from  Ponte- 
fract  being  charged  at  ^80.  It  lay  for  two  days  in  St.  Paul's 
Church,  where  Henry  attended  a  solemn  service  for  the  dead, 
bearing  the  pall,  and  distributing  205.  amongst  the  poor. 
•"  Many  of  the  citizens  also  were  present,  and  occasion  was  taken 
to  secure  publicity  by  every  means,  that  it  might  no  more  be 
doubted  but  that  Richard  was  really  dead.  After  two  days  the 
corpse  was  removed  to  the  royal  manor  of  Chiltern  (or  King's) 
Langley,  in  Hertfordshire,  which  had  been  a  favourite  residence 
of  Richard  during  his  earlier  married  life.  Here  it  was  handed 
over  to  the  6  Dominican  (or  Black)  Friars,  an  order  of  monks 
whom  Richard  had  specially  befriended,  and  was  privately 
buried,  without  display,  in  presence  of  the  Bishop  of  7Lichfield 
and  the  Abbots  of  Waltham  and  St.  Albans.  s  Liberal  arrange- 
ments were  made  for  1,000  masses  to  be  said  in  various 

1  ISSUE  ROLLS,  February  17th.  100  marks  to  Keeper  of  Wardrobe  for 
conveying  Richard's  body  to  London. — LING.,  iii,  411.  a  On  March  12th, 
says  the  French  account,  but  this  is  probably  a  little  too  late.  3  PELLS 
ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  PASC.,  June  4th ;  Ibi<7,  MICH.,  February  17th. 
4  Ibid,  MICH.,  March  20th.  fl  It  was  seen  by  HARDYXG. — LANDSDOWNE  MS. 
"In  herse  rial  his  corse  lay  there  I  se."  6PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  17  (dated 
October  17th,  1399),  contains  a  confirmation  by  Henry  of  a  grant  of  four 
casks  of  wine  to  the  Friars  at  "Childerlangele."  The  grant  had  been 
first  made  in  the  time  of  Ed.  III.,  at  the  instance  of  his  wife,  Philippa. 
7 Called  the  Bishop  of  "Chester."  Cf.  also  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  105,  20C, 
235.  8  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  MICH.  (March  20th,  1400). 


1 1 8  The  Death  of  Richard. 

places,  at  the  public  expense,  for  the  soul  of  Richard,  "  whose 
body  is  buried  at  Langley."  The  price  charged  for  the  whole 
amounted  to  £16  135.  4d.,  from  which  we  gather  the  inter- 
esting fact  that  the  current  price  for  each  mass  was  just  4d. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  executions  and  confiscations,  much 
valuable  property  was  now  placed  at  the  disposal  of  King 
Henry,  who  judiciously  distributed  it  amongst  his  own  sons  and 
the  most  devoted  of  his  supporters.  The  castles,  manors,  and 
personal  belongings  of  the  Earls  of  Kent,  Huntingdon,  and 
Salisbury,  and  of  the  three  knights  John  Blount,  Bernard  Brokas, 
and  Ralph  Lumley,  together  with  their  London  houses,  such 
as  '"The  Newe  June"  in  Thames  Street,  or  2"The  Bell  on 
the  Hope  "  in  Friday  Street,  were  gradually  parcelled  out  and 
bestowed  away — even  the  8beds,  bolsters,  coverlets,  curtains, 
worsted  carpets,  and  pieces  of  arras  being  scrupulously  scheduled 
and  minutely  accounted  for.  It  is  a  gratifying  evidence  of  the 
increasing  humanity  of  the  age  that  in  every  case  sufficient 
provision  was  made  for  the  children  and  widows  of  the 
ill-fated  traitors ;  even  the  4 mothers  of  Maudeleyn  and  Feriby, 
the  priests,  not  being  overlooked  in  the  general  distribution. 

i  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  2,  22.  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8,  17.  3  e.g.  PAT.,  2  H.  IV., 
1,  19.;  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2,  15.  4  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  6,  36. 


CHAPTER    VII. 

THE    INVASION    OF    SCOTLAND. 

THE  proclamations  which  had  been  scattered  broadcast  over  the 
country  during  the  panic  in  the  early  days  of  January  had 
more  than  served  their  purpose,  and  now  that  the  rebellion 
had  been  crushed  a  fresh  difficulty  had  arisen.  Every  man  was 
accusing  his  neighbour  of  complicity  in  the  rising  ;  suspected 
persons  were  everywhere  seized  by  excited  mobs,  their  houses 
plundered,  and  themselves  often  beheaded  without  form  of  trial. 
The  law  was  powerless,  and  in  the  general  derangement  private 
malice  found  vent  in  indiscriminate  robbery  and  murder.  In 
1  London,  the  apprentices  gathered  in  thousands,  each  gang 
under  its  own  2"king,"  wearing  badges  in  spite  of  the  recent 
Statute  against  "liveries."  3As  late  as  April  i3th,  the  Mayor 
of  London  had  to  be  reminded  to  enforce  the  Statute,  two 
months  after  it  had  been  legally  in  operation.  They  4  fought 
pitched  battles  in  the  narrow  streets,  where  many  were  beaten, 
or  kicked,  or  crushed  to  death.  In  the  forest  of  Macclesfield, 
attacks  had  been  made  by  armed  bands  from  Stafford  and 
Derby  upon  the  supporters  of  Henry  ;  some  700  head  of  cattle 
were  carried  off  by  the  raiders,  and  on  5  October  26th  and 
November  nth  commissions  were  issued  to  enquire  into  the 
matter.  6At  Hellifield,  in  Yorkshire,  the  goods  and  chattels  of 
Richard  of  Hellifield  were  attacked  and  destroyed,  while  he  was 
away  attending  the  Parliament,  in  October,  in  the  service  of  the 
Earl  of  Northumberland.  In  7  Warwickshire,  Sir  William  Beau- 


.,  viii,  139,  April  21th  ;  USK,  44.  2Cf.  the  military  clubs  in  the 
Flemish  towns.—  MOTLEY,  46.  3  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  19.  *ANN.,  332. 
5  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  1,  13,  and  2,  5.  6  j6;dj  3(  5  jn  tergo. 
February  16th,  1400. 


120  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

champ  complained  that  attacks  were  made  on  his  property  and 
servants,  so  that  none  dared  go  about  their  ordinary  business. 
JIn  Devonshire,  armed  bands  broke  into  the  houses  on  the 
property  of  Sir  Robert  Chalon,  at  Cockington,  carried  off  his 
horses,  cut  down  his  woods,  and  beat  his  servants  ;  while  a 
clerk,  2 Walter  Levenant,  was  beaten  at  Littleham,  near  Exeter. 
At  Frome,  in  Somersetshire,  similar  lawlessness  prevailed  ;  at 
3  St.  Briavels,  in  Gloucester,  large  quantities  of  arms  and  arrows 
were  carried  off  from  the  castle  with  impunity ;  4  mobs  assem- 
bled in  Bristol,  Oxford,  Gloucester,  5York,  and  6 Hereford;  and 
highway  robbery  was  frequent  on  the  roads  leading  into  Lon- 
don. The  neighbourhood  of  London  was  no  safer  than  the 
distant  provinces.  At  Watford,  an  armed  band  under  Richard 
Hampton,  of  Bushey,  lay  in  wait  for  travellers,  so  that  the 
Bailiff  could  not  go  abroad  without  a  7 guard. 

To  meet  this  danger  fresh  orders  were  issued  to  Sheriffs  of 
Counties  and  Justices  of  the  Peace,  requiring  them  to  prevent 
dangerous  meetings,  or  to  put  them  down  with  all  the  force  at 
their  disposal.  8A11  persons  against  whom  charges  were  laid 
were  to  be  brought  directly  under  the  cognisance  of  the  King 
and  the  Council.  Certain  persons  of  established  position  were 
to  be  nominated  in  each  county,  who  were  to  be  specially 
responsible  for  keeping  the  peace,  and  who  would  receive  a 
grant  of  money  annually,  to  be  paid  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
estates  lately  forfeited  by  the  rebel  lords  or  their  adherents. 
At  the  same  time  it  was  specially  provided  for  the  greater 
security  of  the  King,  that  the  members  of  his  household  should 
be  armed  and  arrayed  to  watch  over  his  person  at  night,  and 
that  certain  esquires  and  archers  should  be  appointed  in  each 
county,  to  guard  his  lodgings  whenever  he  travelled  about. 

1  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  6,  37.  2Ibtd,  7,  9.  -Ibid,  6,  42.  4I6td,  7,  25  in  tergo. 
fllid,  8, 12.  e  jfcid,  g,  15.  -  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  5.  s  RYM.,  viii,  124,  February 
8th,  1400. 


VII.]  Aquitaine.  1  2  1 

This  body-guard  was  to  be  paid  at  the  King's  own  expense,  and 
it  was  expressly  arranged  that  its  members  should  pay  strictly 
for  all  provisions  supplied  to  them  from  the  neighbourhood, 
when  they  were  required  on  duty.  Lastly,  a  general  pardon 
was  granted  for  all  participation  in  the  insurrection,  or  other 
acts  committed  in  connection  with  it,  up  to  February  2nd. 
Certain  leaders  were  to  be  excepted,  but  even  these  might  make 
their  peace  by  appearing  before  the  King  and  suing  for  pardon, 
before  March  ist.  The  whole  of  the  county  of  Chester,  as  a 
specially  lawless  district,  was  excepted  from  the  terms  of  the 
pardon,  but  in  view  of  the  troubles  on  the  Scottish  border  the 
^Council  soon  extended  its  clemency  to  this  county  also. 

But  the  country  was  in  imminent  danger  from  external  war. 
The  two  ambassadors  3who  had  been  sent  to  France  at  the  end 
of  the  preceding  November,  had  carried  with  them  letters  from 
Henry  to  the  French  King,  referring  gratefully  to  the  kind 
treatment  he  had  lately  received  when  in  exile,  and  making 
offer  of  alliance  and  intermarriage  as  authorized  by  the  terms 
of  their  commission.  To  this  letter  the  French  King  returned 
no  answer,  while  his  action  in  the  meantime  was  tending  more 
and  more  towards  an  open  breach.  He  4  strengthened  the 
fortresses  on  the  border  of  Picardy  and  Boulogne.  He  closed 
the  river  Somme  at  Abbeville,  and  forbade  all  intercourse  with 
English  traders.  He  collected  a  fleet  at  Harfleur,  under  the 
command  of  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  and  was  preparing  to  make  a 
descent  on  the  coasts  of  South  Wales,  intending  to  seize  the 
5  castles  of  Pembroke  and  Tenby,  which  had  been  given  to  his 
daughter  Isabella  on  her  marriage  with  Richard,  in  terms  of 
the  treaty  of  1396.  At  the  same  time  the  Duke  of  Bourbon 
was  sent  southwards  to  encourage  disaffection  in  that  strip  of 
coast  country,  between  the  Garonne  and  the  mountains,  which 


.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  107-113.      2  ORD.  PRIY.  Co.,  ii,  42.      3CBET.,  412. 
FROIS.,  iv,  319.    «  See  PAT.,  20  R.  II.,  p.  1.,  quoted  in  TRAIS.,  168. 


122  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

still  remained  a  possession  of  of  the  English  crown.  It  was  still 
called  Aquitaine,  though  sadly  * shrunken  from  the  old  limits, 
which  once  stretched  from  the  Pyrenees  to  the  Loire.  The 
Duke  remained  at  2Agen,  just  on  the  skirts  of  the  English 
district,  but  his  influence  was  felt  at  Bordeaux  (Richard's 
birthplace),  where  the  news  of  the  revolution  in  England  was 
received  with  mixed  feelings. 

Messages  were  also  sent  to  Dax  and  Bayonne,  which  had 
lately  bee,n  the  scene  of  riots  between  the  Bishop's  men  and 
the  townsmen.  Negociations  were  opened  and  promises  made. 
Deputations  from  the  three  towns  visited  the  Duke  at  Agen, 
and  for  a  time  there  seemed  a  probability  of  the  province 
passing  out  of  English  hands  for  ever. 

But  delay  brought  reflection,  and  the  trading  towns  valued 
their  exemption  from  French  taxes  and  their  gains  from  com- 
merce with  the  English ;  so  that  when  the  English  Admiral, 
the  Earl  of  Worcester,  arrived  in  the  harbour  of  Bordeaux,  with 
200  men-at-arms  and  400  archers,  3in  the  middle  of  March,  he 
found  no  difficulty  in  quelling  the  spirit  of  disaffection,  and  the 
province  remained  loyal  to  the  English  crown.  At 4  Bayonne 
a  revolution  had  occurred.  The  English  allegiance  had  been 
renounced,  prominent  citizens  had  been  elected  to  fill  the  offices 
of  the  government,  and  those  who  held  letters  patent  from 
Henry  were  arrested  and  imprisoned.  The  citizens  then  seized 
upon  the  citadel,  but  after  a  while  dissensions  broke  out  among 
themselves.  The  town  was  easily  recovered  in  the  autumn  of 
1400,  and  most  of  the  leaders  of  the  movement  subsequently 
received  a  full  pardon. 

i  Charles  VI.  tint  deja  beaucoup  plus  en  Aquitaine  que  ne  faisait  pas  le 
Roy  Richard  son  gendre. — DUCHESNE,  795.  aNot  Angiers,  as  HALLE,  15. 
Agen  was  claimed  as  within  the  Duchy  of  Aquitaine,  and  Henry  had 
appointed  a  Prefect,  viz.:  Pontius,  Lord  of  Castelhon,  October  25th,  1399. 
—PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  2.  3FROis.,  iv,  315.  4  RYM.,  viii,  183  .March  14th, 
1401. 


VII.]  Negotiations  with  France.  123 

While  these  dangers  were  threatening  from  without,  com- 
munications were  passing  between  Scotland  and  the  Cpurt  of 
France  with  a  view  to  giving  Henry  full  occupation  in  his  own 
country.  In  every  way,  however,  the  French  abstained  from 
open  war,  and  on  January  29th,  1400,  when  news  of  Richard's 
death  had  arrived  in  France,  a  proclamation  was  issued  from 
Paris,  announcing  that  the  French  King  had  no  intention  of 
withdrawing  from  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  made  three  years 
before,  according  to  which  he  might  now  claim  that  his 
daughter  should  be  returned  to  him,  and  with  her  the  dowry 
she  had  brought  to  England.  The  significance  of  this  pro- 
clamation will  be  altogether  misread,  if  we  interpret  it  to  mean 
that  "a  l truce  was  signed  with  France  in  January,  1400."  It 
really  ^implies  no  more  than  that  Charles  would  have  the  right 
at  any  time  to  make  war  upon  Henry  as  an  usurper,  and  not 
the  rightful  King.  Four  French  ambassadors  had  been 
appointed  to  treat  between  Boulogne  and  Calais  with  3"  those 
of  England."  They  were  not  to  speak  of  Henry  as  "  king," 
but  as  "  the  lord  who  has  sent  you,"  or  "  your  lord,"  and  the 
ambassadors  were  to  be  styled  "  envoys  sent  on  the  part  of 
England." 

On  February  i6th,  4an  understanding  was  come  to  that 
ambassadors  from  both  sides  should  meet  at  Lenylngham 
within  ten  days,  and  subsequent  meetings  were  arranged  for 
March  i9th  and  June  28th. 

But  Henry  was  cautious  and  alert.  He  strengthened  his 
supporters  in  Bordeaux  and  secured  obedience  to  the  law  in 
Bayonne  ;  5at  first  appointing  a  commission  of  four  persons  to 
govern  the  country  in  his  name,  and  afterwards  sending  his 

aAs  NICHOLAS.— OED.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  117.  2  As  TILLET,  313.  sCeux  d' 
Angleterre."  "  Le  seigneur  qui  vous  a  envoyez  ou  vostre  seigneur." 
"  Messages  envoyez  de  la  partie  d' Angleterre." — THBES.  DBS  CHARTBES, 
in  KEPT.  FCED.,  App.  D,  pp.  66-67  ;  see  also  TILLET,  122.  *  TILLET,  121. 
5  May  llth.— EYM.,  viii,  142. 


124  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

cousin,  the  Earl  of  Jutland,  from  his  command  in  the  2Channel 
Islands,  with  100  men-at-arms  and  1000  archers,  as  his  Lieu- 
tenant into  Aquitaine,  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the  Duke 
of  Bourbon.  The  Earl  of  Rutland  remained  Lieutenant  of 
Aquitaine  until  the  3 close  of  the  following  year.  He  was 
rapidly  recovering  all  his  previous  4  wealth  and  influence,  but 
the  6 expenses  which  he  incurred  in  payment  of  his  troops 
remained  unpaid  as  late  as  October,  1404. 

To  the  governor  of  Calais,  Sir  Peter  Courtney,  the  King 
sent  directions  6to  keep  him  informed  of  the  movements  of 
the  French  in  his  neighbourhood.  A  good  look-out  for  French 
vessels  was  kept  in  the  Channel.  Commissions  had  been  issued 
about  the  r  middle  of  December  to  the  southern  counties,  to 
prepare  to  resist  invasion.  The  castles  of  8  Pembroke,  Tenby, 
Kilgarran,  and  other  strong  places  on  the  coast  of  Wales, 
were  placed  under  the  charge  of  Sir  William  Beauchamp  and 
carefully  guarded.  9  Dover  Castle  was  stocked  with  ammunition 
and  abundance  of  provisions,  and  Southampton  was  placed 
under  the  charge  of  10Ivo  de  Fitzwarren,  with  orders  to  repair 
and  strengthen  the  fortifications  with  stone  from  the  quarries  in 
the  nlsle  of  Wight.  The  walls  and  towers  of  12 Winchester, 
13Scarborough  and  Newcastle  were  to  be  repaired,  and  the 
channel  of  the  port  of  14Winchelsea  was  to  be  cleared  of  stones 
and  sand.  In  an  appeal  to  the  Clergy  for  help  in  men  and 
money,  dated  January  27th,  the  French  are  spoken  of  lr>indirectly 
as  enemies  collecting  large  fleets  to  threaten  the  coast. 

At  a  Great  Council  held  at  Westminster, 16  February  9th,  1400, 

i  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  118.  2  May  10th,  1400.— RYM.,  viii,  140.  s  i.e.,  after 
September  18th,  1401.— RYM.,  viii,  224.  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  5,  February 
20th,  1400.  5RoT.  PARL.,  iii,  547.  6  RYM.,  viii,  120.  ?  PAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
5,  35,  December  18th.  *Ibid,  4,  21,  November  29th,  1399.  9  Ibid,  4,  29, 
December  10th.  10  Ibid,  5,  22,  January  30th,  1400.  H  Ibid,  6,  25, 
February  17th,  1400.  12  Ibid,  7,  34,  May"l5th.  ^  ibid,  7,  39,  May  5th. 
^Ibid,  8,  39,  May  12th.  is  "  Licet  indirecte."— RYM.,  viii,  123.  16  ORD. 
PRIV.  Co.,  i,  102. 


VII.]  A   Great  Council  125 

it  was  announced  that  the  Scots  were  still  burning  and  raiding 
on  the  Border,  and  preparing  to  invade  the  north  with  the  help 
of  the  King  of  France.  A  messenger  was  present  from  Calais 
with  letters  from  the  envoys,  showing  that  no  progress  had  yet 
been  made  in  negociations,  but  that  war  was  in  every  way 
probable.  Money  was  urgently  needed,  but  in  view  of  the 
state  of  the  country  it  was  decided  not  to  impose  further 
taxation  on  boroughs  and  counties,  which  could  only  be  legally 
done  by  calling  together  a  Parliament.  In  this  emergency  the 
Lords  present  agreed  for  themselves  and  others  of  their  Order 
to  furnish,  in  all  haste,  contributions  in  money,  ships,  and  men, 
to  be  maintained  by  them  and  put  at  the  King's  disposal  for  the 
next  three  months ;  while  the  Clergy,  who  had  been  specially 
exempt  from  taxation  at  the  recent  Convocation,  were  as  land- 
owners to  contribute  one  tenth  of  their  possessions  in  lieu  of 
personal  service.  It  was  understood,  however,  that  this  should  be 
considered  as  a  loan  or  advance,  and  that  those  who  contributed 
now  should  be  entitled  to  abatement  to  the  same  amount, 
when  next  the  Convocation,  duly  called,  should  vote  the  tax  in 
the  customary  manner.  :This  action  of  the  Council  has  been 
quoted  as  evidence  of  great  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of  the 
nation  for  war  with  France  and  Scotland,  but  the  details  of  the 
sitting  do  not  bear  out  this  view.  The  Clergy,  under  the 
influence  of  Archbishop  Arundel,  agreed  to  pay  a  share  of  the 
necessary  cost  of  defence,  from  which  they  had  been  lately 
exempted,  and  even  then  only  on  the  understanding  that  the 
money  was  an  instalment  in  advance,  to  be  placed  to  their 
credit  at  the  next  meeting  of  Convocation.  At  2St.  Albans  the 
demand  was  conceded  with  some  grudging.  The  lay  lords  who 
contributed  were  only  eighteen  in  number,  all  partisans  of 
Henry  and  interested  in  his  success ;  and  even  their  contri- 

1  ROY.  LET.,  xviii.     *  ANN.,  332.     The  order  to  the  Abbot  is  dated  April 
21st,  1400.— GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  19. 


126  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

butions  in  men  produced  no  more  than  106  men-at-arms  and 
272  archers  for  service  on  land,  together  with  ten  ships  fully 
equipped,  each  manned  by  20  men-at-arms  and  40  archers,  for 
service  at  sea. 

The  envoys  who  had  crossed  to  France  had  not  yet  been 
able  to  advance  beyond  Calais.  Two  more  were  now  added  to 
the  list  ^February  iQth),  viz.:  William  Heron,  Lord  de  Saye", 
and  Richard  Holme,  a  lawyer  from  the  province  of  York. 
Fresh  commissions  were  issued,  but  this  time  the  envoys  were 
accredited  to  "  our  adversary  of  France,"  who  is  no  longer  "  our 
dearest  cousin."  On  -'March  i6th,  Henry  made  a  declaration  of 
his  desire  to  abide  by  the  peace  of  1396,  similar  to  the  pro- 
clamation of  Charles  dated  January  2  9th.  But  of  real  progress 
there  was  none,  and  after  the  interchange  of  one  or  two 
communications,  a  Herald,  who  had  entered  French  territory  to 
request  admission  for  the  English  envoys,  was  seized  and 
detained  as  a  prisoner  by  the  King  of  France. 

Meanwhile,  no  answer  had  yet  been  received  from  the  Scotch 
King  to  Henry's  proposal 3 (already  related)  that  representatives 
of  both  nations  should  meet  at  Kelso  on  January  5th,  to  treat 
for  a  renewal  of  the  truce,  which  had  expired  on  the  previous 
Michaelmas  Day.  On  November  2oth,  a  Council  met  at 
Linlithgow,  and  February  zoth  was  appointed  as  the  day  on 
which  the  next  Parliament  should  meet  at  Holyrood.  King 
Robert  went  north  to  Scone,  where  Henry's  letter  did  not 
reach  him  till  January  4th,  just  one  day  before  the  date 
proposed  for  the  meeting  of  the  representatives  at  Kelso.  But 
even  then  the  Scotch  King  showed  himself  in  no  hurry  to 
continue  the  negociations,  and  it  was  not  till  ten  weeks  later 
(after  the  meeting  of  the  Parliament  in  Edinburgh)  that  he 

iftYM.,  viii,  128.  sTiLLET  (Guerres),  107.  s  Page  82.  *  No  record 
remains  of  this  Parliament.  I  incline  to  think  that  the  Parliament  which 
met  at  Scone  on  "  Monday,  February  21st,"  was  held  in  1401,  not  1400, 
as  in  ACTS  OF  PARLIAMENT,  SCOT.,  i,  213. 


VIL]  George  Dunbar.  127 

made  reply.  In  his  answer  he  excused  himself  for  not  having 
sent  representatives  to  meet  Henry's  commissioners  at  Kelso, 
repeating  that  he  must  be  previously  assured  that  they  would 
be  empowered  to  grant  restitution  for  damage  committed 
during  the  preceding  truce,  and  urging  that  the  usual  meeting 
place  for  conferences  of  the  kind  was  at  Haudenstank,  just  on 
the  Border  line,  and  that  this  would  be  a  better  place  for 
negociating  than  Kelso.  ^"his  letter  was  written  by  King 
Robert  on  March  i4th,  but  before  it  could  be  received  other 
communications  from  Scotland  were  engaging  the  attention  of 
the  English  Council. 

It  is  more  than  likely  that  these  delays  were  intentionally 
protracted  by  the  Scots  at  the  instigation  of  the  French  Court ; 
so  that,  if  war  were  to  be  really  opened  between  France  and 
England,  the  North  might  be  exposed  to  attack  by  the  Scots, 
while  the  French  should  land  at  some  convenient  points  on 
the  Southern  or  Western  coasts.  At  the  Council  held  at  West- 
minster on  February  9th  reports  came  in,  as  we  have  seen,  of 
outrages,  raids,  and  harryings  on  the  Border,  and  that  the  Scots 
were  preparing  for  a  general  invasion  with  the  help  of  the 
French. 

Simultaneously  with  this,  however,  came  news  of  another 
kind  from  the  same  quarter.  George  of  Dunbar,  Earl  of  the 
March  of  Scotland,  had  taken  offence  at  the  Scotch  King, 
because  the  young  Duke  of  Rothsay,  the  heir  apparent  to  the 
throne,  2had  rejected  his  daughter,  to  whom  he  had  been 
formally  betrothed,  and  had  married  "Marjory,  the  daughter  of 
his  rival,  Archibald  the  Grim,  Earl  of  Douglas.  Loyalty  sat 
lightly  in  those  days  on  the  great  nobles,  when  brought  into 
competition  with  personal  dignity  and  interest,  and  forthwith 

i  ROY.  LET.,  i,  23.  2  "  The  quhilk  spousit  my  douchter,  and  now,  ageyn 
his  oblisyng  to  me,  made  be  hys  lettre  and  hys  seal  and  agaynes  the  law 
of  Halikirc  spouses  ane  other  wife." — ROY.  LET.,  i,  23.  s  SCOTICHRON., 
ii,  429. 


128  The  Inrasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

the  Earl  of  March  se'nt  across  a  letter  to  King  Henry,  claiming 
cousinship,  *as  their  grandmothers  had  been  sisters,  and  asking 
that  he  might  have  safe-conduct  to  the  Border,  there  to  meet 
with  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  or  his  brother,  Lord  Thomas 
Nevil  of  Furnival,  awho  was  already  in  charge  of  Annandale 
and  the  castle  of  Lochmaben.  His  wish  was  that  he  "  might 
schew  clerly  myne  entent ;  the  quhilk  I  darre  nocht  discover 
to  nane  other  but  till  ane  of  thaim."  The  safe-conduct  was 
readily  granted.  The  Abbot  of  Alnwick  was  despatched  to 
London  with  a  further  letter,  in  which  the  Earl  of  March 
agreed  to  give  up  his  son  Gawein  and  one  of  his  daughters  as 
hostages  for  his  good  faith,  expressed  himself  ready  to  renounce 
his  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Scotland,  and  asked  Henry  to 
help  him  to  obtain  redress  for  his  wrongs.  8The  Earl  of  West- 
moreland was  commissioned  to  conduct  the  negociations, 
requiring  that  he  should  give  further  security,  in  the  form  of  a 
bond,  that  he  would  not  enter  into  treaty  or  covenant  with  the 
King  of  Scots,  that  he  would  be  ready  to  put  Dunbar  or  one  of 
his  castles  at  the  disposal  of  the  English,  and  that  in  return  he 
should  receive  1,000  marks  per  annum  for  six  years,  with 
promise  of  a  further  allowance  of  money,  if  he  continued  to 
prove  himself  faithful  to  the  interests  of  England.  A  further 
4  safe-conduct  was  issued,  extending  to  September  2pth,  as  the 
Earl  expressed  a  desire  to  confer  personally  with  the  English 
King;  and  on  July  25th,  1400,  he  entered  into  the  required 
bond,  promising  to  withdraw  his  homage  from  5 Robert,  "  that 
pretendes  hymself  King  of  Scotland,"  and  agreeing  in  all  things 
to  Henry's  conditions,  provided  that  he  showed  himself  in 
Scotland  within  fourteen  days,  or  by  the  Feast  of  the  As- 
sumption (August  1 5th). 

Similar  negociations  led  at  the  same  time  to  a  correspondence 

1  Henry  calls  him  "our  very  dear  cousin,"  in  ORD.  PKIV.  Co.,  i,  135. 
•JROT.  SCOT.,  October  23rd,  1399.  3  See  instructions  (dated  March  13th) 
in  ORB.  PKIV.  Co.,  i,  114.  4R\'M.,  viii,  149.  5  EYM.,  viii,  153. 


VII.  J  "My  Daughter!    Oh,  my  Ducats  !"  129 

with  ^ohn,  Lord  of  Dunowaig  (in  Islay)  and  the  Glens,  and 
Donald  his  brother,  Lords  of  the  Isles,  the  wild  region  to  the 
west  of  Scotland,  with  its  mixed  Norse  and  British  population, 
nominally  subject  to  the  Scottish  King.  Earlier  in  the  year  a 
messenger  had  left  London  2for  "the  Out-isles  between  England 
and  Scotland,"  and  a  3  safe-conduct  into  England  for  Donald, 
with  his  brother  John,  was  issued  (June  2nd),  to  last  for  six 
months,  if  necessary.  Of  his  visit  (if  it  ever  was  made)  we  have 
no  information,  but  communications  were  for  some  time  kept 
up,  and  an  entry  in  the  Issue  Roll,  4  dated  March  2yth,  1401, 
refers  to  the  expenses  of  a  messenger  bearing  letters  from  the 
Council  to  "John  of  the  Isles." 

For  the  moment,  negociations  with  France  were  at  a  stand- 
still, and  the  ambassadors  (or  at  least  three  of  them)  returned 
to  England  ;  but  although  the  herald  had  been  detained,  and 
the  coasts  were  still  threatened  by  a  French  fleet,  yet  Henry 
was  in  no  mood  to  hasten  matters  with  France,  while  Scotland 
offered  so  tempting  an  opening  for  his  immediate  energies. 

Nor  were  the  French  themselves  really  anxious  for  war. 
Their  King  had  lately  lost  his  6  eldest  son,  Charles,  at  the  age 
of  ten  years,  and  he  longed  to  have  his  daughter  restored  to 
him,  and  with  her  the  money  and  presents  that  he  claimed  as 
belonging  to  her.  By  the  marriage  treaty,  signed  in  March, 
1396,  the  French  King  was  to  pay  as  a  provision  for  his 
daughter  800,000  francs,  viz.:  300,000  at  once,  and  the  rest  in 
five  yearly  payments.  It  was  stipulated  that,  if  King  Richard 
should  die  before  the  marriage  was  consummated,  all  except 
the  300,000  francs  should  be  refunded,  and  that  Isabella  should 
be  restored  to  her  father  with  all  that  belonged  to  her,  including 


.  SCOT.,  ii,  155.  SPELLS  ISSUE  KOLL,  1  H.  IV.,  PASC.  May  31st. 
8EYM.,  viii,  146.  *  PELLS,  2  H.  IV.,  MICH.  5  April  21st,  3400.—  EYM., 
viii,  138.  6  He  died  December  29th,  1399,  and  was  buried  at  St.  Denys.— 
TILLET,  Keceuil,  229. 

I 


1 30  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

the  presents  made  to  her  (chiefly  by  Englishmen)  at  the  time 
of  her  marriage. 

Accordingly,  2two  French  envoys  crossed  to  England, 
bearing  a  message  to  "  him  who  calls  himself  King  of  England," 
warning  him  that  the  King  of  France  would  not  consent  to  any 
word  or  act  being  attributed  to  his  daughter  which  might  seem 
to  give  her  consent  to  remaining  in  England,  and  at  the  same 
time  8  intimation  was  sent  to  the  Scots  that  the  French  King 
found  it  very  difficult  to  communicate  with  them,  as  Henry 
had  command  of  the  sea. 

4  About  the  middle  of  May,  the  Council  notes  record  that  a 
calmer  consideration  had  been  given  to  the  demands  of  the 
French  King.  A  declaration  was  publicly  made  again  that 
6 Henry  intended  to  abide  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1396  ; 
and  the  Council  agreed  that,  as  the  treaty  had  not  been 
repudiated  on  either  side,  the  English  King  was  bound  to  give 
up  Isabella  to  her  father,  with  her  jewels  and  possessions,  but 
they  still  did  not  abandon  the  hope  that  some  other  arrange- 
ment might  be  made,  "  by  way  of  marriage  or  otherwise." 
They  required  that  communications  should  be  directly  addressed 
to  the  English  King,  for  as  yet  Charles  would  take  no  open 
steps  to  acknowledge  Henry  as  King  of  England  at  all.  They 
agreed  that  all  the  money  already  paid  by  the  French  King  as 
a  provision  for  his  daughter  should  be  repaid,  except  the  first 
300,000  francs,  which,  in  terms  of  the  treaty,  were  not  to  be 
reclaimed  in  any  case  ;  but  in  regard  to  the  castle  of  Pembroke, 

i  See  the  list  of  them  in  TEAIS.,  Addend.  2,  p.  108.  2  April  6th,  1-JOO, 
not  1401,  as  WILLIAMS. — THAIS.,  Ixiv;  CEET.,  six,  415  ;  JLTV.,  419.  Given 
as  September  6th,  1400,  in  THBES.  DBS  CHARTEES,  69.  3  TEAIS.,  Ixiv, 
quoting  AECHIVES  DU  ROYAUME  J.  649  AET.  12, -April,  1400,  more 
probable  than  1401.  4RYM.,  viii,  142,  May  18th.  This  date  seems 
altogether  more  probable  than  the  month  of  March,  suggested  by  Sir  H. 
Nicholas.— OED.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  117.  5  Dated  May  18th,  1400,  in  TILLET. 
Eeceuil  des  Traictez,  107-121,  quoting  TEESOE  LAYETTE  M.  TEEVG^E 
ANGLIC. 


VIL]  Diplomacy.  131 

and  certain  lands  and  manors  in  England,  which  were  to  have 
been  given  to  Isabella  as  a  dower,  they  declared  that,  as  she 
was  not  yet  of  full  age,  the  dower  could  not  be  considered  as 
due,  and  therefore  was  not  to  be  reckoned  as  part  of  her 
personal  belongings. 

On  ^ay  28th,  three  members  of  the  previous  embassy 
started  from  London,  with  retainers,  on  a  "  secret  embassy  to 
the  King  of  France,  in  Picardy."  They  were  invested  with  full 
powers  to  negociate  concerning  the  restoration  of  Isabella,  and 
to  make  2 peace  and  an  alliance,  as  circumstances  should  permit, 
with  "  our  dearest  cousin  of  France."  They  were  absent  till 
August  6th,  and  for  the  present  the  negociations  are  lost  sight 
of,  though  the  French  fleet  still  kept  watch  in  the  Channel  and 
3 threatened  English  coasting  ships,  while  Henry  at  once  took 
advantage  of  the  summer  season  to  punish  and  overawe  the 
Scots. 

In  the  treaty  of  1396,  the  King  of  Scotland  and  his  subjects 
appear  as  allies  of  the  French  King,  and  as  parties  bound  by 
the  terms  of  the  treaty.      Having  now  succeeded  in  separating 
the  interests  of  the  French  and  the  Scotch,   Henry  at  once 
4  (May  24th)  forwarded  a  message  to  the  Scotch  King,  informing 
him  that  the  treaty  of  1396  was  still  in  force,  and  calling  upon 
him,  as  one  of  the  parties  to  it,  to  require  his  lords,  officers,  and 
subjects  to  swear  to  observe  it ;  and  demanding  due  reparation 
for  all  damage  committed  in  infraction  of  it,  with  a  threat  that, 
if  his  commands  were  not  complied  with,  the  Scots  would  be 
excluded  from  all  benefits  of  the  treaty.      Without  awaiting  the 
Scotch  King's  reply,  he  issued  orders  to  the  Sheriffs  of  Counties 
5 (June  9th),  summoning  all  who  owed  6service  to  the  crown  to 

1  FOREIGN  EOLL,  1  H.  IV.,  gives  their  expenses,  May  28th-  August  6th  ; 
add  Juv.,418.  ^TILLET,  122.  3  See  letter  (dated  June  14th,  1400)  in 
ORE.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  120.  4  RYM.,  viii,  144.  5RYM.,  viii,  146  ;  CLAUS.  1 
H.  IV.,  2, 16.  6  Queen  Isabella  and  her  attendants  were  specially  excused 
from  answering  this  summons. — ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  121. 


132  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

meet  him  in  arms  at  York,  on  the  following  Midsummer  Day 
(June  24th).  He  then  proceeded  north  in  person,  testing  at 
St.  Albans  for  Ascension  Day,  and  was  at  Clipstone,  in  Sher- 
wood Forest,  on  2June  i4th,  from  whence  he  addressed  letters 
to  his  Council  in  London.  On  the  2ist,  he  was  at  Pontefract, 
where  he  signed  a  3safe-conduct  for  the  Scotch  Earl  of  March, 
and  on  the  following  day  4(June  22nd),  he  arrived  at  York. 

5 On  the  29th  of  May,  four  shipowners  of  Lynn,  viz.:  John 
Brandon,  William  Gideney,  Thomas  Trussebut,  and  Robert 
Bremham,  had  been  permitted  to  employ  their  vessels  (the 
"Trinity,"  the  "Gabriel,"  and  the  "Holy  Gost")  in  acts  of  war 
against  the  Scots  and  the  Frisians,  who  were  understood  to 
be  preparing  a  great  fleet  against  England.  The  permission 
was  eagerly  seized.  Brandon  and  his  friends  sailed  northward, 
and  were  soon  at  work.  Not  far  from  Berwick  they  fell  upon  a 
Scotch  vessel,  and  made  two  notable  captures :  Sir  6  Robert 
Logan,  the  Scottish  Admiral,  who  was  preparing  to  attack  the 
English  herring  boats,  when  they  made  their  annual  visit  to 
the  coast  of  Aberdeen  ;  and  David  Seton,  Archdeacon  of  Ross, 
a  secretary  of  King  Robert,  who  was  bearing  despatches  to  the 
King  of  France.  Both  prisoners  were  forwarded  to  London, 
and  lodged  in  the  7  Tower,  and  in  due  time  the  King  acknow- 
ledged the  services  of  the  Lynn  rovers  by  a  reward  of  500 
marks.  Privateers  from  8Hull,  under  John  Tutbury,  were 
likewise  commissioned  to  attempt  similar  adventures. 

At  York,  Henry  received  a  message  that  the  King  of  Scots 
was  willing  to  treat  for  peace  on  the  basis  of  the  treaty  made  in 

1  ANN.,  332.  2ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  120.  3Eoi.  VIAG.,  35.  4RYM.,  viii, 
186.  SPAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  7,  24.  6 PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  2  H.  IV.,  MICH. 
(November  22nd,  1400.)  ANN.,  332,  has  "Thomas  Lagon";  but,  in 
WALS.,ii,  246,  the  name  is  correctly  given  as  "  Dominus  Robertas  Logon." 
7  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  8  (dated  March  8th,  1401)  contains  order  for  trans- 
ferring "Sir  Robin  Logg"  and  David  Seton  (clerk)  to  the  custody  of 
the  Earl  of  Northumberland.  8Roi.  VIAG.,  29  (dated  Pontefract,  June 
21st). 


VII.]  York.  133 

1328,  between  Edward  III.  and  Robert  Bruce,  whereby  the 
English  King  had  recognized  the  complete  independence  of  the 
kingdom  of  Scotland,  and  resigned  for  himself  and  his  succes- 
sors all  claim  whatever  to  the  Scottish  crown.  Under  ordinary 
circumstances,  such  a  message  would  probably  only  have  had 
the  effect  of  irritating  the  English  King  still  further,  and 
impelling  him  instantly  forward.  Orders  had  been  issued  in 
ample  time  ;  the  24th  had  been  appointed  as  the  mustering  day; 
the  troops  were  at  their  posts;  the  King  was  ready;  the  Earl  of 
March  was  continuing  his  treasonable  correspondence ;  the 
Scotch  were  defiant ;  but  at  the  last  moment  it  was  discovered 
that  money  was  wanting,  and  provisions  were  altogether 
insufficient ;  and  for  seven  precious  summer  weeks  the  whole 
army  was  doomed  to  inactivity.  Under  these  circumstances 
two  Commissioners,  xAlan  Newark  and  John  Mitford,  were 
named  to  treat  with  the  Scotch  King,  if  opportunity  arose ; 
but  they  were  instructed  to  accept  nothing  less  than  reparation 
and  redress  for  injuries  done  by  the  Scots  during  the  previous 
nine  months.  Fruitless  messages  continued  to  be  interchanged. 
On  the  32nd  of  July,  two  Scotsmen,  John  Merton,  Archdeacon 
of  Teviotdale,  and  Adam  Forster,  a  friend  of  the  Duke  of 
Albany,  had  been  deputed  to  arrange  either  a  peace  or  a  truce 
with  England  ;  and  a  safe-conduct  for  them  with  a  large  retinue 
was  issued  on  the  8th  of  July.  On  *  July  4th,  Henry  wrote  to 
his  Council,  calling  upon  them  urgently  to  issue  writs  to  the 
Mayors  of  London  and  other  ports  on  the  East  coast,  that  wine, 
flour,  wheat,  hay,  oats,  and  other  necessaries  should  be  bought 
up  on  the  security  of  the  customs  of  the  ports,  and  forwarded 
without  delay  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tyne,  thence  to  be  sent  to 
5  Newcastle,  Holy  Island,  and  Berwick,  as  occasion  should 

i  ROT.  VIAG.,  m.  35,  dated  York,  June  26th.  2  See  instructions  in  ORD. 
PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  41,  which  seem  to  refer  to  this  period.  3RoT.  VIAG.,  35 
(York,  July  2nd,  8th).  *  ORD.  PRTV.  Co.,  i,  122.  5  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL, 
2  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  December  4th. 


134  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

require.  1  Horses  were  to  be  sent  on  for  the  army  in  Scotland. 
The  Cinque  Ports  were  bound  to  supply  5  7  armed  ships  when 
called  upon,  but  they  could  claim  40  days  notice.  This  notice 
could  not  now  be  allowed  for.  On  the  24th  July,  they  were 
required  to  send  20  vessels,  each  armed  with  40  men,  to  be  at 
Newcastle-on-Tyne  by  2August  4th.  The  lawyers  were  to  look 
up  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1328,  if  they  could  find  any 
"  remembrances  or  evidences  "  of  it,  and  the  Treasurer  and  the 
Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal  were  to  raise  what  money  they  could 
in  London,  on  the  security  of  the  crown  jewels  and  other  royal 
property,  and  to  bring  the  proceeds  with  all  speed  to  the  North. 
On  3July  1 5th,  the  Keeper  of  the  Chancery  Rolls  delivered  to 
the  Treasurer  such  records  as  related  to  the  submission  of  the 
Kings  of  Scotland,  and  the  Treasurer  had  them  4  packed  in 
chests,  and  took  them  northwards  to  the  King. 

In  the  meantime  the  army  must  be  fed,  and  5loans  and 
advances  were  begged  in  all  directions  from  the  Northern 
towns,  and  from  all  churchmen  and  laymen  who  were  willing 
to  lend.  On  the  623rd  of  June,  John  Arnold  was  sent  with 
letters,  begging  loans  from  the  wealthiest  of  the  Bishops, 
Abbots,  and  Priors.  The  Bishop  of  Winchester  lent  ^500 ; 
8the  Bishop  of  Hereford,  ^47  ;  the  Abbot  of  Malmesbury, 
^30;  the  city  of  9  York  supplied  1,000  marks;  Hull,  ^200. 
But  the  "Londoners  showed  no  great  readiness  to  forward 
supplies.  A  fleet  was  preparing  under  Richard  Clitheroe,  but 
as  late  as  "July  26th  the  Sheriffs  had  to  be  warned  against 

1  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8,  28,  July  18th.  2  The  day  after  the  Invention  of  St. 
Stephen.— GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  5.  3See  the  list  in  EXCH.  TREAS.  OP 
RECEIPT,  Misc.,  2j5  They  refer  to  the  submission  of  John,  King  of  Scot- 
laud,  with  specified  dates  in  reigns  of  Ed.  III.  and  R.  II.  4  PELLS  ISSUE 
ROLL,  2  H.  IV.,  MICH.  (November  22nd,  1401)  contains  payment  to  John 
Asvham  for  packing  them.  5  RYM.,  viii,  152.  6  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,! 
H.  IV.,  PASC.,  June  26th.  ?PAT.,  i  H.  IV.,  8,  28,  July  23rd,  1400. 
s  RECEIPT  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  PASC.,  May  17th,  1400.  9  RYM.,  viii,  152. 
«°EULOG.,  iii,  387.  H  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  6. 


VII.]  Newcastle.  135 

further  delays.  On  the  2oth  of  July,  the  Mayor  of  York,  with 
the  Archbishop  and  the  Abbot  of  St.  Mary's,  formed  them- 
selves into  a  committee,  to  arrange  for  raising  further  loans. 
Thus  valuable  time  was  passing,  and  it  was  the  end  of  July 
before  Henry  could  move  northwards,  or  his  much-needed 
provisions  be  convoyed  to  the  Tyne.  Moreover,  such  provisions 
as  were  forwarded  were  not  free  from  danger  on  the  road,  and 
we  have  at  least  one  instance  recorded  of  a  convoy  being 
plundered  by  Lincolnshire  men,  at  2Scartho  and  Tottenay,  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Great  Grimsby. 

At  length,  all  being  in  readiness,  the  army  passed  through 
3  Durham,  and  reached  4  Newcastle  by  July  25th,  where  the 
King  issued  an  5 order  that  young  bucks  were  to  be  sent  from 
all  the  royal  forests,  parks,  and  chaces.  But  by  this  time  the 
year  was  too  far  gone  for  any  hope  of  a  successful  campaign,  if 
the  Scots  remained  firm  and  unterrified  by  its  near  approach. 
The  expedition  was  altogether  too  late.  It  had  been  con- 
templated, probably  at  the  instance  of  the  Percies,  far  earlier  in 
the  year ;  but  the  fear  of  a  French  invasion,  and  the  slow 
progress  of  the  negociations  in  that  quarter,  had  kept  the 
attention  of  the  King  and  his  Council  fixed  on  the  defence  of 
the  Capital  and  the  Southern  coasts.  When  at  length  the 
decision  was  taken  to  move  northwards,  the  real  opportunity 
had  slipped,  and  although  Midsummer  had  been  appointed  for 
the  campaign,  yet  nothing  was  ready,  and  harvest  was  upon 
them  before  anything  serious  had  been  begun.  Moreover,  the 
year  was  one  of  excessive  rain,  lasting  from  May  till  the  end  of 
November,  and  a  grievous  epidemic,  6accompanied  by  great 

iRoT.  VIAG.,  33.  2pAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  5.  SQRD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  124. 
*  ROT.  VIAG  ,  33,  34  ;  EOT.  SCOT.,  ii,  153  ;  VEN.  STATE  PAPERS,  40  ;  PAT., 
1  H.  IV.,  8,  10.  s  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8,  12.  eMagna  caristia  frugum.— 
WORC.,  451.  EVES.,  171.  This  was  the  jubilee  year  at  Rome,  when 
multitudes  of  pilgrims  died.  Regna  tres  grand  mortalite  uniyerselle. — 
MONSTR.,  1,  c.  iii. 


136  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

scarcity,  prevailed  all  over  the  country.  Added  to  this  came 
news  that  the  garrisons  in  l  Berwick  and  Roxborough  were 
showing  discontent  and  threatening  to  desert  their  posts. 

Yet  with  all  these  causes  for  hesitation  the  King  would  not 
give  pause.  His  resolution  even  seemed  to  gather  strength 
with  the  increase  of  his  difficulties.  No  answer  had  been  given 
to  his  demand  for  restitution  by  the  Scotch  King,  and  in  spite 
of  the  lateness  of  the  season  he  determined  to  advance.  He 
strengthened  his  garrisons  in  the  2  Border  castles  of  Berwick, 
Roxburgh,  Carlisle,  Harbottle,  Jedburgh,  Lochmaben,  and 
Norham,  arranging  that  pay  should  be  provided  for  all  extra 
troops  thus  serving  for  three  months,  and  he  entered  into  a  bond 
with  the  3Earl  of  March  that  he  should  transfer  his  allegiance 
from  King  Robert  to  himself.  The  King  of  England  granted 
his  4  protection  to  the  Earl  and  his  wife  Christiana,  with  seven  of 
their  children  —  George,  Gawein,  Colin,  Paton,  John,  David, 
and  Elizabeth  ;  the  Earl  on  his  side  undertaking  to  admit 
English  troops  to  his  castle  of  Dunbar,  and  to  leave  his 
son  Gawein  in  Henry's  hands,  as  a  hostage  for  his  fidelity. 
Henry  was  even  led  to  believe  that,  if  he  put  on  a  bold  face, 
and  advanced  with  force  enough,  other  Scots  nobles  would 
follow  the  example  of  the  Earl  of  March;  and,  full  of  this 
hope,  he  suddenly  introduced  a  new  complication  into  the 
quarrel. 

Instead  of  claiming,  5as  he  had  previously  done,  that  his 
object  was  to  demand  restitution,  or  exact  punishment  for 
damage  done  on  the  English  border  in  violation  of  the  treaty 


.  YIAG.,  35,  dated  Newcastle,  August  6th.  *ORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i, 
124,  135.  8RYM.,  viii,  153.  *RoT.  VIAO.,  33  (Newcastle,  August  4th). 
There  was  also  a  daughter,  named  Columba,  who  subsequently  came 
in  for  some  clerical  patronage  on  account  of  her  father's  treason.  — 
PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  15  ;  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  1.  5  So  late  as  July  llth,  the 
semi-official  account  describes  the  expedition  as  undertaken  ''pro 
defensione  regni  sui."  —  ROY.  LET.,  i,  39. 


VII.]  Overlordship.  137 

with  the  King  of  France,  he  suddenly,  and  without  any  warning, 
revived  the  1  long-forgotten  claim  of  overlordship,  so  unfortu- 
nately taken  up  by  Edward  I.,  but  of  necessity  abandoned  after 
the  disaster  at  Bannockburn. 

Having  entered  into  an  agreement  with  the  Earl  of  March 
that  he  would  be  in  Scotland  to  receive  his  homage  by  August 
1 5th,  Henry  forthwith  drew  up  at  Newcastle,  on  August  6th, 
a  formal  summons,  in  which,  though  he  recognized  Robert  as 
King  of  Scots,  he  called  upon  him  to  do  homage  for  his 
kingdom  and  its  belongings ;  setting  forth  his  claims  in  the 
accustomed  phraseology,  and  furbishing  up  all  the  old,  musty 
precedents,  from  Lucrinus,  son  of  Brute,  to  the  miserable 
captive  Edward,  son  of  John  Baliol.  He  added  that  his  pur- 
pose was  to  be  in  Edinburgh  by  the  23rd  of  August,  where  he 
should  expect  the  Scotch  King  to  meet  him,  for  the  purpose  of 
submitting  to  this  antiquated  claim. 

In  similar  terms  he  drew  up  a  statement  addressed  to  the 
leading  nobles  and  ecclesiastics  of  Scotland ;  calling  on  them 
to  meet  him  for  a  like  purpose  in  Edinburgh,  on  the  day 
named,  and  requiring  them,  on  their  allegiance  to  himself,  to 
compel  their  King  to  submit  to  his  demands. 

These  proclamations  were  to  be  published  in  the  various 
Border  towns  and  abbeys  of  3Kelso,  Dryburgh,  Jedburgh, 
and  Melrose;  and  his  messenger,  already  accredited  to  the 
Scottish  King,  was  to  proceed  4"  along  the  coast,"  and  read 
the  terms  of  the  message,  "  in  a  loud  and  intelligible  voice,"  at 
Edinburgh.  But  though  the  usual  divisions  reigned  with 
unusual  virulence  amongst  the  Scottish  leaders  at  the  time, 

1  From  EXCH.  EOLL  SCOT,  (iii,  Pref.  Ix)  it  appears  that  this  claim  had 
been  revived  in  the  time  of  Richard  II.  (January,  1384)  as  an  alternative 
proposition  in  certain  emergencies.  In  1391  the  same  claims  appear  in 
a  set  of  instructions  "  probably  never  issued,"  but  preserved  in  VESPASIAN, 
F,  vii,  29  (Ibid,  Ixxvi).  »EYM.,  viii,  155.  3  ROT.  VIAG.,  36,  dated  New- 
castle, August  7th,  1400.  *  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  PASC.  September 
25th,  1400.  ,  ' 


138  The  Invasion  of  Scotland.  [CHAP. 

none  were  found  to  recognize  his  claim,  and  this  mischievous 
and  false  step  recoiled  to  plague  the  inventor. 

The  letter  was  delivered  to  the  Scottish  King,  and  was 
answered  by  the  xDuke  of  Rothsay  in  his  name.  As  might  be 
supposed,  the  Duke's  reply  treated  the  claim  with  contempt, 
comparing  Henry  in  no  complimentary  terms  to  the  robber  who 
puts  in  his  hook  to  another  man's  corn.  He  offered,  however, 
in  order  to  prevent  unnecessary  bloodshed,  that  100,  or  200,  or 
300  Scottish  nobles  were  ready  to  meet  the  same  number  of 
English,  and  to  submit  their  claims  to  the  test  of  battle.  This 
proposal  has  been  described  as  2a  "  sally  of  youthful  vivacity," 
but  it  was  probably  quite  seriously  made,  and  is  in  entire 
agreement  with  the  spirit  and  customs  of  the  time.  It  was 
declined,  however,  by  Henry. 

The  English  forces  had  in  the  meantime  advanced  from 
Newcastle.  On  the  S8th  of  August,  the  King  was  at  Felton, 
near  Alnwick ;  and  4on  the  i4th  August,  he  crossed  with  his 
army  into  Scotland.  On  the  following  day  (August  isth),  he 
was  at  Haddington,  and  in  three  days  more  he  had  advanced 
without  serious  opposition  to  Leith.  Here  he  issued  a  last 
formal  5 summons  to  the  Scotch  King.  But  the  walls  of 
Edinburgh  did  not  fall  before  this  ram's-horn  blast,  and 
August  23rd  came  and  went  without  the  required  homage  or 
recognition. 

The  Duke  of  Rothsay  and  the  Earl  of  Douglas  held  out  in 
Edinburgh,  while  the  Duke  of  Albany  was  collecting  a  force  at 
Calder.  As  the  English  troops  moved,  the  Scots  everywhere 
withdrew  before  them,  carrying  away  everything  with  them,  or 
burning  and  destroying  what  they  could  not  carry  away ; 

i  See  ballad  by  David  Steele  :— "  The  Eing  (i.e.,  Reign)  of  the  Roy 
Robert,"  in  WATSON'S  Collection  of  Scottish  Poetry.  —  PINKEETON,  i, 
57.  2Sm  W.  SCOTT  (in  Hist.  Scot.,  i,  235)  adopting  the  very  words  of 
PINKERTON  (i,  58).  3RoT.  ViAG.,  31.  4  ScoTicHRON,  ii,  430.  5  Dated 
August  21st,  in  RYM.,  viii,  158.— ROT.  VIAG.,  36. 


VII.]  Retreat.  139 

Murking  about  in  the  woods,  falling  upon  and  2  mutilating 
stragglers,  "doing  us  more  harm  than  we  them."  Provisions 
ran  short ;  the  army  could  not  maintain  itself;  4  desertions  and 
losses  thinned  its  numbers  daily.  s  Urgent  orders  were 
despatched  to  the  Admiral  and  the  Cinque  Ports  to  send  vessels 
and  men  without  delay.  6On  the  22nd  of  August,  fresh  orders 
were  sent  to  Bristol,  and  fifteen  other  ports  on  the  West  and 
South,  to  send  vessels  to  Scotland  "  by  the  Irish  Sea ;"  but 
Henry  did  not  wait  for  their  arrival.  After  a  futile  attempt  on 
the  castle  of  Dalhousie,  he  was  glad  to  make  speedy  terms 
with  his  enemy,  and  to  withdraw  from  the  country  even  faster 
than  he  had  come.  An  interview  was  held,  at  the  cross 
between  Leith  and  Edinburgh,  with  Adam  Forster,  one  of  the 
Council  of  Regency,  appointed  under  the  influence  of  the  Duke 
of  Albany,  in  which  the  Scotch  representative  undertook  that 
full 7 consideration  should  be  given  to  the  claim  to  overlordship ; 
and  with  8these  "many  white  words  and  fine  promises"  Henry 
was  fain  to  be  content.  He  crossed  back  into  England  on  the 
9 2 9th  of  August,  and  by  10 September  2nd  he  was  again  at 
Newcastle-on-Tyne,  recalled  to  his  own  country  by  alarming 
news  from  the  borders  of  Wales  ;  bringing  nothing  from  his 
Scottish  raid  but  confusion  and  discredit,  and  leaving  behind 
the  seeds  of  bitterness,  destined  soon  to  bear  their  necessary 
fruit. 

The  Scots  collected  to  pursue  him,  but  the  garrisons  which 
were  left  to  strengthen  the  Border  castles  were  able  to  give  a 
good  account  of  themselves,  and  more  than  hold  their  own. 

iUsK,  46.  2PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  13  (dated  February  14th,  1402),  grants 
3d.  per  day  to  James  Strette,  who  was  mutilated  (mahematus)  at 
Edinburgh  when  in  the  King's  service.  3  EULOG.,  iii,  387. 

4  Bot  ilke  day  of  his  oste  he  was  tynand  (i.e.,  losing), 
Quhile  he  wes  in  the  land  bidand. — WYNT.,  ix,  21,  6. 
s  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8, 12,  August  22nd,  1400.     6  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  5.     70RD. 
PEIV.  Co.,  i,  169.      8  "Par  pluseurs  blanches  paroles  et  bealx  promesses." 
—ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  437.     9UsK,  46.     10PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8,  14. 


140  The  Invasion  of  Scotland. 

In  an  affray  at  Redeswere,  at  the  head  of  Redesdale,  on 
1  September  29th,  Sir  Richard  Umfraville,  who  was  then  in 
command  at  Harbottle,  routed  a  large  Scottish  force,  killing 
200  and  taking  many  prisoners.  John  Hardyng,  the  rhyming 
chronicler,  was  present  at  this  fray.  2  Among  the  prisoners 
were  Simon  Carter,  John  Turnbull,  and  three  brothers,  Gilbert, 
Alan  and  Richard  Rutherford;  the  last  a  personal  friend  of 
the  Duke  of  Rothsay.  All  of  these  were  sent  on  to  London, 
and  lodged  in  the  Tower  or  the  Fleet  Prison. 

The  interview  with  Adam  Forster  seems  to  have  in  some 
measure  softened  Henry's  resentment  and  soothed  his  wounded 
dignity,  and  after  the  affair  at  Redeswere  a  readiness  was  shown 
on  both  sides  to  come  to  terms.  Negociations  were  renewed, 
and  by  8  November  9th,  a  truce  had  been  arranged  which 
should  last  for  six  weeks,  in  the  hope  that  it  might  lead  to  a 
lasting  peace.  With  this  view  the  discussions  were  continued 
as  late  as  4  December  i4th,  1400,  5at  which  date  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland  was  making  urgent  representations  as  to  the 
danger  which  threatened  the  garrisons  of  Berwick  and  Carlisle. 

The  Earl  of  March  remained  an  exile  in  England.  His 
castle  of  Dunbar  was  seized  by  his  nephew,  Sir  Robert  Maitland, 
and  handed  over  to  the  young  Earl  of  Douglas  ;  but  he  received 
from  Henry  lands  in  England,  in  return  for  his  professions  of 
fealty.  He  long  retained  the  confidence  of  the  English  Court, 
and  in  6June,  1401,  he  was  granted  the  manor  of  Clipstone,  in 
Sherwood  Forest,  for  life,  together  with  the  castle  of  Somerton, 
in  Lincolnshire,  and  7;£ioo  per  annum  during  the  King's 
pleasure ;  while  a  year  afterwards  his  son  Gawein  received  an 
additional  allowance  of  8£4o  per  annum  in  his  own  name. 

1HAED.,  356.  Called  "Robert  Umfreville,  Esquire,"  in  GLAUS.  2 
H.  IV.,  1,  8.  2  Cf .  RYM.,  viii,  162  ;  USE,  46  ;  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  8,  25, 
28.  3  RYM.,  viii,  166.  *  RYM.,  viii,  167-  5PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  4,  December 
24th,  1400.  e  RYM.,  viii,  205.  ?  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  4, 15, 16,  June  28th,  1401. 
8  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  8,  March  10th,  1402. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 
WALES. 

WE  have  seen  that  earlier  in  the  year  the  Council  had  been 
much  exercised  by  the  riotous  and  unsettled  state  of  the  country, 
which  followed  closely  upon  the  abortive  attempts  of  Richard's 
friends  in  the  winter ;  and  how,  when  a  general  pardon  was 
offered  to  all  who  would  sue  for  it  before  March  ist,  a  special 
exception  was  made  in  the  case  of  Cheshire,  as  a  lawless  and 
disaffected  district.  But  lawless  as  Cheshire  was,  it  was  at 
least  a  district  where  respect  for  the  law  could  be  secured,  if 
attention  were  turned  seriously  to  the  task;  and,  therefore, 
when  the  King  was  on  the  point  of  starting  for  Scotland,  the 
leniency  which  had  been  shown  to  law-breakers  in  other  counties 
was  in  part  extended  to  the  Chester  men,  though  they  did  not 
present  themselves  in  the  guise  of  penitents  asking  for  pardon. 
*A  very  long  list  of  persons,  however,  were  specially  excepted 
by  name  from  the  pardon  ;  many  of  them  being  cutlers,  tailors, 
goldsmiths,  glovers,  painters,  shipmen,  chaplains,  mercers,  or 
traders  of  equal  respectability.  But  to  the  west  of  Cheshire  lay 
a  part  of  the  country  worse  affected  still,  and  better  able  to 
maintain  itself  in  violating  the  law. 

Wales  was  a  poor  and  barbarous  land,  conquered  and  held  as 
nominally  a  part  of  the  English  kingdom  ;  but  the  people  were 
not  English,  and  the  mountains  and  valleys  were  able  to  protect 
them  from  the  English  reach.  They  had  no  representation  in 
the  English  parliament,  but  were  held  down  by  strong  castles, 
round  which  clustered  vast  estates  held  by  great  English  land- 

1  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  7,  28,  dated  May  22nd,  1400. 


142  Wales.  [CHAP. 

lords,  who  had  every  motive  to  be  faithful  to  the  English 
King,  while  their  followers  were  settled  in  forts  and  walled 
towns,  like  foreign  garrisons,  in  the  midst  of  a  lagged  and 
half-naked  peasantry. 

On  the  border  of  North  Wales,  the  most  powerful  landlords 
at  that  time  were  the  Earl  of  Arundel  (having  in  addition  to 
his  own  large  estates  the  wardship  of  the  lands  belonging  to 
the  young  Earl  of  March),  John  Cherleton,  Lord  of  Powys, 
and  Reginald,  Lord  Grey,  of  Ruthin. 

Neighbouring  on  Lord  Grey's  domain  there  was  settled  in 
the  valley  of  the  Dee  a  Welsh  proprietor,  whose  name  now  first 
occurs,  2Owen,  Lord  of  Glyndwfrdwy,  or  the  'Valley  of  the 
Black  Water,  the  Welsh  name  for  the  Dee.  Contemporary 
writers  know  nothing  of  his  parentage,  except  that  he  came  of 
a  good  family,  and  that  his  father's  name  was  Griffith  Vychan, 
or  Vaughan  ;  but  by  the  following  century  it  was  averred  that 
his  5  mother's  name  was  Helene,  a  descendant  of  Llywelin,  son 
of  Jorwerth,  Prince  of  North  Wales.  This,  however,  is 
probably  a  mere  invention,  dating  from  the  time  when  6  Henry 
VII.  was  searching  genealogies  to  ennoble  his  own  British 
parentage.  Owen  was  no  wild  Welsh  savage,  but  a  cultured 
gentleman.  He  had  studied  law  at  Westminster,  at  a  time 
when  7"  there  was  scant  any  man  found  within  the  Realm 
skilfull  and  cunning  in  the  laws,  except  he  be  a  gentleman  born 

1  Scurrse  nudipedes. — EULOG.,  iii,  388.  2  In  a  letter,  claiming  to  be 
original,  he  styles  himself  Yweyn  ap  Gruffuth  Dmn.  de  Glyn  D'wfrdwy. — 
OWEN  AND  BLAKEWAY,  i,  181.  In  PELLS  ISSUE  EOLL,  3  H.  IV.,  PASC. 
(July  15th),  he  is  called  "  Owan  Glendurdy  "  ;  in  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  12. 
"  Owin  de  Gleyndouredy."  3  POWEL,  16  (Dourdwy) ;  PENNANT,  i,  325 ;  or 
"  Dwfr-du,"  BRUT-Y-TYWYSOGION.  4rSee  poem  by  Gryffyd  Llwyd,  his 
chief  bard,  in  PENNANT,  i,  334.  5LEL.  ITIN.,  v,  46  ;  STOW,  325.  6  WYNNE, 
331-342.  7  "  Now  by  reason  of  this  charges,  the  children  onely  of  noble- 
men do  study  the  laws  in  these  times.  For  the  poor  and  common  sort 
of  the  people  are  not  able  to  bear  so  great  charges  for  the  exhibition  of 
their  children.  And  marchantmen  can  seldom  find  in  their  hearts  to 
hinder  their  marchandise  with  so  great  yearly  expenses." — FOETESCUE, 
"  De  laudibus  Legum,"  113. 


VI II.]  Owen  Glendffiver.  143 

and  come  of  a  noble  stock."  He  had  been  an  Esquire  in 
Henry's  service  before  he  became  King,  serving  with  him  in 
some  of  his  roving  adventures  abroad.  2He  is  said  also  to  have 
been  squire  to  the  late  Earl  of  Arundel.  He  was  now  in  the 
very  prime  of  manhood,  "41  years  of  age,  and  handsome  in 
person.  He  had  married  Margaret,  a  daughter  of  Sir  David 
4Hannemere,  or  Hanmer  (who  had  been  a  Justice  of  the 
King's  Bench  in  the  time  of  Richard  II.),  and  he  had  now 
several  daughters,  but,  so  far  as  appears,  no  son. 

Owen  was  possessed  of  lands  in  North  and  South  Wales,  5the 
total  value  of  which  was  estimated  at  about  300  marks  per 
annum,  and  he  had  his  home  at  6Sychnant,  or  Sycharth,  some 
three  miles  below  Corwen,  in  the  upper  valley  of  the  Dee. 
His  house  was  in  high  repute  with  natives  and  strangers,  for  its 
magnificence  and  hospitality.  All  were  welcome.  7  Bolts  and 
locks  were  unknown.  No  porter  was  needed  at  the  gate,  and 
great  was  the  renown  of  the  white  bread,  the  8bragot,  the  ale, 
and  the  wine.  "  Hit  snewede  in  his  hous  of  mete  and  drynke." 

At  Sychnant,  Owen  managed  to  fall  into  a  quarrel  with  Lord 

1  Regi  moderno  (i.e.,  Henry,  not  Richard)  ante  susceptum  regnum. — 
ANN.,  333.  2  EULOG.,  iii,  388.  3  He  gave  evidence  (September  3rd,  1386) 
in  the  case  of  SCEOPE  v.  GROSVENOR,  where  he  is  styled  "  Sir  Owen  de 
Glendore,  del  age  xxvii  ans  et  pluis."  i.e.,  between  27  and  28. — TYLER,  i, 
92.  See  PAT.,  13  R.  II.,  2  p.,  3  m.,  8 ;  DUGDALE,  ii,  655  ;  and  COLLIN'S 
PEERAGE,  viii,  60.  In  the  fragment  of  a  seal  (figured  in  TYLER,  vol.  ii) 
Owen  is  represented  seated  under  a  canopy,  uncrowned,  as  a  man  past 
middle  age,  with  a  forked  beard.  4Foss,  iv,  57  ;  PENNANT,  i,  331.  See 
the  gross  flattery  in  the  ode  addressed  by  Griffith  Llwyd  to  Hanmer 
when  about  to  preside  at  the  Assizes,  at  Carmarthen  (circ.  1390).  He 
is  called  "the  assertor  of  justice,  the  moderator  of  meted  law,  a  com- 
plete lawyer  pure  as  silver,  a  second  David  in  our  day  of  wide  celebrity. 
Thy  tongue  and  thy  understanding  widely  hast  thou  established,  the 
wisdom  of  Solomon,"  &c.,  &c.  The  object  of  the  ode  is  to  induce 
Hanmer  to  pack  a  jury  to  secure  the  acquittal  of  a  Welshman  for  killing 
the  Justice  of  Carmarthen  on  the  bench.— IOLO  MSS.,  G80.  5PAT.,  2 
H.  IV.,  1,  19;  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  24.  «  PENNANT,  i,  330;  STOW,  325. 
7  See  account  by  lolo  Goch  (said  to  have  lived  for  some  time  in  the 
house)  in  PENNANT,  i,  330.  !  "  With  bragot  and  methe,  thus  may  men 
meryly."  —  RUSSELL,  "  Boke  of  Nurture,"  170.  "Hire  mouth  wa& 
sweete  as  bragat  is  or  meth." — CHAUCER,  "  Miller's  Tale,"  3201. 


144  Wales.  [CHAP. 

Grey,  about  some  lands  which  each  claimed  as  his  own  by 
right.  Lord  Grey  was  in  possesiori,  but  Owen  kept  up  a  series 
of  attacks,  plundering  the  land,  burning  the  crops,  and  killing 
many  of  Lord  Grey's  adherents,  with  the  usual  ferocity  of 
Border  feuds.  When  Henry  was  proposing  his  march  into 
Scotland,  he  sent  to  Owen,  by  the  hands  of  Lord  Grey,  a 
summons  to  follow  him  to  the  North.  This  summons  Lord 
Grey,  either  from  craft  or  for  some  other  cause,  delayed  to  give 
until  it  was  too  late  ;  and  when  Owen  excused  himself  from 
lack  of  due  notice,  Lord  Grey  lost  no  time  in  denouncing  him 
to  the  King. 

When  Henry  left  the  capital  on  his  journey  north,  disturbance 
and  riot  had  already  begun  on  the  border  of  North  Wales,  but 
the  tempting  chance  of  a  rapid  success  against  the  Scots  made 
him  endeavour  to  put  off  as  far  as  possible  the  day  of  reckoning 
with  his  subjects  in  the  West.  Accordingly,  he  left  instructions 
that  conciliation  should  be  tried  as  far  as  possible  ;  and  letters 
were  despatched  to  the  great  Lords  on  the  borders  of  Denbigh- 
shire and  Montgomery,  to  act  towards  offenders  in  this  sense. 

It  happened  that  on  the  very  May  on  which  the  King's  letters 
were  received  by  Lord  Grey  in  his  castle  at  Ruthin,  by  special 
messenger  from  the  Council  at  Westminster,  another  written 
message  was  received  by  him  from  another  quarter,  which 
made  conciliation  doubly  difficult.  One  GryrTyth  ap  David  ap 
Gryffyth,  "the  strengest  thiefe  of  Wales,"  was  also  a  neighbour 
of  the  Lord  of  Ruthin.  Hearing  that  conciliation  was  proposed, 
and  that  terms  might  be  obtained,  2he  had  been  induced  to 
make  his  submission  and  claim  the  King's  protection.  Accord- 
ingly, he  had  presented  himself  at  Oswestry,  expecting,  as  he 
had  been  given  to  understand,  that  he  would  thereby  not  only 
receive  a  free  pardon  and  protection  under  charter  from  the 

1  Between  June  llth  and  23rd,  probably  June  14th  or  15th.      2  OEIG. 
LET.,  II.,  1,  5. 


VIII.]  Gryffyth  ap  David  ap  Gryffyth.  145 

King,  but  be  made  Master  Forester  and  l Warden  ("Keyshat") 
of  Chirk  Castle.  If  his  own  account  be  true,  he  found  that  he 
had  been  betrayed ;  his  claims  were  treated  with  contempt, 
and  he  was  warned  by  a  friend  that  his  person  would  be  seized. 
Hereupon  he  escaped  to  his  own  stronghold  at  2Brinkiffe,  and 
from  thence  sent  a  letter  of  defiance  to  Lord  Grey.  In  this  he 
told  the  story  of  his  wrongs  and  of  English  treachery,  and  he 
ended  by  boasting  to  Lord  Grey  that  some  of  his  men  had 
lately  stolen  horses  from  the  park  at  Ruthin,  and  that,  if  Lord 
Grey  attempted  now  to  carry  out  a  threat  that  he  had  uttered 
of  burning  and  killing  in  every  place  where  he  knew  that 
Gryffyth  was,  he  would  retaliate ;  and  "  Doute  not,"  he  added, 
"  I  will  have  both  bredde  and  ale  of  the  best  that  is  in  your 
lordschip." 

Such  a  letter  was  not  to  be  answered  by  conciliation.  The 
King's  messenger  had  brought  instructions  to  "apees  the 
misgovernance  and  riote,"  but  Lord  Grey  was  too  near  to 
the  danger  to  use  smooth  phrases.  He  answered  Gryffyth's 
defiance  in  a  rage,  and  this  interesting  and  outspoken  corres- 
pondence ends  with  a  promise  8of  "a  roope,  a  ladder  and  ring 
heigh  on  gallowes  for  to  henge,  and  thus  shalle  be  your  endyng. 

At  the  same  time  Lord  Grey  wrote  boldly  to  the  Council  and 
the  Prince  of  Wales,  then  acting  as  Regent  in  the  absence  of 
the  King.  He  enclosed  the  letter  which  he  had  just  received 
from  Gryffyth,  and  urged  that  stronger  measures  were  needed, 
but  that  all  must  act  together;  that  the  chief  danger  lay  in  this: — 
that  many  holding  offices  of  trust  under  the  King  were  related 
to  these  rebel  Welsh  ("ben  kynne  unto  this  meignee  that  be 
rissen "),  and  that  nothing  would  be  done  till  these  were 

1  Cf.  RYM.,  viii,  184.  "  Le  Conestable,  Gardein  on  Keys  de  mesme  le 
seigneurie."  2  Perhaps  Dinas  Bran  or  Cefn  Ucha,  near  Brynkinalt. — 
PENNANT,  i,  294.  Dinas  Bran  is  called  "Bran,"  in  a  poem  by  Howel  ap 
Binion  Lygliw,  a  bard  who  lived  about  1390. — See  EVANS,  "De  Bardis," 
14.  s  ROY.  LET.,  i,  38. 

J 


146  Wales.  [CHAP. 

dismissed  or  kept  in  better  order.  His  letter  ended  with  a 
warning  that,  unless  a  speedy  remedy  were  found  for  the 
mischief,  this  "  woll  be  an  unruely  cuntree  within  short  tyme." 

This  letter  was  written  from  Ruthin  on  June  23rd,  but  of 
the  effect  it  produced  in  London  we  have  no  record.  On  the 
Border  nothing  serious  was  attempted  to  quell  the  rising,  and 
the  lawlessness  increased  throughout  the  summer,  becoming 
before  long  an  open  and  organized  insurrection.  Under  the 
leadership  of  Owen,  the  Welsh  attacked  and  burnt  towns  in 
which  the  English  were  settled,  and  took  many  strong  places, 
driving  the  English  out.  Emboldened  by  success,  they  des- 
cended upon  Shropshire,  plundering,  burning,  imprisoning,  and 
killing.  Many  castles  and  fortified  mansions  were  taken,  and 
operations  were  planning  for  an  attack  upon  Shrewsbury,  when 
Henry  was  hastily  recalled  from  his  useless  expedition  to  the 
North.  He  moved  southwards  in  all  haste,  passing  through 
Durham  (September  3rd  and  4th),  Northallerton  (September 
6th),  a  Pontefract  (September  8th  and  9th),  Doncaster  (Septem- 
ber nth  and  i2th),  and  Leicester,  to  Northampton,  where  he 
received  exact  information  of  the  rising. 

As  late  as  2  September  i6th,  it  was  apparently  intended  to 
hold  a  Parliament  at  Westminster  in  the  beginning  of  October, 
but  this  proposal  was  abandoned,  and  an  3  alternative  plan  was 
contemplated,  for  a  meeting  at  York,  on  Wednesday  next  after 
the  Feast  of  All  Saints  (November  2nd).  But,  as  we  shall  see, 
this  plan  also  came  to  nothing,  and,  on  4  October  3rd,  the 
meeting  of  Parliament  was  further  postponed  till  the  Octave  of 
St.  Hilary,  January  2ist,  1401. 

^AT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8,  3,  September  8th  ;  Ibid,  8, 14,  September  10th  ;  and 
EOT.  VIAG.,  29,  30,  31.  *  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  22  in  tergo  (dated  September 
16th,  1400)  refers  to  presence  of  certain  persons  "  in  the  Parliament  to 
be  held  at  Westminster,  Monday  next  after  the  Feast  of  St.  Jerome  next 
(September  30th)."  s GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  3  (September  9th,  1400) 
contains  summons  to  Archbishops,  &c.;  also  to  Sheriffs,  for  Knights  and 
Burgesses.  *  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  30. 


VIII. ]  Promenade  a  chevaL  147 

On  September  igth,  Henry  issued  summons  from  North- 
ampton to  the  Sheriffs  of  ten  Midland  and  Border  Counties, 
announcing  that  he  would  proceed  at  once  through  Coventry 
to  the  Border  of  North  Wales,  to  put  down  the  insurrection. 
He  wrote  also  to  the  citizens  of  Shrewsbury,  urging  them  to  be 
prepared  for  an  attack,  and  warning  them  against  treachery  on 
the  part  of  Welsh  people  residing  within  their  walls.  Accom- 
panied by  the  young  Prince  of  Wales,  he  then  advanced  in  all 
haste,  by  Coventry  (September  22nd)  and  Lichfield  (September 
23rd),  to  Shropshire. 

We  know  very  little  of  the  details  of  the  campaign,  which  is 
described  in  official  documents  as  a  raid,  or  promenade  a  cheval 
(equitatio).  At  Shrewsbury,  a  Welshman  named  Grenowe  ap 
Tudor,  who  had  favoured  the  rebellion,  was  executed  as  a 
traitor.  His  body  was  cut  into  four  quarters,  which  were  sent 
to  be  fixed  over  the  gates  of  Bristol,  Hereford,  Ludlow,  and 
Chester.  After  this  example  of  summary  vengeance,  the  King 
promptly  entered  Wales.  In  Anglesey,  the  Minorite  Friars  of 
2Lannas  favoured  the  rebellion,  but  on  the  approach  of  a  small 
detachment  of  English  troops  they  deserted  their  house,  which 
was  at  once  captured  and  plundered ;  some  of  their  goods 
finding  their  way  to  Kent,  and  other  distant  parts  of  the 
country.  The  monastery  remained  deserted  for  some  months, 
the  services  being  given  up  and  the  charities  discontinued. 
Caernarvon  was  provided  with  a  strong  garrison  of  twenty 
men-at-arms  and  eighty  archers,  under  the  command  of  Sir 
Jo  hn  Bolde,  with  a  promise  of  pay  for  3three  months. 

We  can  only  make  out  the  names  of  two   Englishmen  of 

i  ROT.  VIAG.,  29  (Shrewsbury,  September  26th).  »PAT.,  2  H.  IV., 
1,  2,  in  tergo,  contains  orders  for  an  inquiry,  dated  January  28th,  1401 ; 
EULOG.,  iii,  338,  charges  the  soldiers  with  killing  the  Friars,  but  assigns 
the  events  to  the  wrong  year,  and  is  not  so  reliable  as  the  official  record, 
which  simply  says  that  the  Friars  ran  away.  3Viz.:  from  October  9th 
to  January  8th. — PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  3  H.IV.,MiCH.,  dated  October  22nd 
1401. 


148  Wales.  [CHAP. 

influence  who  supported  Owen,  viz.:  Robert  Puleston  and 
Griffith  Hanmer  (probably  a  relation  of  his  wife's)  ;  and  it  is 
noticeable  that 1  Griffin  Yonge,  "parson  of  the  church  of  Llan- 
nynys  (Bangor),"  who  afterwards  became  Owen's  Chancellor, 
did  not  join  him,  but,  on  the  contrary,  accepted  preferment 
from  his  enemies. 

Everywhere  the  Welsh  withdrew  before  Henry  into  the 
mountains,  and  in  less  than  a  month  he  was  compelled  by  the 
weather,  and  the  failure  of  supplies,  to  retire  from  the  country, 
bringing  with  him  a  few  prisoners  to  Shrewsbury.  Thence  he 
removed  to  Worcester,  where  the  estates  of  2Owen  were 
declared  to  be  confiscated,  and  granted  to  the  King's  half- 
brother,  Lord  John  Beaufort,  Earl  of  Somerset.  The  lands  of 
Robert  Puleston,  in  Cheshire,  Flint,  Shropshire,  and  North 
Wales,  were  granted  to  Sir  Hugh  Browe  ;  those  of  4  Griffith 
Hanmer,  in  Flint,  passed  to  John  Passenant;  but  in  a  few 
months,  (February  lyth),  they  came  into  the  hands  of  John 
Hanmer,  who  paid  Passenant  an  annuity  of s £20  per  annum. 

On  October  191)1,  Henry  was  at  Evesham,  and  from  thence 
returned  to  London.  The  Prince  of  Wales  was  left  behind  at 
Chester.  The  King  made  a  short  stay  at  Tockington,  in 
Gloucestershire,  in  6 November;  but  the  rest  of  the  year  was 
spent  in  or  near  the  Capital. 

On  7 November  3oth,  a  general  pardon  was  offered,  with 
protection  to  all  Welsh  rebels  who  should  present  themselves 
to  the  Prince  at  Chester  before  the  meeting  of  the  next 
Parliament,  which  would  be  held  early  in  the  following  year. 
But  Owen  showed  no  signs  of  submission.  Calling  upon  all 
capable  of  bearing  arms  to  attend  him,  and  supported  by  seven 
other  resolute  chiefs,  he  remained  a  robber  at  large ;  lurking 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  36,  October  28th,  1400.  2  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  17, 
November  9th,  1400 ;  RYM.,  viii,  163.  3  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  34,  October 
22nd,  1400.  *  Ibid,  November  4th.  5  Ibid,  2,  26.  6  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1, 
19,  in  tergo,  dated  November  20th,  1400.  7  RYM.,  viii,  167. 


VIII.]  Negociations  with  France.  149 

in  caves  and  dens,  amidst  inaccessible  valleys,  or  in  intrench- 
ments  among  the  mountains. 

The  Ambassadors  had  returned  from  France  on  the  6th  of 
August,  after  ten  weeks  of  negociations,  the  details  of  which 
are  very  imperfectly  known ;  but  the  conciliatory  temper  of  the 
English  Council  had  not  been  without  effect,  and  when  the 
question  was  now  again  brought  before  Henry,  on  his  return 
from  Scotland,  the  principal  difficulties  between  the  two 
countries  were  in  a  fair  way  of  being  removed.  There  had 
been  frequent  meetings  in  the  church  at  Lenlingham.  The 
French  envoys  were  instructed  to  refer  to  the  other  side  as  the 
Ambassadors  of  "  the  kingdom  and  country  of  England,"  but 
Hhey  had  in  their  pocket  an  alternative  authority  to  address 
them  as  Ambassadors  "  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  our  cousin 
of  England,"  in  case  the  other  form  of  words  should  be  resented. 
To  the  requests  preferred  by  the  English  Council,  the  King  of 
France  had  2 replied  that  no  arrangements  could  be  considered, 
so  long  as  Isabella  was  detained  in  England.  After  her  return, 
negociations  might  be  renewed,  and  he  would  then  give  his 
answer.  The  English  representatives,  accordingly,  gave  up  all 
idea  of  the  possibility  of  marriage  between  her  and  any  of  the 
English  Princes,  and  attention  was  directed  solely  to  her 
restoration  to  her  father.  On  the  iyth  of  July,  the  originals  of 
documents  signed  in  1396  were  compared,  and  the  English 
envoys  declared  that  Isabella  herself  should  be  returned  by  the 
following  "Candlemas  (February  2nd,  1401),  4 whatever  might 
be  ultimately  decided  as  to  the  dowry  and  the  jewels.  But  the 
French  King  insisted  that  his  daughter  must  be  returned  by 
the  beginning  of  5 November,  and  the  English  envoys  found  it 

1  TILLET,  107.  Cf.  THRES.  DBS  CHARTEES,  April  8th,  1400,  in  REPT.  ON 
FOLD.,  App.  D,  68.  2  THRES.  DBS  CHARTRES,  May  31st,  1400.  ^  Ibid,  69, 
"  La  Chandeleur"  ;  Ibid,  67,  July  22nd,  1400.  *  Sitnpliciter  restituere.— 
USK,  52.  6Pour  la  plus  tard  &  la  Toussaint. — THRES.  DES  CHARTRES, 
July  22nd,  1400. 


150  Wales.  [CHAP. 

politic  to  hold  out  a  prospect  of  consent.  They  then  returned 
to  London,  to  report  progress  to  the  Council. 

*On  the  25th  of  August,  an  order  was  issued  by  the  Council, 
in  London,  that  none  but  well-known  traders  should  be  allowed 
to  pass  in  or  out  of  the  country,  except  with  special  permission  ; 
but  this  order  was  recalled  on  2 September  loth,  so  far  as  it 
related  to  friendly  nations. 

Early  in  September,  it  was  decided  that  two  of  the  French 
envoys  should  come  personally  into  England,  where  they  were 
to  see  Isabella  herself,  and  press  upon  her  not  to  enter  into  any 
fresh  engagement  without  her  father's  express  consent.  Their 
instructions  are  3 dated  September  6th,  1400,  but  again  there 
were  delays.  The  envoys  were  Jean  de  Hangest,  Lord  of 
Heugueville,  and  Pierre  Blanchet.  The  French  King  at  last 
so  far  yielded  on  the  question  of  etiquette,  that  they  were  to 
address  themselves  to  him  "  who  calls  himself  King  of  England, 
or  to  his  Council."  This  grudging  recognition  was  accepted  by 
Henry,  and  a  safe-conduct  for  them  was  issued  on  the  4  last 
day  of  October.  On  the  other  hand,  even  this  concession  was 
resented  by  the  King  of  Scots,  and  Charles  thought  it  prudent 
to  5write  to  his  ally,  explaining  that  nothing  but  the  detention 
of  his  daughter  would  have  forced  him  to  treat  with  Henry  at  all. 

From  this  point  the  negociations  entered  upon  a  new  phase. 
Now  that  all  hope  of  retaining  the  person  of  Isabella  with  her 
father's  consent  had  been  abandoned,  a  further  question  arose 
as  to  Henry's  liability  to  repay  the  marriage  dowry,  and  the 
other  money  claims  set  forward  by  the  French  King  as  due  to 
him,  in  terms  of  the  treaty  of  1396.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  at  the  time  of  the  marriage  the  French  King  had  paid 
over  to  Richard,  without  further  conditions,  the  sum  of  300,000 

ICLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2.  *Ibid,  m.  6.  3THEEs.  DES  CHARTEES,  69  ;  TILLET, 
121.  *  This  seems  better  than  October  31st,  1399,  as  in  RYM.,  viii,  98  ; 
and  agrees  with  Juv.,  419.  5TnREs.  DES  CHARTRES,  71. 


VIII. ]  Thirteen  Questions.  151 

francs,  as  a  dowry  with  his  daughter,  and  had  promised  an 
additional  sum  of  500,000  francs  in  five  annual  instalments, 
which  were,  however,  to  be  returned  with  Isabella  in  case 
Richard  should  die  before  her,  leaving  no  children.  Of  this 
sum,  200,000  francs  had  been  already  received  by  Richard, 
and  this  was  the  amount  the  repayment  of  which  was  now 
claimed  by  Charles  VI., — a  claim  which  Henry  was  most 
unwilling,  if  not  quite  unable,  to  comply  with.  This  might  be 
looked  upon  as,  in  a  sense,  a  national  affair,  and,  if  the  money 
were  to  be  refunded,  it  would  come  from  the  national  Exchequer. 
But  in  the  treaty  with  France,  Henry  and  other  lords  had 
personally  pledged  themselves  to  see  that  its  conditions  should 
be  fully  carried  out,  giving  a  personal  guarantee  that,  if  Isabella 
returned  to  her  country  under  the  circumstances  supposed,  she 
should  take  with  her  her  jewels  and  her  personal  belongings. 
Now  that  the  very  circumstances  then  contemplated  as  possible 
had  presented  themselves  in  fact,  the  wording  of  the  articles  of 
the  treaty  of  1396,  was  narrowly  scrutinized  to  see  if  some  legal 
flaw  could  not  be  discovered  which  would  give  a  colourable 
pretext  for  refusing  repayment  of  the  money. 

With  this  view,  thirteen  questions  were  drawn  up  by  the 
Council,  and  submitted  to  the  leading  lawyers  for  consideration. 
The  principal  points  set  forth  may  be  briefly  summarized 
thus  :— 

(1)  Is  Henry  bound  to  carry  out  at  all  the  provisions  of 
the  treaty  of  1396,  which  had  been  made  by  Richard 
without  consulting  Parliament  ? 

(2)  Henry,  with  others,   bound  himself  personally  by  the 
treaty  to  return  Isabella  with   her  goods    and  jewels, 
if  Richard  died.     Does  this  refer  to  the  goods  and  jewels 
which  she  brought  with  her,  (which  were  few),  or  to  others 

1  See  them  in  full,  in  USK,  47-53,  who  quotes  from  the  copy  addressed 
to  himself  personally. 


152  Wales.  [CHAP. 

1 acquired  since  her  arrival  in  England,  (i.e.,  the  bulk  of 
her  present  belongings)  ?  and  does  it  include  the  200,000 
francs  ? 

(3)  If  it  is  decided  that  the  200,000  francs  must  be  repaid, 

may  not  this  be  set  off  against  2the  i^  millions  of  gold 

crowns,  still  unpaid  by  the  French  on  account  of  the 

3  millions  ransom,  agreed  upon  as  due  at  the  release  of 

King  John  by  Edward  III.,  at  the  Great  Peace  in  1360  ? 

It  is  evident  that  this  question  had  been  considered  during 

the  late  negociations  in  Picardy;  for  many  of  the  questions 

now  propounded  refer  to  the  validity,  or  legal  force,  of  certain 

arguments  advanced  by  the  French  in  answer  to  this  renewal 

of  a  claim  long  since  forgotten. 

The  thirteen  questions  were  issued  by  the  Council,  at  West- 
minster, on  the  1 2th  of  September;  and  those  to  whom  they 
were  addressed  were  required  to  submit  their  opinions  in 
writing,  before  September  29th,  and  to  appear  in  person  before 
the  Council,  to  answer  for  their  opinions,  within  eight  days 
from  that  date.  We  do  not  know  whether  favourable,  or 
unanimous,  replies  were  returned,  but  there  is  no  indication  of 
any  prominent  dissent. 

One  of  the  savants  to  whom  these  thirteen  questions  were 
submitted  was  our  garrulous  acquaintance,  the  Welsh  chronicler, 
Adam  of  Usk.  His  history  previously  to  this  date  may  be 
pieced  together  from  his  own  record  ;  from  his  life  at  Oxford, 
(1388),  where  he  was  a  ringleader  in  the  street  rows  between  the 
students  from  the  North  and  South.  Getting  thus  early  into 
trouble,  he  learnt  respect  for  the  law,  s"took  the  bridle  in  his 
jaws,"  and  sobered  down  for  a  respectable  life.  He  became  a 
Doctor  of  Laws,  and  practised  for  seven  years  in  the  Archbishop's 
Court  at  Canterbury.  He  was  employed  in  Parliamentary 

1  See  the  inventory  of  presents,  in  TRAIS.,  108  ;  ARCHIVES  DU  ROYATJME, 
J.  649,  Art.  55.  2  Seize  cent  tnil  escus.— TILLET,  107.  sMaxillis  meis 
frenum  imponendo. — USK,  7. 


VIII.]  Adam  of  Usk.  153 

business  by  Richard  II.,  and  was  in  favour  with  Archbishop 
Arundel.  In  1399,  he  sided  with  Henry,  and  was  appointed 
one  of  the  legal  Commisioners  deputed  to  hold  the  preliminary 
inquiry  prior  to  the  deposition  of  King  Richard.  At  the  time 
of  Henry's  accession  he  held  the  living  of  West  Hanningfield, 
near  Chelmsford.  On  the  X24th  of  October,  1399,  he  became 
parson  of  Shire  Newton,  near  Chepstow,  in  Nether  Went ;  and 
a  month  later  he  got  the  living  of  2  Panteg,  near  Pontypool,  in 
Monmouthshire.  Through  the  influence  of  the  3Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  he  soon  secured  the  neighbouring  living  of  Llan- 
dogo,  and  the  two  "goodly  churches"  of  Kemsing  and  Seal, 
near  Sevenoaks,  in  Kent.  On  the  *23rd  of  February,  1400,  he 
was  appointed  a  Commissioner  to  hear  appeals  against  decisions 
of  the  Court  at  Bordeaux,  and  he  was  now  called  upon  to  give 
his  opinion  as  to  the  claims  of  the  King  of  France.  He  was 
looking  forward  to  being  one  day  a  Bishop,  and  was  already  in 
London  in  November,  1400,  when  he  was  seized  by  a  return 
of  his  youthful  passion  for  street  brawling,  and  again  got 
himself  into  trouble.  In  the  beginning  of  November,  "Thurs- 
day after  All  Saints,"  1400,  "our  beloved  liege  Adam  Usk, 
clerk,"  accompanied  by  his  two  servants,  Edward  Usk  and 
Richard  Edvyn,  and  others,  lay  in  wait  at  Westminster,  and  set 
upon  one  Walter  Jakes.  They  took  his  horse,  saddle,  and 
bridle,  valued  at  ^5,  and  stole  from  him  14  marks  (£9  6s.  8d.) 
in  money.  For  this  they  were  afterwards  indicted  as  common 
footpads,  though  it  is  likely  that  they  never  stood  their  trial. 
Edward  Usk  submitted  on  the  i6th  of 5  June,  1403,  and  received 
a  provisional  pardon  ;  but  the  clerical  Adam  was  subsequently 
permitted  to  depart  for  Rome,  after  obtaining  6two  securities, 
in  ^"40  each,  that  he  would  not  do  anything  there  which 

]PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  1,  20.  *  Ibid,  3.  16,  dated  November  24th,  1399. 
3  USK,  39.  -i  RYM.,  viii,  29.  s  pAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  22.  6  GLAUS.  3  H.  IV., 
1,  6,  dated  February  17th,  1402. 


154  Wales.  [CHAP. 

would  tend  to  upset  the  King,  or  the  laws,  customs,  or  statutes 
of  England.  He  left  England  on  February  iQth,  1402,  and 
spent  a  long  exile  in  Rome,  praying  God  to  make  with  him  a 
2"mark  for  good,"  that  men  who  approached  him  might  see  and 
be  confounded. 

On  the  3nth  of  October,  1400,  the  Bishop  of  Durham  was 
again  despatched  to  France  to  continue  the  negociations,  and 
arrangements  began  to  be  made  with  a  view  to  the  approaching 
return  of  Isabella,  which,  it  was  expected,  would  take  place  in 
the  4 month  of  November.  The  Bishop  was  only  absent 
eleven  days,  being  Recalled  by  the  news  that  the  two  French 
envoys  were  soon  expected,  and  that  the  difficulties  as  to  the 
King's  title  were  likely  to  be  smoothed  over. 

The  two  French  gentlemen  crossed  from  Boulogne,  landed 
at  Dover,  and  proceeded  to  Eltham,  where  they  were  received 
with  great  honour  by  Henry  himself,  who  6conducted  them  in 
person  over  his  private  apartments  (November  ist).  Every- 
where their  expenses  were  paid,  but  someone  acting  on  Henry's 
behalf  never  quitted  them  during  the  whole  time  of  their  stay. 
Permission  was  granted  to  them  to  visit  Isabella,  but  a  promise 
was  required  from  them  that  they  would  not  mention  any  word  of 
Richard  in  her  presence.  Accompanied  by  the  Earl  of  North- 
umberland, they  proceeded  to  Havering-at-Bower,  in  Essex, 
where  they  found  Isabella,  attended  by  the  Duchess  of  Ireland 
and  the  7 Countess  of  Hereford.  They  kept  their  promise,  and 
returned  to  France  well  pleased  with  their  reception. 

iHe  says  1401  (p.  72),  but  it  must  have  been  1402,  for  he  saw  the 
comet  on  his  journey.  ~  Et  fac  mecum  signum  in  bonum,  probably  a 
reference  to  GENESIS,  iv,  15.  3  FOREIGN  KOLL.  4  "  In  proximo."— 
EYM.,  viii,  162,  dated  October  14th,  1100  ;  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  38.  3  Addi- 
tional MSS.,  4596,  79,  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  82,  better  referred  to  1400 
than  1399.  6  ST.  DEX.,  xx,  14.  7  FROIS.  (iv,  316)  says  the  Duchess  of 
Gloucester.  I  have  substituted  the  name  of  her  mother,  the  Countess 
of  Hereford  (from  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  132).  The  Duchess  of  Gloucester 
died  October  3rd,  1399.— See  p.  103. 


VIIL]  Guyenne.  155 

Much  time,  however,  was  spent  over  the  new  subjects  of 
negociation.  The  questions  were  submitted  afresh  to  the 
learned  at  Oxford,  through  the  Chancellor  of  that  University 
(November  i2th).  The  French  negociators  passed  and  repassed 
the  Channel  2  several  times,  but  remained  obstinate  in  their 
adherence  to  the  claim  for  the  complete  fulfilment  of  the  terms 
of  the  treaty.  Much  ill-feeling  was  aroused.  Both  of  the 
French  envoys,  while  in  England,  fell  sick  of  the  prevailing 
epidemic,  and  3Blanchet  died.  Then  followed  suspicions  of 
poisoning  and  further  developments  of  irritation,  and  matters 
were  not  made  smoother  by  the  arrival  of  threatening  news 
from  4  Guyenne.  The  French  King  was  preparing  to  create  his 
eldest  son,  Louis,  Duke  of  Guyenne,  and  was  ready  to  enforce 
his  claim  to  the  title  by  occupying  the  country  round  Bordeaux. 
He  claimed  the  allegiance  of  the  nobles  of  Guyenne,  and 
seized  the  castles  of  Boteville,  Chales,  Petyll,  Montynhac,  and 
Le  Puy  de  Chales.  His  little  son  was  only  six  years  old,  but  by 
a  special  arrangement  he  was  declared,  by  the  advice  of  the 
Council,  to  be  old  enough.  The  Duchy,  with  its  revenues,  was 
granted  to  him  on  5January  3oth,  1402,  and  he  subsequently 
did  homage  in  due  form  for  his  new  possessions  6  (February 
28th,  1402).  Thus  November  came  and  went,  and  February 
came  and  went,  but  Isabella  had  not  been  restored. 

i  RYM.,  viii,  161.  2 "  Par  plusenrs  fois." — TRAIS.,  106  ;  MS.  LEBAUD, 
No.  10212,  3,  BIBL.  DU  Roi.  3  juv.(  419.  *  ROT  pARL-)  j^  454  .  RYM<) 
viii,  223.  *  TILLET,  Receuil,  304.  6  REPT.  ON  FCED.,  App.  D.  71 ;  TILLET, 
122 ;  GODEFROY,  729. 


CHAPTER    IX. 
THE   EMPERORS   OF   THE   EAST   AND   WEST. 

THE  year  1400,  which  had  begun  in  storm  and  passed  in 
tempest,  was  to  end  at  last  in  outward  calm.  Twelve  months 
before,  the  King  had  passed  his  Christmas  on  the  brink  of  a 
volcano,  surrounded  in  his  very  castle  by  treacherous  friends, 
and  scared  with  dark  mutterings  of  menaced  treason.  The 
storm  had  burst.  Rebellion  had  been  crushed;  the  Scots 
chastised ;  the  Welsh  terrified  ;  the  French  softened ;  and  the 
King  returned  to  pass  the  Christmas  gaieties  in  temporary 
peace.  His  Court  was  graced,  during  the  winter  of  1400-1,  by 
a  strange  and  venerated  visitor,  such  as  England  had  never 
seen  before. 

In  the  far  East,  Christianity  and  civilization  were  already  in 
the  last  death-struggle  with  the  Turks.  Asia  Minor  had  been 
abandoned ;  both  sides  of  the  Danube  were  lost ;  and  though 
treaties  had  been  signed,  and  tribute  paid,  and  all  indignities 
submitted  to  by  the  Eastern  Christians,  yet  nothing  could  stop 
the  advancing  tide,  and  the  Infidels  were  gathering  like  vultures 
round  the  last  home  of  the  Empire  on  the  Bosphorus. 

We  are  fortunate  in  possessing  a  curious  and  detailed 
Account  of  the  great  city  of  Constantinople  before  its  occu- 
pation by  the  Turks,  written  by  a  chatty  Castilian,  Ruy 
Gonzalez  de  Clavijo,  who  visited  it  in  1403.  The  city  was 
called  2Escomboli  by  the  Greeks.  Pera  they  called  Galata. 
Clavijo  had  seen  many  cities,  but  Constantinople  he  considers 
"  the  best  and  most  beautiful  in  the  world,  and  the  most  secure 

i  CLAVIJO,  pp.  28-49.  2i.e.,  es  r??v  IIoAiv  (modern  "  Stamboul  "). — 
Hid,  47. 


"  And  in  a  glas  he  hadde  Pigges  Bones"  157 

from  all  winds."  The  wails  were  built  in  the  shape  of  a 
Hriangle,  eighteen  miles  round,  but  much  of  the  space  enclosed 
was  not  built  upon.  He  describes  its  vast  churches  ("  some 
say  there  are  even  now  [1403]  3,000  churches  ")  and  monas- 
teries, "  most  of  them  in  ruins,"  with  stores  of  wondrous  relics. 
The  Holy  Coat,  which  did  not  "look  as  if  it  had  been  woven," 
the  Bread  given  to  Judas,  "  which  he  was  unable  to  eat,"  the 
True  Cross,  the  Sponge,  the  Reed,  the  Stone,  the  Lance-head,  the 
Beard  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  Blood,  the  Tears  (which  looked 
"fresh  as  if  they  had  just  fallen"),  and  other  priceless 
accessories  of  the  Crucifixion  (some  in  duplicate),  had  all  found 
their  way  to  Byzantium.  There,  too,  were  both  the  Arms  of 
John  the  Baptist,  from  the  shoulder  to  the  hand,  "though  they 
say  that  the  whole  body  of  the  blessed  St.  John  was  destroyed, 
except  one  finger  of  the  right  arm,  with  which  he  pointed  when 
he  said,  Behold  the  Lamb  of  God  ! "  Yet  there  they  were — both 
of  them, — one  shrivelled  to  skin  and  bone,  adorned  with  jewels 
and  set  in  gold ;  the  other  in  fine  preservation,  but  minus  the 
thumb,  for  which  a  suitable  explanation  was  offered.  Such 
was  the  city,  and  such  the  mysteries,  now  passing  helplessly 
into  the  grasp  of  the  Infidels. 

In  their  last  agonies  of  humiliation,  the  Greek  Emperors  had 
made  their  peace  with  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  with  his 
sanction  had  appealed  for  arms  and  money  to  the  West.  Four 
years  before,  the  King  of  Hungary  had  made  a  similar  appeal ; 
but,  though  largely  aided  by  the  Western  Powers,  he  was  crushed 
and  ruined  by  the  Sultan  Bajazet  I.,  at  the  fatal  battle  of 
Nicopolis  (September  28th,  1396).  One  thousand  French  had 
been  present  in  the  battle,  led  by  the  noblest  gallants  of  the 
proudest  Court  in  Western  Europe,  but  none  escaped  save 
25  of  the  leaders  (including  the  young  Count  of  Nevers, 

1  CLAVIJO,  46. 


158  The  Emperors  of  the  East  and   West.  [CHAP. 

afterwards  Duke  John  of  Burgundy),  whose  lives  were  reserved 
for  a  long  captivity  in  Turkish  prisons  at  Broussa.  A  young 
Bavarian  lad,  Johann  ^chiltberger,  who  was  wounded  in  the 
battle,  and  whose  life  was  spared  because  of  his  youth,  says 
that  10,000  prisoners  (over  twenty  years  of  age)  were  massacred 
by  the  Turks  on  the  day  after  the  battle.  King  Henry  himself 
had  been  present  in  the  battle  with  1,000  English  lances,  and 
had  narrowly  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors 
by  getting  on  board  of  one  of  the  blockading  squadron  on  the 
Danube,  after  the  flight  of  Sigismund,  the  Hungarian  King. 

After  the  disaster,  the  Turkish  conquerors  pressed  closer 
round  Constantinople.  The  Emperor  2Emanuel,  or  Manuel,  II. 
sent  again,  beseeching  help  from  France;  and,  in  1399,  1,200 
French  troops,  under  the  command  of  the  Marshal  3  Jean  le 
Meingre  de  Boucicaut,  undertook  the  defence  of  the  Imperial 
City.  But  it  was  a  forlorn  hope  ;  and  though  the  *  panegyrist  of 
Boucicaut,  who  had  ample  means  of  knowing  the  facts  from  the 
Marshal  himself,  has  magnified  the  great  deeds  of  his  heroic 
patron,  yet  the  sum  -total  of  the  results  was  a  mere  confession 
of  the  impossibility  of  resistance.  The  Turks  occupied  the 
heights  above  Pera,  whence  they  could  hurl  missiles  from  their 
engines  into  Pera  and  Stamboul.  They  5blockaded  both  cities 
with  60  vessels  on  the  sea  side,  and  400,000  men  by  land,  but 
failed  to  reduce  them  after  two  long  attacks,  extending  over 
six  months  each.  With  the  help  of  some  Genoese  and 
Venetian  galleys,  the  Straits  were  kept  open ;  but  pay  and 
provisions  failed ;  the c  climate  was  fatal  to  the  French ;  and  they 
were  compelled  to  withdraw.  One  hundred,  however,  of  them 

1He  was  then  only  sixteen  years  old.  He  followed  Bajazet  as  a  runner 
for  six  years,  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Angora  (July,  1402),  and 
was  then  taken  prisoner  by  Timour,  whom  he  followed  to  Samarcand. — 
SCHILTBERGER,  21.  2  French  writers  call  him  "  Carmanoli "  ;  Italians, 
"Chiaramomolle;"  Clavijo  (44),  "Chirmanoli."  3CLAVuo,  16;  RECEUIL 
DBS  TRAITEZ,  i,  366.  4  BOUCICAUT,  pt.  I.,  ch.  31-33.  5CLAvuo,  47. 
6  "  L'air  estoit  non  propice  aux  Frangois." — Juv.,  417. 


IX.]       "  Gret  was  the  Presse  and  riche  was  the  Array"        159 

remained  to  continue  the  defence  of  the  City,  and,  at  the  instance 
of  Boucicaut,  it  was  decided  that  the  Emperor  should  accompany 
him  to  France,  offering  to  hand  over  Constantinople,  with  the 
Empire,  to  the  French  King,  if  he  would  undertake  to  defend 
it,  and  to  plead  in  person  with  the  Western  Powers  for  more 
substantial  help  to  meet  his  pressing  need. 

The  Emperor,  accordingly,  decided  to  accept  the  advice. 
He  left  his  nephew,  1John,  who  was  by  descent  the  rightful 
heir  to  the  purple,  to  govern  during  his  absence;  and  a  French- 
man, 2Chateaumorant,  remained  to  conduct  the  defence.  In 
8 company  with  Boucicaut,  the  Emperor  started  on  his  journey 
to  the  West.  At  4Methone,  in  the  Peloponnesus,  he  left 
his  wife  and  two  little  children,  and  sailed  with  one  galley  to 
Venice.  Here  he  was  honourably  welcomed,  being  lodged  in 
the  Palace  of  the  5  Marquis  of  Ferrara,  while  Boucicaut 
proceeded  to  Paris,  to  announce  the  purpose  of  his  approaching 
visit.  Everywhere  he  was  received  with  demonstrations  of 
great  respect.  From  Venice  he  moved  to  Padua,  where  he 
arrived  at  midnight,  escorted  by  a  torchlight  procession  and 
instruments  of  music.  From  Padua  he  travelled  by  Vicenza  to 
Pavia,  and  was  met  by  the  6Duke  of  Milan,  who  conducted 
him  through  his  dominions  to  the  borders  of  France.  At  Milan, 
he  was  joined  by  the  great  scholar  Chrysoloras,  who  had 

1  John  had  been  nearly  blinded  by  his  father  for  rebellion.  In  a  letter 
(dated  June  1st,  1402)  he  calls  himself  "  Imperator  et  Moderator  Roman- 
orum,"  and  his  uncle  "  pater  meus." — EOT.  LET.,  i,  101.  In  September, 
1403,  he  was  in  banishment  in  Mitylene.  Clavijo,  who  visited  the  island, 
calls  him  the  Young  Emperor  of  Constantinople,  to  distinguish  him  from 
Manuel,  the  Old  Emperor. — CLAVIJO,  xxiii,  45.  2  Called  "  Centumarando," 
in  SCHILTBEEGER,  4;  or,  "  Johannes  Dominus  Castrimorandi,"  in  RECEUIL 
DBS  TEAITEZ,  i,  366.  He  afterwards  returned  to  Paris,  and  was  in 
attendance  on  the  Emperor  until  his  departure  in  1402.  —  Juv.,  421. 
(CLAVIJO,  24.  4DucAS,  c.  14.  When  Clavijo  visited  him  in  Constantinople 
s October  28th,  1403)  he  had  with  him  "the  Empress,  his  wife,  and  three 
small  children,  the  eldest  being  about  eight  years  old." — CLAVIJO,  29. 

5GALEAZZO    GrATTARO,    CHRON.,  PATAV.,    in     MuRATORI,    Xvii,   836.        6  ANN. 

MEDIOL.,  in  MURATORI,  xvii. 


160  The  Emperors  of  the  East  and  West.          [CHAP. 

settled  two  years  before  in  Florence,  and  gained  immense 
distinction  by  opening  to  Italian  scholars  the  language  of 
Homer,  Demosthenes,  and  Plato.  He  was  now  summoned  to 
^eet  Manuel  in  the  North,  and  probably  accompanied  him 
through  the  rest  of  his  journey. 

In  Provence,  the  Emperor  was  received  by  an  escort  sent  to 
meet  him.  On  nearing  Paris,  the  King's  uncles  came  out  to 
salute  him.  On  2June  3rd,  he  entered  the  French  capital. 
The  King  awaited  him  at  the  gates,  and  conducted  him  through 
the  city  on  a  white  horse,  richly  caparisoned.  The  8  Louvre 
had  been  specially  decorated  in  his  honour,  and  he  was  lodged 
at  the  French  King's  expense. 

As  soon  as  conveniently  could  be  arranged,  the  Emperor 
submitted  his  proposal  to  the  French  Council.  Very  soon 
he  received  a  letter  from  England,  from  4Peter  Holt,  Prior 
of  the  Knights  Hospitallers  of  St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  at 
Rodes,  in  5  Ireland.  Holt  had  been  for  some  time  engaged  in 
a  feud  with  one  of  his  subordinates,  a  Friar  named  6  Robert 
White,  who  claimed  that  by  a  charter  of  the  late  King  he  was 
the  lawful  Prior.  Accordingly,  he  seized  his  chief  and  impris- 
oned him,  but  Holt  was  glad  to  escape  to  England,  to  endeavour 
to  ingratiate  himself  with  Henry,  and  secure  7his  support.  In 
this  he  appears  to  have  succeeded,  for  on  the  8last  day  of 
December,  1401,  he  started  for  Ireland,  armed  with  letters  of 
ejectment  against  his  rival  at  Rodes.  The  Emperor  9 replied  to 
Holt's  letter  on  June  2ist,  proposing  that  he  should  visit 

i  ARETINUS,  253.  See  the  account  of  his  enthusiasm  for  Chrysoloras 
and  the  new-found  Greek  tongue.  a  SPONDANTJS,  676.  3  Cf .  a  similar 
reception  of  the  gouty  Emperor  of  the  West  by  Charles  V.,  in  Paris,  in 
1377. —  CHRIST.  DE  Pis.,  iii,  ch.  33-47.  *  Holt  is  called  Tricoplarius 
Khodi  ac  miles  noster  familiaris,  in  RYM.,  viii,  235.  See  his  passport  on 
passing  to  Eodes,  dated  December  15th,  1401.  5PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  33. 
eCLAUs.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  25.  7  Ibid,  2,  5  (September  llth,  1401),  where  the 
new  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  is  required  to  see  that  Holt  is  restored. 
8  PAT.,  3H.  IV.,  1.  18.  9  ROY.  LET.,  39. 


IX.]  Arrival  of  Manuel  II.  in  London.  161 

England,  in  order  to  confer  personally  with  the  English  King. 
On  July  nth,  Holt  replied  that  the  King  had  gone  North 
against  the  Scots,  but  that  he  would  at  once  convey  to  him  the 
Emperor's  wishes,  and  report  as  to  the  proposed  visit.  In  the 
meantime,  he  advised  him  to  postpone  his  journey  until  the 
King's  return  to  the  South.  Holt  thereupon  proceeded  north- 
wards, and,  having  received  Henry's  permission,  he  crossed  to 
Paris,  where  he  lodged  with  the  Emperor,  and  Conducted  the 
negociations  in  person.  We  have  seen  how  Henry  was 
unexpectedly  called  to  the  West  after  his  return  from  Scotland, 
and  thus  the  proposed  visit  of  the  Emperor  had  again  to  be 
postponed. 

At  length,  after  repeated  delays,  Manuel  crossed  the  Channel. 
He  made  a  short  halt  at  2  Calais,  which  cost  the  English 
Exchequer  ^300.  He  landed  at  Dover  before  the3 nth  of 
December,  and  messages  were  despatched  to  various  persons  of 
distinction,  to  meet  him  and  escort  him  on  his  way  to  London. 
On  December  i3th  (St.  Lucy),  he  4  arrived  at  Canterbury,  where 
he  was  entertained  by  the  monks  at  Christ  Church,  and  after  a 
few  days  he  proceeded  on  his  way.  On  Blackheath  he  was 
met  by  the  King,  who  accompanied  him  to  London,  which 
they  entered  together  (December  2ist)  with  great  display  and 
pomp.  From  thence  he  returned  with  Henry  to  spend  the 
Christmas  festivities  at  Eltham. 

Though  many  contemporaries  record  the  fact  of  this  striking 
journey  of  the  Greek  Emperor  from  the  far  East,  yet  we  have 
not  many  hints  as  to  the  impression  it  must  have  produced 
upon  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  West.  All  the  great  cities 
that  he  visited  seem  to  have  been  flattered  by  the  presence  of 
the  august  stranger,  and  London,  Paris,  Venice,  and  Milan 

1OHD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  82,  where  date  should  be  September  29th,  1400, 
not  1390.  2  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  2  H.  IV.,  MICH,  slbid,  3  H.  IV.,  PASC., 
April  21st,  1402.  4  LAMBETH  MS.,  SPECULUM  PAEVULORUM,  lib.  5,  ch.  30, 
quoted  iu  HODY,  DE  ILLUSTRIBUS  GR^CIS,  14. 

K 


1 62  The  Emperors  of  the  East  and   West.          [CHAP. 

rivalled  each  other  in  doing  him  honour.  All  remarked  upon 
the  extreme  devoutness  of  the  Easterns ;  that  they  had  daily 
service  Mn  their  own  native  tongue,  and  how  2  priests  and 
laymen  alike  all  joined  in  the  singing.  Amongst  the  "  errors  " 
of  the  Greek  Church  it  was  8noticed  that  "the  clergy  are 
married,  but  when  their  wives  die  they  do  not  marry  again,  but 
remain  widowers,  and  are  very  unhappy  for  the  rest  of  their 
lives."  "When  anyone  dies  who  has  done  evil  in  this  life,  and 
is  a  great  sinner,  they  dress  him  in  clothes  and  change  his 
name,  that  the  Devil  may  not  know  him  ;  yet  they  are  very 
devout,  and  say  long  prayers."  There  was  no  special  seclusion 
or  privacy.  In  4  Paris  their  services  were  attended  by  all  who 
were  curious  in  the  matter.  In  London  they  walked  abroad, 
their  long,  simple,  white  gowns  contrasting  with  the  5  parti- 
coloured and  fantastic  novelties  which  formed  the  6"newe 
gette,"  or  latest  fashion,  of  the  London  dandies  of  that  day ; 
the  priests  distinguished  by  their  flowing  hair  and  long  beards, 
in  protest  against  the  shaven  crowns  and  smooth  faces  of  their 
brethren  of  the  West.  The  learned  in  England  were  flattered 
to  hear  that  the  old  Greek  nobility  7  derived  their  descent  from 

1  EULOG.,  iii,  388.  The  writer  had  probably  watched  them  at  Canterbury. 
aUsK,  55.  3CLAVuo,  64.  *  Juv.,  419.  5See  a  curious  tirade  against 
the  "  Pokys,"  or  Bagpipe  Sleeves,  in  EVES.,  172.  The  monk  calls  them 
"  receptacula  daemoniorum,"  because  stolen  property  could  be  slipped 
away  in  them,  and  because  the  men,  when  serving  at  table,  let  them  fall 
into  the  soup  or  the  gravy.  He  adds  that  wise  men  believe  (a,  sapientibus 
creditur)  that  the  Deity  is  angry  at  these  fashions,  and  has  given  the 
nation  a  warning,  by  allowing  the  troubles  with  the  Scotch,  the  French, 
and  the  Welsh.  Cf.  extract  from  Occleve,  in  STOW,  CHRON.,  327 : — 
"  Now  hath  this  land  little  need  of  Broomes 

To  sweepe  away  the  filth  out  of  the  street, 
Sen  side  sleeves  of  penniless  groomes 
Will  it  up  licke,  be  it  dry  or  weete." 
His  armes  two  han  right  ynoughe  to  done, 
And  somewhat  more  his  sieves  up  to  holde. 

DE  EEGIMINE  PRINCIPUM,  18. 

For  the  pointed  shoes  ("poulaines")  and  other  extravagances  of  fashion, 
see  CHRIST.  DE  Pis.,  i,  29;  also  Eoss  (temp.  H.  VI.),  HIST.  REG.  ANGL., 
205.  "  Detestabilis  usns  sotularium  rostratorum,  &c."  6  CHAUCER,  Prol. 
682.  7  USK  (94)  heard  the  same  story  from  the  Greeks  in  Eome,  1405. 


.IX.]  Imperial  Begging, 

Constantine  and  his  three  British  uncles,  Trehern,  Llewellyn, 
and  Meric,  and  "  the  30,000  Britons  whom  he  took  with  him 
to  Constantinople;"  while  a  more  modem,  and  more  solid, 
bond  of  union  was  found  in  the  faithful  bodyguard  of 
Warangians,  whose  axes  attended  the  Emperor  in  his  palace, 
and  who  spoke  a  language  known  on  the  Bosphorus  as 
"  English." 

For  two  months  the  strangers  remained  at  Eltham,  and  were 
royally  entertained  at  the  public  expense.  "The  2men  of 
London  maden  a  gret  mommyng  to  hem  of  twelve  aldermen 
and  there  sons,  for  which  they  had  gret  thanke."  Sports, 
jousts,  processions,  and  gaieties  succeeded  each  other,  with 
lavish  display — both  hosts  and  guests  enjoying  the  merry  time 
with  mutual  delight ;  but  every  day  Constantinople  was  being 
closer  pressed  with  famine,  and  the  3besieged  were  dropping 
from  the  walls  by  night,  and  giving  themselves  up  to  the  Turks. 

Something  must  be  done,  and  done  quickly.  Eighteen 
^months  before,  a  Greek  envoy  had  landed  in  England,  armed 
with  a  recommendation  from  the  Pope,  and  commissioned  to 
raise  money  for  the  relief  of  Constantinople,  and  the  support  of 
the  schismatic  Manuel  against  the  Infidels  from  Asia.  Pardons 
had  been  offered  to  all  who  should  lend  a  helping  hand,  by 
preaching  or  collecting  on  behalf  of  the  good  cause,  and  5boxes 
were  to  be  kept  to  hold  contributions,  in  every  town,  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Mayor,  and  in  every  diocese,  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Bishop.  King  Richard  had  already  been 
applied  to,  in  1398,  for  help,  though  he  had  been  6 obliged  to 
make  excuses.  He  did,  however,  subsequently 7 forward  ^2,000 
in  money,  through  a  Genoese  merchant.  But  the  troubles 
which  followed  in  England  threw  the  great  begging  scheme 

1  CODINUS,  DE  OFFICIIS,  ch.  vii,  12,  p.  90,  ed.,  1648.  ~  CHRON.  LOND.,  87. 
sBouciCAUT,  ch.  30.  4  June,  1399.— KYM.,  viii,  82.  »  ANN.,  231.  6  See 
his  apologetic  letter,  in  BEKYNTON,  i,  285.  7  ISSUE  ROLLS,  22  R.  II.,  p.  272, 
dated  May  13th,  1399,  quoted  in  BEKYNTON,  i,  lx. 


1 64  The  Emperors  of  the  East  and   West.          [CHAP. 

into  confusion,  and  it  is  evident  that  from  various  causes  very 
little  of  the  money  contributed  found  its  way  to  its  intended 
destination.  Henry  now  undertook  to  enquire  into  the  matter 
more  exactly,  and  with  this  view  he  sent  Orders  to  the  Bishops 
in  every  diocese  to  institute  an  enquiry  as  to  the  names  and 
returns  of  all  those  who  had  been  authorized  to  collect  in  1399. 
8 The  Florentine  merchant  bankers,  "  of  the  Society  of  Alberti," 
had  received  ^158  us.  5d.,  and  handed  it  over  to  the  proper 
quarter.  To  their  surprise  they  now  found  that  the  sum  had 
not  been  accounted  for,  and  they  would  have  been  held 
responsible  had  they  not  been  able  to  show  a  formal  receipt. 

The  directions  were  sent  out  on  January  nth,  1401,  and 
very  soon  a  large  sum  was  forthcoming.  One  3  writer  states 
that  ^"4,000  was  raised  by  indulgences,  and  that  Henry  added 
^4,000  more,  but  a  4 receipt  signed  by  Manuel  himself,  and 
dated  London,  February  3rd,  1401,  acknowledges  with  gratitude 
that  Henry  has  granted  him  3,000  marks  out  of  the  Exchequer, 
as  a  compensation  for  the  money  previously  collected  on  his 
behalf,  but  never  yet  received ;  and  the  particulars  are  exactly 
corroborated  by  an  entry  in  the  5  Issue  Roll  of  the  Exchequer, 
showing  that  the  Emperor  received  ^2,000  at  the  hands  of 
Peter  Holt.  With  this  sum  he  was  seemingly  content,  and 
after  a  stay  of  two  months  he  returned  to  6  Paris,  where  he 
remained  till  the  summer  of  1402.  Thence  he  proceeded,  by 
a  circuitous  route,  to  his  own  country,  to  find  that  Constanti- 
nople had  been  saved — not  by  the  prayers,  or  arms,  or 
contributions  of  the  faithful,  but  by  the  sword  of  7Timur  the 
Tartar.  The  Emperor  still  continued  to  communicate  with 

IRYM.,  viii,  174;  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  10.  2  See  the  statement  of 
Nicholas  Luke  on  their  behalf,  in  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2,  5,  in  tergo,  dated 
August  20th,  1401.  a  EULOG.,  iii,  388.  *  ROY.  LET.,  i,  56.  «  PELLS, 
2  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  dated  March  26th,  1401.  6Juv.,  421.  7Bajazet  was 
defeated  by  Titnur,  and  taken  prisoner,  at  Angora,  July  28th,  1402. 
lie  died  at  Ak  Sher  or  Aksheher,  near  Konieh,  in  Asia  Minor,  March  8th, 

I  103.  —  SCHILTBERGER,  21. 


tomans. 

Henry,  and  his  Envoys  from  time  to  time  visited  England, 
though  the  immediate  danger  to  his  capital  was  removed. 

The  Emperor  of  the  East  was  still  a  lion  in  London,  when, 
by  a  striking  coincidence,  Commissioners  arrived,  bearing  for 
Henry  a  flattering  request  from  the  newly  crowned  Emperor  of 
the  West.  Wenceslaus,  or  Wenzel,  King  of  Bohemia,  had  been 
Emperor  of  the  West  since  1378.  His  sister,  Anne,  had  been 
the  wife  of  Richard  II.,  and  a  friendship  had  been  maintained 
between  the  brothers-in-law,  even  after  the  death  of  Anne. 
Richard  had  offered  to  Wenceslaus  the  help  of  England  against 
his  rebellious  subjects,  and  in  return  the  ~ Emperor  was  prepared 
to  give  assistance  to  Richard  in  1399.  But  the  dissipation  of 
Wenceslaus'  life,  and  the  weakness  of  his  throne,  had  filled  his 
inglorious  reign  with  disaster  and  intrigue,  which  reached  its 
height  in  the  summer  of  1400,  when  five  out  of  the  seven 
Princes  who  claimed  to  be  Electors  combined  to  declare  him 
deposed  from  the  Imperial  dignity. 

On  June  3ist,  1400,  8Sir  Roger  Siglem  left  England  for 
Germany,  as  an  "  ambassador  on  secret  matters."  He  was 
absent  until  the  following  September  23rd.  In  the  meantime, 
the  five  Electors  had  pronounced  the  deposition  of  Wenceslaus, 
and  had  chosen  in  his  room,  as  "  King  of  the  Romans,"  one  of 
themselves,  viz.:  4 Robert  III.,  or  Rupert,  a  Duke  of  Bavaria 
and  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine.  An  understanding  had,  no 
doubt,  previously  been  arrived  at  with  the  English  envoy,  that 
the  deposed  Emperor  need  look  for  no  assistance  now  from 
England.  Wenceslaus  did  not,  of  course,  acquiesce  in  the 
decision  of  the  Electors.  He  appealed  to  '"France,  and 
remained  for  several  years  fomenting  disturbances  amongst  the 
Powers  of  Europe,  as  King  of  Bohemia. 

i  RYM.,  viii,  299,  March  29th,  1403.  a  See  his  letter,  dated  Nuremberg, 
September  24th,  1399  (not  1397)  which  must  have  fallen  into  Henry's 
hands,  printed  in  BEK.,  i,  287.  3  FOREIGN  ROLL.  4  See  letters  in 
MARTENIO,  i,  1634-8,  August  24th,  1400.  5  Juv.,  419. 


1 66  The  Emperors  of  the  East  and   West.          [CHAP. 

Thus,  at  this  interesting  time,  Europe  saw  two  rival  Popes, 
each  with  his  faction  of  Cardinals,  cursing  each  other  from 
Avignon  and  Rome ;  the  effete  Eastern  Empire  at  Constanti- 
nople dropping,  from  sheer  exhaustion,  into  the  clutches  of  the 
Turks ;  and  two  rival  Emperors  of  the  West,  each  with  his 
following  of  Princes  and  Electors,  established  as  centres  of 
mutual  hatred  on  the  Moldau  and  the  Rhine. 

The  great  cities  of  Cologne,  Frankfort,  and  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
with  the  Duke  of  Gueldres,  refused  at  first  to  Recognize 
Rupert.  In  Italy,  the  Duke  of  Milan  rejected  his  claims  with 
scorn,  and  2  Mantua  and  many  other  Italian  cities  still  held 
with  the  King  of  Bohemia.  But  Rupert  collected  a  great  army, 
and  marched  on  Frankfort.  After  a  3siege  of  six  weeks  he 
entered  the  city  in  triumph  (October  26th,  1400).  The  bulk 
of  the  German  cities  submitted  to  him.  The  4King  of  Aragon, 
Valentia,  and  the  Islands  of  the  Mediterranean  was  friendly  to 
him.  With  the  5  support  of  Pope  Boniface  IX.  he  was  soon 
practically  above  all  serious  opposition  north  of  the  Alps,  and 
the  Triple  Crown  was  placed  on  his  head  at  Cologne,  by  the 
fi  Bishop  of  Mayence,  7 January  6th,  1401. 

On  8the  9th  of  January,  the  new  Emperor  despatched  three 
Commissioners  to  London,  to  make  arrangements  for  a  marriage 
between  his  eldest  son,  Louis,  then  9thirteen  years  old,  and 
Henry's  eldest  daughter,  Blanche,  who  was  about  his  equal  in 
age.  The  proposal  was  welcomed,  and  on  10  February  i3th,  1401, 
a  Commission  was  issued  authorizing  the  Constable  and 
Marshal,  with  the  Bishops  of  Hereford  and  Rochester,  to 
arrange  the  necessary  preliminaries  with  the  German  representa- 
tives, who  were  still  in  London.  No  time  was  lost,  and  no 

1  Dont  il  en  demoura  en  indignation. — FROIS.,  iv,  322.  2  MARTENS,  i, 
1638,  1679.  3Ibid,  i,  1639.  "Environ  quarante  jours."  — MONSTE., 
ch.  vi,  p.  6.  4 MARTENE,  i,  1642.  5Rov.  LET.,  i,  9k  '  6  MONSTE.,  ch.  vi. 
•  MAETENE,  i,  1651 ;  L'AET  DE  VERIFIER,  ii,  36.  8RTM.,  viii,  170.  *  Ibid, 
viii,  233.  ™Ibid,  viii,  176- 


IX. 


Princess  Blanche. 


167 


difficulties  presented  themselves.  By  March  yth,  the  outline  of 
an  agreement  was  sketched  out,  according  to  which,  if  all 
preliminaries  wrere  accepted,  the  Princess  Blanche  was  to  be 
conducted  at  Easter  in  the  following  year  (1402)  to  Cologne, 
there  to  be  met  by  Louis,  who  should  at  once  take  her  to 
Heidelberg,  where  the  marriage  should  be  duly  solemnized; 
the  English  King  agreeing  to  give  40,000  nobles  as  a  dower 
with  his  daughter,  and  the  Duke  Louis  to  make  suitable 
provision  for  her  maintenance  during  his  lifetime  and  after  his 
death.  Further  details  were  to  be  arranged  by  Commissioners 
representing  both  parties,  who  were  to  meet  at  Dordrecht  early 
in  the  coming  autumn. 

1  RYM.,  viii,  179. 


CHAPTER    X. 
THE    LOLLARDS. 

FOR  some  time  past  l  writs  had  been  issued  summoning  a 
Parliament  to  meet  at  Westminster,  on  the  Octave  of  St.  Hilary, 
January  2ist,  1401.  On  2Thursday,  January  2oth,  the  newly 
elected  members  presented  themselves  to  answer  to  their 
names,  and  verify  their  return,  in  presence  of  the  Chancellor  at 
Westminster ;  and,  on  the  following  day,  the  Parliament  was 
formally  opened  by  Sir  William  Thernyng,  Chief  Justice  of 
Common  Pleas,  who  explained  to  the  members  the  King's  will 
in  calling  them  together  again.  The  next  day,  Saturday,- 
January  22nd,  the  Knights  of  the  Shire,  the  Citizens,  and 
Burgesses  presented  to  the  King  Sir  Arnold  Savage,  3a  Kentish 
gentleman,  whom  they  had  chosen  as  their  Speaker ;  a  choice 
which  was  not  only  approved  by  the  King,  but  universally 
accepted,  4the  new  Speaker  being  a  man  of  refinement,  tact, 
and  eloquence. 

The  meetings  were  then  continued  3from  day  to  day. 
Business  was  transacted  and  petitions  were  presented  up  to 
March  loth,  and  the  usual  grants  of  money  were  made  to  meet 
the  expenses  of  the  past  year,  incurred  in  the  operations  against 
the  Scotch,  the  Welsh,  the  rebel  lords,  and  the  French. 
Reconciliations  were  effected,  and  efforts  made  to  smooth  away 
some  remaining  traces  of  the  animosities  of  the  past  two  years. 
The  Bishop  of  Norwich  was  publicly  reconciled  with  Sir 

1  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  2  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  November  22nd,  1401.  2  EOT. 
PARL.,  iii,  454.  3  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  161.  He  was  Speaker  again,  January 
15th,  1404.— ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  523.  4  ANN.,  335.  *  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  454- 
479;  STAT.,  ii,  120-131. 


Meeting  of  Parliament.  169 

Thomas  Erpingham,  the  Treasurer,  and  was  restored  to  his 
temporalities,  which  had  been  declared  forfeit  after  the  rebellion 
of  twelve  months  before.  The  quarrel  between  the  Earl  of 
Rutland  and  Lord  Fitzwalter  was  arranged,  and  the  Earls  of 
Rutland  and  Somerset  were  reinstated  in  their  lands  and 
possessions  as  loyal  subjects  of  King  Henry.  Further  evasions 
of  the  Statute  against  Provisors  were  sanctioned,  the  Statute 
regulating  Purveyance  was  re-affirmed,  and  the  recent  Statute 
against  Liveries  was  more  accurately  defined. 

Attention  was  directed  to  the  affairs  of  Wales,  and  the 
unsettled  condition  of  the  Border  counties  in  the  West.  Signs 
of  coming  trouble  were  not  wanting,  and  the  members  of  the 
English  Parliament  were  only  too  ready  to  magnify  the  danger 
in  urging  stringent  measures  against  their  troublesome  neigh- 
bours. Welsh  J  students  in  England  had  left  Oxford  at  the  call 
of  Owen,  to  further  the  rebellion,  and  Welsh  labourers  were 
returning  without  warning  to  their  own  country,  and  arming 
themselves  with  bows  and  swords. 

In  Wales  2the  fields  were  neglected,  stock  was  sold,  and  with 
the  proceeds  the  Welshmen  were  procuring  "sadles,  bowes  and 
arowes,  and  other  harnys."  "  Recheles  men  of  many  divers 
cuntries  voiden  her  groundes  and  her  thrifty  governance,  and 
assembled  hem  in  dissolate  places  and  wilde,  and  maken  many 
divers  congregaciones  and  meeynges  [meetings]  pryvely,  thogh 
her  counsaile  be  holden  yet  secrete  fro  us,  wherethrogh  yong 
peple  are  the  more  wilde  in  governance."  Already,  negociations 
had  begun  with  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  islands  off  the  West 
of  Scotland,  to  effect  a  landing  at  Barmouth  and  Aberdovey 
before  the  coming  summer. 

So  much  information  had  been  received  before  the  Parlia- 

1  See  the  evidence  of  Johan  Pole  against  five  "clerks"  from  Oxford, 
who  had  become  Owen's  men. —  ORIG.  LET.,  II.,  1,  8.  2  MS.  CLEOP  F 
iii,  119  b,  in  ORIG.  LET.,  II.,  1,  8. 


i  yo  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

ment  met.  The  Council  had  forthwith  issued  orders  to  all  the 
towns  and  villages  on  or  near  the  coast,  to  man  and  equip  for 
sea,  at  their  own  cost,  a  fleet  of  52  'ships  of  war. 

The  Commons  now  objected  that  these  orders  were  illegal, 
and  Unprecedented.,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  withdrawn. 
The  King  consented,  but  pleaded  that  the  measure  was 
necessary  to  protect  the  country  from  invasion,  and  promised 
to  take  the  advice  of  the  Parliament  in  the  matter.  At  the 
same  time,  the  Lords  of  the  Isles  of  Scotland,  who  had  just 
returned  from  a  3 descent  on  the  northern  coasts  of  Ireland, 
were  encouraged  again  to4negociate  with  English  representa- 
tives in  Cumberland,  in  order  to  counteract  the  influence  now 
being  brought  to  bear  upon  them  by  the  Welsh. 

The  rebellious  spirit,  moreover,  was  spreading  into  England. 
The  Border  Counties  were  insecure  from  plunder  and  arson, 
and  there  were  riots  and  resistance  to  authority  in  the  West. 
The  Customs  were  collected  with  great  difficulty,  especially  in 
the  port  of  Bristol,  and  in  the  cloth  districts  about  Frome. 
The  Parliament  took  the  alarm,  and  recommended  immediate 
measures.  An  old  statute  of  Edward  I.,  passed  on  the  first 
settlement  of  the  English  authority  in  Wales,  had  declared  that 
no  Welshman  should  hold  office  as  Sheriff,  Bailiff,  or  Officer,  in 
any  district  of  Wales  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  royal  castles, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Chamberlain  at  Caernarvon.  It  is 
certain  that  this  5statute  had  never  been  strictly  acted  upon ; 
nevertheless,  the  Commons  now  recommended  its  revival.  A 
free  pardon  had  been  promised  to  all  rebels  presenting  them- 
selves at  Chester  before  the  Parliament  met.  The  Commons 
asked  that  this  pardon  should  not  be  granted,  but  that  the 

1<c  Barges  and  balingers."  See  commission  (dated  January  llth,  1401) 
in  RYM.,  viii,  174  ;  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  19.  2Qu'  n'ad  este  fait  devant 
ces  heures.— ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  458  a.  3UsK,  61.  *  See  the  safe-conduct 
(dated  February  5th,  1401)  in  ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  155.  5  ROT.  PAEL.,  i,  273. 


X.]  "  Ordonnances  de  Gales.'"  171 

Lords  of  the  Marches  should  be  required  to  proceed  summarily 
against  all  rebels,  without  the  option  of  a  fine ;  or,  at  least,  that 
those  who  were  convicted  of  plundering  should  be  made  to  pay 
for  the  damage  they  had  done.  The  King  promised  to  give 
attention  to  these  recommendations,  but  declined  to  allow  his 
right  of  pardon  to  be  interfered  with.  It  is  said,  though  on 
1  doubtful  anthority,  that  Owen  himself  appeared  in  this  Parlia- 
ment, complaining  that  Lord  Grey  had  taken  his  lands  from 
him,  and  demanding  redress.  The  claim  was  not  seriously 
entertained,  and  though  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  as  having  a 
personal  knowledge  of  the  Welsh  "and  some  experience  of  their 
depredations,  raised  his  voice  in  warning  of  the  dangers  in 
prospect,  yet  the  claim  was  dismissed  with  contempt.  The 
Council  cared  nought  for  3such  "barfoot  loons." 

The  King  then  gave  his  consent  to  the  following  measures, 
and  it  was  accordingly  enacted  : — 

(1)  That  no  thorough  Welshman  (i.e.,  one  born  in  Wales,  of 
Welsh  parents)  should  henceforth  purchase  or  hold  land 
or  property  in  the  Border  Towns  of  Chester,  Shrewsbury, 
Bridgnorth,  Ludlow,  Leominster,  Hereford,  Gloucester,  or 
Worcester,  or  their  suburbs,  or  become  a  citizen  or  burgess 
of  any  of  them,  and  that  those  already  enrolled  should  be 
bound   to    give    security   for   good    behaviour,    and    be 
ineligible  to  hold  any  office  in  those  towns. 

(2)  That  anyone  taking  a  Welsh  tenant  in  England  should 
require  surety  of  him,  and  be  himself  responsible  for  the 
tenant's  allegiance. 

(3)  That   any    Welshman   convicted  of  plundering    in     any 
English  county,  and  escaping  to   Wales,  should  be  liable 

'EULOG.,  iii,  388.  2PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  5,  March  13th,  1402;  PAT.,  2 
H.  IV.,  4,  13,  August  23rd,  1401.  His  poverty  was  assisted  by  a  grant 
of  the  Church  of  Mayvot,  with  its  Chapels  of  Pole  and  Guldesfeld  (or 
Kegilva).  3De  scurris  nudipedibus  non  curare.  —  EULOG.,  iii,  388. 
PAL.  NOTE  BOOK,  November,  1882. 


172  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

to  be  seized,  and  summarily  dealt  with,  by  the  Lords  of 

the  Border. 
(4)  That  for  the  next  three  years  no  Englishman   could  be 

convicted  in  Wales  at  the  suit  of  a  Welshman,  except  on 

the  decision  of  an  English  judge,  or  the  verdict  of  an 

English  jury. 

In  everything  Henry  acted  with  caution,  as  though  unwilling 
to  drive  the  Welshmen  to  despair ;  and  on  the  very  last  day  of 
the  Parliament,  viz.:  Thursday,  March  loth,  he  issued  a  general 
pardon  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  counties  of  Flint,  Denbigh, 
Anglesea,  Caernarvon,  and  Merioneth,  for  all  acts  of  treason 
and  rebellion  committed  up  to  January  6th,  excepting  only  such 
as  still  held  out  or  had  been  taken  prisoners,  and  naming  Owen 
Glendourdy,  and  Rees,  and  William  ap  Tudor,  as  specially 
exempted  from  the  benefit.  Similar  *  pardons  were  extended, 
at  slightly  later  dates,  to  the  counties  of  Montgomery,  Shrop- 
shire and  Cheshire. 

On  March  9th,  John  Scarle  resigned  his  office  as  Chancellor, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Edmund  Stafford,  Bishop  of  Exeter, 
who  had  been  Chancellor  in  the  previous  reign.  The  Great 
Seal  was  brought  in  a  sealed  leather  bag,  2"  about  ten  o'clock, 
before  dinner,"  and  solemnly  given  up  to  the  King,  who  at 
once  handed  it  to  the  Bishop  of  Exeter,  who  took  it  to  his 
house,  "in  a  suburb  of  London,"  where  he  deposited  it, 
bringing  back  the  empty  bag  on  the  following  day.  3 Scarle 
remained  a  member  of  the  Council.  He  received  a  compli- 
mentary douceur  in  the  shape  of 4  one  cask  of  wine  per  annum, 
and  on  September  2yth,  1401,  he  was  made  5  Archdeacon  of 
Lincoln.  We  do  not  know  to  what  extent  he  had  abused  his 
position  as  Chancellor,  but  6we  know  that  he  had  "  borrowed  " 
;£ioo  from  the  Exchequer,  "gratis,"  and  that  as  late  as  July 

1  RYM.,  viii,  181.  2  CLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2,  3.  3  RYM.,  viii,  185.  *  PAT., 
2  H.  IV.,  2,  22,  dated  March  3rd.  sjbtd,  4,  5.  6  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  6. 


X.]  Changes  in  the  Council.  173 

5th,  1402,  he  was  unable  to  repay  it,  and  had  to  pray  that  it 
might  remain  till  the  following  Christmas. 

About  the  same  time,  Thomas  Percy,  Earl  of  Worcester, 
became  Seneschal  of  England,  an  office  which  he  had  practically 
held  for  the  last  year,  though  nominally  acting  as  assistant  to 
the  little  Prince  Thomas. 

On  the  :2oth  of  April,  he  gave  up  his  post  as  Admiral  of  the 
South  and  West,  and  was  succeeded  by  Thomas  Rempston. 
On  the  2same  day,  Richard>  Lord  de  Grey,  had  been  appointed 
Admiral  of  the  North.  On  the  23rd  of  May,  Lawrence  Aller- 
thorpe  was  made  Treasurer  in  place  of  John  Norbury.  He 
retained  this  office  till 3 March  ist,  1402,  when  he  again  was 
succeeded  by  the  Bishop -of  Bath  and  Wells.  On  the  i5th  of 
November,  in  the  previous  year  (1400),  an  active  Jawyer, 
William  Gascoigne,  was  promoted  to  be  4  Chief  Justice  of  the 
King's  Bench. 

•  It  has  been  sententiously  said  of  the  i5th  century,  that  5if 
"  political  order  was  in  its  birth,  intellectual  disorder  seemed 
commencing,  and  that  Fancy  had  all  at  once  broken  loose  from 
the  trammels  of  the  grave  feudal  and  papal  world."  The  year 
fii^oo_had  been  confidently  fixed  upon  as  the  expected  end  of 
thejvorld.  In  Italy,  a  filthy  fanatic  was  giving  himself  out  as 
Elias,  sent  into  the  world  to  beget  the  true  Messiah.  He 
promised  eternal  blessedness  to  whoever  should  be  the  true 
Mary.  He  had  first  announced  himself  in  Venice,  and  pro- 
ceeded thence  to  Rome.  In  7both  cities  more  than  one 
hundred  ladies  secretly  visited  him,  with  presents.  He  was 
ultimately  caught  hiding  in  Rome,  and  publicly  burnt. 

In  England,  the  "intellectual  disorder"  took  a  more  rational, 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  24.  2  Ibid,  m.,  33.  3  PELLS  ISSUE  KOLL,  3  H.  IV., 
MICH.,  March  1st,  1402.  4  "  Ad  placita  coram  nobis  teiienda." — GLAUS. 

2  H.  IV.,  1,  28;  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  3  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  November  llth,  1401. 

3  MICHELET,  ii,  274.      6  See  the   sermon  by  E.  Wimbledon,   preached  at 
Paul's  Cross,  Quinquagesima,  1388,  in  Fox,  iii,  292.      7  USK,  93. 


174  The  Lollards,  [CHAP. 

though  equally  malignant  shape.  No  one  can  read  far  in  any 
record  of  this  time,  without  stumbling  upon  some  evidence  of 
the  ^fierce  struggle  which  was  then  working  its  way  to  the 
.surfacejjDetvveeri  reason  and  authority  in  matters  of  belief.  If 
your  writer  is  a  churchman,  he  loses  temper,  and  multiplies 
anger  in  searching  for  language  to  express  his  horror  at  the 
doctrines  of  the  Lollards.  If  he  is  a  satirist,  his  gall  is  expended 
in  lashing  the  Friars  and  the  Priests. 

But  from  whichever  side  you  look,  the  mere  mention  of  the 
feud  is  invariably  accompanied  with  passion,  as  though  no 
sober  writers  could  be  found  to  take  a  sober  estimate  of  its 
merits.  "Poisonous  serpents,"  "a  pestilential  seed,"  "the 
breath  of  Satan,"  "  a  creature  with  many  heads,  but  tails  all 
tied  in  one,"  are  stock  official  phrases  by  which  the  offenders 
are  described  in  clerical  documents,  together  with  diatribes 
against  their  consuming  pride,  blindness,  ignorance,  rashness 
and  stupidity.  Our  interest  is  awakened,  and  we  wish  to  know 
more  of  this  new  phenomenon,  and  the  methods  adopted  by 
these  monsters  to  deceive  the  doves — these  "  tares,"  or  "  popils," 
sown  by  the  Devil  among  the  good  seed — these  spoilers, 
rending  the  seamless  coat  of  Christ. 

It  is  customary  to  speak  of  "  Lollards  "  as  a  sect  having  a 
distinct  and  fixed  teaching  to  propagate,  and  we  are  asked  to 
believe  that  the  prevailing  official  opinion  of  the  time  was  right 
in  its  estimate  of  them,  as  a  body  of  fanatics  holding  mischievous 

1  See  the  select  cursings  between  Daw  Topias  (a  Friar)  and  Jack 
Upland  (a  Lollard),  in  POL.  SONGS,  ii,  16-114.  They  pelt  each  other 
freely  out  of  the  Apocalypse.  In  the  middle  of  the  game  the  Friar 
curiously  says  (p.  57)  : — 

"  Jak,  thus  to  dabby  with  scripture,  Me  thinkith  grete  folie  ; 
For  as  lewid  (ignorant)  am  I  as  thou  God  wote  the  sothe. 
I  know  not  an  "a"  From  the  wyndmyne, 
Ne  a  "b"  from  a  bole  foot,  I  trow,  ne  thi  self  nither." 
But  the  Lollard  makes  no  such  admission  (pp.  59,  84)  : — 

"  Than  sayst  thou  here  more  lowly  Than  in  any  other  place  : 
And  here  thou  maist  see  I  knowe  a  "b"  fro  a  bole  fote, 
For  I  catche  thee  in  lesynges  That  thou  laist  on  the  gospel." 


X.]  "  Curs  wol  she  right  as  Assoilling  saveth"  175 

opinions,  ^ull  of  danger  to  civil  society,  as  well  as  to  the 
Church.  But  if  we  look  dispassionately  at  such  facts  as  can 
now  be  deciphered,  we  shall  be  compelled  to  reject  this  view, 
at  least  at  the  period  of  the  history  at  which  we  have  now 
arrived. 

John  Wycliffe,  s"a  passing  ruely  man,  and  an  innocent  in 
his  living,"  had  8died  in  1384.  He  had  set  himself  against  the 
Supremacy  of  the  Pope  in  England,  against  the  Wealth  of  the 
.Clergy,  and  the  perverted  and  degrading  travesty  of  Poverty 
^exemplified  in  the  practice  of  the  begging  Friars.  He  wrote 
and  preached  against  Pluralities  of  Benefices,  and  other  open 
scandals  of  the  Church,  against  Image-worship,  the  Sale  of 
Pardons,  and  Habitual  Confession  ;  and  at  the  close  of  his  busy 
life  he  preached  openly  that  the  substance  of  the  bread  in  the 
Eucharist  is  not  changed,  but  that  the  bread  remains,  though 
clothed  with_awe  and  mystery  by  the  act_of  priestly  consecration. 
But  above  all,  he  had  opened  a  new  well  of  authority  in  his 
translation  of  the  Scriptures  into  English  ;  and  by  his  strictness 
of  life,  his  courage,  his  subtlety  in  wit  and  argument,  he  had 
set  ablaze  a  fire  in  men's  minds  that  could  not  be  put  out. 
This  was  the  only  bond  of  union  among  those  who  came  after 
him  —  the  claim  of  reason  to  assert  a  higher  truth,  which  all 
good  men  felt,  but  which  the  Churchmen  dared  not  allow. 
4  "Under  the  common  name  of  'Lollards'  were  gathered 
together  every  species  of  religious  malcontent."  The  name 
was  really  a  mere  term  of  abuse,  flung  about  as  readily  as 
"  infidel,"  or  "  free  thinker,"  now.  Lollards  were  the  "  tares  " 
sown  by  the  Devil.  That,  at  least,  was  the  interpretation  then 


,  iv,  499  ;  EOGERS,  i,  100.  *  ENGLISH  GARNER,  vi,  63.  3  For  the 
story  of  his  recantation,  see  MATTHEW,  xlvii.  *  FASCICULUS,  Ixvii. 
sPestifere  docrine  velut  lollis  fidem  corrumpentis.  —  USK,  3.  A  collection 
of  tracts,  nearly  contemporary  with  Wycliffe,  entitled  "A  Bundle  of 
Tares"  (Fasciculus  Zizaniorum),  with  the  heading,  "an  enemy  hath 
done  this  "  (ininiicus  homo  hoc  fecit).  —  See  SHIRLEY'S  ed.  "Rolls  Series." 


176  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

put  by  the  learned  upon  a  name  which  had  long  been  a  term  of 
abuse  in  German  and  Dutch  cities,  where  it  seems  at  first  to 
have  ^eant  "mumblers,"  who  chanted  dirges  over  the  dead. 

In  1395,  when  the  Convocation  and  the  Parliament  met  in 
London,  a  lengthy  anonymous  document  was  found  fastened 
to  the  doors  of  their  meeting-places,  at  St.  Paul's  and  West- 
minster. It  was  drawn  up  as  2a  "  message "  on  behalf  of 
Christ's  poor,  calling  for  a  reform  in  the  Church.  It  asserted 
that  virtues  had  left  the  Church  in  proportion  as  its  riches  had 
increased ;  that  the  priesthood,  as  then  composed,  was  not 
what  Christ  ordained  ;  that  priests  should  not  be  forbidden  to 
marry  ;  that  transubstantiation  tended  to  become  idolatry  ;  that 
to  bless  water,  oil,  salt,  and  the  like,  savoured  more  of  magic 
than  of  religion  ;  that  Bishops  should  not  be  judge's  ;  that  alms 
given  in  consideration  of  prayers  for  the  souls  of  the  dead  were 
taken  on  false  pretences  ;  that  pilgrimages,  prayers  and  offerings 
to  crosses  and  images,  were  next  door  to  idolatry  ;  that  con- 
fession was  an  occasion  for  evil,  and  exalted  priestly  pride  ; 
that  war  and  capital  punishment  were  contrary  to  the  teaching 
of  the  New  Testament ;  that  women  should  not  take  vows ; 
that  trades  in  luxuries,  like  the  goldsmith's,  or  in  instruments  of 
destruction,  like  the  armourer's,  ought  to  disappear  with  the 
increase  of  virtue.  "  Having  food  and  raiment,  let  us  there- 
with be  content." 

None  can  now  say  to  what  extent  Lollard  opinions  had  then 
spread.  In  every  town  progress  had  been  made.  In  1389,  the 
diocese  of  3 Salisbury,  with  its  manufacturing  population,  was 
seemingly  most  notorious,  and  the  Bishop  did  nothing  to  inter- 
fere. Leicester  and  4 Bristol  (where  John  Purvey  preached,  the 
fellow-translator  of  the  Bible  with  Wycliffe)  were  at  another  time 
infected,  and  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  it  was 

1  MOSHEIM,  i,  744.      2  Haec  est  nostra  ambassiata. — FASCICULUS,  360, 
369  j  ANN.,  174-183.    3  WALS.,  ii,  188.     4UsK,  3. 


X. ]  '  *Pugil  Ecclesia. "  177 

said  that  the  Londoners  were  nearly  all  Lollards,  and  that  you 
could  scarcely  meet  two  men  on  the  road,  without  one  of  them 
being  a  Wycliffite.  We  may  be  sure  that  each  part  of  the 
country  favoured  the  bold  opponents  of  the  clergy  in  different 
degrees,  at  different  times,  but  it  was  chiefly  in  the  largest  towns 
that  they  found  the  readiest  support.  In  1404,  when  the 
Parliament  was  sitting  in  Coventry,  and  many  strangers  were  in 
the  town,  much  sickness  arose  in  consequence ;  but  many 
people  (the  King's  servants  among  the  rest)  refused  to  bow  their 
heads  in  the  street  when  the  Host  was  being  carried  along  to 
the  dying.  2"Many  of  the  puple  in  the  strete  turned  her 
bakkes,  and  avaled  not  her  hodes,  ne  did  no  manner  reverens." 

Priests  and  laymen  alike  were  carried  along  with  the  force  of 
the  movement,  and  many  foremost  statesmen,  holding  public 
offices,  were  taunted  as  favourites  of  the  new  sect.  The  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  a  Londoner,  was 
called  a  Lollard,  but  he  had  fallen  in  rebellion,  a  victim  to  the 
mob  at  Cirencester.  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham,  the  Chamberlain, 
was  called  a  Lollard,  but  he  had  lately  made  his  peace  with  the 
furious  and  righting  Bishop  of  Norwich,  and  would  not  be  likely 
to  stand  persecution,  even  if  required.  Sir  John  Cheyne,  late 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons,  was  called  a  Lollard,  but 
he  had  yielded  to  the  influence  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, and  become  a  very  harmless  3 enemy  of  the  Church.  In 
the  diocese  of  Norwich,  the  Bishop,  Henry  Spencer,  the 
"fighting  'champion  of  the  Church,"  had  opened  a  campaign 
against  the  heretics,  and  vowed  to  make  them  "  hop  headless, 
or  fry  a  fagot."  But  as  yet  the  good  Bishop  had  no  such  legal 
power,  and  the  present  seemed  a  propitious  moment  to  secure  it. 

5  Almost  the  very  earliest  official  document  signed  by  Henry, 

i  KNYGHTON.  sCAPGR.,  288.  SSTUBBS,  iii,  17,  adds  Thomas  Latimer, 
Lord  Clifford,  William  Neville,  the  Cheynes,  the  Clanvowes.  *"  Pugil 
Ecclesise."— BLOMEFIELD,  ii,  371.  5  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  24,  dated  October 
1st,  1399. 

L 


178  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

on  the  second  day  of  his  reign,  is  an  injunction  to  Sheriffs  and 
Mayors,  warning  them  to  forbid  any  support  being  given  to 
"  certain  evil-disposed  preachers^  holding  diverse  nefarious 
opinions,  and  detestable  conclusions,  repugnant  to  the  canonical 
.decisions  and  sanctions  of  Holy  Mother  Church,  and  redounding 
to  the  offence  and  discredit  of  the  Orders  of  Mendicant  Friars." 
The  Convocation  of  the  Province  of  Canterbury  met  for 
business  in  London,  at  St.  Paul's,  on  Saturday,  January  29th, 
1401,  and  the  Constable,  the  Chamberlain,  and  the  Treasurer 
presented  themselves  before  it  as  Commissioners  from  the 
King,  asking  prayers  and  contributions,  directing  the  attention 
of  the  meeting  to  the  dangerous  Lollards,  and  promising  the 
King's  co-operation  if  steps  were  taken  to  suppress  them.  The 
records  of  this  Convocation  are  of  unusual  interest,  and  we  are 
fortunate  in  possessing,  on  official  authority,  a  full J  statement 
of  the  dangerous  opinions  held  by  four  of  these  heretics  (two 
of  them  priests  and  two  laymen),  three  of  whom  recanted,  after 
the  fourth  had  been  burned  as  an  example  and  a  warning. 

It  is  stated  in  the  official  record  that  the  Catholic  Faith  is 
founded  in  Christ,  determined  by  the  Apostles  and  the  Church, 
but  that  it  is  injured  by  certain  perverse  men  of  a  new  sect, 
holding  damnable  opinions  of  the  Faith,  the  Sacraments,  and 
the  authority  of  the  Church,  and  preaching  in  opposition  to  2law, 
human  and  divine,  under  the  garb  of  a  feigned  sanctity, 
publicly  and  secretly,  within  the  kingdom ;  that  they  have 
illegal  meetings,  teach  schools,  write  books,  cause  dissensions 
and  divisions  among  the  people,  and,  as  far  as  they  can,  excite 
to  insurrection  and  sedition,  causing  peril  to  men's  souls,  and 
loss  and  scandal  to  the  kingdom ;  they  defy  and  escape  the 
Bishops,  by  moving  from  diocese  to  diocese,  despising  censures 

1  CONC.  2  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2, 18,  contains  a  proclamation  to  the  Sheriff 
of  Essex,  that  no  Chaplain,  regular  or  secular,  was  to  preach  or  sermonize 
contra  legem  ecclesiae. 


X.]  John  Becket  and  John  Purvey.  179 

and  all  spiritual  jurisdiction.  Such  is  the  grave  and  portentous 
indictment.  Let  us  see  how  far  the  terms  of  it  are  borne  out 
by  the  specific  charges  brought  against  each  of  these  offenders, 
in  detail. 

(a)  John  Becket,  a  layman  in  the  diocese  of  London,  had 
asserted  : 

(1)  That  consecration  in  the  Eucharist,  or  Baptism,  was  of 
no  value  if  done  by  a  priest  living  in  mortal  sin. 

(2)  That  obedience  was  not  due  to  the  King,  or  his  officers, 
if  they  were  living  in  mortal  sin. 

(3)  That  marriages  might  be  contracted  apart  from  the  rites 
of  the  Church. 

(4)  That  the  truly  faithful  in  Christ  will  not  bow  to  the 
cross,  or  the  images  of  saints. 

(5)  That  children  may  be  confirmed  by  any  priest,  as  well  as 
by  a  Bishop. 

(6)  That  priests  may  marry  by  the  law  of  God. 

(7)  That  monks  and  nuns  may,  of  their  free  will,  renounce 
their  vows,  and  return  to  the  world. 

(8)  That  children  may  eat  meat  on  Saturday,  if  their  health 
requires  it. 

(9)  That  his  own  teaching  was  more  likely  to  be  edifying  to 
others,  and  pleasing  to  God,  than  all  the  teaching  of  the 
Church  in  all  previous  times. 

The  poor  man  was  frightened,  and  recanted  (June  icth,  1401), 
and  declared  publicly  that  he  believed  the  opposite  of  all  this. 

(b)  John  Purvey,  "the  library  of  Lollards,  and  the  gloser  of 
Wycliffe,"  a  parish  priest  in  the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  had  said : 

(i)  That  the  bread  and  wine  remained  after  consecration, 
though  they  had  become  holy,  like  a  convert  after  baptism. 

iFox,  ACTS  AND  MON.  (i,  708,  iii,  285),  quoting  WALDEN,  "in  his  second 
tome,"  probably  FASCIC.  Ixviii;  see  "Pessimus  glossator  iste,"  ch.  83, 
p.  140,  of  WALDEN,  TO!,  ii ;  but,  in  the  absence  of  an  index,  it  is  difficult 
to  discover  the  passage. 


180  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

(2)  That  confessson  and  private  penance  was  an  "earwigging" 
(auriculatio)  destructive  of  the  liberty  of  the  gospel,  intro- 
duced in  these  late  days  by  the  Pope  and  the  clergy,  to 
entangle  men's  consciences  in  sin,   and   to  drag   down 
their  souls  to  hell. 

(3)  That  every  holy  man  is  a  real  priest,  ordained  by  God  to 
administer  all  sacraments  necessary  to  man's  salvation, 
without  any  imposition  of  Bishop's  hands.     Every  holy 
priest  is  a  bishop,  and  he  who  is  most  humble,  and  best 
fulfils  the  priest's  duties,  is  a  Pope  by  God's  appointment, 
but  the  world  never  knows  who  he  is. 

(4)  That   Popes,   Bishops,   and  priests,  who  live  bad  lives, 
have  not  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven.      Their 
censures  may  be  disregarded  like  a  serpent's  hissing. 

(5)  Whoever  has  received  the  office  of  a  priest,   can,  and 
must,  preach  God's  gospel  freely,  without  special  license 
from  Bishop  or  any  other. 

(6)  If  anyone  have  taken  an  oath  or  a  vow  of  celibacy,  or 
otherwise,  and  have  not  God's  grace  to  fulfil  it,  such  vow 
is  irrational,  and  the  person  should  be  released  from  it, 
and  left  to  the  Holy  Spirit  and  his  own  conscience  for 
guidance. 

(7)  Decisions  of  Popes  and  Councils  have  no  value  unless 
they  are  grounded  expressly  on  Holy  Scripture,  or  on 
reason,  and  should  be  publicly  burnt  as  heretical. 

Purvey,  also,  after  being  * "  grievously  tormented  and  punished 
in  the  Archbishop's  prison  at  Saltwood  Castle,"  was  induced  to 
make  a  public  recantation  of  all  this  mischievous  doctrine, 
which  he  read  before  the  people,  in  English,  at  sermon  time,  at 
Paul's  Cross,  on  Sunday,  March  6th,  1401.  In  August,  1401, 

i  Pox  (i,  703),  quoting  WALDEN,  "in  his  third  tome,"  written  10 
Martin  V.  (i.e.,  1426.)  For  a  specimen  of  these  official  bullyings  in  the 
"foul  and  unhonest"  prison  at  Saltwood,  see  the  examination  of  William 
Thorpe  (August  7th,  1407),  in  ENGLISH  GARNER,  vol.  vi. 


X.]  William  Sawtre.  181 

the  Archbishop  rewarded  him  for  his  faint-heartedness  with  the 
living  of  West  Hythe,  and  afterwards  ungenerously  reviled  him 
as  a  "false  harlot." 

(c)  John  Seynon,  of  Darnton,  in  the  diocese  of  Lincoln,  had 
been  entangled  into  saying : 

(1)  That  to  bow  to  the  cross  was  idolatry. 

(2)  That  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  was  not  Christ's  body,  but 
bread   with   no  life  in  it,  only  instituted  in  memory  of 
Christ's  passion. 

(3)  That  no  amount  of  burning  of  heretics  could  change  its 
nature,  which  remained  bread,  just  as  it  was  before. 

He  also  recanted,  on  St.  Elphege  Day  (April  ipth,  1401), 
asserting  that  the  very  opposite  propositions  were  true,  including 
even  the  last,  which  appears  solemnly  on  the  record. 

I  presume  that  we  have  here  some  of  the  worst  cases  that 
could  be  produced.  I  have  run  the  risk  of  wearying  the  reader 
by  seeming  to  enter  the  meshes  of  theological  polemics,  but  I 
have  thought  it  better  to  give  the  whole  of  the  charges,  without 
omissions,  just  as  they  appear  on  the  official  record;  and  I 
assert  that,  with  the  exception  of  John  Becket's  second  propo- 
sition, there  is  nothing  here  but  what  has  long  ago  been 
admitted  as  true  by  the  large  majority  of  English-speaking 
people,  and  that,  if  false,  the  propositions  were  harmless,  and 
might  have  been,  with  the  greatest  readiness,  utilized  and 
turned  to  good  account  by  an  educated  Church,  actuated  by 
anything  approaching  a  spirit  of  generosity  or  freedom.  The 
second  proposition  of  Becket,  if  really  held,  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  clergy,  as  such,  at  all,  who  never  scrupled  to  join  in 
sedition  or  rebellion,  when  it  suited  their  interests  to  do  so. 

(d)  William  Chatrys  (pronounced  ^awtery,  or  Sawtre)  had 
been   chaplain,  or  parish  priest,  of  the  parishes  of  St.  Mar- 
garet's, King's  Lynn,  and  Tylney.     Monkish  zealots,  writing 


1 82  Ttie  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

after  his  death,  have  blackened  him  as  a  licentious  man  and  a 
profligate,  but  there  is  no  hint  of  this  in  the  many  and  minute 
charges  brought  against  him  in  the  Convocation,  and  we  may 
safely  assume  that  this  charge  is  the  merest  stale  commonplace 
of  clerical  vituperation  against  all  who  were  suspected  of  heresy. 
By  his  own  2  confession,  we  know  that  he  did  sometimes  omit 
to  say  his  matins,  and  his  hours,  in  order  to  hear  confessions, 
and  to  celebrate  the  mass,  or  to  give  the  time  to  study  and 
prayer ;  and  that  he  had  often  sanctioned  the  abandonment  of 
vows  of  pilgrimage,  if  commuted  into  sums  of  money  to  be 
distributed  amongst  the  poor.  He  fell  into  the  new  opinions, 
and  soon  came  under  the  notice  of  Bishop  Spencer,  of  Norwich. 
Being  3charged  with  heresy,  and  "  diverse  felonies  and  treasons," 
he  was  convicted  and  condemned  to  death,  but  he  publicly 
recanted  at  Lynn,  in  1399,  and  received  a  full  pardon  from  the 
King  (February  6th,  1400).  After  this  he  removed  to  London, 
where  he  became  chaplain  of  the  parish  of  St.  Sythe,  or  St. 
Osyth,  Walbrook,  "a  4small  parish  church  near  Cordwainer 
Street  and  Bucklersbury."  Here  his  conscience  would  not  let 
him  rest,  but  he  taught  and  preached,  openly  and  secretly,  the 
same  or  similar  opinions  to  those  which  he  had  previously 
denounced  as  heresy.  He  was  now  called  to  answer  before  the 
Convocation,  and  on  Saturday,  February  i2th,  1401,  was 
charged  with  having  taught  the  following  eight  dangerous 
propositions  : 

(1)  That  he  would  not  adore  the  cross   on   which    Christ 
suffered,  but  only  Christ  who  suffered  on  it. 

(2)  That  he  would  rather  bow  to  a  temporal  King  than  a 
wooden  cross. 

(3)  That  he  would  rather  honour  the  bodies  of  saints  than 
the  true  cross,  supposing  it  were  before  him. 


luMoribus   execrabilis."      "  Ganeo." — ANN.,  335.       2CoNC.,  iii,  257. 
s  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  16.    *STOW,  276  b  ;   NEWCOURT,  i,  305. 


X.]  Convocation  at  St.  PauFs.  183 

(4)  That  he  would  rather   worship  a  man    confessing   and 
repentant,  than  the  cross  of  Christ. 

(5)  That  he  was  more  bound  to  worship  a  man  whom  he 
knew  to  be  predestined,  than  an  angel  of  God. 

(6)  That  if  anyone  has  made  a  vow  to  visit  the  holy  places 
at  Rome,  or  Canterbury,  or  anywhere  else,  to  obtain  some 
temporal  benefit  (e.g.,  to  be  cured  of  some  disease,  or  to 
secure  some  property),  he  is  not  bound  to  fulfil  his  vow 
literally,  but  may  spend  the  money  on  the  poor. 

(7)  That  any  priest  or  deacon  is  more  bound  to  preach  the 
word  of  God  than  to  say  the  hours. 

(8)  That  after  the  words  of  consecration  in  the  Eucharist, 
the  bread  remains  bread,  and  nothing  more. 

He  thereupon  asked  to  be  supplied  with  a  copy  of  the  articles 
of  charge,  and  to  be  allowed  a  fair  time  for  consideration. 
Five  days  were  allowed  him,  and  on  the  following  Friday 
(February  i8th)  he  appeared  before  the  Archbishop  and  the 
Convocation,  to  deliver  his  reply. 

To  the  first  charge  he  answered,  that  he  was  ready  to  bow  to 
the  cross  as  the  sign  and  memorial  of  Christ's  passion.  To  the 
second,  third,  and  fourth,  he  answered,  shortly,  "  Because  it  is 
wood."  To  the  fifth,  "  Because  man  is  of  the  same  nature  as 
Christ's  humanity,  but  not  so  an  angel ;"  nevertheless,  he  was 
willing  to  adore  both  angels  and  men.  To  the  sixth  he  merely 
added:  "subject  to  the  sound  advice  of  his  superior."  The 
seventh,  he  asserted,  was  "  in  accordance  with  an  early  ordi- 
nance of  the  Church,"  To  the  last  he  answered  :  "  It  remains 
bread,  but  bread  plus  the  body  of  Christ.  It  does  not  cease  to 
be  bread,  but  it  remains  holy,  true,  and  the  Bread  of  Life. 
That  I  believe  to  be  the  very  body  of  Christ."  Here  was  the 
real  test  question,  and  had  he  yielded  upon  this  he  could  have 
slipped  safely  through  the  net.  He  was  asked  :  "  Had  he  not 
abjured  these  same  opinions  before  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  ?  " 


1 84  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

To  which  he  answered :  "  No."  Then  the  test  question  was 
presented  to  him  in  its  plainest  terms  :  "  Is  it  real  bread  after 
consecration  ?  "  To  which  he  answered  :  "  I  do  not  know  that, 
but  the  true  bread  is  there,  because  it  is  the  Bread  of  Life, 
which  came  down  from  heaven." 

Here  should  have  been  enough  to  acquit  him,  had  they  been 
so  minded,  but  the  answer  was  not  deemed  satisfactory.  The 
question  was  repeated  twice  more.  Each  time  his  answer  was 
the  same,  and  the  matter  was  adjourned  till  the  next  day, 
Saturday,  February  iQth. 

Again  the  same  question  was  put,  and  often  repeated.  Again 
the  same  answer  :  "  I  do  not  know  " — "  I  do  not  understand." 
When  asked  if  he  would  submit  to  the  decision  of  the  Church 
on  the  subject,  he  answered :  "  Yes,  if  the  decision  was  not 
contrary  to  the  word  of  God."  For  three  hours  the  examination 
was  continued,  but  the  poor  heretic,  with  never  a  friend  near 
him,  budged  not.  "  It  Remains  true  bread,  and  the  same 
bread  as  before."  Hereupon  the  Archbishop,  with  the  2 assent 
of  all  present,  pronounced  him  convicted,  and  to  be  punished 
as  a  heretic,  and  again  there  was  adjournment  till  the  following 
Wednesday.  During  the  interval  the  Archbishop  had  his 
duties  "in  another  place." 

On  Wednesday,  February  23rd,  the  convicted  man  appeared 
again  before  the  Convocation.  The  Bishop  of  Norwich  pro- 
duced evidence  that  the  same  opinions  had  been  recanted  by 
him  when  chaplain  at  Lynn  two  years  before.  The  Archbishop 
asked  him  if  he  acknowledged  this ;  to  which  he  answered : 
"  Yes."  Had  he  anything  to  say  against  it  ?  "  No."  Had  he 
not  abjured  the  heresy  that  the  material  bread  remained  after 
consecration?  He  answered,  "with  a  8  smile  :"  "No,  he  knew 

luYerus  et  vivus  panis  et  idem  panis  qui  ante." — CONG.,  iii,  256. 
2"Assensu  totius  consilii  sui."  3"  Quasi  ridendo  sive  deridendo." — 
CONC.,  iii,  258. 


X.]  Degradation.  185 

nothing  of  it."  Was  there  any  reason  why  he  should  not  be 
pronounced  relapsed  ?  "  None."  The  Archbishop,  accordingly, 
pronounced  him  relapsed,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  deposed 
and  degraded  from  all  prerogative  and  privilege  of  clergy.  He 
was  then  handed  over  to  the  custody  of  the  l  Mayor  and 
Sheriffs  of  the  city  of  London,  to  be  kept  by  them  in  custody 
till  his  fate  should  be  further  decided. 

On  the  following  Saturday  (February  26th),  the  Archbishop, 
fully  robed,  and  accompanied  by  six  bishops,  sat  in  St.  Paul's 
Church.  A  great  crowd  was  present,  and  Chatrys  was  brought 
in,  habited  as  a  priest.  The  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
past  few  days  was  read  over  aloud,  in  English,  together  with  the 
sentence  of  relapse  and  degradation.  The  paten  and  chalice 
vvere  taken  from  him.  He  was  then  stripped  of  his  vestments — 
his  stole,  alb,  maniple,  and  all  emblems  of  ecclesiastical 
authority,  whether  as  priest,  deacon,  subdeacon,  acolyte,  2  exor- 
cist, reader  or  doorkeeper — a  helpless  and  friendless  victim  in 
the  clutches  of  an  overpowering  enemy. 

And  here,  in  truth,  the  legal  power  of  the  Church  over  him 
had  ended.  Left  to  himself,  after  undergoing  this  last  unbear- 
able indignity  of  professional  degradation,  the  poor  man's  spirit 
would  have  probably  soon  again  been  broken.  Unable  to 
support  his  terrible  isolation,  and  starved  into  a  barren  and 
unmeaning  conformity,  he  might  one  day  have  been  glad,  3like 
many  others,  to  beg  his  way  back  into  one  of  the  priest's  offices, 
that  he  might  eat  a  morsel  of  bread.  But  Archbishop  Arundel 
had  not  been  idle  when  absent  on  Parliamentary  duties,  during 
the  frequent  intervals  and  adjournments  of  Chatrys'  examination 
at  St.  Paul's ;  and  when  all  legal  limits  of  church  discipline  had 
been  exhausted,  there  was  yet  a  further  stretch  of  cruelty,  which 
the  King's  Council  had  devised,  and  to  which  the  temporal 
lords  in  Parliament  were  ready  to  assent. 

1  RYM.,  viii,  178.     2  "  Holy  water  clerke."— Fox,  i,  674.     3  FASCIC.,  Ixvii. 


1  86  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

On  the  very  day,  February  26th,  on  which  the  victim  was 
publicly  degraded  in  St.  Paul's  Church,  the  King,  on  the 
application  of  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  signed  an  order 
to  the  Mayor  and  Sheriffs  of  London,  in  whose  custody  the 
heretic  was  still  detained.  In  it  he  set  forward  that  the  Church 
had  done  her  all  in  proving  the  heresy,  and  handing  over  the 
heretic  to  the  secular  courts.  He  claimed  to  act  in  accordance 
with  law,  human  and  divine,  with  institutes  canonical,  and  with 
recognized  custom  ;  and  then,  in  the  name  of  justice  and  of 
the  Catholic  faith,  he  ordered  them  to  burn  the  heretic  alive  in 
some  public  place  within  the  city  of  London,  in  detestation  of 
his  crime,  and  for  an  open  warning  to  all  Christian  men. 

This  order  has  been  represented  as  based  upon  the  Statute 
against  Heretics  passed  in  this  very  Parliament,  but  a  reference 
to  dates  will  demonstrate  at  once  that  this  is  impossible.  But, 
even  when  the  impossibility  is  admitted,  we  are  asked  to  assume 
that  the  warrant  was  based  upon  "a2special  Act,  proposed, 
perhaps,  by  the  clerical  party,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  feeling 
of  the  Parliament  as  to  the  larger  measure  which  followed." 
But  all  this  is  pure  and  undiluted  assumption,  not  countenanced 
by  anything  in  the  nature  of  a  corroboration  or  proof.  The 
warrant  itself  makes  no  mention  of  any  Parliamentary  sanction, 
and  was,  I  am  convinced,  a  mere  arbitrary  act  of  the  King  and 
his  Council. 

In  appealing  to  custom  and  canon  law,  the  Council  would 
find  no  difficulty  in  searching  for  precedents  in  foreign  coun- 
tries. In  the  market  place  at  Milan  there  might  then  be  seen 
a  statue,  erected  in  1232,  in  honour  of  a  certain  Mayor,  or 
Prefect,  and  inscribed  with  this  inscription  :  "  He  3did  his  duty, 
and  burnt  the  Purists."  In  1384,  the  ''Cardinals  who  opposed 


.,  viii,  178;  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  6.  2  SHIRLEY,  in  FASCIC.,  Ixix  ; 
add  GREEN,  258.  SMURATORI,  17,4,  "Qui  Catharos,  ut  debuit,  uxit." 
4  "  Executio  per  ignem  fieret,"  a  Niem,  in  MILMAN,  v,  417. 


X.]  The  " burning  Death."  187 

Pope  Urban  VI.  were  accused  of  being  parties  to  a  plot  for 
seizing  the  Pope  as  a  heretic,  and  burning  him.  In  1400,  the 
1  pseudo-Y\\2J5>  was  burnt  alive  in  Rome.  In  1404,  a  2  priest  and 
three  others  (one  of  them  a  woman)  were  burnt  in  Paris,  for 
having  dealings  with  the  devil.  They  had  offered  to  cure 
Charles  VI.,  but,  failing  to  drive  out  the  mania  from  twelve 
ordinary  lunatics,  they  were  publicly  burnt.  The  burning  of 
witches  began  about  this  time  in  Germany  and  Italy.  One  of 
the  3 leading  Inquisitors  for  Spain  and  Sicily,  writing  about  150 
years  afterwards,  calculates  that  at  least  30,000  witches  were 
burnt  in  that  century  and  a  half,  who,  "if  they  had  gone 
unpunished,  would  have  brought  the  whole  world  to  ruin  and 
waste."  The  hideous  and  demoralising  spectacle  of  a  public 
burning  was  no  unusual  punishment  in  France,  and  elsewhere, 
for  aggravated  offences,  political  as  well  as  social.  In  1390, 
the  4  Treasurer  Betisac  was  burnt  at  Toulouse,  in  presence  of 
Charles  VI.,  "amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people;"  and  in 
this  very  year,  1402,  a  5 political  impostor  was  burnt  in  Sweden, 
for  personating  the  dead  heir  Olaf,  and  a  6 young  and  beautiful 
wife  was  burnt  alive  in  Paris,  for  poisoning  her  husband.  But 
ihe  "  burning.  Meath"  was  the  Church's  special  remedy  against 
that  "poysen  that  mortherith  many  soulis."  He  was  the 
"constant  8Catholike"  who  "all  Lollard  hatyth  and  Heretike." 
Christ's  9gospel  was  ransacked  and  perverted  to  confirm 
wavering  and  half-hearted  persecutors,  and  the  people  were 
taught  that  to  "  pursue  an  Heretike  to  fire  or  prison,"  was 
"more  holsum  than  to  halewe  a  chirche." 

But  in  England,  though  by  heated  harangues  and    wordy 

1  USK,  93.  *  Juv.,  425.  »  PARAMO,  1,  2,  tit.  3,  ch.  4,  No.  27,  quoted  in 
RINALDI,  281,  Anno  1404.  *MEZEBAI,  1,  959  ;  MICHELET,  ii,  299.  5BoY. 
LET.,  i,  117.  6  Juv.,  423.  7  "  Combust! va  occisione,"  in  FASCIC.,  xxxiv. 
8  Of  the  Duke  of  Albany. — WYNT.,  ix,  26,  63.  <JDAW  TOPIAS,  a  Dominican 
Friar  (in  POL.  SONGS,  ii,  90),  misquoting  from  MATT.,  iii,  10,  vii,  19; 
JOHN,  xv,  6. 


1 88  The  Lollards.  [CHAP. 

arguments,  men's  thoughts  had  long  become  familiar  with  this 
"roasting  1men  to  orthodoxy,  and  enlightening  them  with  fire 
and  faggot,"  yet  in  practice  such  a  horror  had  never  yet  been 

2  actually  tried.     The  order  was  signed  on  February  26th,  but 
was  held  over  for  a  few  days,  to  receive  a  short  consideration, 
and   formal   sanction,   from   the   Lords  in  Parliament.      The 
Commons,  as  having  no  voice  in  judgments  of  the  kind,  were 

3  not  consulted.     On  the  following  Wednesday  (March  2nd), 
the  horrible  order  was  finally  issued.     Time  was  pressing,  and 
fears  were  entertained  lest  a  mob  should  gather  to  the  rescue. 

Already  there  were  ugly 4 rumours  that  Lollards  from  all  parts 
of  the  kingdom  were  crowding  to  London,  meditating  an  attack 
on  the  Convocation.  But  the  promptness  of  the  Archbishop 
forestalled  all  resistance.  In  the  presence  of  death,  Chatrys 
became  5  defiant,  and  in  a  wild  tone  had  thundered  out,  in  the 
name  of  God,  denunciations  against  the  King,  the  Archbishop, 
and  the  Clergy — that  they  should  soon  die  a  shameful  death, 
and  that  the  tongue  of  a  strange  nation  should  rule  in  their 
stead.  He  was  taken  to  Smithfield,  chained  to  a  stake, 
fastened  upright  in  a  barrel  heaped  with  faggots,  and  there,  in 
the  sight  of  a  6vast  crowd  of  gazers,  the  "merciful  7  cruelty"  of 
the  Church  was  gratified,  and  his  body  was  burnt  to  charred 
and  blackened  ashes.  My  Lord  of  Canterbury,  says  a  con- 
temporary, "forewarned,  8 prepared  due  remedies  against  their 
malice;"  and  the  "due  remedies"  were  for  the  time  a  complete 
success.  Chatrys'  dying  prediction  proved  idle  boast;  the 

1  COLLIER,  i,  617,  quoting  TERTULLIAN,  "  Non  est  religionis  religionem 
cogere."  2  Though  GREEN  (253)  says  : — "  There  were  earlier  instances 
in  our  history  of  the  punishment  of  heretics  by  the  fire."  This  has 
never  been  proved,  and  no  single  case  has  been  discovered  by  "the 
scrutiny  of  controversial  historians  or  of  legal  antiquaries." — STUBBS,  iii, 
353.  s  As  asserted  by  DEAN  HOOK  (iv,  500),  whose  account  is  not  to  be 
praised  for  its  accuracy.  4UsK,  4,  where  there  seems  no  sufficient  reason 
for  altering  the  text.  5  USK,  57.  6  "  Multis  spectantibns." — ANN.,  336. 
7  GERSON  (301),  in  his  letter  to  Archbishop  of  Prague,  in  JOHAN  COCHL^US 
HIST.  Hus.,  p.  22,  quoted  in  BONNECHOSE,  I,  160.  8  USK,  4. 


X.]  "  De  Hceretico  comlmrendo"  189 

crowd  dispersed ;  the  King  and  the  Archbishop  did  not  soon 
die  a  shameful  death,  and  no  foreign  nation  came  to  take  the 
kingdom.  The  first  faggot  fired  quenched  the  zeal Jor  martyr- 
dom, and  :  London  witnessed  many  edifying  recantations. 
The  triumph  of  authority  was  complete,  and,  ere  the  Convocation 
was  dismissed,  the  Clergy  sent  up  to  the  King  their  humble 
petition,  on  which  was  based  the  first  black  Statute  against 
Heretics. 

The   petition,    after   setting   forth    the   danger,    makes   the 
following  suggestions,  as  necessary  for  a  remedy  : 

(1)  That  none  should  preach  within  the  kingdom  without 
license  obtained  from  a  Bishop,  under  heavy  penalty. 

(2)  That  none  should   preach,   teach,   or   hold,   secretly  or 
openly,  anything  contrary  to  the  Catholic  Faith,  or  the 
determination  of  Holy  Church,   or  write  any  book,   or 
hold  meetings,   or  teach  schools,   under  penalty  to  be 
fixed  in  Parliament. 

(3)  None  to  favour  or  support  them,  under  penalty. 

(4)  All  persons  reputed  or  suspected  of  offending  to  be  arrested 
by  the  Bishop  of  the  diocese,  and  kept  in  his  custody  till 
they  abjure  ;  the  Bishop  to  proceed  publicly  against  them 
within   three   months   from   their   arrest;  then,    if  con- 
demned, or  relapsing  after  recantation,  the  King's  officers 
shall  take  them  over,  and  "take  further  action"  (ulterius 
agant). 

(5)  All  persons  possessing  their  writings  to  give  them   up 
within  a  given  time. 

These  wide-sweeping  suggestions  were  taken  up  by  the  King, 
and  embodied  formally  in  a  Statute,  wherein  it  is  ordained  : 
(i)  That  a  Bishop  may  fine  or  imprison  in  his  own  prison, 
after  conviction,  according  to  his  discretion,  and  the  magni- 
tude of  the  offence. 

.,  iii,  388. 


1 90  The  Lollards. 

(2)  Heretical  writings  were  to  be  delivered  up  within  40  days, 
under  penalty  of  imprisonment  or  fine. 

(3)  If  a   heretic   refuse   to    abjure,    or,    after    abjuring,   be 
pronounced  to  have  relapsed,  the  Sheriff  of  the  county,  or 
Mayor  of  the  city  or  town,  shall  take  him  and  have  him 
burnt   before   the   people,    in  a  public   place,    that  the 
punishment  may  strike  fear  into  the  minds  of  others. 

Such  was  the  portentous  work  of  the  session  of  Parliament 
(2  Henry  IV.)  which  closed  on  Thursday,  March  loth,  1401. 
The  clergy  were  content,  and  granted  subsidies.  The  Com- 
mons thanked  God  for  the  King's  wisdom,  justice,  and  humanity, 
for  his  destruction  of  evil  doctrine,  and  of  the  sect  which 
preached  it,  and  for  the  good  and  complete  agreement  between 
all  estates  of  the  realm.  They  only  1  prayed,  in  mitigation,  that 
the  new  penal  Statute  should  not  be  enforced  before  the 
coming  Whitsuntide,  in  order  that  due  time  might  be  had  for 
making  known  its  provisions,  by  proclamation,  throughout  the 
country. 

Soon  after  the  Parliament  closed,  the  King  paid  a  short  visit 
to  his  castle  at  Ledes,  in  Kent,  where  he  remained  from  a  March 
3oth  till  April  nth,  1401  ;  and  from  thence  he  removed  to 
3 Windsor  (April 


EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  479.    *  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  30,  31.     3  CLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2, 10. 


CHAPTER   XL 
THE   RESTORATION    OF    ISABELLA. 

DURING  the  winter  (1400-1)  the  North  had  remained  quiet,  and 
Henry,  after  his  failure  of  the  past  summer,  was  not  anxious  to 
do  anything  further  to  irritate  the  Scots.  Negociations  for  an 
agreement  had  accordingly  proceeded,  without  any  break,  on 
the  Border.  Three  Commissioners  from  each  side  had  met  at 
Kelso,  and  arranged  a  truce,  to  date  from  December  2ist,  1400, 
and  friendly  intercourse  was  kept  up  throughout  the  winter. 

Commissioners  passed  and  repassed,  and  negociations  were 
actively  continued.  On  February  nth,  1401,  messengers  from 
the  Duke  of  Albany  entered  England.  2On  March  i8th, 
instructions  were  issued  to  Commissioners  from  England  who 
were  about  to  proceed  to  Scotland,  while  a  return  Commission 
of  the  Scots  entered  England  on  3April  26th.  The  Scotch 
King,  and  the  Dukes  of  Rothsay  and  Albany,  were  at  this  time 
ready  to  maintain  good  relations  with  England,  and  to  withdraw 
from  too  close  alliance  with  France,  but  they  were  opposed  by 
the  Earl  of  Douglas,  and  "other  4young  lords."  On  3 March 
i  yth,  John  Cursoun,  Henry's  6"  chief  Esquire,"  and  a  member 
of  the  Council,  was  instructed  to  go  to  York,  there  to  meet  the 
Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  to  proceed  with  him  to  Carlisle 
to  witness  the  signing  of  the  expected  treaty  with  the  Scots,  and 
to  report  proceedings  to  the  King. 

On  the  724th  of  March,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  wrote 
to  the  Council  for  extracts  from  records  bearing  upon  the  claim 

1  EOT.  SCOT.,  ii,  156.  2  EYM.,  viii,  125  ;  ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  157.  3  EYM.,  viii, 
190;  HOT.  SCOT.,  ii,  158.  4  OED.  PEIV.  Co.,  ii,  53.  «Ibtd,  i,  127.  See 
his  commission  to  make  either  treaty  or  truce  (dated  March  24th,  1401) 
in  EOT.  SCOT.,  ii,  157.  6  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  135.  1 1bid,  ii,  53. 


192  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

of  the  English  King  to  the  Overlordship  of  Scotland.  In  the 
meantime,  it  was  intimated  that  the  West  March  was  not  a 
favourable  quarter  for  the  negociations,  as  the  influence  of  the 
war  party  among  the  Scots  was  strongest  there,  and  the 
country  was  so  destitute  and  bare  that  provisions  could  not  be 
found.  Indeed,  so  poor  and  wasted  was  the  district  that  it  was 
found  impossible  to  collect  the  taxes  levied  by  the  recent 
Parliament,  and  the  counties  of *  Cumberland  and  Northumber- 
land, with  the  boroughs  and  cities  situated  in  them,  were 
altogether  excused  from  paying  the  tenths  and  fifteenths,  by 
special  proclamations. 

It  was  accordingly  arranged  that  the  Duke  of  Rothsay  and 
the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  as  representing  each  side,  should 
meet  at  Melrose  to  negociate  a  Treaty  of  Peace,  on  April  25th. 
Both  sides  were  thus  prepared  for  a  settlement.  But  just  at 
this  time  it  would  seem  that  a  change  came  over  the  policy  of 
the  Scotch  Court.  The  Duke  of  Rothsay's  name  disappears 
from  the  negociations,  and  the  Earl  of  Douglas,  an  enemy  of 
the  Prince,  and  the  leader  of  the  war  spirits,  was  appointed  in 
his  stead. 

The  Commissioners  met  at  2Gamlyspeth,  at  the  head  of 
Coquet  Dale,  on  the  i6th  of  May,  but  no  terms  were  yet  made 
for  a  final  peace.  It  was  proposed,  however,  that  a  truce 
should  be  agreed  on,  to  begin  on  the  following  St.  Martin's 
Day  (November  nth),  and  to  last  for  the  year,  subject  to  the 
consent  of  the  respective  Councils.  On  3  June  8th,  the  Scotch 
Earl  of  March  was  at  Worcester  with  Henry,  and  passed  on  to 
London,  authorized  to  negociate  certain  matters  with  the 
Council,  on  the  information  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland. 
Two  hundred  marks  were  to  be  sent  to  the  castle  of  Lochmaben 
before  June  24th,  and  before  the  end  of  the  same  month,  both 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  2,  9, 15,  dated  March  12th  and  20th,  1401.     2  "Kemly- 
speth,"  or  "  Kemelespeth." — KOY.  LET.,  i,  52,  58.     3  ORD.  PKIV.  Co.,  i,  13*5. 


XL]  Discontent,  193 

'Cursoun  and  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  were  back  in 
London.  The  English  Council  expressed  their  willingness  that 
negociations  should  proceed. 

A  Scotch  herald,  named  3Brice,  or  Bruce,  had  been  seized 
(May  25th)  and  committed  to  the  Tower,  charged  with  uttering 
slanders  against  King  Henry  in  France.  On  June  3oth,  4he 
was  condemned  to  ride  through  London  with  his  face  turned 
towards  his  horse's  tail,  and  then  to  have  his  tongue  cut  out ; 
but  Henry  interfered,  and  sent  him  back  unmutilated  to  his 
own  country. 

On  5  Monday,  October  iyth,  a  Conference  was  held  at 
Yetham,  in  Roxburgh,  at  which  both  the  Earl  of  Northumber- 
land and  the  Earl  of  Douglas  were  present  in  person. 

From  the  fine  words  and  pious  wishes  with  which  the  sittings 
of  the  Parliament  had  closed,  one  might,  perhaps,  think  that 
the  King's  rule  was  taking  root  in  the  hearts  of  his  subjects, 
and  that  something  like  gratitude  was  felt  to  him  for  a  return 
of  prosperity.  A  few  scattered  incidents  of  the  year  still  stand 
on  record  to  show  that  it  was  far  otherwise. 

It  is  not  easy  to  see  that  Henry  was  personally  responsible 
for  the  condition  of  the  kingdom.  For  the  first  eighteen 
months  of  his  reign  he  had  been  busy  repressing  repeated 
insurrections,  and  for  this  end  money  must  be  found.  On 
entering  the  country  two  years  before,  with  nothing  but  his 
personal  influence  at  his  back,  he  had,  no  doubt,  been  lavish  of 
promises,  which  now  he  found  it  impossible  to  fulfil.  In  the 
South  and  West  of  England,  while  Bristol  was  still  held  for 
Richard  by  the  Duke  of  York,  he  had  held  out  expectations 
which,  whether  rightly  or  wrongly,  were  understood  to  mean  a 
remission,  or  abatement,  of  taxation  for  the  future.  Accordingly, 
when  the  Parliament  of  1401  was  called  upon  to  vote  the  usual 

i  OBD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  144.  *  Ibid,  i,  146.  3  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2,  20.  4UsK, 
62.  5  "  Yhectbam-kirke."— ROY.  LET.,  i,  53. 

M 


194  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

tenth  and  fifteenth  on  all  property,  together  with  2s.  for  every 
tun  of  wine  imported,  and  8d.  in  the  £  (or  3}^  per  cent.)  on  all 
sales  of  goods  effected  throughout  the  kingdom,  the  vote  was 
given  "with  Moud  murmuring  and  inward  cursing  by  the  clergy 
and  the  people."  At  2Truro,  at  the  head  of  Falmouth  Harbour, 
there  was  great  distress.  The  population  was  dying  out,  owing 
to  the  ravages  of  pestilence,  and  the  destruction  caused  by 
attacks  of  pirates,  both  on  the  land  side  and  also  from  the 
Harbour.  If  rated  to  the  full  amount  of  its  tenth,  the  taxation 
of  the  town  should  have  yielded  ^12  ;  but  the  collectors  were 
unable  to  get  more  than  505.,  and  with  this  they  were  obliged 
to  be  content.  Complaints  were  also  made  that  the  royal 
3purveyors  took  for  the  King's  use,  without  payment,  "meat, 
wine,  salted  fish,  herring,  corn,  fowls,  hay,  oats,  and  carriage." 

On  the  other  hand,  owing  to  the  failure  of  the  harvest  of  the 
previous  year,  there  was  great  scarcity  of  corn,  and  prices 
continually  rose,  till,  about 4  Michaelmas,  1401,  the  price  had 
doubled  itself  from  one  noble  (6s.  8d.)  to  two  (or  in  some  cases 
three)  nobles  per  quarter.  "  That  5yere  was  a  quarter  of  whett 
at  xvj  s.  (i6s.),  the  second  dere  yere."  6Rye  was  largely 
substituted  for  wheat,  and,  to  meet  the  scarcity,  it  was  proposed 
in  the  Council,  in  7  November,  to  admit  foreign  corn  into  the 
country  free  of  duty,  between  then  and  the  next  Midsummer 
Day  (June  24th).  But  the  immediate  demand  for  money  made 
it  impossible  to  experiment  with  any  ordinary  source  of  revenue. 
The  proposal  was  withdrawn,  and  the  duty,  amounting  at  the 
time  to  i  id.  in  the  £  (or  nearly  5  per  cent.),  was  retained. 

The  distress  had  indirectly  some  singular  consequences.     In 

i  USK,  59,  61.  *  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  34.  8  ANN.,  337.  For  list,  see  ROT. 
PART,.,  iii,  507  (1403).  4UsK,  68,  i.e.,  from  lOd.  to  Is.Sd.  or  L's.  6d.  per 
bushel ;  EVES.  (175)  says  :  2s.  to  2s.  6d.;  KOGERS  (i,  218)  calculates  the 
average  price  of  the  quarter  of  wheat  at  Ss.lO^d.,  for  a  period  extending 
over  140  years,  viz.:  from  1261  to  1-100.  5CnRON.  LOND.,  10.  6FAB.,  389, 
probably  from  some  London  records-  ~  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  175,  179. 


XL]  "  He  said  that  we  ben  jangleresses"  1 95 

South  Wales  the  insects  did  immense  damage,  destroying  leaves 
and  grass  to  such  an  extent  that  no  provender  was  left  for 
cattle.  In  Glamorgan,  however,  some  farmers  scattered  lime 
over  the  fields  to  destroy  the  insects,  "  so  that  they  were  not 
only  thereby  killed,  but  the  ground  being  thus  limed  bore  con- 
sequently astonishing  crops  of  corn." 

The  2  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  issued  orders  to  the  Bishops 
throughout  the  country,  to  organize  frequent  processions,  with 
ringing  of  bells  and  chanting  of  litanies,  with  large  promises  of 
the  customary  indulgence  to  all  who  should  take  part  in  them, 
hoping  thereby  to  avert  the  anger  of  an  offended  God.  But  it 
is  more  than  likely  that  these  processions  indirectly  ministered 
to  the  general  discontent,  by  gathering  together  crowds  of 
persons  in  the  public  thoroughfares,  and  drawing  prominent 
attention  to  the  miseries  of  the  people.  According  to  a  "con- 
temporary, these  zealous  devotees  were  accompanied  with 
bagpipes,  and  singing,  and  piping,  and  the  jangling  of  bells, 
and  the  barking  of  dogs  ;  and,  "  if  they  be  a  month  out  on  their 
pilgrimage,  many  of  them  shall  be  a  half-year  after  janglers, 
talebearers,  and  liars  ;"  while  the  effect  on  the  women  who 
assisted  at  these  functions  was  pithily  put  in  the  popular 
4 proverb :  "Who  suffereth  his  wife  to  go  seken  halwes,  is 
worthy  to  be  honged  on  the  galwes." 

Disaffection  showed  itself  in  various  ways :  in  plots,  in 
sedition,  in  open  riot,  and  insurrection. 

While  the  Parliament  was  still  sitting,  one  5  William  Clark,  a 
native  of  Cheshire,  but  living  then  in  Canterbury,  had  written 
some  slanderous  charges  against  the  King.  For  this  he  was 
brought  before  a  military  court,  and  condemned.  His  tongue 

^OLO  MSS.,  452.     aCoNC.,  iii,  265,  dated  January  10th,  1402.     3  William 
Thorpe,  in  ENGLISH  GARNER,  vi,  64.     Cf.  "  The  Miller,"  in  CHAUCER  : — 
A  baggepipe  cowde  he  blowe  and  soune, 
And  therwithal  he  broughte  us  out  of  towne. — Prol.,  565. 
4  CHAUCER,  "  Wife  of  Bath,"  prol.  6239.    «  USK,  57. 


196  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

was  torn  out,  his  right  hand  cut  off,  and,  "  failing  to  prove  his 
words,"  he  was  finally  beheaded  on  Tower  Hill. 

Early  in  September,  a  strange  infernal  machine  (called  a 
"caltrappe,"  or  2a  "hirun  with  thre  braunchis"),  having 
poisoned  spikes,  so  arranged  that  they  would  pierce  the  body 
of  whoever  lay  down  upon  it,  was  found  concealed  in  the 
King's  bed.  The  maker  was  discovered.  He  accused  one  of 
the  servants  of  Isabella's  late  household,  who  also  was  ques- 
tioned, but  denied  the  charge.  Both  men  were  kept  long  in 
custody,  and  much  alarm  was  felt,  but  ultimately  both  were  set 
at  liberty. 

The  orders  issued  in  the  previous  February  (1400),  had  not 
availed  for  the  suppression  of  riots,  and  authority  was  still  weak 
throughout  the  country.  Even  the  King's  own  tenants  were 
not  safe  under  the  shadow  of  his  castles.  At  Bolingbroke, 
Wainfleet,  and  Skirbeck  (in  Lincolnshire),  his  turf  was  dug,  his 
fish  were  poached,  his  dykes  were  broken,  his  meadows  flooded, 
his  watercourses  obstructed,  and  his  3tenants  beaten.  Poaching 
was  carried  on  with  impunity  around  Chesterton,  in  Cambridge- 
shire, a  district  well  stocked  with  hares,  rabbits,  partridges,  and 
4  pheasants ;  while  at  Welington,  in  Derbyshire,  the  Prior  of 
Rippingdon  himself  turned  poacher,  and  carried  off  untold 
quantities  of  fish.  In  the  South-western  counties,  and  along 
the  Border  of  Wales,  great  lawlessness  prevailed.  In  5  Mon- 
mouthshire, a  mob  broke  into  the  castle  of  Usk,  and  violently 
released  a  prisoner.  At  6Abergavenny,  three  men  were  to  be 
hanged  for  theft  on  Ascension  Day  (May  i2th).  The  towns- 
people collected  under  the  very  gates  of  the  castle  of  William 
Beauchamp,  the  7Justiciar  for  South  Wales,  keeping  him 

1  Tribus  longis  illimatisque  aculeis. — EVES.,  176  ;  TYLBB,  i,  83,  from 
HFARNE  MS. ;  KENNET,  i,  284,  calls  it  a  "  smith's  tool."  SCAPGR.,  278. 
8  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  24,  November  25th,  1400.  *  Ibid,  2,  9.  5  USK,  60. 
6 Ibid,  61.  7 See  his  appointment  for  life,  dated  October  30th,  1399,  in 
PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  1,  11. 


XI.  ]  "  Travellers  riding  with  fat  purses"  197 

and  his  wife  1  prisoners.  The  thieves  were  then  rescued  at  the 
gallows,  and  Sir  William  Lucy,  the  officer  sent  to  see  the 
sentence  carried  out,  was  killed  in  the  riot  that  ensued.  2At 
Whitwell,  in  Derbyshire,  Robert  Rye  and  others  lay  in  wait  for 
one  George  Dirkes.  Taking  the  alarm,  Dirkes  ran  into  the 
church,  but  was  followed  and  murdered  at  the  high  altar.  3The 
suburbs  of  Hereford  were  kept  in  terror  by  the  raids  of  a 
highwayman,  named  Thomas  Byton.  4  Similar  alarms  were  felt 
at  Newent,  in  Gloucestershire,  and  at  Newenton,  near  Higham 
Ferrers.  At  5Colne,  in  Essex,  two  monks  and  a  chaplain  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  a  mob,  and  attacked  the  park 
belonging  to  the  Countess  of  Oxford.  On  the  64th  of  May, 
1400,  the  house  of  Anise  Poydras  was  broken  into  and  pillaged, 
at  Fownhope,  near  Hereford  ;  while  much  damage  was  done  on 
the  Bishop  of  Hereford's  domain,  at  Prestbury.  From  7Brom- 
yard,  in  the  same  county,  and  Alvyng,  in  Devonshire,  similar 
outrages  were  reported,  the  perpetrators  of  which  could 
not  be  discovered  ;  while  the  7main  roads,  in  Warwickshire, 
between  Birmingham,  Stratford,  Alcester,  Coleshill,  Walsall, 
and  Dudley,  were  infested  with  bands  of  ruffians,  with  their 
coats  turned,  and  their  faces  half  covered  with  a  headsman's 
mask.  Armed  with  8"  gladmeres,"  they  attacked  provision 
carts,  or  other  vehicles,  passing  along  the  highroads  between 
the  towns.  Manors  belonging  to  such  powerful  9Abbots  as 
those  of  Evesham  and  Westminster  did  not  escape.  In  North- 
amptonshire, a  rich  landowner,  Ralph  Green,  was  intimidated, 
so  that  he  could  not  get  in  his  dues,  while  his  property  and 
manors  at  Ramides,  Luswyk,  Sudborough,  and  Brigstock,  were 
destroyed. 

In  the  cloth  districts,  it  was  found  impossible  to  collect  the 


T.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  7.  -Ibid,  3,  2.  8  Hid,  1,  35,  in  tergo.  *Ibid,  1,38. 
•jlbtd,  3,  14.  "Ibid,  4,  11.  ?  Ibid,  m.  12,  13.  *Ibid,  4,  14,  more 
tortorum.  !  8  Probably  some  kind  of  sword.  Cf.  "Clavmore."  8  PAT  . 
2  H.  IV.,  4,  18. 


198  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

taxes.  At  *  Dartmouth,  a  collector  was  attacked  by  the  people, 
and  only  saved  his  life  by  timely  escape  in  a  small  boat.  At 
2  Bristol,  the  collectors  were  driven  off,  the  women  taking  part 
in  the  fighting.  At  3Williton,  in  Somerset,  William  Bodesham 
was  beaten  and  ill-treated.  At  4Kentsford,  near  Watchet,  in 
the  same  county,  the  Abbot  of  Cleeve  and  three  monks  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  an  armed  band  of  200  men,  and 
attacked  Gilbert  Bassynges,  on  "  Thursday  before  Whitsuntide." 
At  5Frome,  it  had  become  necessary  to  issue  an  order,  con- 
fiscating all  pikes,  sticks  with  iron  heads  like  lances,  and  axes 
with  heads  of  iron  or  lead,  before  February  2nd.  At  Norton 
St.  Philips,  near  Bath,  the  dealers  in  cloth  flatly  refused  to  pay 
the  tax  upon  commodities,  alleging  the  King's  promise  that  it 
should  not  be  re-imposed.  A  special  officer,  Thomas  Newton, 
arrived,  bringing  letters  of  authority  from  the  King.  Unfortu- 
nately for  him,  he  entered  the  place  at  a  fair-time,  when  the 
people  were  all  in  the  streets.  Three  times  he  endeavoured  to 
obtain  a  hearing,  but  was  set  upon  by  the  mob,  and  foully 
'murdered,  together  with  his  attendant.  His  body  was  found  to 
be  stabbed  in  a  hundred  places.  Other  officers  who  were  with 
him  barely  escaped  with  their  lives,  while  the  townspeople 
rushed  to  other  villages,  inciting  them  to  do  the  like. 

In  the  Parliament,  the  King's  attention  had  been  7called 
(February  2ist)  to  the  danger  arising  from  this  turbulent  spirit. 
He  had  promised  enquiry,  and,  on  the  8i7th  of  March,  five 
members  of  the  Council  had  been  appointed  to  examine  into 
the  matter.  .But,  though  the  Commission  included  three 
Bishops  (one  of  them  being  the  Chancellor  of  England),  they 


,  61.  2The  EXCH.  KOLL,  TREAS.  OF  RECEIPT,  Misc.  H  contains 
depositions  of  witnesses  as  to  riots  in  Bristol,  much  mutilated.  *PAT., 
2  H.  IV.,  1.  20,  November  13th,  1400.  *Ibid,  1,  33.  5CLAUS.  1  H.  IV., 
1,  17,  dated  January  26th,  1400.  6  USK,  61,  places  the  murder  on  May 
1st  ;  but  it  was  certainly  earlier,  for  the  commission  of  inquiry  is  dated 
April  29th  (PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  23).  ?  £OT.  PART,.,  iii,  417.  8  OBD.  PRIV. 
Co.,  i,  127. 


XL]  Philip  Repyngdon.  199 

were  powerless  against  the  resistance  of  the  country-people,  and 
in  the  case  of x  Philip's  Norton,  a  visit  from  the  King  himself 
was  barely  sufficient  to  overawe  the  rioters  into  a  sullen 
submission. 

There  is  still  preserved  an  interesting  private  letter,  addressed 
to  Henry  by  a  Churchman,  one  of  his  2  intimate  friends,  to 
whom  he  had  appealed  to  report  to  him,  without  reserve, 
anything  3  ominous  that  might  come  to  his  ears.  The  writer 
was  Doctor  Philip  Repyngdon,  Abbot  of  the  Augustinian  Abbey 
of  St.  Mary  de  Pre,  at  Leicester,  and  4  Chancellor  of  the 
University  of  Oxford.  He  is  called,  in  a  contemporary  docu- 
ment, "a5pcwerful  man  and  a  God-fearing,  loving  truth  and 
hating  avarice."  In  his  earlier  days  he  had  been  a  6 friend  of 
Wycliffe,  and  a  leader  among  his  supporters  at  Oxford,  under 
whose  influence  he  had  striven  to  breathe  a  modern  spirit  into 
the  monastic  life,  asserting  that  it  was  too  much  fettered  by 
formal  observances,  that  the  distinctive  dress  should  be  aban- 
doned, and  that  the  life  of  monks  and  preachers  should  be 
brought  more  into  harmony  with  the  actual  conditions  of 
society  around.  For  these  radical  notions  he  was  denounced 
ab  a  7" madman"  by  the  monks  and  friars.  But  after  the 
condemnation  of  the  doctrines  of  Wycliffe  he  had  8recanted, 
and  he  was  subsequently  enticed  away  from  them  by  the 
persuasion  of  some  eminent  persons,  and  lived  to  become  an 
tf  Abbot,  a  10  Bishop,  and  a  Cardinal. 

1  USK,  61.  2  "  Clericus  specialissimus  illustrissimi  principis  D.Regis 
Henrici." — FAST.  OXON,  ii,  35.  3  "  Si  qua  sinistra  audirem,  ea  vestrse 
excellentiae  significarem  indilate." — BEKYNTON,  i,  151.  4  EYM.,  viii,  164. 
5  FAST.  OXON,  ii,  35.  e  \VALS.,  ii,  57,  66  (1382).  See  his  life  (very 
inaccurately)  sketched  in  F.  WILLIAMS'  (ii,  ch.  1)  "  Lives  of  English 
Cardinals."  7See  the  doggerel  poem,  by  a  Benedictine,  turned  Lollard 
(circ.  1385),  in  MON.  FRAN.,  App.  xi,  601  :— 

Nichol  Herford  asserunt  hereticum  profanum, 
Et  Philippum  Eepyiidon  proclatnant  insanuin. 

s  FASCIC.,  xliv  ;  WYCL.,  xxix  ;  POL.  SONGS,  i,  262.  9 1394.— FASCIC.,  Ixxvi. 
10 i.e.,  of  Lincoln,  1404. — MONAST.,  s.  r. 


2oo  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

Repyngdon's  better  is  dated  May  4th,  1401.  He  had  been 
staying  with  the  King.  Henry  was  fond  of  the  society  of 
literary  men.  One  of  his  biographers  2says  that  he  spent  much 
of  his  day  in  solving  knotty  problems  in  moral  philosophy,  and 
the  few  original  letters  that  we  have  of  his  show  some  scholar- 
ship, and  acquaintance  with  the  "learning  of  the  time.  He 
invited  the  French  poetess  and  historian,  Christine  de  Pisan, 
to  his  Court.  He  had  the  friendship  of  Gower  (to  whom  he 
4granted  two  pipes  of  wine  annually),  then  a  blind  old  man 
(senex  et  coccus )\  and  one  of  the  very  first  acts  of  his  reign,  four 
days  after  his  recognition  by  the  Parliament,  was  to  grant  an 
annuity  (dated  October  3rd,  1399)  of  40  marks  per  annum  to 
old  Geoffrey  s  Chaucer,  who  was  closing  his  days  weighed  down 
with  debt  and  embarrassment ;  while,  a  few  days  later,  the  poet 
Thomas  Hoccleve,  who  was  then  one  of  the  younger  clerks  in 
the  office  of  the  Privy  Seal,  received  ;£io  per  annum  for  life, 
or  till  such  time  as  he  should  be  promoted  to  a  benefice  yielding 
6 not  less  than  ^20  a  year. 

Repyngdon  had  had  some  conversation  with  the  King  as  to 
the  condition  of  the  country,  but,  in  order  to  clear  his  con- 
science, he  now  put  the  substance  of  it  in  writing,  in  the  "hie 
stile  as  whan  that  men  to  Kinges  write." 

He  asserts  that  Law  and  Justice  are  in  exile,  and  that 
"tyrannous  7caprice"  has  taken  their  place  ;  that  thefts,  murders, 
and  adulteries  abound,  oppression  of  the  poor,  quarrels,  and 
contentions ;  that  the  King's  promise  to  protect  his  subjects, 

iThe  letter  is  printed  in  BEKYNTON  (i,  151),  from  MS.  in  LAMBETH 
LIBRAET  (ccxi).  It  has  been  incorporated  into  the  CHRONICLE  OF  ADAM 
OF  USK  (pp.  63-67),  who  inserts  it  in  its  proper  place,  but  nowhere  claims 
to  have  written  it,  though  this  is  assumed  without  hesitation  by  his  Editor 
(p.  viii).  Adam  was  a  friend  of  Repyngdon. — See  their  joint  commission 
to  Nuneaton,  in  1400  (p.  77).  »  CAPGR.,  "  De  Illustr.  Henr.,"  108. 
s  e.g.,  Roy.  LET.,  i,  422,  374.  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  33,  November  21st, 
1399 ;  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  5.  *  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  PASC. 
(June  5th,  1400)  records  payment  of  100s.  to  Geoffrey  "Chauncer."  (sic) 
6  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  21,  November  12th,  1399.  7  "  Tyrannica  voluntas." 


XL]  Repyngdoris  Remonstrance.  201 

and  defend  them  from  their  enemies,  had  been  forgotten ;  that 
thosj  who,  two  years  before,  had  shouted  welcome  to  him,  as  a 
Chr'.st  triumphant,  entering  to  claim  his  kingdom,  now  stand 
weeping  and  wringing  their  hands.  For  his  neglect  in  governing, 
Go  J  had  sent  on  the  land  dire  judgments.  The  people,  like 
wild  beasts,  without  rule  or  reason,  take  justice  into  their  own 
hands.  Against  nature,  they  seize  the  reins  of  government 
fro.n  their  betters,  and  rage  savagely  against  all  classes  alike ; 
and  unless  the  King  will  deign  to  awake  to  punish  their  excess, 
"  I  greatly  fear,"  says  the  writer,  "  lest  the  soldiery  must  inter- 
fere, and  20,000  of  your  subjects  be  killed  in  one  place  alone 
before  the  sword  can  be  put  up  again." 

This  letter  has  been  very  highly  praised  for  its  fearlessness. 
';It  may  be  doubted,"  says  a  modem  *  eulogist,  "whether  the 
annals  of  the  Church  present  a  more  worthy  example  of  religious 
duty  well  discharged."  But  it  is  more  than  doubtful  whether 
the  Abbot  ran  the  very  slightest  risk  in  committing  to  writing 
what  was  in  everybody's  conversation.  The  Parliament  and 
the  Council  were  well  aware  of  the  disordered  state  of  the 
country,  and  lost  no  opportunity  of  urging  it  upon  the  notice  of 
the  King.  No  one  wanted  to  try  the  Abbot,  or  tear  his  tongue 
out,  or  cut  his  right  hand  off.  The  document  was  a  harmless 
remonstrance,  addressed  to  an  amiable  and  friendly  patron. 
Amidst  a  mountain  of  compliments  and  pious  phrases,  it 
contained  no  single  wise  recommendation,  and  suggested  no 
remedy  beyond  the  use  of  force.  So  far  as  we  can  see,  it 
produced  no  practical  effect  whatever,  but  was  laid  among  the 
King's  private  papers,  from  whence  it  was  unearthed  two 
generations  afterwards  by  Thomas  Bekynton,  Secretary  to 
Henry's  grandson. 

A  more  effectual  means  of  restoring  tranquillity  to  the 
country  had  already  been  taken  by  the  Council.  On  the  24th 

1  Editor.— BEKYNTON,  Ixii.     2  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  2,  16. 


202  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

of  March,  a  strong  Commission  had  been  appointed  in  each 
county,  on  the  authority  of  various  acts  of  Parliament,  with 
power  to  imprison  all  who  went  about  armed,  or  who  lay  in 
wait,  and  all  who  gave  liveries  for  maintenance,  or  otherwise ; 
to  call  before  them  all  victuallers  (hostellarii)  suspected  of  using 
false  weights  or  measures.  They  were  to  have  power  to  over- 
rule or  dismiss  all  Bailiffs,  Sheriffs,  Mayors,  Constables,  and 
Keepers  of  Gaols,  if  they  were  found  to  be  remiss  in  their 
duties.  The  only  restrictions  put  upon  the  Commissioners 
were  that  they  should  call  in  the  help  of  the  Judges  in 
difficult  cases,  and  report  the  reasons  for  their  decisions  to  the 
King.  Under  the  influence  of  these  special  powers,  the  govern- 
ment gradually  recovered  its  strength,  and  the  country  its 
normal  repose. 

In  the  meantime,  Henry's  influence  had  not  declined  abroad. 
During  this  year  (1401)  he  continued  his  negociations  with  the 
Emperor  Rupert,  for  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  Blanche. 
In  a  flattering  letter,  addressed  to  the  Emperor  by  an  enthu- 
siast in  Venice,  he  is  specially  complimented  on  the  coming 
marriage,  as  bringing  under  his  influence  "  the  most  warlike  of 
nations."  On  2  April  4th,  1401,  representatives  were  sent  to 
Dordrecht.  They  met  3(June  yth),  and  agreed  upon  terms 
which  should  be  ratified  on  both  sides  before  August  i5th. 
On  4July  2nd,  twelve  German  nobles  gave  security  at  Mayence 
for  providing  Blanche  with  a  dowry  from  lands  and  castles  at 
sGermersheim,  Neuenburg,  and  Hagenbach,  estimated  to 
yield  at  least  4,000  nobles  per  annum ;  and  ratifications  were 
duly  exchanged  on  6  August  i6th,  without  any  break  in  the 
friendly  arrangements,  although  the  King  of  7Aragon  was  ready 

1  Dated  March  2nd,  1102  (Rupert  was  then  in  Italy). — MARTENE,  i, 
1699.  "Bellicossimum  genus."  2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  128.  3  RYM.,  viii, 
200.  *Ibid,  viii,  205.  5  Ibid,  viii,  237,  247.  °Ibid,  viii,  221.  7  MARTENS, 
i,  1690,  1694. 


XL]  Feudal  "Aid"  203 

with  an  alternative  proposal  for  marrying  his  sister  to  Louis,  in 
case  the  negociations  for  Blanche  should  fall  through. 

On  December  ist,  1401,  orders  were  issued  calling  for  the 
feudal  aid  claimable  from  the  holders  of  land  in  England,  to 
provide  the  Princess  with  a  marriage  portion,  to  be  handed  over 
in  2 Cologne  by  the  middle  of  the  following  February.  But 
there  was  great  difficulty  in  getting  in  the  money.  8  Force  was 
to  be  employed,  if  necessary,  and  to  make  up  the  required 
sum  Advances  had  to  be  taken  on  the  Customs,  wherever  iny 
money  could  be  obtained.  On  5 February  5th,  1402,  the 
Emperor,  who  was  then  in  Italy,  vainly  attempting  to  crush  the 
opposition  of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  and  to  secure  the  Imperial 
crown  at  the  hands  of  the  Pope,  wrote  to  Henry  from  Padua, 
asking  his  co-operation,  and  requesting  specially  that  he  would 
send  him  2,000  men-at-arms,  at  his  own  cost,  to  protect  the 
passages  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  roads  between  Zwolle  and 
Liege,  against  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  if  required.  Pressed 
though  Henry  was,  for  want  of  money  and  men,  he  seems  really 
to  have  been  willing  to  accede  to  the  request.  Two  thousand 
archers  were  actually  prepared,  and  would  have  started  for  the 
Rhine;  but  a  subsequent  letter  (dated  "April  24th,  1401) 
showed  that  there  was  no  need  for  their  services,  as  the 
Emperor,  having  failed  in  Italy,  was  on  his  way  back  to 
Germany,  where  he  felt  strong  enough  to  hold  his  own  without 
English  help.  He  was  ready,  therefore,  to  take  the  will  for  the 
deed. 

In  1401,  Henry  was  engaged  in  negociations  with  Margaret, 
Regent  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway.  His  Ambassadors, 
Richard,  Bishop  of  Bangor,  and  John  Perant,  were  at  the  old 
7  royal  city  of  Roeskilde,  near  Copenhagen,  on  8June  i6th, 

1RYM.,  viii,  232.  *  Ibid,  viii,  237.  3  ibid,  viii,  212.  4  ROY.  LET.,  i,  90. 
— RYM.,  viii,  245.  5  MARTENS,  i,  1686.  6  ibid,  i,  1700.  7  "  Dives  quondam 
urbs,  nunc  oppidum  Regum  sepulchris  clarum." — CLUVIER,  229.  8  ROY. 
LET.,  i,  67,  referring  to  instructions  to  return  to  England  by  Easter  last  past. 


204  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

1401,  and  had  been  there  for  some  months  previously;  but  the 
purport  of  their  mission  will  be  better  seen  in  the  sequel. 

In  the  same  summer,  Henry  agreed  to  befriend  and  protect 
the  inhabitants  of  Friesland  against  the  threats  of  their  neigh- 
bour, Albert,  Count  of  Holland.  The  Count  of  Holland 
claimed  to  be  *Lord  of  Friesland,  but,  after  unsuccessfully 
invading  their  country,  he  had  been  compelled  to  compromise 
his  claim,  and  assent  to  a  truce  to  last  for  six  years  (from  1400). 
The  inhabitants  of  the  Estergau  and  Westergau  of  Friesland 
now  petitioned  the  King  of  England  to  protect  them  against 
the  piratical  attacks  of  the  Count  of  Holland  upon  their  trade, 
by  means  of  "  likedelers,"  or  reprisals.  Their  petition  is  dated 
2  May  1  9th,  1401,  and  Henry  returned  them  a  favourable 
answer  on  August  3oth,  though  the  terms  of  it  were  subse- 
quently modified  by  the  Council  8  (November,  1401),  to  guard 
themselves  against  seeming  to  be  hostile  to  the  Count  of 
Holland,  with  whom  they  still  maintained  relations  of  friendship. 

In  the  summer  of  1400,  a  Prussian  trading  vessel  from  the 
Baltic  had  been  captured  by  some  Scots,  who  were  cruising  in 
the  North  Sea.  The  whole  of  the  contingent,  including  the 
Prussian  vessel  and  cargo,  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
men  of  Lynn.  Hereupon,  Conrad  of  Jungingen,  General  of  the 
Order  of  Teutonic  Knights,  to  whom  belonged  the  government  of 
the  Prussian  coasts  of  the  Baltic,  assuming  that  the  English  were 
the  first  offenders,  proceeded  to  reprisals,  seizing  the  goods  and 
imprisoning  the  persons  of  several  English  merchants  engaged 
in  trading  in  the  Baltic  ports.  This  led  to  a  moderate 
4  remonstrance  from  Henry  to  the  Grand  Master,  with  whom  he 
had  personally  served  some  years  before.  In  it  he  explained 
the  circumstances,  and,  referring  to  the  importance  of  mutual 
good  understanding  between  trading  communities,  he  prayed 


i  DAVIES,  i,  182.      sRYM.,  viii,  193.      s  OED.  PBIV.  Co.,  i,  175.      4RyM., 
viii,  203,  dated  June  8th,  1401. 


XL]  Envoys  at  Lenlingham.  205 

that  there  might  be  no  breach  of  friendship  between  the  two 
countries,  and  claimed  that  the  English  should  be  immediately 
set  at  liberty. 

The  tedious  negociations  with  France  seemed  to  be  at  length 
approaching  a  conclusion.  Isabella  remained,  closely  guarded, 
at  Havering-at-Bower,  and  for  some  time  the  xnews  of  Richard's 
death  was  kept  from  her;  but  of  her  life  during  all  this  time  no 
record  remains.  Meanwhile,  there  had  been  no  pause  in  the 
communications  between  the  two  Kings.  Ambassadors  from 
both  sides  had  met  at  2  Lenlingham,  a  Border  village  near 
Andreselles  and  Ambleteuse,  midway  between  Boulogne  and 
Calais.  Their  meetings  had  been  adjourned  till  Monday  in 
Whit-week,  viz.:  May  23rd,  1401.  On  April  ist,  instructions 
were  again  issued  to  the  English  representatives  : 

(1)  To  treat  for  the  return  of  Isabella. 

(2)  To  obtain  redress  for  the  infringement  of  Henry's  rights 
in  the  Duchy  of  Guyenne. 

(3)  To  require  payment  of  the  outstanding  ransom  for  John, 
King   of   France,    after    deducting    therefrom    "certain 
debts,"  due  by  Henry  to  Charles. 

This  last  provision  was  intended  to  secure  a  compromise 
in  reference  to  the  disputed  repayment  of  the  money  paid  by 
the  French  King  to  Richard,  during  the  two  years  which  inter- 
vened between  his  marriage  and  his  death. 

8  Instructions  were  also  forwarded,  authorizing  Lord  Say,  one 
of  the  English  envoys,  to  proceed,  if  necessary,  to  Paris,  and 
confer  in  person  with  the  French  King  or  his  uncles. 

In  due  time  the  envoys  from  each  side  met  at  Lenlingham, 


.,  iv,  321.  -Spelt  "  Lollingham,"  in  PELLS  LSSUK  ROLL  PASCH. 
4  H.  IV.,  July  17th;  or  "  Lullingham,"  in  GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  13;  or 
"  Leulingham."—  EULOG.,  iii,  Ixiii.  3  See  Henry's  letter  (dated  Walling- 
ford,  May  20th,  1401),  in  Can.  PBIV.  Co.,  i,  129.  Instructions  were  to 
be  sent  at  once,  so  as  to  arrive  at  Calais  by  Tuesday,  May  2ith  at 
latest. 


206  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

and  on  xMay  27th  a  formal   bond  was  signed,  by  which   it 
was  agreed : 

(1)  That  by  the  ist  of  July  following,  Isabella  should  be  at 
Canterbury  or  Dover,  on  her  way  home ;  that  she  should 
afterwards  cross  without  delay,  by  the  first  fair  wind  to 
Calais ;  that  on  July  6th,  the  envoys  should  meet  again 
at  Lenlingham,  to  hear  the  recital  of  Charles'  letter  of 
quittance,  and  that,  if  the  terms  were  satisfactory,  French 
messengers  should  proceed  to  Calais,  taking  with  them 
an  inventory  of  the  jewels   and    belongings,    to   make 
arrangements   for   removing   them,   and   for  the  formal 
restoration  of  Isabella. 

(2)  That  on  the  day  after  Isabella  had  entered  Boulogne,  or 
2  St.  Omer,  or  any  other  French  stronghold,  she  should 
sign  a  bond  undertaking  to  abstain  for  the  future  from  all 
opposition,  intrigue,  or  evil  intention  towards  England. 

(3)  That  four  days  after  the  actual  restoration  of  Isabella  the 
envoys  should  meet  again  at  Lenlingham,  to  discuss  any 
further  matters  in  dispute,  notably  in  connection  with  the 
claim  made  by  Charles  for  the  repayment  of  the  200,000 
francs,  and  the   objection  raised  by  Henry  against  the 
action  of  the  French  King  in  reference  to  Guyenne. 

And  now  the  matter  was,  at  length,  seriously  taken  up  by 
the  English  Council.  The  3  Duchess  of  Ireland,  and  the 
Countess  of  Hereford,  were  to  take  charge  of  the  young  Queen 
in  her  journey  across,  and  careful  estimates  were  submitted  of 
the  necessary  cost  of  transit.  The  Bishops  of  Durham  and 
Hereford,  with  the  Earl  of  Worcester  and  the  Earl  of  Somerset 
(as  4  Captain  of  Calais),  were  to  conduct  her,  together  with  a 
vast  escort  of  bannerets,  knights,  and  ladies,  with  their  esquires, 
pages,  and  maids.  A  safe-conduct  was  granted  on  5June  2ist, 

1  TILLET,  107  ;  RYM.,  viii,:  194.      2RYM.,  viii,  196.      3ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i, 
130.      *  RYM.,  viii,  229.      5Ibid,  viii,  195. 


XL]  Preparations  for  crossing.  207 

for  as  many  as  500  persons,  and  the  total  estimated  expense 
for  wages,  gold  and  silver  vessels,  carpets,  tents,  and  other 
apparatus,  amounted  to  ^8242  os.  lod.  The  harness,  equi- 
page, servants,  and  all  other  necessary  accompaniments,  were 
to  be  conveyed  from  London  ~  without  any  payment  of  the 
ordinary  dues.  3  Horses  were  to  be  bought,  or  requisitioned, 
for  the  journey.  The  4  Cinque  Ports  were  to  provide  three 
transports  (or  barges),  and  two  armed  vessels  (or  5  balingers),  to 
be  ready  in  the  harbour  at  Dover,  by  July  ist.  From  the 
beginning  of  the  year  these  preparations  had  been  in  hand,  and 
as  far  back  as  the  Gi5th  of  April,  nearly  ^"100  had  been  paid 
to  the  men  of  Dover,  on  this  account  alone. 

The  7  King  was  at  Worcester,  on  his  way  to  put  down  the 
insurrection  in  Wales.  He  sent  orders  to  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
and  others  who  might  have  any  of  the  jewels  in  their  possession, 
to  forward  them  to  London  without  delay,  and  signified  his 
intention  of  returning  to  the  capital  before  the  end  of  the  month. 
He  was  delayed  at  8Wallingford  (June  2ist),  but,  hastening 
forward,  he  spent  the  night  of  Friday,  June  24th,  at  Windsor, 
and  on  the  following  day  (Saturday,  June  25th)  he  arrived  at 
"Westminster,  .to  attend  a  Council  which  had  been  9  summoned 
to  meet  on  that  day. 

In  the  Council,  opinion  was  much  divided.  It  seemed,  even 
at  the  last  moment,  as  though  difficulties  would  again  arise. 
10  Encounters  between  English  and  French  ships  were  frequent 
on  the  seas.  "Letters  of  marque  and  reprisals  were  in  force  on 
both  sides.  In  the  Public  w  Record  Office  there  are  still 
preserved  bundles  of  papers,  giving  information  of  a  descent  of 
the  French  upon  the  coast  of  Sussex,  together  with  complaints 

1  ORD.  PKIV.  Co.,  i,  154.  2  GLAUS.  2  II.  IV.,  2,  9,  dated  June  28th,  1401. 
sRvM.,  viii,  194,  May  14th,  1401.  i  Ibid,  viii,  204.  5  EOY.  LET.,,i,  195. 
e  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  PASC.,  3  H.  IV.,  £92  6s.  8d.  1  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  133, 
June  8th,  1401.  » Ibid,  i,  143.  n  Ibid,  i,  165.  l0UsK,  67.  "  RYM.,  viii, 


208  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

of  robberies  committed  by  the  English  upon  French  merchant 
ships.  Orders  had  been  *sent  (June  8th)  to  have  armed  vessels 
in  readiness,  to  prevent  plundering  on  the  coasts,  and  it  became 
necessary  to  decide  what  instructions  should  be  given  to  the 
envoys,  in  case  the  subsequent  negociations  which  were  to  be 
held  immediately  after  the  restoration  of  Isabella  should  not 
proceed  amicably.  Having  regard,  however,  to  the  deplorable 
condition  of  the  country,  the  scarcity  of  money,  and  the  general 
inexpediency  of  keeping  open  any  cause  of  irritation  with  France, 
the  warlike  spirits  were  outvoted,  and  all  arrangements  were 
completed  for  at  once  carrying  out  the  terms  of  the  agreement, 
in  so  far  as  related  to  the  restoration  of  Isabella. 

On  Monday,  June  27th,  the  Earl  of  Worcester  went  out  to 
meet  her  at  Tottenham,  and  from  thence  conducted  her  towards 
London  in  the  afternoon.  At  four  o'clock  they  reached  3  Stam- 
ford Hill,  where  the  Mayor,  Sheriffs,  and  Aldermen  of  London 
were  waiting  for  them.  At  Hackney  the  cortege  was  met  by 
the  King's  son,  Prince  Thomas,  with  the  Earls  of  Northumber- 
land and  Westmoreland ;  and,  thus  attended,  Isabella  reached 
Westminster,  where  she  rested  for  the  night.  The  poor  girl, 
whether  influenced  by  policy  or  prompted  by  natural  feeling, 
3 showed  no  readiness  to  forgive  or  to  forget.  Dressed  in  deep 
mourning  black,  she  remained  sullen  and  morose.  In  Henry's 
presence  she  scarcely  opened  her  lips,  but  shrank  from  him, 
pouting  and  distressed. 

On  the  next  day  (Tuesday,  June  28th),  she  passed  through 
London  on  her  way  to  the  coast.  Her  mournful  dress  and 
gloomy  face  revived  sleeping  memories,  and  she  passed  amidst 
no  friendly  greetings  from  the  crowd,  4who  dated  the  troubles 
of  the  country  back  to  the  time  of  her  first  entering  it,  six  years 
before,  and  augured  from  her  present  looks  that  she  would  stir 
the  future  for  revenge. 

i  ORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  ii,  56.  *  "  Sandeford  Hill."— OED.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  145. 
3UsK,  61.  4  FROLS.,  iv,  320. 


XL]  Parting.  209 

Still  there  was  yet  a  month's  delay,  during  which  the  relations 
between  the  two  countries  were  in  the  balance.  Isabella 
remained  at 1  Dover,  but  at  length  the  last  difficulties  seemed 
removed,  and  on  2July  28th  she  crossed  the  Strait  with  all  her 
retinue,  and  landed  at  Calais.  Here  she  stayed  three  days, 
and  was  then  3(July  3ist)  conducted  to  Lenlingham,  where  a 
richly  furnished  tent  was  provided  for  her.  The  envoys  from 
both  countries  were  present,  with  their  retinues,  amidst  great 
4  magnificence  and  display. 

During  the  whole  interview  Isabella  was  in  tears,  and  the 
ladies  on  both  sides  showed  much  emotion.  After  an  inter- 
change of  official  documents,  and  of  personal  5gifts  of  trinkets 
and  mementoes,  the  English  ladies  withdrew,  with  many  tears 
and  'embraces.  Outwardly,  there  seemed  every  appearance  of 
confidence  and  peace,  but  behind  a  neighbouring  hill  there  lay 
in  ambush  the  7  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Bourbon,  with  500 
armed  men,  ready  to  fall  upon  the  party  and  carry  off  Isabella 
by  violence,  if  the  English  should  seem  to  be  playing  false. 
The  Earl  of  Worcester  led  her  by  the  hand,  advancing  from  the 
tent.  On  the  other  side,  the  Earl  of  St.  Pol,  as  8Governor  of 
Picardy,  met  them,  bearing  a  "letter  of  quittance  from  Charles, 
releasing  Henry  from  all  obligation,  except  in  reference  to  the 
200,000  francs.  To  balance  this,  the  English  claim  for  10pay- 
ment  of  the  unpaid  ransom  of  King  John  was  also  kept  open 
for  future  contingencies.  Then,  with  a  formal  interchange  and 
public  proclamation,  the  meeting  broke  up.  The  English 

!  MS.  LKBAUU,  in  TRAIS.,  107.  2UsK,  67;  CRET.  (416)  says  :  Tuesday, 
July  25th.  s  FOREIGN  ACCOUNTS,  1-6  H.  IV.,  quoted  in  Pref.  EULOG.,  iii, 
Ixiii.  Quo  die  predicta  nuper  regina  restituta  fuit  patri  suo  regi  Franciae 
Mpiul  Leulyngham.  4  Auquel  lieu  les  Fran9ois  1'attendoient  entr.  belle 
ordonnan.  et  arroy.  —  TRAIS.,  107.  5"Multis  muneribus  dotata." — 
EULOG.,  iii,  387.  u  "  Et  proient  les  Anglois  conge  d'elle  pleurans,  a  grosses 
larmes,  et  la  bonne  dame  aussi  pleuroit  et  plusieurs  des  assistans." — 
Jtrv.,  420.  Cf.  CRET.,  416.  7  CRET. ,420.  ^MONSTR.,  i,  c.  4.  "KYM., 
viii,  196,  dated  June  3rd,  1401.  l0  It  was  revived  in  the  subsequent 
negociations  at  Martinmas. — RYM.,  viii,  230,  315. 

N 


210  The  Restoration  of  Isabella.  [CHAP. 

returned  to  Calais,  and  the  French  to  Boulogne,  two  of  the 
English  envoys  and  a  public  notary  going  with  them. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  in  the  monastery  of  St. 
Mary,  at  Boulogne,  Isabella  herself,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Bishop  of  Chartres,  signed  a  bond,  and  made  a  declaration  on 
oath,  that  she  would  never  favour  or  assist  any  attempts,  on 
behalf  of  herself  or  others,  to  require  fulfilment  of  the  terms  of 
her  marriage  treaty,  excepting  always  the  claim  for  the  restoration 
of  the  200,000  francs.  Two  days  later,  1( August  3rd),  an 
agreement  was  signed  by  the  envoys  on  both  sides,  at  Lenling- 
ham,  arranging  that  the  further  questions  as  to  hostilities  in 
Guyenne,  and  on  the  coasts  of  Picardy  and  Normandy,  should 
be  amicably  discussed  in  the  respective  localities,  on  St.  Martin's 
Day  (November  i  ith)  next  following.  The  2Duke  of  Burgundy, 
as  representing  the  King  of  France,  had  previously  expressed 
his  great  disapproval  of  the  frequent  breaches  of  the  peace  by 
French  subjects,  and  3  Admirals  were  appointed  on  the  English 
side  to  see  that  the  truce  should  henceforward  be  observed. 
In  the  meantime,  representatives  were  to  be  chosen,  and  all 
hostilities  to  cease  by  land  and  by  sea. 

Isabella  was  then  conducted  through  Abbeville,  on  her  way 
home.  In  4 every  place  through  which  she  passed  she  was 
welcomed  with  demonstrations  of  delight.  Approaching  Paris, 
she  was  met  by  the  royal  Dukes,  and  passed  through  the  city 
amidst  feasting  and  rejoicing,  5"  for  all  the  people  had  great 
desire  to  see  her,"  till  her  father  and  mother  received  her  with 
tears  of  joy,  in  the  old  hostel  of  St.  Paul.  No  sooner  was 
she  safely  back  amongst  her  friends  than  a  document  was 
drawn  up  in  her  name,  denying  that  she  had  ever  recognized 
Henry  as  the  lawful  successor  to  her  late  husband,  Richard, 
and  protesting  that  her  signature  and  consent  had  been 

iBYM.,  viii,  219.      2 BOY.  LET.,  i,  217.      3RYM.,  viii,  213.      <Juv.,  420. 

STRAIS.,  107. 


XI.J  Results.  211 

secured   "from  fear   of  death,  and   to   avoid   the   danger   of 
^hame  and  violence." 

To  Henry,  the  gain  from  this  dreary  transaction  was  thus 
little  indeed.  He  had,  it  is  true,  restored  the  child  to  her 
friends,  after  it  had  become  evident  that  all  chance  of  marrying 
her  with  one  of  his  own  sons  was  gone.  But,  in  a  time  of  great 
embarrassment  at  home,  he  had  given  up  a  valuable 2 guarantee 
for  peace  abroad.  At  a  moment  when  he  was  pressed  in  all 
directions  for  money,  he  had  lavished  an  immense  sum  ineffec- 
tually, upon  idle  display  ;  he  had  left  open  burning  questions, 
to  be  settled  or  not  at  the  discretion  of  an  ungenerous  and 
revengeful  enemy,  and  3  within  a  fortnight  from  the  time  when 
the  last  indenture  was  signed  on  his  behalf  at  Lenlingham,  he 
was  constrained  to  call  together  a  great  Council  *  (August  i5th) 
to  arrange  a  renewed  attack  against  the  nation  whom  he  ought 
now  to  have  been  able  to  reckon  amongst  his  friends. 

Indeed,  5at  the  very  time  that  Isabella  was  halting  at  Dover, 
a  fleet  of  50  ships  was  collecting  at  Southampton,  nominally  to 
convey  the  Earl  of  Rutland,  as  Lieutenant,  to  Aquitaine,  but 
really  to  strengthen  his  position  in  the  event  of  an  unfavourable 
turn  in  the  negociations ;  while  the  Earl  of  Rutland  himself 
made  careful 6  arrangements  in  reference  to  his  property,  in  case 
he  should  die  before  returning  home  from  his  command. 

luHonte  et  villenie."  See  the  document  in  TRAIS.  (277),  from 
ARCHIVES  DU  ROYAUME,  J.  649  ART.  18.  2  "  Le  dit  Roy  Charles  n'enst 
fait  guerre  audit  Hoy  Henry,  pour  le  gage  qu'il  avoit." — TILLET,  313. 
"Pour  laquelle  trahison  et  orrible  maulvaistie  vengier,  la  royne  d'Angle- 
terre  tournee  par  de<ja,  est  nee  a  present  nouvelle  guerre  entre  Fra^ois  et 
Anglois." — CHRIS.  DE  Pis.,  ii,  ch.  xiii,  written  in  1404.  SMONSTR.,  i,  c.  4. 
*  USE,  67.  5  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  4,  19,  dated  July  13th,  1401.  *Ibid,  m,  15, 
dated  August  24th. 


CHAPTER   XII. 
CON  WAY. 

WHEN  the  Parliament  had  risen,  on  the  loth  of  March,  great 
irritation  was  displayed  in  London  against  the  Welsh.  It  was 
known  that  strong  measures  were  in  contemplation,  and  it  was 
rumoured  that  all  intercourse  between  Welsh  and  English  was 
about  to  be  prohibited,  that  marriages  between  the  two  peoples 
were  to  be  absolutely  forbidden,  and  that  no  Welshman  was  to 
be  allowed  henceforth  to  settle  on  English  soil.  Such  drastic 
remedies  were,  fortunately,  not  attempted,  but  the  state  of  the 
Border  at  once  engaged  the  serious  attention  of  the  Council. 
On2 March  22nd,  1401,  the  following  Ordinances  were  drawn 
up  and  published,  for  the  future  government  of  Wales,  in 
consequence  of  the  insurrection  of  the  inhabitants  in  the  North  : 

(1)  All  Lords  of  Castles  in  North  or  South  Wales,  were  to 
have  them  well  guarded,  on  pain  of  forfeiture. 

(2)  No  Welshman  henceforward  was  to  be  a  Justice,  Cham- 
berlain, Chancellor,  Seneschal,  Receiver,  Chief  Forester, 
Sheriff,  Escheator,  Constable  of  a  Castle,  or  Keeper  of 
Rolls  or  Records.    All  such  offices  were  to  be  filled  by 
Englishmen,  who  were  to  reside  on  the  spot. 

(3)  The  people  of  each   district   were   to   be   strictly  held 
responsible  (as  they  had  formerly  been  by  an  old  local 
custom)  for  all  breaches  of  the  peace  in  their  neighbour- 
hood, and  were  to  be  answerable  in  their  own  persons 
for  all  felons,  robbers,  and  trespassers  found  there. 

(4)  All  felons  and  evil-doers  were  to  be  at  once  given  up  to 

i  USK,  59.     *  RYM.,  viii,  184. 


Ordonnances  de  Gales.  213 

justice,  and  might  not  be  sheltered  on  any  pretext  by  any 
Lord  in  any  Castle. 

(5)  The  Welsh  people  were  to  be  taxed  and  charged  with  the 
expense  of  repairing  and  maintaining  walls,  gates,  and 
Castles  in  North  Wales,  when  wilfully  destroyed,  and  for 
refurnishing  and  keeping  them  in  order  (at  the  discretion 
of  the  owner)  for  a  term  not  exceeding  three  years,  except 
under  special  order  from  the  King.     (This  provision  was 
certainly  enforced  throughout  the  country  during  this  year.) 

(6)  No  meetings  of  Welsh   were   to   be   held   without   the 
permission  of  the  chief  officers  of  the  Lordship,  who  were 
to  be  held  responsible  if  any  damage  or  riot  ensued. 

(7)  The  gifts  called  "  Kwmwrth?  or  "  collections  "  (coillages), 
exacted  for  the  maintenance  of  minstrels  or  bards,  were 
in  future  to  be  strictly  forbidden. 

The  2sums  claimable  from  the  people  had  been  long 
previously  arranged  according  to  a  fixed  scale.  These  bards 
were  an  important  factor  in  the  insurrection,  and  must  in  some 
way  be  reckoned  with.  They  passed  from  place  to  place, 
claiming  their  maintenance  from  the  people,  and  3preaching 
resistance  to  the  English.  It  was,  therefore,  now  ordered  that 
all  minstrels,  bards,  rhymers,  or  other  strolling  Welsh,  should 
be  absolutely  forbidden  to  roam  about  the  country,  on  penalty 
of  imprisonment  for  one  year. 

These  Ordinances  were  meant  to  strengthen  the  two  weak 
joints  through  which  the  English  power  in  Wales  might  at  any 
time  receive  its  death  blow.  A  handful  of  English  lords  were 
planted  in  strongholds,  or  isolated  castles,  amidst  an  alien 
people.  To  keep  these  castles  in  constant  readiness  for  defence, 
and  to  prevent  any  concerted  action  amongst  the  scattered 

1  USK,  68.  ~  See  the  scale  fixed  at  the  Eisteddvod,  at  Caerwys,  A.D. 
1100,  in  STEPHENS,  340.  s  "  Les  queux  par  lour  divinations,  messonges 
et  excitations  sount  concause  de  la  Insurrection  et  Rebellion,  qu'ore  eat 
en  Gales."— ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  508,  November,  1403. 


214  Conway.  [CHAP. 

subject  population,  was  the  first  necessity,  if  the  English  power 
was  not  to  be  swept  away. 

The  government  of  North  Wales  was  administered  by  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  and  a  Council,  whose  headquarters  were  at 
Chester.  The  leading  member  of  this  Council,  both  as  to 
power  and  activity,  was  Henry  Percy,  eldest  son  of  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland.  He  was  now  a  man  of  about  thirty-five 
years  of  age,  and  had  long  since  made  his  mark  as  a  raider  on 
the  Northern  Borders,  against  the  Scotch.  He  was  associated 
with  his  father  in  the  Wardenship  of  the  Eastern  March  of 
Scotland,  towards  Berwick,  and  had  seen  much  service,  both  in 
the  Court  and  in  the  field.  On  Henry's  accession  to  power  he 
had  been  made  justice  of  North  Wales,  and  2 Constable  of  the 
Castles  of  Chester,  Flint,  Conway,  Denbigh,  and  Caernarvon. 
On  3 October  29th,  1399,  he  was  appointed  Scrutator,  or  Super- 
visor, of  the  castle  of  Chester  and  the  county  of  Flint,  for  life. 
On  4November  ist,  1399,  he  received  the  close  of  Inglewood, 
for  life,  together  with  the  5custody  of  the  lands  of  Bertram 
Monboucher.  Besides  this,  he  had  a  grant  of  the  whole  island 
of  6Anglesea,  with  the  castle  of  Beaumaris,  which  had  previously 
been  in  the  hands  of  the  Earl  of  Wiltshire.  His  time  was 
chiefly  spent  at  Denbigh,  and  the  other  posts  were  filled  by 
deputies  responsible  to  him. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  close  of  the  previous  year 
the  Welsh  leaders  showed  no  signs  of  submission  on  the 
departure  of  the  King,  but  maintained  themselves  in  the 
mountains  of  Caernarvon,  robbing  and  plundering  as  occasion 
offered.  In  the  early  spring,  two  brothers,  7  William  and  Rees 
ap  Tudor,  from  Anglesea,  who  had  been  specially  excluded 
from  the  King's  pardon,  received  information  that  the  strong 

1  ORD.  PBIV.  Co.,  i,  146.  ~  See  his  appointments,  dated  October  23rd, 
1399,  in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  6;  and  April  24th,  1400,  in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
1,16.  8 16 id,  I  m,  8.  +  Ibid,  2,  32.  &  Ibid,  2,  34.  «I6td,  4,  7,  October 
12th,  1399.  '  USK,  60. 


XII.]  Capture  of  the  Castle.  215 

castle  of  Conway  was  *  neglectfully  guarded.  The  garrison 
^consisted  of  15  men-at-arms  and  60  archers,  under  the  com- 
mand of  John  Massy,  of  3 Puddington.  On  the  evening  of 
Good  Friday,  April  ist,  1401,  the  captain  and  all  the  garrison, 
except  five,  were  Attending  service  in  the  town  church.  An  en- 
trance was  effected  into  the  castle  by  a  Welshman  disguised  as  a 
carpenter ;  the  two  warders  were  killed  ;  William  ap  Tudor,  with 
5Howel  Vaghan  ap  Madok  ap  Howel  and  6some  40  other 
desperate  men  were  admitted,  and  the  castle,  with  7abundance 
of  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Welsh.  8Rees  ap 
Tudor,  with  his  band  of  rebels,  remained  in  reserve  among  the 
neighbouring  mountains. 

Straightway  a  strong  force,  under  Henry  Percy  and  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  advanced  to  recover  the  castle.  The  funds 
were  provided  by  Percy  9at  his  own  cost,  "  without  the  assistance 
of  anyone,  except  the  people  of  the  country."  The  townspeople 
remained  loyal,  and  in  a  short  time  the  Welsh  found  themselves 
strictly  10 besieged  in  Conway  Castle.  A  brisk  defence  was  kept 
up,  in  which  the  town  suffered  severely  from  the  engines,  and 
the  townsfolk  were  put  into  no  friendly  mood  by  seeing  their 
houses  burnt  over  their  heads. 

Little  progress,  however,  was  made  by  the  besiegers,  and  as 
the  castle  had  been  well  provisioned,  and  all  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  rebels,  it  was  expected  that  the  besieged  could  not 
be  brought  to  terms  before  "November.  Arrangements  were 
accordingly  made  for  120  men-at-arms  and  300  archers  to 

1 "  En  defaute  de  vostre  conestable  d'icelle."  —  ROY.  LET.,  i,  71. 
a  GRIG.  LET.,  i,  14,  The  cost  amounted  to  39s.  2d.  per  day,  or 
£714  15s.  lOd.  per  annum.  3  Or  "  Podyngton  "  (PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,, 2,  3)  ; 
or  "  Potyngton  "  (PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  4).  *TRAIS.,  284,  from  MS.  HARL., 
1989,  fol.  381.  5  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  2,  13.  6  See  their  names,  in  RYM.,  viii, 
209.  7UsK,  60.  "Victualibus  instructum."  Cf .  "  Foraprys  viaunde  et 
boen.  qu'ils  dispenderent  pont.  cy  et  celle  temps."  8Sir  H.  Nicholas 
seems  to  have  mistaken  Uees  for  the  name  of  a  castle. — ORD.  PRIV.  Co., 
i,  xv.  9  TYLER,  i,  99,  quoting  PELLS  ROLL.  April  19th,  1401.  10Per 
principem  et  patriam  obsessi." — USK,  60.  ll  ROY.  LET.,  i,  70. 


2i6  Conway.  [CHAP. 

remain  before  the  place,  with  the  intention  of  reducing  it  by 
famine.  The  defaulting  captain,  John  Massy,  was  declared  an 
outlaw,  though  he  received  a  pardon  l  after  the  castle  had  been 
recovered. 

Henry  Percy  then  proceeded  to  Caernarvon,  to  hold  his 
sessions  as  Justice  of  North  Wales,  everywhere  proclaiming  the 
King's  pardon  through  the  intercession  of  the  Prince  of  Wales, 
and  putting  a  judicious  interpretation  upon  the  "  ordinances  " 
lately  issued,  in  order  to  2 avoid  irritation  to  those  who  had  not 
been  openly  and  actually  disloyal.  By  this  means  he  was  able 
to  report^  on  May  3rd,  that  the  Commons  of  Merioneth  and 
Caernarvon  (the  two  most  disaffected  counties  in  Wales)  had 
come'  before  him,  thanking  the  King  for  his  gracious  pardon, 
and  the  Prince  for  his  intervention,  and  promising  to  pay  such 
dues  as  they  had  before  paid  in  the  lifetime  of  King  Richard. 
He  added  that  if  the  castle  of  Conway  were  once  reduced,  the 
country  might  be  easily  governed  in  time  to  come. 

Meantime,  the  very  event  thus  longed  for  was  about  to 
accomplish  itself.  In  spite  of  the  abundance  of  provisions,  and 
the  hope  of  relief  from  without,  dissensions  had  already  broken 
out  in  Conway  Castle,  and  William  ap  Tudor  very  soon  deemed 
it  wisest  to  open  negociations  for  a  surrender.  As  early  as 
8  April  1 3th,  Henry  Percy  received  an  intimation  that  the  rebels 
were  willing  to  treat,  and  within  4a  week  afterwards  (April  2oth) 
he  was  able  to  formulate  conditions.  He  was  authorized  to 
offer  a  free  pardon  to  William  and  Rees  ap  Tudor,  for  all 
offences  committed  since  the  Parliament  had  met,  to  guarantee 
them  from  any  prosecution  by  the  townspeople  of  Conway  for 
the  next  six  months,  and  after  that  date  to  secure  for  them  a 
trial  before  a  jury,  one  half  of  which  should  be  Welshmen. 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  4,  July  2nd,  1401.  2  «  Eyant  consideration  a  ceux 
q'ont  este  de  bone  porte  au  Roy."— ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  149.  3PAT.,  2 
H.  IV.,  3,  30.  *Ibid,  m.  24. 


XII.]  Recovery.  217 

But  the  terms  could  not  be  decided  upon.  It  was  ultimately 
arranged  that,  if  nine  of  the  most  obstinate  rebels  were  given  up, 
the  lives  of  the  others  should  be  spared.  Accordingly,  the  nine 
were  treacherously  seized  by  their  comrades  while  sleeping. 
They  were  bound  and  given  up  to  the  English,  to  be  immedi- 
ately put  to  death  with  the  usual  brutalities.  This  done,  the 
negociations  were  allowed  to  proceed,  and  William  ap  Tudor 
stipulated  for  himself,  for  his  brother,  and  for  his  friends,  that 
their  lives  should  be  spared,  their  forfeited  lands  restored,  that 
they  should  be  conducted  safely  to  their  homes,  and  protected 
against  all  future  claims  from  the  townspeople  of  Conway  for 
damage  done  to  the  town  during  the  time  that  the  castle  held 
out.  To  these  favourable  conditions  Percy  wisely  agreed,  and 
the  castle  was  surrendered  on  May  28th,  at  the  very  moment 
when  it  was  of  most  vital  importance  to  the  English  to  recover  it. 

It  is  evident  that  these  terms  were  at  first  considered  by  all 
to  be  far  too  l  favourable  to  the  rebels,  but  the  timely  recovery 
of  the  castle  more  than  covered  the  seeming  humiliation. 
After  a  little  show  of  delay  the  agreement  was  ratified  by  the 
Council,  which  met  on  -July  5th,  and  the  3 stipulated  pardon 
was  granted  by  the  King. 

A  t  the  very  time  when  Conway  was  returning  so  cheaply  into 
his  hands,  the  King,  who  was  then  at  Wallingford,  heard  news 
that  Owen  had  assembled  a  band  of  Welsh  on  the  borders  of 
Caermarthen  ;  that  he  had  sent  out  a  letter,  or  proclamation, 
vowing  to  exterminate  the  English  tongue,  and  to  sweep  away 
all  who  owned  allegiance  and  loyalty  to  the  English  in  South 
Wales.  At  once,  Vith  all  promptness,  the  King  issued  letters 
to  the  Sheriffs  of  14  border  and  midland  counties,  to  meet  him 

^ee  the  King's  letter,  in  ROY.  LET.,  i,  71.  "  Pas  honurables  a  nous, — 
chose  de  tres  mal  ensample."  2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  145.  Cf.  RYM.,  viii, 
209,  July  8th,  1401.  s  Dated  July  8th,  1401,  in  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  2,  13. 
*  See  his  letter  (dated  May  26th)  from  Wallingford,  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co., 
ii,  54;  the  formal  summons  is  dated  May  28th,  in  CLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2, 18. 


2 1 8  Conway. 

with  all  possible  speed  at  Worcester,  with  all  their  available 
force,  and  on  the  next  day  he  himself  set  out  in  person.  On 
his  way  he  l  visited  the  districts  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bristol, 
and  used  his  influence  in  person  to  counteract  the  spirit  of 
disaffection.  Every  day  brought  graver  news  from  Wales,  and 
in  the  2  prevailing  panic  the  rising  was  magnified  into  an 
organized  invasion  by  the  Welsh.  The  King  spent  three  days 
at  Evesham,  where  he  was  joined  by  a  host  of  Earls,  Barons, 
and  Knights,  and  thence  he  proceeded  to  Worcester,  where  he 
arrived  on  Sunday,  June  5th,  and  there  learned  the  true  state 
of  affairs.  Conway  had  been  recovered  ;  the  force  under  Owen 
had  not  entered  England  ;  the  leaders  were  believed  to  be 
insignificant  men ;  some  had  been  captured  and  punished,  and 
the  prevailing  opinion  was  that  there  was  force  enough  available 
to  deal  with  all  emergencies  that  might  arise,  without  the 
personal  presence  of  the  King.  Henry,  therefore,  made 
arrangements  that  vessels  should  be  despatched  to  guard  the 
coasts  in  places  where  they  seemed  to  be  exposed  to  danger ; 
he  strengthened  the  garrisons  in  the  castles  on  the  Border,  and 
'after  a  stay  of  nine  days  he  returned,  by  Alcester  and  Walling- 
ford,  to  London,  to  attend  to  matters  which  at  the  time  seemed 
more  pressing,  in  reference  to  Scotland,  Ireland,  and  France. 

1  Unless  this  visit  is  to  be  placed  a  few  months  afterwards  on  his 
return  from  the  West.  On  July  20th,  he  was  at  Selbourne,  in  Hants 
(ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  155)  ;  on  July  21st,  at  Sutton  (RYM.,  viii,  213)  ; 
perhaps  returning  from  the  cloth  districts.  2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  134. 
8  EVES.,  197. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

IRELAND. 

AND  now  a  fresh  chapter  of  difficulties  was  opened  for  Henry. 
On  ^une  3oth,  1401,  a  deputation  from  Ireland,  headed  by  the 
Archbishops  of  Dublin  and  Armagh,  presented  themselves 
before  the  Council,  in  London,  charged  by  the  English  residents 
in  Ireland  to  lay  before  the  King  the  real  state  of  that  country, 
and  to  press  at  once  for  remedies.  They  were  deputed  by 
2a  "  Parliament "  lately  held,  and  claimed  to  speak  on  behalf  of 
the  Prelates,  Clergy,  Lords,  Magnates,  and  Commons  of  Ireland, 
and  their  presence  in  London  must  give  us  a  moment's  pause, 
to  glance  back  upon  the  actual  condition  of  Ireland,  and  the 
prospects  of  the  English  rule  there. 

Two  frenchmen,  of  whom  one  had  visited  Ireland  two 
years  before,  and  the  other  had  information  direct  from  eye 
witnesses,  have  left  a  curious  narrative  of  the  condition  of  the 
island,  thus  : 

There  are  in  the  island  two  races,  speaking  two  languages. 
The  one  speak  a  bastard  English,  and  live  in  good  towns,  cities, 
castles,  and  fortresses,  in  the  country  or  at  the  seaports.  The 
other  are  a  kind  of  wild  people,  who  speak  a  strange  language 
(called  * "  crichemons  ").  These  ha've  no  town,  house,  castle, 
or  fixed  dwelling.  They  are  always  in  the  woods,  or  on  the 
mountains.  They  have  many  Kings,  but  even  the  most 
powerful  of  these  go  barefoot  and  without  breeches,  and  ride 
horses  without  saddles.  In  the  city  of  Waterford,  where 

1VsK,  63.  2  RYM.,  viii,  208.  s  TRAIS.,  pp.  28-32  ;  CRET.,  in  ARCH.,  vol. 
xx.  4  Cf.  "  Creagkts,"  the  Ulster  name  for  Celts. — MACAULAY,  v,  307. 


220  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

English  trade  had  its  centre,  the  people  were  How  and  filthy, 
some  in  rags,  some  with  only  a  2rope  round  their  waists,  living 
in  holes  or  hedges.  A  little  way  from  the  coast  (in  the  present 
counties  of  Kilkenny  and  Garlow)  the  country  had  no  roads, 
but  was  covered  with  forest  and  bog,  so  deep  in  places  that 
you  might  sink  3up  to  the  waist,  or  be  lost  altogether.  Here 
the  wild  people  lived,  and  none  could  follow  them.  They 
bartered  solely  in  cattle,  which  formed  their  medium  of  exchange, 
and  coin  seldom  found  its  way  among  them.  These  were  the 
Irish  or  Celtic  savages,  among  whom  the  English  were  but  a 
small  knot  of  armed  settlers. 

But  the  English  settlers  were  never  in  agreement  among 
themselves.  Far  removed  from  the  centre  of  government,  they 
were  in  constant  rebellion  against  the  King's  authority,  as 
represented  by  his  Council  in  Dublin.  Many  of  them  had 
intermarried  with  the  Celtic  families  among  whom  they  lived, 
and  often  made  use  of  their  hostility  to  help  them  in  resisting 
the  claims  of  the  Home  government,  whenever  those  claims 
pressed  inconveniently  on  their  own  independence. 

Ireland  was  at  that  time  governed  by  a  Lieutenant,  or  Deputy, 
representing  the  King,  assisted  by  a  Council,  in  which  were 
comprised  a  Chancellor,  a  Constable,  a  Keeper  of  the  Great 
Seal,  a  Treasurer,  and  other  officers,  appointed  by  the  King  on 
the  model  of  the  English  Council.  In  this  hierarchy  the 
lawyers  were  fully  represented,  and  the  4  Rolls  solemnly  record 
the  life  appointments  of  a  Chief  Justice  of  Common  Pleas,  a 
Chief  Chamberlain,  Chief  and  Second  Baron  of  the  Exchequer, 
Engrossers,  Keepers  of  Chancery  Rolls,  and  Clerks  of  the 

i  "  Gens  vilaine  et  orde." — CRET.,  297-  "  L'un  ot  un  trou  1'autre  avoit 
une  horde  pour  demourer."  I  do  not  feel  sure  as  to  the  meaning  of 
"  borde."  2  Cf .  M ACAULAY,  vi,  75.  "Sometimes  wrapped  in  twisted 
straw,  which  served  the  purpose  of  armour,"  quoting  STORY'S  Impartial 
Hist,  and  Continuation.  3  "  II  y  fault  enfendrer  jusques  aux  rains  ou 
tout  cledens  entrer."— CRET-,  301.  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  11,  October  20th, 
1399. 


XIII.]  The  King's  Council  221 

Hanaper,  all  of  them,  of  course,  bearing  English  names.  The 
Council  met  at  various  places  within  the  range  of  the 
English  influence,  as  at  Dublin,  Trim,  Naas,  Drogheda,  Castle- 
dermot,  or  Kilkenny.  They  took  cognizance  of  all  matters 
having  to  do  with  the  government  and  administration  of  so 
much  of  the  country  as  recognized  the  English  King's  authority, 
arranging  taxation,  and  redressing  complaints  or  grievances. 
From  time  to  time  there  met,  in  various  places,  what  are 
termed  l  Great  Councils,  or  Parliaments,  to  which  were  sum- 
moned the  Mayors  and  Provosts  of  cities  and  towns,  and  the 
Bishops  and  heads  of  the  monastic  houses.  These  Great 
Councils  granted  money  and  fulfilled  generally  (though  over  a 
smaller  area)  all  the  functions  discharged  by  the  Parliament  in 
England. 

Thus  there  was  in  Ireland  an  English  colony,  maintaining 
itself  beyond  the  narrow  seas,  amidst  a  hostile  and  savage 
population,  with  all  the  external  forms  of  government  imported 
from  home ;  only  that  the  influence  of  this  showy  machinery  did 
not  really  extend  beyond  a  narrow  strip  of  country  on  the  South 
and  East  coasts.  The  native  Irish  of  the  North,  the  West,  and 
the  centre,  neither  acknowledged  its  authority  nor  claimed  its 
protection. 

In  1394,  an  effort  was  made  to  conciliate  the  Irish,  and  in 
consideration  of  a  promise  of  an  annual  allowance  in  money, 
four  of  their  chieftains  had  come  to  Dublin,  where  they  made 
a  nominal  submission,  and  were  knighted  by  the  English  King. 
But  the  promises  were  soon  broken,  and  the  submission  for- 
gotten; and  O'Briens,  O'Tooles,  Mac  Moroughs,  and  O 'Neils, 
were  in  constant  warfare  against  the  English.  In  1398,  the 
King's  Lieutenant,  the  Earl  of  March,  was  killed  by  the 
O'Briens,  in  county  Carlow.  In  1399,  King  Richard  in  person 
led  a  large  army  against  Mac  Morough,  through  the  bogs  of 

1  GRAVES,  King's  Council  in  Ireland,  p.  Iv. 


222  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

Kilkenny  and  Wexford,  but  he  wholly  failed  of  his  mark,  and 
on  his  departure  Mac  Morough  renewed  his  attack,  demanding 
the  restitution  of  his  Barony  of  ^orragh,  and  the  payment  of 
his  promised  annuity  of  80  marks  per  annum,  with  arrears.  To 
these  demands  the  Council  were  compelled  to  accede,  though 
a  few  months  before  they  had  set  a  price  of  2ioo  marks  on  Mac 
Morough's  head.  Nevertheless,  the  Irish  were  not  pacified. 
Mac  Morough  went  westward  to  Munster,  to  help  the  Earl  of 
Desmond  in  his  feud  against  the  Earl  of  Ormond,  threatening 
soon  to  return,  with  increased  force,  and  destroy  the  English. 

At  this  same  time  (viz.:  the  autumn  of  1399),  O'Neil,  a  chief  in 
Ulster,  had  assembled  "  a  host  of  people  without  number,"  and 
threatened  an  attack  from  the  North.  In  presence  of  this  dan- 
ger, the  Treasury  was  empty  ;  the  pay  of  the  few  troops  was  in 
arrears  ;  the  law  was  powerless,  and  many  of  the  English  families 
(the  Butlers,  Powers,  Gerardynes,  Bermynghames,  Daltons, 
Barretts,  Dillons,  and  others  "  calling  themselves  gentlemen  of 
blood  and  idlemen,  but  being  only  sturdy  robbers")  openly 
refused  obedience,  and  joined  with  the  Irish  to  attack  the  loyal 
English.  No  revenue  could  be  raised  ;  no  officer  dared  put  the 
law  in  execution.  Indeed,  the  King's  authority  extended  no 
farther  than  the  county  of  Dublin  and  part  of  the  county  of 
Kildare.  Outside  of  these  limits,  the  counties  of  Meath, 3  Uriel, 
4  Ulster,  Wexford,  Cork,  and  Tipperary,  owned  only  a  nominal 
submission,  and  claimed  exemption  from  taxes  and  dues ; 
while  in  Carlow,  Kilkenny,  Waterford,  Kerry,  Limerick,  Con- 
naught,  and  Roscommon,  there  was  no  profession  of  obedience, 
but  all  was  rebellion  and  open  war.  The  whole  yield  of  the 
Customs  amounted  to  only  ^"160  per  annum,  of  which  the  half 

1  (?)  Karraghmore,  county  Kildare.  See  the  despatch,  in"  GRAVES, 
p.  261;  also  CRET.,  243.  STRAIS.,  177.  3  i.e.,  the  neighbourhood  of 
Drogheda,  with  part  of  the  present  county  Louth.  4  The  late  Earl  of 
March  had  been  styled  Earl  of  Ulster  and  Lord  of  Clare,  Trim,  and 
Connaught.— PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  7. 


XIII.]  The  King's  Lieutenant  223 

was  taken  to  pay  the  salary  of  the  Chief  Customer,  who  did  not 
even  live  in  the  country.  Debts,  inheritances,  and  lands,  were 
not  accounted  for  to  the  King,  the  escheators  in  the  several 
counties  retaining  them  in  their  own  hands,  while  the  sub- 
ordinate offices  in  the  Chancery  and  the  Exchequer  were  held 
by  persons  who  were  quite  incompetent  for  the  duties  they 
undertook. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Ireland  in  the  first  months  of  Henry's 
reign,  as  x  certified  by  the  Council  of  Ireland,  under  ~  Alexander 
de  Balscot,  Bishop  of  Meath,  who  was  for  a  short  time  Guardian, 
or  Chief  Governor,  of  the  country.  Balscot  died  in  3  November, 
1399,  and  for  a  short  while  the  chief  administration  in  Ireland 
was  vested  in  the  new  4  Chancellor,  Thomas  Cranley,  Arch- 
bishop of  Dublin. 

The  change  of  dynasty  in  England  was  not  calculated  to  heal 
the  existing  divisions  among  the  English  in  Ireland.  Henry 
soon  turned  his  attention  to  that  quarter.  On  December  loth, 
1399,  Sir  John  Stanley  was  appointed  the  King's  Lieutenant 
for  three  years,  endowed  with  the  manor  of  5Dungarvan,  and 
with  power  to  pardon  rebels,  and  to  appoint  or  remove  all 
Officers  ,  except  the  Chancellor,  Treasurer,  the  Chief  Justice, 
and  others  who  held  their  offices  direct  from  the  King.  He 
was  bound,  however,  to  act  by  advice  of  his  Council,  and  to 
administer  the  government  "  in  accordance  with  the  laws  and 
customs"  of  Ireland.  7On  the  i3th  of  December,  Com- 

1  See  two  documents  in  GRAVES,  261,  314,  which  seem  from  internal 
evidence  to  be  very  nearly  contemporary  in  date,  though  Mr.  Graves 
separates  them  by  50  years,  placing  one  in  1399,  and  the  other  in  1345. 
2  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  11  (dated  November  18th,  1399),  records  his  appoint- 
ment as  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  with  10s.  per  day  for  maintenance,  besides 
customary  fees,  all  to  be  paid  by  Ireland.  3  GILBERT,  Viceroys,  292, 
quoted  in  GRAVES,  261 ;  but  see  RYM.,  viii,  175,  where  the  King  grants 
temporalities  of  vacant  see  of  Meath  (dated  December  24th,  1400). 
<RoY.  LET.,  i,  76.  5  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  35,  dated  December  15th,  1399. 
6CAMDEN,  BRIT.,  832  ;  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  2,  where  "  Lieutenant"  (locm. 
nrm.  tenens)  has  been  substituted  for  "Justiciary."  rPAT.,  1  H.  IV., 
4,8. 


224  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

missioners  were  appointed  to  provide  shipping  from  the  ports 
of  Chester  and  Liverpool,  and  the  new  Lieutenant  crossed  to 
assume  his  duties  in  Dublin,  commissioned  expressly  to  report 
as  to  the  x  extent  of  the  possessions  of  the  late  King  Richard  in 
Ireland,  and  to  take  the  -homage  of  all  tenants  and  others  who 
owed  it  to  King  Henry.  On  3 December  i5th,  1399,  the  King 
issued  instructions  requiring  Richard's  name  to  be  erased,  and 
his  own  name  inserted,  in  all  seals  and  official  documents. 
Two  days  later  4 (December  iyth),  an  order  was  sent  across 
that  a  statute  made  in  the  early  part  of  the  late  reign  (3  R.  II., 
1379)  should  henceforward  be  strictly  enforced,  whereby  all 
who  held  lands  or  offices  in  Ireland  should  be  required  to 
reside  on  the  spot,  or  forfeit  two-thirds  of  the  value  for  the 
defence  of  the  country.  That  this  Statute  against  Absentees 
had  not  been  altogether  a  dead  letter,  may  be  seen  by  reference 
to  the  proceedings  of  the  King's  Council  in  Ireland.  In  5i393, 
Sir  Philip  Darcy  petitioned  for  a  slight  remission  of  it  in  favour 
of  his  tenants,  in  county  Meath  and  Dublin.  Petitions  also 
appear,  praying  a  remission  of  the  fine  for  absence  in  the  case 
of  the  6  Bishop  of  Ossory  and  the  Prebendary  of  Athour. 
Several  persons,  however,  had  7 contracted  themselves  out  of 
the  obligations  imposed  by  the  statute,  and  held  letters  patent 
from  the  King,  exempting  them  specially  from  its  provisions. 
Such  an  order  as  that  now  issued  by  Henry  was  of  little  use 
without  an  overwhelming  force  to  ensure  its  execution,  and  the 
King  himself  was  soon  shown  to  be  a  chief  offender,  for  within 
a  year  he  granted  the  temporalities  of  the  vacant  see  of  Meath 
to  his  own  confessor,  8  Robert  Mascal,  with  express  permission 
to  reside  in  England.  9  Peter  Holt,  Prior  of  the  Hospital  of 

1  December  21st,  1399.— PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  27.  *  Ibid,  7,  25,  May  28th, 
1400.  aRYM.,  viii,  114;  CLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  36.  *RYM.,  viii,  116; 
CLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1,  30.  5  GRAVES,  165.  *Ibid,  15,  144.  ?  QRD.  pRIV. 
Co.,  i,  182.  8RYM.,  viii,  175,  dated  December  24th,  1400.  9PAT.,  2 
H.  IV.,  1,  33,  November  1st,  1400. 


XIII.]  Sir  John  Stanley.  225 

St.  John  of  Jerusalem,  Lord  Grey  of  Ruthyn,  who  claimed 
lands  in  Ireland,  and  ^ohn  Preve,  Dean  of  St.  Patrick's,  in 
Dublin,  were  allowed  similar  favours. 

The  first  year  of  Sir  John  Stanley's  Lieutenancy  proved  any- 
thing but  a  success,  and  such  notices  as  we  have  of  Irish  affairs 
are  nothing  but  a  record  of  continued  disasters.  Between  the 
date  of  the  King's  accession  and  the  arrival  of  the  new  Lieutenant 
the  Archbishop  of  Dublin  had  acted  as  Chancellor  and  head  of 
the  government  in  Ireland.  For  these  three  months  he  had 
been  promised  a  payment  of  40  marks,  from  the  revenues  of 
the  city  of  Dublin,  but  the  citizens  refused  to  pay  him,  even 
though  the  King  had  lately  remitted  half  their  annual  dues. 
Henry  could  do  nothing  but  upbraid  the  refractory  citizens, 
and  ~  scold  them  for  their  ingratitude  in  refusing  to  pay  so  fair 
a  claim.  But  it  all  came  to  nothing,  and  the  Archbishop  had 
to  depend  upon  the  English  Exchequer  for3ios.  per  day,  to 
keep  up  his  dignity. 

No  serious  effort  was  made  to  consolidate  the  English  power 
in  the  country.  Now  and  again  we  come  upon  a  stray  reference 
to  Irish  affairs  at  this  period.  Some  wealthy  J  London  citizen 
may  have  permission  to  trade  with  Ireland  for  a  term  of  years, 
for  which  privilege,  with  all  the  possibilities  of  extortion 
attaching  to  it,  we  may  be  sure  that  handsome  sums  were  paid 
to  the  King.  On  the  death  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  his 
confiscated  estates  in  county  5Wexford  were  granted  to  Lord 
Grey  of  Ruthyn ;  but,  as  soon  as  he  attempted  to  make  good 
his  claim,  his  servants  were  driven  off  and  imprisoned  by  James 
Butler,  Earl  of  Ormond,  who,  nevertheless,  6 pretended  still  to 
be  loyal  to  the  English  crown.  In  the  spring  of  1400,  a 
number  of  Irish  hostages,  who  had  been  kept  in  the  castle  of 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  2,  1,  March  9th,  1401.  *  Ibid,  3,  3,  April  29th,  1401. 
3 Ibid,  2,  14,  July  8th,  1401.  *PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  1,  9,  October  23rd,  1399. 
s  GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  2,  17,  May  21st,  1400.  ^PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  5,  January 
13th,  1401 ;  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  32,  October  llth,  1401. 


226  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

1Trim,  broke  out  and  escaped  from  their  prison.  In  the  city 
of  ~  Gal  way,  a  strong  feeling  existed  against  the  English  rule. 
A  party  of  disaffected  persons  handed  over  the  city  to  one  Sir 
William  Burgh,  while  a  number  of  galleys  were  kept  in  reserve 
in  the  Islands  of  Arran,  ready  to  pounce  upon  and  plunder  any- 
English  who  might  attempt  to  approach  the  place  by  sea. 
One  of  the  loyal  English,  however,  named  Nicholas  Kent,  a 
burgess  of  Galway,  made  his  way  across  to  Bristol,  and  secured 
the  interest  of  four  adventurers,  named  John  Rederice,  William 
Pound;  Edward  White,  and  Philip  Tailor,  who,  in  their  turn, 
obtained  permission  from  the  English  King  to  try  and  recover 
Galway  in  his  name,  on  the  understanding  that  they  should 
recoup  themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  town  if  successful.  In 
3  Limerick,  the  bridges  were  reported  to  be  tottering  and 
ruinous,  and  the  people  were  to  be  allowed  20  marks  out  of 
their  own  Customs  revenue,  to  help  to  put  them  in  repair.  An 
allowance  was  to  be  made  to  the  burgesses  of 4  Ross,  to  enable 
them  to  rebuild  their  town,  which  had  been  burnt  by  the  Irish ; 
while  the  gates  and  walls  of  Waterford  were  to  be  repaired.  In 
5  Cork,  the  fees  were  four  years  in  arrear,  and  amounted  to 
^229,  while  gates  and  bridges  had  fallen  into  ruin,  owing  to 
the  constant  attacks  both  of  the  Irish  and  the  "rebel  English." 
In  G  Dublin,  the  annual  fee  of  ^100  had  been  unpaid  for  the 
last  two  years,  and  half  of  it  had  to  be  remitted. 

Under  these  circumstances  it  is  not  surprising  that  at  the 
close  of  his  first  year  of  office  7  (December  i4th,  1400)  the  new 
Lieutenant  (Sir  John  Stanley)  reported  that  a  "great  part  of  the 
payments  due  to  him  are  in  arrears,  and  that  he  has  not  been 
able  to  do  so  much  good  for  resisting  our  rebel  Irish  as  he 

could  wish."     But  the  King  could  only  feebly  urge  the  Chan- 

,  \ 

1  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  7,  26,  May  24th,  1400.  z Hid,  7,  28,  May  22nd,  1400. 
3  Ibid,  8,  39,  July  28th,  1400.  4  Ibid,  6,  18,  March  19th,  1400;  GLAUS. 
1  H.  IV.,  6,  7.  5PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  8,  December  10th,  *400.  e  Ibid, 
m.  33,  November  6th.  ?  Ibid,  1,  8. 


XIIL]  Bankruptcy.  227 

cellor  and  Treasurer  of  Ireland  to  tell  his  loyal  lieges  to  pay 
their  dues  and  be  obedient ;  otherwise  their  names  would  be 
given  in,  "and  then  we  can  thereupon  ordain  what  shall  seem 
best  to  be  of  reason." 

As  early  as  the  beginning  of  1401,  the  alarming  fact  became 
known  that  the  King's  Lieutenant  was  bankrupt,  and  could  not 
pay  his  debts.  On  the  ai4th  of  February,  he  received  "letters 
of  protection"  from  the  King,  guaranteeing  him  against 
molestation.  But  his  position  had,  of  course,  become  unten- 
able. At  the  time  of  his  appointment  it  had  been  stipulated 
that  he  should  retain  the  office  for  three  years,  unless  the  King, 
or  one  of  his  sons,  or  a  nobleman  of  royal  blood  should  be 
appointed,  in  which  case  he  would  receive  three  months  notice 
previous  to  his  recal.  On  the  2i8th  of  May,  1401,  he  received 
the  stipulated  notice,  and  was  informed  that  he  must  vacate  his 
post  in  favour  of  the  King's  second  son,  Thomas,  whose 
appointment  was  backed  by  the  recommendation  of  the  Council 
in  London.  Other  changes,  of  course,  rapidly  followed. 

On  the  83rd  of  April,  Janico  Dartas,  or  Jean  D'Artois,  was 
appointed  Constable  of  Dublin  Castle,  for  life  in  place  of 
William  Rye.  The  new  Constable  was  to  have  the  custody  of 
4  Trim  Castle,  until  the  young  Earl  of  March  was  of  age.  He 
was  to  take  over  for  his  own  use  a  "stock  of  arrows  which  had 
belonged  to  the  traitor  Earl  of  Kent.  But  he  was  altogether 
unable  to  keep  the  defences  in  a  decent  state  of  repair,  and  the 
6 castle  was  allowed  to  go  to  ruin  from  want  of  the  necessary 
funds  to  maintain  it  in  efficiency.  He  was  likewise  authorized 
to  exercise  control  over  all 7 shipping  in  Irish  waters,  as  deputy 
for  8  Thomas  Rempston,  who  had  just  succeeded  the  Earl  of 
Worcester,  as  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  from  the  mouth  of  the 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  4,  16,  and  2,  34.  2  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2, 18.  TAT., 
2  H.  IV.,  2,  14.  *  Hid,  3,  26.  5  CLATJS.  2  H.  IV.,  2,  20,  April  26th,  1401. 
6  OED.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  182.  7PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  16,  May  18th,  1401.  *IUd, 
m.  24,  April  20th,  1401. 


228  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

Thames  westward.  Jean  D'Artois  crossed  to  Dublin  on  the 
126th  of  June,  1401,  and  on  the  next  day  2"  Thomas  of  Lan- 
caster, Seneschal  of  England,"  was  formally  nominated  Viceroy, 
or  Lieutenant,  to  represent  his  father  in  Ireland.  On  the  2nd 
of  July,  3  Robert  Crull  was  temporarily  appointed  Treasurer  of 
the  Irish  Exchequer,  with  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  *  Thomas 
Cranley,  as  Chancellor.  Sir  Stephen  Scrope  crossed  on  the  yth 
of  July,  to  have  everything  in  readiness  for  the  arrival  of  the 
young  Viceroy. 

In  the  midst  of  this  general  confusion  a  Parliament,  or  Great 
Council,  met  in  Ireland,  and  drew  up  a  petition  to  the  King. 
The  Archbishops  of  Dublin  and  Armagh  were  commissioned  to 
present  it,  and,  to  cover  their  expenses,  a  sum  of  40  marks  was 
to  be  paid  to  each  of  them  from  the  Clergy  and  Commons  of 
5  Dublin,  Meath,  and  Uriel.  The  two  Archbishops  crossed  to 
England,  and  appeared  in  person  before  the  King  and  the 
Council,  at  Westminster,  on  the  63oth  of  June,  1401.  The 
petition  set  forth  that  the  King's  authority  in  his  recognized 
courts  was  of  no  avail  in  Ireland,  by  reason  of  the  number  of 
private  roving  Commissions  claiming  privileges  of  exemption 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  regular  courts.  These  acted  openly 
in  defiance  of  all  constituted  authority,  and,  having  might  on 
their  side,  they  were  able  to  maintain  themselves  at  the  expense 
of  the  few  settlers  who  remained  loyal  to  the  English  crown. 
Lands  and  property  were  seized  under  their  orders,  and  the 
owners  imprisoned  without  trial.  Needy  soldiers,  nominally 
called  to  defend  the  country  from  the  Irish,  seized  horses  and 
provisions  without  payment.  Gangs  of  kernes  and  idlers 
roamed  the  country,  on  horseback  and  on  foot,  demanding 
money  and  food,  pouncing  down  and  carrying  off  the  settlers  if 
refused. 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  8.  2 Ibid,  m.  5,  dated  June  27bh,  1401.  slbid,  2, 14. 
*I6td,  3,  1,  July  4th,  1401.  «  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  2,  8.  eAdam  of  Usk 
(p.  63)  was  present  at  the  time. 


XIII.]  A   Great  Council.  229 

In  ^outh,  an  experiment  had  been  tried  of  settling  some 
semi-loyal  natives  on  the  land  under  their  chief,  Aghy  Mac 
Mahan.  But  oil  and  water  will  not  mix,  and  the  customs  and 
claims  of  the  Irish  were  an  abomination  and  a  danger  to  the 
English.  The  King's  purveyors  paid  nothing  for  the  goods 
taken  for  the  use  of  the  royal  officers,  and  in  districts  beyond 
the  English  pale  the  extortions  of  the  Geraldines,  the  Bourkes, 
and  the  Powers,  had  driven  all  loyal  subjects  into  rebellion. 

The  petitioners,  who  are  chiefly  ecclesiastics,  do  not  indicate 
the  precise  methods  of  redress,  but  they  hint  that  the  presence 
of  the  King  in  person  in  Ireland  might  do  much  to  set  matters 
in  better  train  for  the  future.  It  is  clear  that  English  authority 
in  Ireland  was  melting  away.  Every  man  did  what  was  right 
in  his  own  eyes.  The  2royal  castles  were  in  ruins  and  tumbling 
to  decay.  Those  colonists  who  were  strong  enough  to  defy 
the  law,  not  only  did  so  with  impunity,  but  oppressed  and 
exacted  from  friend  and  foe  impartially;  while  those  only 
remained  loyal  to  the  English  rule,  who,  holding  offices  of 
profit,  or  owning  lands  near  Dublin,  and  being  too  weak  to 
defend  themselves,  found  their  account  in  appealing  helplessly 
to  the  distant  arm  of  England. 

But  nothing  could  be  done  without  money.  With  Wales  in 
active  rebellion,  Ireland  in  anarchy,  Scotland,  under  the 
influence  of  Lord  Douglas,  clamorous  for  war,  and  France  free 
once  more  to  hatch  hatred  and  intrigue,  the  will  and  the 
energy  were  present  with  Henry  to  strike  boldly  at  his  foes;  but 
money  there  was  none,  and  his  subjects  could  not  bear  the 
strain  of  further  taxation.  Accordingly,  in  this  emergency,  it 
was  resolved  to  call  together  a  Great  Council,  to  meet  at  West- 
minster on  August  i5th,  1401.  To  this  8 Council  there  were 

1  See  the  petition,  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  43,  52.  It  is  without  date,  but 
seems  to  fit  in  most  reasonably  here.  2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  182.  »  See  list 
of  names,  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  155-164  ;  and  cf.  KYM.,  viii,  213. 


230  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

summoned  19  Bishops,  6  Abbots,  45  great  Lords  and  Barons, 
and  nearly  250  Knights,  Esquires,  and  gentlemen,  from  the 
different  counties  of  England.  In  the  number  and  importance 
of  the  members  composing  it,  this  Great  Council  differed  in  no 
way  from  a  Parliament.  In  two  essential  points,  however,  it  did 
differ :  (ist)  That  the  cities  and  boroughs,  as  such,  did  not 
send  representatives.  (2nd)  That  the  name  of  every  person 
summoned  had  been  specified  individually  in  the  writs,  so  that 
there  was-  no  pretence  of  election  at  all.  It  is  probable  that  the 
sole  purpose  of  its  meeting  was  to  raise  money  as  an  advance  for 
immediate  needs,  very  much  as  had  been  done  under  similar 
circumstances,  but  on  a  smaller  scale,  in  February  of  the 
preceding  year. 

The  Great  Council  met  on  August  i5th,  but  we  have  only 
very  scanty  hints  as  to  its  proceedings.  War  was  considered 
inevitable  with  France  and  Scotland.  A  new  plan  was  devised 
for  regulating  the  income  and  outgoings  of  the  Exchequer, 
which  it  was  hoped  would  result  in  great  economy,  to  the  profit 
of  the  King,  and  on  the  suggestion  of  the  2 Chancellor  and  the 
Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal,  the  King  was  advised  to  realise  a  sum 
for  immediate  use  by  the  sale  of  such  wardships,  marriages, 
reversions,  and  other  feudal  dues,  as  might  escheat  to  him,  by 
death  or  otherwise,  in  the  immediate  future.  We  may  presume, 
therefore,  that  the  required  sums  of  money  were  forthcoming, 
and  the  necessities  of  the  moment  tided  over  or  decently 
provided  for. 

For  Ireland,  it  was  announced  that  the  King's  second  son, 
Thomas,  had  been  made  Lieutenant  of  the  country,  3with  "all 
the  revenues  of  the  land  of  Ireland  "  granted  to  him,  with  power 

lUsK,  67.  aORD.  PRIV.  Co,  i,  183.  It  is  better  to  refer  this  to 
September,  1401,  rather  than  May,  1402  (as  Sir  H.  NICHOLAS),  as  Prince 
Thomas  had  not  yet  left  for  Ireland.  3  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  43 1 ;  PAT.,  2 
H.  IV.,  4,  15,  June  27th,  1401. 


XIII. J  The  Boy  Lieutenant.  231 

to  remove  inefficient  officers,  and  to  transfer  the  Courts  for  the 
administration  of  justice  wherever  he  should  see  fit. 

Already  a  considerable  force  of  men-at-arms  and  archers  had 
been  collected,  to  cross  with  Sir  Stephen  Scrope,  and  on  the 
^oth  of  August,  ten  ships  had  been  ordered  to  be  in  readiness 
at  Liverpool  and  Chester,  to  convey  them  over  to  Ireland. 

Sir  Thomas  Erpingham  and  Sir  Hugh  Waterton  (a  ~  cousin 
of  Sir  Robert,  at  Pontefract),  3with  eight  others,  were  now 
appointed  to  take  care  of  the  boy  Lieutenant,  and  early  in 
November  he  crossed  4"with  a  large  army,"  to  try  to  allay  the 
wild  waters  of  Irish  confusion  by  the  magic  of  a  royal  name. 
In  the  same  month,  news  of  some  kind  had  come  from  Ireland, 
together  with  information  of  an  agreement  made  between  Sir 
Stephen  Scrope  and  Maurice  O'Connor,  but  the  Council  were 
in  some  perplexity  as  to  the  desirability  of  publishing  it.  Letters 
patent,  which  had  granted  exemptions  from  the  Statute  against 
Absentees,  were  to  be  revoked,  and  5castles  and  fortresses 
which  were  falling  into  decay  were  to  be  repaired  and  main- 
tained, at  the  expense  of  those  who  drew  a  profit  from  the 
lands  adjacent. 

The  young  Prince  arrived  in  Dublin  on  the  6i3th  November 
(St.  Brice),  and  formally  took  over  the  government  from  Sir 
Stephen  Scrope.  He  was  to  receive  7 12,000  marks  per  annum 
for  the  duties  of  his  office,  of  which  the  English  Exchequer  had 
supplied  500  as  a  first  instalment.  At  Christmas  he  assembled 
the  Knights,  Esquires,  and  gentlemen  of  the  country,  and 
feasted  them  as  best  he  might.  Immediately  afterwards  his 
Council  met.  They  consisted  of  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin,  as 
Chancellor,  Lawrence  Merbury,  the  Treasurer,  and  others, 

1  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  5.  2  STONEHOUSE,  Isle  of  Axholme,  p.  445.  3  See 
their  appointments  (dated  October  1st,  1401),  in  RYM.,  viii,  227. 
4  "  Cum  magno  exercitu."—  USE,  68.  5  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  182.  s  CAMD., 
832.  7  PELLS  ISSUE,  MICH.,  3  H.  IV.,  December  9th,  1401. 


232  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

including  Sir  x  Stephen  Scrope,  who  conducted  the  military 
operations,  and  the  Gascon,  2Jean  d'Artois.  The  ex-Lieutenant, 
3  Sir  John  Stanley,  remained  in  Ireland,  a  subordinate  attached 
to  the  suite  of  his  successor. 

The  Council  advised  that  some  steps  should  be  taken  to 
reassert  the  English  authority.  The  Prince,  accordingly,  started 
for  a  journey  through  the  country  on  the  East  Coast,  "doing 
the  best  that  he  could  to  harry  them  ;"  but  after  a  few  weeks  the 
only  progress  that  he  could  report  was  that  he  had  got  back  in 
safety  to  •  Drogheda.  But  "  all  the  revenues  of  the  land  of 
Ireland  "  could  not  4keep  together  his  soldiers  for  a  few  months. 
They  clamoured  for  their  pay,  and  threatened  to  depart.  On 
6  February  i8th,  1402,  the  Prince  sent  urgent  messages  to 
England,  pressing  for  payment  for  his  men.  The  letter  was 
carried  by  Sir  Stephen  Scrope,  who  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  real  state  of  affairs.  The  Council  in  Ireland  subsequently 
sent  further  urgent  demands.  The  Prince's  jewels  and  plate 
were  sold  ;  his  soldiers  deserted  him,  and  on  6  August  2oth, 
1402,  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin  wrote  that  the  Prince  had 
"  not  a  penny  in  the  world,"  that  the  very  members  of  his 
household  were  on  the  point  of  abandoning  him ;  that  the 
Prince  and  his  Council  were  shut  up  at  Naas,  "with  twenty  or 
a  dozen  persons,"  and  that  they  dared  not  leave  his  side,  lest 
harm  should  come  to  him.  Seeing  the  hopelessness  of  raising 
funds  in  Ireland,  the  Council  in  London  forwarded7 ^6,51 6 
135.  4d.  to  Dublin  in  the  winter  of  1402,  with  a  further  8^"i,ooo 
in  the  early  part  of  the  following  year.  But  both  sums  were 

1PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  10,  confirms  to  him  100  marks  per  annum  from 
revenues  of  Ireland  (November  8th,  1399).  a  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  182. 
8PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  15  (dated  February  6th),  "in  comitiva  fil.  Thomae." 
*RoT.  PAUL.,  iii,  537.  5  ROY.  LET.,  i,  73.  <>Ibid,  i,  67,  which  should  be 
dated  1402,  not  1401.  It  is  signed  by  Sir  Lawrence  Men-bury,  as 
Treasurer  of  Irish  Exchequer,  whose  appointment  dates  from  October 
10th,  1401  (PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  34).  ?  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  4  H.  IV.,  MICH., 
December  9th,  1402.  slbid,  PASCH.,  June  12th,  1403. 


XIII.]  Recal  of  Prince  Thomas.  233 

taken  from  the  subsidy  levied   on   the  English  people,  and  the 
Customs  collected  in  English  ports. 

During  all  this  time,  if  we  read  the  native  Annals,  we  might 
think  there  was  no  English  authority  in  the  country  at  all. 
The  chiefs  hunt,  slay,  raid,  murder,  and  build  churches.  We 
have  a  terrible  war  between  the  Earl  of  Urmumha  (Ormond) 
and  the  Earl  of  Desmumha  (Desmond),  but  "the  foreigners" 
are  seldom  mentioned  in  the  narrative  at  all.  The  government 
of  Ireland,  by  the  appointed  representative  of  the  English  King, 
was  almost,  if  not  altogether,  extinguished.  Nevertheless, 
Prince  Thomas  still  retained  his  office  for  a  few  months  longer. 

On  the  2ist  of  June,  1403,  the  Treasurer  of  Ireland,  William 
Alyngton,  wrote  that  payments  were  still  in  arrears  to  the 
extent  of  ^9,156  145.  8^d.,  and  that  both  Ireland  and  the 
boy  Lieutenant  were  in  great  and  increasing  danger.  On  the 
loth  of  June,  it  was  decided  that  the  money  required  for 
governing  Ireland  must  be  taken  from  the  Customs  of  the  port 
of  Hull,  as  there  was  no  prospect  of  getting  anything  from 
Ireland  itself. 

At  length,  on  the  3  1  st  of  September,  1403,  it  was  decided 
that  the  Prince  might  return  home,  leaving  the  dignities  and 
anxieties  of  his  office  to  be  borne  by  a  deputy.  In  4  November, 
1  403,"  he  was  back  in  England;  but  as  late  as  5  March,  1404, 
he  was  still  nominally  the  King's  Lieutenant  in  Ireland,  65oo 
marks  (^333  6s.  8d.)  being  assigned  to  him  to  meet  his 
engagements  there.  In  7  November,  1404,  he  was,  with  his 
brother  Henry,  present  at  the  operations  against  the  Welsh  in 
Glamorganshire.  On  the  85th  of  July,  1404,  Janico  Dartas  was 
appointed  Admiral  of  Ireland  during  the  King's  pleasure. 


Ce,  ii,  93;  FOUR  MASTERS,  iii,  771.  2PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  3,  5, 
July  14th,  1403.  8  Ibid,  1,  6.  4  BLACK  BOOK  OF  ADMIRALTY,  i,  387, 
quoting  Marleburgh  Ancient  Irish  Histories.  5RoT.  PARL.,  iii,  537. 
«  OHD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  268.  7  TYLER,  i,  197.  8  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  10. 


234  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

For  Scotland,  it  was  decided  that  every  effort  should  be 
made  to  secure  the  opportunity  for  making  a  lasting  peace. 
But  already  the  opportunity  was  passing  away.     The  Duke  of 
Rothsay  had  been  disgraced  and  imprisoned,  and  the  war  party, 
headed  by  the  Earl  of  Douglas,   was  in  full  power.     On  the 
English  side,  Commissioners  of  high  rank  were  appointed  to 
treat  with  the  Scots.     Among  the    Commissioners   were   the 
Earls    of    Northumberland    and   Westmoreland,    with    Henry 
Percy,  as  Warden  of  Berwick,  and  the  Bishops  of  Bangor  and 
Carlisle.      They  were  supplied  with  complete  2 instructions  how 
to  act,   according  as  they  should  find  a  willing  spirit  or  the 
reverse  among  the  Scots.     If  the  Scottish  King  would  admit 
the  claim  put  forward  by  Henry  to  the   overlordship,   doing 
homage  for  his  crown,  and  accepting  summons  and  attendance 
at  the   English   Parliament,  a  final  peace  might  be  arranged 
between  the  two  countries.     If  he  still  disputed  the  claim,  it 
might  be  held  in  abeyance  for  a  term  of  years,  to  be  submitted 
to  the  decision  of  certain  "  sage  and  discreet  persons  "  on  both 
sides ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  a  general  truce  might  be  made 
between  the  two  countries,  the  Scottish  King  undertaking  to 
supply  500  men,  when  required.     In  return,  he  was  to  receive 
an  annuity,  in  money  or  lands  in  England,  and  the  wages  of  the 
men-at-arms  were  to  be  paid  by  the  English  King,   nothing 
being  said  in  the  meantime  of  homage  or  attendance  at  Parlia- 
ment.    If,  ultimately,  the  decision  on  these  two  matters  were 
given  against  England,  the  rest  of  the  arrangement  might  still 
be  retained — the  Scottish  King  agreeing  to  supply  the  500  men, 
and  receiving  in   exchange  an  annuity   of  ^1,000    or    1,000 
marks,  at  the  conclusion  of  a  final  peace ;  in  which  it  might  be 
arranged  that  the  disputed  district  of  3Teviotdale  should  pass 

lRoi.  SCOT.,  ii,  159,  dated  September  1st,  1401.  3  ORD.  PKIV.  Co.,  i, 
168-173.  3  Antequam  Thevidalia  venit  ad  pacem  Regis,  i.e.,  Scottici. — 
SCOTICHBON.,  ii,  434 ;  BOWER,  xv,  14. 


XIII. ]  Border  Negotiations.  235 

into  the  hands  of  the  English,  if  the  inhabitants  were  willing  to 
transfer  their  allegiance  from  the  Scottish  King,  thus  rectifying 
the  Border  to  the  line  of  the  Tweed.  If,  however,  there  should 
appear  no  prospect  of  such  permanent  peace,  a  truce  might  be 
made,  in  general  or  special  terms,  to  last  for  any  period  up  to 
thirty  years,  in  which  case  the  castles  of  Berwick,  Roxborough, 
and  Jedborough,  would  remain  in  English  hands,  and  suitable 
arrangements  would  be  made  for  securing  the  communications 
with  them,  and  reserving  a  certain  limited  area  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  each.  Efforts  were  to  be  made  on  behalf  of  the 
Earl  of  March,  with  a  view  to  securing  for  him  a  pardon  for  his 
disloyalty,  and  the  recovery  of  his  lands  about  Dunbar.  And 
with  a  view  to  strengthen  the  friendly  feelings  between  the  two 
countries,  proposals  were  to  be  opened  for  intermarriage 
between  the  young  princes  and  princesses  of  the  respective 
royal  houses,  a  card  which  Henry  never  failed  to  play,  if  such 
alliance  promised  to  strengthen  his  position  with  his  neighbours. 
If  none  of  these  eligible  alternatives  should  prosper,  the 
Commissioners  were  authorized  to  negociate  a  short  truce,  to 
last  for  one  year  from  the  ensuing  St.  Martin's  Day  (November 
i  ith),  provided  that  the  Earl  of  March  were  included  as  an  ally 
of  England,  and  the  three  castles,  with  their  surrounding 
liberties,  were  guaranteed  unmolested  to  the  English.  Mention 
was  to  be  made  also  (though  not  in  the  way  of  menace)  of  the 
remaining  portion  of  the  ransom  of  the  late  King  David,  which 
was  still  unpaid  by  the  Scots,  and  all  other  matters  in  dispute 
were  to  be  referred  to  the  Parliaments  of  the  two  countries,  in 
the  hope  that  time  would  develope  a  more  friendly  consideration 
of  them  at  a  more  suitable  opportunity. 

On  2 Monday,  October  iyth,  1401,  the  Commissioners  met 

1('Des  seigneurs  et  dames  dambideux." — ORD.  PEIV.  Co,,  i,  171.  "  See 
letters  between  Douglas  and  Henry,  dated  February,  1402  (not  1401),  in 
ROY.  LET.,  i,  52,  58. 


236  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

at  Yetham,  in  Roxboroughshire.  The  Earls  of  Northumberland 
and  Douglas  were  both  present,  as  the  heads  of  their  respective 
delegations,  but  it  was  soon  evident  that  no  progress  would  be 
made.  In  the  present  temper  of  the  Scots  there  was  no 
probability  whatever,  either  of  a  lasting  peace  or  a  lengthened 
truce.  The  Earl  of  Douglas  claimed  that,  according  to  the 
terms  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland's  letter  of  June  24th, 
there  should  be  a  truce  simply  between  the  two  countries,  to 
last  for  one  year  from  the  next  St.  Martin's  Day.  The  English 
Commissioners  then  urged  the  claims  of  the  Earl  of  March,  and 
pressed  for  a  guarantee  of  the  limits  of  the  English  jurisdiction 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Border  castles,  but  the  Earl  of 
Douglas  flatly  refused  to  entertain  the  question.  The  English 
representatives  then  proposed  that  the  truce,  or  suspension  of 
hostilities,  should  last  simply  up  to  Christmas,  that  they  might 
have  time  to  return  to  London  to  receive  further  instructions 
from  the  Council,  but  this  request  also  was  refused.  The 
Commissioners  parted,  the  Scots  claiming,  seemingly,  that 
the  truce  would  be  binding  on  the  English  after  the  next 
St.  Martin's  Day,  and  the  English  returning  to  their  country  to 
wait  for  the  next  move  on  the  part  of  their  opponents. 

No  sooner  had  they  departed  than  the  Earl  of  Douglas  rode 
in  person,  "with  banner  and  pennon  displayed,"  to  Bamborough, 
and  burnt  the  town  and  the  surrounding  country.  Hereupon 
there  followed  reprisals,  and  a  state  of1  open  war.  On  the 
English  side,  much  apprehension  was  felt  for  the  safety  of 
Roxborough  Castle,  the  responsibility  for  which  rested  with  Sir 
2  Stephen  Scrope,  who  was  at  the  time  with  Prince  Thomas,  in 
Ireland.  But  an  order  was  issued  by  the  3  Council,  in  Novem- 
ber, to  see  that  this  weakness  was  made  good.  An  4advance  of 

1UsK,  68.  Scoti  decreverant  diffidenciam  et  guerram  Anglicis  in  f  esto 
sancti  Martini  fore  inducendas.  2  ROY.  LET.,  i,  87.  3  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i, 
178.  4  ROY.  LET.,  i,  91. 


XIII.]  War  with  Scotland.  237 

^£560  was  secured  from  the  collectors  of  Customs  at  the  port  of 
Southampton,  and  the  T  custody  of  the  castle  was  transferred  to 
the  Earl  of  Westmoreland. 

On  February  ist,  1402,  the  Earl  of  Douglas,  who  now  appears 
as  the  leading  personage  on  the  Scottish  side,  sent  a  formal 
complaint  to  Henry,  charging  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  with 
having  been  the  cause  of  this  new  outbreak  of  war,  and 
offering  to  prove  his  statement  if  Henry  would  send  Commis- 
sioners of  high  rank  to  meet  other  Scotch  Commissioners  on 
the  Border.  The  English  King  consulted  with  the  Earls  of 
Northumberland  and  Westmoreland,  who  were  then  in  London, 
together  with  others  of  the  negociators  of  the  previous  year, 
and  returned  a  general  denial  of  the  charges  made  by  Douglas. 
He  2  offered,  however,  to  send  a  Commission  (though  not  of  the 
highest  nobles)  to  meet  a  Scotch  Commission,  if  desired,  at 
Kelso,  by  April  loth,  1402.  This  proposal  was,  seemingly,  not 
accepted,  and  all  hopes  of  a  compromise  were  at  an  end. 
Arrangements  were  made  for  3  supplying  Berwick  with  stores,  in 
anticipation  of  the  coming  attack,  and  on  4  March  ist  an  appeal 
was  made  for  a  loan  to  repel  the  Scots,  "  who  have  lately  made 
war  upon  us  and  our  kingdom."  The  Earls  of  Northumberland 
and  Westmoreland,  together  with  Henry  Percy,  were  authorized 
in  the  most  general  terms  to  treat  with  the  Scottish  King,  when 
the  time  should  come,  and  in  the  meantime  to  5  promise  English 
protection  and  the  royal  favour  to  any  Scottish  nobles  who 
should  show  any  inclination  to  follow  the  example  already  set 
by  the  Earl  of  March,  two  years  before. 

For  France,  Commissioners  were  appointed  6  (September  i8th) 
as  arranged,  to  meet  and  provide  remedies  for  outstanding 
grievances,  by  the  ensuing  St.  Martin's  Day  (November  i  ith, 
1401).  Eleven  Commissioners,  headed  by  the  Earl  of  Rutland 


.  SCOT.,  ii,  161.      2RoY.  LET.,  i,  64.     3RoT.  SCOT.,  ii,  161.    4EYM., 
viii,  245.      «  Ibid,  viii,  251.      6  Ibid,  viii,  224. 


238  Ireland.  [CHAP. 

as  Lieutenant  of  Aquitaine,  were  appointed  to  meet  a  similar 
number  from  the  French  side  at  Bayonne,  for  the  South ; 
while  a  separate  'Commission  of  ten,  headed  by  the  Earl  of 
Somerset  as  Captain  of  Calais,  and  the  Bishop  of  Rochester, 
were  to  negociate  in  reference  to  claims  for  damage  committed 
in  the  North.  The  Commissioners  in  the  North  were  to  give 
special  prominence  to  the  dormant  question  of  the  payment  of 
the  ransom  still  due  on  account  of  the  release  of  the  French 
King  John. 

At  Martinmas  (November  nth)  the  Commissioners  met,  and 
agreed  to  a  2 postponement  till  St.  Andrew's  Day  (November 
3oth,  1401),  with  a  prospect,  if  affairs  proceeded  smoothly,  of 
a  further  adjournment  till  the  3rd  of  April,  1402,  or  some  early 
day.  At  Bayonne,  also,  negociations  proceeded,  but  the  news 
was  not  altogether  encouraging,  and  arrangements  were  made 
in  England  for  summoning  another  Great  Council,  to  meet 
fifteen  days  after  St.  Hilary  (i.e.,  January  29th,  1402),  when  it 
would  be  decided  whether  or  not  to  summon  a  Parliament. 
3  Frequent  communications  continued  to  pass  between  France 
and  England,  and,  by  a  subsequent  announcement,  4July  i4th, 
1402,  was  fixed  as  the  latest  day  for  depositing  claims  for 
consideration  on  both  sides.  In  5  September,  1402,  an  arrange- 
ment was  agreed  to  at  Lenlyngham,  according  to  which  there 
was  to  be  virtually  a  truce,  to  last  till  May  ist,  1403.  6A11 
damage  done  in  the  interval  was  to  be  enquired  into,  and 
restitution  made.  It  was  arranged  that  all  plunder  was  to  be 
restored,  and  all  prisoners  given  up.  Letters  of  marque  were  to 
be  called  in.  Notice  was  given  at  Havre,  and  all  the  principal 
ports  of  both  kingdoms,  that  no  7 pirates  were  henceforth  to  be 

i  RYM.,  viii,  229  ;  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  176.  October  18th  and  November 
1st.  2  RYM.,  viii,  231.  3  THRES.  DBS  CHARTRES,  Passim.  August,  1401, 
August,  1402.  4  RYM.,  viii,  264.  5  Ibid,  viii,  280  (dated  October  18th, 
1402),  "ultimo  factum";  TILLET  (313)  dates  it  August  24th.  6RYM., 
viii,  300.  7  TILLET,  313. 


XIII.]  The  " Islands  of  Hell"  239 

harboured  or  supported,  under  pain  of  confiscation  or  other 
heavy  penalties. 

One  of  the  principal  piratical  offenders  against  English  trade 
was  a  Norman  noble,  Jean,  Lord  of  Bethencourt,  the  conqueror 
of  the  Canary  Islands.       His  brother  was  in  the  service  of  the 
Count  de  Nevers,  son  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  he  was 
himself  a  Chamberlain  of  the  Court   of  Charles   VI.      The 
English  demanded  his  surrender,  but  the  French  King  answered 
2 that  he  did  not  know  what  had  become  of  him.     When  last 
heard  of,  he  had  said  that  he  was  going  to  conquer  the  "  Islands 
of  Hell,"  i.e.,  the  volcanic  group  round  Teneriffe,  with  its  "cone 
of  cinders."     From  the  graphic  narrative  of  his  voyage  to  the 
Canaries  written  by  his  chaplain,  who  accompanied  him,  we 
now  know  that  he  had  started  from  3Rochelle  on  May  ist, 
1402  ;  that  he  was  arrested  at  Cadiz  as  a  robber,  on  the  com- 
plaint  of   some    English    merchants,     but    was    subsequently 
allowed   to   proceed   on   his   way;   that   he  was  absent  from 
Europe   for   four   years,    having   in    the   meantime   colonized 
Lanzarote  and  Fuerteventura,  the  most  easterly  of  the  Canary 
Islands.     News  of  his  famous  exploit  soon  reached  England, 
and  a  short  but  interesting  account  of  the  islands  and  their 
barbarous  inhabitants  is  entered  in  a  Contemporary  chronicle, 
by  an  English  monk,  with  remarkable  accuracy,  considering 
that  the  narrative  of  the  chaplain  had  not  yet  been  written. 
One  part  of  the  description  is  of  especial  interest  to  archaeolo- 
gists, as  the  islanders  were  cave-men,  quite  unacquainted  with 
the  use  of  metals,  though  far  advanced  in  the  manufacture  and 
use  of  implements  of  stone.      The  islands  contained  a  large 
population  of  black  people,  who  went  naked  in  summer,  but 
wore  skins  in  the  winter.     They  had  no  houses  or  buildings  of 
any  kind,  but  lived  in  caves  in  the  woods.      They  had  great 

1  BETHENCOURT,  212.      STHRES.  DBS  CHARTRES.,  pp.  70-71 ;    KEPT.  ON 
F(ED.,  App.  D,  August  1402.      3  BETHENCOURT,  4,  8.     *  ANN.,  389. 


240  Ireland. 

skill  in  stone-throwing,  and  were  very  swift  of  foot,  having 
plenty  of  food  in  the  sheep  and  wild  goats  which  abounded 
in  the  islands.  They  skinned  their  prey  with  knives  made  of 
chipped  flint,  drying  the  flesh  in  the  sun,  and  keeping  it  for 
use  when  no  fish  could  be  caught.  They  sat  out  on  the 
rocks,  fishing  with  lines  made  of  goat's  hair,  and  hooks  made 
from  goat's  horn,  split  up  to  any  required  size,  after  being 
softened  in  a  fire.  The  French,  of  course,  pursued  them,  and 
made  slaves  of  them  in  the  usual  way. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

INSURRECTION    IN    WALES. 

IN  Wales,  it  was  only  too  evident  that  the  King's  advisers  had 
been  grievously  misinformed.  Early  in  May,  1401,  as  we  have 
already  seen,  Henry  Percy  had  reported  the  complete  sub- 
mission of  the  counties  of  Merioneth  and  Caernarvon,  and  had 
predicted  that  if  once  the  castle  of  Conway  were  recovered,  the 
government  of  the  country  would  be  henceforward  an  easy  task. 
-But,  on  the  ^yth  of  May,  he  wrote  again  from  Denbigh, 
pressing  for  payment  of  arrears  in  view  of  the  desperate 
condition  of  the  country,  and  threatening  that,  if  he  did  not 
receive  money  speedily,  he  must  resign  his  position  as  insup- 
portable, and  leave  others  to  carry  on  the  defence  of  the 
country,  after  the  end  of  the  month.  At  this  time  the  insur- 
rection was  spreading  southwards.  On  the  3oth  of  May,  aided 
by  the  Earl  of  Arundel  and  Sir  2Hugh  Browe,  a  3 Cheshire 
gentleman,  Percy  encountered  the  rebels  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Cader  Idrys,  at  his  own  charges,  but  this  was  the  last  action- 
in  which  he  engaged  in  Wales.  Failing  to  receive  the  sums 
demanded,  and  having  also  the  charge  of  Berwick  Castle,  with 
the  prospect  of  open  righting  on  a  more  congenial  soil,  Hotspur 
carried  out  his  expressed  intention  and  resigned  his  command 
in  Wales.  He  repaired  to  England,  to  defend  his  own  country 
and  to  4  press  his  claims,  as  Warden  of  the  East  March,  against 
the  Scots.  From  Swineshead,  near  Spalding,  in  Lincolnshire, 

1OED.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  151.  2He  received  from  King  Henry  a  grant  of 
£40  per  annum  for  life,  February  llth,  1400.— PAT.,  1  H*  IV.,  5,  15 ; 
PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  1  H.  IV.,  PASC.,  June  4th.  3 See  BEAMONT  (R.  II.- 
H.  V.).  He  was  at  Shrewsbury  with  Henry  Percy. — ANN.,  366.  *  ORD. 
PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  57. 


242  Insurrection  in  Wales.  [CHAP. 

he  wrote  earnestly  requesting  the  payment  of  arrears  for  the 
defence  of  the  North.  He  attended  in  person  at  the  Great 
Council  held  on  August  i5th,  and  afterwards  went  northwards 
with  his  father,  as  one  of  the  envoys  commissioned  to  conduct 
negociations  with  the  Scots.  He  was  succeeded  as  !Justiciar  by 
Sir  Hugh  le  Despenser  (September  i,  1401),  whose  authority 
was  extended  over  the  whole  of  Wales. 

On  the  departure  of  Henry  Percy,  the  flames  of  insurrection 
in  Wales  spread  fast.  North  Wales,  Powysland  (i.e.,  Mont- 
gomery and  Denbigh),  and  Cardigan,  joined  the  movement. 
Lampeter  was  burnt.  Everywhere  the  English  were  attacked 
in  their  towns  and  castles.  South  Wales  alone  escaped.  Early 
in  sjune,  Owen  had  appeared  in  Powysland,  but  had  been 
beaten  off  by  Lord  Powys,  and  left  many  wounded  on  the 
ground.  But  even  under  the  walls  of  Powys  Castle,  the  town 
of  Welshpool  was  attacked  and  the  suburbs  burnt,  and  in  the 
open  country  the  people,  being  left  without  protection,  sub- 
mitted to  the  rebels. 

News  of  this  fatal  turning  in  affairs  was  brought  to  the  King,  by 
messengers  and  urgent  letters.  3On  August  3oth,  the  Prince  of 
Wales  was  ordered  to  advance  at  once  with  the  men  of  Glouces- 
ter, Hereford,  Shropshire,  and  Worcester.  On 4  September  1 8th, 
proclamations  were  issued  to  the  Sheriffs  of  22  Western  and 
Midland  counties,  to  summon  all  Knights,  Esquires,  and 
archers  who  owed  service,  to  meet  the  King  at  Worcester,  by 
October  2nd  at  latest.  By  s September  29th,  Henry  was  again 
at  Evesham,  "for  the  third  time  during  twelve  months."  Here 
he  spent  two  days,  and  in  the  morning  of  October  ist  he 
moved  on  to  Worcester.  No  time  was  to  be  lost,  and  all 
preparations  were  complete.  G  Accompanied  by  the  Prince  of 

1  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  4,  9,  10.  2  QRD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  153.  3  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV., 
2,  6.  4  RYM.,  viii,  225.  5  EVES.,  176,  who  evidently  inverts  the  order  of 
events  in  the  last  twojjvisits.  6  "  Cum  filio  suo  primogenito."— USE,  68. 


XIV.]  Strata  Florida.  243 

Wales,  he  advanced  with  an  immense  army  to  chastise  the 
rebels.  The  country  they  found  all  laid  waste,  destroyed  with 
fire,  famine,  and  sword.  *On  October  8th,  the  King  was  at 
Bangor,  where  "Jan  Lloyt,  parson  of  Llanlluhel,"  made  his 
submission.  On  the  same  day  he  was  at  Caernarvon,  and 
confirmed  the  appointment  of  John  Bolde  as  Warden  of  the 
Castle.  Entering  Cardiganshire,  the  army  spared  "neither 
churches  nor  children."  The  Cistertian  monks  of  Ystradflur, 
or  Strata  Florida,  felt  their  vengeance.  The  2 Abbey  was  used 
as  the  King's  headquarters,  and  horses  were  stalled  in  the  choir, 
close  up  to  the  high  altar.  The  sacred  vessels  were  plundered. 
One  of  the  monks,  who  was  taken  with  arms  in  his  hands,  was 
beheaded,  and  the  rest  were  driven  out.  For  six  months  the 
Abbey  remained  a  desolation,  and  great  misery  was  caused  by 
the  sudden  stoppage  of  its  charities,  till,  in  3the  spring  of  the 
following  year,  the  King  took  it  over  into  his  possession,  and 
appointed  the  Earl  of  Worcester  and  a  clerk,  as  trustees,  to 
re-establish  the  services,  with  all  the  attendant  annuities  and 
doles. 

Everywhere  the  ruin  proceeded  unopposed,  and  Owen  was 
nowhere  to  be  found.  Like  the  Scots,  in  the  previous  year,  he 
played  a  waiting  game,  retiring  always  to  the  mountains,  falling 
upon  stragglers  and  destroying  them  in  detail.  At  one  time  he 
was  lucky  enough  to  capture  the  horses  and  tent-equipage  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  and  with  these  trophies  he  made  his  way  to 
the  hills.  A  Welsh  gentleman  of  Cardigan,  Llewellyn  ap 
GryfTyth  Vaughan  of  Cayo,  whose  4  importance  is  estimated  by 
the  quantity  of  wine  (16  casks)  which  was  drunk  in  his  house 
every  year  (so  that  "  a  bettre  envyned  man  was  nowhere  noon  "), 
had  two  sons  with  Owen  in  the  mountains.  He  offered  to 
bring  the  King's  army  to  where  Owen  was,  but  wilfully  misled 

i  EOT.  VIAG.,  28.     2  EVES.,  175.     3  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.;  1,  2,  dated  April  1st, 
1402.      i  Cf.  THE  FKANKELEYN,  in  "  Canterbury  Tales,"  Prol.  342. 


244  Insurrection  in  Wales.  [CHAP. 

them,  and  gloried  in  his  success.  For  this  he  was  publicly 
drawn  and  hanged;  his  head  was  cut  off,  and  his  body  quartered. 
But  the  winter  was  fast  drawing  on,  and  no  English  army 
could  winter  in  the  mountains  of  Wales.  The  expedition  was 
nothing  but  a  demonstration  of  force,  and  after  a  week  of 
ineffectual  ravage  the  army  withdrew,  defeated  by  exposure  and 
fatigue  in  a  bleak  and  wasted  country.  They  struck  across  to 
the  upper  valley  of  the  Severn,  reached  ^ochtre,  in  Mont- 
gomeryshire, on  the  1 3th  of  October,  and  by  the  i5th  the  King 
was  back  in  Shrewsbury.  The  Earl  of  Rutland  was  appointed 
Governor  of  North  Wales  (October  i6th),  and  the  King  moved 
to  Shifnal  (October  i8th)  to  make  final  arrangements  before 
returning  homeward.  The  Earl  of  2 Worcester  was  to  be  Lieu- 
tenant of  South  Wales,  with  the  charge  of  the  castles  of  Cardigan 
and  Lampeter.  He  was  to  be  supplied  with  bows,  arrows,  and 
lances,  free  of  duty ;  corn  for  his  garrisons  was  to  be  supplied 
from  Ireland,  and  3  three  months'  wages  were  paid  for  50  men- 
at-arms  and  120  archers.  Sir  John  Oldcastle  was  left  with 
20  men-at-arms  and  40  archers  in  the  castle  of  Builth,  in  the 
upper  valley  of  the  Wye,  thus  securing  by  a  line  of  strongholds 
the  northern  Border  of  South  Wales.  The  men  of  Cardigan 
who  had  risen  in  rebellion  were  to  be  allowed  to  buy  back  their 
lands  which  had  become  forfeited,  and,  in  token  of  the  King's 
favour,  they  were  to  be  permitted  to  retain  their  own  Welsh 
language,  which  the  English,  in  retaliation,  had  lately  vowed  to 
exterminate.  4This  moderation  was  recommended  in  the  hope 
that  the  insurrection  would  not  spread  further  south.  A  receiver 
(Sir  Robert  Eggersley)  was  appointed,  and  the  money  thus 
procured  was  to  be  devoted  to  paying  the  wages  of  the  three 

1  Spelt  "  Mouche,"  in  ROT.  VIAG.,  m.  28.  2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  173.  See 
his  appointment,  dated  March  31st,  1402  (PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  7)  ;  but  he 
is  spoken  of  as  Lieutenant  of  South  Wales  in  earlier  documents,  e.g^ 
PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  5,  6,  dated  March  13th  and  16th.  3  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL, 
3  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  November  24th,  1401.  *  ROT.  VIAG.,  28. 


XIV.]  "  Warnestoring  of  heighe  toures  is  with  grete  costages"  245 

garrisons,  which  were  estimated  to  amount  during  the  first  three 
months  to  over  ^8,000.  To  meet  this  charge,  advances  were 
also  made  by  the  2  collectors  of  Customs  in  England.  Further 
arrangements  were  made  for  strengthening  the  castles  of  Brecon, 
Llandovery,  Caermarthen,  and  3  Pains  Castle  (on  the  Arrow),  as 
a  second  line,  at  the  cost  of  their  respective  owners,  and  the 
Bishop  of  St.  David's  (Guy  de  Mona)  was  to  exercise  a  general 
supervision  and  control.  The  Prince  of  Wales  (now  fourteen 
years  of  age)  was  to  take  over  the  island  of  Anglesey,  lately 
given  up  by  Sir  Henry  Percy.  He  was  also  to  receive  ^1,000 
per  annum  out  of  the  estates  of  the  Earl  of  March,  in  order  to 
maintain  his  position,  and  to  be  under  the  tutelage  of  the  Earl 
of  Worcester.  Provision  was  made  for  keeping  up  the  strength 
of  the  castles  of  Powys  and  Montgomeryshire,  which  had  just 
fallen  into  the  King's  hands,  owing  to  the  death  of  John 
Charleton,  Lord  of  Powys.  He  died  on  5  October  i8th,  1401, 
and  Hugh,  Lord  Burnell,  was  appointed  (November  28th)  to 
the  charge  of  the  three  castles  of  Montgomery,  Dolvoreyn,  and 
Kenlles,  during  the  minority  of  the  young  Earl  of  March,  his 
heir.  Both  Lord  Burnell  and  6Edward  Charleton,  who  took 
the  title  of  Lord  of  Powys,  were  authorized  to  pardon  any 
Welsh  rebels  who  should  sue  for  it  without  conditions.  ''Con- 
fiscated lands  in  Cardigan,  Caermarthen,  Michelchurch  in 
Dynas,  and  Builth,  were  taken  from  rebel  Welsh,  and  granted 
anew  to  loyal  Welsh.  One  David  Gam  came  in  for  a  good 
share  of  the  spoil ;  but  the  reader  would  be  perplexed  to  sunder 
the  sheep  from  the  goats,  in  the  puzzling  lists  of  Owens  ap 
Richards  ap  Griffiths  ap  Howels  ap  Llewelyns,  Vaghans,  Rees, 
Morgans,  Madocs,  and  the  rest. 

i  £8,080.— ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  177.  2See  £150  from  Southampton.— 
EOY.  LET.,  i,  91.  3  "  About  a  two  miles  from  Wybank." — LEL.  ITIN.,  vii, 
f .  27,  14.  «  DUGD.,  BARON.,  ii,  62;  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  23.  5UsK,  68. 
e  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  22,  dated  December  2nd,  1401.  »I6td,  1,  23,  28,  29, 
dated  November  9th  and  12th,  and  December  3rd,  1401. 


246  Insurrection  in  Wales.  [CHAP. 

These  *  arrangements  occupied  the  last  remaining  days  of 
October.  On  the  228th  October,  the  King  was  at  Worcester, 
and  was  able  to  write  that  his  plans  had  succeeded  as  well  as  he 
could  wish.  The  army  was  then  disbanded,  and  the  King  was 
back  in  Westminster  by  8  November  ist.  He  then  went  to  the 
castle  at  4  Hertford,  where  he  spent  a  few  days,  till  Novem- 
ber 1 5th. 

But  while  the  King  was  yet  in  Wales  a  somewhat  mysterious 
move  had  been  made  by  Owen.  Before  Henry  Percy  had  left 
his  command,  communications  had  certainly  passed  between 
him  and  Owen,  with  a  view  to  arranging  some  terms  of 
submission.  At  a 5 personal  interview  between  them,  Owen  had 
declared  his  willingness  to  submit,  if  Percy  would  use  his 
influence  with  the  King  to  guarantee  to  him  his  life  and  his 
possessions.  Whether  sincerely  or  not,  he  declared  his  wish 
for  peace,  and  a  curious  three-cornered  negociation  was  begun. 
Later  in  the  year,  a  messenger  "from  the  North,"  named 
6  Jenkyn  Tyby,  brought  letters  to  Owen,  "  as  they  deemed  from 
Henry  Percy."  Owen,  in  reply,  expressed  his  affection  for  and 
confidence  in  the  Earl  of  Northumberland.  The  matter  was 
laid  before  the  King,  and  with  his  consent  a  messenger  was 
sent  from  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  to  Sir  Edward  Mortimer, 
who  was  a  brother  of  that  Earl  of  March  lately  killed  in  Ireland, 
and  whose  sister,  Elizabeth,  was  the  wife  of  Henry  Percy. 
From  Mortimer  the  communication  was  passed  to  Owen.  In 
reply,  7Owen  expressed  his  willingness  for  peace,  declared  that 
the  ruin  and  destruction  of  property,  and  the  capture  and 
murder  of  the  8  English,  were  caused  by  no  fault  of  his,  and 
complained  that  9part  of  his  lawful  heritage  had  been  taken 

*ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  177.  2See  his  letter  to  the  Emperor  Rupert,  in 
MARTENE,  1682.  «  RYM.,  viii,  230.  4  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  1,  28,  November 
3-13,  1401.  5CHRON.  GILES,  30;  but  wrongly  assigned  there  to  1403.- 
6  ORIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  9.  7  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  59.  8  For  the  cruelty  practised 
by  Owen,  see  ANN.,  337.  "Quosdam  perimens  inhumano  more."  9In 
South  Wales.— RYM.,  viii,  163. 


XIV.]  "  The  garneson  is  stronger  whan  it  is  longe  time  avtsed"  247 

from  him.  He  added  that  he  would  gladly  meet  with  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland  on  the  English  Border,  but  that  he  feared 
his  life  would  not  be  safe,  owing  to  his  late  threat  to  exterminate 
the  English  tongue  from  Wales. 

On  the  King's  return  to  London,  the  matter  was  set  down 
for  consideration  by  a  Council  which  met  early  in  November. 
Great  Mifferences  of  opinion  were  expressed.  Some  thought 
that  no  terms  whatever  should  be  made  with  the  rebels ;  others 
urged  that  they  should  seem  to  offer  terms,  in  order  to  get 
Owen  into  their  power.  No  decision  was  arrived  at,  and  the 
matter  was  allowed  to  drop. 

Being,  for  the  moment,  driven  out  of  Cardigan,  8Owen,  with 
a  large  host,  moved  North,  and  on  November  2nd  appeared 
before  Caernarvon.  But  the  Warden,  4John  Bolde,  had  lately 
received  his  long  looked-for  arrears  of  pay ;  the  garrison  had 
learnt  caution  from  the  events  of  a  few  months  before  at 
Conway,  and  a  surprise  was  thus  averted.  When  Owen  and 
his  Welshmen  appeared,  headed  by  his  white  standard  with  the 
golden  5 dragon,  the  townsmen  poured  out  to  attack  him,  and 
he  was  driven  off  with  a  loss  of  300  men. 

He  withdrew  to  his  home  on  the  Dee,  where  he  had  gathered 
together  many  needy  malcontents,  and  where  feasting  and 
6  drunkenness  secured  to  him  the  service  of  the  host  of  wandering 
bards  deprived  of  their  accustomed  means  of  support  by  the 
Ordinances  of  the  early  spring,  and  now  turned  into  ready 
instruments  to  preach  among  the  natives  his  crusade  against 
"the  Sassenach."  His  house  at  Sychnant  became  a 7"  sanctuary 

iQRD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  175.  SCHRON.  GILES,  31.  *  USE,  69.  *  PELLS 
ISSUE  BOLL,  3  H.  IV.,  MICH..  October  22nd,  1401.  5  He  identified  himself 
with  the  dragon  in  "  the  prophecy." — HALLE,  xx.  6  See  the  fulsome 
flattery  in  the  ode  by  the  chief  bard,  Gryffyth  Llwyd,  who  forgets  his 
awful  distance  from  the  great  man,  "  with  British  beverage  hot."— 
PENNANT,  i,  334.  7  So  called  by  lolo  Goch,  one  of  them — PENNANT,  i, 
328 — called  "  Master  of  Arts,  Poet  Lawrell,  or  Cheif  Poet,  who  hath 
written  concerning  the  three  provinces  of  Wales,"  in  BHYDDERCH  (1700- 
1730)  MS.,  p.  91.  See  BRUT-Y-TYWYSOGION,  xli;  also  LEWIS  Dwo's 
Heraldic  Visitation  of  Wales,  i,  331. 


248  Insurrection  in  Wales.  [CHAP. 

of  bards,"  who  flattered  his  fancy  and  fed  his  ambition  with 
their  readings  of  the  mysteries  of  Merlin  and  "  The  Brut,"  and 
the  Prophecy  of  John  of  Bridlington. 

But  victory  was  yet  very  far  from  his  grasp,  and  mere  burning 
and  plundering  could  make  no  real  head  against  the  castles  and 
disciplined  forces  of  England.  Accordingly,  though  nominally 
engaged  in  treating  with  the  English,  he  made  this  winter  his 
first  appeal  for  other  help  against  them,  and  we  have  copies  of 
two  letters  still  preserved  which  he  addressed  to  the  King  of 
Scotland  and  to  the  Lords  of  Ireland.  The  letters  are  dated 
from  North  Wales  on  November  29th,  and  were  sent  across  to 
Ireland,  to  be  forwarded  thence  to  their  several  destinations  by 
the  hands  of  messengers,  who  were  authorized  to  tell  more  by 
word  of  mouth  than  could  be  committed  to  writing. 

From  Scotland,  Owen  had  already  received  some  help,  or 
promises  of  help.  Early  in  June,  Scottish  cruisers  had  appeared 
off  the  coast  of  Caernarvon,  but  the  2  vigilance  of  Henry  Percy 
had  fitted  out  vessels  at  his  own  cost,  which  started  in  pursuit, 
and  a  Scotch  vessel  with  35  armed  men  on  board  was  chased 
into  Milford  Haven,  and  there  made  an  easy  prize.  Owen  now 
addressed  himself  directly  to  the  Scottish  King.  His  letter  is 
written  in  French.  In  it  he  claims  kindred  with  the  Scottish 
King,  as  both  are  descended  from  sons  of  the  mythic  Brutus, 
himself  from  Camber,  and  the  Scotch  King  from  Albanact.  In 
all  seriousness  he  tells  him  that  "the  3  Prophecy"  has  said  that 
he  shall  be  delivered  by  Scottish  help  from  the  oppression  and 
tyranny  of  their  mutual  enemies,  the  Saxons.  But  he  sets  forth 
his  great  need  of  steady  troops,  and  prays,  "  kneeling  on  my 
knees,"  that  the  Scotch  King  would  send  him  such,  promising 
that  he,  for  his  part,  would  not  fail  to  be  bounden  all  his  life  to 
repay  the  favour.  To  the  Irish  chiefs  he  sent  a  similar  request, 


1  USK,  69.      sORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  153.      3  See  this  rhapsody  of  nonsense 
in  full,  in  GEOF.  OF  MONMOUTH,  Book  vii. 


XIV.]  Capture  of  Lord  Grey.  249 

alleging  that,  though  he  was  personally  unknown  to  them,  yet 
"  the  Prophecy  "  had  foretold  that  Ireland  should  lend  a  helping 
hand,  and  reminding  them  that  only  so  long  as  he  could  man- 
fully maintain  his  independence  in  Wales,  could  they  in  Ireland 
hope  for  the  peace  and  repose  they  so  much  needed. 

Some  of  the  bearers  of  these  letters  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
English  in  Ireland,  and  were  at  once  beheaded ;  others  may 
have  succeeded  in  reaching  Scotland.  A  Welshman,  David  ap 
Jevan  Goz,  who  had  spent  twenty  years  in  warfare  in  the  East 
of  Europe,  was  employed  to  interest  the  King  of  France  in  the 
struggle.  Recommended  by  the  French  King,  he  started  for 
Scotland,  but  was  captured  on  the  voyage  by  the  English,  and 
safely  clapped  in  the  Tower. 

Meanwhile,  through  all  this  winter,  Owen  was  undisputed 
master  of  the  open  country  in  Caernarvon  and  Merioneth. 
The  lands  of  the  Bishop  of  Bangor  were  "in  great  part 
destroyed,"  and  an  attack  was  made  upon  2Harlech  Castle, 
which  was  only  averted  by  the  prompt  despatch  of  100  men-at- 
arms  and  400  archers,  from  Chester,  to  its  relief  (December 
i4th,  1401).  On  the  33oth  of  January,  1402,  Owen  led  a  raid 
4against  Ruthin.  The  town  was  burnt,  the  lands  plundered, 
and  the  cattle  driven  off  securely  to  the  banks  of  the  Dee. 
Emboldened  by  success,  he  again  renewed  the  attack,  5 after 
a  few  days  delay.  This  time  he  laid  his  plans  with  greater 
cunning,  and  approached  Ruthin  stealthily,  with  a  small  portion 
of  his  force.  Lord  Grey  was  warned  of  his  intention.  Smarting 
under  the  recent  insult,  he  got  ready  what  few  troops  he  had, 
and  sallied  out  against  him.  But  his  men  were  over  confident. 
Cheated  by  a  feigned  retreat,  the  little  band  rushed  recklessly 

J  TYLER  (i,  129),  quoting  PELLS  ROLL,  January  18th,  1402.  2  PELLS 
ROLL,  in  TYLER,  i,  121 ;  ORIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  14.  3UsK,  69.  4  Welsh  writers 
lay  the  scene  of  this  action  on  the  River  Fyrnwy.  PENNANT  (i,  345) 
following  CARTE  (ii,  654),  who  gives  no  reference.  5"In  Quadragesima." 
— EVES.,  177.  Probably  about  February  14th. 


250  Insurrection  in  Wales. 

in  pursuit  of  the  flying  Welsh.  They  were  drawn  completely 
into  a  trap,  surrounded,  and  overpowered  by  numbers,  ^any 
of  them  were  killed.  Lord  Grey  himself  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  removed  for  safety  to  the  mountains  of  Caernarvon. 

Nevertheless,  Owen  spared  the  neighbouring  lands  of  Den- 
bigh, and  the  estates  belonging  to  the  family  of  Mortimer,  for  a 
purpose  which  will  soon  be  only  too  apparent. 

1  USK  (69)  says  2,000  ;  but  he  was  not  in  the  country  at  the  time,  and 
only  gives  this  number  as  it  renched  him  at  Rome. 


CHAPTER   XV. 
A    CHAPTER    OF    MARRIAGES. 

WHILE  these  events  were  passing  in  Wales,  a  Great  Council  had 
met  in  London  on  January  2Qth  or  3oth,  1402,  and  immedi- 
ately afterwards  a  Parliament  assembled  at  2  Coventry,  where 
the  dread  of  the  Welsh  was  more  keenly  felt.  No  s  writs  are 
preserved,  and  the  Rolls  contain  only  six  private  petitions,  from 
which  very  little  can  be  gathered.  It  had  been  originally 
intended  that  a  Parliament  should  meet  at  Westminster  4  early 
in  February,  and  summons  had  been  sent  out,  dated  Decem- 
ber 2nd,  for  the  members  to  assemble  on  Monday  after  the 
Feast  of  the  Purification  (February  2nd).  But  early  in 
January  other  orders  were  issued,  cancelling  these  writs,  and 
the  informal  meeting  at  Coventry  was  substituted.  The 
Parliament  must  have  differed  very  little  in  composition  from 
the  Great  Council  of  the  previous  August.  Little  was  done 
beyond  formally  voting  the  subsidies,  and  a  8  small  Committee 
of  twenty  members  was  appointed  to  secure  the  payment  of 
arrears,  and  the  repayment  of  advances  made  on  the  guarantee 
of  the  coming  subsidy  during  the  previous  months  of  scarcity. 
The  Committee  were  to  meet  on  Tuesday,  February  i9th. 
But  the  whole  device  looks  like  a  manoeuvre  to  govern  by 


.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  179.  aRoT.  PARL.,  iii.  SRETUKN  OF  MEMBERS 
(Pt.  I.)  refers  to  a  Parliament  summoned  to  meet  at  Westminster, 
January  30th,  1402;  probably  the  Great  Council.  4CLAUS.  3  H.  IV., 
1,  17.  PKLLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  MICH.,  3  H.  IV.,  contains  payments  to  the 
two  sets  of  messengers,  dated  December  15th,  1401,  and  January  14th, 
1402,  respectively.  The  Convocations  were  to  meet  in  London  and  York, 
on  the  first  Monday  in  Lent,  and  Thursday  after  the  Octave  of  Easter, 
respectively.—  GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  1,  14,  15.  5OfiD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  180. 


252  A   Chapter  of  Marriages.  [CHAP. 

Great  Councils  instead  of  Parliaments.  By  the  l advice  of  the 
Council,  the  collectors  of  customs  and  subsidies  were  examined 
as  to  what  amounts  were  available,  and  in  many  cases  advances 
2 were  obtained  from  collectors  or  private  persons. 

The  time  was  fast  drawing  on  for  the  marriage  of  the 
Princess  Blanche.  In  the  negociations  of  the  preceding  year 
it  will  be  remembered  that  it  had  been  stipulated  that  she 
should  be  at  Cologne  by  Easter  of  the  year  1402,  and  that 
Louis  should  meet  her  there,  and  conduct  her  at  once  to 
Heidelberg,  for  the  marriage.  The  winter  had  been  spent  in 
preparing  her  outfit,  and  the  8  Issue  Rolls  of  the  Exchequer 
record  payments  of  ^1,840  on  this  account  alone,  for  woollen 
cloth,  embroidery,  furs,  skins,  saddles,  and  other  necessaries  of 
a  great  lady's  trousseau.  One  hundred  pounds  was  spent,  "  for 
cloth  of  gold  and  other  wares,"  at  the  establishment  of  the 
millionaire  mercer,  4  Richard  Whityngton,  who  had  more  than 
once  advanced  loans  of  1,000  marks  to  the  King,  to  meet 
pressing  necessities.  Horses  likewise  were  purchased  to  the 
amount  of  ^40,  to  be  sent  across  with  her,  and  the  various 
members  of  the  proposed  escort  were  summoned  early  in  the 
5  year  to  be  ready  for  the  voyage  to  Cologne.  Of  the  promised 
dower  of  40,000  nobles,  it  was  arranged  that  the  first  instalment 
(viz.:  16,000  nobles)  should  be  paid  over  by  Henry  at  the 
solemnization  of  the  wedding,  and  the  remainder  by  instalments 
to  be  spread  over  the  two  following  years.  Already  orders  had 
been  issued  to  raise  the  first-named  sum,  either  through  the 
Sheriffs  and  Bailiffs,  in  the  6feudal  form  of  "a  reasonable  aid," 

1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  90.  2RYM.,  viii,  245.  3pELLS)  MICH.,  3  H.  IV.,  March 
14th,  PASC.  ;  Ibid,  April  8th,  29th,  May  1st,  4th,  5th,  8th,  9th,  June  14th, 
&c.,  &c.  4  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  MICH.,  3  H.  IV.,  December  1st,  1401. 
He  is  first  styled  Alderman,  in  MICH.,  5  H.  IV.,  December  21st,  1403. 
5 Payments  to  the  messengers  were  enrolled  February  25th,  1402. — PELLS 
ISSUE,  MICH.,  3  H.  IV.  6pATi)  3  H.  IV.,  23,  dated  February  16th,  1402 ; 
PELLS  ISSUE,  MICH.,  3  H.  IV.,  shows  payments  to  messengers  sent  to 
Sheriffs  on  this  matter,  dated  December  14th,  1401. 


XV.]  "Forth  she  mote,  wheeler  she  wepe  or  sing."  253 

or  from  the  King's  tenants,  by  loans  to  be  subsequently  repaid, 
On  February  i6th,  1402,  two  English  Commissioners  crossed 
from  London  to  Dordrecht,  and  proceeded  to  make  the 
necessary  arrangements  for  the  Princess's  journey.  They  took 
with  them  an  Indenture,  sealed  with  the  Great  Seal,  "touching 
a  certain  composition"  as  to  the  dowry  of  40,000  marks.  3On 
the  22nd  of  February,  a  safe-conduct  was  obtained  from  the 
Count  of  Holland,  for  the  Princess  and  eight  attendants,  with 
their  retinue.  It  was  expected  that  they  would  not  return  till 
four  weeks  after  Whitsuntide.  Vessels  had  to  be  hired  for  the 
voyage  up  the  Rhine,  and  safe-conducts  had  to  be  procured 
for  the  whole  party  when  the  time  should  come.  On  the 
English  side,  4  twelve  transport  ships  and  one  man-of-war 
(balinger)  were  to  be  ready  in  the  Orwell,  "by  Wednesday  next 
after  Palm  Sunday,"  to  convoy  the  Princess  across.  The 
Commissioners  visited  5 Utrecht,  where  they  presented  to  the 
Bishop  a  roll  of  scarlet  cloth,  a  fabric  upon  which  an  altogether 
6  fancy  value  was  placed  in  those  days.  But  money  came  in 
very  slowly  indeed.  Loans  were  raised  in  the  Dutch  and 
Flemish  cities  until  no  more  could  be  procured,  and  by  the  end 
of  May  the  English  representatives  had  not  advanced  a  step, 
but  were  still  stayed  for  want  of  the  necessary  funds. 

The  Emperor  Rupert,  in  the  meantime,  had  recrossed  the 
Alps  to  Germany,  having  7 failed  entirely  to  win  over  the  cities 
of  Lombardy,  which  still  supported  the  deposed  Wenceslaus 

i  ROY.  LET.,  i,  99.  In  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  PASC.,  4  H.  IV.,  June  1st,  the 
expenses  of  Sir  William  Sturmy  in  Germany  date  from  February  16th 
to  July  23rd.  2 See  memorandum  (dated  February  16th,  1402),  in  CLAUS. 
3  H.  IV.,  2,  10.  3  As  appears  from  a  brief  entry  (III.  Memoriale  B.M., 
Cas.  R.),  in  the  Rijks-Archiv,  at  the  Hague.  4PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  6, 
dated  March  llth,  1402.  5  CLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  1,  6.  <*  jn  the  only  instance 
quoted  in  ROGERS  (i,  577),  the  price  appears  at  15s.  the  yard  !'  7See  the 
voluminous  batch  of  letters,  in  MARTENE,  i,  1634,  &c.;  MONSTR.,  ch.  vi ; 
PFEFFEL,  i,  557 ;  SISMONDI,  194.  For  the  bull  finally  investing  him 
Emperor  and  King  of  the  Romans  (dated  October  1st,  1403),  see  USK, 
76,  and  RINALDI,  xvii,  260. 


254  A   Chapter  of  Marriages.  [CHAP. 

and  his  powerful  partisan  Jean  Galeazzo,  Duke  of  Milan.  On 
May  22nd,  Rupert  was  at  Mayence,  holding  a  Council  with  the 
Electors  and  others  as  to  the  condition  of  the  Empire.  Henry, 
meanwhile,  being  impatient  of  the  delay,  wrote  a  sharp  Hetter 
to  his  Council,  urging  that  the  money  required  must  be  forth- 
coming somehow,  even  if  all  other  matters  had  to  be  postponed, 
and  2by  a  great  effort,  sufficient  was  got  together  to  enable  the 
Princess  and  her  retinue  to  start  from  the  Orwell  on  3June  2ist, 
for  Cologne,  4  splendidly  arrayed,  and  abundantly  supplied  with 
costly  presents.  "  The  provision  for  her  retinue  was  charged  to 
the  Exchequer  at  5  nearly  ^2,000,  including  payments  of 
^£149  35.  4d.  to  the  Grocer,  for  "spice;"  a  charge  sufficiently 
explained  when  we  know  that  such  luxuries  as  6  pepper  and 
7  sugar  sold  for  43.  per  pound.  She  was  8  escorted  by  the  Earl  of 
Somerset,  the  Bishop  of  Worcester,  and  the  Countess  of  Salis- 
bury. Her  Treasurer,  John  Chandeler,  carried  16,000  nobles  in 
cash  (^5,333  6s.  8d.),  as  the  first  instalment  of  her  dower, 
and  received  liberal  douceurs  on  his  own  account. 

They  crossed  to  Dordrecht,  and  sailed  up  the  Rhine  to 
''Cleves.  Here  they  were  honourably  entertained  by  the  Count 
Adolphe  II.,  who  had  married  Agnes,  a  daughter  of  the 
Emperor  Rupert,  in  1399.  But  his  wife  had  recently  died 
(1401),  and  he  was  already  casting  about  for  another.  He 
spoke  upon  the  subject  to  the  Bishop  and  the  Earl  of  Somerset, 
who  promised  to  report  his  wishes  to  the  English  King. 

At  Cologne  they  were  met  by  the  young  Count  Louis,  but 
the  English  were  a  little  shocked  to  find  him  so  10  plainly  dressed 
and  so  poorly  attended,  unworthily,  as  they  thought,  of  the  son 
of  one  who  held  so  high  a  place.  From  Cologne,  the  Princess 


PRIV.  Co.,  i,  184,  dated  Berkhampstead,  May  15th,  1402. 
2  See  writs  in  DEP.  KEEP.  2nd  KEPT.,  App.,  p.  181.  3  ISSUE  ROLLS, 
quoted  in  BEKYNGTON,  i,  cxiii.  *  "  Cum  grand!  apparatu."  —  ANN.,  342. 
5  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  3  H.  IV.,  PASC.,  June  21st,  and  passim.  6  ROGERS,  i, 
£27.  7  Ibid,  i,  634.  8  EULOG.,  iii,  403.  9  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  226.  10ANN., 
342. 


XV.]  "  To  every  wight  she  waxen  is  so  dere."  255 

passed  on  to  Heidelberg,  where  she  was  married  on  the  !6th  of 
July.  Her  escort  returned  to  England  on  the  2 25th  of  the  same 
month.  Her  winning  English  beauty  secured  for  her  a  very 
kindly  welcome  in  her  German  home.  The  Emperor,  a 
3 scholarly  man,  announced  her  arrival  in  a  courteous  4  letter, 
praising  her  modesty  and  her  good  looks,  comparing  her  to  a 
tender  vine  that  would  put  forth  her  shoots  from  generation  to 
generation ;  while  the  young  husband  could  not  repress  his 
delight  at  the  beauty  of  his  girlish  bride,  whose  charms  surpassed 
his  utmost  dreams,  and  in  the  intoxication  of  his  joy  he 
furbished  up  again  the  time-honoured  jest  that  she  had  not  an 
English,  but  an  angel's  face. 

We  may  pause  for  a  moment  to  contemplate,  with  mingled 
pleasure  and  regret,  this  happy,  but  short-lived,  marriage, 
contrasting  as  it  does  so  sweetly  with  the  many  wretched  failures 
which  resulted  in  that  age  from  the  vile  habit  of  sacrificing 
young  people,  without  their  consent,  to  the  supposed  necessities 
of  policy  and  convenience.  The  young  Princess  won  golden 
opinions  from  all  with  whom  she  came  in  contact.  Her 
generous  and  affectionate  heart  responded  well  to  the  warmth 
of  her  welcome,  and  in  5five  months  her  father  was  gladdened 
with  tidings  that  she  had  conformed  to  the  novelty  and  strange- 
ness of  her  new  home,  as  if  it  had  been  her  native  land.  But 
the  good  wishes  for  her  future  were  not  destined  to  be  fulfilled. 
After  a  very  few  years  of  happiness  the  poor  girl  sickened  of  a 
fever  while  travelling  in  Alsace,  and  all  help  being  of  no  avail, 
she  Gdied  (May  22nd,  1406)  in  giving  birth  to  her  first  infant 

1  FOREIGN  ACCOUNTS,  1-6  H.  IV.,  quoted  in  EULOG.,  iii,  Ixiv.  Quo  die 
prrefata  filia  Kegis  spoiisata  f uit  filio  Regis  Romanorum.  ~  ANN.,  343. 
5 He  is  addressed  as  "Omnium  modernorum  principum  literatissime," 
in  a  letter  from  Andreas  de  Marinis,  of  Cremona,  in  MARTEN E,  i,  1696. 
Cf.  BEKYNGTON,ii,  366.  "  Stili  vehementur  egregii  venustate  conspicuus." 
4  See  the  letters  (dated  July  22nd,  1402),  in  MARTENE,  i,  1701, 1702.  5See 
letter  (dated  Nuremberg,  January  7th,  1403),  in  MARTENE,  i,  1704. 
6  See  letters  of  Rupert  and  Louis,  from  University  Library  of  Leipzig, 
in  BEKYNGTON,  ii,  366-372. 


256  A   Chapter  of  Marriages,  [CHAP. 

boy.  Her  body  was  carried  to  Heidelberg,  and  buried  there, 
in  the  Church  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin.  The  Court  and  the 
whole  people  mourned  for  her,  as  for  the  loss  of  a  friend.  The 
unpaid  dowry  alone  remained  to  mark,  for  many  years,  the  short 
period  of  friendly  and  intimate  intercourse  between  the  English 
and  the  Rhenish  Courts.  Part  of  the  first  instalment  had  been 
raised  with  difficulty  from  the  landowners  in  England,  amidst 
general  grumbling  and  discontent.  Time  did  not  make  the 
subsequent  payments  easier.  The  three  years  passed,  and  the 
claim  was  still  far  in  arrears.  Long  after  the  death  of  the  Lady 
Blanche,  2claims  for  payment  were  periodically  presented,  and 
again  and  again  periodically  evaded,  or  satisfied  only  in  very 
small  driblets  indeed.  After  the  death  of  Henry,  the  arrears 
were  in  part  commuted  by  his  son  into  an  annual  allowance  to 
the  Count  Palatine ;  but  this,  again,  was  always  in  arrears,  and 
8in  the  following  reign,  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  the 
Princess  Blanche,  5,000  nobles,  or  one-eighth  of  the  dowry 
originally  promised,  remained  still  unpaid.  It  was  not  till  the 
year  4i444,  that  the  last  claims  were  finally  satisfied,  after  forty 
years'  delay,  when  the  nephew  of  Blanche  was  King  of  England, 
and  the  son  of  Louis  was  grown  to  manhood,  and  able  to  press 
for  a  settlement  in  his  father's  name. 

Although  the  country  was  in  great  danger  from  foreign  wars 
and  from  treachery  within,  yet  the  spring  and  early  summer  of 
the  year  1402  were  largely  taken  up  with  domestic  arrange- 
ments at  Henry's  Court.  Reference  has  been  made  5above  to 
certain  communications  that  had  been  passing  for  some  time 
with  the  Court  of  Denmark.  A  remarkable  vitality  had  lately 
been  exhibited  in  that  distant  and  unknown  region.  In  "1387, 
Olaf  III.,  King  of  Denmark  and  Norway,  had  died  at  the  age 


1  USK,  82.  2  See  the  particulars,  with  references  well  summarized,  in 
BEKYNGTON,  i,  cxii-cxv.  3 ft™.,  X)  634,  March  lafc  1436.  *  ibid,  xi,  70, 
July  14th,  1444.  5  P.  203.  <*  L' ART  DE  VERiFi|^ii,  93. 


XV.]  Margaret  of  Denmark.  257 

of  sixteen  years.  At  his  death  his  mother,  Margaret,  who  had 
been  Regent  for  him  during  his  lifetime,  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  the  two  countries.  To  these  she  added  that  of 
Sweden,  as  widow  of  Hakon,  lately  King  of  that  country,  after 
overthrowing  her  rival,  the  German  Prince,  Albert  of  Mecklen- 
burg, who  in  derision  had  sent  her  a  a  stone  to  sharpen  her 
scissors  and  needles.  2"  With  the  exception  of  Stockholm,  and 
a  few  strongholds  which  still  held  out  for  Albert,  her  dominion 
now  extended  from  Lake  Ladoga  to  the  Orkneys,  and  from 
Greenland  and  the  North  Cape  to  the  borders  of  Germany." 
Having  thus  established  her  influence,  she  attempted  to  con- 
solidate it  for  the  future,  and  by  the  8  Edict  of  Calmar  (June 
i yth,  1397)  the  three  countries  were  declared  to  be  an  united 
federation  for  ever,  to  be  governed  by  ah  elective  King.  The 
first  King  chosen  was  Eric,  Duke  of  Pomerania  (variously 
called  Eric  VII.  or  Eric  IX.),  then  fifteen  years  of  age,  a 
grandson  of  Margaret's  elder  sister,  who  would  thus  have  a  fair 
expectation  of  being  acceptable  to  the  Norse  and  German 
parties  alike. 

In  4i4oo,  Margaret  had  sent  to  Paris,  requesting  one  of  the 
French  Princesses  in  marriage  for  Eric,  and  the  request  had 
received  favourable  consideration,  but  the  French  King  had 
then  only  one  daughter  (Jeannie)  at  all  eligible.  She  was  only 
nine  years  old,  and  the  negociation  appears  to  have  been  soon 
dropped.  Two  proposals  of  marriage  were  now  opened  at  the 
English  Court,  as  a  result  of  friendly  embassies  in  the  previous 
year.  It  was  proposed  that  the  young  King  Eric  should  be 
married  to  the  Princess  Philippa,  5  Henry's  second  daughter, 

1  This  stone  remained  hanging  by  an  iron  chain  in  the  Church  of  Roe- 
skilde  till  it  was  removed  by  Charles  Gustave  to  Sweden. — MALLET,  i, 
359.  2  Ibid,  i,  362.  3  See  it  in  the  French  translation  (from  Huitfeld) 
in  MALLET,  i,  369.  4Juv.,  419.  5 "  Secundogenita." — EYM.,  viii,  265.  It 
is  noteworthy  that  in  one  of  the  official  entries  (PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL, 
4  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  December  9th,  1402)  Eric  and  Catherine  are  called  the 
son  and  daughter  of  the  Queen.  These,  I  suppose,  must  be  courtesy  titles. 


258  A   Chapter  of  Marriages.  [CHAP. 

and  that  Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  should  marry  Katherine, 
Eric's  sister.  With  the  former  of  these  proposals,  at  any  rate, 
Henry  showed  himself  quite  ready  to  agree,  but  his  Council, 
having  a  very  present  experience  of  the  difficulty  of  raising 
money  for  providing  marriage  portions,  seem  not  to  have  been 
so  enthusiastic  for  the  match.  The  xKing,  however,  pressed 
them  for  a  more  favourable  answer  to  the  request,  and  the 
Danish  envoy,  2  Peter  Lykke,  Archdeacon  of  Roeskilde,  re- 
mained lodged  at  Kempton,  at  the  public  expense. 

At  length,  at  a  meeting  held  in  the  Tower  of  London  on  the 
3  8th  of  May,  1402,  the  Prince  of  Wales,  in  the  presence  of  the 
King,  authorized  certain  ambassadors  to  enter  into  a  contract 
of  marriage  between  himself  and  Katherine,  the  sister  of  Eric, 
while  a  4week  later  (May  i4th),  when  the  preparations  for  the 
departure  of  Blanche  were  being  finally  pushed  forward,  the 
young  Princess  Philippa,  in  the  presence  of  her  father  and  three 
of  her  brothers,  Henry,  John,  and  Humphrey,  (Prince  Thomas 
being  absent  in  Ireland),  signed  an  instrument  at  Berkhamp- 
stead,  signifying  her  willingness  to  become  the  wife  of  Eric. 
Four  years  elapsed  before  Philippa's  5  marriage,  and  in  the  case 
of  the  Prince  of  Wales  the  proposal  never  reached  fulfilment ; 
but  negociations  for  the  double  espousals  continued  without 
interruption,  and  an  6old  Latin  couplet  in  a  chronicle  of 
Roeskilde  records  the  prayer  that  both  may  prove  the  earnest 
of  a  lasting  peace. 

On  7June  28th,  the  Bishop  of  Bangor  and  three  others  were 
despatched,  with  full  authority  to  open  negociations  for  the 

'LRoY.  LET.,  i,  97,  dated  Windsor,  April  28th,  1402.      ^Cf.  Ibid,  i,  80, 
with  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  3  H.  IV.,  PASC.  (June  20th),  where  a  payment 
of  50  marks  is  recorded  to  Peter  Eoskylden.      3RYM.,  viii,  257.      *Ibid, 
viii,  259.     5  August,  1406.— EULOG.,  iii,  Ixiv ;  ORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  222. 
6  Angli  cum  Danis  tractant  sponsalia  bina. 

Quae  det  divina  pietas  fore  f oedera  pacis. — LAXGEBEK,  i,  193. 
7RYM.,  viii,  265.  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  3  H.  IV.,  PASC.,  contains  payment 
of  £26  13s.  4d.  to  John  Parant  and  the  Bishop,  dated  June  27th,  1402. 


XV.J  Johanna  of  Brittany.  259 

double  marriage.  They  arrived  at  Helsingborg  on  ajuly  25th, 
but,  owing  to  the  absence  of  Queen  Margaret,  they  could  not 
begin  negociations  for  some  time.  Several  points  arose 
requiring  consideration.  Among  others,  the  English  envoys 
required  an  undertaking  that,  in  case  Eric  should  die  childless, 
the  succession  should  fall  to  the  children  (if  any)  of  Prince 
Henry  and  Katherine.  The  further  consideration  of  these 
questions  had  to  be  postponed  till  after  July  2nd,  1403.  On 
the  225th  of  April,  1404,  the  Archdeacon  of  Roe^kilde 
was  in  England,  and  pressed  the  Council  for  a  reply,  but  they 
still  postponed  their  answer  till  September  29th,  "or  there- 
abouts." Owing  to  stormy  weather  and  piracy,  communications 
between  the  two  countries  became  increasingly  difficult.  The 
Archdeacon  returned  to  his  own  country  in  September,  1404, 
and  on  8  November  i8th,  King  Eric  sent  across  a  letter, 
expressing  the  hope  that  his  bride  might  be  in  Denmark  by  at 
least  the  following  year. 

All  these,  which  we  may  call  domestic  negociations,  were 
conducted  in  the  light  of  open  day,  and  the  records  abound  to 
superfluity  in  tedious  and  formal  documents,  minutely  setting 
forth  the  exactest  and  pettiest  of  details.  They  led  to  no 
lasting  political  results,  and  do  not,  in  fact,  deserve  the 
lengthened  notice  which  the  frequent  and  repeated  documents 
bearing  on  them  would  seem  to  compel.  But  while  the  Council 
was  thus  openly  engaged  in  trivial  matters,  of  no  real  public 
importance,  a  marriage  contract  had  been  concluded  in  semi- 
secrecy,  which  threatened  to  let  loose  a  desperate  struggle,  and 
open  another  century  of  bloodshed  and  foreign  and  civil  war. 
Yet  the  printed  English  records  contain  almost  no  allusion  to 
the  matter,  till  after  it  had  become  an  accomplished  fact,  and 
but  for  documents  which  illustrate  the  domestic  history  of 

1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  117,  dated  November  2nd,  1402.  2  ORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  222. 
3  ROY.  LET.,  i,  409. 


260  A   Chapter  of  Marriages.  [CHAP. 

Brittany,   we  should  have  been  left  without  a  hint  as  to  its 
existence. 

When  Henry  had  passed  through  Brittany  on  his  way  to 
Ravenspur,  less  than  three  years  before,  he  had  been  l  kindly 
entertained  by  the  old  Duke  John  IV.  of  Brittany,  who  was  his 
uncle,  having  married  as  his  first  wife  the  2  Princess  Mary,  a 
daughter  of  Edward  III.,  and  a  sister  of  John  of  Ghent.  But 
this  had  been  many  years  ago,  and  the  Duke,  after  marrying  a 
second  English  wife  (Johanna  Holland,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of 
Kent)  who,  like'  the  first,  had  died  childless,  had  married  as  his 
third  wife  (in  1386)  Johanna,  one  of  the  daughters  of  Charles 
II.,  King  of  Navarre,  but  "more  a  Frenchwoman  than  a 
Spaniard."  Between  husband  and  wife  there  was  great  disparity 
of  age,  but  even  though  the  Duke  was  "a  3 Prince  old  enough 
to  have  been  her  grandfather,"  yet  there  was  much  attachment 
between  them.  After  the  old  man's  death,  and  when  she  was 
Queen  of  England,  Johanna  held  his  memory  in  great  respect, 
erecting  in  the  Cathedral  at 4  Nantes  a  white  marble  tomb  and 
effigy ;  and  in  a  subsequent  grant  to  her  aunt  Johanna,  Countess 
of  Rohan,  she  expressed  her  gratitude  to  her  for  *  having 
brought  about  their  marriage. 

At  the  time  of  Henry's  visit  to  Brittany,  in  1399,  the  young 
Duchess  was  taking  a  prudent  and  active  part  in  a  very  troubled 
reign.  She  was  the  mother  of  six  children,  four  sons  and  two- 
daughters,  and,  as  evidence  of  the  intimacy  still  subsisting 
between  the  Breton  and  English  families,  one  of  her  daughters, 
Marie,  had  been  previously  contracted  in  marriage  with  Henry's 
eldest  son  (afterwards  the  Prince  of  Wales),  though  the  boy  was 
at  the  time  less  than  eight  years  old,  and  the  little  girl  not  yet 
six.  This  premature  contract,  however,  had  been  thwarted  and 

1  FROIS.,  eh.  cvi.  20ne  of  the  earliest  recorded  memorial  windows 
was  put  up  in  her  name  in  the  church  at  Langley,  in  1368.  It  is  charged 
at  280s. — ROGERS,  ii,  535.  3  STRICKLAND,  i,  462.  4  Figured  in  LOBINEAU, 
i,  499.  Cf .  MANET,  ii.  «  RTM.,  viii,  288,  dated  January  1st,  1403. 


XV.]  Secret   Understandings.  261 

prevented  by  the  vigilance  of  the  Court  at  Paris,  though  no 
ill-will  remained  on  either  side  when  Henry  visited  Nantes  and 
Vannes  in  the  summer  of  1399. 

A  few  months  after  this  the  Duke  of  Brittany  died  ^Novem- 
ber ist,  1399),  leaving  his  title  to  his  eldest  son,  John  V.,  a  boy 
ten  years  of  age,  under  the  governance  of  his  mother.  By  a 
codicil  to  his  2will,  made  on  his  deathbed,  and  dated  October 
26th,  1399,  he  made  the  Duchess  his  principal  executrix,  and 
granted  her  a  large  sum  of  money  as  her  own  absolute  property r 
3  Appeals  were  made  to  Henry,  who  was  now  King  of  England, 
to  restore  the  castle  and  honor  of  Richmond  to  the  Duke  of 
Brittany,  as  the  rightful  owner ;  but,  though  the  Duke  offered 
to  do  homage  for  the  castle,  Henry  found  himself  unable  or 
unwilling  to  admit  the  claim,  and  4  Richmond  remained  hence- 
forth in  English  hands. 

During  the  next  three  years,  communications  had  certainly 
been  passing  between  the  two  countries,  for  the  Close  6 Rolls  of 
the  first  year  of  Henry's  reign  contain  a  precept  to  the  Keeper 
of  the  port  of  Southampton,  to  allow  Antoine  Ricze  (a  confiden- 
tial minister  of  Johanna)  and  Nicholas  Andrewyth  to  proceed 
with  letters  to  the  Duchess  of  Brittany  ;  but  of  the  nature  of  the 
communications  between  the  Courts  of  London  and  Vannes, 
we  have  no  record,  except  in  one  private  6  letter  brought  by  a 
Breton  lady,  and  containing  little  else  but  general  courtesies 
and  compliments. 

Unknown  to  us,  however,  there  must  have  been  growing  an 
understanding  between  Henry  and  Johanna.  On  7 March  22nd, 
1401,  she  had  her  little  son  John  solemnly  invested  as  Duke  of 

1  STRICKLAND,  i,  469.  2  See  the  will  and  codicil,  in  LOBINEAU,  ii,  802. 
3  Refusal  dated  October  27th,  1399,  five  days  before  the  death  of  Duke 
John  IV.— ROT.  PARL.,  iii.  4 P.  27.  5 GLAUS.  1  H.  IV.,  1, 18.  Variously 
spelt  Rys,  Riz,  Riczi,  Ricze.  He  had  been  previously  sent  to  England 
on  public  business,  in  1393.— ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  48.  6  Dated  Vannes, 
February  15th,  1400. — ROY.  LET.,  i,  19.  7  MANET,  ii,  436  ;  STRICKLAND, 
i,  469. 


262  A   Chapter  of  Marriages.  [CHAP. 

Brittany,  in  Rennes,  and  herself  acknowledged  as  Duchess 
Regent  during  the  remainder  of  his  nonage.  *At  the  close  of 
the  same  year  Antoine  Ricze  was  again  in  England,  with  one 
John  Ruys,  and  sailed  from  Southampton  to  Brittany  about 
December  i6th,  "to  conduct  certain  business"  of  the  English 
King.  After  thus  establishing  herself  with  her  people,  Johanna 
took  secret  steps  to  procure  a  dispensation  from  the  Avignon 
Pope,  Benedict  XIII. ,  whose  authority  was  recognized  by  the 
Court  of  Brittany,  in  common  with  those  of  France  and  Spain. 
The  dispensation  permitted  her  to  marry  anyone  she  pleased, 
within  the  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity,  without  naming  the 
man  on  whom  her  choice  had  fallen.  It  has  been  supposed 
that  both  the  Pope  and  the  French  King  had  been  entirely 
hoodwinked  by  this  action  of  Johanna,  but  this  is  hard  to 
believe;  otherwise  her  rapid  action  consequent  upon  her 
receiving  the  Pope's  permission  would  certainly  have  led  to  a 
violent  outburst  of  indignation.  A  better  key  to  the  difficulty 
is  found  in  remembering  that  the  Pope  and  the  French  Court 
were  at  the  time  in  open  disagreement ;  and,  moreover,  we 
have  it  on  the  authority  of  a  contemporary  2  Breton  chronicle, 
that  before  the  negociations  for  her  marriage  Johanna  had 
tacitly  the  consent  of  the  King  of  France,  the  Dukes  of 
Burgundy  and  Berri,  many  Bishops  and  Barons  of  Brittany, 
and  even  of  the  Pope  himself,  with  permission  for  intercourse 
with  schismatics. 

Benedict's  bull  was  dated  3 March  2oth,  1402.  Within  a 
fortnight,  viz.:  on  the  $rd  of  April  in  the  same  year,  Johanna 
was,  by  proxy,  contracted  in  marriage  to  the  "schismatic" 
Henry  IV.,  King  of  England,  at  Eltham,  in  presence  of  the 

1  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  2,  3,  in  tergo.  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  MICH.,  3  H.  IV. 
(December  15th),  contains  payment  (£8)  for  the  ship,  which  took  them 
back.  ^CHRON.  BRIOCENSE,  in  LOBINEAU,  ii,  878.  "Si  non  expresse, 
tacite  tamen  et  permissive."  3ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  quoting  LOBINEAU,  ii, 
874  ;  MORICE,  i,  433. 


XV.]  The  Betrothal  at  Eltham.  263 

Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  had  been  with  Henry  in  exile 
at  Vannes,  when  last  he  saw  the  Duchess.  The  Earl  of  North- 
umberland, Henry  Percy,  the  Earls  of  Worcester  and  Somerset, 
and  a  few  others,  were  also  present  as  witnesses  of  the  ceremony. 
The  Duchess  was  represented  by  the  Breton  envoy  Antoine 
Ricze,  who  brought  a  'letter  written  in  French,  sealed  with  her 
seal  and  signed  by  herself.  2  Henry,  in  person,  put  the  wedding 
ring  on  the  finger  of  the  envoy,  who,  in  turn,  speaking  in 
Johanna's  stead,  took  Henry  for  the  lady's  husband,  and 
plighted  to  him  her  troth. 

The  envoy  returned,  but  the  proceedings  at  Eltham  could 
not  long  be  kept  a  secret.  The  coasts  of 3  Brittany  were  too 
vital  a  part  of  France  to  be  allowed  to  fall  thus  easily  into  the 
power  of  the  King  of  England,  and  already  the  Council  had 
had  timely  4  warning  that  French  spies  were  about  the  King's 
person,  watching  to  report  proceedings  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Strait.  Directions  were  issued  that  a  small  squadron,  including 
two  ships  of  war,  fully  armed  with  men-at-arms  and  archers, 
should  be  ready  at  Southampton  to  cross  over  to  Brittany,  5and 
messengers  were  sent  to  several  lords  and  ladies,  to  be  ready  to 
join  the  escort  of  the  new  Queen.  But  no  money  was  forth- 
coming, and  in  the  absence  of  definite  orders  from  the  Council 
the  men-at-arms  dispersed,  and  the  crews  melted  away.  Orders 
were  again  sent,  requiring  them  to  be  ready  at  Southampton  by 
June  22nd,  1402,  but  when  6Sir  Philip  Courtenay,  who  was  to 
command  the  little  fleet,  sent  to  Southampton  to  see  how  his 
orders  were  being  obeyed,  he  found  that  not  a  man  was  ready. 

It  is  7 suggested,  with  much  probability,  that  the  Duchess 

1  Dated  Vannea,  March  15th,  1402. — LOBINEAU,  ii,  874.  ~  STRICKLAND, 
i,  471,  quoting  MS.  CHRON.  r>E  NANTES.  3  "  En  France,  dont  la  Bretagne 
est  la  meilleure  etla  plus  seure  entree." — MEZERAI,  i,  923.  *  ORD.  PRIV. 
Co.,  i,  182,  circ.  September,  1401.  o  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  3  H.  IV.,  PASC., 
July  15th,  1402.  6  See  his  letter  (dated  June  26th,  1402),  in  ROY.  LET., 
i,  10G.  7  CARTE,  ii,  653. 


264  A   Chapter  of  Marriages. 

intended  at  that  time  to  convey  her  children  across  to  England. 
But  the  mysterious  movements  of  the  little  squadron  at  South- 
ampton gave  rise  to  other  sinister  Suspicions,  which  were 
industriously  circulated  in  England  for  a  purpose  which  we  shall 
now  be  able  to  understand. 

1  RYM.,  viii,  262. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 
THE    BEGGING    FRIARS. 

IT  was  not  without  sound  reason  that  the  Council  had  advised 
that  all  mention  of  further  foreign  alliance  and  marriage  portions 
should  be  indefinitely  postponed.  The  disaffection  which  had 
been  reported  in  the  previous  summer,  in  the  western  counties, 
had  not  subsided.  In  spite  of  the  Commissions,  outrages  were 
still  frequently  occurring  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  Riots 
between  Welsh  and  English  were  reported  from  2  Bristol.  In 
March,  1402,  William  Slepe  was  killed  at  Coventry.  At 
3Polesworth,  in  Warwickshire,  the  Abbey  lands  were  attacked. 
Outrages  were  committed  at  4Reglesey,  in  Somerset,  at  5Hud- 
deswell,  Hornsea,  and  Poppleton,  in  Yorkshire,  at  6Tanstoke, 
in  Devon,  and  7Beer,  in  Dorsetshire.  The  people  were  sullen  ; 
the  country  was  everywhere  distracted  by  alarms  of  invasion, 
and  the  first  instalment  of  the  dower  for  the  Princess  Blanche 
was  being  scraped  together  with  the  greatest  difficulty.  "  The 
8peple  of  this  land  began  to  grucche  ay  ens  Kyng  Harri,  and 
beer  him  hevy,  because  he  took  thair  good  and  paid  not 
therfore,  and  desired  to  have  ayeen  Kyng  Richarde."  Women 
and  priests  enrolled  themselves  among  the  lawbreakers,  for 
among  9a  list  of  "  notorious  robbers  "  in  Suffolk,  dated  January 
26th,  1402,  we  find  the  names  of  Agnes  Leche  and  William, 
"  Parson  of  the  church  of  Pisseye "  (i.e.,  Pitsea),  with  John, 
"the  Parson's  servant  of  Pisseye." 

In  every  district  the  disaffection  was  fostered  by  missionaries 

1  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  8,  in  tergo,  March  10th,  1402.  a  Ibid,  2,  4,  August 
5th,  1402.  9 Ibid,  m.  13.  *  Ibid,  m.  26.  «I6td,  m.  31.  *  lUd,  2,  1, 
September  13th.  ?  ibid,  2, 17.  8  CHRON.  R.  II.-H.  VI.,  p.  23,  translating 
EULOG.,  iii,  389.  SPAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  28. 


266  The  Begging  Friars.  [CHAP. 

preaching  sedition.  *Many  members  of  the  Mendicant  Orders 
lent  themselves  to  spread  the  discontent,  and  in  taverns,  and 
open  places  of  public  resort,  worked  up  the  exasperation  of  the 
people  to  the  verge  of  rebellion.  The  King,  they  said,  had 
failed  to  keep  his  promises,  and  the  oath  that  he  "had  taken  at 
his  coronation.  What  benefit  had  the  people  got  from  their 
change  of  masters  ?  Taxes  had  not  been  remitted,  and  the 
country  was  harassed  by  ceaseless  warfare.  The  flames  spread 
fast,  and  every  day  increased  in  fierceness.  Some  of  these 
preachers  of  sedition  were  caught  and  imprisoned  in  the  Tower 
of  London,  and  orders  were  sent  to  the  Sheriffs  and  other 
officials  in  the  counties  of  Cornwall,  Devonshire,  Somersetshire, 
and  Dorset,  to  lose  no  opportunity  of  contradicting  these  false 
statements,  and  of  assuring  all  loyal  people  that  the  King  had 
never  ceased,  and  would  never  cease,  to  faithfully  keep  the  oath 
and  promises  taken  and  made  at  his  coronation. 

Meantime,  war  had  openly  begun  on  the  borders  of  Scotland. 
The  English  had  made  many  marauding  incursions  in  small 
bodies,  and  news  arrived  that  the  Duke  of  Albany  and  the  Earl 
of  Douglas  were  meditating  a  great  invasion  of  the  North.  To 
aid  them  in  their  plans  they  spread  a  rumour  that  Richard,  the 
late  King,  was  alive ;  that  he  had  never  died  (as  was  asserted) 
at  Pontefract,  but  that  he  had  escaped  and  fled  into  Scotland, 
whence  he  was  now  about  to  return,  supported  by  a  large  army 
of  Scots,  to  retake  possession  of  his  rightful  kingdom.  To 
prove  that  he  was  yet  alive,  ~  letters  purporting  to  come  from 
his  hand  were  sent  to  those  who  had  been  his  friends,  in  various 
parts  of  England. 

This  rumour  has  disturbed  many  minds  down  to  the  present 
day,  perhaps  more  in  our  time  than  in  the  generation  in  which 
it  was  first  circulated.  Whether  it  was  true  or  not  must  be 

1  EVM.,  viii,  255.      2  EULOG.,  iii,  389. 


XVI.]  "Delighting  ever  in  rombel  that  is  newe."  267 

judged  by  the  long  train  of  succeeding  events.  I  only  now 
draw  attention  to  the  certain  fact  that  it  first  began  more  than 
two  years  after  Richard's  reputed  death,  and  was  circulated 
with  the  express  object  of  inciting  rebellion  amongst  Henry's 
subjects  at  a  time  of  great  excitement  and  serious  embarrass- 
ment. No  contemporary,  writing  with  a  knowledge  of  the 
subsequent  facts  of  the  case,  appears  to  have  seriously  believed 
that  Richard  was  really  in  Scotland,  though  that  somebody  was 
there  to  personate  him  need  not  be  'doubted  at  all.  The  story, 
as  rumoured,  amounts  briefly  to  this  :— 

About  this  time  a  poor  stranger  was  found  wandering  in  one 
of  the  islands  off  the  West  of  Scotland.  How  he  had  got  there 
*was  not  known,  but  he  was  seen  by  chance  by  the  wife  of  a 
chieftain  there,  who  was  herself  a  daughter  of  one  of  the 
Bissets,  an  English  family  settled  in  Ireland.  The  chieftain's 
wife  had  seen  King  Richard  in  Ireland,  some  years  before,  and 
was  struck  with  the  resemblance  between  him  and  this  poor 
stranger.  She  at  once  related  what  she  had  observed  to  her 
husband,  who  was  brother  to  the  Lord  of  the  Isles.  The 
stranger  was  forthwith  sent  for  and  questioned.  Being  asked 
if  he  were  Richard,  lately  King  of  England,  he  said  :  "  No." 
Nevertheless,  he  was  secured,  and  information  of  the  circum- 
stance was  sent  to  the  Scottish  Court.  An  arrangement  was 
soon  made  ;  the  stranger  was  forwarded  across  into  Scotland, 
and  an  Ordinance  was  made  by  the  Scottish  Council  that  he 
should  be  kept  in  the  custody  of  Lord  Montgomery.  Lord 
3  Montgomery  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  English  at  Humbledon 

1  Bot  I  can  nocht  tell  ye  case, 

Off  Pawmfret  as  he  chapit  wase. — WYNTOWX,  ix,  xx. 

2  "In  til  tyme  yat  they  hadden  made  ye  trete  in  to  Scotland,  that  they 
wolden  receyven  him,  and  thanne  was  ye  ordinaunce  by  the  Conseyl  of 
Scotland,  yat  the  Lord  Momgomry  shulde  have  ye  kepyng  of  him." — 
From  Confession  of  John  Pritwell,  in  TRAIS.,  App.  A,  271.  It  is  true 
that  the  confession  shows  that  most  of  this  story  was  trumped  up ;  but 
the  mention  of  "the  treaty"  and  "the  ordinance"  refers,  I  suppose,  to 
well-known  historical  facts.  3  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  487. 


268  The  Begging  Friars.  [CHAP. 

(September  i4th,  1402).  Afterwards,  through  a  long  series  of 
years,  the  stranger  passed  into  the  charge  of  several  successive 
keepers,  such  as  King  Robert  III.,  who  handed  him  over  to 
Sir  David  Fleming  of  Cumbirnauld.  After  the  death  of 
1  Robert  and  the  2  murder  of  Fleming,  in  1405,  he  was  kept  in 
the  custody  of  the  Duke  of  Albany.  He  thus  passed  from  the 
custody  of  one  state  keeper  to  another,  but  always  in  the 
strictest  seclusion,  so  that  3very  few  saw  him,  or  could  have  any 
chance  of  knowing  who  he  really  was.  As  we  shall  see  after- 
wards, the  King  of  France  and  the  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
made  every  effort  to  see  the  stranger,  and  to  ascertain  for 
themselves  the  truth  of  the  rumour ;  but,  though  both  were 
desperately  interested  in  proving  him  to  be  the  veritable 
missing  King,  their  curiosity  could  not  be  satisfied.  It  was 
only  known  that  he  was  4well  treated  by  his  captors,  that  he 
was  a  man  B  without  any  sense  of  religion,  that  he  seldom 
showed  any  desire  to  hear  mass,  and  that  he  often  acted  like  a 
half-wit  or  a  madman. 

Whether  we  have  here  enough  to  establish  a  case  as  to  the 
identity  of  the  interesting  captive,  must  be  left  an  open  question. 
Personation  for  the  sake  of  imposture  was  by  no  means  an 
unknown  device  in  the  diplomacy  of  that  age.  6  Margaret,  the 
Regent  of  Denmark,  had  just  had  to  deal  with  an  impostor  who 
had  risen  in  Norway,  pretending  to  be  her  own  son  Olaf,  dead 

1TYTLER,  iii,  338,   quoting  EOT.  COMPOT.,  iii,  69.     "A  tempore  obitus 
bonae  memoriae  Domini  Regis  fratris  sui."      ~  WYNTOWN,  ix,  xxv,  11. 
3  Quhethir  he  had  bene  King  or  n'ane, 

Thare  wes  bot  few  that  wyst  certane. — WYNTOWN. 
4  "  Keverentur,  ut  decuit,  procuratus." — SCOTICHRON,  ii,  427. 
5  Of  Devotioune  n'ane  he  wes, 
And  seildyn  will  had  to  here  mess, 
As  he  bare  hym  like  wes  he, 
Oft  half-wod  or  wilde  to  be. — WYNTOWN. 

6  MALLET,  i,  375.  On  July  25th,  1402,  when  Henry's  Ambassadors  landed 
in  Denmark,  she  was  absent  in  Sweden  on  this  very  business.  "  Circa 
praesentationem  personae  illius  qui  falso  et  ficte  asseruit  se  Regem  Daciae 
et  Norwegise  et  ejus  combustionem." — ROY.  LET.,  i,  117. 


XVI.J  Tfa " Maumet?  269 

twelve  years  before.  But  she  caught  her  opponent,  and  had 
him  burnt  alive  without  delay.  Maudeleyn,  the  priest,  had 
traded  for  a  very  short  space  upon  his  likeness  to  the  imprisoned 
Richard,  but  he  had  let  others  see  him,  and,  being  captured, 
he  was  convicted  and  hanged.  The  present  imposture,  how- 
ever, was  of  another  kind.  Hopes  were  excited  and  dashed  to 
the  ground,  renewed  and  again  disappointed,  but  friends  and 
enemies  never  got  a  sight  of  the  mysterious  stranger  in  the 
flesh,  and,  whether  monarch  or  madman,  he  remained  for 
years  in  the  strictest  secrecy.  By  Henry  he  was  believed  to  be 
an  Englishman  named  Thomas  HVarde,  of  Trumpington,  and 
when  the  immediate  danger  of  the  deception  was  past,  English 
politicians  dismissed  him  from  their  calculations  with  contempt, 
as  2"the  madman,"  "the  phantom,"  "the -"mammet,"  or  dummy. 

Straightway,  letters  were  despatched  from  Scotland  to  the 
King  of  France,  in  which  it  was  cautiously  stated  that  a  man 
had  found  his  way  into  Scotland,  and  that  two  4  Dominican 
Friars  had  declared  that  it  was  King  Richard  himself.  With 
the  English,  however,  no  such  half-statement  was  made. 
Letters  were  sent  to  many  in  England  who  were  known  to  be 
still  partisans  of  Richard,  informing  them  that  he  was  alive  in 
Scotland,  and  would  show  himself  about  Midsummer  Day  next 
following ;  that  it  was  his  will  that  they  should  be  ready  for  the 
event,  and  make  all  preparations  to  meet  him. 

These  dangerous  letters  were  carried  by  secret  messengers  to 
the  North  of  England,  and  the  rumour  rapidly  spread  to 
London,  and  through  every  county  in  the  kingdom.  We  have 
a  curious  record  of  the  proceedings  of  one  such  emissary  from 
the  North,  which  is  well  worth  quoting  in  detail.  Early  in 

iRor.  PARL.,  iii,  544,  March  1404.  sin  1407,  he  is  called  "ilium  fatuum 
se  dicenfcem  Regem  Ric^m."  Cf.  "illud  ydolum,"  in  Archbishop  Arundel's 
letter  to  Henry,  in  ARCH/EOL.,  xxiii,  297.  3  ORIG.  LET.  Cf.  CHAUCER, 
"Parson's  Tale,"  pp.  557,  565,  where  "maumet"  is  used  as  an  equivalent 
for  "idol."  4"Frer  Jacobynes."  Jacobitse. — EULOG.,  iii,  394. 


270  The  Begging  Friars.  [CHAP. 

aMay,  1402  (somewhere  about  Ascensiontide),  one  William 
Balshalf,  from  Lancashire,  visited  John  Bernard,  at  Offley,  near 
Hitchin,  in  Hertfordshire,  saying  that  Richard  was  alive  in 
Scotland,  and  would  come  into  England  by  June  24th  next,  or 
earlier  ;  that  he  had  given  orders  that  all  should  be  arrayed  and 
in  readiness  to  meet  him  when  he  came  ;  that  Henry  had  good 
notice  of  it,  and  had  collected  much  treasure  from  his  subjects, 
intending  to  escape  from  his  kingdom  and  cross  to  Brittany, 
where  he  would  marry  the  Duchess.  Upon  this,  Bernard  asked 
what  was  to  be  done.  "Take  your  men  with  you,  and  go  out 
to  meet  King  Richard,"  said  the  other.  Hereupon  the  Hert- 
fordshire yeoman  addressed  himself  to  two  of  his  neighbours, 
and  on  his  statement  of  the  case  the  three  agreed  to  start  to 
meet  King  Richard  at  Atherstone,  in  Warwickshire,  a  mile  or 
so  from  the  Cistercian  Abbey  of  Merivale.  But  before  the 
24th  of  June  arrived,  John  Bernard  had  had  leisure  to  repent. 
He  went  and  laid  an  information  before  the  coroner.  Balshalf 
was  called,  and  denied  the  accusations  against  him.  Then 
followed  the  usual  challenge  to  submit  to  the  trial  by  battle. 
Bernard,  being  victorious  in  the  lists,  received  a  full  pardon  for 
his  share  in  the  transactions,  while  there  is  little  doubt  that 
Balshalf  forfeited  his  life  soon  after  on  this  convincing  proof  of 
his  guilt. 

A  similar  fate  at  the  same  time  overtook  a  personage  of 
whom  we  now  hear  for  the  first  and  only  time,  2Sir  Roger 
Clarendon,  a  natural  son  of  the  Black  Prince,  and  consequently 
a  brother  of  Richard  II.  He  became  entangled  in  the  new 
seditious  movement,  and  on  the  8i9th  of  May,  an  order  was 
issued  to  the  Mayor  of  London  for  his  arrest,  together  with  a 
priest  named  4John  Calf.  Both  were  committed  to  the  Tower, 
May  24th.  Clarendon  was  arraigned,  and  accused  of  treason. 


iRYM.,  viii,  262  ;   PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  15.      ^WALS.,  ^  249.      3PAT.,  3 
H.  IV.,  2,  16.      *  GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  15. 


XVI.]          ^Men  moot yive  silver  to  the poure  Freres."  271 

He,  also,  was  adjudged  to  submit  to  the  ordeal  by  battle,  but, 
failing  in  the  lists,  he  was  taken  and  hanged  as  a  traitor, 
together  with  his  squire  and  valet. 

It  is,  perhaps,  needless  to  add  that  Richard  did  not  appear 
at  Atherstone ;  but  expectation  was  turned  towards  the  Scotch 
1  Border,  where  it  was  thought  he  would  enter  England,  shielded 
by  the  great  Scottish  army  that  was  known  to  be  preparing  under 
the  guidance  of  the  Duke  of  Albany  and  the  Earl  of  Douglas. 
On  the2 2 3rd  of  May,  Henry  sent  orders  to  the  Sheriffs  of 
seven  northern  counties  to  get  ready  their  forces  to  resist  the 
expected  invasion,  intending,  if  necessary,  himself  soon  to  be 
amongst  them,  and  to  take  his  place  at  their  head. 

But  the  most  dangerous,  though  in  many  ways  the  most 
indiscreet,  of  the  favourers  of  the  movement  were  the  members 
of  the  Franciscan  and  Dominican  Brotherhoods,  known  by 
their  dress  to  the  common  people  as  the  Grey  and  Black 
Friars.  3  Richard  had  extended  special  protection  to  these 
orders,  and  many  of  the  members  may  have  been  led  seriously 
to  believe  that  he  was  yet  alive.  They  travelled  up  and  down 
the  country,  4"with  scrippe  and  tipped  staff  y tucked  hie," 
"groping  the  conscience"  and  living  on  the  charity  of  the 
public,  while  they  supplemented  the  "  masse  peny,"  and  the 
proceeds  arising  from  the  sale  of  absolution,  and  the  conso- 
lations of  religion,  by  a  little  traffic  in  pins,  knives,  tripkets,  and 
other  pedlar's  ware. 

In  the  learned  retirement  of  Oxford,  the  ideal  Franciscan  life, 
5  "whose  spirit  hath  its  fostering  in  the  Bible,"  is  not  without  its 
picturesque  and  romantic  fascination  ;  but  the  mass  of  the  Friars 

iRYM.,  viii,  261.  2  Hid,  viii,  257.  slbid,  vii,  elated  February  13th, 
1385,  confirmed  by  Henry,  April  15th,  1401  (PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  3,  17),  in 
MONAST.,  vi,  1508.  Also  see  grants  to  monasteries  of  Bermondsey, 
Oxford,  and  Cambridge,  confirmed  by  Henry,  October  23rd,  1399,  in 
PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  MICH.,  1  H.  IV.;  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  21,  November  4th, 
1399  ;  Ibid,  m.  23.  *  CHAUCER,  "  Sompnour's  Tale,"  7319.  5  See  Dr. 
BREWER'S  Pref.  to  "  MONUM.  FRANCISC." 


272  The  Begging  Friars.  [CHAP. 

who  travelled  the  country  were  J  uneducated  and  ignorant  men, 
and  in  this  they  strictly  followed  the  rule  of  their  great  founder ; 
others  could  repeat  lines  from  "The  Prophecy,"  an  2  "incoherent 
collection  of  absurdities,"  in  "  drafty  "  rhyming  Latin  doggerel 
after  the  fashion  of  Merlin,  then  3much  in  vogue,  and  attributed 
to  Prior  John  of  Bridlington,  a  saint  lately  dead,  and  held  in 
high  esteem  in  the  North  of  England.  His  body  had  been 
buried  for  a  time  at  4Beverley,  where  special  privileges  were 
granted  to  the  burgesses.  The  remains  were  translated  to  Rome, 
on  5May  i  ith,  1404,  by  the  Archbishop  of  York  and  the  Bishops 
of  Durham  and  Carlisle,  in  presence  of  an  immense  concourse 
of  people ;  and,  as  might  be  expected,  miracles  were  abundant. 
"The  Prophecy"  was  written  just  before  the  death  of  the 
Black  Prince,  and  its  predictions  had  turned  out  hopelessly 
wrong.  But  this  did  not  kill  its  reputation ;  rather,  it  opened  a 
wide  field  for  the  7  ingenuity  of  the  preachers,  and  the  8  credulity 
of  the  listeners  only  increased  with  the  obscurity  of  the  text. 

In  "  The  Prophecy  "  the  Friars  found  it  written  that  Richard 
should  return  and  make  war  upon  Henry.  They  traded  on 
the  public  discontent.  9Two  and  two,  they  tramped  the 

1 "  Parum  literati." — ETJLOG.,  iii,  391.  "  Simpilly  letrid,"  "lewdemen 
and  not  understanding."— CHEON.  R.  II. -H.  VI.,  24.  ^ARCH^OL.,  xx,  251. 
8FROis.,  iv,  119.  *  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  4  (October  4th,  1399),  grants 
privileges  "in  honour  of  the  glorious  and  blessed  confessor,  whose  body 
lies  buried  in  the  Church  of  Beverley  "  ;  repeated  May  24th,  1403  (PAT., 
4  H.  IV.,  2,  25).  5  ANN.,  388.  6  See  the  text,  in  POL.  SONGS,  i,  123-215. 
7  "  Juxta  imaginationem  suam." — EULOG.,  iii,  391.  8  "  Tamen  hominum 
credulorum  tanta  est  insania  ut  quse  non  intelligant  quovis  sacramento 
vera  esse  contendere  non  dubitent."  —  POWELL,  "Notes  to  Giraldus 
Cambrensis,"  II.,  8,  quoted  in  ARCH^EOL.,  xx,  256.  9  See  the  poem  by  a 
Friar,  who  had  turned  Wycliffite,  circ.  1385,  in  MONUM.  FRANCISC.,  pp. 
591-608  :— 

"Alas  that  euer  it  should  be  so 
Such  clarkes  as  thai  about  should  go 

Fro  town  to  town  by  two  and  two,  to  seke  their  sustynaunce. 

For  thai  have  noght  to  live  by,  thai  wandren  here  and  there, 

And  dele  with  dyvers  marche  right  as  thai  pedlers  were. 

Thai  dele  with  purses,  pynnes  and  knives, 

With  gyrdles,  gloues  for  wenches  and  wyves. 


XVI.]      " Lat  Austyn  have  his  swynk  to  him  reserved"          273 

country  together,  while  *a  "  sturdy  harlot,"  or  serving-man, 
followed  them  with  a  "  sakke,"  to  gather  the  wheat,  the  meal, 
the  malt,  the  rye,  the  "trippe  of  chese,"  the  blanket,  the 
brawn,  the  bacon,  or  the  beef,  begged  from  the  homesteads  on 
their  route.  They  showed  forth  their  relics,  their  "cloutes," 
and  their  bones ;  and  their  capacious  ~  cowls  were  stuffed  with  a 
little  stock  of  purses,  gloves,  "  mitaines,"  girdles,  and  knives. 
With  these  they  wheedled  their  way  to  the  hearts  of  the  women, 
while  in  the  s  taverns  and  places  of  public  resort,  their  music, 

Al  that  for  women  is  plesand  ful  redy  certes  have  thai, 
Bot  lytel  gife  thai  the  husband  that  for  al  shall  pay, 
For  had  a  man  slayn  al  his  kynne, 
Go  shry  ve  him  at  a  frere, 
And  for  lesse  than  a  payr  of  shone 
He  wyl  assoil  him  dene  and  sone." 
The  writer  says  of  himself  : — 

"  I  was  a  frere  ful  many  a  day, 
Therfor  the  sothe  I  wate  ; 
But  when  I  saw  that  thair  lyvyng 
Accorded  not  with  thair  preching 
Of  I  cast  my  frere  clothing,  and 
Wycholy  went  my  gate." 

1CHAUCEK,  "  Sompnour's  Tale,"  7336.     Cf.  the  Pardoner,  who  says,  in 
his  sermon  against  covetousness  (12377)  : — 

"  I  wol  preche  and  beg  in  sondry  londes, 
I  wol  not  do  no  labour  with  min  hondes. 
Ne  make  baskettes  for  to  live  therby, 
Because  I  wol  not  beggen  idelly. 
I  wol  non  of  the  apostles  contrefete  : 
I  wol  have  money,  wolle,  chese,  and  whete. 
Al  were  it  yeven  of  the  pourest  page, 
Or  of  the  pourest  widewe  in  a  village  ; 
Al  shulde  hire  children  sterven  for  famine, 
Nay  I  wol  drinke  the  licour  of  the  vine, 
And  have  a  joly  wenche  in  every  toun." 

2  "  His  typet  was  ay  farsed  ful  of  knyfes 

And  pynnes  for  to  yive  faire  wyfes." — CHAUCER,  Prol.  233. 

3  "  He  knew  the  tavernes  wel  in  every  toun, 

And  everych  hostiller  and  tappestere." — Hid,  240. 
Cf.  the  Clerk  Absolon  (in  "  The  Miller's  Tale,"  3331),  who  could 
Play  en  songes  on  a  smal  ribible, 
Thereto  he  song  sometime  a  loud  quinible, 
And  as  wel  coude  he  play  on  a  giterne, 
In  al  the  towne  was  brewhous  ne  taverne 
That  he  ne  visited  with  his  solas 
There  as  that  any  gaillard  tapstere  was. 


274  The  Begging  Friars.  [CHAP. 

their  physicking  both  for  man  and  beast,  their  easy  morality, 
and  their  general  good-fellowship,  assured  them  a  ready  welcome 
from  the  men.  They  joined  in  every  gossip,  and  mixed  in 
every  throng,  so  that  it  was  2said  that : — 

"  A  flie,  and  eke  a  frere, 
Wol  fall  in  every  dish,  and  eke  matere." 

Thus,  if  they  would,  they  could  excite  and  exasperate  the 
people  to  the  verge  of  rebellion. 

Early  in  3i402,  a  Franciscan  Friar,  from  Norfolk,  was  found 
declaring  that  Richard  was  still  alive.  He  was  taken  and 
imprisoned,  but  afterwards  handed  over  to  the  Warden  of  his 
Order  for  punishment.  Considerable  sums  of  money  were 
paid  every  year  through  the  King's  Exchequer  to  the  houses  of 
the  begging  Friars,  in  the  form  of  bequests  or  endowment. 
These  payments  might  be  abruptly  stopped,  if  the  King  should 
take  offence.  To  obviate  this  difficulty,  several  of  the  brethren 
obtained  letters  of  dispensation  from  the  General  Master  of 
their  Order  abroad,  absolving  them  for  the  time  from  obedience 
to  their  local  superiors.  By  this  means  it  was  hoped  that  the 
heads  of  houses  might  still  receive  their  endowments,  as  loyal 
and  peaceful  subjects,  while  the  insubordinate  members  wan- 
dered over  the  country,  preaching  resistance  and  sedition. 
But  Henry  was  too  thorough  to  allow  of  such  an  obvious 
evasion.  On  4the  nth  of  May,  he  issued  a  peremptory  order 
to  the  Prior  of  the  Dominicans  at  Oxford,  refusing  altogether 
to  recognize  such  a  prevarication,  and  threatening  him  not  only 
with  confiscation  of  grants,  but  also  with  mutilation  and 
imprisonment,  if  he  did  not  at  once  reduce  his  unruly  subor- 
dinates to  submission. 

In  the  spring,  all  Europe  was  alarmed  by  the  appearance  of 
a  comet.  It  was  first  seen  in  the  beginning  of  5  February,  and 

1  Pardoner's  Tale,  12286.  2  CHAUCER,  "Wif  of  Bath,"  Prol.  6417. 
sEuLOG.,  iii,  389.  *CLAUS.  3  H.  IY.,  2,  18.  5EvES.,  177  ;  CHRON.  GILES 
(26)  says  October. 


XVI.]     "  The  Front  of  Heaven  was  full  of  fiery  Shapes."      275 

appeared  at  intervals  Hill  Easter,  its  tail  streaming  West,  and 
2 afterwards  to  the  North.  Each  country  read  in  the  awful 
visitor  a  message  for  itself,  written  in  characters  of  blood.  To 
England,  it  foreboded  disaster  in  Scotland  and  Wales.  In 
Scotland,  it  was  taken  to  foretell  the  3  death  of  the  Duke  of 
"Rothsay,  which  happened  on  March  2yth,  1402.  In  France, 
it  appeared  when  violent  ill-feeling  was  working  between  the 
Dukes  of  Orleans  and  Burgundy,  and  was  Appropriated 
accordingly  by  the  astrologers  of  that  country,  to  suit  their 
special  case.  Adam  of  Usk  saw  the  comet,  in  the  daytime  as 
well  as  at  night,  as  he  travelled  from  London  to  Rome.  In 
5  Italy,  it  was  taken  to  have  foreshadowed  the  approaching  death 
of  the  Duke  of  Milan,  6"the  scourge  of  Lumbardie,"  who  was 
carried  off  by  the  plague  on  the  73rd  of  September,  and  when 

•>  '  • 

the  dreaded  Duke  was  dead,  the  Italian'  imagination  confidently 
declared  that  they  had  seen  it  assume  the  form  of  a  serpent 
swallowing  a  naked  man,  which  Galeazzo  had  adopted  for 
his  badge. 

About 8 Whitsuntide  (i.e.,  in  the  beginning  of  May),  a  priest 
was  captured  at  Ware,  and  on  being  questioned  he  admitted 
the  existence  of  a  conspiracy  to  kill  Henry  and  to  restore 
Richard  to  the  throne.  He  gave  up  the  names  of  many  who 
were  privy  to  the  plot,  but  afterwards  admitted  that  several  of 
the  names  so  given  up  were  only  of  those  who  were  expected  to 
join.  Many  of  the  9suspected  persons,  including  some  ladies 
of  high  position,  were  imprisoned,  and  the  priest  who  gave  the 
information  was  hanged.  On  10May  9th,  orders  were  issued  to 

1 "  Whiche  endured  v  wokes."— CHRON.  LOND.,  87.  Palm  Sunday  fell 
on  March  19th.— USE,  196.  2  «  With  a  hie  bem  whech  hem  bowed  into 
the  North."— CAPGR.,  278. 

3  "  Dat  stern  appearand  signifyis 
As  clerkis  fyndis  in  gret  Tretys 

Dede  of  Princis  or  Pestylens." — WYNTOWN,  ix,  xxii,  77. 
iJuv.,  420.  5UsK,  73.  6  CHAUCER,  Monk's  Tale  ;— of  "Barnabo  Vis- 
count," 14710.  7  SISMONDI,  197.  8  ANN.,  339.  9  USK,  82.  10  EYM.,  viii, 
255;  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  18. 


276  The  Begging  Friars.  [CHAP. 

the  King's  officers  in  the  diocese  of  Carlisle  to  arrest  all  persons, 
whether  laymen  or  ecclesiastics,  who  publicly  asserted  that 
Richard  was  alive. 

A  little  after  this,  one  Walter  of  Baldock  was  arrested.  He 
had  been  a  member  of  the  Order  of  Austin  Canons,  at  Dun- 
stable,  but  :had  left  the  monastery  to  seek  preferment  at  the 
Court  of  Richard.  After  a  hard  struggle  against  adverse  fortune 
he  had  been  made  Prior  of  the  Austin  Canons,  at  Launde,  in 
Leicestershire,  but  had  been  subsequently  deprived  for  mis- 
government,  and  was  now  living  as  a  Papal  Chaplain,  a  2  position 
which  could  be  purchased  for  a  fixed  sum  of  money  paid  to  the 
Pope,  and  the  holder  of  which,  being  an  unbeneficed  ecclesiastic, 
was  3exempt  from  the  control  of  his  ordinary,  and  responsible 
to  the  Pope  alone.  It  was  not  proved  that  the  ex-Prior  had 
committed  any  overt  act  of  treason,  but,  having  confessed  that 
he  was  privy  to  some  plot,  he  was  hanged  at  Tyburn  for  having 
failed  to  divulge  it. 

A  lay  3 brother  of  the  Franciscans  at  Aylesbury  gave  informa- 
tion against  a  Friar,  a  member  of  the  same  Order.  The 
4informer  was  afterwards  captured  by  a  Welshman,  who  put  him 
to  death.  The  suspected  Friar  was  arrested  and  brought  before 
the  King  in  person,  who  examined  him  as  to  what  he  had  said. 
The  accused  admitted  that  he  was  glad  when  he  heard  that 
Richard  was  alive,  for  he  and  all  his  relatives  were  specially 
bound  by  obligations  to  him,  but  denied  that  he  had  made  use 
of  his  licence  as  a  preacher  to  stir  the  people  against  the  reigning 
King.  "What  would  you  do,"  said  Henry,  "if  Richard  did 
come  forward  again  ?  " 

"  I  would  fight  for  him,"  said  the  Friar  bravely,  "  though  I 
had  nothing  but  a  stick  in  my  hand." 

iaRelicto  claustro." — WALS.,  ii,  249.  *Ibid,  ii,  157.  USK  (73)  ob- 
tained it  in  1402,  after  examination  at  Rome.  3  See  the  bull  of  Boniface 
IX.  (dated  December  22nd,  1402),  published  in  ANN.,  351-360,  in  which 
this  exemption  is  revoked.  USK  (74)  was  present  at  the  promulgation 
of  this  bull.  sEuLOG.,  iii,  390.  4  Ibid,  iii,  394. 


XVL]  The  Grey  Friars  of  Leicester.  277 

"And  what  would  you  have  done  with  me?" 

"  I  would  have  you  Duke  of  Lancaster." 

"You  are  not  my  friend,"  said  Henry,  "and  *by  my  head, 
your  head  shall  fall ! "  He  was  as  good  as  his  word,  for  the 
Friar  was  taken  before  a  jury  at  Westminster,  whence  he  was 
dragged  to  Tyburn,  and  hanged  in  his  frock.  His  head  was 
afterwards  cut  off,  and  fastened  upon  London  Bridge. 

On  the  227th  of  May,  the  Prior  of  the  Dominicans  at  Win- 
chester, and  Stephen  Lene,  parson  of  Horsemonden,  in  Kent, 
were  arrested  and  brought  before  the  Council,  together  with 
four  Franciscan  Friars,  named  John  Ayworth,  Walter  Walton, 
John  Howton,  and  Henry  Forester.  At  3 Cambridge,  John 
Norwyche,  Prior  of  the  Dominican  Convent,  was  arrested, 
together  with  one  of  his  subordinates,  Friar  John  Lakynhethe. 
Both  were  sent  to  London,  and  committed  to  the  Tower,  on 
the  3rd  of  June,  and  on  the  4same  day  directions  were  given  to 
arrest  John  Gounfrey,  Warden  of  the  Grey  Friars  at  Nottingham, 
Friar  John  Leicestre,  of  Stamford,  and  a  Monk  of  St.  Alban's, 
then  reported  to  be  at  Leicester  for  no  good  purpose. 

At 5  Leicester,  eleven  Franciscan  Friars  had  arranged  to  join 
the  muster  to  meet  Richard  on  the  coming  Midsummer  Day. 
Five  hundred  men  were  to  meet  in  the  meadows  outside  of 
Oxford,  and  advance,  they  did  not  quite  know  where — perhaps 
to  Wales,  perhaps  to  Scotland.  But  one  of  the  eleven  gave  a 
hint  of  the  plan.  Eight  of  the  Friars  were  caught,  and  two  ran 
away.  Of  these  eight,  five  were  from  Leicester,  viz.:  Roger 
Frisby,  John  Mody,  Robert  Bekley,  Richard  Grantham,  and 
William  Lake ;  two  from  Northampton,  viz. :  Robert  Eton  and 
Roger  Nugent ;  and  one,  named  Roger  Leycestre,  was  from 
Nottingham.  The  captives  were  bound  and  taken  to  London. 

luBy  myn  heed,"  says  SATURN,  in  CHAUCER,  "  Knight's  Tale,"  1812. 
*  CLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  16.  The  order  for  arrest  is  in  PAT.,  3  H.  IT.,  2,  18, 
dated  May  21st,  1402.  s  CLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  15.  *  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  18. 
5EuLOG.,  iii,  391. 


278  The  Begging  Friars.  [CHAP. 

They  were  sent  to  the  Tower  on  the  1ist  of  June,  and  the  King, 
after  consulting  the  Archbishop  and  the  Council,  had  the 
accused  brought  before  him.  One  of  them,  ~  Roger  Frisby, 
Warden  of  the  Convent  at  Leicester,  and  a  Master  of  Divinity, 
was  questioned  sharply  by  the  King,  but  his  defiant  attitude 
and  answers  did  not  improve  his  chance  of  pardon.  "You 
never  loved  the  church,"  said  the  Friar.  "  You  damaged  it 
before  you  were  King,  and  now  you  would  destroy  it."  "You 
lie  ! "  said  the  King,  "begone  !  " — upon  which  all  were  removed 
to  the  Tower.  Thence  they  were  taken  in  chains  to  West- 
minster, and  charged  with  preaching  that  Richard  was  alive, 
with  stirring  up  the  people  both  openly  and  in  private  confession, 
and  with  3  collecting  money  to  send  to  Owen  and  the  rebels  in 
Wales.  Being  urged  to  plead  guilty  and  throw  themselves  on 
the  King's  mercy,  they  all  refused,  and  claimed  a  public  trial. 
Two  attempts  were  made  to  convict  them  before  juries  from 
London  and  from  Holbourn,  but  both  attempts  ended  in 
failure.  A  jury  was  then  taken  from  the  villages  of  Islington 
("Iseldun")  and  Highgate;  a  conviction  was  procured,  and  the 
eight  Friars  were  hanged  forthwith  at  Tyburn.  Their  heads 
were  then  struck  off,  and  their  bodies  thrown  into  a  ditch  by 
the  roadside,  whence  they  were  reverently  removed  by  some  of 
their  brethren  for  burial,  to  whom  many  members  of  the  jury 
afterwards  came,  asking  pardon,  and  urging  that  in  giving  their 
consent  to  the  verdict  they  had  acted  under  compulsion,  and 
that  if  they  had  not  so  done  they  would  themselves  have  been 
put  to  death. 

The  two  Friars  who  had  escaped  at  Leicester  were  caught  by 
some  of  the  servants  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  near  Lichfield, 
and  shared  the  same  fate  at  4  Lancaster.  A  few  isolated 
executions  followed,  at  Bristol  and  other  places,  but  the  people 

1  GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2, 16.  ^MONAST.,  vi,  1513;  NICHOLLS'  Leicestershire, 
iii,  260,  305.  SUSK,  82  ;  LEL.  COLL.,  ii,  311.  4CnEON.  GILES,  28. 


XVI.]       "Men  may  hem  kennen  by  smell  of  Brimston"         279 

were  cowed  and  the  Friars  were  crushed.  Richard  did  not 
appear  on  Midsummer  Day,  and  on  the  following !  August  i5th, 
at  a  General  Chapter  of  the  Grey  Friars  held  at  Leicester,  the 
Order  itself  decreed  that  henceforward  no  Friar  should  utter  a 
word  which  might  sound  to  the  prejudice  of  the  King,  under  pain 
of  perpetual  imprisonment.  Indeed,  so  contemptible  had  the 
agitation  soon  become,  that  when  an  old  Friar  was  accused  by 
a  woman  at  Cambridge  of  having  uttered  some  treasonable 
words,  the  Court  decided  that  the  question  had  better  be 
settled  by  combat  between  accuser  and  accused ;  the  woman  to 
have  the  use  of  both  her  hands,  the  aold  man  to  have  one  of 
his  tied  behind  his  back.  The  Friar,  however,  had  a  friend  in 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  who  interposed  to  protect  him 
from  this  ridiculous  indignity,  and  2 within  two  years  the  great 
Franciscan  Order  was  distracted  by  internal  dissensions,  and 
both  sides  were  glad  to  appeal  to  Henry  for  support. 

During  the  summer  of  1402,  fearful  thunderstorms  broke  over 
the  country.  On  3May  25th  (being  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi), 
at  Danbury,  in  Essex,  while  the  people  were  worshipping  at  ves- 
pers, the  lightning  struck  the  top  of  the  church,  and  destroyed 
half  the  chancel.  While  the  storm  was  at  its  height,  and  the 
congregation  were  in  wild  alarm,  the  Devil  was  seen  to  enter 
the  church,  dressed  as  a  Franciscan  Friar,  capering  with  mad 
antics,  "and  4plaieing  his  part  like  a  Divell  indeed."  Three 
times  he  jumped  over- the  altar  from  right  to  left,  then  turned 
black  in  the  face,  and  rushed  out  between  a  man's  legs,  leaving 
the  usual  unpleasant  smell  of  sulphur.  There  was  no  doubt 
about  it,  for  the  poor  man's  feet,  legs,  and  thighs  were  as 
5  black  as  pitch  afterwards. 

x"  And  his  on  hand  bounde  behynde  him." — CHEON.  B.  II.-H.  VI.,  p.  23. 
2  EULOG.,  iii,  403-405.  3  ANN.,  340.  4  HOLINS.,  ii,  520.  &  For  a  similar 
effect,  see  the  account  of  the  great  storm  at  Alvanley,  Cheshire,  on  June 
19th,  1687.  "  Some  people  that  were  out  of  doors  were  ill  beaten  and 
bruised  ere  they  could  get  to  shelter  themselves,  that  to  our  knowledge 
their  flesh  was  as  black  as  pots  and  scarce  able  to  go." — PAL.  NOTE 
BOOK,  July,  1883. 


280  The  Begging  Friars. 

A  similar  dreadful  occurrence  took  place  at  All  Saints 
Church,  in  Hertford,  on  the  24th  of  June  ;  but  this  time  the 
evil  spirit  climbed  a  ladder  to  the  clock  tower,  fastened  on  the 
"  crok,"  tore  and  twisted  the  left  side  of  the  scale  plate,  leaving 
marks  like  the  teeth  of  a  lion  or  a  bear,  smashed  the  wheels  and 
crashed  through  a  big  beam  into  the  belfry,  symbolizing,  let  us 
suppose,  the  sudden  spirit  of  mischief  that  had  possessed  the 
begging  Friars,  —  swift,  startling,  and  reckless,  but  more  in  noise 
than  harm. 

On  the  :i6th  of  June,  Henry  was  at  the  manor  of  Kenning- 
ton,  or  Kempton,  2near  Sunbury,  on  the  upper  Thames  ;  and  on 
the  3i8th,  he  was  able  to  issue  a  re-assuring  order  to  the  Sheriffs 
of  counties,  announcing  that  the  danger  from  the  preachers  was 
at  an  end,  and  that  none  need  fear  revengeful  or  vindictive 
proceedings  for  acts  committed  in  connection  therewith  in  the 
past,  4as  it  was  not  his  intention  to  punish  any  but  the  leaders. 
An  5informer,  William  Taillour,  of  Lapworth,  near  Birmingham, 
who  had  accused  "many  Abbots,  Priors,  Knights,  Esquires, 
and  other  good  men  of  divers  estates,"  was  put  on  his  trial, 
and  being  convicted  of  perjury  he  was  drawn  and  hanged.  So 
the  commotion  settled  down,  and  was  soon  lost  sight  of  amidst 
the  stirring  events  which  followed  close  upon  it. 


PAUL.,  iii,  491.      2  PAT.,  1   H.  IV.,  2,  15.      8RYM.,  viii,  262. 
*  PELLS  ISSUE  BOLL,  July  3rd,  1402.      5Eoi.  PAUL.,  iii,  511. 


CHAPTER    XVII. 
"REVOLTED    MORTIMER." 

AND  now  came  grievous  news  from  Wales.  Encouraged  by  his 
success  against  Ruthin  in  the  winter,  and  by  his  absolute 
security  and  immunity  from  attack  in  his  own  valley,  Owen  had 
1  continued  his  plundering  expeditions  through  the  spring, 
extending  his  operations  always  further  to  the  south  and  east. 
By  midsummer,  these  repeated  attacks  were  growing  more  and 
more  formidable,  and  a  large  English  force  was  prepared  in 
Herefordshire,  to  enter  Wales  and  punish  the  marauders.  The 
troops  assembled  at  2Ludlow,  and  were  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  Sir  Edmund  Mortimer,  a  younger  brother  of  that  Earl 
of  March  who  had  been  named  by  Richard  heir  to  the  English 
throne,  and  uncle  of  the  young  Edmund  Mortimer,  the  present 
Earl  of  March,  now  a  minor,  living,  closely  guarded,  together 
with  King  Henry's  children,  at  3Berkhampstead. 

Sir  Edmund  Mortimer  was  yet  a  young  man,  certainly  less 
than  thirty  years  of  age.  In  the  late  negociations,  he  had  been 
chosen  as  the  channel  through  which  communications  should 
pass  between  Owen  and  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  his 
lands  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Denbigh  had  been  ostentatiously 
spared  by  the  rebels,  though  they  lay  temptingly  near  to  the 
valley  of  the  Dee.  Under  him  there  was  now  collected  at 
Ludlow  a  large  force,  formed  partly  of  English  from  Hereford 
and  other  border  counties,  and  partly  of  his  own  tenants  from 
the  neighbouring  hill  districts  of  Radnor  and  Montgomery. 

In  the  middle  of  June,  1402,  this  large  force  advanced  up  the 

1 "  Assuetis  intendens  irrnptionibus." — ANN.,  341.  2EvES.,  178. 
3  RYM.,  viii,  268. 


282  "Revolted  Mortimer"  [CHAP. 

valley  of  the  Teme,  confident  that  they  would  meet  no 
opposition,  but  would  punish  the  Welsh  for  their  depredations, 
and  read  them  such  a  lesson  as  would  bring  security  to  their 
own  lands  for  some  time  to  come.  On  St.  Alban's  Day  (June 


-• 


lytri),  they  were  in  the  mountains  between  Knighton  4nd,ir/- 
Machynlleth,  at  a  spot  called  laPylale,"  or'  Pilleth,  long  noted' 
as  the  home  of  a  wondrous  statue  of  the  Virgin,  near  a  hill 
called  2Brynglas,  lying  to  the  north  of  the  town  of  Knighton. 
Here  they  were  surprised  by  a  strong  force  of  Welsh  under 
8Rees  Gethin,  one  of  Owen's  lieutenants.  Many  of  Mortimer's 
tenants  joined  openly  with  the  Welsh,  and  turned  their  arms 
against  their  English  companions.  In  the  panic  and  crush 
4  more  than  1,100  were  shot,  stabbed,  stoned,  or  trampled  to 
death  in  the  narrow  valley,  and  if  the  stories  which  reached 
England  were  true,  the  Welsh,  even  the  women,  vented  their 
rage  by  mutilating  the  bodies  of  the  dead  with  5  filthy  and 
disgusting  barbarities.  Many  Knights,  with  their  Esquires  and 
Pages,  were  killed  or  taken,  and  Edmund  Mortimer  gave 
himself  up  as  a  prisoner.  He  was  removed  to  the  mountains 
of  Caernarvon,  where  he  was  treated  by  Owen  with  all  honour 
and  respect.  We  are  not  surprised  to  hear  that  the  disaster  was 
soon  attributed  to  treachery,  and  that  Mortimer  was  believed  to 
have  led  these  English  troops  to  destruction  in  order  that  he 
might  the  better  carry  out  his  own  designs. 

1  CHRON.  GILES,  27  ;     STOW,  328  ;     SANDFORP,  227  ;     CARTE,  ii,  654. 

sMoNAST.,  vi,  354,  quoting  Ex  VET.  COD.  MS.  PENES  DAN.  BRUSE,  59  a.. 

"  Super  montem  vocatum  Brynglase  infra  Melenyth  juxta  Knighton." 

3  ORIG.  LET.,   II.,  i,  14.       *  USK  says  8,000,  including,   apparently,  the 

Welsh  killed;  but  again  we  must  notice  that  he  only  gives  his  information 

from  a  distance.     The  Monk  of  Evesham  (177),  who  was  nearer  to  the 

scene  of  action,  puts  down  the  English  loss  at  200;    CHRON.  GILES 

at  400.     5  "  Many  othir  inconvenientis  did  thei  that  time." — CAPGR., 

"  Upon  whose  dead  corpse  there  was  such  misuse, 

Such  beastly,  shameless  transformation, 

By  those  Welsh  women  done,  as  may  not  be 

Without  much  shame  retold  or  spoken  of." 

H.  IV.,  Ft.  1,  Act  1,  Sc.  1,  42. 


XVII.]    "A  Post  from  Wales  loaden  with  heavy  news"         283 

News  of  the  reverse  was  carried  in  all  haste  to  England. 
Henry  was  at  Berkhampstead,  having  just  completed  the 
arrangements  for  the  departure  of  his  daughter  Blanche  for 
Germany.  The  loss  of  so  many  English  knights  and  gentlemen 
increased  the  x  bitterness  of  the  blow.  Orders  were  at  once 
^despatched  to  the  Sheriffs  of  2 1  counties,  to  array  and  forward 
all  their  available  forces  to  meet  the  King  at  Lichfield,  by  July 
yth.  The  northern  counties  were  to  be  ready  to  act  against 
the  Scots,  and  those  in  the  South  to  repel  attacks  on  the  coast. 
On  the  3oth  of  June,  the  King  was  at  3Harborough,  in  Leices- 
tershire, having  with  him,  seemingly,  his  youngest  son,  Prince 
Humphrey.  The  Prince  of  Wales  had  already  gone  forward  to 
*Tutbury,  in  Staffordshire,  and  his  other  two  children,  John  and 
Philippa,  together  with  the  little  Edmund,  Earl  of  March,  and 
his  brother,  were  left  at 5  Berkhampstead,  under  the  care  of  the 
trusty  Sir  Hugh  Waterton. 

At  Harborough,  disquieting  news  came  in  from  the  North, 
to  the  effect  that  an  army  of  12,000  Scots  had  crossed  the 
Border,  and  were  ravaging  the  country  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Carlisle.  The  stock  process  of  borrowing  money  in  small 
amounts,  from  all  quarters,  gives  again  the  old  familiar  evidence 
of  the  scarcity  of  funds  for  anything  beyond  the  most  ordinary 
expenses  of  the  country.  Amongst  others,  the  venerable  Bishop 
"of  Winchester  (William  of  Wickham)  again  advanced  ,£400, 
as  a  loan  till  Christmas,  holding  certain  jewels  in  pledge  for 
repayment.  To  add  to  the  difficulty,  news  was  brought  at  the 
same  time  that,  7in  spite  of  arrangements  which  were  still 
continuing  at  Lenlingham  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  all 
matters  in  dispute,  the  French  were,  in  fact,  preparing  to  effect 

1  "  Dont  nous  avous  pris  graunde  poisauntee." — ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  185. 
2RYM.,  viii,  264.  *ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  187.  4  RYM.,  viii,  259,  May  26th, 
1402.  5  Ibid,  viii,  268.  6  Ibid,  viii,  267.  7  See  memorandum  (in  RYM., 
viii,  274,  dated  August  14th,  1402)  arranging  for  verification  by  ensuing 
Michaelmas,  September  29th. 


284  "Revolted  Mortimer."  [CHAP. 

*a  landing  on  the  coast  of  Suffolk  and  Devonshire.  Notice  was 
issued  to  the  Bishops  of  Norwich  and  Exeter,  and  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  to  have  their  tenants  forewarned  in  time 
to  repel  the  expected  attack,  while  arrangements  were  made  for 
fortifying  2East  Tilbury,  thus  securing  the  navigation  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Thames.  Letters  from  Ireland  likewise  showed 
that  the  English  power  in  that  country  was  almost  in  extremis, 
and  that  8  Prince  Thomas,  the  King's  Lieutenant,  had  scarcely 
a  supporter  outside  of  his  own  very  straightened  household. 

By  the  end  of  June,  it  is  probable  that  the  King  had 
sufficiently  gauged  the  meaning  of  the  late  defeat  in  Wales,  and 
being  pressed  on  all  sides  by  the  gravity  of  the  tidings  daily 
coming  in,  he  foresaw  that  a  greater  effort  must  be  made  against 
the  Welsh  than  was  possible  on  so  short  a  notice  as  at  first 
intended.  On  the  4  2  3rd  of  July,  he  was  at  Lilleshall,  near 
Newport,  in  Shropshire,  concerting  measures  for  the  safety  of 
the  frontier.  It  was  arranged  that  Leominster  should  be 
fortified.  Provisions  were  to  be  stored  in  the  castles  of  Here- 
ford, Ludlow,  and  Chester,  by  the  end  of  August,  5and  no  arms 
or  provisions  were  to  be  allowed  to  pass  into  Wales,  without 
express  permission,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  twice  the  value  of  them 
if  detected.  It  is  not  surprising  to  find  that  this  mild  order  was 
to  a  large  extent  inoperative.  From  Wigmore  southwards,  as  far 
as  Chepstow,  the  defence  of  the  frontier  was  committed  to  the 
Earl  of  Stafford.  The  northern  line,  from  Wigmore  to  Holt, 
in  Denbighshire,  was  put  under  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  supported 
by  the  levies  of  the  county  of  Stafford.  Separate  arrangements 
were  made  for  the  defence  of  the  castles  of  Welshpool,  Ludlow, 
and  Montgomery,  while  Richard,  Lord  de  Grey,  was  to  attack 
the  rebels  in  Brecon,  Caermarthen,  Pembroke,  Haverford, 


.,  viii,  270,  July  14th,  1402.  sJ&tcZ,  viii,  271,  July  7th,  1402; 
PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  7.  3  ROY.  LET.,  i,  76.  *  ROT.  VIAG.,  26-27.  5PAT., 
3  H.  IV.,  2,  4,  August  17th,  1402. 


XVII.]  "  Three  times  hath  Henry  Bolingbroke  made  head"    285 

Ross,  and  St.  David's.  The  King  then  returned  to  Lichfield, 
July  26th.  On  the  29th,  he  was  at  Burton-on-Trent,  and  he 
reached  Tideswell,  in  North  Derbyshire,  on  the  ist  of  August. 

The  Welsh  were  sheltered  in  their  mountains,  woods,  and 
caves,  and  could  not  be  reached  effectually  by  small  bands  of 
English,  hastily  collected  and  imperfectly  equipped.  After 
making  arrangements  for  the  security  of  the  country  against  the 
French  and  Scots,  *  fresh  orders  were  issued  to  the  Sheriffs, 
that  three  armies  should  collect  and  be  ready  to  start  on 
August  27th,  at  three  different  centres,  for  a  simultaneous 
entrance  into  Wales.  One  army  was  to  assemble  at  Hereford, 
under  the  command  of  the  Earls  of  2Arundel,  Stafford,  and 
Warwick ;  a  second  at  Shrewsbury,  under  the  King  in  person ; 
while  a  third  would  start  from  Chester,  under  the  command  of 
the  Prince  of  Wales.  The  three  armies  were  to  be  provisioned 
for  fifteen  days,  the  object  being,  apparently,  to  enter  the 
country  simultaneously,  and  to  strike  as  much  terror  as  possible 
by  a  fortnight's  rapid  and  ruinous  raiding. 

Scarcely  had  this  order  been  issued  when  fresh  news  arrived 
that  the  Duke  of  Albany  and  the  Earl  of  Douglas  were  expected 
to  invade  the  North,  with  a  large  army  of  Scots.  The  King 
was  then  at  Ravensdale,  near  Grimsby.  The  3  forces  intended 
to  act  against  the  Welsh  had  to  be  again  reduced,  and  the 
gathering  day  at  Shrewsbury  was  postponed  till  the  ist  of 
September.  By  the  yth  of  August  the  King  was  again  at 
Tideswell,  where  the  royal  officers  were  busy  appointing 
purveyors.  The  month  of  August  was  spent  in  preparations. 
On  the  1 5th,  the  King  was  at  Nottingham,  and  on  the  26th 
at  Lichfield. 

In  the  beginning  of  5  September,  the  three  armies   at   last 

i  RYM.,  viii,  271,  July  31st,  1402.  2  ANN.,  343.  3  RYM.,  viii,  273,  dated 
Ravensdale,  April  4th,  1402;  ROT.  VIAG.,  26.  4PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  1. 
>  EVES.  (179)  says,  August  29th. 


286  "Revolted  Mortimer:'  [CHAP. 

entered  Wales.  They  are  Jsaid  to  have  numbered  in  all  more 
than  100,000  men,  which  may  not  be  far  short  of  the  truth. 
The  scheme  was  ambitious,  but  far  beyond  the  strategy  or  the 
limited  resources  of  those  early  days,  even  under  favourable 
conditions  of  weather.  But  this  year  had  proved  exceptionally 
stormy,  and  from  the  time  at  which  the  English  entered  Wales 
the  rain,  hail,  and  tempest  never  ceased.  The  three  armies  did 
nothing  in  concert,  but  were  beaten  and  driven  back  by  the 
weather. 

2  A  few  days  after  they  entered  the  country,  the  King  had  a 
narrow  escape.  His  tent  was  blown  down  by  a  hurricane  of 
wind  in  the  night,  and  8had  he  not  lain  down  in  his  armour  he 
might  have  been  badly  hurt.  Many  4  perished  from  the  exposure 
and  the  cold. 

Among  the  many  marvellous  stories  that  got  abroad  of  Owen, 
was  one  to  the  effect  that  he  was  possessed  of  a  5  magical  stone, 
once  spat  up  by  a  raven,  and  that  by  this  means  he  could 
render  himself  invisible  at  will.  Wherever  the  English  went,  no 
enemy  was  to  be  seen.  6One  William  Withiford  had  offered 
his  services  to  the  invaders,  as  a  guide  ;  but  he  could  do  nothing 
to  bring  them  nearer  to  their  enemy,  and  it  is  not  surprising  to 
find  that  as  soon  as  the  army  had  withdrawn,  Withiford  lost 
both  his  property  and  his  life,  and  that  his  widow  had  to  throw 
herself  upon  Henry's  charity. 

Before  twenty  days  had  passed  the  supplies  were  consumed, 
and  the  armies  returned,  with  no  nobler  trophies  than  some 
herds  of  inoffensive  and  abandoned  cattle,  which  they  had  been 
able  to  drive  off  from  the  mountain  sides.  It  was  arranged  that 
Richard,  Lord  de  Grey,  should  be  the  King's  Lieutenant  in 
the  districts  of  Brecon,  Aberystwith,  Cardigan,  Caermarthen, 


,  76.  2  September  7th.—  ANN.,  343.  s  "  And  the  King  had  not 
be  armed,  he  might  be  ded  of  the  strok."—  CAPGR.,  279.  4  EULOG.,  iii, 
394.  5  Ross,  206.  6  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  9,  October  20th,  1402. 


XVII. ]     "  That  great  Magician,  damned  Glendower"  287 

Builth,  and  Hay,  from  September  3oth  till  Christmas,  attended 
Jby  a  force  of  150  men-at-arms  and  600  archers.  By  the  22nd 
of  September,  the  King  was  again  at  Westminster,  2"sent 
bootless  home  and  weather-beaten  back."  But  his  signal  failure 
in  Wales  was  more  than  compensated  by  the  cheering  news  that 
awaited  him  from  the  Border  of  Scotland. 

On  the  326th  of  September,  he  was  at  his  castle  at  Berk- 
hampstead,  with  his  two  children  Philippa  and  John. 

1  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  1.      2  H.  IV.,  Pt.  1,  Act  3,  Sc.  1.      3  PAT.  3  H.  IV. 
2, 1,  10. 


CHAPTER    XVIII. 
THE    BATTLE    OF    HUMBLEDON. 

ALREADY  we  have  noticed  that  the  influence  of  the  Duke  of 
Rothsay  in  Scottish  affairs  had  disappeared.  His  power  as 
Regent  was  transferred  to  a  Council.  In  February,  1402,  he 
was  seized  while  on  his  way  to  occupy  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews, 
and  fell  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  who  shut  him  up  in  the 
castle  of  Falkland,  in  Fifeshire,  where  he  soon  after  Sickened 
and  died  (March  27th).  His  body  was  removed  to  the  Abbey 
of  Lindores,  on  the  south  shore  of  the  Firth  of  Tay,  and  there 
buried.  The  King,  his  father,  2 founded  a  chaplaincy  at  Dundee 
for  his  soul,  and  masses  were  said  for  him  daily  for  many  years, 
at  Deer,  Culross,  and  Ayr.  The  Exchequer  Rolls  of  Scotland 
bear  undeniable  evidence  of  his  violence  and  recklessness. 
In  Edinburgh,  Aberdeen,  and  Dundee,  the  3 collectors  of 
Customs  record  that  he  had  taken  the  public  money  from  them 
by  force,  and  in  4Montrose  he  carried  off  the  Customer,  John 
Tyndale,  and  kept  him  imprisoned  till  he  gave  up  £23  from 
the  town  dues.  But  his  countrymen  forgot  his  extravagance  and 
licentiousness,  remembering  only  his  5handsome  face  and  winning 
manners,  and  long  after  his  early  death  his  6  memory  was  held 

1 "  Providentia  et  non  aliter,"   says  the  proclamation  of_  May  20th.- 
sExcH.  ROLLS  SCOT.,  iii,  626.      40s.  4d.  was  charged  on  the  Customs  of 
Perth  to  help  to  pay  expenses  of  his  buVial.— Ibid,  549.     *Ibid,  pp.  546, 
552,  599.      4  Ibid,  549. 

5  "  Suete  and  wertuous,  yong  and  fair, 
Honest,  habil,  and  avenaund, 
Oure  Lord,  oure  Prynce  in  all  plesand, 
Cunnand  into  Letterature, 

A  seymly  persone  in  stature." — WYNTOWN,  ix,  xxiii,  12. 
8  See  the  curious  account  in  the  Bum  OF  THE  CHKONICLIS  OF  SCOTLAND, 
58,378,  &c.:— 

"  When  I  wes  young  within  youthheid  ane  page 
I  saw  ane  woman  of  grit  eild  and  age, 


"  For  wo  his  armes  two  he  ga?i  to  bite''  289 

in  pious  respect.  But  the  story  of  his  frightful  death,  and  of 
the  heroic  efforts  of  the  ^omen,  "after  the  manner  of  the 
Roman  charity,"  is  nothing  but  romance,  and  first  appears  in  a 
chronicle  written  three  generations  afterwards,  2by  a  writer  who 
bore  no  love  to  the  memory  of  the  Duke  of  Albany. 

Accusations  were  soon  brought  by  his  friends  against  Robert, 
Duke  of  Albany,  Earl  of  Menteith,  brother  to  the  King,  and 
Archibald,  Earl  of  Douglas,  Lord  of  Galloway,  the  King's 
son-in-law.  At  a  Great  Council  held  in  Edinburgh,  May  i6th, 
1402,  they  appeared  to  answer  the  accusation  of  having  arrested 
and  imprisoned  the  heir  to  the  throne.  They  did  not  deny 
the  charges  made,  brit  pleaded  that  they  were  justified  in  what 
they  had  done  by  sufficient  reasons  of  State  policy.  They  were 
too  influential  to  be  gainsaid.  Their  plea  was  regarded  as  valid, 
and  on  the  2oth  of  May  a  3  proclamation  was  issued  in  the 
King's  name,  declaring  them  innocent  of  the  charge  of  treason 
and  forbidding  any  person  to  utter  anything  against  them. 
In  point  of  fact,  they  had  never  been  in  any  danger,  and  had 
now  formally  secured  the  leading  places  in  the  government  of 
the  country. 

Already  it  was  known  in  England  that  they  were  preparing 
to  invade,  and  that  they  were  industriously  spreading  disaffection 
in  favour  of  the  pretended  Richard.  4On  the  23rd  of  May, 
Henry  sent  notice  to  the  Sheriffs  of  the  northern  counties,  to 
collect  the  forces  of  their  districts  to  meet  him  in  the  North, 
and  advance  to  resist  the  expected  invasion.  In  5June,  12,000 
Scots  entered  Cumberland  and  committed  some  depredations 

"  That  said  scho  this  ilk  young  Duke  had  kend, 

And  with  my  eiris  hard  her  him  commend, 

Of  gentres  vertu  and  of  hie  prudence, 

Into  his  tyme  aboue  all  nthen  prence." 

1  SCOTT,  Hist.  Scot.,  i,  236.  2See  the  Chronicle  of  Pluscardine  Abbey, 
Elgin  (x,  17),  written  by  Maurice  Buchanan,  Treasurer  to  the  Dauphiness, 
daughter  of  James  I.  "3Acis  OF  PARL.  OF  SCOT.,  i,  221.  *RYM.,  viii,  257. 
5  OED.  PBIV.  Co.,  i,  187. 


290  The  Battle  of  Humbledon.  [CHAP. 

in  the  neighbourhood  of  Carlisle,  but  they  were  attacked  by  the 
Bishop  of  Carlisle,  acting  in  the  name  of  a  * young  grandson  of 
the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  many  of  them  were  taken 
prisoners. 

The  real  invasion,  however,  was  to  be  directed  from  the 
East.  The  Earl  of  March,  with  his  sons,  was  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Berwick,  in  command  of  a  small  force  of  troops. 
By  an  ordinance  2dated  March  i3th,  1402,  he  was  to  receive 
^"400  per  annum,  and  to  serve  in  his  own  country  or  elsewhere, 
with  12  men-at-arms  and  20  archers.  On  the  22nd  of  June,  at 
the  head  of  200  men,  s  partly  drawn  from  the  garrison  at 
Berwick,  he  engaged  a  force  of  400  Scots,  at  Nesbit,  in  the  rich 
plain  called  the  Merse,  or  March,  in  Berwickshire,  and  gained 
a  brilliant  success.  Two  hundred  and  forty  Scots  were  killed 
or  taken  prisoners.  Their  leader,  Sir  Patrick  Hepburn,  of 
Hales,  was  among  the  killed,  and  the  prisoners  included  many 
Lothian  Knights  :  among  them,  Sir  John  Haliburton,  of  Dirle- 
town,  Sir  Robert  Lawder,  of  the  Bass,  Sir  John  Cockburn,  and 
Sir  Thomas  Haliburton.  News  of  this  success  was  brought  to 
Henry,  at  Harborough,  on  June  3oth,  when  he  was  on  his  way 
to  the  muster  at  Lichfield,  preparatory  to  making  his  inroad 
into  Wales.  He  was  further  warned  that  a  strong  body  of 
Scots  would  attempt  an  incursion  into  Northumberland,  and  he 
sent  orders  to  the  Council  to  prepare  to  meet  the  emergency. 
This  altered  state  of  things  decided  him  to  postpone  his 
entrance  into  Wales,  and  4  early  in  August  he  was  at  Ravendale, 
in  Lincolnshire,  from  whence  he  gave  the  final  directions  for 
dealing  with  the  great  Scottish  invasion,  which  was  expected  on 
or  before  the  i£th  of  August. 

In  the  time  of  the  harvest,  accordingly,  a  large  host  of  Scots, 

1 A  son  of  Thomas  Percy,  who  had  died  in  Spain.— ANN.,  342.  a  EYM., 
viii,  245;  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  1,  6.  3  SCOTICHRON.,  xv,  ch.  xiii.  *  See  the 
proclamation  (dated  August  4th,  1402),  in  KYM.,  viii,  273. 


XVIII.]  Nesbit  Moor.  291 

^numbering  upwards  of  40,000  men,  crossed  the  Border  on  the 
eastern  side.  They  were  headed  by  the  Earl  of  Douglas  and 
2  Murdoch  Stewart,  Lord  of  Kinclevin  and  Earl  of  Fife,  eldest 
son  of  the  Duke  of  Albany.  With  them  followed  a  brilliant 
array  of  Scottish  nobles,  and  some  thirty  3 Frenchmen  of  high 
rank  were  with  the  invading  army.  They  marched  southward 
without  serious  opposition,  through  Northumberland,  into 
Durham,  and  4 across  the  Wear.  The  English  peasantry  fled, 
abandoning  the  open  country.  It  was  estimated  that  more 
than  1,000  persons  left 5  Northumberland  and  Cumberland.  In 
6  Newcastle  the  greatest  alarm  was  felt ;  100  armed  men  watched 
the  walls  every  night,  and  armed  vessels  were  kept  ready  in  the 
Tyne,  to  be  brought  into  use  as  necessity  should  require.  The 
invaders  advanced,  plundering  the  farms  and  burning  the  crops. 
But  nothing  more  serious  than  this  was  really  to  be  feared. 
There  was  no  pretence  that  Richard  was  with  them,  though 
Lord  .Montgomery,  who  had  lately  had  the  mysterious  impostor 
in  his  charge,  was  present  in  the  army.  So  the  late  hoax  had 
ended  in  perfect  failure,  and  in  a  short  while  the  Scots  turned 
homewards  with  their  plunder. 

But  in  the  valley  of  the  Till — that  classic  land  of  Border 
bloodshed — a  large  body  of  them,  some  10,000  strong,  found 
their  way  barred  by  an  equal  force  of  English,  under  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland,  his  son,  Henry  Percy,  and  the  Scottish 
Earl  of  March,  together  with  7Sir  H.  Fitzhugh,  Sir  Ralph  de 
Ewere,  and  the  Lord  of  Greystoke.  Being  forced  to  fight,  the 
Scots  occupied  a  position,  on  rising  ground,  at  8Humbledon, 

i  HARDYNG,  cciii.  ~  WTNTOWN,  ix,  xxiii.  3  EVES.,  180  ;  EOT.  PARL.,  iii, 
487.  4  "  And  intil  Yngland  past  of  Were." — WYNTOWN.  5RoT.  PARL., 
iii,  518.  eBYM.,viii,282.  7  EVES.,  180;  KYM.,  viii,  278.  8  So  called  at  the 
present  day,  and  also  in  PARL.  KOLL  (iii,  487,  dated  October  7th,  1402, 
five  weeks  after  the  battle),  though  the  chroniclers  have  usually  spelt  it 
"  Homildoun,"  or  "  Homeldonhill "  (E.YM.,  viii,  379),  or  "  Hemeldon 
juxta  Wollore"  (GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  4,  dated  September  22nd,  1402),  or 
"Helmedon"  (PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  1,  dated  September  25th,  1402). 


292  The  Battle  of  Humbledon.  [CHAP. 

an  outlying  hill  of  the  Cheviots,  near  the  little  town  of  Wooler, 
on  September  i4th,  1402. 

The  English  were  there  before  them,  and  had  chosen  their 
ground.  They  were  posted  at  Millfield,  by  the  little  rivulet 
called  the  *Glen.  Their  force  was  2computed  at  12,000  lances 
and  7,000  archers,  including  a  contingent  of  traders  from 
3Newcastle-on-Tyne,  who  did  special  service  after  the  fight. 
The  4 battle  was  fought  at  mid-day,  and  the  English  archers 
were  so  posted  that  they  rained  showers  of  missiles  on  their 
enemies,  who  stood  helplessly  exposed  to  their  deadly  aim. 
Seeing  his  troops  thus  broken,  Earl  Douglas  chivalrously  took 
his  lance  and  roused  his  men-at-arms  to  charge  the  English 
archers.  But  it  was  unequal  work.  No  lances,  helmets,  or 
armour  could  stand  against  the  fatal  and  well-aimed  volleys. 
Douglas  was  badly  hit,  and  5lost  an  eye.  He  was  taken 
prisoner,  and  all  chance  of  retrieving  the  day  was  at  an  end. 
Everywhere  the  Scots  broke  and  fled.  Many  were  killed,  or 
left  wounded  and  disabled  on  the  field.  A  rich  net  of  prisoners 
was  secured,  and  the  whole  host  was  scattered  and  pursued. 
Five  hundred  of  them  were  drowned  when  attempting  to  cross 
the  Tweed,  pursued  by  the  Newcastle  men. 

The  loss  on  the  English  side  was  very  slight.  Indeed,  the 
main  body  had  never  been  brought  into  action.  The  Scots  had 
been  caught  in  an  exposed  position ;  the  archers  had  assailed 
them  from  a  safe  shelter,  and  6  within  an  hour  the  rout  was 
complete.  Amongst  the  killed  were  Sir  Adam  Gordon,  Sir 
John  Swinton,  Sir  Alexander  Ramsey,  of  Dalhousie,  Walter 
Sinclair,  and  many  others.  The  battlefield  was  afterwards 
7known  as  "the  Red  Riggs,"  and  tradition  was  soon  busy  with 
the  usual  exaggerations  of  the  bloodshed.  But  the  utter  over- 

lf<Til  Homildoune  intil  Glendale."— WYNTOWN,  ix,  23,  120.  2"Ut 
putabatur."— EVES.,  180.  3CHRON.  GILES,  29.  4  ANN.,  347.  5Scori- 
CHRON.,  xv,  14.  6"  Infra  spatiurn  unius  horae." — EVES.,  180.  7WALLis, 
ii,  484.  Of.  the  battlefields  of  Builth  and  Senlac. 


XVIII. J        "  And  is  not  this  an  honourable  spoilt "  293 

throw  and  failure  of  the  Scottish  host  was  marked  most  plainly 
by  the  immense  number  of  the  prisoners  taken  alive.  Eighty 
Scottish  Knights  and  Barons  of  high  rank,  together  with  a  large 
host  of  fighting  men,  laid  down  their  arms  and  surrendered  to 
the  Percies.  Amongst  the  prisoners  were  the  two  chiefs  of  the 
expedition.  The  Earl  of  Douglas,  who  had  led  the  charge, 
was  wounded  in  the  face ;  and  Murdoch,  the  son  of  the  Duke 
of  Albany,  was  Captured  in  the  thick  of  the  fight.  Besides 
these,  the  list  of  prisoners  included  the  three  Earls  of  Moray, 
Angus,  and  Orkney,  the  Barons  of  Montgomery,  Erskin,  Seton, 
and  2Abernethy,  8Sir  William  Graham,  Sir  Adam  Forester 
(a  member  of  the  Council  of  Regency),  Sir  Robert  Logan  (the 
4  Admiral  previously  captured  by  the  men  of  Lynn,  but  after- 
wards released),  Sir  David  Flemyng,  and  a  crowd  of  other 
Knights.  Thirty  French  Knights,  with  their  followers,  had 
been  with  the  Scottish  army,  and  many  of  them  fell  prisoners  to 
the  English.  Of  these  we  can  make  out  the  names  of5 Sir 
Jacques  Haleye,  Sir  Piers  Hazar  (or  6  Piers  des  Essars),  Johan 
Dormy,  and  7  Richard  Courshill. 

The  victory  was  a  triumph  of  skill  and  steadiness  over 
8 rashness  and  daring,  and  was  due,  it  was  said,  to  the  advice  of 
the  Scottish  Earl  of  March,  who  urged  Henry  Percy  not  to 
throw  away  the  advantage  of  his  position  for  the  frenzy  of  a 
fight,  or  the  chivalry  of  a  charge.  The  archers  had  decided  all, 
and  the  knighthood  of  Scotland  and  France  were  humbled  and 
overborne. 

°"  Good,  agreeable,  and  acceptable  "  news  of  the  great  victory 

1 "  II  feust  pris  en  champ  come  vaillant  chivaler." — EOT.  PAUL.,  iii, 
487.  2  The  name  appears  variously,  as :  "Andreneth"  (EVES.,  180), 
"Ermesworth"  (ANN.,  346),  "Ennerneth"  (Orr.,  238),  "  Abirnethi  of 
Saltoun"  (SCOTICHEON.,  435).  8RoT.  PARL.,  iii,  487.  *CAPGE.,  277. 
?KoT.  PARL.,  iii,  487.  6Juv.,  421.  7RYM.,  viii,  379.  8"Paroutre- 
cuidance  plus  que  par  sens  et  discretion." — Juv.,  421.  9The  bearer, 
Nicholas  Merbury,  was  well  rewarded.  He  received  a  pension  of  £40  a 
year.  See  PELL  KOLL,  November  3rd,  1405,  in  TYLER,  i,  169.  The  grant 
is  dated  September  25th,  1402,  in  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2, 1. 


294  The  Battle  of  Humbledon. 

was  forwarded  at  once  to  Henry,  who  was  struggling  out  of  his 
wretched  conflict  with  the  elements  in  Wales.  The  prisoners 
were  lodged  in  the  castles  of  Greystoke,  ^imstanborough,  and 
Roxburgh.  Two  of  them — 2  Sir  William  Stewart,  of  Teviotdale, 
and  Thomas  Kerr,  who  had  before  professed  allegiance  to  the 
English  King, — were  summarily  tried  as  traitors,  and  hurried  to 
execution.  Their  bodies  were  quartered,  and  fixed  on  the  gates 
of  York. 

Orders  were  soon  received  from  the  Council  at  Westminster 
3(dated  September  22nd,  1402),  that  the  remainder  of  the 
prisoners  were  not  to  be  ransomed  or  liberated  under  any 
pretext  whatsoever,  while  promises  were  made  that  none  of  their 
captors  should  be  defrauded  of  his  just  dues  whenever  the 
ransoms  were  ultimately  paid.  These  orders  were  to  apply  also 
to  some  4  Scottish  sailors,  who  were  captured  about  the  same 
time  off  the  coast  of  Devon. 

1  CLATTS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  4.       2  WYNTOWN,  ix,  23,  137.       3  RYM.,  viii,  278. 
4  GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  2. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 
THE    SCOTTISH    PRISONERS. 

ON  Saturday,  September  3oth,  1402,  the  fourth  Parliament  of 
Henry's  reign  met  at  Westminster.  It  had  been  Originally 
intended  that  the  members  should  meet  on  September  i5th, 
but,  owing  to  the  alarming  news  from  Scotland,  it  was  decided 
to  postpone  the  opening  of  the  session  till  the  end  of  the  month. 
The  sittings  were  continued  over  eight  weeks  (i.e.,  up  till  Satur- 
day, November  25th),  and  we  have  an  unusually  fullsaccount  of 
the  matters  and  measures  that  came  under  consideration.  After 
a  formal  meeting  and  adjournment,  the  King,  the  Lords,  and 
Commons,  met  in  the  Painted  Chamber  at  Westminster,  on 
Monday,  October  2nd,  when  a  set  speech  was  delivered  by  the 
Lord  Chancellor,  Edmund  Stafford,  Bishop  of  Exeter.  He 
took  for  his  theme  the  passage  :  "  Great  peace  have  they  who 
love  the  law."  Enlarging  on  the  blessings  of  peace,  he  set  forth 
strongly  the,  necessity  of  law  and  obedience,  and  that  without  it 
war  must  come ;  how  Henry  had  been  divinely  commissioned 
to  restore  peace  and  order ;  how  God  had  just  delivered  his 
enemies,  the  Scots,  into  his  hands,  thus  offering  a  rare  oppor- 
tunity for  securing  a  permanent  peace  between  England, 
Scotland,  and  France.  Fifty  years  before,  the  same  opportunity 
had  offered,  when  the  Kings  of  France  and  Scotland  were 
prisoners  in  London  to  Edward  III.,  but  the  chance  had  been 
allowed  to  pass,  and  God  had  since  been  inflicting  chastisement 

1  See  the  original  summons  (dated  June  19th,  in  GLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  8) 
and  the  postponement  (dated  August  14th,  Ibid,  m.  3).  PELLS  ISSUE 
ROLL,  3  H.  IV.,  PASC.  (dated  July  15th),  contains  payment  to  messengers 
carrying  news  of  postponement.  ~  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  485-521 ;  STAT.,  ii, 
132-143. 


296  The  Scottish  Prisoners.  [CHAP. 

on  the  nation  for  its  sins.  Now  again,  also,  there  was  presented 
another  chance  of  restoring  unity  to  the  Church.  The  King  of 
the  Romans,  the  Emperor  Rupert,  had  lately  written  to  Henry, 
\  *as  "the  most  powerful  King  in  the  world,"  requesting  him  to 
do  his  utmost  to  restore  harmony  in  the  Church,  that  there 
might  be  again  "  one  Fold  and  one  Shepherd,"  adding  that  he 
would  willingly  die  to-morrow  if  he  could  see  the  schism  healed. 
I  cannot  find  this  letter  in  any  published  collection ;  but  in  a 
letter  dated  2Heidelberg,  July  22nd,  1402,  the  Emperor 
promises  that  he  will  shortly  send  representatives  to  inform 
Henry  of  the  circumstances  of  his  recent  failure  in  Italy.  These 
messengers  probably  brought  the  letter  referred  to  above,  as 
another  letter  from  Rupert,  dated  3 January  yth,  1403,  notifies 
the  return  of  the  German  Ambassadors  to  their  own  country, 
and  congratulates  Henry  on  his  victory  over  the  Scots.  On  all 
the  above  matters,  as  also  on  the  affairs  of  Wales  and  Ireland, 
the  King  now  asked  advice. 

The  Commons  then  retired,  and  chose  as  their  Speaker  4Sir 
Henry  Retford,  one  of  the  representatives  for  West  Lincolnshire, 
who  was  proposed  to  the  King  on  the  following  day,  and 
accepted.  The  Commons  then,  after  deliberation,  made  request 
that  they  might  be  allowed  to  communicate  and  advise  with 
certain  of  the  Lords  on  the  subjects  now  submitted  for 
consideration,  and  on  Tuesday,  October  loth,  their  request  was 
granted,  four  Bishops  and  eight  lay  Lords  being  commisioned 
to  confer  with  the  Commons.  Among  the  latter  were  the  four 
Earls  of  Northumberland,  Westmoreland,  Worcester,  and 
Somerset.  The  King  took  care  to  explain  that  this  was  a 
favour  specially  granted  for  this  occasion  only,  and  was  not  to 
be  claimed  as  a  precedent  for  any  future  time. 

On  Monday,  October  i6th,  as  a  first  result  of  the  Conference 

i  "  Come  a  le  pluis  puissant  Eoi  du  monde." — EOT.  PARL.,  iii.      2MAB- 
TENE,  i,  1701.      «I&t(Z,  i,  1704.      *  OKD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  160 ;  ii,  76,  86. 


XIX.]         "//  is  a  conquest  for  a  Prince  to  boast  of"  297 

with  the  Committee  of  Lords,  the  Commons  requested  that  the 
King  would  show  some  special  honour  and  thanks  to  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland,  on  this  his  first  appearance  in  the  Parliament 
after  the  recent  discomfiture  of  the  Scots.  Subsequently,  on 
November  6th,  they  begged  that  the  King  would  restore  to  the 
Earl  of  Somerset,  another  member  of  the  advising  Committee, 
his  forfeited  title  of  Marquis  of  Dorset.  But  this  the  Earl 
affected  to  decline,  as  the  title  of  Marquis  was  a  novelty  in  the 
English  peerage. 

On  Friday,  October  2oth,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  and 
others  presented  themselves  before  the  King  and  the  assembled 
Parliament,  in  the  White  Hall  at  Westminster,  bringing  with 
them  young  Murdoch  Stewart,  son  of  the  Duke  of  Albany,  and 
six  of  the  principal  prisoners  taken  at  Humbledon.  The  Earl 
of  Douglas  was  not  amongst  them.  Three  of  them  were  Scotch, 
viz.:  Sir  William  Grahame,  Lord  Montgomery,  and  Sir  Adam 
Forester,  and  with  them  were  three  of  the  French  prisoners, 
two  of  them  Knights  and  one  an  Esquire.  At  the  entrance  of 
the  hall,  all  dropped  on  their  knees.  Thence  advancing  to  the 
middle  of  the  room,  they  kneeled  again.  And  a  third  time  they 
kneeled,  and.  remained  kneeling  before  the  King,  who  stood  in 
front  of  the  throne. 

Sir  Adam  Forester  was  the  spokesman,  and  prayed  for 
honourable  and  gracious  treatment  for  Murdoch  and  the  other 
prisoners,  because  they  had  been  taken  by  the  fortunes  of  war, 
and  some  of  them  were  the  King's  own  kinsmen.  To  this  a 
gracious  answer  was  returned.  Forester,  still  kneeling,  then 
asked  for  a  final  and  favourable  treaty  of  peace  between  the  two 
countries.  But  Henry  answered  that  Forester  had  put  him  off 
with  "white"  words  and  promises  when  he  was  in  Scotland,  two 
years  before.  Had  he  known  then  what  he  knew  now,  he 
would  not  have  trusted  him.  Forester  then  begged  for  pardon. 
Turning  to  Murdoch,  Henry  told  him  that  he  had  nothing  to 


298  The  Scottish  Prisoners.  [CHAP. 

fear,  as  he  was  taken  fighting  like  a  brave  soldier.  All  were 
then  bidden  to  rise,  and  were  afterwards  entertained  at  the 
King's  table  in  the  Painted  Chamber.  In  all  this  singular 
parade,  officially  reported  on  the  Rolls  of  Parliament,  we  seem 
to  have  an  imitation  of  the  ostentatious  chivalry  of  the 
generation  before,  towards  the  captive  King  of  France,  with 
Northumberland  acting  the  part  of  the  Black  Prince,  as  captor. 

Lord  Montgomery  was  detained  in  the  Tower  until  l  Decem- 
ber 26th,  when  Henry  had  him  transferred  to  Windsor,  knowing 
that  he  could,  if  he  would,  supply  valuable  information  as  to 
the  identity  of  the  ^z^/0-Richard,  who  had  been  lately  under 
his  charge.  We  do  not  know  whether  the  Scotchman  kept  his 
secret,  but  he  remained  at  Windsor  till  September  yth,  1403, 
and  was  then  re-transferred  to  the  Tower. 

Before  the  Parliament  closed,  the  Scotch  2Earl  of  March 
prayed  that  he  might  receive  consideration  for  his  services 
against  his  countrymen.  His  claim  received  attention,  and  it 
was  promised  that  any  estates  or  castles  formerly  his,  but  now 
seized  by  the  Scottish  King,  which  might  be  taken  by  the 
English,  should  be  restored  to  him  as  his  own. 

Grants  of  money  were  then  made  for  the  next  three  years,  the 
Customs,  8though  "with  gret  grucching,"  being  fixed  at  the 
usual  high  4rate  of  505.  and  6os.  per  sack  of  wool.  It  was 
suspected  that  the  King  was  accumulating  a  reserve  of  money 
for  use  against  an  evil  day.  He  made  a  statement  denying  this 
and  asserting  that  he  had  nothing  laid  by.  It  was  asked,  where 
was  the  money  that  Richard  was  known  to  have  collected. 
The  King  replied  that  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  had  had  it,~ 
after  his  landing  at  Ravenspur.  Upon  this,  the  5  Commons 
requested  that  the  responsible  officials  should  be  questioned  on 

1  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  30,  35.  2RoT.  PAEL.,  iii,  517.  8"Cum  magna 
difficultate  vix  concessa." — EVES.,  181.  4RoT.  PARL.,iii,  493.  5  EULOG., 
iii,  395. 


XIX.]  Legislation.  299 

this  point,  but  the  request  was  refused.  In  Northumberland 
and  Cumberland,  the  grant  made  in  the  previous  Parliament 
could  not  be  collected,  owing  to  the  destruction  dealt  by  the 
Scots.  On  the  *  2oth  of  November,  an  order  was  issued  remitting 
all  arrears  due  in  these  two  counties,  and  in  the  borough  of 
Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

The  King  was  then  asked  to  use  his  best  endeavours  to  heal 
the  Schism  and  to  restore  unity  in  the  Church,  "  provided  that 
it  did  not  cost  the  country  anything,"  and  after  a  general 
invitation  from  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  to  the  Lords  to 
dine  with  the  King,  the  Parliament  was  dissolved  on  Saturday, 
November  25th,  1402. 

A  large  number  of  petitions  are  on  the  records,  several  of 
which  were  incorporated  into  statutes.  Some  of  them  are  still 
of  interest,  as  bearing  on  the  then  social  condition  of  the 
country. 

To  remedy  the  scarcity  of  coin,  it  was  2  enacted  that  the  third 
part  of  all  the  silver  brought  into  the  country  should  be  coined 
-into  halfpence,  or  farthings.  This  is  to  be  taken  in  connection 
with  the  3  existing  regulations  prohibiting  the  export  of  stamped 
coin  ;  and,  by  adding  a  penalty  to  prevent  goldsmiths  and 
others  from  collecting  and  melting  down  the  coin,  it  was  hoped 
that  small  money  would  be  made  permanently  plentiful. 

The  clergy  were  not  to  hold  their  4  benefices  to  farm,  but  to 
reside  on  them,  and  exercise  hospitality. 

No  farm  labourer,  or  worker  in  the  fields,  was  to  be  allowed 
to  become  an  apprentice,  or  learn  a  mystery  or  trade,  5  unless 
his  parents  could  pay  405.  per  annum,  or  their  property  (catalla)  - 
amounted  to  at  least  ^£40  in  value. 

The  6four  orders  of  Friars  were  forbidden  to  take  the  charge 
of  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age,  without  the  express 


.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  9.       SSTAT.,  4  H-  IV->  caP-  ia       3  Ibid>  caP-  l5* 
*ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  501.      5  ANN.,  349.      6  STAT.,  cap.  17. 


300  The  Scottish  Prisoners.  [CHAP. 

consent  of  their  parents.  The  Commons  likewise  petitioned 
that  none  under  twenty-one  years  of  age  should  be  allowed  to 
enter  the  orders  of  Friars,  but  this  was  not  granted. 

2  Labourers  were  not  to  be  hired  by  the  week,  nor  to  take 
wages  for  working  on  vigils  or  feast  days.  3  Customers  were  to 
reside  at  the  post  where  their  duties  lay.  Victuallers  and 
hostlers  were  to  be  under  strict  regulation,  and  5  each  estate 
was  to  wear  its  own  appropriate  dress,  and  not  array  itself  in 
stuffs  which  were  suited  to  its  betters  only.  E.g.:  none  below 
the  rank  of  Banneret  were  to  wear  gold  cloth,  or  "velvet 
motley,"  large  hanging  sleeves,  long  trailing  gowns,  or  fur. 
The  Churchmen,  Esquires,  Varlets,  and  their  wives,  were  all  to 
keep  to  their  authorized  costumes,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  the  stuff 
and  paying  a  fine  of  £$  to  the  King.  The  preachers  commonly 
vented  their  wrath  against  the  "  sinneful,  costlewe  array  of 
clothing,"  for  in  those  days  "precious  clothing"  was  "culpable 
for  the  "derthe  of  it,  and  for  his  softenesse,  and  for  his  strange- 
nesse  and  disguising,  and  for  the  superfluitee  and  inordinate 
scantnesse  of  it."  Violent  denunciations  were  uttered  against 
the  "cost  of  enbrouding,  disguising,  endenting  or  barring, 
ounding,  paling,  winding  or  bending,  and  semblable  wast  of 
cloth  in  vanitee ; "  "  the  costlewe  furring  in  hir  gounes,  so  moche 
pounsoning  of  chesel  to  maken  holes,  so  moche  dagging  of 
sheres,  with  the  superfluitee  in  length  trailing  in  the  dong  and 
the  myre,  so  that  thilke  trailing  is  veraily  wasted,  consumed, 
thredbare,  and  rotten  with  dong."  The  argument  was  that 
this  "  superfluitee  "  was  all  waste  of  good  cloth,  for  it  could  not 
be  given  to  the  poor,  as  it  was  "  not  convenient  to  were  for  hir 
estate,  ne  suffisant  to  bote  hir  necessitee,  or  keep  hem  fro  the 
distemperance  of  the  firmament." 

1  EOT.  PAUL.,  iii,  502.  2  STAT.,  cap.  14.  8  Ibid,  cap.  20.  *  Ibid,  cap. 
25.  5RoT.  PAUL.,  iii,  506.  6i.e.,  dearness.  —  CHAUCER,  "  Persone's 
Tale,"  p.  533. 


XIX.]  " / smel  a  Loller  in  the  wind!  "  301 

It  was  during  this  *  Parliament,  or  very  soon  after  its  close, 
that  several  important  changes  were  made  in  the  King's  Council. 
Henry  Beaufort,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  half-brother  to  the  King, 
became  Chancellor  in  place  of  the  Bishop  of  Exeter,  while 

2  Guy  de  Mona,   Bishop  of  St.  David's,  became  Treasurer  in 
place   of  Henry  Bowet,   Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells.      3Lord 
Lovell  became  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal,  and  4 Thomas  More, 
Treasurer  of  the  King's  Household. 

Two  years  had  not  yet  passed  since  Chatrys'  death.  The 
statute  against  Lollards  was  the  law  of  the  land.  The  King  and 
the  partisans  of  his  house  showed  no  favour  to  the  heretics ; 
the  great  ones  had  withdrawn  their  patronage,  and  two  at  least 
of  their  most  eminent  leaders  had  been  won  back  to  the  sunshine 
of  the  Court. 

Philip  Repyndon,  the  friend  of  Wycliffe,  was  now  the  rich 
Abbot  of  Leicester,  and  was  soon  to  be  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  in 
which  capacity  it  was  5 boasted  that  "  no  Bishop  of  this  land 
pursueth  now  more  sharply  them  that  hold  that  way  than  he 
doth."  His  fellow-Lollard,  Master  6 Nicholas  Herford,  once 
the  fierce  and  "  profane  heretic  "  of  Oxford,  was  now  declaiming 
stoutly  (viriliter)  against  his  old  associates ;  "conscience  alone 
moving  him," — but  conscience  backed  by  the  favour  of  the  King. 
The  Lollards,  "stuffed  with  the  envy  of  the  Devil,"  brought 
charges  against  him  in  the  courts,  but  the  King  stood  his  friend, 
and  their  "malicious  fabrications"  could  get  no  hearing; 
though  "  full  many  men  wondereth  upon  him,  and  maketh  him 
mickle  shame,  and  holdeth  him  for  a  cursed  enemy  of  the 
truth." 

Few  openly  dared  to  beard  the  Bishops,  armed  with  the  new 
powers  of  the  law.  The  fierce  persecutor,  Archbishop  Arundel, 

1  EVES.,  181.  2See  Ms  appointment  (dated  October  25th,  1402),  in 
PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  24.  «  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  191,  January  21st,  1403. 
4  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  25,  October  22nd.  SENGL.  GARNER,  vi,  63.  6PAT., 

3  H.  IV.,  1,  26,  November  22nd,  1401. 


302  The  Scottish  Prisoners.  [CHAP. 

boasted  Jthat  "God  hath  called  me  again,  and  brought  me  into 
this  land  for  to  destroy  the  false  sect ;  and,  by  God,  I  shall 
pursue  you  so  narrowly  that  I  shall  not  leave  a  step  of  you  in 
this  land."  In  pursuance  of  his  Divine  Mission,  he  spread  his 
nets  for  the  heretics,  caught  them,  and  lodged  them  in  his  "foul 
and  unhonest  prison  "  at  Saltwood  Castle,  on  the  South  Coast 
of  Kent.  Here  they  were  visited  by  spies,  who  wormed  them- 
selves into  their  confidence,  in  order  to  be  produced  as  witnesses 
against  them.  When  the  case  against  them  was  complete,  they 
were  brought  before  the  Archbishop  and  three  or  four  of  his 
clerical  subordinates,  for  private  examination,  to  be  coaxed,  or 
worried,  or  hectored  into  a  formal  submission  to  Mother  Church. 
Some  were  "overcome  and  stopped  with  benefices;"  others, 
after  being  rated  as  "idiots"  and  "lewd  losells,"  and  other  such 
"  wondrous  and  convicious  words,"  by  the  Archbishop,  were 
threatened  "to  be  disgraded,  and  to  follow  their  fellow  to 
Smithfield ; "  while  the  attendants  were  for  burning  them 
"  by  and  by,"  or  pitching  them  into  the  sea  which  was  moaning 
almost  up  to  the  prison  walls.  Nevertheless,  the  fire  was  quick 
in  the  embers,  smouldering  but  not  quenched,  and  "the 
2cockle  "  was  still  springing  in  "  the  clene  corn." 

Sir  Louis  8  Clifford  had  been  formerly  among  the  leading 
supporters  of  the  Lollards,  when  it  had  suited  the  policy  of  the 
great  Duke  of  Lancaster  to  lend  them  his  countenance.  In 
1378,  when  a  younger  man,  he  had  been  a  4 member  of  the 
household  of  Joan,  late  Princess  of  Wales,  the  wife  of  Edward 
the  Black  Prince,  and  the  mother  of  Richard  II.  In  her  name 
he  had  carried  a  haughty  message  to  the  Bishops  at  Lambeth, 
peremptorily  forbidding  them  to  dare  to  put  in  force  the  Bull 
of  Pope  Gregory  XL,  lately  obtained  against  the  arch-heretic, 
John  Wycliffe.  But  times  were  now  changed,  and  Wycliffe's 

i  ENGL.  GARNER,  vi,  109.      2  CHAUCER,  Shipman's  Prol.  12923.      3  ANN., 
174.      *  WALS.,  i,  356. 


XIX. J  "He  shal  no  Gospel  glosen  here  ne  teche." 

then   defender   had   now    become    the    enemy    of    Wycliffe's 
followers. 

Sir  Louis  a  Clifford,  having  had  ample  means  of  knowing  the 
secret  working  and  sympathies  of  the  Wycliffites,  now  laid  an 
information  before  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  exposing 
under  seven  heads  the  main  teachings  of  the  Lollards,  and 
giving  the  names  of  the  leading  preachers,  or  propagators 
of  their  heresy.  The  seven  heads  really  contain  nothing  new 
to  those  who  remember  2the  "message"  publicly  posted  on 
the  doors  of  the  Parliament  House  in  1395,  or  the  charges 
publicly  made  and  publicly  answered  in  the  Chapter  House  at 
St.  Paul's,  early  in  1401.  So  that  these  secret  revelations 
of  the  pestilent  doctrines  of  the  heretics  are  again  not  a  little 
disappointing.  They  assert  that  the  seven  sacraments  are 
only  dead  symbols,  useless  in  their  then  form,  and  that  un- 
married priests  and  nuns  are  not  living  according  to  the  highest 
law  of  God.  That  marriages  made  without  the  sanction  of 
the  Church  are  valid,  nevertheless,  and  that  the  obstinacy  of 
the  Church  was  already  driving  more  persons  than  was  suspected 
to  live  together  without  any  form  of  marriage  at  all.  That  the 
Church  was  "Satan's  synagogue,"  the  Mass,  with  its  "gobet  of 
bread"  (buccella  panis),  being  3the  "topstone  of  Antichrist." 
That  newborn  infants  are  not  made  Christian  by- baptism,  but 
-are  at  their  birth  innocent  of  sin,  though  they  become  denied  if 
they  get  into  the  hands  of  the  priests.  That  no  special  day  is 
holy,  whether  the  Lord's  Day  or  any  other,  but  that  every  day 
that  God  has  made  is  lawful  alike  for  work,  for  eating,  and  for 
drinking.  That  there  is  no  Purgatory  after  this  life,  but  the 
only  penance  for  sin  is  to  repent  of  it  and  to  cease  from  it,- 

remembering  the  words  spoken  to  the  penitent  4  Magdalene  : 

"Thy  faith  hath  made  thee  whole." 

1  ANN.,  347.      2  P.  176.      3  "  Pinnaculum  Antiehristi." — "The  toure  of 
Antichrist."-— CAPGR  ,  280.      4  LUKE,  vii,  50. 


304  The  Scottish  Prisoners.  [CHAP. 

It  may  be  presumed  that  suitable  action  was  taken  on  this 
confidential  information,  which  was  considered  of  sufficient 
importance  to  merit  a  place  at  some  length  in  the  chronicle  of 
the  most  important  events  of  the  year.  Proclamations  were 
issued  by  the  Archbishop,  but  there  was  not  much  fight  in  the 
broken  Lollards,  and  no  one  else  was  burned  at  Chatrys'  stake. 

The  Convocation  had  been  originally  called  for  2  September 
3oth.  It  met  on  the  2ist  of  October,  at  St.  Paul's,  and  on  Fri- 
day, the  2yth,  three  Lollards — named  John  Seygno,  Richard 
Herbert,  and  Emmota  Wylly  (a  woman),  all  Londoners — were 
brought  before  it  for  examination.  Herbert  and  Wylly  straight- 
way abjured,  and  went  their  way ;  but  Seygno  persisted  in 
maintaining  that  the  Jewish  Sabbath  should  be  strictly  observed 
as  ordered  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  that  pork  should  not  be 
eaten  because  it  was  unclean.  Whether  he  thus  reasoned 
against  his  accusers  as  a  reductio  ad  absurdum  of  the  claim  on 
behalf  of  the  literal  binding  force  of  the  Scriptures,  or  whether 
he  was  "  fonding "  as  a  harmless  fanatic  who  would  join  any 
party  that  was  opposed  to  the  claims  of  the  Church,  we  do 
not  know.  He  was  handed  over  to  the  Bishop  of  London  for 
imprisonment,  and  his  case  was  reserved  for  further  con- 
sideration. 

The  tedious  struggle  in  Wales  had  brought  nothing  but 
repeated  failure  to  the  English  arms.  The  Welsh  were  too 
wary  to  trust  themselves  to  an  invasion  which  might  end  in  a 
second  Humbledon,  and  two  English  noblemen  of  high  rank 
were  in  Owen's  power.  Their  rescue  was  becoming  more  and 
more  impossible,  and  it  might  well  be  doubtful  to  many  other 
landowners  on  the  Marches,  how  long  they  should  maintain 
their  allegiance  to  a  distant  Court  in  London,  who  showed  no 
power  to  protect  their  lands  from  devastation,  or  their  persons 
from  imprisonment. 

i  CONC.,  iii,  270.    2  CLAUS.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  7,  July  20th,  1402. 


XIX.]  Release  of  Lord  Grey.  305 

Lord  Grey  of  Ruthin  had  been  now  a  J  close  prisoner  for 
eight  months  in  the  mountains,  and  had  been  pressed  daily  to 
give  up  his  allegiance  and  join  the  rebel  Welsh.  In  the  hope 
of  speedy  deliverance  by  the  English  power,  he  resisted  all 
temptations,  but  now  that  the  great  effort  of  the  year  had  been 
made,  and  had  totally  failed,  Lord  Grey  agreed  to  purchase  his 
freedom  by  paying  10,000  marks  to  his  captor — 6,000  before 
St.  Martin's  Day  (November  Tith),  and  the  remainder  soon 
after,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  his  life.  His  eldest  son  was  to 
remain  a  hostage  in  the  hands  of  the  Welsh,  till  the  whole  sum 
of  money  was  paid.  These  terms  being  reported  to  Henry 
after  his  return  to  London,  it  was  agreed,  on  2  October  i3th, 
that  negociations  should  be  begun  at  once,  and  representatives 
were  appointed,  including  some  of  Lord  Grey's  relations,  to 
consider  the  matter  without  delay.  On 8  Monday,  October  i6th, 
the  House  of  Commons  petitioned  in  the  same  sense,  and  it  is 
noticeable  that  now,  for  the  first  time,  the  business  is  to  be 
transacted  with  "the  aforesaid  Owen  ^and  his  Council." 

Lord  Grey  himself  was  subsequently  set  at  liberty.  He 
appeared  in'  the  Chancery,  in  London,  in  person,  to  witness 
and  put  his  signature  to  a  deed,  on  the  529th  of  January,  1404. 

x"En  forte  et  dure  prison  en  Gales  tres  dolorousement."—  ROT.  PARL., 
iii,  487.  2  RYM.,  viii,  279.  3  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  487.  4  "  Et  concilio  suo." — 
RYM.,  viii,  279.  5  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  13. 


CHAPTER    XX. 

THE    KING'S    MARRIAGE. 

BEFORE  the  Parliament  was  dismissed,  plans  had  been  at  last 
laid  for  bringing  over  the  Duchess  of  Brittany  to  England,  that 
she  might  be  formally  married  and  crowned  as  Henry's  Queen. 
In  spite  of  the  breakdown  of  the  first  arrangements,  further 
orders  had  been  issued,  1on  the  27th  of  August,  1402,  requiring 
twenty  large  ships,  from  any  part  of  the  coast  between  London 
and  Bristol,  to  be  assembled  with  all  possible  speed  at  South- 
ampton, in  readiness  to  conduct  the  new  Queen  across  from 
Brittany  in  the  following  month.  But  it  was  again  found 
impossible  to  carry  out  the  proposal,  though,  of  course,  the 
ships  and  other  preparations  had  to  be  paid  for.  The  2  Issue 
Roll  of  the  Exchequer  records  a  payment  (dated  October  30th) 
of  ^255  for  the  hire  of  ships  and  the  payment  of  sailors,  while 
^766  had  been  already  divided  among  the  Commissioners 
appointed  to  carry  out  the  arrangements  for  the  passage. 
Messengers  had  been  again  sent  out  to  several  noble  ladies,  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  meet  the  new  Queen  on  her 
arrival.  The  contract  signed  at  Eltham,  on  April  3rd,  was  a 
binding  and  solemn  engagement,  and  already  in  official 
3  documents  Johanna  is  commonly  referred  to  as  Henry's 
"  most  dear  Consort  and  Queen  ;  "  while  in  a  paper  dated 
December  3oth,  '1402,  Charles  III.,  King  of  Navarre,  the 
brother  of  Johanna,  is  called  by  Henry  "  our  most  dear  brother," 
though  the  ceremony  of  marriage  did  not  take  place  till  some 
six  weeks  later. 


AT.,  3  H.  IY.,  2,  4.  2  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  4  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  October 
9th,  19th,  and  30th,  1402.  3B,YM.,  viii,  280,  281,  dated  October  24th, 
November  8th,  10th,  and  12th,  1402. 


Storms.  307 

The  Commissioners  deputed  to  bring  Johanna  across  the 
Channel  were  Henry  Beaufort,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  John  Beau- 
fort, Earl  of  Somerset  (half-brothers  to  the  King),  Lord  de  la 
Zouche,  and  Thomas  Percy,  Earl  of  Worcester,  who  had  been, 
with  the  Earl  of  Somerset,  one  of  the  witnesses  to  the  marriage 
contract,  at  Eltham.  From  Southampton,  they  forwarded  to 
the  Council,  in  London,  an '  urgent  statement  of  the  funds 
which  would  be  required  to  defray  the  cost  of  the  convoying 
party,  but  they  received  no  answer.  Accordingly,  the  headers 
pledged  themselves  personally  to  pay  the  wages  of  the  crews, 
and  others  engaged,  for  fifteen  days  at  least ;  and,  after  some 
murmuring  and  objection,  the  fleet,  2having  on  board  a  large 
number  of  armed  soldiers,  set  sail  from  Southampton  on 
November  28th,  1402. 

But  before  they  could  sight  the  shores  of  Brittany  they  were 
caught  in  a  furious  storm  in  the  Channel,  and  though  they  got 
within  view  of  the  coast  they  were  unable  to  land ;  and  after 
beating  about  in  great  danger  for  eleven  days  they  only  saved 
themselves  from  being  driven  across  the  3Bay  of  Biscay  by 
making  for  -Plymouth,  which  they  reached  with  some  difficulty 
on  December  9th,  1402. 

Whatever  had  been  the  expectations  of  Johanna  in  arranging 
this  marriage  with  the  King  of  England,  she  had  soon  found 
that  circumstances  were  too  strong  for  her  control.  Her  own 
people  were  divided  in  opinion.  Many  of  them  were  fiercely 
jealous  of  the  interference  of  France,  but  it  is  more  than  likely 
that  the  same  section  would  look  with  equal  or  greater  disfavour 
on  the  interference  of  England.  On  October  ist,  1402,  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  her  mother's  brother,  came  to  Nantes,  "at 
the  request  of  Johanna,"  says  a  contemporary  4Breton  chronicle, 

1  See  the  claim  of  the  Earl  of  Arundel  for  £27  8s.,  payment  to  thirty- 
six  men,  with  provisions  and  arms,  in  KYM.,  viii,  285.  2 "Maximo 
armatorum  numero  munitam." — LOBINEAU,  ii,  874,  from  CHRON.  BRIOC. 
8"Davoir  ale  en  le  meer  D'Espaigne." — ORD.PRIV.  Co.,  i,  189.  4  CHRON. 
BRIOC.,  in  LOBINEAU,  ii,  878. 


308  The  King's  Marriage.  [CHAP. 

and  on  the  ipth  of  October,  acting  on  the  advice  of  many 
Breton  Bishops  and  nobles,  she  gave  up  to  him  the  government 
of  Brittany,  together  with  the  custody  of  her  three  sons,  John, 
Arthur,  and  1  Giles  (Egidius),  the  eldest  boy  being  then  thirteen 
years  of  age.  With  them  she  2  surrendered  her  dowry,  received 
under  the  will  of  her  late  husband,  accepting  in  exchange  a 
certain  allowance  annually  for  her  personal  expenses.  The 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  for  his  part,  undertook  the  charge  of  the 
children,  in  his  3private  capacity  as  their  near  relation,  promising 
on  oath  not  to  abuse  the  trust,  but  to  let  the  children  return  to 
Brittany  during  their  mother's  absence,  if  requested  by  her  or 
the  Bishops  or  Barons. 

On  November  i8th,  an  agreement  was  entered  into  between 
Johanna  and  her  eldest  son,  John  V.,  on  the  one  part,  and  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  and  his  sons — John,  Count  of  Nevers,  and 
Anthony,  Count  of  Rethel — on  the  other,  for  mutual  assistance 
against  all  opponents  except  the  King  of  France,  the  Dauphin, 
the  Duke  of  Berri,  and  the  King  of  Navarre.  The  Duke  of 
Burgundy  then  put  French  garrisons  in  all  the  fortified  towns  of 
Brittany,  and  having  thus  completely  4  checkmated  the  English 
influence  he  left  Nantes  for  Paris,  taking  with  him  the  three 
children.  Dressed  in  crimson  velvet,  and  richly  attended,  they 
were  heartily  welcomed  at  the  French  Court,  and  ostentatiously 
entertained.  On  5 January  yth,  1403,  the  boy  John  did  homage 
to  the  French  King  as  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  took  his  place  as 
a  Peer  of  France,  in  presence  of  a  brilliant  assemblage,  in  the 
Hotel  of  St.  Paul. 

No  sooner  had  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  departed  than  Johanna 
attempted  to  hand  over  the  custody  of  the  city  of  Nantes  to 
Olivier  de  Clisson,  a  leader  of  the  Breton  party,  opposed  to  the 

1  Called  "  Richard,"  in  Juv.,  422.  2  MONSTR.,  1,  ch.  v.  3"Tanquam 
amicus  et  genere  propinquus  et  non  aliter. — LOBINEAU,  ii,  878.  4 "Par  ce 
fut  fraudee  la  dite  Duchesse  de  son  intention."— Juv.,  423.  6  KECEUIL 
DBS  TRAITEZ,  i,  363. 


XX.]          "  Semi 'table  wast  that  is  abusion  to  thinke"  309 

influence  of  the  French.  But  the  captain  of  the  town  remained 
faithful  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  Johanna's  last  struggle 
to  free  herself  remained  absolutely  without  effect  On  Decem- 
ber 26th,  1402,  Accompanied  by  her  little  girls  and  Marie 
Sante,  she  left  Nantes  on  her  journey  to  her  new  home. 

Meantime  the  English  squadron,  having  waited  for  a  better 
passage,  had  made  the  voyage  from  Plymouth,  and  was  waiting 
in  the  harbour  of2Cameret,  near  Crozon,  opposite  to  Brest. 
Here  there  was  feasting  on  a  colossal  scale.  More  than  TOO 
barrels  of  wine  were  purchased,  at  an  average  price  of  765.  8d. 
per  barrel,  and  the  3  drink  bill  alone  reached  the  appalling  figure 
of  4^384  1 6s.,  all  of  which  was  charged  to  the  English 
Exchequer.  Corresponding  preparations  had  been  long  made 
to  give  the  strangers  plenty  to  eat  and  drink  when  they  should 
arrive  in  England ; — 64  barrels  of  flour  and  beer  being  ready 
5for  the  Queen,  "against  her  arrival." 

In  the  evening  of  Saturday,  January  i3th,  1403,  Johanna 
went  on  board.  On  the  following  morning  they  set  sail  for 
Southampton,  but  were  carried  out  of  their  course,  and  after 
6  five  boisterous  winter  days  and  nights  at  sea  they  made  the 
coast  of  Cornwall,  where  they  landed  at  7  Falmouth,  on  the 
1 9th  of  January. 

1RoT.  PARL.,  iii,  527.  2  Portum  vulgariter  nuncupation  Quamereuth 
Crauzon. — LOBINEAU,  ii,  878.  3  Some  idea  of  the  drinking  capacities  of 
the  English  nation  may  be  formed  by  referring  to  ROGERS  (i,  506),  where 
Robert  Oldham,  the  Cuxham  Bailiff,  orders  five  gallons  of  Gascony  in 
talking  over  his  bargain  for  a  millstone  with  the  London  dealer.  4  PELLS 
ISSUE  ROLL,  4  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  March  26th,  where  the  port  is  called 
Croudon,  in  Brittany.  5  Ibid,  has  an  entry  (dated  October  2nd,  1402) 
for  providing  the  empty  barrels.  6"  Licet  infortunia  multotiens  perpessi 
fuissent."— ANN.,  350.  7CHRON.  R.  II. -H.  VI..  p.  29,  which  is  usually  a 
mere  translation  of  EULOG.,  inserts:  "and  landed  at  Falemouth,  in 
Cornewaile."  This  is  interesting,  as  showing  the  existence  of  the  town 
of  Falmouth  at  least  as  early  as  1470,  and  probably  long  before,  though 
it  is  commonly  supposed  to  have  had  no  existence  till  long  afterwards. 
GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  19  (dated  January  llth,  1401),  is  conclusive  on  this 
point.  In  it  "  Fowe  and  Falmouth"  are  ordered  and  required  to  furnish 
one  balinger  between  them.  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2, 3,  contains  a  proclamation 
(dated  June  26th,  1404)  addressed  to  the  Bailiffs  of  the  town  of  Falmouth 
(mile  de  Ffalmuth). 


3io  The  King's  Marriage.  [CHAP. 

The  King  was  at  Windsor,  whence  he  moved  to  Winchester 
to  meet  his  long-expected  bride,  accompanied  by  a  brilliant 
1  throng  of  nobles  and  their  ladies.  He  was  at 2  Reading  Abbey 
on  the  1 5th  of  January,  where  he  took  up  a  large  consignment 
of  rich  cloth  of  gold  as  a  8 present  for  Johanna,  for  which  the 
country  had  to  pay  ^200. 

On  February  yth,  the  marriage  was  celebrated,  with  great 
pomp,  in  the  old  Minster  of  St.  Swithin's,  at  Winchester,  by  the 
Chancellor,  Henry  Beaufort,  Bishop  of  Lincoln;  the  aged 
Bishop,  William  of  Wickham,  being  too  infirm  to  be  present. 
The  expenses  for  the  marriage-day  at  Winchester  are  put  down 
at  ^433  6s-  8d.  4  Besides  this,  the  Prior  of  Winchester 
obligingly  lent  200  marks,  which  had  afterwards  to  be  paid  from 
the  Exchequer.  The  young  Princes,  John  and  Humphrey,  had 
handsomely  ordered  a  pair  of  tablets  from  a  London  goldsmith, 
at  a  cost  of  ^£79,  as  a  present  for  their  new  mother.  The 
King's  marriage-gift  was  a  collar,  purchased  from  a  London 
jeweller  for  500  marks  (.£433  6s.  8d.)  5A11  these  items  were, 
in  due  course,  charged  to  the  country. 

Henry  and  his  wife  afterwards  proceeded  to  the  capital. 
They  were  met  at  Blackheath,  with  6  great  ceremony,  by  the 
citizens,  and  passed  by  Cheapside  to  Westminster,  where 
Johanna  was  solemnly  crowned  in  the  Abbey  as  Queen  of 
England.  After  the  coronation  came  the  "bake  metes  and 
dishe  metes,  brenning  of  wilde  fire  and  peinted  and  castelled 
with  paper  and  semblable  wast,"  and  "  outrageous  appareilling." 
'Jousts  were  held,  where  the  young  Earl  of  Warwick  was 
champion  for  the  Queen,  and  behaved  himself  "  notably  and 
knyghtly." 

1T<3ta  pene  regni  nobilitas  procerum  et  dominarum. — ANN.,  350.  ~  PAT., 
4  H.  IV.,  1,  6.  SPELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  5  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  February  19th, 
1404.  *Ibid.  *Ibid,  4  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  February  19th;  Ibid,  PASC.,  July 
20th,  September  4th.  6See  extracts  from  the  books  of  the  Grocers' 
Company,  in  HERBERT,  i,  91,  and  cf.  CHAUCER,  Persone's  Tale,  pp.  536, 
563.  i  See  them  figured  in  STRUTT,  ii,  plates  x,  xi ;  BEAUCHAMP  MSB., 
temp.  Ed.  IV. 


XX.]  The  Dmvry.  311 

An  annuity  of  10,000  marks  (or  ^6,666)  per  annum  was 
settled  on  the  new  Queen.  The  grant  was  announced  on  the 
8th  of  March,  but  it  was  specially  provided  that  it  should  be 
payable  from  the  8th  of  February,  the  day  after  the  marriage ; 
and  the  towns  of  Ipswich,  Yarmouth,  Bristol,  Bedford,  and 
1  Derby,  shared  with  others  the  burden  and  the  honour  of 
contributing  to  this  extravagant  provision.  Early  in  the  summer 
of  1403,  a  Councillor  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  together  with 
thirteen  knights,  crossed  to  England  to  transact  state  business 
with  Queen  Johanna. 

i  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  4,  9,  10,  17,  21,  33 ;  also  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  1. 


CHAPTER    XXL 

TlMUR. 

HERE,  for  a  moment,  our  thoughts  must  pause  for  a  short 
retrospect  of  what  had  been  passing  in  the  distant  East.  It  will 
be  remembered  that  the  Emperor  Manuel  II,  had  left  London 
in  January,  1401,  having  failed  to  secure  the  help  he  asked 
against  the  Turks.  The  Emperor  did  not  at  once  return  to  his 
own 'country,  but  remained  for  eighteen  months  longer  in  Paris, 
where  he  continued  to  live  with  all  his  retinue  at  the  French 
people's  expense.  To  his  nephew,  John  Palaeologus,  who 
remained  at  Constantinople,  he  wrote  informing  him  that  little 
or  no  help  must  be  looked  for  from  the  West,  and  the  Imperial 
City  seemed  to  be  sinking,  without  possibility  of  recovery,  to  its 
last  death-gasp.  Hemmed  in  by  the  Turks,  it  was  barely  able 
to  keep  resistance  alive,  being  defended  by  a  small  and  gallant 
band  of  Christians  from  every  part  of  the  world,  among  whom 
were  reckoned  a  few  devoted  English  Knights. 

On  xjune  ist,  1402,  John  Palaeologus  wrote  urgently  to 
Henry  that  the  end  must  now  soon  come.  "  Straightened  and 
pressed  by  the  infidels  on  every  side,  wasted  in  strength,  power, 
and  resources,  the  city  lies  prostrate,  no  longer  able  to  attack 
its  enemy  or  even  to  defend  itself.  Without  instant  help  it 
must  be  lost,  and  the  name  of  Christ  be  clean  wiped  out  and 
forgotten  in  the  East."  But  ere  this  last  despairing  letter  could 
be  received  in  England,  the  infidels  were  crushed  and  the  city 
providentially  relieved. 

On  the  928th  of  July,  1402,  the  Turkish  armies  were  defeated 

1  EOT.  LET.,  i,  101.  z  GIBBON,  viii,  54,  following  ART  DE  VERIF.,  i,  493. 
SCHILTBEEGEE  (21)  and  CLAVUO  (xlix)  give  July  20th. 


"Archbishop"  Greenlaw.  313 

by  Timur,  at  Angora.  Bajazet  was  captured;  Broussa  was 
plundered  ;  Smyrna  carried  by  storm,  and  all  Western  Asia  was 
in  the  power  of  the  Tartar  conqueror. 

Timur,  the  scourge  of  Asia,  was  a  1  descendant  of  the  great 
Zengis  Khan.  He  is  2  variously  described  as  a  Mongol,  a 
Tartar,  a  Turk,  or  a  Zagatai  ;  under  all  of  which  names  we  must 
be  content  to  recognize  his  kinship  with  the  wild  wandering 
tribes  of  Central  and  Eastern  Asia.  He  was  now  an  old  man, 
so  blind  that  "his  eyelids  had  fallen  down  altogether,"  and  he 
was  rapidly  drawing  to  the  end  of  his  wonderful  and  bloody 
career.  In  1362  he  had  been  3  wounded  in  the  hand  and  foot 
by  the  Belooches  of  Seistan.  Hence  he  was  known  as  Timur 
lenc  (or  "  the  lame  "),  which  name  appears  in  Western  Europe 
in  the  popular  forms  of  4"  Tamerlane,"  or  5"Tamburlant," 
though  in  official  communications  he  is  styled  G"Themurbey," 
or  "Timur  Bey."  In  1369,  he  had  established  himself  in 
Samarcand,  from  whence  his  mighty  arm  could  strike  at  China 
on  the  East  and  the  Ottoman  conquerors  on  the  West.  In  the 
extremity  of  their  prostration,  the  Christians  of  the  East  of 
Europe  were  swift  to  recognize  a  welcome  ally  in  the  infidel 
Timur,  and  already  the  7  Greeks  in  Constantinople  and  the 
Genoese  in  Pera  had  offered  to  work  with  him  against  their 
common  enemy,  the  Turks.  The  Western  Christians,  also, 
were  not  behindhand,  and  England  took  her  part  with  the  rest 
in  courting  the  friendship  of  the  bloodstained  and  savage 
conqueror. 

An  Englishman,  John  Greenlaw,  a8  Dominican  Friar,  had  for 
some  time  past  made  himself  prominent  in  the  East  by  his  zeal 
in  stirring  the  Christian  part  of  the  population  against  the  Turks. 
He  had  carried  his  life  in  his  hand  in  long  and  distant  journeys, 


,  128.  aibtd,  lii,  120,  &c.  *Ibid,  xxiii.  *Ibid,  76.  5MoNSTR., 
«.  16.  6  ROY.  LET.,!,  425.  ?CLAVuo,76.  8  ELLIS  (ORIG.  LET.,  III.,  1,  55), 
quoting  WADDING,  calls  him  a  Minorite,  or  Franciscan. 


314  Timur.  [CHAP. 

and  exposed  himself  to  great  and  varied  dangers.  In  recognition 
of  his  services,  he  was  consecrated  in  October,  1400,  by  Pope 
Boniface  IX.,  with  the  sounding  title  of  Archbishop  of  Ethiopia 
and  the  East,  with  his  See  at  Soldania,  or  Sultanieh,  the  prin- 
cipal city  of  Azerbijan,  near  the  south-west  corner  of  the 
Caspian  Sea,  on  the  route  to  Tabreez,  Samarcand,  and  the 
East.  The  scity  was  not  fortified,  but  commanded  by  a  castle. 
It  was  of  comparatively  recent  origin,  having  been  founded 
by  a  descendant  of  Zengis  Khan,  in  1303.  It  rapidly  rose 
in  importance,  so  that  it  rivalled  Tabreez.  It  was  well  placed 
on  the  converging  lines  of  caravan  routes  from  the  East, 
and  during  June,  July,  and  August,  in  each  year,  a  fair  was 
held,  at  which  great  traffic  was  done  in  silks,  cotton,  spices, 
pearls,  and  precious  stones,  from  India,  China,  Ormuz,  and  the 
Caspian.  3In  1318,  Pope  John  XXII.  had  set  up  an  Arch- 
bishopric of  Sultanieh.  The  first  Archbishop  was  a  Dominican, 
Francis  of  Perugia,  and  his  successors  can  be  traced  down  to 
1425.  But  their  4 flock  consisted  of  a  very  few  resident  Greek 
Catholics,  Dominicans,  and  renegade  Armenians,  supplemented 
by  the  Genoese  and  Venetian  merchants,  and  other  Christian 
traders  who  attended  the  annual  fair. 

Archbishop  Greenlaw  led  a  roving  life  in  Asia  Minor,  and 
was  the  medium  of  communication  between  the  Courts  of 
Europe  and  the  potentates  of  the  East.  He  had  already 
established  an  understanding  with  Timur,  before  the  fall  of 
Bajazet,  thinking  it  all  fair  to  negociate  with  one  infidel  for  the 
ruin  of  another.  Timur  had  many  children.  His  eldest  and 
favourite  son,  5Jehanghir,  had  died  in  1372,  at  the  age  of  twenty 
years,  and  was  buried  at  Kesh.  Besides  him,  we  know  the 

JFor  the  confusion  between  Asiatic  and  African  Ethiopians  see 
HOWORTH,  i,  535.  2  In  June,  1404,  it  was  visited  by  Clavijo  and  his  fellow 
ambassadors,  who  stayed  there  three  days  on  their  way  to  Samarcand. — 
CLAVIJO,  pp.  92-97.  3  CATHAY,  AND  THE  WAY  THITHER. — 49,  note  B, 
quoted  in  SCHILTBERGER,  132.  4  CLAVIJO,  84,  171.  6 Ibid,  123. 


XXL]  Miran  Shah  315 

names  of  two  other  sons,  *  Miran  Shah,  and  Shah  Rokh  (the 
ancestor  of  the  Great  Moguls).  Miran,  the  eldest  surviving 
son,  was  2now  thirty-six  years  old.  As  age  and  infirmity 
increased  on  the  great  Timur,  Miran  became  the  object  of  much 
court,  and  the  centre  of  much  intrigue.  In  1389,  he  was 
Governor  of  Khorassan,  with  the  title  of  Shah.  Ten  years 
later  he  received  the  government  of  Azerbijan,  with  his  residence 
at  Tabreez.  He  showed  open  favour  to  the  Christian  traders 
and  3  missionaries  from  the  West,  and  expressed  to  Greenlaw 
his  wish  to  enter  also  into  a  treaty  with  the  King  of  England. 

It  was  while  Miran  was  still  a  powerful  chief  that  Greenlaw 
was  commissioned  4by  him  to  open  communications  with  the 
King  of  France,  proposing,  in  the  name  of  Timur,  an  alliance 
against  the  Turks,  their  common  enemy,  and  promising 
favourable  treatment  for  the  French  King's  subjects  in  trading 
with  the  East.  The  conquerors  showed  every  indication  of  a 
wish  to  live  peaceably  with  their  Christian  neighbours,  and  now, 
after  the  victory  of  Angora,  Archbishop  Greenlaw  was  again 
employed  to  bear  letters  from  Timur  to  the  King  of  England. 
In  these  he  informed  him  of  his  complete  and  miraculous 
victory  over  the  Turks,  and  expressed  his  wish  that  English 
traders  should  continue  to  visit  the  country  as  in  time  past,  and 
promised  them  his  special  protection. 

Timur  returned  to  Samarcand,  and  Greenlaw  arrived  in 
England,  bearing  his  letters,  in  the  winter  of  1402.  He  left 
again  to  return  to  his  diocese  in  February,  1403.  The  English 
King  gave  him  6letters  of  protection  for  his  journey.  He 

Called  variously  "  Mirza  Miran  Schab "  (CLAVIJO,  193),  "Mirassa 
Amirassa"  (RoY.  LET.,  i,  425),  "Miran  Meerzfi"  (CLAVIJO,  xlviii),. 
"  Miraschach "  (  SCHILTBERGER,  30),  "  Mirauxa "  (VELLI,  xii,  336). 
*  CLAVIJO,  xliv.  3  Proesertim  viros  religiosos  et  Catholicos  Francos. — 
BOY.  LET.,  i,  425.  *  "  De  mandate  filii  vestri  magnified" — ORIG.  LET., 
III.,  i,  56.  5  See  letters  in  TRESOR  DES  CHARTRES,  INVENT.  DE  LA  BIBL. 
ROYALE,  6765,  f.  99,  in  VELLI,  xii,  336;  CHRON.  ST.  DENYS,  xxiv,  19. 
CORIG.  LET.,  III.,  i,  55,  dated  London,  February  12th. 


3i  6  Timur.  [CHAP. 

travelled  by  Rome  and  Venice,  bearing  communications  to  the 
King  of  Cyprus,  the  King  of  Abkhasia  (a  district  in  the  Cau- 
casus, confounded  in  the  minds  of  Europeans  with  Abyssinia, 
hence  its  King  was  identified  with  the  mysterious  ^rester  John, 
with  his  2"  large  wones,"  and  "al  his  tresorie"),  the  Emperor 
of  Constantinople,  the  King  of  Georgia,  and  the  Emperor  of 
Trebizond  (Manuel  II.),  who,  though  long  independent  of 
3 Constantinople,  had  become  a  tributary  of  Timur.  He  carried 
letters  written  by  Henry  both  to  Timur  and  his  son,  expressing 
readiness  to  enter  into  relations  of  friendliness  with  the  con- 
quering Mussulmans.  "  Would  that  the  day  might  dawn,"  he 
wrote  in  his  letter  to  Timur,  "  in  which  your  Highness  would 
profess  the  religion  of  Christ,  and  stand  up  in  power  as  the 
champion  of  the  Christian  Church  against  the  enemies  of  the 
Cross  !  "  But  the  hand  which  penned  this  pious  wish  had  not 
the  hardihood  to  send  it  to  the  brutal  miscreant  at  Samarcand, 
and  the  passage  stands  timidly  cancelled  to  this  day  in  the 
4 draft,  which  may  yet  be  seen  in  the  national  collection  in 
London. 

Whenever  Infidels  and  Christians  met  each  other  with  kind- 
ness and  courtesy,  the  Christians  affected  to  believe  that  their 
opponents  were  really  Christians  in  disguise,  though  they  did 
not  dare  to  say  so.  Thus,  when  the  Earl  of  Warwick  met  "  Sir 
Balderdain,"  the  Sultan's  representative  at  Jerusalem,  the  English 
5 Earl  declared  that  the  Turk  "in  secrete  wise  tolde  him  that  in 
his  hert,  thowe  he  durst  not  utter  his  concept,  yet  he  faithfully 
beleved  as  we  do."  But  the  great  deeds  of  this  latest  would-be 
champion  of  the  Church  of  Christ  are  too  monstrous  and  too 
startling  to  be  left  altogether  without  comment. 

J  Originally  Khan  of  the  Karaites,  a  people  in  the  East  of  Asia,  living 
between  the  sources  of  Yenesei  and  the  Hoangho,  converted  by  Nestorian 
missionaries  in  the  twelfth  century.  —  HOWOETH,  i,  536.  2  CHAUCER, 
Flower  and  Leaf,  201.  3  Trebizond  made  itself  independent  of  Constan- 
tinople in  1186,  and  had  a  line  of  Emperors  of  its  own  down  to  1461. — 
CLAVIJO,  61,  62n-  4MS.  Nero  B,  xi,  172,  in  ORIG.  LET.,  III.,  i,  54. 
5  Boss,  Life  of  Earl  of  Warwick,  in  JUL.  E,  iv,  202 ;  with  plate  xxv,  in 
STRUTT,  vol.  ii. 


XX I. J  Ruy  Gonzalez  de  Clavijo.  317 

When  only  x  twenty  years  of  age,  he  was  seized  with  com- 
punctions of  conscience,  and  vowed  that  he  would  never  injure 
any  living  creature.  Great  was  his  grief  when  he  found  that  he 
had  unintentionally  trodden  on  an  ant.  He  felt  that  his  foot 
had  lost  its  power.  Yet  here  are  some  of  his  well-authenticated 
acts,  after  he  had  climbed  to  power  amidst  a  hurricane  of  blood. 
In2 1 387,  at  the  capture  of  Ispahan,  he  had  7,000  children 
under  seven  years  of  age  trampled  to  death  in  the  sight  of  their 
mothers,  being  himself  the  first  to  ride  over  their  bodies  when 
his  followers  held  back  from  carrying  out  the  foul  order.  In 
1401,  at  3Sivas,  or  Sebaste,  he  induced  the  principal  defenders 
of  the  city  to  come  out  to  him,  under  promise  that  he  would 
"  cause  no  blood  to  be  shed ; "  which  promise  he  kept  to  the 
letter,  for  he  had  holes  dug,  and  buried  the  unfortunate  men 
alive,  thus  securing  the  fall  of  the  city,  which  he  immediately 
plundered  and  destroyed.  After  the  fall  of 4  Damascus,  in  1402, 
60,000  "white  Tartars"  were  killed  at  Damgham,  near  Astera- 
bad.  The  dead  bodies  were  left  in  heaps  of  ten  or  twenty  at 
the  side  of  the  roads,  and  two  tall  towers  were  built  of  their 
heads,  plastered  with  mud.  No  wonder  that  5after  Timur  was 
dead  "  the  priests  heard  him  howl  every  night  during  a  whole 
year."  Then  large  numbers  of  prisoners  were  released  at 
.Samarcand,  and  after  they  were  set  free,  "Tamerlin  did  not 
howl  any  more." 

But  we  are  fortunate  in  possessing  the  personal  narrative  of  a 
Spanish  traveller,  who  journeyed  to  Samarcand  and  saw  the 
great  conqueror  in  his  own  Court  a  year  before  he  died.  This 
famous  narrative  has  been  often  quoted,  but  it  is  of  such  rare 
authenticity,  and  so  racily  and  minutely  graphic,  that  I  think  it 
will  be  instructive  to  conclude  this  chapter  with  a  short  abstract 

1  Memoirs,  quoted  in  CLAVIJO,  xvi.  2 SCHILTBERGER,  28.  3  CLAVIJO,  75. 
*  Ibid,  102,  who  saw  the  towers  as  he  passed  the  place  in  July,  1404. 
3  SCHILTBERGER,  30. 


3i8  Timur.  [CHAP. 

of  the  impressions  made  on  a  cultivated  European  by  the  great 
Timur,  just  in  the  very  year  when  he  was  conducting  his  diplo- 
matic correspondence  with  the  polished  and  chivalrous  Courts 
of  England,  France,  and  Spain. 

Henry  III.,  King  of  Castille,  had  married  Catherine,  a 
half-sister  of  Henry,  King  of  England.  Two  Castilian  envoys 
were  present  at  the  battle  of  Angora,  and  were  treated  with 
distinction  by  Timur,  who  on  their  return  to  Europe  sent  with 
them  an  envoy,  Mohammed  al  Cazi,  with  rich  presents  to  the 
King  of  Castille. 

A  return  embassy  started  from  Cadiz  on  Monday,  May  2ist, 
1403,  travelling  by  Constantinople  to  Trebizond,  through 
Armenia,  and  across  the  deserts  of  Khorassan  and  Khiva.  At 
Sultanieh,  they  had  an  interview  with  2Miran  Shah  (June  23rd, 
1404).  He  was  then  forty  years  of  age,  "a  large,  corpulent, 
and  gouty  man."  He  had  been  deprived  of  his  government  of 
Azerbijan  two  years  before;  and  a  grandson  of  Timur,  3Omar 
Sheikh,  had  been  appointed  in  his  place.  After  many  delays 
and  dangers,  by  sea  and  land,  the  Spaniards  reached  Samarcand 
on  Sunday,  August  3ist,  1404,  and  on  Monday,  September  8th, 
they  had  an  audience  with  Timur.  One  of  the  ambassadors, 
Ruy  Gonzalez  de  Clavijo,  has  left  an  account  of  the  details  of 
the  journey.  They  found  Timur  seated  in  a  portal,  in  front  of 
the  entrance  of  a  beautiful  palace.  "He  was  sitting  on  the 
ground,  and  before  him  there  was  a  fountain  which  threw  up 
water  very  high,  and  in  it  there  were  some  red  apples.  The 
great  Lord  was  seated  cross-legged  on  silken  embroidered 
carpets,  amongst  round  pillows.  He  was  dressed  in  a  robe  of 
silk,  with  a  high  white  hat  on  his  head,  on  the  top  of  which  was 
a  spinal  (?)  ruby  with  pearls  and  precious  stones  set  round  it." 
They  were  brought  close  to  him,  "  that  the  Lord  might  see  them 

1  CLAVIJO,  4.      z  Ibid,  97.      *  Hid,  84. 


XXI.]  "A  gret  solempne  Route"  319 

better,  for  his  eyesight  was  bad,  being  so  old  that  the  eyelids 
had  fallen  down  entirely."  "At  this  time  he  was  *  infirm,  and 
could  neither  go  about  on  foot  nor  on  horseback,  but  only  in  a 
litter."  Turning  to  the  nobles  round  him,  2he  said  :  "  Behold, 
here  are  the  ambassadors  sent  by  my  son,  the  King  of  Spain, 
who  is  the  greatest  King  of  the  Franks,  and  lives  at  the  end  of 
the  world.  These  Franks  are  truly  a  great  people,  and  I  will 
give  my  benediction  to  the  King  of  Spain,  my  son."  Such,  at 
least,  was  the  language  diplomatically  used  in  presence  of  the 
strangers,  but  in  private  the 3  remarks  were  not  so  complimentary. 

They  were  served  at  a  state  banquet  with  portions  cut  from 
the  haunch  of  a  horse,  and  "  pieces  of  the  tripes  of  horses  about 
the  size  of  a  man's  fist,  and  whole  sheep's  heads  served  up  with 
soup  and  sprinkled  with  salt."  They  got  as  much  food  at  this 
meal  "  as  would  have  lasted  them  for  half-a-year,"  and  they  had 
to  take  it  to  their  lodgings  to  finish  it.  A  week  later,  another 
banquet  was  arranged  for  their  special  entertainment,  but  they 
had  to  wait  for  their  interpreter,  and  so  arrived  when  the  feast 
was  over.  Timur  4was  "in  a  great  rage,"  and  ordered  a  hole 
to  be  bored  through  the  interpreter's  nose,  and  a  rope  to  be 
passed  through  it,  to  drag  the  man  through  the  army,  but  he 
consented  to  pardon  the  poor  wretch  just  as  his  nose  had  been 
seized  and  the  boring  was  going  to  begin.  At  5another  time 
the  Knight  who  was  in  attendance  on  them  almost  got  his  nose 
bored,  for  letting  them  call  at  the  wrong  time.  He  escaped, 
however,  "  with  only  a  sound  flogging." 

Timur's  favourite  6wife  wore  a  robe  of  red  silk,  trimmed  with 
gold  lace,  without  any  waist  or  opening  except  for  the  head  and 
arms.  Fifteen  ladies  held  up  her  skirt,  "to  enable  her  to  walk ;" 
feathers  nodded  over  her  eyes,  and  she  "  had  so  much  7white 

ICLAVIJO,  165.      2 Ibid,  132,  133.      3  GIBBON,  viii,  62.      iCLAvuo,  138. 
'Ibid,  167.      GIbid,  154.     7Cf.  the  Sompnour's  pimples,  in  Prol.  629  :— 
"  Ther  nas  quyksilver,  litarge,  ne  bremstoon 
Boras,  ceruel,  ne  oille  of  tartre  noon, 
Ne  oynement  that  wolde  dense  and  byte 
That  him  mighte  helpen  of  his  whelkes  white." 


320  Timur.  [CHAP. 

lead  on  her  face  that  it  looked  like  paper."  Three  ladies  held 
her  head-dress  on,  "  that  it  might  not  fall  on  one  side."  Wine 
was  forbidden  generally,  without  special  permission,  but  at  the 
great  feasts  everybody  was  required  "  to  forswear  thin  potations 
and  addict  themselves  to  sack."  Clavijo  was  a  J  total  abstainer. 
He  praises  the  "bosat,"  a  drink  made  of  cream  and  sugar. 
The  ambassadors  were  allowed  to  follow  their  own  European 
customs,  and  drink  and  eat  leisurely  at  their  own  lodgings. 
But  the  other  guests  "  ate  with  much  noise,  tearing  the  pieces 
away  from  each  other,  and  making  game  over  their  food,"  and 
"the  2dust  was  such  that  people's  faces  and  clothes  were  all  one 
colour."  When  the  guests  fell  down  drunk,  the  Court  ladies 
present  "  considered  this  very  jovial,  for  they  think  that  there 
can  be  no  pleasure  without  drunken  men."  Then  followed  a 
great  mumming  of  the  various  tribes.  The  amusements  included 
3juggling,  or  magic  (where  insubstantial  pageants  melted  into 
thin  air),  wrestling,  chess-playing,  rope-dancing,  and  races 
between  horses  and  elephants.  In  the  middle  of  the  masquerade 
gallows  were  erected,  and  some  Councillors  and  others  who  had 
been  high  in  office  during  Timur's  long  absence  were  brought 
out  and  hanged  by  the  heels  for  various  offences.  One  favourite 
4joke  of  the  old  savage  was  to  spread  reports  of  his  own  death, 
"  to  see  who  would  rebel,"  when  he  fell  upon  them  and  crushed 
them  as  an  example. 


148.  *Ibid,  140.  3Cf.  the  Jogulours  and  Enchantoures,  in 
SIR  JOHN  MANDEVILLE,  who  "  don  many  marvaylles,"  before  the  Grete 
Chan,  "  for  they  maken  to  come  in  the  ayr  the  Sonne  and  the  Mone, 
l>e  seminge,  to  every  mannes  sight,  and  after  they  maken  the  nyght  so 
derk  that  no  man  may  see  nothing."  Also  the  Tregetoures  (in  CHAUCER, 
Frankeleine's  Tale,  11458)  : 

"  Sometime  hath  semed  come  a  grim  leonne, 

And  sometime  floures  spring  as  in  a  mede, 

Sometime  a  vine,  and  grapes  white  and  rede, 

Sometime  a  castel,  al  of  lime  and  ston, 

And  whan  hem  liketh  voideth  it  anon, 

Thus  semeth  it  to  every  mannes  sight. 

And  yet  remued  they  never  out  of  the  hous 

While  they  saw  all  thise  sightes  merveillous." 
4  CLAVIJO,  188. 


XXL]  " Jogelours plaien  at  thise  festes grete"  321 

It  is  not  surprising  that  after  many  days  and  nights  of  this 
kind  of  junketing,  Timur  "fell  ill"  ^November  2nd,  1404). 
On  Friday,  November  2ist,  the  envoys  were  hurried  unceremo- 
niously out  of  Samarcand,  as  it  was  believed  that  Timur  was 
really  dying,  lest  they  should  publish  the  fact  of  his  death,  and 
so  cause  inconvenience.  After  various  fresh  adventures  they 
landed  at  last  in  their  own  country,  at  San  Lucar  (March  ist, 
1406). 

Timur  did  not  live  long  after  their  departure.  For  a  short 
while  he  seemed  to  recover  his  energy,  and  he  turned  his  face 
eastward  for  the  conquest  of  China.  But  at  Otrar,  beyond  the 
Syr  Daria,  he  fell  ill  of  a  fever,  and  returned  to  Samarcand, 
where  he  died,  2  February  i9th,  1405,  leaving  behind  him 
ruined  cities,  wasted  countries,  mountains  of  spoil,  and  pyramids 
of  human  heads. 

Nothing  came  of  the  proposed  alliance  with  England,  for 
Timur's  sons  and  grandsons  were  too  busy  poisoning  and 
otherwise  exterminating  each  other.  The  pious  prayer  of  the 
English  King  remained  unfulfilled.  But  it  may  be  noted  that 
in  addressing  the  Prince  of  Abkhasia,  one  of  those  chiefs  to 
whom  Greenlaw  carried  letters,  Henry  3  spoke  of  his  longing 
desire  to  see  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and,  if  his  life  were  spared,  to 
pay  his  service  there  in  person  before  he  died.  The  Emperor 
Manuel  returned  in  peace  to  Constantinople,  to  enjoy  the 
reward  of  others'  labours,  and  continued  to  maintain  4 friendly 
relations  with  England  and  France,  where  so  much  kindness 
had  lately  been  shown  to  him. 

1  CLAVIJO,  167.  2  SCHILTBERGER,  133.  The  date  usually  given  is  April 
1st,  but  this  must  be  wrong,  for  on  March  26th  the  Spanish  Ambas- 
sadors, when  at  Karabagh,  heard  of  the  death  of  Janza  Mirza,  which 
was  certainly  after  the  death  of  Timur.— CLAVIJO,  185.  3  EOY.  LET.,  i, 
421.  *  EYM.,  viii,  299,  March  29th,  1403. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 
THE   FRENCH   CHALLENGES. 

IT  was  in  the  winter  of  1402,  while  Henry  was  in  London 
making  final  arrangements  for  transferring  his  new  bride  to 
England,  that  a  strange  surprise  was  sprung  upon  him  from  a 
quarter  whence  it  was  little  expected. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  when  Henry  was  an  exile  in  Paris, 
in  1399,  he  had  contracted  a  strong  personal  friendship  for  the 
French  King's  brother,  Louis,  Duke  of  Orleans.  The  Duke  of 
Orleans  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  personages  of  his  time, 
and  his  tragic  end,  together  with  the  fearful  political  conse- 
quences that  followed  it,  will  for  ever  keep  his  memory  alive. 
A  Modern  French  historian,  in  the  play  of  his  delightful  fancy, 
has  depicted  the  Duke  of  Orleans  as  the  type  of  one  of  the  two 
opposing  forces  then  struggling  for  the  mastery  in  France. 
2  Christine  de  Pisan,  a  contemporary  well  acquainted  with  the 
life  of  the  Court  in  Paris,  and  personally  known  to  the  Duke, 
has  drawn  his  picture  with  charming  flattery — his  devoutness 
from  his  first  lisping  infancy,  his  eloquence,  courtesy,  courage, 
gaiety,  and  condescension.  But  whatever  may  have  been  his 
boyish  promise  and  his  private  graces,  as  a  3  public  man  he 
appears  at  best  as  a  brilliant,  reckless,  unprincipled  libertine. 
The  friendship  between  him  and  Henry  arose,  no  doubt,  from 
strong  personal  sympathies,  and  was  formally  sealed  in  a  written 
4  agreement  duly  witnessed,  after  the  fashion  5of  the  young 

1  MICHELET,  bk.  viii,  ch.  1.  2  CHRIST.,  ii,  xvi.  C'estoit  doulcete  chose 
lui  oir  dire  enfenciablement  a  genoux  ses  petites  mains  joinctes  devant 
1'image  Nostre  Dame.  s  VELLI,  xii,  357.  4  MONSTR.,  i,  9.  5  Cf.  Palamon 
and  Arcite,  in  CHAUCER'S  Knight's  Tale  (274),  who 

"  I-swore  ful  deepe  and  ech  of  us  to  other 


"  Yplaying  atte  hasard  he  hem  found"  323 

bloods  of  chivalry,  in  which  they  undertook  mutually  to  assist 
each  other  for  the  future  in  their  several  enterprises ;  excepting 
always  that  the  French  Duke  refused  to  join  in  any  schemes 
against  his  own  country,  or  his  neighbours  and  kinsmen  in  Italy, 
Hungary,  Scotland,  and  other  parts  of  the  world. 

About  the  month  of  November,  1402,  and  probably  before 
the  Parliament  had  risen,  Henry  was  in  his  palace  at  West- 
minster, a  seated  at  some  game  (perhaps  2chess)  with  several  of 
his  courtiers,  when  a  herald  presented  himself,  bearing  a  letter 
from  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  the  King  of  England.  The  King 
received  the  letter  and  withdrew,  with  a  few  of  his  more  intimate 
personal  friends,  to  a  chamber  apart,  where  he  caused  the  letter 
to  be  read  aloud.  It  was  dated  from  Coucy,  August  ;th,  1402, 
though  for  some  cause  it  was  not  delivered  till  some  months 
later.  Indeed,  at  the  time  when  the  letter  was  written,  Henry 
was  not  at  Westminster,  but  at  8Ravensdale,  in  Lincolnshire. 
The  letter  was  couched  in  terms  of  perfect  friendliness  and 
courtesy.  It  set  forth  the  degeneracy  to  which  all  Princes  were 
liable  if  they  passed  their  youth  in  idleness,  and  urged  that  the 
only  antidote  lay  in  seeking  for  honours  and  renown  by  feats  of 
aims.  For  these  reasons,  the  young  Frenchman  had  decided 
to  devote  himself  to  a  career  of  arms,  and  how  could  he  better 
begin  than  by  seeking  out  a  worthy  rival  for  his  venture.  He 
accordingly  hereby  challenged  Henry  to  meet  him  on  a  given 
day,  to  be  subsequently  arranged.  The  meeting  was  to  take 
place  on  the  borders  of  Aquitaine,  Henry  to  start  from 

That  thou  schuldest  trewely  forthren  me 

In  every  caas,  and  I  schal  forthren  the." 

Though  they  fall  out  on  the  first  suitable  opportunity,  and 

"  Defye  the  seurte  and  the  bond."— Ibid,  746. 

X0u  il  estoit  asses  joue. — WAUEIN.,  4,  6,  3.  2gee  a  picture  in  illumin- 
ated MS.  of  Christine  de  Pisan  (des  cent  Histoires  de  Troye),  executed 
about  1400  for  Philip  Duke  of  Burgundy,  where  five  persons  are  seated 
at  the  game,  with  the  board  resting  on  their  knees.  This  MS.  was  sold 
(for  £650)  in  the  Perkin's  Collection,  at  Hanworth,  in  1873.  8EYM.,  viii, 
273. 


324  The  French  Challe?iges.  [CHAP. 

Bordeaux  and  himself  from  Angouleme,  each  attended  by  100 
Knights  and  Esquires,  to  fight  with  lance,  axe,  sword,  and 
dagger,  till  one  should  yield  himself  prisoner  to  the  other,  to  be 
detained  or  dealt  with  at  the  conqueror's  discretion. 

The  Duke  was  now  a  married  man,  thirty-one  years  of  age, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  understand  the  meaning  of  his  wish  now 
"to  Commence  a  career  of  arms."  Nothing  had  occurred  on 
Henry's  side  to  cause  a  breach  of  friendship.  No  provocation 
had  been  offered  by  the  English.  It  was  only  assumed  that, 
because  the  Duke  himself  was  leading  an  idle  life,  Henry  must 
be  doing  the  same.  But  the  date  of  the  letter  corresponded 
suspiciously  with  the  time  fixed  by  the  Scots  for  their  invasion 
of  the  North.  It  was  issued  just  at  the  time  when  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  2  acting  as  governor  for  his  brother,  had  embarked  in  a 
disastrous  struggle  against  the  French  clergy  and  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy.  In  the  previous  3May  (1402),  there  had  been  an 
encounter  at  Montandre,  in  Guyenne,  between  French  and 
English  champions,  seven  on  each  side,  in  which  the  English 
were  worsted.  It  had  begun,  seemingly,  as  a  result  of  a  general 
challenge  "  for  the  loves  of  their  ladies,"  such  as  were  very 
frequent  in  all  parts  of  the  West ;  but  the  seven  French  cham- 
pions were  specially  despatched  under  the  favour  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans.  Their  courage  was  stimulated  by  harangues,  in 
which  they  were  told  that  they  fought  not  for  their  ladies,  but 
"  for  the  fair  and  reasonable  quarrel  of  their  King  against  his 
old  enemies,  the  English,"  and  when  they  returned  victorious 
to  Paris,  clad  in  white,  they  were  feted  and  welcomed  ostenta- 
tiously by  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  official  representative  of 
the  French  King. 

1 "  Me  fait  penser  de  present  a  commencer  faire  mestier  d'armes."— 
MONSTR.  2  juv.,  421.  3  May  19th  (Juv.,  422),  or  20th  (ST.  Yvo).  See 
CHEON.  OF  BERRI,  in  GODEFROY,  p.  413  (where  the  event  is  wrongly 
assigned  to  1404),  with  extract  from  poem  of  OCTAVIAN  DE  ST.  GELAIS, 
Bishop  of  Angouleme,  who  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  fight. — GODEFROY, 
p.  745. 


XXII.]          "  Out  upon  this  half-faced  fellowship  !  "  325 

The  challenge  to  Henry  purports  to  be  the  genuine  outcome 
of  that  spurious  chivalry  which  characterized  the  age,  but  taken 
in  connection  with  all  the  circumstances  which  preceded  and 
followed  it,  it  has  more  the  look  of  a  wanton  act  of  provocation. 

When  the  letter  was  read,  the  few  friends  who  heard  it  were 
much  upset  (furent  totis  esbahis)^  knowing  the  terms  of  friend- 
ship on  which  Henry  stood  with  the  Duke ;  but  the  King  was 
too  l£t  ware  and  wise  "  (sage  et  * ymaginatif)  to  let  a  stranger  see 
their  annoyance.  He  sent  for  the  herald,  told  him  that  he 
should  have  an  answer,  in  a  short  while,  and  dismissed  him 
under  every  form  of  civility,  with  a  present  of  forty  nobles  and 
a  safeguard  for  his  journey.  The  herald  departed,  and  returned 
by  Dover,  Calais,  and  Boulogne,  to  Coucy ;  informing  his 
master  that  he  had  been  3  favourably  received,  and  that  the 
English  King's  answer  might  be  looked  for  in  a  few  days. 

In  the  meantime,  Henry  submitted  the  challenge  to  his 
Council,  with  a  request  that  they  would  read  it  and  offer  their 
advice  on  every  point  raised.  Four  days  after  the  return  of  the 
French  herald,  Henry  had  prepared  his  reply,  which  is  dated 
the  1 5th  (or  the  5th)  of  December,  1402,  and  is  to  the  following 
effect : — 

He  expressed  his  surprise  that  such  a  challenge  should  have 
been  sent  in  the  face  of  the  peace  then  existing  between  the  two 
countries,  and  the  special  bond  of  friendship  between  them- 
selves as  individuals,  which  bond  he,  for  his  part,  must 
henceforward  consider  to  be  cancelled  and  annulled.  As  to 
the  danger  of  degeneracy  from  idleness,  God  is  powerful  enough 
to  give  us  plenty  of  work  to  do  when  He  sees  fit,  and  if  we  wait 
His  time,  He  will  take  care  of  our  honour.  He  then  reminded 
Louis  that  none  of  the  Kings  of  England,  his  predecessors,  had 

1  CHAUCER,  Shipman's  Tale,  13295 ;  Monk,  13946.  2  Cf.  "  Nothing  list 
him  to  be  imaginatif."— CHAUCER,  Frankelein's  Tale,  11406,  where  the 
word  means  suspicious,  a  "  Le  Roy  les  avoit  recheu  en  gre." 


326  The  French  Challenges.  [CHAP. 

ever  accepted  a  challenge  from  any  person  of  lower  rank  than 
themselves,  and  that  he  never  used  his  stren  gth,  or  that  of  his 
subjects  for  such  purposes :  "for  we  think  that  what  a  royal 
Prince  does,  he  should  do  for  the  honour  of  God,  the  common 
profit  of  all  Christendom  and  of  his  own  kingdom,  and  not  for 
vainglory,  or  passing  ambition  (convoitise  temporelle)"  As  for 
the  suggestion  to  meet  in  Aquitaine,  he  would  choose  his  own 
time  for  visiting  that  part  of  his  own  dominions,  and  then  if  the 
Duke  wished  he  might  present  himself  with  as  many  followers 
as  he  chose,  in  fulfilment  of  his  "  courageous  desires."  He 
should  then  find  such  answer  to  his  challenge  as  would  send 
him  back  satisfied  to  the  full.  "And  God  knows,  and  we 
would  have  all  men  know,  that  this  our  answer  proceeds  not 
from  arrogance,  or  presumption  of  heart,  or  to  lay  reproach 
on  any  honest  gentleman  who  holds  his  honour  dear,  but  only 
to  bring  down  the  pride  and  confidence  of  the  man  (whoever 
he  may  be)  who  cannot  know  and  keep  his  proper  station,  and 
if  your  real  claim  be  to  be  held  a  knight  free  from  reproach, 
take  heed  to  keep  your  pledged  word  better  for  the  future  than 
you  are  doing  now." 

This  letter  was  forthwith  despatched  by  a  herald,  who 
proceeded  across  the  Channel  and  delivered  it  to  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  in  Paris,  on  January  ist,  1403.  It  was  read  by  the 
Duke  and  his  Council,  and  much  discussed  by  them.  So  plain 
and  sensible  and  damaging  a  letter  *gave  great  offence ;  yet 
prudence  required  that  the  Duke  should  not  at  once  put  himself 
further  in  the  wrong.  The  English  herald  was  dismissed  with 
a  present  of  fifty  crowns,  and  returned  with  a  message  that 
Henry's  letter  should  not  long  remain  without  a  reply. 

But  France  was  bubbling  with  excitement,  and  other  restless 
spirits,  besides  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  were  eager  to  drag  their 
country  into  war.  Waleran  of  Luxemburg,  Count  of  Ligny 

1 "  Mai  prins  en  gre." — WAUR.,  p.  72. 


XXII.]  Count  Waleran  de  St.  Pol.  327 

and  St.  Pol,  was  a  neighbour  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  his 
Earldom  bordered  on  the  Duke's  estates  at  Coucy.  At  the 
close  of  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  (1374)  Waleran  had  fallen  a 
prisoner  into  the  hands  of  the  English.  He  had  been  long 
detained  in  England,  and  had  married  an  English  lady, 
2  Mathilda  Courtenay,  a  half-sister  of  Richard  II.  Returning  to 
his  own  country,  on  the  accession  of  Charles  VI.,  he  had  become 
a  prominent  figure  in  French  politics  and  warfare,  and  had 
been  commissioned,  as  Governor  or  Captain  of  Picardy,  to  take 
over  the  person  of  Queen  Isabella  from  the  English  envoys  at 
Lenlingham,  in  August,  1401.  Very  8soon  after  the  events  now 
to  be  related,  his  only  daughter,  Jeanne,  was  married  to  Antoine,</e  Br*^ 
Count  de  Rethel,  the  second  son  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy. 

Acting,  there  is  little  doubt  (as  the  sequel  shows),  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  Count  Waleran  likewise 
despatched  a  letter  to  Henry.  It  is  dated  from  his  castle  of 
4 St.  Pol  (on  the  borders  of  Artois  and  Picardy),  February  nth, 
1403.  In  it  he  does  not  recognize  Henry  as  King  of  England, 
but  as  Duke  of  Lancaster  only.  He  claims  to  speak  as  the 
husband  of  the  sister  of  King  Richard,  "  of  whose  destruction 
you  are  notoriously  convicted,"  and  he  proclaims  his  intention 
to  do  all  the  damage  that  lies  in  his  power  to  Henry  and  his 
supporters,  by  land  and  sea,  beyond  the  limits  of  the  kingdom 
of  France.  He  adds  that  the  quarrel  is  entirely  a  personal  one, 
quite  apart  from  any  causes  "  stirred,  or  likely  to  be  stirred," 
between  the  King  of  France  and  the  English  people. 

His  messenger  delivered  the  message,  and  received  in  return 
nothing  beyond  a  5verbal  answer  to  the  effect  that  no  great  heed 
would  be  paid  to  his  threats  of  violence,  but  that  means  would 

1  L'ART  DE  VERIF.,  ii,  778.  2  MONSTR.  (xi)  calls  her  "  La  Comtesse 
heritiere  de  Mehault,"  probably  Maud.  BIONDI  (66)  calls  her  Magdalen 
Holland.  3  Contract,  dated  February  19th,  1403.— L'Anr  DE  VERIF.,  ii, 
636  ;  MONSTR.,  i,  xi,  13.  *  WAUR., — more  probable  than  "  Luxemburg," 
as  MONSTR.  5  "  Tout  de  bouche." — WAUR.,  85. 


328  The  French  Challenges.  [CHAP. 

be  taken  to  give  him  quite  enough  to  do  in  looking  after  the 
safety  of  himself,  his  tenants,  and  his  estates.  At  the  same  time 
an  * order  was  issued  to  the  officers  of  the  seaports,  not  to  allow 
foreigners  to  land  who  brought  letters  which  might  be  injurious 
to  the  King  or  the  country.  The  messenger  recrossed  the 
Channel,  and  told  his  master,  at  2Arras,  what  he  had  heard ; 
upon  which  the  Count  was  much  disturbed.  But  having  gone 
so  far  he  was  bound  to  go  a  little  further,  and  his  next  step 
showed  about  as  much  unwisdom  as  the  first. 

On  hearing  the  lame  result  of  his  fiery  challenge  to  Henry, 
he  repaired  to  his  castle  at  Bouchain,  where  he  had  a  figure 
stuffed  and  dressed  to  represent  the  Earl  of  Rutland,  now  Duke 
of  8York,  Governor  of  Aquitaine  and  Warden  of  the  Channel 
Islands,  who  in  the  4eyes  of  every  Frenchman  was  the  double- 
dyed  traitor  who  betrayed  King  Richard  to  his  ruin.  The 
dummy  was  clothed  in  full  armour,  and  supplied  with  a  portable 
gibbet,  and  the  whole  was  conveyed  with  the  utmost  secrecy 
(assez  secrete  jnent),  to  a  fortress  in  the  district  of  Boulogne,  from 
whence  a  small  band  of  hardy  warriors  took  it  in  the  night,  and 
set  it  up,  with  the  figure  dangling  heels  uppermost,  outside  the 
gates  of  Calais ; — and  then  ran  away.  In  the  morning,  when  the 
gates  of  Calais  were  opened,  people  were  surprised  to  see  the 
gibbet,  which  they  at  once  took  down  and  removed  to  a  place 
inside  the  walls ;  and  that  seems  really  to  have  been  the  end  of 
the  matter,  except  that  "the  English  of  Calais  were  more 
inclined  to  injure  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  his  lands,  and  his 
subjects,  than  ever  they  had  been  before."  On  the  other  hand, 
an  Esquire  named  5  Gilbert  de  Fretun,  a  native  of  Guisnes  and 

1  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  60,  no  date,  but  perhaps  most  suitable  at  this  time. 
2  "  Aire." — WAUR.,  85.  3RYM.,  viii,  303.  4  See  such  a  violent  passage 
as  : — "  Tu  traitre  de  Rotelan  tu  nes  pas  digne  ne  bons  assez  por  parler  a 
moy,  ne  de  porter  nom  de  Due  ne  de  Conte  ne  de  Chlr.,  &c." — TRAIS.,  65. 
Also,  "  L'ardant  affection  d'  Amour  que  tu  avois  au  tres  faulx  Comte  de 
Rotelant."— CRET.  ARCH.,  xx,  87.  5  MONSTR.,  i,  12. 


XXII. J  Jean  Cretan.  329 

a  vassal  of  the  English  King,  renounced  his  allegiance,  and 
with  two  ships  of  war,  well  equipped,  kept  up  a  series  of 
piratical  attacks  upon  the  English  whenever  occasion  offered. 
,We  shall  hear  of  him  again. 

The  lu somewhat  rash  adventure  "of  the  Count  of  St.  Pol 
must  draw  our  attention  again  to  the  fate  of  King  Richard,  and 
a  few  facts  briefly  inserted  here  may  clear  the  way  for  a  right 
knowledge  of  a  very  tangled  controversy.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that,  earlier  in  the  year,  persistent  efforts  had  been  made 
to  spread  a  rumour  that  Richard  was  alive  in  Scotland. 
Isabella  had  been  restored  to  her  parents  in  the  summer  of 
1401.  She  was  now  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  some  arrange- 
ment must  be  made  for  her  future.  If  Richard  was  really  dead, 
her  hand  would  now  be  eagerly  sought  in  marriage  by  each  of 
the  intriguing  parties  about  the  Court  of  Charles  VI.  But  if  he 
still  lived,  the  fact  ought  to  be  established  beyond  dispute, 
without  any  further  delay.  For  this  purpose  a  better  agent 
•could  not  be  secured  than  Jean  Creton,  a  name  often  quoted  in 
the  earlier  pages  of  this  volume. 

Creton  was  a  French  Esquire  of  the  2  family  of  Estourmel, 
who  had  a  ready  gift  of  rhyming.  His  literary  talent  had 
'secured  for  him  the  friendship  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  when 
he  visited  Paris  in  1399,  to  prevent  the  marriage  between 
Henry,  who  was  then  in  exile,  and  Marie,  daughter  of  the  Duke 
•of  Berri.  Very  soon  afterwards,  an  opportunity  presented 
itself  of  crossing  to  England,  in  attendance  upon  a  French 
Knight,  in  the  early  spring  of  1399.  King  Richard  was  just 
.about  to  cross  to  Ireland,  and,  by  the  influence  of  the  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  Creton  and  his  master  were  enabled  to  join  the 
expedition ;  and  it  is  to  his  ready  pen  that  we  owe  the  graphic 

"Entreprise  un  peu  temeraire."— DUCHESNE,  796.  sTRAis.,  p.  ix. 
See  his  receipt  for  wages  for  service  under  Robert  de  Clermont  (dated 
Paris,  October  7th,  1357),  in  ARCHJSOL.,  xxviii,  86. 


330  The  French  Challenges.  [CHAP. 

account  of  the  campaign  in  Ireland,  the  recrossing  to  Milford, 
and  the  betrayal  and  capture  of  King  Richard,  at  all  of  which 
scenes  the  French  rhymer  was  present  as  an  eyewitness.  When 
Richard  was  lodged  as  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower  of  London, 
Creton  obtained  Henry's  permission  to  leave  England,  and  he 
returned  to  his  own  country  with  his  heart  ^ull  of  anger  against 
the  usurper,  and  full  of  grief  for  the  misfortunes  of  the  fallen 
and  captive  King,  for  whom  he  had  conceived  a  strong  and 
devoted  personal  attachment.  He  remained  in  attendance  on 
the  Court  of  Charles  VI.  for  some  time  after  his  return  from 
England,  and  on  the  restoration  of  Isabella  he  drew  up  an 
account  in  rhyming  French  of  the  events  that  he  had  witnessed 
in  England  two  years  before.  He  had  been  urged  to  write  by 
his  friend  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  (now  dead)  and  in  a  letter 
written  about  1402,  he  2avows  that  he  wrote  his  story  in  order 
that  the  life  and  actions  of  Richard's  enemies  might  be  held  up 
to  shame  and  reproach  amongst  the  French. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  vague  news  that  Richard  was  alive  in 
Scotland,  Creton  could  not  restrain  his  delight  at  the  tidings. 
In  the  exaltation  of  the  moment  he  himself  addressed  a  letter 
to  Richard,  which  is  still 3 extant.  He  refers  to  the  rumour, 
saying  that  "  his  heart  melts  to  think  of  it.  True,  most  men 
—who  speak  of  it  cannot  believe  it,  but  he  will  trust  that  God  has 
preserved  his  patron  in  order  to  manifest  His  power.  Richard's 
image  has  been  ever  before  his  eyes,  and  night  and  day  he  has 
thought  of  him.  How  would  he  be  comforted  if  his  own  jiged~ 
eyes  could  see  him  again  before  his  death  !  He  urges  Richard 
to  send  some  certain  news  or  token  that  he  is  yet  alive ;  not  to 
hold  back  in  anger  because  his  misfortunes  are  not  yet  avenged, 

1  See  his  ode  (beginning:  "O  tu,  Henri"),  in  ARCH^OL.,  xx,  379.  2"Et 
saichez  que  touls  les  manlx  et  horribles  trahisons  que  ils  font  faictes  ]' 
ay  manifestoes  par  figures  pardis  au  Royaulme  de  France,  affin  que  leur 
vie  soit  honteuse  et  pleine  de  reproches." — ARCH/EOL.,  xxviii,  88. 
the  full  copy,  Ibid,  xxviii,  87,  &c. 


XXII.]  Cretoris  Mission.  331 

but  to  come  into  France,  where  he  would  find  faithful  friends 
ready  to  die  for  his  cause,  and  his  young  wife  waiting  for  his 
embrace.  Or,  at  least,  if  he  is  prevented  from  coming  himself, 
let  him  send  some  evidence  of  his  wishes ;  buoyed  with  the 
pious  hope  that  he  would  soon  take  vengeance  on  his  enemies, 
whose  blood  should  flow  in  rivers,  and  whose  end  should  be  a 
warning  to  all  traitors  for  all  time  to  come.  He  finished  with 
the  expression  of  a  wish  that  he  might  himself  cross  in  person, 
to  see  his  patron  and  dear  friend  once  again. 

Very  soon  after  this  letter  was  written,  Creton  found  his 
wishes  actually  fulfilled.  By  order  of  Charles  VI.,  to  whose 
Court  he  was  then  attached  as  a  Chamberlain  (varlet  de 
chambre),  he  was  authorized  to  proceed  to  Scotland,  to  discover 
by  personal  enquiry  on  behalf  of  the  King  of  France  whether 
Richard  was  really  alive  or  not,  and  ^oo  francs  were  allowed 
him  for  his  expenses  on  the  way.  Creton,  who  was  now  nearly 
seventy  years  of  age,  took  his  journey,  arriving  in  Scotland 
probably  about  the  time  of  the  disaster  at  Humbledon.  He 
soon  found  that  the  Scots  had  not  attempted  to  carry  out  their 
proclaimed  intention  of  marching  with  their  pretended  Richard 
to  regain  his  throne,  and  it  took  him  no  long  time  to  find  out 
the  truth  2that  "  the  noble  blood  of  the  good  Catholic  King 
Richard  had  been  villainously  and  traitorously  shed,  and  that  it 
was  a  sad  and  pitiful  tale  to  hear  the  end  of  that  life  which  had 
closed  before  it  reached  maturity." 

With  a  heavy  heart  Creton  returned  to  Paris,  and  delivered 
his  news.  But  his  zeal  did  not  let  him  rest.  In  the  warmth  of 
his  devotion  to  Richard's  memory,  he  wrote  an  eloquent  and 
learned  3appeal  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  as  the  virtual  ruler 
of  France.  The  letter  is  not  dated,  but  contains  evidence  of 


1  See  his  receipt  for  100  francs,  the  first  instalment  paid  August  7th, 
1410,  in  ARCH.EOL.,  28,  95.  2  See  his  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  in 
Ibid,  28,  93.  »Ifc»d,  28, 91-94. 


332  The  French  Challenges.  [CHAP. 

-having  been  written  in  the  closing  months  of  1402  ;  for  among 
other  things  it  refers  to  the  Duke's  having  assumed  the  Regency 
of  Brittany,  which  dates  from  October  ipth,  1402.  In  it  Creton 
implores  the  Duke  not  to  consent  to  further  truce  with  England, 
but  to  raise  the  country  in  arms.  "  Now  is  the  favourable 
time  !  "  he  exclaims.  "  Spread  your  sails  on  the  sea,  and  your 
banners  in  the  wind,  and  take  vengeance  for  the  noble  blood 
shed  in  Albion  !  "  He  asserts  that  it  is  the  plain  duty  of  France 
to  be  Richard's  avenger,  when  he  remembered  the  sad  appeal 
which  the  fallen  King  made  to  France,  on  the  night  when  he 
found  himself  a  prisoner  shut  up  in  Flint  Castle  (August,  1399) ; 
how  he  had  a  called  on  all  the  Lords  of  France  to  take  up  his 
cause,  but  especially  upon  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  his 
"  brother,"  the  Count  of  St.  Pol. 

The  effect  produced  on  the  Count  of  St.  Pol  by  the  return  of 
Creton,  we  have  already  seen.  Let  us  now  follow  the  further 
course  of  the  story. 

With  France  there  was  still  a  formal  truce.  It  will  be 
remembered  that,  as  a  result  of  frequent  communications,  it  had 
been  decided  in  September,  1402,  that  there  should  be  a  pause 
in  negociations  and  hostilities  until  May  ist,  1403,  and  that 
representatives  of  France  and  England  should  then  meet  again, 
to  endeavour  to  make  a  more  lasting  arrangement.  The  date 
fixed  was  now  close  at  hand.  On  2 April  28th,  1403,  five 
Commissioners  were  appointed  to  represent  the  English  side, 
and  on  the  35th  of  May,  four  Commissioners  were  nominated 
by  the  French.  The  422nd  of  May  was  fixed  upon  for  the  first 
Conference  of  the  representatives,  at  Lenlingham,  and  5 pro- 
clamations had  been  sent  out  requiring  all  grievances  and 
claims  to  be  lodged  with  the  envoys  by  that  date.  On  the  last 

JCf.  ARCH^OL.,  28,  93,  with  20,  372,  and  TRAIS.,  53.  VSRTM.,  viii,  301. 
s  Ibid,  viii,  317.  *  Hid,  viii,  302.  «  pELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  4  H.  IV.,  PASC., 
May  21st ;  CLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  11,  May  5th,  1403. 


XXII.]  "  Dieu  scet  par  quy  !  "  333 

day  of  April,  while  in  the  midst  of  these  arrangements  of  state, 
Henry  received  a  second  letter  from  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 

The  letter  was  dated  March  2 2nd,  1403,  but  was  not  delivered 
till  the  last  day  of  April,  probably  with  a  view  to  increase  the 
difficulty  of  the  negociatioris  just  about  to  be  renewed.  In  it 
the  form  of  studied  politeness  was  thrown  aside,  and  violent 
recrimination  took  its  place.  The  Duke  disclaimed  all  private 
friendship  with  the  King  of  England,  a  man  who  could  act 
towards  his  Sovereign  Lord,  Richard,  as  he  had  done,  openly 
and  as  everyone  knew  that  he  had  done  (ce  qid  est  evidamment 
aparu  et  que  chascun  scet  que  fait  avez) :  i.e.,  by  capturing  and 
dethroning  him  without  formally  throwing  off  his  allegiance.- 
This  feature  of  the  usurpation  was  the  head  and  front  of  the 
offending,  for  the  scrupulous  and  punctilious  Duke  of  Orleans 
was  generally  Credited  with  having  been  Henry's  aider  and 
abettor  in  preparing  and  carrying  out  the  scheme  ;  and  his 
'2  representatives  were  present,  and  were  specially  privileged,  at 
Henry's  coronation,  at  Westminster.  But  the  Duke  does  not 
allow  his  indignation  to  rest  only  on  such  a  transparent 
unreality  as  this.  Referring  to  Richard  as  now  certainly  dead,  - 
he  hints  at  Henry  as  his  murderer  (le  roy  Richard  vostre  seigneur 
liege  darrein  trespasse,  Dieu  scet  par  quy).  He  speaks  of  Isabella 
as  bereft  of  a  husband,  "by  your  rigour  and  cruelty,"  and  as 
Henry  had  declined  his  challenge  on  the  ground  that  it  would 
be  useless  to  spill  the  blood  of  innocent  men,  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  retorts  upon  him  with  the  sarcasm  that  he  seems  to 
have  more  pity  for  3  their  blood  than  he  had  for  that  of  his 
Liege  and  Sovereign  Lord.  Apart  from  this  the  letter  contained 
nothing  more  than  an  angry  repetition  of  the  challenge,  and  a 
demand  for  a  further  reply. 

Henry's  answer  was  not  long  in  coming.     We  do  not  know 

iTRAis.,235.      *Ilid,  74.      3  Reading  :"  leur  sang  "  (WAUR.)   instead 
of  "  leur  saute  "  (MoNSTR.). 


334  The  French  Challenges.  [CHAP. 

the  Mate,  but  it  was  probably  written  and  despatched  within  a 
short  while  after  the  receipt  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans'  second 
letter.  A  Great  Council  had  been  called  for  2May  28th,  and  he- 
may  have  submitted  the  matter  for  their  consideration.  To  all 
the  frothy  indignation  with  which  Louis  affects  to  regard  the 
deposition  of  Richard,  Henry  has  a  very  convincing  answer, 
viz.:  that  in  the  secret  agreement  signed  between  them,  in  1399, 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  approved  the  adventure  against  Richard, 
and  even  promised  his  aid ;  that  his  representatives  were  present 
at  Henry's  coronation ;  and  that  some  time  afterwards  (longtemps 
apres)  he  had  again  sent  a  special  messenger  to  England, 
assuring  Henry  of  his  entire  friendship,  and  bearing  a  request 
that  he  would  not  divulge  "  to  any  Frenchman  "  the  terms,  or 
even  the  existence  of  their  secret  agreement.  Upon  this,  Henry 
now  again  repudiates  his  friendship,  asserting  that  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  had  been  far  more  disloyal  to  his  Sovereign  and  brother 
than  ever  he  (Henry)  had  been  to  Richard,  and  that  the  secret 
agreement  by  which  he  had  bound  himself  was  part  of  an 
ambitious  plot  to  thwart  his  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy. 
This  method  was,  indeed,  no  unusual  one  with  Louis,  for  he 
had  only  lately  3( January  i4th,  1402),  through  the  mediation 
of  the  Duke  of  Berri,  been  reconciled  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
who  had  deeply  resented  his  action  in  entering  into  a  separate 
secret  agreement  with  the  Duke  of  Gueldres.  As  to  the  veiled 
hints  that  Henry  was  Richard's  murderer,  "  we  know  not  with 
what  end  or  intention  you  say  it,  but  if  you  mean  or  dare  to  say 
-that  it  was  by  us  or  our  consent,  it  is  false,  and  will  be  every 
time  you  say  it."  Having  thus  given  the  lie,  Henry  agreed  to 
accept  the  Duke  of  Orleans'  challenge,  if  he  dared  to  maintain 
it  or  to  prove  it.  He  subsequently  took  means  to  publish  both 

1  Unless  this  is  settled  by  collection  of  MSS.  DE  BRIEICNE  BIBL.  DU  BOY, 
xxxiv,  239,  quoted  in  TRAIS.,  Ixvii.  SPELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  PASC.,  4  H.  IV., 
May  21st.  a  Juv.,  420. 


XXII.]  Lenlingham.  335 

the  letters  of  challenge  and  his  replies,   and  so  the  quarrel 
paused. 

The  negociations  already  pending  were  not,  however,  allowed 
to  drop.  The  French  envoys  received  their  instructions,  dated 
JJune  i  ith ;  a  meeting  was  arranged ;  and  on  the  22yth  of  June, 
1403,  an  undertaking  was  entered  into  at  Lenlingham,  whereby 
it  was  agreed  that  the  truce  should  continue  between  the  two 
countries,  notwithstanding  any  acts  of  violence  committed  by 
individuals  on  either  side ;  that  merchants,  traders,  and  others, 
who  had  been  taken  prisoners  on  either  side,  should  be  released 
without  ransom  on  the  following  September  5th,  and  that  any 
claims  for  compensation  on  account  of  damages  or  losses 
suffered,  should  be  considered  equitably  and  settled  by  the  ist 
of  March,  1404 ;  that  all  armed  vessels  should  be  recalled  on 
either  side  by  September  ist,  1403,  and  that  all  future  infrac- 
tions of  the  truce  should  be  duly  punished.  The  French  claims 
— 3for  the  repayment  of  the  200,000  francs  and  some  jewels,  and 
the  English  counter-claim  for  payment  of  1,500,000  francs,  on 
account  of  the  ransom  of  King  John,  were  still  held  over,  as  the 
envoys  were  not  empowered  to  answer  decisively  about  them. 
The  challenge  sent  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans  occupied  a  large 
share  of  the  attention  of  the  Commissioners.  The  English 
representatives,  through  their  principal,  Henry  Bowet,  Bishop 
of  Bath  and  Wells,  declared  that  they  considered  it  a  clear 
violation  of  the  treaty,  and  asked  whether  it  had  been  sent  with 
the  consent  of  the  King  of  France,  or  his  Council  acting  on  his 
behalf;  but  they  could  get  no  satisfactory  answer  beyond  a 
diplomatic  evasion  to  the  effect  that  the  King  and  his  Council 
had  never  broken  the  truce,  nor  did  they  intend  to  do  so. 
Beyond  this  they  declined  to  commit  themselves.  The  answer 
was  still  deemed  unsatisfactory,  and  the  English  Ambassadors 
asked  that  a  fuller  reply  might  be  given  by  March  ist,  or 

i  THRES.  DBS  CHARTRES.     2  RYM.,  viii,  305.     3  Ibid,  viii,  315. 


336  The  French  Challenges. 

earlier,  if  the  King  recovered  his  health.  But  the  French 
Commissioners  would  hold  out  no  further  promise,  and  the 
matter  was  left  undecided,  except  that  a  formal  *note  of  the 
conversation  was  made,  and  duly  witnessed  by  a  public  notary. 

On  2July  loth,  1403,  instructions  were  issued  to  the  French 
envoys  laying  great  stress  on  the  importance  of  including  the 
Scots  as  allies  of  France,  and  necessary  to  help  in  securing  the 
safety  of  the  seas.  On  the  326th  of  August,  the  King  of 
England  (being  then  at  Beckley,  near  Oxford,  on  his  way 
towards  Wales)  nominated  five  Commissioners  to  represent  the 
English  side  on  the  approaching  5th  of  September. 

As  a  consequence  of  the  conversations  mentioned  above,  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Count  of  St.  Pol  were  expressly 
4  excluded  by  name  from  all  benefits  of  the  proposed  truce,  and 
on  the  3i4th  of  October,  1403,  the  former  wrote  another  violent 
letter  to  Henry,  in  which  he  charged  him  6  directly  with 
Richard's  death,  and  declared  that  he  would  fail  in  his  attempt 
to  put  bad  blood  between  himself  and  his  "  very  dear  "  uncle, 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  But  before  this  letter  could  be  received 
many  things  had  happened  in  England,  which  must  now  require 
our  attention. 

1  RYM.,  viii,  310.  2  THRES.  DBS  CHARTRES,  73.  * RYM.,  viii,  325.  4  ANN., 
372.  5  See  extract,  in  TRAIS.,  Ixvii ;  MSS.  DE  BRIENNE  BIBL.  DTJ  ROY, 
xxxiv,  239.  6  "  Occidisti  Regein  cognatum  tuum." — EULOG.,  iii,  395. 


CHAPTER    XXIII. 
THE   ANNEXATION   OF   SOUTHERN    SCOTLAND. 

No  settlement  had  been  made  with  Scotland  after  the  fatal 
disaster  at  Humbledon.  The  prisoners  still  remained  unran- 
somed,  and  already  disputes  began  to  arise  between  the  followers 
of  the  Earls  of  Westmoreland  and  Northumberland,  as  to  their 
respective  claims  to  the  captives  taken  in  the  previous  Septem- 
ber. The  Earl  of  Westmoreland  had  *not  been  himself  present 
at  the  battle,  but  his  tenants  had  taken  their  full  part  in  the  toil 
and  hazard  of  the  day,  and  claimed  their  fair  share  in  the 
division  of  the  spoil.  On  the  9th  of  March,  1403,  Henry 
appointed  a  Commission  of  ten  (six  of  them  Knights  and  four 
lawyers)  to  arbitrate  and  decide  upon  the  various  conflicting 
claims. 

But  larger  results  were  expected  from  the  victory  than  mere 
money  payments  to  the  victorious  combatants.  The  English 
had  for  some  time  past  established  themselves  in  the  castles 
of  Berwick,  Roxburgh,  and  Jedburgh,  and  even  before  the 
victory  of  Humbledon  it  had  been  a  serious  question  as  to 
whether  the  district  of  Teviotdale  should  not  (with  the  consent 
of  the  inhabitants)  transfer  its  allegiance  to  the  English  crown, 
thereby  extending  the  English  boundary  to  the  line  of  the 
Tweed.  The  strong  castle  of  Lochmaben  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  and  formed  a  corresponding  point 
d'appui  for  annexing  the  fertile  district  of  Annandale,  whenever 
the  opportunity  should  arise. 

The  favourable  moment  seemed  now  to  be  at  hand,  and 

1 "  Ipso  acl  tune  nobiscum  in  partibus  Walliae  existente." — RYM.,  viii, 


338  The  Annexation  of  Southern  Scotland.          [CHAP. 

having  in  his  prisons  the  most  powerful  Barons  of  Scotland, 
iucluding  the  Earl  of  Douglas  and  the  son  of  the  Regent,  the 
Duke  of  Albany,  Henry  declared  the  whole  county  of  Douglas, 
with  the  valleys  of  Teviotdale,  Eskdale,  Liddesdale,  Lauderdale, 
Selkirk  and  Ettrick  Forest,  Annandale  and  Galloway,  to  be 
conquered  and  annexed  to  England.  By  this  preposterous  act 
the  English  King,  without  a  sign  of  consent  on  the  part  of  the 
Scottish  rulers,  claimed  to  annex  and  dispose  of  the  whole 
district  south  of  the  Tweed,  comprising  the  counties  of  Rox- 
burgh and  Selkirk,  with  the  greater  part  of  Berwick,  Peebles, 
Dumfries,  and  Lanark.  There  is  evidence  also  that  his  ambi- 
tion extended  even  to  the  ^ine  of  the  Forth,  then  called  "the 
Scottish  Sea,"  and  if  this  claim  could  have  been  made  good  he 
would  have  been  able  to  restore  to  his  new  vassal,  the  Earl  of 
March,  his  lands  and  castles  round  Dunbar,  and  exact  by  force 
the  homage  of  King  Robert  at  Edinburgh. 

On  the  22nd  of  March,  1403,  a  proclamation  was  issued 
granting  all  the  newly  annexed  region  to  the  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland and  his  heirs  for  ever,  reserving  to  the  Earl  of 
Westmoreland  his  existing  possessions  in  the  district,  and  to  the 
Crown  the  castles  and  towns  of  Roxburgh  and  Annan,  together 
with  a  general  overlordship  over  the  whole. 

Armed  with  this  large  authority,  Henry  Percy  crossed  the 
Border  to  take  possession  in  his  father's  name,  but  he  soon 
found  that  the  King's  liberal  gift  was  not  his  to  give.  He 
crossed  the  hills  from  the  valley  of  the  Till,  but  before  he  had 
moved  many  miles  into  the  country  he  found  himself  pulled  up 
before  the  little  blockhouse  or  8 Tower  of  Cocklaw,  whose  owner, 
James  Gladstone,  promptly  refused  to  recognize  his  authority. 

4  Hardyng,  the  chronicler,  was  present  with  Percy  at  Cocklaw, 
as  he  was  also  at  Humbledon  and  Shrewsbury,  and  "  at  divers 

1  SCOTTICHEON.,  xv,  15,  435.  2RYM.,  viii,  289;  ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  163. 
3  "  Tantillae  turris."  -  -ScoiicHRON,  xv,  16,  437.  4  HARDYNG,  p.  351. 


XXIII.]  Cocklaw.  339 

rodes  and  feeldis  wyth  him,  and  knewe  his  entent  and  hade  it 
wretyn."  Showers  of  arrows  were  rained  at  the  walls,  so  that 
the  defenders  dared  not  show  their  heads  above  the  parapets. 
Engines  were  brought  up  and  mines  dug,  but  all  to  no  purpose, 
for  the  little  garrison  held  out.  Percy  had  here  a  repetition  of 
his  previous  experience  at  Conway,  and  knowing  how  difficult 
it  was  to  reduce  a  stronghold,  however  insignificant,  if  resolutely 
defended  and  sufficiently  provisioned,  he  was  compelled  to 
come  to  terms  with  the  defenders.  Accordingly,  in  the  month 
of  JMay,  he  agreed  to  suspend  the  siege  for  six  weeks,  on 
condition  that  the  siege  works  and  material  should  remain  just 
as  they  were.  In  the  interval,  the  besieged  might  apply  to  the 
King  of  Scotland,  or  the  Regent  Albany,  for  help,  and  if  it  were 
not  rendered  before  the  following  Lammastide  (August  ist),  the 
Tower,  with  all  its  contents,  and  the  whole  garrison,  should  be 
forthwith  surrendered  to  the  English. 

The  same  difficulty  was  experienced,  and  a  similar  arrange- 
ment was  concluded,  in  the  case  of  the  castle  of  2Ormiston, 
near  Hawick,  in  Teviotdale.  Hostages  were  taken  by  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland  and  Henry  Percy,  and  it  was  agreed  by 
indenture  that  the  place  should  be  surrendered  to  the  English, 
if  not  relieved  by  battle  before  the  ist  of  August. 

By  such  agreements  Percy  hoped  to  be  relieved  of  the 
vexatious  delays  occasioned  by  the  obstinacy  of  these  small  but 
troublesome  strongholds,  while,  if  Albany  could  be  taunted  into 
sending  an  army  to  meet  him  in  the  field,  he  had  good  hope  of 
extending  his  fame,  and  securing  his  new  possessions,  by  a 
second  Humbledon.  Finding,  as  yet,  no  serious  resistance  in 
the  open,  he  8  ravaged  the  country,  drove  off  many  flocks  and 
herds,  captured  many  prisoners,  and  returned  to  the  English 
side  of  the  Border  again. 

1  WYNTOWN,  ix,  24,  3.     2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  203.     »  ANN.,  360. 


340  The  Annexation  of  Southern  Scotland. 

James  Gladstone  made  his  application,  as  arranged,  and 
received  ready  promise  of  help  from  the  Regent,  *In  the 
month  of  July,  seven  Frenchmen  passed  through  England  on 
their  way  to  enquire  whether  the  King  of  Scotland  wished  to  be 
included  in  the  proposed  truce  then  negociating  between  France 
and  England.  Their  safe-conduct  was  dated  July  22nd,  1403, 
the  very  day  before  the  battle  of  Shrewsbury.  As  August 
approached,  the  Regent  passed  2along  the  coast  to  Dunbar, 
surprised  a  garrison  of  English  at  the  neighbouring  castle  of 
3Inverwick,  and  presented  himself,  according  to  promise,  before 
the  gates  of  Cocklaw  at  Lammastide.  But  by  this  time  Henry 
Percy's  head  was  on  the  gates  of  York,  and  Scotland  had  been 
delivered  from  a  daring  and  dangerous  neighbour. 


.,  viii,  319.  2"Atoure  ye  Scotis  Se."  —  WYNTOWN.  s  See  entry 
in  EXCHEQ.  ROLLS  SCOT,  (iv,  644),  "pro  quibusdam  lignis  emptis  ad 
obsidio-nem  castri  de  Innerwyk,  xxs  =  20s." 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 
OWEN    IN    CAERMARTHEN. 

THE  opening  of  the  spring  had  been  the  signal  for  renewed 
operations  by  the  Welsh.  ]On  the  yth  of  March,  1403,  the 
Prince  of  Wales  was  appointed  by  the  Council  to  represent  his 
father  as  Lieutenant  on  the  Marches  of  Wales,  supported  by  the 
full  forces  of  the  counties  of  Shropshire,  Worcester,  Hereford, 
and  Gloucester.  He  made  his  head-quarters  at  Shrewsbury, 
and,  in  addition  to  conducting  active  operations  in  the  field,  he 
was  authorized  to  seek  out  and  punish  all  those  who  had  helped 
the  rebels  with  arms  or  supplies,  and  to  grant  the  King's  pardon 
to  those  of  them  who  would  submit  and  give  up  their  arms. 

Owen  was  already  in  full  activity.  The  castles  of  Harlech 
and  Lampeter  were  surrounded  and  cut  off,  and  rumours  were 
abroad  that  a  large  force  of  Welsh  was  collecting,  and  threat- 
ening to  make  a  raid  into  the  English  counties. 

On  the  English  side  money  was  scarce,  as  usual.  The 
grants  made  in  the  last  Parliament  could  not  be  got  in  till  after 
Whitsuntide,  and  on  2 April  ist  the  Council  made  an  urgent 
request  to  the  wealthiest  of  the  Abbots  and  Priors,  and  others, 
who  would  be  then  bound  to  contribute,  to  prepay  the  amounts 
standing  in  their  names  as  a  loan  for  an  emergency,  though  the 
money  was  not  yet  strictly  claimable.  By  this  means  a  large 
sum,  22,000  marks  (or  about  ,£15,000)  was  got  in  for  use 
against  the  Welsh  and  the  Scots. 

The  Prince  of  Wales  marched  early  into  the  country. 
Knowing  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  he  made  arrangements  for 
carrying  supplies  for  his  men  and  oats  for  the  horses.  Thus 

1  RYM.,  viii,  291 ;  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  32.      2  QKD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  199. 


342  Owen  in  Caermarthen.  [CHAP. 

equipped,  he  marched  by  Denbighshire  into  the  valley  of  the 
Dee.  Finding  no  resistance,  he  burned  Owen's  chief  residence 
at  Sychnant,  with  many  cottages  of  his  tenants.  Thence  he 
marched  to  another  property  of  Owen's,  on  the  Dee.  Here 
they  set  fire  to  "  a  fine  lodge  in  his  park,"  and  all  the  district 
round  about,  camping  on  the  ground  for  the  night.  No  force 
opposed  them.  They  captured  one  of  Owen's  chief  supporters 
and  put  him  to  death,  though  he  offered  to  pay  ^500  within  a 
fortnight  if  his  life  could  be  spared.  Many  others  shared  the 
same  fate.  After  burning  and  plundering  in  Merioneth  and 
Montgomery,  the  Prince  returned  to  Shrewsbury  by  *May  i5th, 
and  despatched  news  of  his  successes  to  London. 

But  Owen  was  biding  his  time.  The  besieged  places  held 
out  with  difficulty.  The  Prince  had  not  the  money  to  pay  his 
men,  who  had  now  been  three  months  under  arms,  though  he 
had  pledged  his  jewels  (noz  petitz  joualx)  to  secure  advances, 
and  on  the  3oth  of  May  he  wrote  from  Shrewsbury  to  the 
Council,  urgently  asking  for  means  to  pay  the  wages  of  his 
troops,  otherwise  they  would  not  remain  with  him.  In  North 
Wales  he  had  to  maintain  garrisons  in  the  castles  of  Conway, 
Caernarvon,  Criccieth,  and  Harlech.  These  2four  garrisons 
alone  amounted  to  51  men-at-arms  and  220  archers,  the  annual 


.  PKIV.  Co.,  ii,  61,  62.     These  two  letters  seem  to  refer  to  1403. 
Cf.  Ibid,  i,  206,  which  acknowledges  report  by  John  Waterton,  with  ii, 
62,  in  which  John  Waterton  is  sent.     They  certainly  do  not  suit  1402,  as 
suggested  by  Sir  H.  Ellis,  who  is  followed  by  Sir  H.  Nicholas.     2  Thus  :  — 

Men-at-Arms.      Archers.        Cost  per  annum. 
Conway  ........................     15     ......     60     ......  £7141510 

Caernarvon  ..................     20     ......     80     ......     900     6     8 

Criccieth    .....................       6     ......     50     ......     416  14    2 

Harlech  10     .       .     30     .       ,     389     6     8 


51  220  2421     3     4 

Revenue  for  purpose,  2000  marks  =  1333     6     8 


Deficit  =  1087  16    8 


ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  64. 


XXIV.]  "  Shall  we  buy  treason  .?  "  343 

cost  of  whom  amounted  to  ^2,421  33.  4d.,  while  the  sole 
available  revenue  for  the  purpose  amounted  only  to  ^1,333 
6s.  8d.,  leaving  an  annual  deficit  of  .£1,087  i6s.  8d.  under  this 
head  alone.  In  addition  to  these  charges  he  had  to  provide 
£568  155.  lod.  per  annum  for  the  garrisons  of  the  castles  of 
Flint  and  Rhyddlan,  for  which  he  was  responsible  as  Chamber- 
lain of  Chester,  while  the  garrisons  at  Denbigh  and  Beaumaris, 
amounting  to  305  men,  made  an  additional  demand  for 
-£2,661  95.  2d.  per  annum;  but  these  were  maintained  at  the 
cost  of  Henry  Percy,  to  whom  they  had  been  granted.  In 
addition  to  these  financial  difficulties  in  North  Wales,  a  letter 
was  received  from  Richard,  brother  of  the  Duke  of  York,  dated 
from  Hereford  on  the  *  9th  of  May,  pressing  for  payment  for 
his  force,  which  had  been  under  arms  since  April  6th,  and 
refused  to  remain  longer  without  pay  "  for  anything  that  man 
can  do." 

The  Prince,  in  his  letter  to  the  Council,  pointed  out  that  the 
rebels  were  well  aware  of  his  difficulties,  and  only  waited  for  his 
men  to  disband  in  order  to  make  a  raid  over  the  Border,  with 
all  the  forces  of  North  and  South  Wales ;  while  Lampeter  and 
Harlech  must  be  relieved  or  provisioned,  if  at  all,  within  ten 
days.  Nevertheless,  he  had  great  hopes  that  if  the  war  could 
be  proceeded  with  vigorously,  a  better  opportunity  than  the 
present  had  not  yet  presented  itself;  for  the  Welsh  were  being 
starved  out,  and  were  driven  to  their  contemplated  raid  in  sheer 
desperation,  and  in  order  to  procure  food  to  eat.  On  the 
2 1 6th  of  June,  the  King  sent  orders  to  the  Sheriffs  of  the  four 
counties,  Shropshire,  Worcester,  Gloucester,  and  Hereford, 
warning  them  to  prepare  to  face  the  threatened  danger. 

In  the  concluding  passages  of  the  letter  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales  we  have  only  another  instance  of  the  grievous  miscal- 
culation and  want  of  proper  information,  which  is  not  surprising, 

i  ORD.  PBIV.  Co.,  ii,  69.      2RYM.,  viii,  304;  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  19. 


344  Owen  in   Caermarthen.  [CHAP. 

perhaps,  in  that  age.  The  truth  certainly  is  that  at  no  previous 
time  had  the  prospects  of  the  Welsh  insurgents  been  brighter, 
or  the  position  of  the  English  more  precarious. 

Edmund  Mortimer  had  been  a  prisoner  with  Owen  since  his 
capture  in  the  previous  summer.  No  money  was  forthcoming 
for  his  ransom,  and  Henry  declined  to  entertain  any  proposal 
on  the  subject.  His  brother-in-law,  Henry  Percy,  requested  the 
King  to  allow  of  his  ransom,  but  Henry  resolutely  Refused, 
saying  that  he  would  not  use  the  public  money  to  strengthen 
the  enemies  of  the  country.  It  was  soon  evident  that  Henry 
had  good  reason  for  his  refusal,  for  in  the  end  of 2  November, 
1402,  Mortimer  openly  proclaimed  his  treason  by  marrying  a 
daughter  of  Owen  with  great  display.  Hence  he  was  honoured 
by  the  Bards  with  wondrous  forecasts  of  the  favour  of  heaven, 
and  predictions  of  his  coming  greatness.  The  prophets  were, 
as  usual,  wrong  in  their  calculations.  Owen's  daughter  bore  to 
Mortimer  three  daughters  and  one  son,  whom  he  named  3  Lionel, 
but  all  the  children  died  young  except  one  little  girl,  and  after  a 
few  years  Edmund  himself  disappointed  all  the  auguries,  by 
dying  miserably  of  famine  during  the  siege  of  Harlech. 

On  *  December  i3th,  1402,  Edmund  Mortimer  issued  a 
manifesto  from  Mellenyth,  addressed  to  "the  gentles  and 
commons  of  Radnor  and  Presteign,"  in  which  he  told  them 
that  Oweyn  Glyndor  had  raised  a  quarrel  purporting  if  Richard 
II.  were  still  alive  to  restore  him  to  the  throne,  or,  if  not,  that 
the  young  Earl  of  March,  his  nephew,  should  be  made  King  of 

J  EULOG.,  iii,  396. 

He  (Henry)  said  to  hym  (Percy)  nay,  for  he   (Mortimer)  was  taken 

prisoner 

By  his  (Mortimer's)  consent  and  treson  to  his  foo, 
Whom  he  would  not  comfort  for  to  overgoo 
The  prince  his  landes,  ne  his  owne  (Henry's)  to  destroy, 
For  aye  he  great  trust  he  (Mortimer)  should  hym  (Henry)  noye. 

HABDYNG,  chap,  ccii,  p.  360. 

2  Circa  festum  S.  Andrew  Apostoli  (i.e.,  November  30th). — EVES.,  182. 
8UsK,  75.  *OEIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  24. 


XXIV.]     "  On  the  barren  mountains  let  him  starve  !  "  345 

England,  but  that  Owen  should  "have  his  right  in  Wales." 
The  cause,  he  said,  seemed  fair  and  just,  and  after  due  consider- 
ation he  had  decided  to  join  with  Owen ;  and  he  called  upon 
his  officers  to  keep  his  lands  free  from  damage  and  his  tenants 
supplied  with  provisions,  but  to  take  their  orders  from  himself 
alone. 

The  effect  of  Mortimer's  treason  was  speedily  seen  when  the 
Welsh  leaders  opened  operations  in  the  ensuing  summer. 
Leaving  the  English  forces  to  march  unopposed  through  the 
valleys  of  North  Wales,  Owen  turned  his  attention  to  the 
garrisons  in  the  strongholds  of  the  South.  In  the  latter  part  of 
June,  while  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  pressing  for  funds  at 
Shrewsbury,  the  Welsh,  in  Brecon  and  Radnorshire,  lawere 
assured  and  assenting  in  one  to  the  rebellion."  Every  day 
increased  their  boldness.  They  plundered  and  destroyed  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Builth,  burned  the  King's  manor  of  Bryn 
Llys,  and  surrounded  the  stronghold  of  Brecon.  On  2  Sunday, 
July  ist,  a  strong  force  under  the  Sheriff  of  Hereford  attacked 
them  and  beat  them  off  with  a  loss  of  240  men,  but  they 
gathered  again  as  soon  as  the  Hereford  men  had  withdrawn. 

On  Monday,  July  2nd,  the  Welsh  rose  in  Caermarthenshire, 
'and  surrounded  the  old  princely  castle  of  Dynevor,  "  that  was 
the  chef  plas  in  old  tyme,"  3vowing  death  to  all  the  garrison. 
On  the  following  day,  Owen  surprised  the  town  of  Llandovery. 
Leaving  300  men  to  watch  the  castle  there,  he  moved  on  and 
burnt  4Newtown  (i.e.,  Dynevor)  and  Llandeilofawr.  From 
thence  it  was  expected  that  they  would  march  on  Brecon,  but 
he  had  other  plans  in  view.  He  surrounded  the  rock  fortress 
of  Carrick  Cennin.  John  Skydmere,  who  had  had  the  custody 
of  the  castle  since  5May  2nd  of  the  previous  year,  wrote  on 

1  See  letter  of  John  Fairford,  Receiver  of  Brecon  (dated  July  7th, 
1403),  in  ROY.  LET.,  i,  141.  -' See  the  Sheriff's  letter  (dated  July  7th), 
Hid,  i,  146.  8  "  Thai  han  imacl  liar  avow  that  thai  well  al  gat  have 
owes  dede  thryn."— ORIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  15.  4RoY.  LET.,  i,  150.  5 TYLER, 
i,  388. 


346  Owen  in   Caermarthen.  [CHAP. 

JJuly  5th  that  "no  man  may  pas  by  no  wey  hennes."  On 
Wednesday,  July  4th,  "  all  Caermarthenshire,  Kidwelly,  Carn- 
waltham,  and  Yskenyn  "  had  joined  Owen.  That  night  he 
slept  in  the  castle  of  Dryslwyn,  and  on  the  following  day  he 
moved  forward  against  Caermarthen.  After  a  feeble  2  resistance 
the  town  was  taken  (Friday,  8July  6th)  and  burnt  ;  fifty  persons 
were  killed,  and  the  Constable  Wigmore  surrendered  the  castle. 
About  the  same  time,  the  castle  of  Emlyn,  on  the  Borders  of 
Cardigan,  surrendered  ;  4Llanstephan  Castle,  on  Caermarthen 
Bay,  was  captured,  and  many  of  the  landowners  ("mom 
gentils  ")  came  forward  in  person  to  join  the  rebellion. 

Anticipating  little  or  no  opposition  in  his  rear,  where  the 
country  was  5  flooded  and  the  inhabitants  generally  6  favourable 
to  him,  Owen  moved  with  8,240  spearmen,  "such  as  thei  wer," 
to  reduce  the  castle  of  Kidwelly;  but  hearing  that  a  strong 
force  out  of  Pembrokeshire,  under  Thomas,  Baron  Carew,  was 
advancing  to  meet  him,  he  rested  in  the  evening  of  Monday, 
July  pth,  at  St.  Clare,  after  "  destroying  all  the  country  about." 

Finding  himself  confronted  by  a  large  and  well-armed  force, 
Owen  attempted  to  treat  with  7  Carew,  in  the  hope  that  he 
might  thus  secure  without  opposition  his  share  in  the  spoil  of 
Caermarthen.  Tuesday,  July  loth,  was  spent  in  negociation, 
and  Owen  passed  that  night  at  Llaugharne,  with  the  intention 
of  slipping  past  Carew  8to  the  hills,  and  so  surrounding  him. 


LET.,  II.,  i,  19.  2  ROY.  LET.,  i,  150.  PELLS  ROLL  (June  26th, 
1406),  records  payment  of  a  sum  to  the  burgesses  and  goodmen  of  Caer- 
marthen, in  mitigation  of  the  losses  which  they  had  sustained.  —  TYLER, 
i,  184.  SC-RIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  19  (i.e.,  before  July  7th,  the  Feast  of  the 
Translation  of  St.  Thomas,  of  Canterbury).  —  See  SIMPSON'S  HIST.  ST. 
PAUL'S,  xix  ;  LIB.  CUST.,  ii,  843.  4  ROT.  VIAG.,  27.  It  had  been  recovered 
by  John  Penrees  before  September  24th.  3  "  Us  f  urent  distourbez  par  un 
cretyn  de  Ewe."  —  ROY.  LET.,  i,  150.  6  "  He  halt  hym  siker  of  al  the 
castell  and  townes  in  Kedewelly  and  Gowerslonde  and  Glamorgan,  for 
the  same  cuntrees  had  undertake  the  seges  of  hem  til  thei  ben  wonnen."  — 
OEIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  20.  ?  «zef  so  that  the  Baron  and  he  accordyth  in 
tretys  that  a  tornyth  azein  to  Kermardin  for  hys  part  of  the  godes  and 
Res  Duy  is  part."  8  "To  the  Hull"  (i.e.,  "the  hill").  —  ORIG.  LET.,  II., 
i,  22.  Cf.  "Homeldon  Hul,"  in  ANN.,  366. 


XXIV.]  "  Skimble-skamble  stuff."  347 

For  this  purpose  he  sent  out  700  men  to  reconnoitre  and  see  if 
the  way  were  clear,  but  they  were  cut  off  by  :Carew  and  killed 
to  a  man  (Thursday,  July  i2th,  1403). 

Foiled  in  his  attempt,  Owen  drew  back  into  Caermarthen, 
the  home  of  Merlin  and  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Princes  of 
the  South.  Here  he  sent  for  one  Hopkyn  ap  Thomas  of 
Gower,  who  was  noted  for  his  skill  in  interpreting  "the 
Prophecy."  Of  him  he  enquired  as  to  his  future.  But  the  seer 
told  him  that  he  should  soon  be  captured  under  a  black  banner 
in  the  country  between  Caermarthen  and  Gower.  At  least, 
this  story  was  readily  believed  by  the  panic-stricken  English  on 
the  Border,  who  circulated  the  wildest  rumours  in  their  terror 
and  alarm. 

Letters  describing  the  desperate  position  of  affairs  were 
forwarded  to  London.  On  the  28th  of  July,  Richard  Kyngeston, 
Archdeacon  of  Hereford,  and  3Dean  of  Windsor,  wrote  to  the 
King  from  Hereford,  saying  that  the  country  was  lost  unless  he 
came  at  once,  in  person,  "riding  night  and  day,"  and  his  old 

1  Carew  was  subsequently  rewarded  with  a  grant  of  Narberth  Castle, 
in  Pembrokeshire,  besides  the  town  of  St.  Clare  and  a  large  tract  of 
lard  in  Caermarthenshire  (the  commote  of  Tray  or  Trayne)  which 
formerly  belonged  to  Sir  Edmund  Mortimer.  —  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  24, 
dated  April  24th,  1404.  2qRiG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  17.  SLE  NEVE  (p.  118)  has 
shown  that  he  resigned  his  office  as  Archdeacon  of  Hereford  before 
January  22nd,  1404.  In  the  list  of  Deans  of  Windsor,  LE  NEVE  gives 
Thomas  (or  ?  Richard)  Kingestone  Canon  of  Windsor,  1402  ;  Dean, 
1412;  but  HARDY  (iii,  372,  382)  quotes  PAT.  ROLLS  to  show  that  he  was 
appointed  Canon  of  Windsor  February  6th,  1399,  and  resigned  on  being 
made  Dean  of  Windsor  1402  (not  1420,  as  on  p.  372).  He  already  signs 
himself  Dean  of  Windsor,  September  3rd,  1403  (in  ROY.  LET.,  i,  159). 
Moreover,  he  is  called  "  Dean  of  our  Chapel,"  May  10th,  1400,  when  he 
received  a  grant  of  all  the  swans  on  the  river  Thames  between  Gravesend 
and  Oxford  Bridge  (PAT.,1  H.IV.,  7,  37)  ;  yet  PAT., 3  H.  IV.,  2,  20  (dated 
May  8th,  1402),  addresses  him  as  Archdeacon  of  Hereford  only ;  and 
PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2, 11  (dated  July  25th,  1402),  contains  his  appointment  to 
the  Deanery  of  the  King's  Chapel,  at  Windsor.  In  the  following  March 
10th,  1403,  he  is  spoken  of  as  "  late  Dean  of  our  Chapel  infra  hospitium," 
and  gives  an  inventory  of  the  effects  in  the  Chapel  received  from  his 
predecessor,  John  Door  (PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  27).  If  these  dates  are 
decisive,  we  shall  have  to  assign  the  letter,  dated  September  3rd,  to  the 
year  1402. 


348  Owen  in   Caermarthen. 

confidant  and  friend,  Sir  *  Hugh  de  Waterton,  added  his  urgent 
advice  to  the  like  effect.  But  before  these  letters  could  reach 
him,  Henry  had  already  decided  that  his  presence  was  certainly 
needed  in  the  field. 

1  See  his  letter,  dated  Friday  (probably  July  13th,  1403),  in  ROY.  LET., 
i,  149. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 
THE    BATTLE   OF    SHREWSBURY. 

TOWARDS  the  end  of  May,  1403,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland 
had  sent  letters  to  the  King  from  the  North,  informing  him  of 
his  difficulties  in  Scotland,  and  on  ^ay  3oth  he  despatched 
another  formal  letter  from  Newcastle  to  the  Council,  warning 
them  that  from  his  arrangement  made  at  Ormiston,  he  expected 
that  a  great  effort  would  be  made  by  the  Scots  to  take  the  field 
in  force,  and  relieve  the  besieged  places,  before  August  ist. 
He  also  forwarded  news  that  he  had  reason  to  believe  that 
the  Welsh  and  the  French  were  co-operating  with  the  Scots, 
and  that  all  three  might  be  expected  to  make  a  supreme, 
simultaneous  effort  about  the  month  of  July.  To  meet  this 
apprehended  danger,  he  prayed  that  money  might  be  forwarded 
to  him  by  the  following  June  24th. 

To  this  the  King  replied  that  he  considered  that  the  Earl 
ought  to  be  strong  enough  to  hold  his  own  without  additional 
help,  but  that,  nevertheless,  he  had  ordered  that  "  a  certain  sum 
of  money"  should  be  sent  without  delay,  but  he  specified 
neither  the  amount  nor  the  probable  date  of  payment.  To  this 
the  Earl  replied  in  a  letter  dated  from  2  Healaugh,  near  Tad- 
caster,  June  26th,  urging  that  the  time  was  drawing  very  near, 
and  that  if  the  payment  were  not  made  very  speedily  there  was 
every  chance  "  that  the  good  renown  of  the  chivalry  of  your 
realm  will  not  be  kept  in  that  place  "  (i.e.,  Ormiston),  and  that 
dishonour  and  disaster  would  fall  upon  him  and  his  son,  "  who 
are  your  loyal  lieges."  But  he  could  not  believe  that  such  was 

.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  203.      *Il>id,  i,  204. 


35°  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

the  King's  pleasure.  He  could  have  understood  the  King's 
unwillingness  to  forward  any  more  help,  if  it  had  been  true,  as 
had  been  falsely  represented,  that  he  and  his  son  had  already 
received  ^60,000  since  the  King's  coronation.  But  this  was 
altogether  above  the  mark,  and  there  were  still  more  than 
^20,000  due  to  him  of  this  sum.  He  concluded  with  all  good 
wishes  of  respect  and  devotion,  and  signed  himself  "your 
Mathathias,"  a  playful  sobriquet  which  seems  to  have  been  in 
Common  use  between  them;  perhaps  in  reference  to  the 
prowess  and  patriotism  of  himself,  his  brother,  and  his  sons,  as 
a  second  family  of  Maccabees. 

In  presence  of  the  expected  combination  of  dangers,  the 
King  resolved  first  to  proceed  in  person  to  Scotland,  to  give 
the  2  encouragement  and  assistance  of  his  presence  to  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland  in  the  coming  battle,  and  afterwards  to 
remove  in  all  haste  to  Wales,  there  to  remain  and  establish 
himself  (pour  y  demourer  et  tenir  nre.  houstel)  till  the  rebellion 
should  be  crushed.  At  first,  the  3Earl  of  Northumberland  had 
discouraged  his  proposal  to  proceed  North,  but  afterwards  he 
agreed  that  it  might  be  of  advantage. 

On  the  loth  of  July,  1403,  while  the  Welsh  were  negociating 
with  the  only  band  of  English  who  ventured  to  face  them  in 
Caermarthenshire,  Henry  was  at  Higham  Ferrers,  in  North- 
amptonshire, on  his  way  to  Scotland,  from  which  place  he 
addressed  a  *  letter  to  his  Council,  ordering  them  to  send 
;£i,ooo  with  all  speed  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  at  Shrewsbury, 
to  pay  the  wages  of  his  men,  and  prevent  them  from  disbanding 
as  they  threatened  to  do.  5On  the  following  day  he  appears  to 

1  See  also  letter  in  OED.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  103.  2 "  Pour  y  donner  aide  et 
confort  a  nos  treschs.  et  foialx  cousins  le  Conte  de  Northumberland 
et  Henry  son  filz."  »  ANN.,  361.  *ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  206.  This  letter 
refers  to  the  two  letters  written  by  the  Prince  (dated  Shrewsbury,  May 
15th  and  30th),  and  fixes  the  year  without  doubt,  viz.:  1403.  6PAT.,  4 
H.  IV.,  2,  11,  dated  Lichfield,  July  llth,  1403. 


XXV.]          "  How  to  gall  and  pinch  this  Bolingbroke."  35 1 

have  moved  to  Lichfield.  But  now  (as  frequently  before)  he 
was  to  the  last  unaware  of  the  yawning  danger  that  was  opening 
at  his  very  feet.  In  a  day  or  two  after  writing  his  last  letter  he 
deceived  news  that  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  and  his  son 
were  in  open  revolt,  that  the  Earl  had  collected  a  large  force  in 
the  North,  and  that  Henry  Percy  had  issued  proclamations  in 
the  county  of  Chester,  where  his  influence  had  previously  been 
very  great,  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  King  as  "Henry  of 
Lancaster,"  and  asserted  that  King  Richard  was  still  alive.  He 
heard  also  that  Percy  was  already  on  his  way  to  join  the  rebels 
in  Wales,  accompanied  by  the  Earl  of  Douglas  and  other 
Scottish  nobles,  whom  he  had  released  from  their  captivity,  and 
that  2  Thomas  Percy,  Earl  of  Worcester,  whom  the  King  had 
trusted  as  guardian  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  had  secretly  removed 
his  treasure  from  London,  and  from  the  Prince's  headquarters 
at  Shrewsbury,  and  had  already  passed  over,  with  many  of  the 
troops  under  his  command,  to  join  the  rebellion  of  his  brother 
and  his  nephew. 

This  astounding  news  made  Henry  reverse  his  plans.  At 
first  8he  seems  to  have  thought  of  returning  to  the  capital  (as 
he  had  done  from  Windsor  in  a  previous  emergency),  there  to 
collect  troops  for  an  advance  as  circumstances  should  require ; 
but  from  this  course  he  was  dissuaded  by  the  Scotch  Earl  of 
March,  who  was  with  him  and  advised  an  instant  advance,  even 
though  inadequately  prepared,  to  strike  the  rebels  before  time 
should  give  them  a  stronger  footing.  Turning  westward  at 
once,  he  reached  Burton-on-Trent  by  Monday,  July  i6th, 
whence  he  issued  a  4  proclamation  to  the  Sheriffs  of  Oxford, 
Bedford,  Buckingham,  Warwick,  Leicester,  Northampton,  Rut- 
land, Nottingham,  Stafford,  Derby,  and  Lincolnshire,  calling  on 
them  to  assemble  the  muster  of  their  respective  counties,  and 

1  RYM.,  viii,  319.  2  ANN.,  361.  8  Ibid,  364.  *  RTM.,  viii,  313  ;  ROT. 
VIAG.,  23. 


35 2  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

advance  to  meet  him  with  all  speed,  wherever  he  might  be,  and 
if  in  the  meantime  they  met  any  who  were  suspected  of 
favouring  the  rebellion,  to  arrest  them,  and  keep  them  secured 
until  further  orders. 

The  following  morning,  Tuesday,  July  iyth,  he  *  wrote  to  the 
Council,  in  London,  informing  them  that,  acting  on  the  advice 
of  such  Knights  and  others  as  were  with  him,  he  had  decided 
to  issue  an  urgent  request  under  his  Privy  Seal  to  the  lords 
spiritual  and  temporal  for  advances  of  money,  and  he  forwarded 
to  London  a  sealed  copy  of  the  proposed  letter,  for  the  formal 
approval  of  the  Council.  He  assured  them  that  he  was  quite 
confident  that  he  was  strong  enough  to  resist  any  combination 
of  his  enemies,  and  he  stated  his  wish  that  every  member,  of  the 
Council  would  hasten  to  join  him,  except  the  Treasurer,  who 
should  remain  in  London,  to  receive  advances  and  forward  them 
in  all  haste  for  his  present  great  necessity.  The  2same  day  he 
moved  again  to  Lichfield.  On  the  i8th,  the  Council  issued 
notices  to  the  Sheriffs  of  London,  Middlesex,  Essex,  and  Hert- 
ford, to  hasten  with  their  forces  to  join  the  King  on  the  Marches 
of  Wales,  with  orders  to  assure  the  people  that  none  need  feel 
alarm,  though  all  must  be  ready  for  self-defence.  Henry  then 
moved  forward  in  all  speed  to  join  his  son  at  Shrewsbury,  only 
to  find  that  Henry  Percy,  with  a  3  force  estimated  at  14,000 
men,  was  already  close  to  the  gates,  4  demanding  food  and 
shelter  from  the  townspeople. 

To  many  of  the  Council  the  startling  news  of  the  insurrection 
must  have  come  with  a  suddenness  which  would  take  them 
altogether  by  surprise,  and  in  a  contemporary  English  account 
it  is  represented  as  a  5 sudden  and  mysterious  event  which  could 
not  be  explained ;  but  Henry,  .at  any  rate,  was  not  altogether 

1  ORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  207-  2  RYM.,  viii,  314 ;  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  6.  3  OTT., 
240.  *ANN.,  364.  5"Kepente,  nescitur  quo  spiritu  et  clam  conf oederatis 
sibi  plurimis  hostis  apparuit." — Ibid,  361. 


XXV.]  "  My  liege,  I  did  deny  no  prisoners."  353 

taken  unawares,  and  although  we  have  not  much  detail  as  to 
the  preliminaries  of  the  rebellion,  we  have  here  and  there  a  hint, 
or  a  demonstrated  fact,  which  throws  some  light  upon  the 
mystery. 

In  the  previous  summer,  the  nation  could  not  have  tailed  to 
notice  the  contrast  between  the  brilliant  victories  of  the  Percies 
in  the  North  and  the  miserable  retreat  of  the  King  from  Wales. 
In  the  Parliament  of  October,  1402,  the  chief  laurels  were  given 
to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  while  the  King  was  the  mere 
figurehead  to  register  the  triumphs  of  the  northern  Earl.  If 
Hotspur  had  slain  his  thousands,  Henry  had  not  even  one  poor 
Welsh  captive  to  show.  The  absence  of  the  great  Earl  of 
Douglas  from  the  parade  of  prisoners  could  not  fail  to  give  rise 
to  remark.  The  Scotch  Earl  was,  in  fact,  detained  in  the 
North  by  Henry  Percy,  who  claimed  him  as  his  captive ;  and 
when  Henry  sent  requiring  that  Douglas  should  be  sent  to 
London,  Henry  Percy  Evaded  the  demand,  asserting  that  the 
Earl  was  his  prisoner  and  not  the  King's,  but  that  he  would 
himself  come  before  the  King  in  person,  and  make  his 
explanation.  Within  six  days  Percy  presented  himself, 
"accordingly,  before  the  King,  and  an  angry  interview  was  the 
consequence.  When  Percy  entered,  the  King  abruptly  asked 
whether  he  had  brought  Douglas  with  him.  High  words 
ensued.  Hotspur  requested  that  his  brother-in-law,  Edward 
Mortimer,  should  be  allowed  to  ransom  himself,  as  Lord  Grey 
had  done.  Henry  angrily  refused,  saying  that  he  would  not 
have  money  going  out  of  the  country  to  help  his  enemies 
(i.e.,  the  Welsh).  "Shall  the  man  expose  himself  to  danger 
for  your  sake,"  said  Hotspur,  "  and  you  refuse  to  help  him  in 
his  captivity  ?  "  To  this  the  King  replied  that  Mortimer  was  a 
traitor,  who  had  yielded  himself,  2"by  his  consent  and  treason,'' 
to  the  Welsh.  "And  you  are  a  traitor,"  he  said,  taunting 

1  WAUE.,  4,  6,  1,  p.  57.      2  HARDYNG,  360. 

W 


354  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

Hotspur  that  he  had  not  captured  Owen  once  when  he  had  the 
opportunity,  referring  to  some  event  of :  which  we  have  now  no 
knowledge.  With  this  he  2 struck  him  in  the  face  and  drew  his 
sword  on  him.  "  Not  here,"  said  Hotspur,  "  but  in  the  field  ! " 
and  so  they  parted.  I  have  taken  the  particulars  of  this 
interview  from  the  accounts  of  contemporary  8 English  and 
French  chroniclers,  and  from  the  rhymer  Hardyng,  who  was  an 
intimate  friend  of  Hotspur,  and  was  with  him  as  his  page  at  the 
time  of  his  death. 

After  this  followed  the  open  treason  of  Mortimer,  and  for 
seven  months  it  seemed  as  if  the  quarrel  were  forgotten.  Henry 
granted  to  the  Percies  the  immense  tract  of  land  in  Scotland, 
and  though  dissatisfaction  was  certainly  shown  about  the  matter 
of  the  prisoners,  yet  arrangements  were  made  for  an  amicable 
settlement.  But  such  an  injury,  though  kept  a  secret  from  all, 
could  not  be  forgotten,  and  the  gathering  storms  in  France  and 
Wales  seemed  likely  soon  to  break  the  frail  foundations  of 
Henry's  throne.  Though  outwardly  loyal,  the  Earl  of  North- 
umberland, urged  by  his  fiery  son,  was  secretly  devising  again 
to  play  the  kingmaker,  and  this  time  to  secure  for  himself  a 
more  substantial  share  of  the  plunder  than  before. 

Unknown  to  Henry,  he  entered  into  a  4  secret  understanding 
with  Owen  and  Mortimer,  who  had  already  arranged  to  upset 
the  King  and  put  the  5young  Earl  of  March  on  the  throne  of 
England,  leaving  Wales  as  an  independent  Principality,  under 
Owen  and  his  successors.  This  is  not  to  be  confounded  with 
the  famous  Tripartite  Convention  sealed  at  the  house  of  the 
Archdeacon  of  Bangor,  which  document  was  not  signed  till  the 

1  Except,  perhaps,  when  Percy  was  treating  in  confidence  for  the 
release  of  Mortimer,  and  for  peace  between  Owen  and  the  King.  This 
is  referred  to  in  the  defiance  given  in  HARDYNG,  p.  353.  2"  Donna  au  dit 
de  Persi  ung  grant  soufflet." — WAUR.,  57.  3  EULOGIUM  HISTORIARUM  and 
WAURIN.  *  One  of  the  messengers,  John  Morys,  in  the  service  of  the  Earl 
of  Worcester,  was  still  with  Owen  as  late  as  October  3rd  following. — 
PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  135.  5  ORIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  24. 


XXV.]  "Have  I  not  all  their  letters 


year  1i405,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  alliance  between  Owen 
and  the  French.  Many  English  Lords,  including  the  arch- 
plotter  the  ~  Duke  of  York,  secretly  favoured  the  movement; 
while  the  clergy,  especially  in  the  North  of  England,  did  little 
to  oppose  the  spread  of  disaffection,  countenanced  as  it  was  by 
the  thinly-veiled  encouragement  of  3Richard  Scrope,  Archbishop 
of  York,  and  the  powerful  influence  of  the  Prince-Bishop  of 
Durham,  who  fled  to  France  after  the  battle,  and  was  offered  a 
safe  asylum  by  Charles  VI.  *"if  he  feared  to  return  to  England  ;" 
while  even  the  loyalty  of  the  5Archbishop  of  Canterbury  did 
not  escape  suspicion. 

The  disaffected  lost  no  opportunity  of  urging  Henry  Percy  to 
make  a  stand  in  the  name  of  the  young  Earl  of  March.  To 
sound  the  feeling  of  the  country,  and  to  avert  suspicion  while 
their  plans  were  preparing,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  and  his 
son  wrote  letters  to  many  of  the  disaffected  nobles  and  other 
leading  men,  c  explaining  that  they  had  no  disloyal  motives 
against  the  King.  Their  7  forces  were  collecting  to  meet  the 
attacks  of  the  Scots,  and  to  8  fulfil  their  pledged  engagements  at 
Cocklaw  and  Ormiston,  and  they  were  only  taking  ordinary 
precautions  to  secure  themselves  against  the  calumnies  of  certain 
of  their  enemies,  who  had  so  poisoned  the  mind  of  the  King 
against  them  that  they  dared  not  venture  into  his  presence  ;  but 
they  had  resolved  that  with  the  help  of  their  friends,  the  Prelates 
and  Barons  of  the  kingdom,  they  would  make  an  effort  to  reform 
the  administration  of  the  country,  and  establish  the  influence  of 
better  Counsellors,  who  would  see  that  the  taxes  and  customs 
granted  to  the  King  should  be  put  to  the  use  for  which  they 
were  intended,  and  not  be  wasted  for  purposes  useless,  or  worse 

li.e.,  February  28th.—  CHRON.  GILES,  p.  39  ;  TYLER,  i,  153.  2EoT. 
PARL.,  iii,  524.  SCOTICHRON.  (xv,  17)  names  also  the  Earls  of  Stafford  (?) 
and  Arundel.  3"Be  goode  advyse  and  counseill  of  Maister  Bichard 
Scrope."—  HARDYXG,  351.  *TILLET,  313.  5  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  524.  «ANK., 
361.  ?EULOG.,  iii,  396.  8  SCOTICHRON.,  xv,  17- 


356  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

than  useless,  as  they  were  now.  Many  of  the  Barons  encour- 
aged them  and  sent  written  promises  of  support.  These  letters 
were  afterwards  deposited  in  Warkworth  Castle,  and  were  seen 
there  by  ^ardyng,  when  he  was  Constable  of  the  castle  under 
Sir  Robert  Umfraville. 

When  news  of  these  complaints  came  to  Henry's  ears,  he 
sought  to  counteract  them  by  every  means  in  his  power.  He 
also  wrote  letters  to  those  who  seemed  to  share  the  disaffection 
of  the  Percies,  denying  that  he  had  any  such  feeling  as  they 
attributed  to  him.  He  was  prepared  to  prove  that  most  of  the 
grant  intended  for  them,  as  Wardens  of  the  March  of  Scotland, 
had  been  actually  paid  for  that  purpose,  and  that  their  state- 
ments in  reference  to  the  taxes  were  not  correct.  He  had 
appointed  Commissioners  to  consider  all  claims  in  reference  to 
the  prisoners  at  Humbledon.  He  had  granted  to  the  Earl  the 
best  part  of  the  Lowlands  of  Scotland,  and  he  proposed  to 
go  northward  in  person  to  smooth  over  the  difficulties  that 
might  arise.  The  Earl,  as  we  have  seen,  at  first  objected  that 
the  King's  presence  was  not  necessary,  but  Henry  maintained 
his  purpose  and  had  actually  started  on  his  way. 

Henry  Percy,  seeing  that  the  crisis  was  at  hand,  moved 
southward,  attended  by  2i6o  mounted  followers.  He  had 
previously  released  the  Earl  of  Douglas  and  3  about  twenty  of 
his  other  Scottish  prisoners,  and  these  all  accompanied  him. 
They  passed  through  Yorkshire,  where  the  Archbishop  and 
many  of  the  clergy  favoured  the  movement,  and  thence  through 
Lancashire  towards  Cheshire,  where  Henry  Percy  had  great 
influence.  A  noted  5 hermit  followed  with  them  who  had 
foretold  the  fall  of  Richard,  and  was  ready  to  do  duty  with  his 
prophecies  again.  The  party  reached  Chester  on  Monday, 

1<(The  lordes  all  of  England  had  hym  hight."  —  HARDYNG,  361. 
8  "  Eight  score  horse." — MS.  LANDS..  200  /,  201  6,  quoted  in  HARDYNG, 
Pref.  iii.  3  WYNTOWN,  ii,  408.  4MS.  HARL.,  1989,  fol.  381,  quoted  in 
TRAIS.,  280.  5EuLOG  ,  iii,  397  ;  ANN.,  372. 


XXV.  J  Chester.  357 

July  9th,  and  Percy  rested  at  the  house  of  ^etronilla  Clark, 
whose  son,  John  Kyngesley,  was  among  his  most  devoted 
supporters.  Many  joined  them  from  Wales  and  Cheshire.  The 
parsons  of  -Rostherne,  Hawarden,  Pulford,  Doddlestone,  Han- 
ley,  and  Davenham,  were  with  them,  besides  many  Beestons 
and  Leighs  and  Wenningtons,  and  other  great  Cheshire  names. 
The  rumour  was  spread  that  Richard  was  indeed  alive,  and  was 
coming  at  last  with  the  army  of  the  Percies  to  claim  his  right. 
Those  who  were  loyal  to  his  memory  might  come  themselves  to 
join  the  muster  at  Chester,  3  where  they  should  see  their  very 
King  Richard  in  the  castle,  or  within  a  week  they  might  see  him 
Avith  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  surrounded  by  a  great  army, 
at  4  Sandy  way,  on  the  highroad  between  Northwich  and  the 
Forest. 

In  a  few  days  Percy  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  5small 
army  of  seemingly  enthusiastic  followers.  Many  came  wearing 
the  white  hart,  the  badge  of  the  late  King  Richard.  Others 
had  been  entrapped  into  leaving  their  farms  at  the  bidding  of 
their  feudal  chiefs,  not  knowing  what  service  might  be  required 
of  them.  The  tenants  of  6  Lord  Lestrange,  in  the  hundred  of 
Ellesmere  and  the  townships  of  Hampton  Culmere  and  Hamp- 
ton Wode,  had  been  summoned  by  the  steward,  John  Kynaston, 
to  attend  their  Lord  in  the  King's  presence.  They  followed 
without  question  as  far  as  a  place  called  Mudle,  in  Shropshire. 
Not  finding  Lord  Lestrange,  they  wished  to  return  home  ;  but 
they  were  bullied  by  the  steward  and  forcibly  detained  by 
Henry  Percy,  under  threats  that  they  would  be  drawn,  beheaded, 
or  hanged.  At  Lichfield  the  muster  was  complete. 

And  here  all  disguise  as  to  the  real  nature  of  the  movement 
was  thrown  aside.  Richard  was  known  to  be  dead.  Percy 


4  H.  IV.,  2,  11.  -Ibid,  2,  7.  SANK.,  363.  4TEAis.,  285. 
"  Ultra  foreBtatn  de  Delamar  apud  le  Sendyweye."  5  EULOG.,  iii,  396. 
6  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  12. 


358  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

proclaimed  that  he,  as  one  of  those  who  had  before  helped 
Henry  to  the  throne,  now  saw  his  mistake,  and  meant  to  set 
himself  right.  The  rightful  heir  was  Edmund,  the  young  Earl 
of  March,  and  a  formal  defiance  was  *  ready,  in  which  the  Earls 
of  Northumberland  and  Worcester,  and  Henry  Percy,  renounced 
their  allegiance  to  King  Henry,  charging  him  with  perjury  and 
lying,  in  that : — 

(1)  He  had  sworn  to  them  at   Doncaster,  in  1399,  that  he 
would  not  claim  the  kingdom,  but  only  his  inheritance 
and  lands,  but  that  Richard  should  still  reign  under  the 
control  of  a  Council  of  Prelates  and  Barons  ;  yet  he  had 
imprisoned  him,   taken  his  crown,  and  starved  him  to 
death  in   Pontefract,   after   fifteen    days   and    nights   of 
hunger,  thirst,  and  cold. 

(2)  He  had  promised  not  to  exact  taxation  from  the  clergy 
and  people,  except  with  the  advice  of  the  three  estates  in 
Parliament,  and  only  for  great  emergencies. 

(3)  After  swearing  to  maintain  the  laws,  he  had  ordered  his 
Sheriffs  in  every  county  to  return  to  Parliament  such 
Knights  only  as  would  favour  his  wishes. 

(4)  He    had   refused    to   ransom    Edmund    Mortimer   from 
captivity,  and  had  kept  the  young  Earl  of  March  from  his 
rightful  succession  to  the  throne. 

For  all  these  reasons  they,  as  the  true  Protectors  of  the 
Commonwealth,  defied  Henry  and  his  party  as  Destroyers  of 
it,  Traitors,  Invaders,  Oppressors,  and  Violators,  and  vowed 
with  God's  help  to  make  good  their  words  by  battle. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  Owen  should  meet  them  with  an 
army  of  Welshmen  on  the  "gentle  Severn's  sedgy  bank." 
They  moved  westward,  therefore,  and  were  before  Shrewsbury 
about  the  i9th  or  2oth  of  July.  Here  they  demanded  food, 
while  the  army  halted  for  a  short  rest.  Admission  being  refused, 
they  proceeded  to  beset  the  town. 

i  HAEDTNG,  351. 


XXV.]  Strength  of  the  Armies.  359 

Thinking  at  first  that  the  King  would  wait  at  Burton  till  his 
troops  had  collected,  they  lay  Carelessly  about  the  town,  and 
took  no  pains  to  intercept  him  in  his  progress  west.  Thus 
King  Henry  entered  Shrewsbury  without  opposition,  and  Hot- 
spur drew  up  his  army  in  front  of  the  hamlet  of  Berwick,  in 
the  plain  about  two  miles  to  the  north-west.  The  fields  between 
were  ripening  with  their  autumn  crops,  and  many  acres  were 
covered  with  tangled  peas  and  vetches. 

The  numbers  of  the  contending  armies  are  estimated  with  all 
the  usual  extremes  of  variation.  On  the  side  of  the  Percies,  a 
2 French  writer  gives  24,000  archers  and  2,000  lances.  A 
3Scotch  chronicle  gives  20,000  as  the  total;  while  the  most 
sober  4  English  chronicler  states  the  total  at  14,000  men, 
including  archers  from  5  Cheshire,  Derby,  and  Flint,  the  former 
of  whom  were  reckoned  among  the  best  in  the  country.  On 
the  King's  side,  the  numbers  are  not  given  by  any  contemporary 
writer.  The  nearest  approach  to  a  contemporary  statement  is 
given  in  the  French  writer  Waurin,  who  had  his  information 
"  from  notable  men,  who  said  that  they  had  seen  Knights  who. 
certified  that  they  had  seen  this  thing."  He  estimates  that 
Henry  had  an  army  of  60,000  men,  including  26,000  archers 
and  3,000  men-at-arms ;  but  his  figures  may  be  safely  set  aside 
as  fabulous,  together  with  the  other  details  that  he  gives  of  the 
battle.  The  Scotch  rhymer  7Wyntown,  gives  the  numbers  as 
over  30,000.  It  is  more  than  likely  that  the  King  had  to  rely 
upon  such  musters  as  had  been  called  out  in  the  spring  to 
follow  the  Prince  in  defending  the  Marches,  and  who  were 
already  clamouring  for  arrears  of  pay.  Fortunately  for  Henry, 

1 "  Securus  obsedit  villam."— ANN.,  364.      2  WAUR.,  iv,  6,  2,  59. 
s  "  Wyth  twenty  thousand  Ynglis  men 

At  Schrewis-bery  gadryte  then." — WYNTOWN,  ii,  407. 
*  OTT.,  241.      s  RYU.,  viii,  320.      e  WAUR.,  iv,  6,  2,  62. 
7  "  And  thretty  thousand  or  ma  than 

Wes  vvyth  ye  King  of  Inglendis  men." — WYNCOWN,  ii,  407. 


360  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

their  demands  had  been  to  some  extent  satisfied.  The  '  Pell 
Records  contain  an  entry  dated  July  iyth,  1403,  recording  the 
payment  of  ^"8,108  2s.  for  wages,  to  4  Barons,  20  Knights, 
476  Esquires,  and  2,500  archers  (3,000  men  in  all),  though  this 
must  refer  to  money  previously  paid  and  only  recently  enrolled. 
It  is  true  that  in  his  letter  from  Burton,  on  the  lyth  July,  the 
King  had  assured  the  Council  that  he  ~ was  "strong  enough 
against  all  the  disaffected."  But  only  a  week  previously  he  had 
written  urging  the  desperate  condition  of  the  army  with  the 
Prince  at  Shrewsbury ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  the  Sheriffs  of 
the  midland  counties  had  not  yet  had  time  to  answer  the 
summons  issued  four  days  before  3(July  i6th),  and  the  Treasurer 
had  as  yet  no  means  of  forwarding  the  money  asked  for  on  the 
previous  Tuesday  (July  i  yth). 

It  was  now  Friday  night  (July  20th),  and  it  was  understood 
that  the  following  Monday  (23rd)  had  been  appointed  among 
the  rebels  themselves  for  their  grand  attack.  To  delay  would 
be  to  give  Hotspur  a  chance  of  strengthening  himself  by 
supports  from  the  Welsh  on  the  one  side  and  his  father  on  the 
other.  On  the  advice  of  George  Dunbar,  the  Scotch  Earl  of 
March,  Henry  decided  to  fight  the  following  day. 

Early  on  4  Saturday,  July  2ist,  1403  (the  Feast  of  St.  Praxedes, 
or  the  Eve  of  St.  Mary  Magdalene)  the  King  drew  up  his  army 
in  three  divisions.  That  in  the  front  was  under  the  command 
of  the  young  Earl  of  Stafford,  while  the  King  himself  and  the 
Prince  of  Wales  took  command  of  the  other  two.  The  spot  on 
which  the  battle  raged  is  variously  called  5  Haytleyfield,  in 
Albrighton  Hussey,  or  6Husseyfield,  or  7Bullfield,  in  the  town- 

1  Quoted  in  TYLER,  i,  139.  *  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  208.  3  RYM.,  viii,  313. 
4  HIST.  CROYL.,  495.  5  PAT.,  10  H.  IV.,  1,  2,  quoted  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i, 
liii.  CARTE  (ii,  659)  calls  it  "  Hartlefield  near  Berwick."  o  "  In  bello 
de  Hnsifelde  " — ex  offic.  remorator.  thesaur.  in  Scacc.- — 5  H.  IV.,  19,  9, 
quoted  in  OWEN  AND  BLAKEWAY,  i,  186  ;  add  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  31. 
7 "  Apud  bellum  de  Bolefield  in  villa  de  Harlescot."  Inquis.  ad  quod 
Datnnum  4  H.  V. — JOHN  MASSY  DE  TATTON. 


XXV. J          "  Than  semeth  hit  lhar  mosie  be  bataylle"  361 

ship  of  Harlescot ;  but  these  are  only  different  local  designations 
for  parts  of  the  same  ground,  near  the  village  of  Berwick,  and 
most  of  the  official  references  to  the  battle  refer  to  it  as  having 
been  fought  "'in  the  plain  near  Shrewsbury." 

To  the  last,  however,  the  King  shrank  from  accepting  battle. 
Early  in  the  day,  he  sent  forward  Thomas  Prestbury,  Abbot  of 
Shrewsbury,  offering  terms  to  the  rebels  if  they  would  disperse, 
and  asking  a  statement  of  their  grievances,  which  might  be 
remedied  if  they  were  fairly  discussed.  Or,  if  Percy  preferred  to 
communicate  them  privately,  he  begged  him  to  send  some  one 
whom  he  could  trust,  and  he  should  have  every  consideration 
paid  to  him. 

We  know,  indeed,  of  one  instance,  and  there  may  have  been 
•others,  where  some  of  the  rebels  grew  fainthearted  at  the  sight 
of  battle  and  made  their  peace  in  time.  2  Richard  Horkesley 
(known  sometimes  as  Richard  Ramkyn),  when  he  saw  the 
royal  standard  displayed,  crossed  over  and  joined  the  King's 
army,  and  was  afterwards  suitably  rewarded. 

But  for  the  Percies  matters  had  now  gone  too  far,  and  recon- 
ciliation was  impossible.  The  defiance  had  been  published, 
and  had  been  sent  to  the  King  on  the  field  of  battle  by  two 
squires,  3  Thomas  Knayton  and  Roger  Salvayn.  In  answer  to 
Henry's  overtures,  the  Earl  of  Worcester  crossed  to  the  royal 
army,  and  the  message  with  which  he  was  charged  put  an  end 
to  all  hope  of  compromise.  "  You  rob  the  country  every  year," 
he  said,  "  and  always  say  that  you  have  nothing — your  Treasurer 
has  nothing— you  make  no  payments — keep  no  house — you  are 
not  the  rightful  heir  !  "  The  King  answered  that  he  took  the 
taxes  for  the  government  of  the  country,  and  that  he  had  been 
chosen  King  by  the  country.  "  Put  yourselves  in  my  hand," 
he  said,  "and  trust  to  my  favour." 

1  "In  campo  prope  Salop."      2  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  5  (July  30th,  1405), 
records  his  pardon  and  reward.      3HARDYNG,  352. 


362  The  Baffle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

"  We  cannot  trust  you,"  they  said. 

"Then  on  you  must  rest  the  blood  shed  this  day,  and  not  on 
me,"  said  the  King.  ^'Forward  banner  !  (En  avant  baner  ! )" 
and  shortly  after  midday  the  battle  was  begun. 

It  raged  fiercely  till  nightfall.  The  Chester  archers  opened 
with  a  furious  hail,  and  4,000  of  the  royal  troops  broke  in 
confusion.  Percy  and  Douglas  pressed  on  in  the  thickest  of 
the  fight,  seeking  the  King.  Twice  in  the  fury  of  their  attack 
they  made  for  their  enemy,  and  in  the  rush  and  the  dust  cut 
down  some  foremost  Knight,  and  then  the  cry  went  up,  "  Henry 
Percy,  King  !  "  But  the  King  reappeared  upon  the  field,  and 
the  deadly  wavering  struggle  never  slacked.  The  Chester  men 
were  cut  to  pieces,  200  of  them  being  left  dead.,  The  2Prince 
of  Wales  was  wounded  in  the  face.  The  Earl  of  Stafford  was 
killed.  Late  in  the  day  Henry  Percy  was  surrounded,  and  cut 
down  by  an  unknown  hand  ;  the  Earls  of  Douglas  and  Worcester 
were  taken  alive ;  and  the  whole  rebel  army  turned  and  fled. 
But  so  scattered  was  the  field  that  when  night  fell,  and  the  two 
armies  separated,  neither  knew  which  had  the  victory,  and  they 
lay  down  "  in  mixed  heaps,  weary,  and  beaten,  and  bleeding." 

Such  was  the  end  of  this  horrible  day,  3 "  one  of  the  wyrste 
bataylys  that  ever  came  to  Inglonde,  and  unkyndyst  ;"  a  day 
4 "rather  to  be  celebrated  with  teares  than  triumphs,"  fought 
out  between  Englishmen  with  a  fierceness  hitherto  unequalled, 
and  a  slaughter  hitherto  unknown.  Much  of  the  account  in 
the  "Annales"  was  supplied  by  a  5squire  of  the  Duchess  of 
Norfolk,  who  was  present  in  the  battle.  Being  wounded,  he 
crawled  on  his  hands  and  knees  under  a  hedge,  weighed  down 
by  his  armour  and  panting  for  air.  That  night  the  moon  was 

1  EULOG.,  3,  397.  Cf.  "  Aiul  by  his  baner  was  born  his  pynoun." — 
CHAUCER,  Knight's  Tale,  120.  -  ELMHAM,  ch.  iii.  3  GREGORY  CHRON., 
103.  4  SPEED,  629.  5ANN.,  370.  An  early  picture  of  the  battle  (temp. 
Ed.  IV.)  appears  in  the  BEAUCHAMP  MS.,  COTT.  JUL.  E.,  iv,  201 ;  figured 
in  STRUTT,  ii,  plate  xiii. 


XXV.]      "  Not  fully  quyke  ne  fully  deede  they  were''          363 

Eclipsed  from  half-past  eight  till  midnight.  Throughout  the 
night  the  2"pilours,"  or  strippers,  prowled  among  the  bodies, 
-despatching  the  wounded  and  stripping  the  dead.  On  the 
King's  side,  the  Earl  of  Stafford  and  nine  Knights  were  killed, 
and  an  untold  number  of  men.  It  is  estimated  that  1,600  were 
left  dead  on  the  field ;  while  3,000  were  wounded,  many  of 
whom  subsequently  died  of  their  wounds.  The  3  Scotch 
chronicler  puts  the  number  of  dead  on  both  sides  at  7,000  or 
8,000. 

Messengers  were  at  once  despatched  throughout  the  kingdom, 
4 announcing  the  death  of  Hotspur  and  the  capture  of  the  Earl 
of  Worcester ;  and  instructions  were  sent  to  the  keepers  of  the 
various  5  seaports  to  stop  all  persons  from  leaving  the  country 
until  further  orders. 

On  the  following  day  the  bodies  of  the  dead  were  collected 
for  burial.  They  6were  found  to  cover  a  space  of  over  three 
miles.  Many  were  buried  where  they  fell,  but  most  of  them 
were  heaped  together  in  a  great  pit,  close  to  the  spot  where  the 
church  now  stands.  When  the  corpse  of  Hotspur  was  found  it 


i  The  eclipse  is  recorded  in  L'ART  PE  VERIFIER,  vol.  i,  77,  under  date 
August  2nd;  10-30  p.m.  Correcting  the  galendar  by  the  necessary  twelyja_ 
days,  this  date  will  correspond  with  July  21st.  From  independent 
calculations  (kindly  supplied  by  the  Kev.  J.  C.  Bates,  of  Castleton  Moor, 
Rochdale),  it  appears  that  the  eclipse  was  total  and  lasted  from  8-30  till 
11-58,  the  middle  falling  about  10-14  p.m.  2  "  The  pilours  diden  busi- 
nesse  and  cure." — CHAUCER,  Knight's  Tale,  149. 

3 ''  And  sewyn  or  aucht  thousand  men 

Slane  into  that  Feild  ware  then." — WYNTOWN,  ii,409. 

4  Payments  for  these  messengers   are   entered   in  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  4 
H.  IV.,  PASCH.,  under  date  July  17th,  1403,  showing  that  the  copying 
—clerks  in  the  Exchequer  were  not  absolutely  free  from  the  risk  of  mis- 
take.    The  entry  occurs  with  others  in  the  middle  of  the  Roll,  where 
_there  is  always  a  long  blank,  which  may  have  been  used  for  the  enrolment 
of  sundries,  without  special  regard  to  date.     Under  the  very  same  date 
jpccurs  a  payment  of  £666  13s.  4d.  to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  and 
Henry  Percy  for  keeping  the  March  of  Scotland.      5  Not  the   "ferries 
and  passages  of  the  river,"  as  TYLER,  i,  197.      G  "  Quorum  corpora  circa 
tria  miliaria  et  ultra  in  eodem  campo  et  circiter  eundem  campum  jacent 
humata" — Extract  from  Charter  to  College  of  Battlefield,  December  5th, 
-1446,  in  OWEN  AND  BLAKEWAY,  i,  194. 


364  The  Battle  of  Shrewsbury.  [CHAP. 

was  said  that  the  King  shed  tears  over  it,  grieving  for  his  death. 
The  *body  was  at  first  given  into  the  charge  of  Lord  Furnival, 
and  was  by  him  solemnly  buried  in  the  neighbouring  chapel  of 
Whitchurch  ;  but  after  a  day  or  two  it  was  disinterred  from 
motives  of  policy,  and  forwarded  to  2  Shrewsbury,  where  it  was 
rubbed  in  salt  and  3  placed  erect  between  two  millstones,  by  the 
side  of  the  pillory  (jitxta  collistrigium )  in  the  open  street.  Here 
it  remained  for  a  while  in  a  sitting  posture,  guarded  by  armed 
sentries,  that  all  might  see  that  Henry  Percy  was  dead,  lest 
afterwards  the  King  should  be  plagued  with  duplicates  of  Hot- 
spur, as  he  had  been  before  by  counterfeits  of  Richard.  4  The 
head  was  then  cut  off  and  sent  to  be  fixed  on  the  gates  of  York ; 
the  body  was  quartered,  and  the  5 parts  were  sent  to  be  hung 
above  the  gates  of  London,  Bristol,  Newcastle,  and  Chester. 

On  Monday,  July  23rd,  the  Earl  of  Worcester,  Sir  Richard 
Venables,  Baron  of  Kinderton,  and  Sir  Richard  Vernon,  all  of 
whom  had  been  taken  prisoners  in  the  battle,  were  summarily 
convicted  of  treason  and  beheaded.  The  head  of  the  Earl  of 
Worcester  was  sent  forward  cto  be  set  up  on  London  Bridge, 
where  it  was  exhibited,  together  with  those  of  Vernon  and 
Venables,  until 7  December  i8th,  on  which  day  it  was  taken 
down  and  sent  to  be  buried  with  the  headless  body  in  the 
Abbey  Church  of  St.  Peter,  at  Shrewsbury. 

On  the   field,   8  Henry  offered  thanks  for  his  victory,   and 

-vowed  to  build  a  hospice  or  cell 9"  on  behalf  of  the  souls  of  the 

slain."     This  vow  was  carried  into  effect  in  10 1409,  when  two 

acres  of  land  on  the  battlefield  were  granted  for  building  and 

endowing  a  chapel  thereon,  with  daily  mass  for  the  souls  of 

i  Scrope's  Manifesto,  in  ANGL.  SACRA,  ii,  366  ;  also  TRAIS.,  285.  2Siow, 
329.  3CHRON.  LOND.,  88.  4  WYNTOWN  (ii,  409)  says:  "  a  lym  of  him." 
s  ROT.  VIAG.  (22)  contains  the  order,  dated  Lichfield,  July  26th,  1403. 
6  See  instructions  to  the  Mayor  and  Sheriffs  (dated  Lichfield,  July  25th, 
1403),  Ibid,  22  ;  RYM.,  viii,  320.  ?  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  25.  8  WAUR.,  66. 
-s»UsK,  80.  -10See  PAT.,  10  H.  IV.,  1,  2,  quoted  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  liii. 


XXV.]  "  Te  Deum  Laudamus  !  "  365 

those  who  fell.      The  1  church  is  dedicated  to  St.  Mary  Magda- 
lene, and  is  called  Battlefield  to  this  day. 

The  Prince  of  Wales,  being  2 disabled  by  his  wound,  was  left 
at  Shrewsbury,  with  powers  to  punish  or  pardon  at  his  discretion 
the  rebels  in  Chester,  Denbigh,  and  Flint,  and  the  King 
himself  moved  out  with  his  army  to  meet  the  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland. 

iRoss,  the  antiquarian   (temp.  H.  VI.),  calls  it :   "collegium  certorum 
-capellanorum  sub  uno  gardiano."--HisT.  REG.  ANGL.,  207.       2RoT.  VIAG. 
27   (dated  Shrewsbury,  July  23rd),  states  that  the  Prince  is  not  able 
(non  potest)  to  proceed  to  Wales. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

THE    SUBMISSION    OF    EARL    PERCY. 

ON  the  X22nd  of  July  (immediately  after  the  battle),  orders  had 
been  issued  to  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland,  calling  upon  him  to 
raise  the  forces  of  Northumberland  and  Yorkshire,  to  advance 
against  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  (if  he  were  captured) 
to  bring  him  alive  into  the  King's  presence,  while  2  other  levies 
were  to  meet  at  Pontefract  and  bar  his  passage  southward.  On 
the  325th  of  July,  the  King  was  at  Stafford,  and  passed  through 
*Lichfield  (July  26th  to  28th),  Derby  (July  28th),  Nottingham 
(July  29th  to  3ist),  Mansfield  (August  ist),  and  Doncaster 
(August  2nd),  to  Pontefract,  where  he  spent  three  days 
(August  4th,  5th,  and  6th). 

The  Earl  of  Northumberland  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Tadcaster,  where  he  had  collected  a  large  force  intending  to 
move  down  to  the  assistance  of  his  son ;  but  finding  that  the 
Earl  of  Westmoreland  was  raising  the  loyal  troops  of  the  North 
in  his  rear,  he  thought  it 5  prudent  to  retire  northward,  rather 
than  run  the  risk  of  being  intercepted  and  cut  off  from  his 
influence  in  his  own  county.  Being  closely  pursued  by  the 
royal  troops,  he  presented  himself  at  Newcastle-on-Tyne.  But 
the  burgesses,  having  news  of  the  failure  at  Shrewsbury,  and 
seeing  that  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland  was  following  in  pursuit, 
closed  their  gates,  refusing  to  admit  him,  except  he  came 

1  RYM.,  viii,  319.      2  EOT.  YIAG.,  25,  dated  Burton-on-Trent,  July  27th. 
3RYM.,  viii,  320,  321.      *See  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  mm.  3,  5,  10,  11,  12,  17. 
6  Northumberland,  who,  like  a  spring-taught  snayle, 
Was  crawling  to  have  Nibbled  the  fresh  leafe, 
Found  the  Aire  raw,  and  shrinkes  into  his  shell. 

DANIEL-TKINAKCHOEDIA,  H.  IV.,  248,  p.  63. 


York.  367 

accompanied  by  his  own  private  retinue  of  servants  only.  The 
Earl  by  this  time  had  heard  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  his  son, 
and  seeing  that  further  opposition  was  hopeless  he  agreed  to  the 
conditions,  and  entered  Newcastle  with  a  few  personal  attendants, 
leaving  his  fighting  men  without.  While  the  Earl  was  resting, 
his  troops,  indignant  at  their  treatment,  made  an  assault  upon 
the  walls.  But  the  townspeople  beat  them  off,  and  on  the 
following  morning  the  Earl  dismissed  them  to  their  homes, 
while  he  himself  withdrew  to  Warkworth,  and  all  show  of 
resistance  was  at  an  end. 

At  Warkworth,  he  received  a  letter  from  the  King,  urging  him 
with  all  moderation  to  submit,  and  promising  to  receive  him 
xback  into  favour,  if  he  would  come  without  armed  followers  to 
a  personal  interview  at  York.  The  King,  meantime,  issued  an 
order  from  Pontefract  (dated  2August  4th),  forbidding  his  troops 
to  plunder  the  property  of  the  Earl's  tenants  in  the  North,  and 
then  moved  forward  8  through  Roth  well,  reaching  York  on 
4  the  8th  of  August,  where  he  remained  until  the  i3th. 

On  Saturday,  August  nth  (the  day  after  St.  Lawrence's  Day), 
he  was  met  by  the  Earl  in  York.  The  poor  old  man  was  quite 
5 broken  down.  His  eyes  then  saw  the  ghastly  head  of  his 
favourite  son  on  the  gates,  and  he  had  come  to  yield  himself  to 
the  clemency  of  the  benefactor  and  friend,  whom  he  had  set  up 
and  now  had  wished  to  destroy.  The  King  received  him 
coldly,  and  the  welcome  that  had  before  existed  between  the 
friends  could  never  now  be  renewed.  The  Earl  excused  him- 
self from  any  share  in  the  rising,  and  laid  all  the  blame  upon 

luln  quibus  repromisit  indemnitatem." — ANN.,  372.  "Hit  like  to 
Zowre  Hynesse  that  al  graceles  sholde  I  nat  go." — EOT.  PAUL.,  iii,  524. 
2  KYM.,  viii,  321 ;  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  2.  3  PAT>J  4  H.  IV.,  2,  7.  *  Ibid,  2, 
contains  documents,  dated  York,  August  8th,  9th,  10th,  12th,  13th  (mm. 
10,  12,  15),  5  "  My  comyng  to  zowre  worshipful  presence  into  Zork  of 
my  free  will,  be  zowre  goodly  letters  where  I  put  me  in  zowre  grace  as 
that  I  naght  have  kept  zowre  lowys  and  statutys  as  ligeance  askyth." — 
EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  524. 


368  The  Submission  of  Earl  Percy,  [CHAP. 

his  son,  who,  he  said,  had  acted  without  his  consent.  The 
*King  had  previously  given  him  an  assurance  on  oath,  that  he 
should  suffer  no  harm,  until  he  had  had  an  opportunity  to 
answer  for  himself  before  the  Parliament,  and  he  kept  his  word. 
He  promised  him  his  life  and  an  honourable  maintenance,  but 
refused  him  his  liberty,  and  the  two  returned  together  to 
Pontefract,  on  the  i4th  of  August. 

Before  leaving  York,  the  King  was  accosted  by  the  hermit, 
whose  reputation  for  soothsaying  stood  high,  because  he  had 
predicted  the  disasters  that  had  befallen  Richard,  and  whose 
saintliness  was  emphasized  by  bare  feet,  hair  shirt,  and 
wonderful  fasting.  Undaunted  by  the  recent  failure,  he 
approached  the  King  and  began  to  upbraid  him,  but  Henry- 
would  have  none  of  it,  and  the  poor  wretch's  head  was  struck 
off  as  a  traitor. 

At  Pontefract,  the  King  and  the  Earl  entered  into  an  arrange- 
ment that  the  2  castles  of  Berwick,  Cockermouth  (where  some 
of  the  Scottish  prisoners,  including  Murdoch,  Earl  of  Fife,  were 
still  imprisoned),  Alnwick,  Warkworth,  Prudhoe  (qn  the  Tyne), 
and  Langlee  (?  Lambley,  or  Lumley,  on  the  Wear,  or  Lantley, 
above  Hexham,  on  the  South  Tyne),  should  be  kept  and 
governed  by  officers  appointed  by  the  King.  The  Earl  was 
then  removed,  and  kept  under  close  guard  at  3Baginton,  near 
Coventry.  He  was  deprived  of  his  office  of  Constable,  which, 
with  all  its  emoluments,  was  now  4  conferred  upon  the  King's 
third  son,  Prince  John,  a  boy  fourteen  years  of  age.  The 
Prince  had  already  been  appointed  5  Warden  of  Berwick  and  of 
the  East  March,  6with  power  over  the  Scottish  prisoners  there 


iii,  398.     aQfiD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  212,  214.     Ubid,  i,  216. 
"  Whom  then  he  putte  to  holde  in  sore  prisone, 
With  two  menne  of  his  own,  in  Bagynton." 

HARDTNG,  cciii,  362. 

*RYM.,  viii,  330;  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  10,  September  10th,  1403.  5  ROT. 
SCOT.,  ii,  164,  dated  Pontefract,  August  6th,  1403  ;  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  544; 
STAT.,  ii,  148.  6  ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  164,  dated  York,  August  13th,  1403. 


XXVI.]  Prince  John.  369 

confined.  The  appointment  was  to  date  from  *  August  i3th, 
and  was  to  be  retained  for  seven  years.  An  instalment  of 
;£i,343  6s.  7/^d.  was  paid  to  him,  to  maintain  his  position 
and  satisfy  the  claims  of  his  troops.  The  West  March,  with 
the  castle  of  Carlisle,  was  at  the  same  time  given  to  the  Earl  of 
Westmoreland,  though  not  8  formally  conferred  upon  him  till 
March  4th,  1404.  3In  the  thick  of  the  danger  the  East  March 
also  had  been  conferred  upon  him,  with  the  castles  of  Berwick 
and  Bamborough,  for  life ;  but  the  subsequent  appointment  of 
Prince  John  necessitated  a  change  of  plan. 

Before  leaving  Pontefract  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  had 

4  put  his  seal  to  such  documents  as  the  King  required.     In 
accordance  with  these,  directions  were  at  once  despatched  to 
the  Constables  of  the  castles  to  deliver  up  possession  to  the 
King's  nominees.     Justices  were  required  to  sit  at  Newcastle, 
and  a  Sheriff  was  to  represent  the  royal  interests ;  while  an 

5  officer  was  appointed  who  should  be  responsible  for  the  good 
government  of  all  the  lands,  castles,  and  lordships  of  the  Earl 
of  Northumberland,  in  the  name  of  the  King.     Commissioners 
were  also  despatched  to  tender  to  all  Knights  and  Esquires  in 
the  county  of  Northumberland  an  6oath,  which  had  been  drawn 
up  at  Pontefract  (August   i5th),  binding  them  to  be  loyal  to 
King  Henry  and  his  heirs,  and  to  renounce  the  company  and 
service  of  the  Earl  \  not  to  communicate  with  him  or  send  him 
anything  without  express  permission,  nor  to  be  privy  to  any 

1  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  5  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  November  20bh  and  December 
3rd.  *ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  166.  3pAT.}  4  H.  IV.,  2,  10  (dated  July  29th, 
1403),  where  Henry  Percy  is  spoken  of  as  having  "gone  the  way  of  all 
flesh"  (viam  universae  carnis  est  ingressus).  4 It  had  been  forwarded 
by  a  special  messenger  from  London. — PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  5  H.  IV., 
MICH.,  November  9th.  5  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  8,  contains  an  order  (dated 
September  7th,  1403)  addressed  to  Lord  de  Say,  Seneschal  of  the  King's 
Household,  to  take  over  all  the  Earl's  possessions  in  Yorkshire,  North- 
umberland, Cumberland,  Westmoreland,  and  Newcastle,  while  John 
Leventhorpe  was  to  collect  the  revenues.  6RYM.,  viii,  322.  ROT.  VIAG. 
(24,  25)  contains  the  oath  in  full. 


37°  The  Sub?nission  of  Earl  Percy. 

future  schemes  against  the  King  or  his  heirs,  on  pain  of  losing 
life  and  limb. 

Then  followed  a  liberal  distribution  of  rewards,  in  which  the 
Scottish  Earl  of  March  and  his  son  had  an  ample  share, 
receiving,  among  other  things,  the  forfeited  possessions  of 
Henry  Percy,  in  the  Fens  of  Lincolnshire,  besides  many  estates 
belonging  to  the  sEarl  of  Worcester.  All  manors,  castles,  and 
lands  belonging  to  Henry  Percy  in  8  Cumberland  were  subse- 
quently granted  to  Prince  John.  The  4  silver  vessels  of  the 
Earl  of  Worcester  were  granted  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  the 
property  of  5Sir  Richard  Venables  passed  to  his  brother  William, 
who  had  remained  loyal  to  the  King. 

On  the  6i5th  of  August,  the  King  issued  orders  to  Sheriffs, 
that  levies  should  meet  him  at  Worcester  on  the  3rd  of  Sep- 
tember, and  he  left  7Pontefract  on  the  iyth  of  August,  proceeding 
by  Doncaster,  Worksop,  8  Leicester,  and  Beckley  (near  Oxford), 
to  Woodstock,  where  he  rested  (August  24th  to  29th)  on  his 
way  to  attempt  the  fulfilment  of  the  second  part  of  his  declared 
intention  in  quelling  the  insurrection  in  Wales. 

i  RYM.,  viii,  323.  Of.  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  9  (dated  July  7th,  1404), 
where  Lord  de  Grey  receives  two  hospices  belonging  to  Henry  Percy  in 
"Aldrichegate  Strete,"  in  London,  with  shops,  solars  (for  the  "solar"  or 
state-room,  see  ROGERS,  i,  12),  closes,  gardens,  &c.  a GLAUS.  5  H.  IV., 
1,  32,  dated  October  1st,  1403.  3  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  18,  June  7th,  1404. 
4  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  14,  July  23rd,  1403.  5  Ibid,  2,  9,  September  10th, 
1403.  e  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  3.  ?  RYM.,  viii,  324.  8  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  7, 
dated  Leicester,  August  20th.  He  was  at  Woodstock,  August  29th,  and 
at  Beckley  again,  August  30th.—  Ibid,  m.  7,  10,  16.  ROT.  VIAG.,  22. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

SOUTH  WALES. 
THE  check  which  Owen  had  received  at  the  hands  of  Baron 
Carew  had  arrested  his  further  progress  to  the  West,  and,  while 
Henry  Percy  was  being  crushed  in  the  open  at  Shrewsbury, 
there  was  no  real  effort  made  to  take  the  field  with  any  large 
army  in  Wales.  Indeed,  we  should  form  an  entirely  false 
conception  of  the  operations  of  the  Welsh,  if  we  dignified  them 
with  anything  approaching  the  completeness  of  a  campaign  in 
modern  warfare.  Plundering  incursions  on  the  lands  and 
farms  of  the  English,  and  occasional  sharp  attacks  upon  walled 
towns,  make  up  the  sum  of  the  operations.  The  English,  being 
outnumbered,  could  only  maintain  themselves  within  their 
castles,  and  submit  to  be  plundered  by  marauding  bands. 

Hereford  and  Monmouthshire  were  now  the  chief  objects  of 
attack.  Unable  to  make  head  against  the  robbers,  the  King's 
representatives  in  Hereford  had  come  to  1some  sort  of  terms 
with  them,  submitting  ignominiously  to  black-mail  in  despair  of 
any  hope  of  immediate  help.  But  this  weakness  could  not  save 
them.  The  whole  Border  country  was  infested,  and  no  English- 
man's life  was  safe  away  from  the  shelter  of  his  own  castle.  Sir 
William  Beauchamp,  Warden  of  the  castles  of  Abergavenny  and 
Ewyas  Harold,  found  his  men  waylaid,  robbed,  and  murdered, 
in  attempting  to  pass  between  Abergavenny  and  Hereford,  and 
2  wrote  urging  the  King  to  send  immediate  assistance. 

On  September  3rd,  Richard  Kingston,  Archdeacon  of  Here- 

1 "  Nient  centre  esteant  la  nostre  trewe." — ROY.  LET.,  i,  155.  2  See  his 
letter  (dated  August  23rd,  1403),  Ibid,  i,  152,  unless  this  letter  is  to  be 
referred  to  1402. 


372  South    Wales.  [CHAP. 

ford,  and  *  Dean  of  the  Chapel  at  Windsor,  wrote  again,  a  last 
despairing  appeal,  to  the  King  to  come  in  person  to  Hereford, 
as  the  only  chance  of  saving  that  county.  He  had  heard  that 
very  day  that  400  rebels  had  entered  the  county  of  Hereford 
from  the  mountains  of  Wales,  robbing  and  plundering  and 
driving  off  the  cattle  (bcstaille  a  graunte  nombre).  He  had 
sent  out  all  the  forces  he  had,  with  the  Sheriff  and  "othir 
gentils,"  to  oppose  them,  and,  as  he  said,  "  yn  god  fey,  I  have 
nought  ylefte  with  me  over  two  men." 

The  King,  meanwhile,  had  passed  through  2Evesham  and 
reached  Worcester  on  the  3rd  September.  He  remained  at 
Worcester  until  the  loth,  and  a  3 rumour  had  got  abroad  that 
he  would  not  come  by  Hereford  after  all.  This  rumour  served 
both  to  embolden  the  Welsh  and  to  dishearten  the  English. 
The  Archdeacon,  therefore,  urged  the  absolute  necessity  for 
the  immediate  presence  that  very  night,  or  the  next  day  at 
latest,  of  a  force  of  at  least  100  men-at-arms  and  600  archers, 
under  some  leader  of  established  reputation — as,  for  instance, 
the 4  Earl  of  Somerset,  or  his  brother,  Thomas  Beaufort.  These 
might  suffice  for  the  moment,  but  unless  the  King  came  soon 
himself,  he  would  not  find  one  single  gentleman  to  await  him 
in  the  county. 

The  King's  delay  at  Worcester  was  due  not  to  any  want  of 
will,  but  to  the  old  familiar  difficulty,  viz.:  want  of  funds. 
5 "His  letting  was  that  he  failed  mony."  He  issued  urgent 
6  notices  to  the  owners  and  Wardens  of  castles  on  the  borders  of 
Hereford  and  Monmouth,  requiring  them,  under  pain  of 
forfeiture,  to  keep  their  castles  in  a  proper  state  of  defence  in 
respect  to  provisions  and  armament.  The  list  includes  the 

1  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  5,  21,  February  Gtli,  1400.  SPAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  7,  8,  10. 
3  "This  day  the  Welshmen  supposen  and  trusten  that  ye  schulle  nought 
come  there,  and  there  for  for  Goddes  love  mak  them  fals  men."  *  "  Mon 
tres  honoure  mestre  Beauford."  —  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  217.  ROT.  PARL,  iii, 
547.  5CAPGR.,  283.  6RYM.,  viii,  328  ;  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  1,  September 
8th,  1403. 


XXVIL]  Archbishop  Arundel  at   Worcester.  373 

castles  of  Llandovery,  Crickhowel,  Tretire,  Abergavenny,  Rwyas 
Harold,  Goodrich,  Eardisley,  Caerleon,  Usk,  Caerphilly,  Ewyas 
Lacy  (i.e.,  Longtown),  Paynes  Castle,  Rhulen,  Huntingdon, 
Lyonshall,  Dorston,  Stapleton,  and  Brampton  Bryan.  Similar 
orders  were  sent  to  the  keepers  of  the  castles  of  Maenor  Byrr, 
on  the  coast  of  Pembroke,  Llaugharne,  in  Caermarthenshire, 
together  with  those  of  Laghadyn  and  Snowdon,  the  exact 
position  of  which  it  is  not  so  easy  to  identify. 

Worcester  was  at  the  time  crowded  with  notables.  A  Council 
2 or  informal  Parliament  was  hastily  called  together,  and  the 
usual  request  submitted  for  an  advance  of  money.  News  had 
got  abroad  of  the  secret  complicity  of  many  leading  men  with 
the  abortive  rebellion,  and  strong  suspicion  was  directed  against 
the  Duke  of  York  and  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  But  all 
present  renewed  their  oath  of  allegiance,  adding  a  solemn 
declaration  of  devotion  to  the  family  of  King  Henry,  and 
3 proclamations  were  ordered  to  be  issued  denying  these  sinister 
rumours  in  the  King's  name.  The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
and  some  of  the  Bishops  were  present,  but  they  pleaded 
poverty,  urging  that  the  clergy  were  so  poor  that  they  had 
scarcely  the  wherewithal  to  live.  To  some  of  his  lay  subjects 
who  surrounded  the  King,  the  wealth  and  splendour  of  the 
churchmen's  retinue  seemed  to  belie  the  plea.  Was  it  fair, 
they  asked,  that  they  should  be  spending  their  lives  and  toiling 
on  the  battlefield,  that  these  churchmen  might  lead  a  life  of 
luxury  ?  and  they  gave  their  voice  for  taking  the  equipage  and 
the  ornaments  from  these  idle  priests,  and  sending  them  home 
afoot.  Upon  this  the  Archbishop  replied,  with  warmth,  that 
the  first  man  who  raised  a  finger  to  spoil  the  Church,  his  back 
should  smart  for  it  4("he  schal  for  his  spoyling  have  as  good 

1  See  account  of  consequent  repairs  from  Manor  Rolls,  referred  to  in 
ROBINSON,  Castles  of  Hereford,  p.  78.  ' "  Nadgairs  al  conseil  de  Wyr- 
cestre." — ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  525.  s  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  2,  dated  Worcester, 
September  5th.  4  CAPGR.,  284.  "  If  any  of  the  soldiers  offered  to 
plunder  his  Retinue,  they  might  expect  to  be  well  drub'd  for  their 
pains." — COLLIER,  i,  620. 


374  South   Wales.  [CHAP. 

knokkis  as  ever  had  Englischman  ").  The  King  disavowed  the 
advice  of  his  over-zealous  friends,  and  prudently  soothed  the 
Archbishop,  who  thereupon  gave  a  promise  that  he  would  call 
a  Synod  of  his  brethren  in  London,  and  see  what  could  be  done. 
The  Synod  subsequently  met  ^October  7th),  and  some  of  the 
wealthiest  of  the  Bishops  agreed  to  advance  a  half  of  their  next 
capitation  for  the  use  of  the  King.  But  although  the  Arch- 
bishop 2advanced  ^100,  and  the  Abbot  of  St.  Albans  100 
marks,  yet  the  whole  amount  raised  did  not  exceed  ^500,  and 
the  King  was  forced  to  apply  again  to  the  wealthy  merchants 
for  aid  in  his  immediate  necessity. 

These  paltry  sums  were  but  a  drop  in  the  ocean,  and  the 
procrastination  gave  rise  to  the  rumours  that  the  King  would 
not  advance  from  Worcester  at  all.  Urged,  however,  by 
necessity,  he  3sent  orders  for  the  county  forces  to  assemble  with 
all  speed  at  Hereford,  and  at  length  proceeded  thither  in  person. 
He  reached  Hereford  on  the  4nth  of  September,  and  remained 
until  after  the  5i5th,  giving  orders  that  supplies  of  corn,  wine, 
oats,  hakes  (i.e.,  dried  fish),  and  beer,  should  be  collected  at 
6 Bristol,  to  be  forwarded  to  the  garrisons  at  Cardiff,  Newport, 
Brecon,  Hay,  Kenvig,  Builth,  Clifford,  Dynas,  Caermarthen, 
Kid  welly,  Swansea,  Kilkennin,  Lampedervaur,  Cardigan,  and 
Emlyn.  On  the  7i9th  of  September,  he  was  at  Michaelchurch, 
where  he  ordered  a  loan  of  2,000  marks  to  be  raised  and 
forwarded  to  him,  at  Caermarthen,  by  the  29th.  On  the  2ist 
he  had  reached  Devynock,  in  the  Forest  of  Brecon,  far  on  his 
road  to  Caermarthen.  All  opposition  seemed  to  have  melted 
away.  At  Devynock  he  gave  full  powers  to  Sir  W.  Beauchamp, 
Sir  John  Oldcastle,  and  others,  to  grant  pardons  wherever  they 
saw  a  chance  of  the  rebels  showing  an  inclination  to  submit. 

i  ANN. ,373;  CONC.,  iii,  272,  274.  2ANN.,  374.  3  Dated  Worcester, 
September  8th,  in  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  3.  4  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  1,  28.  slbidt 
2,  7,  9,  dated  Hereford,  September  llth,  12th,  13th,  15th;  and  RYM.,  viii, 
331.  6  ROT.  VIAG.,  23,  September  12th.  » Ibid,  27. 


XXVII.]  Caermarthen.  375 

By  the  X24th  of  September  he  was  at  Caermarthen,  where  he 
endeavoured  to  restore  the  English  authority,  though  no  serious 
effort  was  made  to  maintain  it  permanently.  Grants  were  made 
to  those  2  loyal  subjects  who  had  lost  their  substance  in  the  late 
attacks.  The  walls  of  Caermarthen  were  to  be  repaired,  and 
stores  of  beer,  honey,  and  salt,  were  to  be  forwarded  to  the  town 
by  sea,  from  Milford,  Haverfordwest,  Pembroke,  and  Tenby. 

The  Earl  of  Somerset  and  three  other  leaders  remained  at 
Caermarthen  for  a  month,  endeavouring  to  keep  together  a 
disaffected,  unpaid,  and  undisciplined  garrison.  The  King 
returned  to  England.  He  was  at  Hereford  on  the  3rd  of 
October,  and  remained  until  the  6th.  He  arrived  in  3  Gloucester 
by  October  7th,  1403.  On  4that  day  he  ordered  levies,  with 
provisions  for  four  days,  to  meet  at  Gloucester  and  Dudstone 
on  the  following-  Wednesday,  to  proceed  with  him  or  his 
representative  into  Wales  ;  others  were  to  be  ready  at  Chepstow 
on  the  day  after.  The  significance  of  this  tiny  operation  is  not 
very  apparent.  We  only  know  that  the  King  had  no  intention 
of  returning  to  Wales  himself.  He  stayed  at  Gloucester  about 
a  week,  the  fruits  of  which  appear  in  an  order,  Mated  October 
1  4th,  to  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  Hugh  Burnell,  and  Edward 
Cherlton,  to  assemble  an  array  at  Shrewsbury,  and  an  authori- 
zation granting  pardon  to  such  of  the  rebels  as  would  sue  for  it 
in  the  districts  of  Usk,  Caerleon,  and  Trelleck.  News  had 
meantime  come  in  that  Cardiff  was  attacked,  and  it  was  feared 
that  Owen  would  again  invade  Herefordshire.  The  King  was 
at  Bristol  on  the  iSth  of  October,  and  remained  there  till  the 
2yth.  Still  he  showed  no  desire  to  return  to  the  seat  of  war. 
He  sent  a  proclamation  to  the  Sheriffs  of  Somerset,  Dorset, 
Devonshire,  and  Wiltshire,  that  their  forces  might  be  soon  called 
upon  to  repel  invasion.  On  the  624th  of  October,  the  Earl  of 


.  VIAG.,  27.  *Ibid,  24.  TAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  1,  19,  13;  GLAUS.  5 
H.  IV.,  1,  27  ;  ROT.  VIAG.,  21.  *  EOT.  VIAG.,  20.  5  Ibid,  21.  6pATg)  5 
H.  IV.,  2,  31. 


376  South    Wales.  [CHAP. 

Warwick  was  appointed  to  the  charge  of  the  castle  of  Brecon. 
A  requisition  was  sent  for  20  men-at-arms  and  50  archers  to  be 
at  Dunster  before  October  28th,  ready  to  cross  to  Caermarthen, 
where  they  would  be  required  to  strengthen  the  garrison  for 
three  months,  and  levies  from  Devonshire  were  to  assemble  at 
Uphill,  in  Somersetshire,  by  the  i"st  of  November,  to  pass  over 
the  Channel  to  the  relief  of  Cardiff.  By  the  291*1  of  October, 
the  King  was  at *  Cirencester,  where  he  remained,  as  the  guest 
of  the  Abbot,  till  the  i4th  of  November.  Before  November 
22nd  he  was  back  again  at2 Westminster.  The  citizens  received 
him  with  "demonstrations  of  unbounded  loyalty,  shouting 
"  Welcome  to  the  noble  King  Henry ! "  and  "  God  bless  my 
Lord  the  Prince,  his  son  ! " 

No  sooner  had  the  King  turned  his  face  homewards  than  the 
Knights,  Esquires,  and  others  of  the  garrison  which  had  been 
left  in  Caermarthen,  declared  roundly  that  they  would  not 
"  for  anything  in  the  world  "  remain  there  beyond  the  month 
for  which  they  had  stipulated.  The  Earl  of  Somerset  and  his 
brother,  Sir  Thomas  Beaufort,  who  had  been  left  in  command 
of  the  detachment,  4  wrote  to  the  Council  (October  8th),  urging 
that  they  should  be  at  once  relieved  by  the  Duke  of  York  or 
some  other  very  exalted  personage,  with  sufficient  force  to 
maintain  authority  in  the  district,  "  else  the  King  is  in  great 
peril  and  on  the  highroad  to  ruin  (en  vote  de  perdition)."  Their 
request  was  granted  in  so  far  that  a  sum  of  5  £2$  125.  was 
sent  over  to  pay  their  men,  and  they  were  personally  relieved  of 
their  command.  Sir  Thomas  Beaufort  was,  on6November  5th, 

!PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  1,  G,  13,  15,  17,  22  ;  Ibid,  2,  35.  SRYM.,  viii,  338. 
3  WAUR.,  66.  4  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  217.  5  PELLS  ISSUE,  5  H.  IV.,  MICH., 
November  12th,  1403.  6RoT.  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  m.  18,  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co., 
i,  220.  On  April  28th,  1404,  he  received  £133  6s.  8d.  as  Admiral  for  the 
North. — EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  RECEIPT,  Misc.  *l  He  was  subsequently 
made  Admiral  of  the  Northern  and  Western  Fleets  for  life,  September 
21st,  1408 ;  also  for  Ireland,  Aquitaine,  and  Picardy,  July  7th,  1409  ; 
renewed,  May  3rd,  1411,  &c. — See  Twiss,  BLACK  BOOK  OF  ADMIRALTY,  i, 
xxi,  with  documents  in  App.  I.,  347-394. 


XXVII.]  The  French  in  Caermarthen  Bay.  377 

appointed  Admiral  for  the  North  of  England,  and  the  Duke  of 
York  took  over  the  command  of  the  garrison  in  Caermarthen. 
The  Council  promptly  made  arrangements  for  adequately 
supporting  him,  and,  on  the  J  25th  of  October,  the  King  was 
able  to  thank  them  for  their  diligence  in  providing  him  with  an 
outfit.  But  by  the  8th  of  November  he  had  not  yet  left  London 
for  his  command. 

In  the  meantime  the  difficulties  of  the  situation  were  in  every 
way  increasing.  2In  Anglesea,  the  castle  of  Beaumaris  was 
threatened,  and  could  only  be  rescued  by  strong  supports  sent 
from  Chester.  Cardiff  Castle  was  known  to  be  in  great  peril, 
and  the  Earl  of  Devon  was  commissioned,  on  the  26th  of 
3  October,  to  press  men  into  his  service  and  proceed  to  its  rescue. 
The  castle  at  4Lampeter  was  still  surrounded  and  only  just 
holding  out  with  heroic  courage  against  the  last  extremities  of 
famine.  Urgent  messages  were  despatched  by  the  King  to  the 
Council  to  send  ^100  at  once,  to  enable  Lord  Berkeley,  the 
5 Admiral  of  the  Southern  and  Western  Coasts,  to  proceed  to 
the  relief  of  the  famished  garrison.  The  castle  of  6Kidwelly 
had  been  attacked  and  the  walls  injured;  and,  as  if  to  emphasize 
the  danger  and  intensify  the  alarm,  the  King  about  the  same 
time  received  a  letter  from  the  Constable  7dated  October  4th, 
1403,  informing  him  that  some  French  and  Bretons  had  landed 
in  Caermarthen  Bay,  where  they  had  been  joined  by  the  Welsh 
rebels,  and  had  destroyed  the  crops  all  round  the  castle  and 
town,  'and  that  many  of  the  King's  loyal  subjects  had  fled  with 
their  wives  and  families  into  England,  while  others  had  escaped 
into  the  castle  in  terror  for  their  lives. 

1 "  De  la  bone  diligence  que  rnettez  entour  1'  exploit  de  Monsieur  le  Due 
d'  Ewerwyk."  Letter  dated  Bristol,  October  25th,  1403,  to  the  Chan- 
cellor, Henry  Beaufort,  endorsed  thus  :  Le  paieraent  pur  le  garnison  de 
Kermerdyn.— ROY.  LET.,  i,  169.  SSTH  KEPT.  HIST.  MS.  COMMISSION,  359  a. 
»  TYLER,  i,  184.  4  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  219  ;  ii,  62.  5  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OP 
RECEIPT,  Misc.  $  6  TYLER,  i,  184.  7  ROY.  LET.,  i,  160. 


378  South    Wales. 

At  length,  on  the  1  i2th  November,  an  indenture  was  drawn  up 
and  signed  between  the  King  and  the  Duke  of  York,  "  as  to  the 
service  of  the  said  Duke  in  the  office  of  Lieutenant  of  South 
Wales."  The  2Duke  and  the  Prince  of  Wales  were  authorized 
jointly  to  grant  pardons  to  rebels,  wherever  such  pardon  should 
be  deemed  advisable,  and  with  such  forces  as  they  could 
control  prepared  to  face  the  winter.  The  men  of  Chester  were 
3fined  3,000  marks,  and  lands  and  goods  were  forfeited  in  the 
counties  of  Monmouth  and  Glamorgan.  Encouraged  by  the 
prospect  of  assistance,  the  people  of  Kidwelly  had  repaired  the 
breaches  made  in  their  walls,  and  on  4  December  ist  received 
the  King's  acknowledgments.  5John  Penrees,  the  new  Governor 
of  the  castle  of  Llanstephan,  had  been  captured  by  Owen  and 
was  still  a  prisoner,  and  it  was  not  till  December  ipth,  1403, 
that  arrangements  were  made  for  appointing  a  successor.  On 
that  day,  David  Howell  was  appointed  in  the  English  interest, 
and  the  castle  was  re-garrisoned  with  10  men-at-arms  and  20 
archers.  By  this  time,  the  Duke  of  York  had  really  entered  on 
his  command.  His  appointment  was  finally  dated  from 
6  November  29th,  and  was  to  last  for  three  years.  It  was  to 
include  the  castles  of  Caermarthen,  Cardigan,  Lampeter,  Dyne- 
vor,  Dryslwyn  (or  Drusseland),  Newcastle  Emlyn,  Kidwelly, 
and  Carrick  Cennin  (or  Kaier  Kenn).  He  had  under  his 
command  250  men-at-arms  and  780  archers,  and  he  actually 
received  ^"2,912  towards  the  payment  of  their  wages,  the  money 
being  supplied  to  him  at  Cirencester,  out  of  a  sum  of  ^4,000, 
which  had  been  specially  packed  in  7"two  trussing  coffers," 
and  forwarded  to  the  King  from  London.  At  the  same  time 
8  (November  28th),  Richard,  Lord  de  Grey,  was  appointed 
Justiciar  for  South  Wales. 

1  TREAS.  OF  EECPT.,  ,*  No  year  specified,  but  wrongly  attributed  to 
the  reign  of  Richard  II.  2  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  544  ;  STAT.,  ii,  148.  »  PAT., 
5  11.  IV.,  1,  15,  19,  for  the  Lordships  of  Chepstow,  Strogel,  and  Gower. 

4  TYLER,  i,  184;  PAT.,  5  H.IV.,1,  24.     *Ibid,  1, 15.    6  PELLS  ISSUE  KOLL, 

5  H.  IV.,  MICH.,   December   10th,    1403.      1  Ibid,   November  9th,  1403, 
records  payment  of  11s.  8d.  for  making  them.      8  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  1,  2(5. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 
THE    PIRATE   WAR. 

THE  negociations  with  France  had  been,  as  we  have  seen, 
prolonged  in  the  hope  of  an  ultimate  favourable  termination, 
many  doubtful  points  in  dispute  being  held  over  for  settlement 
when  once  the  final  peace  should  have  been  assured.  But 
events  that  were  occurring  through  the  summer  wrecked  all 
prospect  of  peace,  and  made  reconciliation  more  and  more 
impossible.  Piracy  had  not  ceased,  and  plundering  parties 
from  the  opposite  coasts  were  organized  with  even  greater 
completeness  than  before. 

At  the  very  time  when  the  Commissioners  were  meeting  at 
Lenlingham  2(June  27th,  1403),  a  rover  named  3Gilbert  de 
Fretun,  a  native  of  4Guisnes,  and  a  vassal  of  the  King  of 
England,  was  landing  in  the  island  of  Alderney  (then  called 
"Aurigny,"  or  5"Orny"),  which  he  ravaged  and  plundered, 
killing  men,  women,  and  children,  and  carrying  off  both  booty 
and  prisoners.  From  thence  he  withdrew  without  molestation 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Seine,  where  he  was  received  with  every 
consideration.  So  far  were  the  French  authorities  from  dis- 
countenancing his  raids,  that  he  was  even  able  to  discharge  and 
dispose  of  his  cargo  at  Le  Crotoy,  in  the  mouth  of  the  Somme, 
with  the  connivance  of  the  Lord  de  Hugueville,  who  was 
actually  one  of  the  envoys  then  negociating  with  the  English  for 
a  treaty,  on  behalf  of  the  King  of  France.  At  6Harfleur, 
privateers  were  fitted  out  under  pretence  of  serving  under  the 


Muv.,  423.  SRYM.,  viii,  305.  sftoY.  LET.,  i,  216.  *  MONSTB., 
ch.  xii.  5  Spelt  "Aurney,"  in  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  3,  20.  6  ROY.  LET.,  i, 
218. 


380  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

King  of  Scotland,  though  a negotiations  for  a  treaty  were  then 
pending  between  England  and  the  Scots.  These  privateers 
preyed  upon  English  merchant  ships,  and  it  was  estimated  that 
property  to  the  value  of  ;£  100,000  sterling  was  captured, 
nominally  by  the  Scots,  but  really  by  the  subjects  of  the  King 
of  France. 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  English  were  more  sinned 
against  than  sinning.  Every  port  on  the  South  coast  was  a 
haven  for  pirates,  and  gangs  of  desperadoes  issued  from  Dover, 
Rye,  Portsmouth,  Poole,  Plymouth,  Dartmouth,  and  Fowey. 
The  names  of  many  of  the  most  notorious  are  still  recorded, 
but  the  profits  were  so  rapid  and  the  excitement  so  fascinating, 
that  the  whole  of  the  seaport  populations  were  parties  to  the 
business,  and  drove  a  roaring  trade  in  robbery. 

French,  Flemish,  and  Spaniards  were  plundered  indiscrimin- 
ately. 2In  July,  1402,  Henry  Pay,  of  Poole,  captured  a  ship 
from  Bremen,  with  a  cargo  of  rice,  almonds,  Barbary  grain, 
Paradise  grain,  rock  alum,  cotton  fillet,  Valencia  saffron,  anise, 
lac,  dates,  and  "  prime  sak."  All  these  good  things  were  taken 
to  Southampton,  to  be  sold.  The  King  of  Aragon  made  formal 
complaint  of  piracy  against  John  Hawley,  of  Dartmouth,  who 
was  ordered  to  appear  before  the  Council  on  3 January  i5th, 
1403.  The  Flemish  towns  remonstrated,  and  several  of  the 
most  notorious  offenders  were  summoned  to  answer  before  the 
Council  in  London,  on  4  February  3rd.  Their  names  were 
John  Hawley,  of  Dartmouth,  Mark  Mixtan,  of  Fowey,  Henry 
Spicer,  of  Portsmouth,  John  Ranmaer,  of  Dover,  Henry  Don, 
of  Plymouth,  John  Trieman,  of  Rye,  Robert  Boult,  of  Dart- 
mouth, Hugh  Bodrugan,  of  Cornwall,  Henry  Pay,  of  Poole, 
Richard  Brit,  of  Hull,  John  Prince,  John  Kighley,  William 
Bliet,  Thomas  Pattrick,  Michael  Rochelle,  William  Counce, 

1  See  Commission,  dated  Pontefract,  August  6th,  1403. — RYM.,  viii, 
321 ;  ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  164.  2  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  6.  »  CLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  m.  31. 
*Ilid,  m.  30. 


XXVIII.]  "  He  wolde  the  see  were  kept  for  eny  ttiinge."          38 1 

William  Flete,  Rose,  Legat,  Blom,  Barbury,  Wala,  De  Rue,  and 
Stevens.  On  the  1yth  of  March,  messengers  from  Flanders 
had  an  interview  with  the  Council,  and  a  meeting  was  arranged 
to  take  place  at  Calais  on  the  ist  of  July,  at  which  John  Hawley 
and  others  were  ordered  to  attend.  But  nothing  came  of  all 
these  remonstrances.  Hawley  was  always  otherwise  employed. 
On  the  2 1  ;th  of  April,  Robert  Boult,  in  conjunction  with  the 
Admiral  of  Bayonne,  captured  three  Castilian  ships,  and  carried 
them  to  Dartmouth.  3On  the  i8th  of  May,  Peter  de  Gruerys, 
of  Brittany,  complained  that  his  ship  and  cargo  had  been 
seized  and  carried  to  Portsmouth.  On  the  48th  of  October, 
John  Hawley  and  Thomas  Norton,  of  Bristol,  brought  into 
Dartmouth  a  Spanish  ship  from  Lakecio  (?),  with  a  freight 
valued  at  200  crowns.  On  the  522nd  of  October,  he  seized  a 
ship  from  Biscay,  with  1,400  quintals  of  iron;  while,  on  the  27th 
of  the  same  month,  Henry  Pay,  of  Poole,  caught  a  vessel 
from  Bilbao  off  the  Isle  of  Wight,  loaded  with  garments,  girdles, 
gold  and  silver,  valued  at  not  less  than  5,000  marks.  Many  of 
the  crew  were  killed.  The  rest,  together  with  the  master,  John 
de  Corostion,  were  beaten  and  ill-treated.  They  were  then  put 
into  a  small  boat,  and  set  adrift  towards  the  coast  of  France. 
These  instances  stand  recorded  because  the  robberies  were 
committed  upon  the  vessels  of  friendly  neighbours,  and  called 
for  enquiry.  But  with  the  trading  ships  of  France  there  was 
constant  warfare.  On  the  624th  of  August,  the  authorities  at 
Bristol,  Plymouth,  Dartmouth,  Lynn,  Southampton  and  Yar- 
mouth, were  called  upon  to  have  vessels  and  crews  ready  to 
protect  the  wine  ships  passing  to  and  from  Bordeaux,  and  many 
of  the  offenders  whose  names  appear  in  the  preceding  lists  had 
been,  at  different  times,  actually  commissioned  7"to  search  the 

1  GLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  m.  12.  *  Ibid,  15.  3  PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  22.  "  PAT., 
5  H.  IV.,  1,  2.  6Ibid,  1.  6  ROT.  VIAG.,  22.  ''e.g.,  Mark  Mixtan,  of 
Fowey,  in  PAT.,  3  H.  IV.,  2,  7,  July  30th,  1402. 


382  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

sea,"  or  in  other  words  to  prey  upon  the  trading  ships  passing 
up  and  down  the  Channel. 

One  of  the  first  acts  of l  Sir  Thomas  Beaufort,  on  his  appoint- 
ment as 2  Admiral  for  the  North,  was  to  organize  a  special  service 
of  armed  vessels  to  convoy  merchantmen  passing  between 
the  Thames  and  the  Tyne.  3On  the  5th  of  November,  1403, 
Thomas,  Lord  Berkeley,  succeeded  Sir  Thomas  Rempston  as 
Admiral  from  the  Thames  westward,  and  doubtless  made  similar 
arrangements  for  the  safety  of  shipping  in  the  English  Channel. 
About  the  same  time,  two  envoys  had  arrived  in  London  from 
Henry's  old  friend  Conrad  of  Jungingen,  General  Master  of 
the  Teutonic  Knights,  and  an  agreement  was  signed  on 
4  October  3rd,  guaranteeing  security  for  English  traders  in 
Prussia  and  along  the  Eastern  shores  of  the  Baltic. 

Emboldened  by  success,  a  large  fleet  of  piratical  cruisers 
under  the  command  of 5  James  of  Bourbon,  Count  de  la  Marche, 
with  his  two  brothers,  Louis,  Count  of  Vendome,  and  Jean, 
Lord  of  Clarency,  was  fitted  out,  with  the  help  of  the  Bretons, 
to  prey  upon  the  English  trading  ships  passing  up  and  down  the 
Channel.  Sailing  from  Brest,  6they  landed  plundering  parties 
on  the  islands  of  Jersey  and  Guernsey,  who  7burned  houses  and 
captured  many  of  the  inhabitants,  exacting  large  sums  of  money 
for  their  ransom.  They  then  stood  over  to  the  coast  of 
Devonshire,  and  fell  in  with  8 seven  trading  vessels  making  down 
the  Channel  from  Dartmouth.  They  gave  chase,  and  the  crews, 
being  quite  defenceless,  ran  in  for  Plymouth ;  but,  being  unable 
to  make  the  port,  they  abandoned  their  ships  and  cargoes,  glad 
to  escape  with  their  lives  in  open  boats. 

The  nearness  of  the  marauders  spread  terror  along  the  coasts, 
and  the  people  crowded  into  Plymouth  in  wild  alarm.     But  the 

i  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  220.  8  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  1,  24,  dated  November  24th, 
1403.  3Ibid,  18.  *  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  21.  5  Juv.,  426.  e  MANET,  ii, 
430.  'Roy.  LET.,  i,  223.  syfAUR.,  4,  6,  9  (p.  85)  ;  MONSTR.,  ch.  xi. 


XXVIII.]  Plymouth.  383 

Plymouth  men,  probably  fearing  the  pressure  of  so  many  useless 
mouths  in  the  event  of  a  scarcity  or  blockade,  at  once  doubled 
the  price  of  provisions  for  the  outsiders,  and  so  drove  them  out 
again,  but  made  no  further  preparation  for  the  attack. 

In  the  afternoon  of  1  August  loth  (St.  Lawrence  Day),  large 
bodies  of  Bretons  effected  a  landing  about  a  mile  from  the  town. 
Plymouth  was  at  that  time  2  quite  unfortified.  The  Bretons  met 
no  obstacles ;  they  entered  the  town  the  same  evening  on  the 
land-side  ("the  bak-half"),  and  they  3burned  and  plundered  at 
their  will  till  ten  o'clock  on  the  following  morning.  Many  of 
the  townsmen  were  killed  or  mutilated,  others  were  carried 
away  and  held  to  ransom.  The  marauders  next  visited  "a 
small  island  named  4Salmue,"  or  "Salmouth,"  probably  in  the 
entrance  of  the  wide  estuary  called  the  "  Kings-bridge  river," 
which  was  defended  by  a  strong  castle  called  Salcombe.  This 
"  little  island "  they  plundered  likewise,  and  then  turned  their 
vessels  homeward.  But  in  recrossing  the  Channel,  about  the 
6 middle  of  September,  they  encountered  a  furious  gale,  and  only 
escaped  to  St.  Malo  with  the  loss  of  twelve  vessels  and  their 
crews.  When  the  mischief  was  done,  the  men  of  6 Plymouth 
were  allowed  to  surround  their  town,  or  the  part  of  it  known  as 
Sutton  Vantort  and  Sutton  Prior,  "  with  a  wall  of  stone  and  lime, 
fortified  with  towers  and  defences,"  to  guard  them  against 
surprises  for  the  future. 

These  raids  were  treated  at  the  time  in  7  official  documents  as 
the  work  of  the  Bretons  and  not  of  the  French,  with  whom  the 
country  was  at  peace.  Afterwards  it  suited  the  purpose  of  the 
English  Commissioners  to  claim  that  the  Bretons  were  actually 

i  CAXTON,  218.  2  LYSONS,  vi,  391.  s  ANN.,  375.  *  It  must  certainly  be 
looked  for  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dartmouth,  for  in  PAT.,  4  H.  IV,  1, 
13,  John  Hawley,  of  Dartmouth,  is  commissioned  to  impress  "  from 
Seton  to  Zalme."  SMANET,  ii,  430.  e pAT-)  5  H.  IV.,  1, 6,  dated  February 
6th,  1404.  7  BYM.,  viii,  325.  ROT.  VIAG.,  22  (dated  Woodstock,  August 
26th,  1403),  reports  that  "  many  magnates  and  others,  of  Brittany,  have 
landed  and  burnt  many  towns." 


384  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

subjects  of  the  crown  of  France  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Admiral  of  France  (lpurs  subges  de  la  courone  et  dc 
Pobeissance  de  VAmiralle  de  France).  But,  when  the  events  were 
still  recent,  the  diplomatic  distinction  was  strictly  maintained. 
In  retaliation,  a  fleet  of  English  vessels  hung  about  the  coasts  of 
Brittany,  watching  their  opportunity  for  revenge.  But  the 
Breton  Admiral,  2Jean  de  Penhors  (or  de  Penhoet),  collected 
a  fleet  at  3Roscoff,  near  Morlaise  (or  St.  Paul  de  Leon)  on  the 
north  coast,  and  fell  upon  them  when  lying  off  Cape  St. 
Matthieu  at  the  entrance  to  Brest  Harbour.  After  three  hours 
hard  fighting  the  English  were  completely  beaten.  It  is  said 
that  40  of  their  vessels  were  captured  and  2,000  of  the  crews 
either  drowned  or  taken  prisoners. 

Thus  encouraged,  the  plunderers  gathered  strength.  The 
*  Count  of  St.  Pol  lay  with  a  small  fleet  off  the  entrance  to 
the  Garonne,  robbing  the  wine  ships.  In  self-defence,  the 
Mayors  of  London,  Bristol,  Lynn,  Yarmouth,  Southampton, 
Plymouth,  and  Dartmouth  were  authorized  to  impress  and 
compel  the  services  of  men-at-arms  to  sail  with  trading  vessels 
and  protect  their  cargoes  ;  while  a  special  grant  of  money  was 
made  to  the  Prior  of  St.  Michael's  Mount  to  maintain  a  proper 
garrison  there,  as  5a  "  fortress  protecting  the  whole  neighbouring 
country  in  time  of  war." 

It  was  during  these  late  autumn  months  that  a  party  of 
Bretons  and  French  was  reported  off  the  coast  of  Caermarthen. 
The  only  6  recorded  statement  that  I  can  find  as  to  their 
numbers  places  them  at  12,000  men,  but  this  is  certainly  a 
great  exaggeration.  Nevertheless  the  apparition  was  formidable 
enough,  as  betokening  a  new  and  threatening  complication  of 
dangers.  At  the  same  time,  alarming  news  reached  London 


Y.  LET.,  i,  220,  dated  March  18th,  1404.  SMONSTE.,  ch.  xii. 
s  MANET,  ii,  430.  4EuLOG.,  iii,  399.  5RYM.,  viii,  341,  December  5th,  1403. 
6Abrege  de  1  'histoire  du  Roy  Charles  VI.  (anonymous),  in  GODEFROY, 
402. 


XX  VI 1 1.  J  Southampton.  385 

that  1  Southampton  was  in  danger  of  being  surrounded  on  the 
land-side  as  well  as  blockaded  by  sea.  On  hearing  of  the 
attack  on  Plymouth,  2John,  Lord  Lovell,  the  governor  of 
Southampton,  had  been  ordered  to  defend  the  place,  drawing 
upon  the  resources  of  the  Bishop  and  Prior  of  Winchester  and 
the  wealthy  Abbot  of  Hyde.  3On  the  yth  of  September,  it  had 
been  ordered  that  the  town  of  Southampton  should  be  fortified 
against  attacks. 

On  the  42ist  of  October,  letters  under  the  Privy  Seal  were 
issued  to  notable  men  in  every  county  to  gather  and  forward 
money  for  the  King's  assistance  on  account  of  his  expenses  in 
Wales.  At  the  same  time  (viz.:  5 October  2oth)  summons  were 
sent  out  for  a  Parliament  to  meet  at  Coventry  on  6  December 
3rd.  But  objections  were  raised  on  account  of  the  inaccessi- 
bility of  the  place  and  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  food  and 
lodging  there  at  that  stormy  season.  Moreover  7"  the  shortness 
of  the  time"  before  Christmas  was  an  effectual  barrier  to  a 
successful  business  meeting.  Thus,  when  the  time  drew  near, 
the  meeting  had  to  be  abandoned,  and,  on  the  24th  of  Novem- 
ber, a  further  notice  was  issued  postponing  the  regular  session 
till  the  octave  of  St.  Hilary.  Nevertheless,  a  meeting  of  some 
kind  did  take  place  in  December  at  Coventry.  The  King 
himself  was  present  in  person.  Seven  petitions  appear  on  the 
Roll  as  presented  with  the  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and 
Temporal,  and  of  the  Commons  8"  assembled  in  this  present 
Parliament  held  at  Coventre."  The  matters  set  down  for 
special  deliberation  were  the  safeguard  of  the  seas  and  the 
rebellion  in  Wales,  but  owing  9to  "  several  reasonable  causes," 

1  EOY.  LET.,  i,  167.  z  CLATJS.  4  H.  IV.,  10,  dated  September  24th,  1403. 
3 PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  10.  4  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  72.  5REPT.  ON  DIGNITY  OF 
A  PEER,  iii,  785;  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  28.  6Not  November  30th  (St. 
Andrew's  Day),  as  ANN.,  376.  PELLS  ISSUE  BOLL,  5  H.  IV.,  MICH. 
(November  12th),  contains  payment  to  messengers.  7RoT.  PARL.,  iii, 
523.  s  md,  iii,  483,  assigned  to  3  H.  IV.  (i.e.,  1402.)  9Ibid,  iii,  523. 


386  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP- 

the  consideration  of  these  questions  was  adjourned  till  the 
regular  Parliament  should  meet,  1  which  would  assemble  at 
Westminster,  in  January,  1404. 

But  some  time  before  this  abortive  "  Parliament  "  could  meet 
at  Coventry  the  Council  had  been  enabled  to  assemble  a  fleet 
in  the  Thames,  under  the  command  of  Sir  William  Wilford, 
with  orders  to  proceed  to  sea  and  wait  his  opportunity  to 
attack  and  disperse  the  invaders.  On  the  2oth  of  October, 
Commissioners  were  appointed  to  array  the  whole  forces  of 
several  counties  under  the  most  stringent  penalties,  to  have 
beacons  (signa  vocata  " Bekyns" )  prepared  on  the  hills  and  to  be 
ready  at  any  moment  to  march  to  the  coast  to  resist  invasion. 
But  objection  was  taken  to  the  excessive  severity  of  the  powers 
entrusted  to  the  Commissioners,  and  the  King  Subsequently 
promised  that  the  expedient  should  not  be  repeated. 

Sir  William  Wilford  sailed  down  the  Channel  to  Dartmouth, 
where  he  was  strengthened  by  a  western  fleet  that  had  assembled 
from  Dartmouth,  Plymouth,  and  Bristol.  Though  warned  to 
act  with  caution,  he  crossed  boldly  to  Brest  and  captured  six 
vessels  in  sight  of  the  harbour.  The  following  day  they 
captured  four  others,  loaded  with  iron,  oil,  and  3  tallow.  They 
then  proceeded  to  Belleisle,  where  they  seized  30  wine-ships 
from  La  Rochelle,  carrying  off  1,000  casks  of  wine. 

The  late  successes  of  the  French  had  made  them  4 over- 
confident, and  the  sudden  appearance  of  Wilford  with  his  fleet 
found  them  altogether  unprepared.  Returning  from  Belleisle, 
the  English  commander  landed  4,000  of  his  men  on  the  rocky 
promontory  of  5Penmarch  (near  Quimper).  They  advanced 

1  See  writ  of  prorogation  (dated  Westminster,  November  24th,  1403), 
in  REPT.  ON  DIGNITY  OF  A  PEER,  iii,  787;  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  25,  31. 
2  See  the  copy  for  Bucks,  in  ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  527.  3  Reading  "sebo"  for 
"sopo"  or  "sepo,"  as  CAPGR.,  284.  "  Yrun,  oyle,  and  talow."  4"Dont 
les  Bretons  ne  se  donnoient  de  garde." — Juv.,  426.  5  "  Apud  Pennarche." 
—  ANN.,  376.  Called  "  Penmark,"  in  CHAUCER,  Frankelaine's  Tale, 
11113,  where  the  downcast  Dorigene  used  to  watch  the  "grisly  fendly 
rockes  blake." 


XXVIII.]  William  Wilford.  387 

1 8  miles  into  the  country  plundering  and  burning.  Returning 
to  their  ships,  they  again  captured  crowds  of  coasting  vessels, 
small  and  great.  They  then  landed  5,000  men  at  St.  Matthieu, 
burnt  the  houses,  and  encamped  for  the  night.  On  the  following 
day,  they  were  confronted  by  3,000  men  from  Brest,  who 
demanded  satisfaction.  But  Wilford  answered  that  the  only 
satisfaction  he  would  give  would  be  to  burn  half  Brittany,  and 
challenged  them  to  give  battle.  The  Bretons  however  declined, 
though  they  begged  a  truce  of  seven  days,  upon  which  the 
English  took  their  departure  and  returned  in  high  spirits  to 
their  own  country. 

During  the  whole  of  these  proceedings  a  truce  still  subsisted 
in  name  between  the  English  and  French  nations.  The  landing 
parties  confined  their  attacks  strictly  to  the  coast  of  Brittany, 
the  Bretons  being  regarded  as  the  allies  of  France  and  not  an 
integral  part  of  the  French  nation.  But  the  negotiations  were 
becoming  every  day  nothing  more  than  a  hollow  form,  and  the 
two  nations  had  actually  drifted  into  war  before  the  pretence  of 
negotiating  was  formally  abandoned. 

On  the  5th  of  September,  representatives  had  met  at 
Lenlingham,  as  had  been  before  arranged,  and,  after  a  few 
days  conference,  had  agreed  to  a  further  prolongation,  1  fixing 
November  2oth  as  the  day  on  which  prisoners  should  be 
exchanged  and  satisfaction  given. 

This  agreement  was  signed  on  the  i3th  of  September,  yet 
within  three  days  ~  (September  i6th)  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
actually  left  Paris  for  the  invasion  of  Guyenne.  This  was 
no  petty  filibustering  expedition  secretly  despatched  under 
false  colours,  but  a  large  force  openly  and  publicly  organized 
and  officered  by  some  of  the  highest  notables  and  officials 
of  France.  It  numbered,  according  to  the  statement  of  an 
3  eye-witness,  1,500  Knights  and  Esquires  with  their  retinues, 

1  EYM.,  viii,  330.    2  Hid,  336.     3  Gilles  de  Bouvier,  in  GODEFROY,  p.  412. 


388  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

and  amongst  the  leaders  were  included  ^ean,  Count  of 
Clermont,  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  the  Constable 
of  France  2 (Charles  d;Albret,  3  Count  de  Dreux  and  Lord  of 
Sully  and  Craon),  and  the  Admiral  of  France  *  (Reginald  de 
Tria),  together  with  a  host  of  others.  The  Duke  of  Orleans 
passed  with  his  force  through  5  Orleans,  where  he  received  a 
splendid  reception.  On  the 6  i4th  of  October,  he  wrote  another 
violent  letter  to  Henry,  repeating  all  his  previous  charges  of 
treachery,  duplicity,  and  murder.  At  Orleans  he  made  his 
will,  an  immensely  lengthy  and  minute  document,  7  which  fills 
1 6  folio  pages  of  closely  printed  modern  type.  The  will  was 
signed  on  the  iQth  of  October,  and  the  whole  force  then 
marched  out  towards  the  south,  to  enforce  the  claim  of  the 
little  Prince  Louis,  who  had  been  formally  created  Duke  of 
Guyenne  at  the  beginning  of  the  previous  year. 

A  portion  of  the  force  advanced  under  the  command  of  the 
Constable  Charles  d'Albret.  They  met  with  a  gallant  resistance 
before  the  castle  of  8Corbefin,  in  the  Limousin,  near  the 
Dordogne.  All  assaults  and  efforts  failed  to  reduce  the  place  by 
storm,  but  at  length  after  a  9 siege  (variously  estimated  at  from 
six  to  twelve  weeks)  the  garrison  under  10 Thomas  Hervy  agreed 
to  capitulate,  and  were  allowed  to  depart  with  their  lives  and 
their  property,  the  neighbouring  country  paying  them  14,000 
crowns  to  be  rid  of  them.  After  the  "fall  of  Corbefin,  thirteen 
other  places  submitted  to  the  Constable.  Thirty-three  more 
submitted  to  the  Count  of  Clermont,  who  had  established 
himself  with  a  force  of  500  men-at-arms  and  1,000  archers  and 

1  CHRISTINE,  ii,  xii,  xiv.  *Ibid,  ii,  vii,  xvii.  sBouviER,  p.  412. 
*RECUEIL  DBS  TRAITEZ.,  i,  364.  5Juv.,  426.  6TRAis.,  Ixvii,  quoting 
MSS.  DE  BRIENNE,  xxxiv,  239.  i  in  GODEFROY,  pp.  630,  &c.  8  "  Curbnf- 
fin,"  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  242  ;  "Carlefln,"  MONSTR.,  i,  20 ;  "Corbasin," 
BOUVIER,  412.  9  Juv.,  430  ;  ST.  DENYS,  xxv,  17 ;  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  545  ; 
MONSTR.,  i,  20.  10  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  254.  "  This  could  not  have  taken 
place  till  well  into  1404.  On  November  12th,  1404,  it  is  referred  to  as 
having  happened  "jam  tarde." — ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  242. 


XXVIII.]  Guyenne.  389 

cross-bowmen  at  St.  Flour,  in  Auvergne,  and  stopped  any 
advance  of  the  English  in  that  quarter. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  an  attempt  was  made 
to  surround  Bordeaux  on  the  land  side,  and  prevent  the  entry 
of  provisions,  while  the  Count  of  St.  Pol  was  off  the  mouth  of 
the  Garonne,  to  close  all  access  to  the  town  from  the  sea.  But 
the  Count  was  driven  off  by  the  vessels  sent  from  England  and 
the  land  army  was  not  sufficiently  supplied  with  provisions  to 
succeed  in  so  ambitious  a  design.  Their  only  hope  lay  in 
fostering  disaffection  within  the  city  itself.  A  ^lot  was  formed 
for  admitting  the  French,  but  the  traitors  were  arrested  and  the 
leaders  sent  to  London,  where  they  were  drawn  and  hanged. 
During  the  same  period  the  trade  of  2Bayonne  was  harassed  by 
French  and  Frisian  corsairs  who  hung  about  the  coast.  But, 
beyond  the  inconvenience  arising  from  the  interruption  of  trade, 

f  little  permanent  damage  was  done,  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
returned  with  his  army  to  Paris  before  the  winter. 

At  the  very  time  when  it  was  known  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
had  started  for  the  invasion  of  Guyenne,  news  also  reached 
England -that  the  3  Duke  of  Burgundy,  with  a  large  force  (in 
v/hich  were  included  many  of  his  subjects  from  Ghent  and  other 
Flemish  towns,  together  with  contingents  from  Holland  and 
Brabant)  was  preparing  to  lay  siege  to  4  Calais  and  other  English 
strongholds  in  its  neighbourhood.  There  is  little  room  to 
doubt  that  these  simultaneous  attacks  on  the  English  possessions 
in  France,  by  the  two  rival  Dukes,  were  intended  as  an  occasion 
for  removing  both  of  them  from  Paris,  where  their  feuds  were 
becoming  every  day  more  dangerous  to  the  public  peace. 

Orders  were  given  to  prepare  5  immense  wooden  erections, 
like  castles,  to  be  used  in  the  siege  of  Calais.  Within  the 
garrison  itself  great  disaffection  prevailed,  in  consequence  of 

1  EULOG.,  iii,  399.  2  RYM.,  viii,  354.  3  CHRISTINE,  ii,  xiii.  *  RYM.,  viii, 
336,  October  25th,  1403.  5  Juv.,  426. 


39°  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

the  non-payment  of  wages.  Indeed,  we  know,  ^rom  the 
subsequent  statement  of  the  Earl  of  Somerset,  as  Captain  of 
Calais,  that  by  the  close  of  the  year  (viz.:  December  28th,  1403) 
the  arrears  amounted  to  the  immense  sum  of  ^11,423  125.  3d. 
Taking  advantage  of  this  feeling  of  disaffection,  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  opened  Communications  with  some  traitors  in  the 
garrison,  who  agreed  to  admit  the  French  into  the  town. 

On  the  English  side,  warnings  were  issued  3 (October  25th) 
for  levies  to  be  prepared  to  resist  the  expected  attacks  on 
Calais  and  Guyenne.  Nevertheless,  the  form  of  truce  was  still 
maintained ;  for,  on  the  very  next  day  4  (October  25th),  papers 
were  signed  granting  security  and  protection  to  the  French 
herring-fishers  in  the  Channel,  up  to  the  following  New  Year's 
Day.  And  5when  the  year  closed,  permission  was  asked  and 
obtained  for  an  extension  of  the  arrangement  for  a  further 
period  of  twelve  months.  Directions  were  also  issued  (October 
26th)  for  complying  with  the  terms  lately  agreed  to  on  both 
sides  at  Lenlyngham,  and  for  releasing  prisoners  in  accordance 
with  them,  by  November  28th  at  the  latest. 

As  the  2oth  of  November  approached,  the  English  Com- 
missioners were  again  despatched  to  France.  They  landed  at 
Calais  on  6November  i;th.  By  this  time  the  Conspiracy 
among  the  garrison  had  been  detected.  The  traitors  had  been 
shipped  off  to  England,  whence  they  were  now  returned  to  be 
executed  for  their  crimes  as  a  warning  to  the  rest. 

On  the  1 8th  of  November,  the  English  Commissioners  sent 
notice  as  required  to  Boulogne,  that  they  were  ready  to  fulfil 
their  part  of  the  arrangement  previously  agreed  upon,  and 
proceed  to  the  final  negociations  for  the  release  of  prisoners  and 
the  satisfaction  of  claims.  But,  by  this  time,  the  approaches  to 
Calais  on  the  side  of  Boulogne,  St.  Omer,  and  Gravelines,  were 

*  Dated  March,  ]404,  in  EOT.  PAUL.,  iii,  534.  2  ANN.,  377.  3  EYM.,  viii, 
336.  *  Ibid,  viii,  337.  ^EoY.  LET.,  i,  187,  190.  *  Ibid,  i,  1*71.  7ANN., 
377. 


XXVIII.]  Flanders.  391 

closed  by  French  troops,  and  proclamation  had  been  made  by 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  forbidding  intercourse  or  trade  between 
the  English  and  all  subjects  of  the  King  of  France. 

Accordingly,  on  the  2ist  of  December,  ten  days  after  the  time 
fixed  for  the  negociations  to  be  opened,  the  English  Com- 
missioners reported  that  they  had  received  no  answer  to  their 
proposals,  and  had  reason  to  expect  that  none  would  now  come 

Moreover,  certain  questions  of  a  similar  nature  had  been  long 
pending  between  the  English  on  one  side  and  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Flemish  cities  of  Bruges,  Ghent,  and  Ypres  on  the  other. 
But  these  had  apparently  been  in  a  fair  way  of  settlement,  and 
in  the  previous  summer  it  had  been  arranged  that  representa- 
tives of  both  sides  should  3meet  at  Calais  on  July  ist,  to 
re-establish  friendly  relations  between  the  two  trading  com 
munities  of  England  and  Flanders.  A  further  prorogation  had 
been  arranged  till 4 November  loth,  but,  although  the  English 
had  taken  the  initiative  in  making  restitution  to  a  merchant  of 
Ypres  5(John  Paldyng),  yet  the  Flemish  showed  no  signs  of 
meeting  them  in  the  same  spirit,  but  even  seized  more  English 
goods  at  Sluys  while  the  question  of  restitution  was  still  pending, 
and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  as  Count  of  Flanders,  had  his  own 
reasons  for  wishing  to  keep  the  grievance  open. 

Accordingly,  on  6  November  29th,  representatives  of  the 
Flemish  towns  came  to  Calais  with  credentials  from  the  Duke, 
expressing  their  willingness  still  to  treat,  but  objecting  to  Calais 
as  the  meeting-place,  and  suggesting  Lenlingham  or  some  other 
neutral  ground.  For  some  time  past  Flemish  and  other  foreign 
merchants  had  declined  to  purchase  their  wool  at  Calais,  7"for 
fear  of  the  riots  and  troubles  occurring  every  day  by  land  and 
sea,"  thus  causing  a  grievous  loss  to  the  staple  at  Calais.  The 

1 "  In  continctibus  seu  mercimoniis." — ROY.  LET.,  i,  172.  %Ibid,  i,  431. 
8BYM.,  viii,  312,  where  date  should  be  June  14th,  not  July.  4RoY.  LET., 
i,  179.  5Ibid,  i,  183.  *  Ibid,  i,  430.  ?RoT.  PARL.,  iii,  529,  538. 


392  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

present  objection  of  the  Flemish  commissioners  was  considered 
unreasonable  by  the  English ;  nevertheless,  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
it  was  agreed  to  submit  the  question  of  the  place  of  meeting  for 
the  opinion  of  the  English  King.  In  the  end,  a  change  of  venue 
was  granted,  and  a  hope  was  expressed  that  matters  might  be 
arranged  by  January  i2th,  at  the  latest. 

In  the  meantime,  however,  piracy  did  not  cease.  ~  English 
vessels  from  Calais  seized  a  Flemish  ship,  bringing  wine  from 
Rochelle  to  Schiedam  ;  and  a  corsair  from  Bruges  captured  an 
English  vessel  bringing  hides  from  Ireland,  and  drowned  every 
man  of  the  crew.  Retaliation  of  course  followed ;  and,  on  the 
3 1 8th  of  January,  the  German  merchants  at  Bruges  complained 
that  a  vessel  had  been  seized  and  detained  by  the  English. 
By  the  4  roth  of  January,  there  was  still  delay  in  the  negotiations, 
and  the  English  representatives,  whose  presence  was  required 
at  the  approaching  meeting  of  Parliament  at  Westminster,  were 
pressing  the  Flemish  Deputies  urgently  for  a  reply  before  the 
2oth  of  January. 

On  the  other  hand,  having  received  no  answer  from  the 
French  side  to  their  message  forwarded  on  the  i8th  of 
November,  they  proceeded  to  address  a  vigorous  despatch  to 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  requesting  an  immediate  reply  as  to  the 
position  which  he  intended  to  assume  in  reference  to  the 
proposed  release  of  prisoners  and  the  future  negociations  for  a 
treaty  in  the  following  March,  and  asking  for  a  clear  under- 
standing both  as  to  the  proclamation  suspending  intercourse 
between  the  traders  of  the  two  countries,  and  as  to  the  action  of 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  "for,"  they  said, 
"it  is  a  grievous  thing,  absurd,  dishonourable,  inconsistent, 
unreasonable,  and  amazing  that  it  should  be  tolerated  in  France, 
that  this  Duke  and  this  Count  should  be  allowed  to  make  war, 
by  land  and  by  sea,  against  the  English,  on  the  pretence  of  their 

1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  184.     *Ibid,  i,  196.     9  Ibid,  i,  208.     *  Ibid,  i,  203. 


XXVIIL]     "  Betwixe  Middelburgh  and  Orewdle."  393 

own  private  and  personal  quarrels  against  the  English  King,  and 
to  have  the  whole  kingdom  of  France,  with  all  its  wealth  and  all 
its  people,  at  their  back,  like  an  embattled  castle,  under  the 
protection  of  which  they  may  break  treaties  and  violate  their 
oaths." 

This  despatch  was  forwarded  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  on 
December  4th,  1403,  but  up  to  the  4th  of  January,  1404,  no 
reply  had  been  received,  pending  the  2  meeting  of  a  Great 
Council,  which  was  to  be  held  in  Paris  on  January  6th. 

At  the  time  that  the  above  despatch  was  written,  it  was  known 
that  vast  numbers  of  vessels  and  armed  men  had  been  collected 
in  the  different  ports  of  France.  Moreover,  while  the  grievance 
with  Flanders  was  being  kept  open,  the  Count  of  St.  Pol  had 
been  able  to  keep  armed  vessels  in  all  the  Flemish  ports 
Gravelines,  Dunkirk,  Nieuport,  Ostende,  and  3Biervliet  (in  the 
Scheldt),  from  whence  they  were  able  to  pounce  upon  the 
unprotected  merchant  ships  of  the  English,  which  were 
plundered  of  goods  and  provisions  to  the  extent  of  ,£20,000. 
4The  vessels  themselves  were  often  rammed  and  sunk,  while 
the  drowning  crews  were  cruelly  shot  from  the  enemy's  decks, 
while  struggling  to  save  themselves  in  the  water. 

Early  in  December,  the  Count  prepared  to  cross  the  water, 
and,  in  accordance  with  the  feudal  etiquette  of  the  day,  he  sent  a 
herald  across  to  Henry,  to  carry  his  defiance.  4But  scouts  had 
been  kept  constantly  employed  to  watch  the  movements  of  the 
French,  and  by  this  time  tidings  had  found  their  way  across, 
that  the  Earl  had  actually  started  at  the  head  of  a  large  force 
with  the  avowed  intention  of  invading  England.  Conster- 
nation spread  over  the  country  at  the  news.  The  King  was 
at  Coventry,  where  he  had  been  obliged  to  abandon  the 


v.  LET.,  i,  170.  2  Ibid,  i,  199.  3  Spelt  "  Berflete."—  Ibid,  i,  349. 
•i  ''A  f;dt  sursigler,  submerger  et  effondrer."  —  Ibid,  i,  221;  cf.  i,  196. 
4  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  5  H.  IV.,  MICH.  (December  3rd),  contains  two  entries 
of  payments  to  these  "  exploratores."  (66s.  8d.) 


394  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

projected  idea  of  holding  a  Parliament.  A  great  Council, 
however,  *as  we  have  seen,  had  been  actually  held,  and  a  certain 
limited  amount  of  business  had  been  transacted.  We  have 
still  a  2list  preserved,  containing  the  names  of  8  Bishops,  18 
Abbots,  19  Barons  and  Nobles,  and  96  members  representing 
22  Eastern,  Southern,  and  Midland  counties.  No  boroughs  are 
represented  on  the  list,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  Northern  and 
Western  counties  were  omitted  because  of  their  poverty  and 
nearness  to  the  seats  of  war.  The  King  was  still  conducting 
negociations  with  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  at  Baginton,  the 
tenor  of  which  will  appear  in  the  next  chapter. 

By  the  assembly,  so  constituted,  the  sudden  news  of  the 
approaching  invasion  of  the  French,  in  mid-winter,  was  received 
with  amazement.  The  heralds  were  Admitted,  charged  with 
insolent  and  provoking  messages  from  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and 
the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  4in  defiance  of  all  recognized  rules  of 
courtesy  and  diplomatic  usage.  The  effect  of  this  was  only  to 
provoke  an  enthusiastic  declaration  of  allegiance,  on  the  part  of 
the  assembled  Lords  and  others,  to  their  sovereign  in  the 
presence  of  immediate  danger. 

In  London,  the  Council  did  not  wait  for  the  return  of  the 
King.  The  time  for  negociating  was  past.  5  Forces  were  at 
once  collected  at  Southampton,  whither  the  Sheriffs  of  Hamp- 
shire and  Wiltshire  were  required  to  repair  with  the  levies 
of  their  counties,  together  with  those  of  Dover,  Sandwich, 
Pevensey,  and  others  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  to  be  prepared  to  face 
any  emergency.  Letters  were  likewise  posted  to  the  Sheriffs 
of  various  other  counties,  with  instructions  to  be  ready  when 
called  upon  for  the  national  defence ;  the  King  declaring  his 
intention  to  be  amongst  them  in  person,  if  the  danger  should 
really  seem  sufficiently  pressing. 

xPage  385.  aORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  ii,  85.  3RoT.  PAEL.,  iii,  525.  4 "  Curi- 
alitatis  spreta  forma."— RYM.,  viii,  348.  5Ifeid,  viii,  342,  dated  December 
9th,  1403. 


XXVIIL]         "  The  hoote  erneste  is  al  overblowe"  395 

Meantime  the  Count  of  St.  Pol  had  made  for  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  where  he  landed  without  any  difficulty  on  *  December 
6th,  and  summoned  the  inhabitants  to  submit,  threatening  them 
with  destruction  if  they  should  disobey.  But  it  was  soon 
manifest  that  all  the  outcry  and  pother  was  uncalled  for ;  and, 
on  the  2i3th  of  December,  the  King,  who  was  now  back 
again  in  London,  sent  a  second  notice  to  many  of  the  Sheriffs, 
countermanding  the  urgent  orders  which  they  had  only  two  days 
before  received.  The  preparations  were  accordingly  slacked, 
and  the  panic  subsided  as  rapidly  as  it  had  arisen. 

The  French  had  landed  1,000  men  on  the  island,  boasting 
that  they  would  spend  their  Christmas  there.  They  captured  a 
8 few  fishermen,  with  their  nets  and  tackle,  and  advanced  a  little 
way  from  the  coast.  The  people,  who  lived  largely  by  4wrecking, 
ran  away  to  their  shelter  and  abandoned  their  sheep  and  cattle, 
which,  of  course,  were  quickly  seized.  The  plunderers  then 
threatened  to  set  fire  to  the  farm  buildings  and  sheepfolds 
(wattles)^  and  demanded  money.  5A  priest  intervened  and 
offered  that  he  would  himself  collect  the  money  from  the  poor 
inhabitants,  if  only  their  dwellings  might  be  spared.  Four  days 
thus  passed,  and,  in  the  meantime,  vessels  with  English  troops 
had  crossed  from  Southampton.  At  the  news  of  their  approach 
the  French  took  the  alarm,  withdrew  to  their  ships  and  decamped 
amidst  the  ridicule  of  their  enemies,  which  was  increased  when 
it  became  known  that  the  Count  had  knighted  some  of  his 
followers  on  the  island,  on  the  strength  of  his  first  success.  Very 
little  trace  was  left  of  the  sudden  scare  ;  and  at  the  opening  of 
the  Parliament  at  Westminster,  within  a  month  afterwards 
(January  i4th,  1404),  the  English  Chancellor  was  able  to  say 
with  truth,  that  the  French  had  "  neither  ventured  to  wait  nor 
to  stay  (qifil  riosa  illoeques  attendre  tie  demurer)" 

iRYM.,  viii,  342.  2 Ibid,  viii,  343.  3«prins  certains  pouvres  peschours 
et  lour  reis  et  apparlois." — ROY.  LET.,  i,  222.  4  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  4,  3,  in 
tergo.  5Juv.,  158. 


396  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

The  Count  gained  nothing  in  reputation  from  this  last 
escapade.  His  lands  were  ravaged  by  the  English  garrison  at 
Calais,  and  he  returned  crestfallen  Jto  Paris  by  December  26th ; 
while  Henry  and  his  Queen  retired  with  easier  minds  to  spend 
their  Christmas  at  the  monastery  of  St.  Mary,  at  2Abingdon, 
and  thence  for  a  few  days  to  3Sutton,  near  Kingston,  before  the 
opening  of  Parliament. 

Thus  the  question  of  French  filibustering  seemed  to  have 
received  a  prompt  check,  and  arrangements  were  entered  into 
by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  for  a  meeting  at  Lenlingham  on 
4  March  ist,  1404,  at  which  the  Flemish  question  should  be 
discussed  also. 

In  the  North  of  England,  the  troubles  had  greatly  quieted 
down.  After  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  the  Earl  of 
Northumberland,  in  the  middle  of  August,  the  spirit  of  dis- 
affection had  seemed  quite  crushed  out ;  but  the  measures  which 
the  King  proposed  to  take  for  the  complete  subjugation  of  the 
Percies  were  not  so  easy  of  accomplishment.  The  castles  of 
Prudhoe  and  Langley  appear  to  have  passed  into  the  power  of 
the  King's  officers  without  resistance ;  but  the  northern  strong- 
holds of  Berwick,  Warkworth,  and  Alnwick,  were  still  in  the 
hands  of  Earl  Percy's  partisans.  More  than  two  months  had 
elapsed  since  the  battle  of  Shrewsbury,  and  the  castles  were  not 
yet  given  up.  The  King  was  absent  in  the  West.  A  rumour 
was  started  that  he  was  dead,  and  that  the  Earl  of  Northum- 
berland was  again  at  large.  Some  said  that  the  Earl  was  at 
York,  others  at  Beverley.  Armed  bands  of  his  tenants 
assembled  in  the  North,  wearing  on  their  arm  the  crescent,  the 
badge  of  the  house  of  Percy.  The  remaining  Scottish  prisoners 

1 "  Infra  octabas  natalis  Domini." — EULOG.,  iii,  399  ;  with  ROY.  LET.,  i, 
187.  2ANN.,  378  ;  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  12,  20;  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  1,  13, 
dated  Abingdon,  December  23rd,  24th,  25th,  26th,  27th ;  also  letter,  dated 
Abingdon,  December  29th,  in  ROY.  LET.,  i,  188.  3  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  28, 
quoted  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  82.  *  ROY.  LET.,  i,  211,  214. 


XX  VI 1 1.]  The  Northern  Castles.  397 

were  still  at  Cockermouth,  and  it  seemed  dangerous  to  attempt 
to  get  them  transferred  to  the  royal  officers.  Alnwick  and 
Warkworth  were  held  by  *  Henry  Percy,  a  son  of  Sir  Thomas 
Percy,  one  of  the  sons  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland.  Sir 
William  Clifford,  the  captain  of  Berwick  Castle,  openly  refused 
to  surrender  his  command,  and  the  royal  troops  who  had  come 
to  claim  the  castle  2clamoured  mutinously  for  rest  and  wages. 

A  Council  of  the  King's  officers  in  the  North  assembled  in 
the  Abbey  at  Durham  (September  25th,  1403),  to  take  measures 
to  meet  the  dangers  that  seemed  to  threaten.  It  was  decided 
to  at  once  summon  the  three  castles  of  Berwick,  Alnwick,  and 
Warkworth ;  but  the  captains  of  the  castles,  while  professing 
loyalty  to  the  King,  insisted  that  they  held  their  command  by 
virtue  of  Letters  Patent,  which  they  could  not  disregard  without 
express  orders  under  the  seal  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland. 

Word  was  at  once  3 despatched  to  the  King,  urging  that  his 
presence  would  be  required  in  the  North  immediately  on  his 
return  from  Wales,  and  that,  in  the  meantime,  it  would  be 
necessary  to  forward  by  sea  "engines,  canonz,  and  4artillery 
(i.e.,  bows  and  arrows),  and  other  things  necessary  to  attack  the 
castles ; "  and  that  the  Constable  of  Cockermouth  should  be 
threatened  with  punishment,  if  he  did  not  at  once  hand  over 
the  castle  and  the  Scottish  prisoners  to  the  King's  officers. 

About  the  same  time  5 (October  yth),  a  warrant  was  issued 
-authorizing  Robert  Waterton,  to  arrest  Elizabeth,  the  widow  of 
Henry  Percy  and  sister  to  Sir  Edmund  Mortimer ;  and  the  Lord 
de  Say,  on  behalf  of  the  King,  proceeded  to  Baginton,  where  he 
had  an  interview  with  the  imprisoned  Earl  (October  i4th). 
The  Earl  agreed  to  send  to  London  for  his  Great  Seal,  with. 

1  Called  filius  "  Thonise  Percy,  Chivaler."— GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  27, 
2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  216.  3  See  the  despatch,  without  date,  Ibid,  i,  209, 
probably  October,  1403,  not  July,  as  Sir  H.  Nicholas.  4  Cf.  I.  SAM.,  xx, 
40;  also"armure  and  artelries." — CHAUCER,  Melibeus,  p.  395.  5RoT. 
VIAG.,  21,  dated  Gloucester,  October  7th,  1403. 


398  The  Pirate  War.  [CHAP. 

which  he  was  willing  to  seal  any  instructions  that  the  King 
might  require,  and  so  the  commotion  subsided  of  itself. 

1  On  November  3rd,  orders  were  issued  that  the  head  of  Henry 
Percy  should  be  taken  down  from  the  walls  of  York,  and  the 
pieces  of  his  body  collected  from  the  gates  of  London,  Bristol, 
Chester,  and  Newcastle,  and  given  up  to  his  widow  Elizabeth 
for  burial.  On  2  November  23rd,  the  King  issued  a  proclamation 
offering  pardon  and  restitution  to  all  persons  concerned  in  the 
late  rebellion,  for  all  acts  committed  before  3  September  ;th, 
1403,  provided  that  they  sued  for  it  before  the  next  Epiphany 
(i.e.,  January  6th,  1404).  4 William  Clifford,  the  guardian  of 
Hotspur's  young  son,  Henry,  and  captain  of  the  castle  of 
Berwick,  demanded  that  the  boy's  forfeited  lands  and  goods 
should  be  restored  as  a  condition  of  the  submission  of  the  three 
castles ;  and  it  is  likely  that  his  claim  might  have  been  granted. 
On  the  53oth  of  November,  instructions  were  issued  to  Thomas 
Nevill,  Lord  Furnival,  to  enter  into  negociations  with  the 
commanders,  and,  on  December  3rd,  he  was  authorized  to  take 
over  the  castles  in  the  name  of  the  King.  6On  December  6th, 
Henry  Percy,  son  of  Sir  Thomas  Percy  and  grandson  of  the 
Earl  of  Northumberland,  was  summoned  to  give  up  Alnwick 
and  Warkworth,  and  to  come  and  remain  about  the  person  of 
the  King.  Clifford  also  was  to  give  up  Berwick.  But  these 
wished-for  events  were  not  to  happen  so  easily,  and  on  7January 
1 3th,  the  very  day  before  the  Parliament  met,  the  Constable  of 
Bamborough  Castle  wrote  to  the  King  that  the  three  castles  of 
Berwick,  Alnwick,  and  Warkworth,  still  held  out,  and  that 
Clifford,  acting  for  the  boy,  Henry  Percy,  had  again  assembled 
-a  large  force  wearing  the  crescent,  and  sworn  to  uphold  the 
Percies  against  the  King  or  any  of  his  supporters.  Bamborough 

1  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  28.  2  KYM.,  viii,  338 ;  ANN.,  377  ;  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV., 
1,  28.  s  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  544.  4ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  79.  5RoT.  SCOT.,  ii, 
165.  e  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV..  1,  27.  7 ROY.  LET.,  i,  206. 


XXVIII. 


"  Heest  and  deede  asundry  varied 


399 


Castle  was  safe  ;  but  the  King  was  urgently  pressed  to  repair 
to  the  North  himself,  lest  worse  mischief  should  ensue.  As 
late  as  Friday,  January  25th,  ten  days  after  the  meeting  of 
Parliament,  these  castles  are  spoken  of  as  still  held  by  main 
force  l(ove  forte  main). 

The  2  Duke  of  Albany  meanwhile  had  expressed  a  desire  for 
a  truce,  and  on  8  December  24th,  1403,  two  Commissioners 
were  appointed  to  re-open  the  negociations  with  Scotland. 
But  no  serious  wish  for  friendliness  was  really  entertained  by 
the  Scots,  and  an  embassy  was  soon  to  arrive  in  Scotland  which 
would  prevent  any  settlement  between  the  Scots  and  English. 
At  a  great  Council  held  in  4  Paris  (January  6th,  1404),  it  was 
decided  to  propose  a  marriage  between  a  French  Princess  and 
the  son  of  the  Earl  of  Douglas,  who  was  then  believed  in  Paris 
to  have  the  best  chance  of  succeeding  the  feeble  Robert  on 
the  throne  of  Scotland,  and  envoys  were  to  be  sent  forthwith  to 
Scotland  to  negotiate  upon  this  proposal.  Thus  there  was 
every  prospect  of  a  stormy  future  when  the  Parliament  should 
meet  in  London. 

.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  82.      3RYM.,  viii,  345. 


PARL.,  iii,  523. 
4  ROY.  LET.,  i,  205. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 
THE   WAR    TREASURERS. 

ON  Monday,  January  i4th,  1404,  Henry's  Fifth  Parliament  met 
at  Westminster.  A  2  Council  attended  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  the  Bishop  of  Rochester,  Sir  Arnold  Savage,  John 
Norbury,  and  Thomas  Erpingham,  had  met  at  Sutton,  on  the 
previous.  Friday  to  arrange  preliminaries.  The  sittings  were 
held  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  continued  for  twelve 
weeks,  or  nearly  three  months,  a  length  quite  unusual  in  those 
times.  It  was  noted  amongst  contemporaries  for  3much  talk 
and  little  work.  Yet  in  the  midst  of  the  wearisome  iteration, 
which  covers  the  Records  of  the  Parliaments  of  this  period, 
there  are  a  few  striking  points  which  break  in  upon  the 
monotony,  and  make  this  Parliament  more  noteworthy  than 
any  of  its  predecessors. 

The  Chancellor  (Henry  Beaufort,  Bishop  of  Lincoln),  in  his 
opening  address,  recalled  the  reasons  why  the  members  had  been 
summoned.  The  proposed  Parliament  at  Coventry  had  proved 
abortive ;  an  attempt  had  been  made  to  assemble  a  Great  Council 
at  Westminster  on  the  days  just  preceding  Christmas,  but  both 
had  been  adjourned  till  the  formal  meeting  of  the  full  Parlia- 
ment, regularly  summoned  and  legally  constituted.  The 
Chancellor  enumerated  the  old  familiar  causes  of  apprehension ; 
the  rebellion  in  Wales,  the  expected  attacks  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  and  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  the  danger  to  Calais  and 
Guienne  from  the  French,  the  wars  in  Scotland  and  Ireland, 
and  the  late  insurrection  of  the  Percies.  But  in  addition  to 

iRox.  PARL.,  iii,  522-544.  3  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  5  H.  IV.,  MICH., 
December  21st.  3  «  Plura  locuta  sunt,  pauca  fuere  statuta  pro  comrnuni 
commodo." — ANN.,  378. 


Calais.  40 1 

these,  there  was  now  a  Flemish  question  to  add  to  the  compli- 
cations abroad.  In  Calais,  and  on  the  Marches,  a"  poverty, 
distress,  and  misery"  prevailed ;  the  payments  to  the  garrison 
were  in  arrears  ;  the  source  of  income  from  the  staple  was  drying 
up,  owing  to  the  insecurity  of  property  at  sea  and  on  land.  The 
town  itself  was  no  place  for  decent  men  to  live  in ;  the  3  streets 
were  blocked  with  fetid  heaps  of  offal  and  filth;  strangers  entering 
the  town  were  "struck  with  abominable  horror,"  and  merchants 
had  declared  that  they  must  remove  to  some  healthier  spot.  At 
home,  the  revenue  from  customs  and  other  profits  had  3  suddenly 
diminished.  The  members  sat  in  4  daily  expectation  of  news 
that  the  country  had  been  again  invaded,  and  that  their  sittings 
would  be  at  any  moment  suspended.  Bands  of  assassins  and 
felons  were  at  large  in  the  country,  waylaying  travellers,  robbing, 
maiming,  and  mutilating.  The  Northern  Castles  still  obstinately 
refused  to  recognize  the  King's  authority,  and  a  deep  feeling  of 
resentment  was  everywhere  apparent,  that,  in  spite  of  all  the 
liberal  grants  of  former  years,  the  country  was  still  farther  than 
ever  from  a  settled  and  prosperous  condition. 

On  Tuesday,  January  i5th,  Sir  Arnold  Savage  was  chosen 
Speaker,  and  his  appointment  was  received  with  the  same 
general  approval  with  which  it  had  been  hailed  in  the  Parliament 
of  1401. 

The  proceedings  throughout  this  Parliament  indicate  an 
agreement  and  common  action  between  the  Lords  and  the 
Commons,  which,  in  the  end,  proved  too  strong  for  the  King 
and  his  Council  to  disregard.  Petitions  were  sent  up,  requesting 
reforms  in  the  collecting  of  the  revenue  and  in  granting 
annuities,  and  on  Friday,  January  25th,  the  Chancellor,  and  the 

1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  285,  290.  2  per  fimos,  fimaria,  feditates  et  alia  sordida.— 
GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1, 11,  March  15th,  1401.  »  "  Si  sodeynment  amesnusez." 
— ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  523.  4  Sur  sodeins  novelx  d'arrival  des  Esnemys 
tnesme  cest  Parlement  de  necessite  serroit  de  tout  departiz  et  dissolvez. — 
Ibid,  iii,  524. 


402  The  War  Treasurers.  [CHAP. 

Treasurer  (Lord  Ross  of 1  Hamlake),  attended  the  meeting  of 
the  Commons  in  the  Refectory,  and  gave  promises  of  favourable 
consideration  in  the  King's  name.  They  made  a  statement  of 
the  immense  expenses  incurred  by  the  King  and  the  Council, 
specially  in  reference  to  Owen  Glendour  (whose  activity  and 
restlessness  were  extending  to  all  parts  of  North  and  South 
Wales),  and  to  the  recovery  of  the  castles  in  the  North,  with  the 
prospect  of  still  further  trouble  from  that  quarter.  In  reply, 
the  Speaker  requested  that  deputations  of  the  Commons  might 
deliberate  and  confer  with  the  Lords,  in  order  that  by  their 
combined  efforts  the  best  means  might  be  taken  to  suggest  the 
most  necessary  reforms.  The  request  seemed  reasonable,  and 
was  not  refused. 

• 

Meanwhile,  arrangements  had  been  progressing  for  the  pacifi- 
*\ 
cation  of  the  North.     The  Earl  of  Northumberland  had  been 

examined  at  Baginton,  and  had  given  a  full  account  of  his 
share  jn  the  late  rebellion.  The  Judges  had  been  consulted, 
and  were  prepared  with  their  opinion. 

On  Wednesday,  February  6th,  1404,  the  Earl  came  in  person 
before  the  King,  the  Lords,  and  the  Commons,  presenting  a 
petition  irr^which  he  placed  himself  wholly  in  the  King's  hands, 
and  prayed  for  pardon,  appealing  to  Henry's  promise  made  to 
him  at  York,  in  the  previous  August.  The  Lords  then,  acting 
on  the  opinion  of  the  Judges,  declared  that  his  offence  was  not 
treason  as  defined  by  the  Statute,  and  that  it  was,  consequently, 
punishable,  not  with  death,  but  with  fine  and  ransom,  at  the 
discretion  of  the  King.  Hereupon  the  Earl  offered  his  grateful 
thanks,  and  asked  that  he  might  be  allowed  again  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance.  He  then,  before  the  whole  assembly,  swore 
to  be  a  faithful  and  loyal  subject  to  the  King  and  his  heirs. 
Upon  tliis  the  King  not  only  gave  him  his  liberty,  but  generously 
remitted  the  fine,  though  the  lands  of  2  Henry  and  Thomas 
Percy  remained  forfeited  on  account  of  their  open  treason, 
i  STUBBS,  iii,  42.  2  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  538. 


XXIX.]  Reconciliation.  403 

The  Earl  then  prayed,  that,  if  ever  in  the  future  he  should  do 
anything  against  the  King,  other  than  loyalty  required,  none 
should  intercede  for  him,  but  that  the  law  should  be  left  to  do 
its  extreme  worst.  He  likewise  made  a  public  declaration  that 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  others, 
had  been  unjustly  suspected  of  complicity  with  the  rebellion, 
and  the  King,  at  a  subsequent  date  (February  22nd),  gave  an 
assurance  that  they  should  not  be  molested  on  account  of  this 
suspicion. 

Then,  by  the  King's  command,  the  Earls  of  Northumberland 
and  Westmoreland  were  publicly  reconciled.  In  the  presence 
of  all,  they  shook  hands  and  kissed  each  other  three  times, 
agreeing  on  their  return  to  the  North  to  reconcile  their  tenants 
and  servants,  and  promising  that  all  should  live  henceforth  in 
unity  and  amity  together. 

On  Friday,  February  22nd,  a  similar  reconciliation^  was 
effected  between  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  and  the  Scottish 
Earl  of  March. 

It  was  declared  that  those  only  were  guilty  of  treason  who 
had  actually  taken  arms  with  the  Percies,  but  such  persons 
might  clear  themselves,  as  we  have  seen,  if  they  had  sued 
for  pardon  before  January  6th.  Subsequently  *  (March  2oth), 
a  general  pardon  was  granted  to  all  who  were  still  at  large,  for 
all  acts  of  rebellion  committed  on  the  Border  of  Wales,  or  in 
the  North,  before  the  i4th  of  January  (the  opening  day  of  the 
Parliament),  provided  that  they  sued  for  it  within  forty  days, 
either  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  the  Duke  of  York  in  Wales, 
or  to  Prince  John  or  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland  on  the  Borders 
of  Scotland.  No  hope  of  mercy,  however,  was  held  out  to 
John  Warde,  of  Trumpington,  the  impostor  who  was  personating 
King  Richard  in  Scotland,  or  to  his  chief  abettors,  William 
Serle  and  Amye  Donet.  Letters  purporting  to  be  written  by 

1  RYM.,  viii,  353 ;  ROT.  PAEL.,  iii,  544  ;  STAT.,  ii,  143. 


404  The  War  Treasurers.  [CHAP. 

Richard  were  produced  in  the  Parliament,  and  1Waterton,  who 
had  had  charge  of  him  at  Pontefract,  was  called  and  questioned. 
His  answer  was  that  he  was  ready  to  fight  with  any  man  who 
dared  maintain  that  King  Richard  was  alive. 

The  Commons  thanked  the  Lords  for  their  righteous 
judgment  in  regard  to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  the 
King  for  his  clemency  in  remitting  the  fine  and  ransom.  Then 
all  with  one  consent  (d'mie  volunte  et  (Tun  assent)  renewed 
their  declaration  of  allegiance  to  the  King  and  to  his  family, 
while  the  King,  in  his  turn,  thanked  them  and  begged  them  to 
ask  whatever  they  thought  for  the  common  good,  and  it  should 
never  be  refused. 

Arrangements  proceeded  for  the  transfer  of  the  northern 
castles.  On  2 February  pth,  the  Constable  of  the  Tower  of 
London  was  ordered  to  take  over  the  custody  of  Murdoch,  Earl 
of  Fife,  the  son  of  the  Duke  of  Albany,  who  had  before  been 
kept  at  Cockermouth,  and  with  him  many  Scottish  prisoners. 
On  February  22nd,  it  was  ordered  that  they  should  be  closely 
guarded  and  not  allowed  to  be  at  large,  lest  they  should  act  as 
spies  on  returning.  But  on  3 March  i3th,  eleven  of  them  were 
allowed  to  journey  to  their  own  country  to  arrange  for  ransoms, 
on  condition  that  they  returned  within  four  months.  On  March 
1 4th,  permission  was  granted  for  William  Douglas,  with  eight 
knights,  to  pass  from  Scotland  into  England,  to  confer  with  the 
King.  This  safe-conduct  was  to  be  available  up  till  the  ist  of 
May. 

Thus  it  would  seem  that  harmony  prevailed  and  universal 
good  temper,  but  there  is  evidence  enough  that  burning 
questions  were  fiercely  active  beneath  this  seeming  goodly 
outside. 

In  reading  the  Roll  of  this  Parliament  it  is  noteworthy  that, 
contrary  to  the  usual  practice,  no  record  occurs  of  the  sanction 

i  EULOG.,  iii,  400.     2  KYM.,  viii,  346.     3  EOT.  SCOT.,  i,  166. 


XXIX.]  Failure  of  Revenue.  405 

of  the  customary  grants  to  the  King,  or  of  the  date  at  which  the 
sittings  ceased  to  be  held.  Thomas  of  Walsingham,  writing  a 
generation  later,  says  :  "  In  this  Parliament  there  was  granted 
to  the  King  a  J  novel  tax,  galling  to  the  people  and  highly 
oppressive.  I  would  have  given  a  description  of  it  here,  except 
that  those  who  suggested  it  and  those  who  granted  it  would 
prefer  that  it  should  remain  for  ever  a  secret."  But  from 
contemporary  chronicles  and  from  hints  in  the  Parliament  Rolls, 
we  have  sufficient  evidence,  which,  being  pieced  together,  gives 
a  tolerably  distinct  clue  to  the  mystery. 

On  the  King's  side,  as  usual,  the  cry  was  ever  for  more 
money.  The  revenue  from  the  customs  had  suddenly  failed. 
Foreign  merchants,  finding  themselves  so  heavily  burdened  by 
vexatious  restrictions  in  trading,  were  beginning  to  purchase 
their  wool  in  Calais,  where  the  duty  for  them  was  much  lower. 
In  1398,  the  Parliament  at  Shrewsbury  had  added  a  noble 
(half-mark)  per  sack  to  the  amount  to  be  paid  by  foreign 
merchants,  thus  raising  it  from  533.  4d.  to  6os.  Wool  could  be 
purchased  in  Calais,  by  paying  a  duty  of  505.  per  sack,  by  all, 
whether  Englishmen  or  foreigners.  Consequently  the  foreign 
traders  were  purchasing  through  their  Flemish  agents  at  Calais, 
and  the  English  revenue  was  thus  a  great  loser.  In 2  November, 
1404,  the  foreign  merchants  requested  that  the  custom  charged 
to  them  might  be  brought  down  to  535.  4d.,  the  figure  at  which 
it  stood  before  1397,  when  the  custom  charged  to  English 
dealers  was  503.  They  showed  that  foreign  merchants  were 
then  buying  from  4,000  to  6,000  sacks  of  wool  less  in  England 
each  year  than  formerly,  all  this  wool  being  still  purchased  at 
Calais,  where  the  custom  was  only  505.  They  pointed  out  that 
they  were  willing  to  pay  the  535.  4d.,  and  that  this  would  benefit 
the  revenue  to  the  extent  of  ^1,000  on  every  6,000  sacks. 

luTaxa  insolita  et  incolis  tricabilis  et  valde  gravis. — WALS.,  ii,  260. 
a  ROT.  PAEL.,  iii,  553. 


406  The  War  Treasurers.  [CHAP. 

Serious  loss  was  likewise  caused  by  the  disturbed  state  of  the 
country,  especially  on  the  borders  of  Wales  and  Scotland,  where 
it  was  becoming  impossible  to  collect  the  dues  and  taxes  with 
any  approach  to  regularity.  It  was  estimated  that  the  falling 
off  of  revenue  from  Wales  alone  had  already  amounted  to 
^"60,000 ;  while  in  Northumberland,  Cumberland,  and  West- 
moreland, it  was  deemed  politic  again  to  remit  the  taxation, 
owing  to  the  rebellious  spirit  and  the  utter  poverty  of  the 
population. 

In  face  of  this  alarming  deficit  some  new  form  of  taxation 
must  be  devised,  and  the  King's  advisers,  acting  probably  on  a 
plan  submitted  in  the  preliminary  Great  Council  at  Westminster, 
proposed  a  sort  of  modified  Income  Tax,  which  should  fall 
sweepingly  on  all  the  owners  of  land  or  house  property,  and,  as 
these  were  just  the  classes  best  represented  in  the  Parliament, 
the  struggle  was  long  and  the  opposition  severe.  It  was 
proposed  that  those  who  held  by  military  tenure  should  pay 
2  os.  for  every  Knight's  fee  and  a  proportionate  sum  for  fractional 
parts ;  that  other  owners  of  land  or  houses  should  pay  is.  for 
every  205.  annual  value  of  their  land  or  houses ;  that  those  who 
were  not  owners  of  land  or  houses,  but  who  possessed  property 
of  any  kind  of  the  clear  value  of  £20,  should  pay  at  the  rate  of 
is.  for  every  £20  of  value.  All  exemptions  were  to  be  swept 
away;  pensions  and  church  property  (if  acquired  since  the 
passing  of  the  Statute  of  Edward  I.)  were  to  be  subjected  to  the 
tax ;  the  special  privileges  of  the  Palatine  County  of  Durham 
were  to  be  over-ruled,  and  exemptions  were  only  to  be  permitted 
in  the  case  of  properties  laid  waste  on  the  Borders  of  Wales  and 
Scotland,  or  destroyed  by  floods  or  inroads  of  the  sea. 

On  Friday,  January  25th,  the  Treasurer  appeared  before  the 
Commons,  and  set  forward  his  proposals.  He  made  a  statement 
of  the  large  sums  required  for  the  defence  of  the  country,  and 

1  USK,  83.      a  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  25,  dated  March  16th,  1404. 


XXIX.]       "  To  make  him  lyve  by  his  propre  good."  407 

the  prosecution  of  the  war  with  Wales,  Scotland,  Ireland,  and 
France,  and  Urgently  requested  their  consent  to  his  scheme. 

The  Speaker  answered  that  the  wars  were  not  the  chief  of 
England's  troubles,  and,  even  if  they  were,  the  King  had  all  the 
revenues  of  the  Crown  and  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  as  well 
as  the  customs  and  tolls,  which  in  themselves  amounted  now  to 
a  larger  sum  than  the  whole  of  the  crown  revenues  together. 
Besides,  the  King  had  Wardships  of  all  the  lands  of  the  nobility, 
and  these  Wardships  and  Customs  were  granted  originally  to 
cover  the  cost  of  wars,  so  that  the  country  might  not  be  subject 
to  taxation. 

The  Treasurer  argued  that  the  King  could  not  give  up 
ancestral  lands  in  which  he  had  only  a  life  interest,  so  that 
taxation  became  a  necessity.  "  If  that  is  so,"  replied  the 
Speaker,  "let  the  tolls  and  customs  be  reduced."  "That 
cannot  be,"  said  the  Treasurer,  "  for  the  King  must  have  what 
his  predecessors  had  before  him." 

The  Speaker  then  drew  attention  to  the  abuses  that  already 
existed  in  allotting  the  sums  previously  voted.  Castles,  manors, 
lands,  and  annuities  were  granted  lavishly  by  the  King,  without 
thought  of  the  poverty  of  the  nation.  2  Knights,  who  at  the 
King's  landing  were  not  worth  100  marks,  could  now  command 
five  or  ten  times  that  sum.  Esquires  and  Bachelors  were  as 
rich  as  Barons.  Yet  all  this  time  the  King  said  he  had  nothing, 
while  these  were  growing  richer  every  year.  In  the  King's 
household  and  in  the  royal  domains  abuses  abounded.  The 
profits  from  forests  and  from  grazing  were  not  employed  for 
their  proper  purpose,  i.e.,  to  keep  up  the  royal  estates,  but  given 
away  to  others,  and  then  fresh  grants  were  demanded  to  meet 
the  necessary  costs  of  maintenance  and  repairs.  Establishments 
were  maintained  for  the  King,  at  Westminster,  Windsor,  and 
the  Tower  of  London,  besides  the  castles  of  Berkhampstead, 

1  EULOG.,  iii,  399.     *  Ibid,  iii,  400. 


408  The  War  Treasurers.  [CHAP. 

Wallingford,  Rockingham,  Nottingham,  Odiham,  and  Ledes. 
All  these  were  kept  up  at  the  public  expense,  and,  in  addition 
to  these,  the  manors  of  Kenton  (near  Kingston),  Eltham, 
Claryngton,  Shene,  Sutton,  Byflete,  Chiltern  Langley,  Wood- 
stock, Easthampstead,  Havering-atte-Bower,  Henley  on  the 
Heath,  Cosham,  Bickley,  Clipstone,  Isleworth  (where  the  King 
spent  a  small  portion  of  each  year),  and  lodges  at  Beckeswood 
and  Hatheburgh,  for  hunting,  in  the  *New  Forest.  Windsor 
was  singled  out  as  a  glaring  instance,  where  abuses  in  the 
administration  were  most  scandalous. 

To  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  the  enormously  dispro- 
portionate cost  of  royalty  to  the  country,  it  may  be  profitable 
here  to  refer  to  an  estimate  which  is  still  preserved,  and  relates 
apparently  to  the  present  year,  1404.  In  this  document  the 
revenue  from  tenths  and  fifteenths  is  estimated  to  produce 
;£i6,6i2  55.  6d.,  and  the  money  required  to  meet  expenses 
before  the  ensuing  Michaelmas,  is  set  down  at  ^15,650 ;  but  of 
this  amount  no  less  than  -^"6,000,  or  considerably  over  one- 
third,  is  required  for  the  King's  and  Queen's  expenses.  The 
rest  has  to  be  used  for  such  purposes  as  Calais,  Ireland,  Scotland, 
Wales,  and  the  repayment  of  loans  from  the  merchants  of 
London,  &c.;  while  several  items,  such  as  the  arrears  of  dower 

1  PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  23.     2  Thu8  ._ 

King's  Household £3666  13  4 

Do.     Chamber    333     6  8 

Queen's  Annuity    1333     6  8 

Debts  of  Household...  66613  4 


£6000  0  0 

Against  this  is  set,  for  : — 

Ireland     £1000  0  0 

Scotland 2200  0  0 

Wales  ..  .     3000  0  0 


£6200     0    0 

ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  96. 


XXIX.]  "  Madcap  Harry  !  "  409 

for  the  Princess  Blanche,  are  entered  in  the  estimate,  but  not 
provided  for. 

Let  it  be  remembered  also,  that,  in  addition  to  the  provision 
made  for  the  King's  four  sons,  who  received  constantly 
augmenting  grants  of  manors  and  lands,  the  country  had  now 
to  find  10,000  marks  per  annum  for  the  dower  of  the  Queen 
Johanna.  Allowing  for  the  relative  difference  in  the  value  of 
money,  in  the  1  usual  proportion  of  twelve  to  one,  the  annuity 
would  to-day  represent  some  ^£80,000  per  annum.  This 
shamefully  prodigal  grant,  for  which  the  country  received 
absolutely  no  return,  was  made  on  the  8th  of  February.  But  it 
could  not  be  collected ;  and  it  is  not  surprising  to  hear  that  by 
2 July  1 8th,  1404,  it  had  fallen  into  arrears  to  the  extent  of 
^£3,000.  With  poverty  and  invasion  threatening  the  country, 
these  arrears  must  still  be  made  good,  and  formed  a  first  charge 
upon  the  taxation  of  the  clergy,  while  ^1,000  more  was  to  be 
screwed  out  of  the  customs  of  the  port  of  Boston. 

But  it  may  be  thought  that  these  handsome  provisions 
enabled  the  royal  pensioners  to  maintain  a  princely  hospitality, 
and  to  give  noble  bounties  to  the  poor.  We  can  bring  this  to 
the  test  of  fact,  by  examining  the  3Book  of  the  Expenses  of  the 
Household  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  for  this  very  year,  ending 
September  3oth,  1404.  It  is  a  curious  little  pamphlet  written 
on  parchment,  bound  in  parchment,  paged  and  stitched  as 
a  book.  It  contains  the  account  of  Simon  Bache,  Treasurer  of 
Prince  Henry's  Household,  and  forms  a  unique  record,  prepared 
perhaps  to  meet  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  country.  It  sets 
forth  the  Prince's  receipts  for  the  year,  for  household  expenses, 
at  ^3,025  25.  8d.,  and  shows  a  deficit  at  the  year's  end  of 
£6 1  145.  8d.  Unfortunately,  the  bulk  of  the  expenditure  had 
been  returned  in  a  separate  schedule  by  the  Controllers,  and 
this  schedule  is  now  lost;  but  the  book  gives  details  of  the 

1  ROGERS,  i,  259.    *  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  3,  11,  23.    a  TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  $ 


410  The  War  Treasurers.  [CHAP. 

expenditure  of  about  £425,  the  items  bearing  something  like 
the  following  proportion  :  —  Carriage  hire  (^65)  ;  fees  to 
Treasurer  (;£8)  ;  eight  horses  purchased,  varying  from  305. 
to  8os.  each  (;£i8)  ;  shoes  for  23  pages  and  servants,  including 
three  females  (^15);  food,  candles,  wine,  &c.  (^119);  to 
a  valet,  for  a  journey  about  some  wine  (;£ioo)  ;  buttery  and 
pantry,  including  wine,  oil,  meat,  stock  fish,  &c.  (^95).  And 
then  come  the  gifts  :  —  Presents  to  servants,  &c.,  2  is.  yd.; 
offertories  in  church,  i6s.  8d.  This  last  handsome  sum  was 
spread  over  four  great  occasions,  when  the  Prince  attended 
High  Mass  at  Shrewsbury  and  Lichfield,  viz.:  Lady  Day, 
Ascension,  and  Whitsuntide;  on  each  of  which  festivals  he 
contributed  the  modest  sum  of  35.  4d.  for  himself  and  his 
retinue;  on  the  fourth  occasion,  viz.:  on  his  arrival  in  Shrews- 
bury, in  April,  1404,  he  attended  service  in  the  church  of  the 
Friars  Preachers,  and  dropped  6s.  8d.  into  the  plate. 

Acting  in  agreement  with  the  Lords,  the  Commons  now 
prayed  that  the  King's  Confessor  and  three  others  should  be 
dismissed  from  the  royal  household.  On  Saturday,  February 
9th,  three  of  these  came  before  the  King  and  the  Lords  in 
Parliament.  The  King  defended  his  servants,  but  agreed  to 
dismiss  them,  nevertheless,  in  deference  to  the  request  of  the 
Lords  and  Commons,  whose  wishes,  he  affected  to  think,  would 
be  most  beneficial  to  himself  and  the  country,  and  he  promised 
for  the  future  not  to  retain  in  his  service  any  persons  who 
should  incur  the  hatred  and  indignation  of  his  people.  The 
Parliament  answered  with  a  prayer  that  in  filling  these  vacancies 
the  King  would  appoint  men  known  for  their  honour  and 
integrity,  and  certify  their  names  to  the  Commons  and  the 
L6rds.  On  Saturday,  March  ist,  the  names  of  22  prominent 
men  ^including  Cheyne,  Doreward,  and  Savage,  all  of  whom 


.  PABL.,iii,  530.  Though  CLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  31  (dated  October  2nd, 
1403),  records  that  Sir  Arnold  Savage  had  been  one  of  the  Councillors 
required  to  stay  about  the  King's  person  since  the  previous  June  4th 
(PAT.,  4  H.  IV.,  2,  20). 


XXIX.]  Expulsion  of  Foreigners.  41 1 

had  acted  as  Speakers  of  the  House  of  Commons)  were  notified 
as  about  to  be  placed  on  the  King's  "Great  and  Continual 
Council."  These  names  appear  as  present  at  the  first a  Council 
held  (April  23rd)  after  the  dismissal  of  the  Parliament,  and  the 
names  of  zig  of  them  were  renewed  in  the  following  year,  1405. 

Following  up  their  success,  the  Parliament  demanded  next 
that  foreigners  should  be  dismissed  from  the  Court.  All 
adherents  of  the  Anti-Pope  (i.e.,  Benedict  XIII.)  were  to  quit 
the  kingdom,  because  of  the  danger  to  men's  souls  from  contact 
with  them,  and  because  they  might  betray  secrets  to  the  enemies 
of  the  country.  Other  Catholics  (as  some  Dutch  or  Germans) 
must  be  sent  to  serve  in  Border  fortresses.  Scotch  prisoners 
were  not  to  be  allowed  at  large.  No  Welshman  was  to  be  near 
the  King's  person,  and  all  Bretons,  French,  Lombards,  Italians, 
and  Navarrese  were  to  be  removed  from  the  royal  household, 
except  the  Queen's  3  daughters,  and  one  lady  (Marie  Sante)  in 
attendance  on  them,  together  with  two  Breton  gentlemen  and 
their  wives.  To  all  of  these  requests  the  King  agreed  (Thurs- 
day, February  2ist),  and  orders  were  issued  accordingly  on  the 
following  day,  except  that  ten  persons  were  to  be  allowed  to 
remain  in  attendance  on  the  Queen  and  her  daughters,  and 
Antoine  Rys  (her  former  proxy)  was  to  be  allowed  to  visit  her, 
though  forbidden  to  live  in  the  royal  household. 

But  all  these  concessions  on  the  King's  part  did  not  make 
the  new  taxation  palatable  to  his  people.  A  vigorous  opposition 
was  still  maintained,  and  it  was  claimed  that  if  the  obnoxious 
proposal  were  conceded,  special  officers  called  4 "  War  Treasu- 
rers "  should  be  appointed  to  superintend  the  administration  of 
the  grant  and  to  assure  its  allotment  for  war  purposes  and  no 
other. 

1  OKD.  PBIV.  Co.,  i,  222.  2  ibid,  i,  237.  3  Though  EULOG.  (iii,  400)  says 
that  the  Queen's  daughters  were  sent  away.  Cf.  LEL.  COL.,  ii,  313. 
*  "  Guerrarum  Thesaurarii." — ANN.,  370. 


412  The  War  Treasurers.  [CHAP. 

The  King  was  being  reduced  to  great  straits.  Payments  for 
the  food  and  wages  of  the  royal  houses  were  stopped,  and,  on 
Saturday,  March  ist,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (whose 
name  appears  at  the  head  of  the  22  members  of  the  Council 
specially  charged  with  the  duty  of  checking  financial  abuses) 
came  before  the  Commons  to  deliver  the  King's  decision.  He 
admitted  that  the  government  of  the  royal  houses  had  not  been 
perfection  in  the  past,  but  promised  that  in  future  the  laws 
should  be  observed,  that  equal  justice  should  be  done  to  all, 
and  that  the  common  law  should  be  paramount  over  all  letters 
under  Privy  Seal.  He  requested  that  immediate  attention 
might  be  given  to  the  question  of  payment  to  the  members  of 
the  household.  But  he  1  could  not  sanction  the  request  for  the 
appointment  of  War  Treasurers,  though  he  suggested  that,  if 
other  future  wars  should  break  out  and  seem  to  require  such  a 
measure,  he  would  be  ready  then  to  consider  it.  As  a  temporary 
expedient,  it  was  ordered  2 (March  ist)  by  the  Council  3that 
^12,000  should  be  allotted  annually  as  a  first  charge  upon  the 
Customs  of  certain  ports,  and  on  other  established  sources  of 
revenue,  to  cover  the  expenses  of  the  royal  households. 

In  this  the  Commons  were  not  consulted.  Their  consent 
was  not  necessary,  as  the  sums  dealt  with  were  for  the  present 
beyond  their  control.  But  to  the  imposition  of  the  new  tax 
they  resolutely  maintained  their  opposition,  or  at  least  required, 
as  an  absolute  condition,  that  the  money  so  raised  should  be 
under  the  control  of  Treasurers  in  whom  they  could  have 
confidence.  For  nearly  six  weeks  they  held  their  ground.  At 
length  serious  news  arrived  from  Wales  and  France.  4Worn 
out  by  delay,  and  by  the  large  expense  thus  thrown  upon  their 
constituents,  they  agreed  to  a  compromise.  The  tax,  amounting 

1 "  Feust  outre  la  volentee  mesme  nre.  sr.  le  Roy." — ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  529. 
2  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  528  ;  PAT.,  5  H.  IV,  2,  16 ;  CLAUS.  5  H.  IV,  2,  6.  "Not 
£10,$00,  as  CHRON.  GILES,  3jSf  *  "  Attoadiati  de  mora."— EULOG.,  iii,  400. 


XXIX.]  Warrant  of  Appointment.  413 

to  about  a  fifteenth  (or  6^  per  cent.),  was  granted  on  condition 
that  it  should  not  afterwards  be  brought  in  as  a  precedent,  and 
that  no  evidence  of  it  should  be  kept,  either  in  the  Royal 
Treasury  or  in  the  Exchequer,  but  that  writs  or  records  of  it 
should  be  at  once  burnt  after  the  account  had  been  made  up, 
and  that  no  briefs  or  commissions  should  be  subsequently  issued 
either  against  the  collectors  or  inspectors  employed  in  the 
business.  Kour  persons,  viz.:  ^ohn  2Oudeby,  (a  8churchman 
from  4  Rutland),  John  Hadley,  Thomas  Knolles,  and  Richard 
Merlawe  (citizens  of  5  London),  were  commissioned  to  receive 
the  money  thus  to  be  raised,  and  to  control  its  expenditure. 
The  King  assented  to  their  appointment  and  the  necessary 
documents  were  prepared,  but  in  the  stir  of  other  news,  it  was 
said  that  his  signature  was  overlooked ;  and  after  signing  a  few 
warrants,  and  exercising  a  supervision  for  a  few  months,  the 
"War  Treasurers"  were  tacitly  dropped,  and  the  victory  was 
supposed  to  rest  with  the  King. 

So,  at  least,  it  was  afterwards  asserted.  But  there  is  plenty 
of  evidence  that  the  War  Treasurers  were  legally  and  constitu- 
tionally appointed  in  every  respect,  and  that  their  influence  was 
felt  in  the  direction  of  economy  throughout  the  ensuing  summer, 
under  the  directions  of  the  "  Great  Council." 

The  Close  Roll  for  the  year  contains  an  entry  dated  6  March 
20th,  1404,  according  to  which  it  is  decreed  that  from  March 
25th  next,  the  "Treasurers  of  our  Wars"  should  receive,  keep, 
and  spend  the  subsidy.  The  warrant  is  still  extant,  dated 
7  March  25th,  1404,  calling  upon  the  Treasurer  and  Chamber- 
lains of  the  Exchequer,  to  receive  tallies  from  collectors, 
"  through  the  Treasurers  of  War  appointed  to  receive  Customs, 

1  He  had  been  made  a  Chamberlain  of  the  /Exchequer  in  the  previous 
reign,  through  the  influence  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  and  was  by  Henry 
continued  in  his  office. — PELLS  ISSUE  KOLL,  1  H.  IV.,  MICH.,  (January 
17th,  1400).  2  Spelt  "  Owdeby,"  in  PAT.  3  H.  IV.,  2,  1.  s  QRD.  PRIV.  Co., 
i,  220.  *  Ibid,  ii,  74,  76.  5  ANN.,  379.  6  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  5.  1 1bid, 
2,2. 


414  The  War  Treasurers.  [CHAP. 

subsidies,  tonnage,  and  poundage."  On  the  ^rd  of  April  they 
are  called  "Treasurers  assigned  for  the  Wars."  On  the  2i3th 
of  May,  they  were  again  recognized  in  official  documents.  On 
the  38th  of  June,  they  were  still  exercising  their  powers  of 
control.  On  the  45th  of  July,  we  have  a  record  that  the  citizens 
of  York  had  advanced  300  marks,  and  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  1,000  marks,  to  the  "Treasurers  of  Wars."  On  the 
6  24th  of  July,  they  were  still  appealed  to  in  all  payments 
connected  with  war  expenses.  On  the  6 1 8th  of  August,  they 
refused  to  acknowledge  a  warrant  signed  by  the  King  as 
informal,  and  they  were  checking  payments  as  late  as  7  September 
1 9th  and  26th.  On  8  November  i4th,  two  successors  were 
appointed  to  take  the  office ;  while  in  the  9  Public  Record  Office 
a  mutilated  seal  may  still  be  seen  showing  a  lion  rampant  with 
the  inscription  :  S(igillum)  Thes(aurariorum)  Guerrce  ordinat. 
(orum)  anno  quinto  H.(enrici)  R.(egis)  quarti. 

But  whichever  side  might  ultimately  claim  the  victory,  the 
King  was  too  wary  to  attempt  another  such  contest,  and  the 
experiment  was  not  again  repeated,  both  sides  being  content  to 
let  it  lie  in  oblivion  rather  than  jeopardize  their  position  by 
bringing  their  rights  again  into  question. 

And  so,  about  the  second  week  in  April,  the  Parliament  was 
dissolved.  The  writs  for  expenses  are  dated  10  March  2oth,  and 
this  has  led  "writers  to  conclude  that  the  Parliament  was 

1  OED.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  220.  2RYM.,  viii,  259.  sOED.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  268  (not 
1405).  *  PAT.  5  H.  IV.,  2, 12.  »  ROY.  LET.,  i,  281.  « Ibid,  i,  434.  »  ma, 
i,  333,  337.  8  OBD.  PEIV.  Co.,  ii,  87.  9  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  Misc., 
$  where  receipt  is  given  by  Treasurer  and  Chamberlain  on  behalf  of  the 
Council,  for  sums  received  and  paid  out  between  March  25th  and  Decem- 
ber llth,  1404,  by  the  "  Receivers,"  viz.:  Oudeby,  Hadley,  Knolles,  and 
Merlawe,  there  styled,  "Receptores  ordinati  et  assignati  per  literas 
patentee  dni.  nri.  Regis  ad  Recepcoem.  subsidii  lanar.  corior.  et  pellm. 
lanutar.  et  pesagii,  et  pondagii,  in  parlt.  S.  Hilarii,  5,  H.  IV."  10  PETNNE, 
4,  464;  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  9 ;  some  of  the  allowances  are  for  83  and  84 
days'  attendance,  but  these  are  only  for  members  from  distant  counties, 
such  as  Devonshire,  Cumberland,  and  Westmoreland.  The  average  pay- 
ment is  for  70  to  75  days.  u  Including  STUBBS  (iii,  45). 


, 

XXIX.J 


Dissolution.  415 

dissolved  by  that  date.  But  besides  the  direct  testimony  of  a 
trustworthy  contemporary,  to  the  effect  that  the  sittings  extended 
over  twelve  weeks,  the  Rolls  themselves  include  a  deed  signed 
on  the  6th  of  April,  and  subsequently  ratified  by  the  King, 
2 "in  full  Parliament."  I  incline  therefore  to  think  that  the 
discrepancy  in  the  dates  for  the  payment  of  expenses  is  only 
another  evidence  of  the  violence  of  the  Parliamentary  contest 
that  was  raging,  and  that  the  constituencies  were  charged  with 
the  payment  of  the  members'  expenses,  only  so  long  as  the  King 
wished  to  keep  them  at  their  posts. 

The  difficulty  of  the  King's  position  is  further  illustrated  by 
the  action  of  the  clergy  in  their  Convocations. 

While  the  struggle  was  at  its  height  at  Westminster,  the  King 
issued  an  order  (dated  3  March  i6th)  to  the  Archbishop  of  York, x 
to  summon  the  clergy  of  the  Northern  Province  to  meet  at 
York,  and  vote  money  "  for  his  immediate  necessity,"  but  there 
is  evidence  that  his  order  was  not  obeyed.  4The  payments  due 
from  the  clergy  were  of  special  value  at  the  moment,  as  the 
King  contended  that  no  supervision  over  them  could  be  lawfully 
claimed  by  the  War  Treasurers.  On  the  56th  of  May,  a  further 
order  was,  issued,  but  in  less  peremptory  terms,  requiring  the 
meeting  to  take  place  on  June  24th.  The  Convocation  of  the 
Province  of  Canterbury  had  not  met  as  usual  at  the  opening  of 
the  Parliament  at  Westminster  in  January,  perhaps  on  account 
of  the  advances  made  in  the  Synod,  held  in  London  in  the 
previous  October.  The  Convocation  met,  however,  on  6 April 
ist,  1404,  but  the  attendance  being  insufficient,  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  issued  a  fresh  summons  of  unusual  urgency  to 
his  clergy,  to  present  themselves  without  fail  at  St.  Paul's,  on 
the72ist  of  April,  under  a  threat  of  sequestration  for  all  who 

1 "  Per  duodecim  hebdomadas."— ANN,  378.  2  "  En  plein  parlement." 
— ROT.  PAUL.,  iii,  532.  3  RYM.,  viii,  353.  4  See  the  claim  asserted  in 
PAT.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  30,  dated  April  30th,  1404.  5RYM.,  viii,  355 ;  CLAUS.  5 
H.  IV.,  2,  8,  6  DEP.  KEEP.  2ND  KEPT.,  p.  182.  7  CONC.,  iii,  279. 


416  The  War  Treasurers. 

did  not  attend.  In  spite  of  this  pressing  summons,  several  of 
the  wealthiest  ecclesiastics  (including  the  great  Abbots  of 
Evesham  and  St.  Albans)  still  absented  themselves.  Their 
goods  were  accordingly  sequestrated,  but  of  course  the  Sentence 
was  soon  reversed.  With  great  grudging,  the  assembled  clergy 
voted  a  subsidy  and  one-tenth,  i.e.,  22S.  out  of  every  205.  on 
every  benefice  or  office  ecclesiastical  not  yet  taxed,  and  ex- 
ceeding iocs,  per  annum  in  value.  They,  however,  3attached 
as  a  condition  that  their  goods  and  equipages  should  not  be  at 
the  mercy  of  the  King's  purveyors,  as  heretofore  ;  but  that 
anyone  who  should  claim  to  act  in  this  way  in  the  future,  should 
be  arrested  and  detained  till  the  King's  pleasure  should  be 
known.  The  Convocation  was  dismissed  on  the  6th  of  May, 
and  it  is  significantly  recorded  that,  when  the  money  was  paid, 
the  4  conditions  were  forgotten. 

Large  6 loans  were  also  obtained  about  the  same  time  from 
Genoese  and  Florentine  and  other  foreign  merchants  trading 
with  England,  on  the  understanding  that  they  should  be  exempt 
from  the  payment  of  customs  and  other  dues  at  the  ports  of 
London,  Sandwich,  and  Southampton,  until  the  principal  was 
repaid. 

1  CONG.,  iii,  280.    2  DEP.  KEEP.  2ND  KEPT.,  182.     »  ANN.,  388.     4  WALS., 
ii,  261.     5EYM.,  viii,  358. 


CHAPTER   XXX. 
THE   COMMOTION   IN   ESSEX. 

THE  recent  failure  of  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  in  his  attempts  at  a 
landing  in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  had  not  deterred  the  party  of 
disturbance  in  France  from  planning  further  mischief.  We 
ahave  seen  that  during  the  meeting  of  the  Parliament,  letters  had 
been  produced  purporting  to  be  written  by  King  Richard,  and 
that  Sir  Robert  Waterton  had  been  put  to  the  question  as  to  the 
alleged  escape  from  Pontefract.  He  stoutly  denied  the  possi- 
bility of  escape,  and  defied  anyone  to  prove  that  Richard  was 
living.  But  other  and  more  distinguished  persons  still  found  it 
to  their  account  to  believe,  or  affect  to  believe,  the  story. 
Among  the  most  exalted  dupes  was  Mathilda  (or  Maud),  mother 
of  the  late  Robert  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford,  the  favourite  of 
Richard,  who  had,  among  other  favours,  created  him  Duke  of 
Ireland.  The  Countess  was  thus  sister-in-law  to  Aubrey  de 
Vere,  who  had  harboured  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  at  Hadley, 
after  the  failure  of  his  friends  at  Cirencester,  in  January,  1400. 
Associated  with  her  in  the  present  plot  was  the  Bishop  of 
Norwich,  who  had  not  yet  learned  to  respect  Henry's  power. 
The  Countess  and  the  Bishop  now  entered  into  secret  com- 
munications with  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Count  of  St.  Pol, 
•  and  it  was  arranged  that  Queen  Isabella,  supported  by  a  French 
force,  should  land  in  the  Orwell,  and  that  Henry  should  be 
seized  and  put  to  death.  For  this  purpose  it  was  necessary 
that  the  ground  should  be  prepared,  and  no  readier  sympathisers 
could  be  found  than  the  Clergy  of  the  Eastern  counties. 


A  2 


4i 8  The  Commotion  in  Essex.  [CHAP. 

We  have  seen  that  the  Friars  had  been  the  most  busy 
emissaries  to  scatter  through  the  country  expectations  of  the 
return  of  Richard.  In  the  insurrection  which  ended  so  fatally 
at  Shrewsbury,  the  Percies  had  received  large  support  from  the 
Archbishop  and  Clergy  in  the  North.  In  face  of  the  proposals 
to  seize  the  property  of  the  church,  all  clerical  taxation  was 
eagerly  resisted,  and  at  ^evesby  Abbey,  in  Lincolnshire,  the 
Abbot,  Henry  Kay,  having  understood  that  the  King  was  about 
to  destroy  the  possessions  of  the  church,  asserted  (as  early  as 
September  29th,  1403)  that  it  was  his  intention  to  secure  as 
much  of  them  as  he  could  for  himself,  whether  legally  or  not. 
He  then  proceeded  to  make  arrangements  for  dismantling  the 
Abbey,  and  alienating  or  selling  the  Abbey  lands.  If  such 
a  spirit  could  be  manifested  in  the  King's  own  native  district 
and  close  to  his  castle  of  Bolingbroke,  we  may  be  sure  that  no 
lack  of  disaffection  existed  among  the  clergy  of  the  coast 
counties  further  south,  under  the  lead  of  such  powerful  local 
names  as  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  and  the  Countess  of  Oxford. 
The  choice  of  a  landing  was  left  with  the  French,  but  they 
were  assured  that,  if  they  came  in  the  name  of  King  Charles, 
they  would  be  well  received,  either  in  Essex  by  the  Countess, 
or  in  Norfolk  by  the  Bishop.  As  a  result  of  these  communi- 
cations, it  was  understood  that  Ipswich  should  be  the  landing 
place,  and  the  probable  date  December  28th,  1403. 

In  Essex  there  was  much  disaffection,  notably  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Colchester,  Bentley,  Colne,  Chiche,  and 
Halstead.  This  district  had  been  from  the  beginning 
of  Henry's  reign  a  centre  of  violence  and  disturbance.  In 
2 1 400,  a  warfare  was  raging  at  the  Priory  of  Earls  Colne. 
3Henry  Colne  and  John  Preston  both  claimed  to  be  the 
rightful  Prior.  Both  appealed  to  the  Pope,  who  decided  in 

lExcHEQ.  TBEAS.  OF  EECPT.,  Misc.,  28' a  (8).      "PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  1,  12, 
November  10th,  1400.      3  GLAUS.  2  H.  IV.,  1,  30,  November  19th,  1400. 


Snape.  419 

favour  of  Colne ;  but  a  band  of  unprincipled  friars  and  others, 
including  Roger  Boleyn,  John  Sumpter,  Simon  Warde,  Reginald 
Cook,  took  up  the  quarrel  on  behalf  of  Preston,  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Countess  of  Oxford.  They  set  on  the 
obnoxious  Prior,  put  him  in  prison,  dressed  him  in  a  ridiculous 
costume,  and  led  him  about  to  different  towns.  They  cut  down 
his  wood  at  Messing  and  Great  Bentley,  put  one  of  themselves 
in  his  office,  and  made  him  take  an  oath  that  he  would  not 
disturb  their  nominee.  But  in  November,  1400,  the  King's 
officers  had  to  interfere.  We  shall  recognize  spme  of  the 
above  lawbreakers  again. 

At  Halsteadf  one  xjohn  Russell,  servant  to  William  Ayleby, 
of  Wykeshoohall,  in  Suffolk,  had  preached  on  the  Thursday 
after  Midsummer  Day,  1403,  that  King  Richard  was  returning 
to  England,  supported  by  Owen  and  the  French.  In  Colchester 
the  plan  was  communicated  to  Thomas,  Abbot  of  the  great 
Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  John. 

'-The  inmates  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  John,  at  Colchester,  like  many 
of  the  great  monastic  bodies,  were  a  turbulent  and  militant 
community.  In  November,  1399,  they  were  engaged  in  a 
quarrel  with  John  Morsay,  Prior  of  the  Abbey  of  Snape,  in 
Suffolk.  The  Prior  appealed  to  the  Pope,  and  the  Abbot 
called  in  the  help  of  the  King.  3  Orders  (dated  May  3rd,  1400, 
and  4July  nth)  were  issued  to  have  the  Prior  arrested,  and  the 
Abbot  (Geoffrey)  despatched  a  party  from  Colchester,  to  take 
the  law  into  their  own  hands.  They  included  a  chaplain  (Wm. 
Sumpter),  four  monks,  and  one  Robert  Boleyn.  They  broke 
into  the  Prior's  house,  seized  swords,  bows,  and  arrows,  burnt 
documents,  and  lay  in  wait  outside  the  Abbey.  The  Prior  was 
in  fear  for  his  life,  and  dared  not  stir  out  for  a  month.  His 
servants  were  set  upon,  thrashed,  beaten,  and  wounded.  Crops 

1  See  deposition  of  John  Stanton,  in  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  Misc., 
|la  (13).  2  Ibid,  §  3  pAT.  i  H.  IV.,  6,  3.  «  Ibid,  8,  28. 


420  The  Commotion  in  Essex.  [CHAP. 

of  barley,  millet,  and  wheat  were  burnt.  Cows,  pigs,  oxen,  swans, 
and  hares  were  carried  off,  the  plunder  including  500  J  perch,  the 
same  number  of  tench,  and  1,000  roach.  Proceedings  were 
afterwards  taken  against  the  Abbot  in  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas,  and  Abbot  Geoffrey  and  several  of  the  monks  were 
indicted  (November  6th,  1401)  for  attacking  the  Prior's  house 
and  destroying  and  robbing  his  property.  After  that  date  there 
would  appear  to  have  been  a  change  of  Abbots,  but  the 
monks  retained  their  pugnacious  and  destructive  propensities. 
At  first,  Abbot  Thomas  wished  to  be  further  convinced  before 
finally  committing  himself  to  the  plan  of  invasion.  Accordingly, 
he  despatched  one  whom  he  could  trust  to  go  in  person  into 
Scotland,  and  ascertain  if  it  were  true  that  Richard  was  alive. 
His  messenger  was  provided  with  a  ring,  as  a  guarantee  of  good 
faith,  and  so  found  his  way  into  Scotland.  On  his  return 
journey  he  was  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison  at"  Bury  St. 
Edmunds,  but  the  Abbot  went  bail  for  him,  and  he  was  released. 
He  brought  word  that  Richard  was  alive.  The  Abbot's  scruples 
were  removed.  He  threw  himself  with  energy  into  the  perilous 
game,  resolved  2that  "with  his  goode  and  with  his  meyzt  he 
wold  refresch  him  to  his  power."  So,  likewise,  did  his  neigh- 
bour, Thomas,  Abbot  of  the  Monastery  of  Austin  Canons  of  St. 
Osythe,  at  Chiche,  in  the  marshes  of  Essex,  where  convenient 
landing  might  be  afforded  for  traitors  passing  to  France  or  Flanders. 
At  that  time  the  Northern  Castles  still  held  out  obstinately 
against  the  royal  forces,  and  rumours  were  spread  that  the  whole 
of  the  North  was  in  rebellion.  As  far  back  as  3July  22nd, 
when  Henry  was  engaged  at  Shrewsbury,  Philip  Fitz-Eustace, 
Prior  of  St.  Botolph's,  had  spoken  in  derision  of  the  King  at 
Colchester,  as  not  elected  by  the  magnates  and  the  State  of 

i  Evidently  a  common  fish,  though  EOGEES  (i,  608)  has  found  none  of 
them  in  his  accounts.  2TRAis.,  276.  3See  deposition  of  Bailiff  of 
Colchester,  in  EXCHER.  TEE  AS.  OF  EECPT.,  38la  (6). 


XXX.]  "  And  hastily  a  Masse  was  ther  saide"  421 

England,  but  by  the  London  rabble.  He  had  at  the  same  time 
borrowed  horses  from  his  fellow-townsmen  under  promises  of 
payment,  but  the  money  had  not  yet  been  paid.  At  the  same 
time  John  Beche,  another  of  the  conspirators,  was  passing  about, 
having  with  him  a  written  parchment,  certifying  that  Richard 
was  alive  and  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Count  of  St.  Pol 
would  soon  land  in  the  Isle  of  Wight.  The  success  of  Henry 
at  Shrewsbury  had  given  a  sudden  check  to  rumours  in  the 
summer,  but,  as  the  winter  drew  on,  the  hopes  of  the  conspirators 
revived. 

On  Thursday  next  after  November  2oth,  final  arrangements 
were  made  for  the  landing,  and  it  was  confidently  expected  that 
Queen  Isabella  would  make  her  appearance  in  the  Orwell  on 
December  28th,  attended  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the 
Count  of  St.  Pol.  Such,  at  least,  were  the  representations  made 
to  the  too-confiding  country  people  on  the  coasts  of  Essex  and 
Suffolk,  and  it  is  a  sign  of  the  prevailing  insecurity  that,  * about 
this  time,  the  port  of  shipping  for  wool  was  changed  from 
Ipswich  to  Yarmouth. 

The  28th  of  December  arrived.  Badges  with  the  white  hart 
(Richard's  emblem)  had  been  widely  distributed,  to  be  worn  by 
all  partisans  as  soon  as  the  conspiracy  should  make  head,  and 
the  2  beacons  lately  erected  by  special  order  on  the  hills  near 
the  shore  were  carefully  destroyed,  to  prevent  the  alarm  being 
given  at  the  critical  moment.  But  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  on 
retiring  from  the  Isle  of  Wight,  did  not  see  his  way  to  carry  out 
his  part  of  the  programme,  and  withdrew  to  Paris,  leaving  his 
dupes  to  get  out  of  their  difficulty  as  best  they  might 

A  week  before  Christmas,  as  Thomas  Cook,  Abbot  of  Byleigh, 
near  Maldon,  was  riding  back  from  London,  he  was  met  on  the 
road  by  a  messenger  from  the  Abbot  of  Colchester,  who  brought 
him  a  letter  requesting  his  presence  at  Colchester  to  chant  a 


1  ROT.  PAEL.,  iii,  555,  560.    a  "  Signa  vocata  bekones." — CHRON.  GILES,  36. 


422  The  Commotion  in  Essex.  [CHAP. 

mass  at  a  great  function,  at  which  it  was  expected  that  "  all  the 
gentles  of  the  country"  would  be  present.  The  Abbot  of 
Byleigh  went,  as  requested,  on  January  28th,  and  was  there 
introduced  to  two  men,  named  Robert  Boleyn  and  William 
Ely  the,  with  whom  he  went  into  the  Abbot's  private  chapel. 
Blythe  was  asked  for  news  of  the  French,  but  mysteriously 
refused  to  give  any  till  after  Candlemas  (February  2nd). 

Towards  the  end  of  February,  on  a  Friday,  between  ten  and 
eleven,  Blythe  presented  himself  at  Byleigh  and  requested  to  see 
the  Abbot.  He  came  to  ask  that  a  message  might  be  sent  to 
John  Prittlewell,  to  come  over  to  Byleigh  on  the  following 
Sunday,  to  2meet  "a  gentleman  from  London."  Prittlewell  will 
be  remembered  as  the  occupant  of  Barrow  Hall,  near  Wakering 
in  the  marshes,  where  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  had  been  cap- 
tured. He  had  received  a  grant  of  40  marks  per  annum  from 
Richard ;  but  this  had  been  Continued  to  him,  and,  moreover, 
a  large  contract  for  repairs  to  the  Tower  and  the  Palace  at 
Westminster  had  been  likewise  renewed  to  him  through  the 
favour  of  King  Henry ;  so  that  his  interest  would  rather  lead  him 
4not  to  meddle  with  treason.  He  had  already  had  some  talk 
with  the  Abbot  of  Colchester,  at  Rochford,  on  Twelfth  Tide, 
and  was  perhaps  not  quite  so  innocent  of  the  conspiracy  as  he 
afterwards  represented  himself  to  be.  Accordingly,  on  the 
Sunday  following  (being  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent),  Prittlewell 
went  with  one  attendant  to  Byleigh,  and  met  Blythe  dressed 
"  in  the  gyse  of  a  Knight,"  with  "  a  grete  gylde  girdil,"  which  he 
said  he  had  received  from  the  Earl  of  Northumberland.  They 
heard  two  masses  and  afterwards  talked  together  in  the  garden, 
Abbot  Cook  being  partly  present  at  the  conversation. 

Blythe  began  by  saying  that  he  brought  a  message  from  King 

1  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  EECPT.,  28la  (2).  «"  A  jentilinan  yt  was  to  London 
and  wold  come  azen  on  ye  morow." — TRAIS.,  275.  3PAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  8,  11, 
November  20th,  1399.  *PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  4,  5,  March  18th,  1401. 


XXX.]       "  Thou  shalt  make  Castles  thanne  in  Spay  tie.''         423 

Richard,  thanking  Prittlewell  for  all  that  he  had  suffered  on 
account  of  his  devotion  to  himself  and  to  his  brother,  the  Earl 
of  Huntingdon.  He  said  that  he  had  been  brought  up  from  a 
child  in  Richard's  household,  and  had  been  knighted  by  Henry 
Percy  on  the  field  at  Shrewsbury,  and  that  he  had  seen  Richard 
"  the  Fryday  thre  weke  by  fore  Christmasse  last  passed  "  in  a 
castle  in  Scotland.  He  gave  the  name  of  the  castle,  but  Prittle- 
well unfortunately  afterwards  forgot  it,  and  the  only  trace  that 
I  can  find  of  it  now  is  that  4t  was  "a  castle  belonging  to  the 
Duke  of  Rothsay,  and  was  called  Albion,"  which  looks  sus- 
piciously akin  to  a  chateau  en  Espagne.  Blythe  told  how  he 
himself  and  a  priest,  John  King,  both  being  in  the  service  of 
Henry  Percy,  had  got  Richard  out  of  Pomfret  Castle,  as  related 
in  a  previous  chapter.  No  corroboration  of  the  story  could 
be  looked  for,  as  King  had  been  killed  in  the  battle  at 
Shrewsbury.  Blythe  swore  that  since  then  he  had  received 
three  separate  letters  from  Richard,  each  containing  a  letter  to 
be  forwarded  to  his  Queen  Isabella,  vouched  by  a  special  private 
mark.  These  letters  he  had  faithfully  delivered  either  in  France 
or  on  the  sea,  for  Isabella  (he  said)  had  actually  started  on  her 
proposed  journey  to  England  some  time  before,  but  had  been 
driven  back  by  stormy  weather,  and,  as  lately  as  six  days  ago,  she 
had  had  to  land  with  all  her  horses  at  Sluys,  and  wait  for  a 
favourable  wind.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  was  with  her  and  might 
be  expected  at  any  moment  in  the  Orwell,  while  Owen  with  a 
strong  force  from  Wales  and  "  all  his  people  "  would  gather  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Northampton.  Richard  would  come  out 
of  Scotland,  and  put  himself  once  more  at  their  head.  Blythe 
was  to  join  them  with  what  friends  he  could  collect,  and  he  had 
with  him  a  sealed  proclamation,  to  be  published  when  the  time 
should  come,  to  show  who  had,  and  who  had  not,  been  faithful 
to  the  summons  of  their  sovereign.  He  was  ready  to  bring 

1<{In  castro  ducis  Eoseye  quod  Albion  dicitur." — BULOG.,  iii,  401. 


424  The  Commotion  in  Essex.  [CHAP. 

Prittlewell  to  an  interview  either  with  Richard  or  Isabella, 
within  fifteen  days,  and  he  offered  him  a  horse  and  harness,  if 
he  would  pledge  himself  at  once. 

How  shamelessly  and  utterly  he  lied  in  all  this  circumstantial 
detail,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that,  at  the  very  time  when  he  said 
that  he  was  conveying  letters  from  Richard  to  Isabella,  she  was 
being  formally  contracted  in  marriage  to  Charles,  Count  of 
Angouleme,  the  son  and  heir  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  The 
Pope's  dispensation  is  dated  at  Tarascon,  January  5th,  1404; 
preparations  were  being  rapidly  advanced  for  the  actual 
marriage,  and  in  the  letters  in  which  the  French  King  gave  his- 
consent  to  the  match,  dated  Paris,  June  5th,  1404,  Isabella  is 
expressly  called  the  "  widow  "  (veuve)  of  Richard  II. 

But  Prittlewell  was  wary,  and  pleaded  that  he  was  too  infirm 
and  too  poor  to  be  of  any  service,  and  here  (if  we  may  believe 
his  own  statement)  his  connection  with  the  matter  ended.  And 
it  was  well  for  him  that  he  did  not  trust  the  ready  promises  of 
the  adventurer,  for,  so  far  from  having  a  horse  and  saddle 
to  give,  Blythe  had  that  very  morning  to  ask  his  host  and  enter- 
tainer, Abbot  Cook,  to  lend  him  a  horse,  a  spearr  and  "  other 
arneys,"  a  request  with  which  the  Abbot  did  not  find  it 
convenient  to  comply. 

After  supper  Blythe  left,  but  he  afterwards  sent  again  to 
Byleigh,  asking  the  Abbot  to  lend  him  four  marks.  The  Abbot, 
thinking  the  man  would  become  desperate  ("  a  perilouse  man  ") 
and  do  him  some  mischief,  lent  him  two  marks,  but  two  or 
three  days  afterwards  he  sent  again,  asking  urgently  for  two 
marks  more  and  "a  paire  of  trussing  coferis"  (i.e.,  packing 
cases),  promising  to  return  the  money,  or  ten  times  as  much  if 
needed,  in  three  or  four  days.  Upon  this  representation,  the 
Abbot  lent  him  205.  more. 

All  through  the  spring  the  plotters  lived  in  hope.     So  late  as 

1  REFT.  ON  F<ED.,  Archives  de  France,  p.  145. 


XXX.]         "  For  al  that  he  hath  seyd  is  strong  lesing"  425 

1  April  8th,  rumours  were  being  industriously  circulated  in 
Yorkshire  that  Richard  was  alive  in  Scotland.  Badges  continued 
to  be  distributed  in  expectation  of  his  immediate  appearance. 
At 2  Easter,  the  leading  conspirators  at  Colchester  and  Bentley 
asserted  that  he  would  certainly  come,  supported  by  the  French, 
Scotch,  and  Welsh,  sometime  between  that  date  and  June  24th. 
At  Halstead  and  Colne,  those  who  were  in  the  secret  held 
themselves  in  readiness  to  rise  any  day  after  February  6th.  On 
the  4th  of  April  and  the  26th  of  April,  Simon  Warde,  a  servant 
of  the  Countess  of  Oxford,  and  one  of  the  ringleaders,  was  at 
Halstead,  assuring  sympathisers  that  they  need  not  till  the  lands, 
for,  by  Midsummer  Day,  Richard  would  have  landed  with  the 
French. 

Such  were  the  rumours  that  circulated  darkly  among  the 
"  bejaped  and  begiled  "  Essex  folk.  But  the  French  did  not 
come ;  and,  about  two  months  after  the  visit  of  Blythe,  the  Abbot 
of  Byleigh  was  roused  from  his  bed  at  midnight  by  a  friend, 
who  warned  him  that  eighty  armed  men  were  come  to  the 
neighbourhood;  that  many  "fals  8harlotts"  were  already  taken, 
and  that  more  would  be  seized  ere  daybreak. 

One  John  Staunton,  a  servant  of  the  Countess  of  Oxford,  and 
some  of  the  monks  at  Colchester,  had  lodged  information  with 
the  authorities.  Prompt  means  were  taken  to  capture  the 
ringleaders  without  delay.  On  the  42ist  of  April,  a  warrant 
was  signed  for  the  apprehension  of  Boleyn,  Allewy  (or  Ayleby), 
Warde,  Beche,  Ralph  Hegue  (parson  of  Tendring),  Wrythook, 
Eccleshall,  and  Hundleby.  On  the  58th  of  May,  a  Supervisor 
was  appointed  to  take  over  the  property  of  the  Countess  of 
Oxford,  and,  on  c  Monday  after  Ascension  Day,  her  goods  were 

1  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  13.      2  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  EECPT.,  28l  a  (3).      3i.e., 
"fellows"  or  "knaves."     Cf.  the  Sompnour,  in  CHAUCER,  Prol.  647. 
"  He  was  a  gentil  harlot  and  a  kynde, 

A  bettre  felawe  schulde  men  noght  fynde." 
For  "false  harlot,"  see  Reve's  Tale,  4266.     4PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  25.     slbid, 


426  The  Commotion  in  Essex.  [CHAP. 

seized  by  the  Bailiff  of  Colchester,  in  the  name  of  the  King. 
The  Abbot  of  Byleigh  took  the  hint  and  disappeared ;  or,  as  he 
himself  laconically  says  : — "  Y  woidede"  Philip  Fitz  Eustace, 
Richard  Beche,  of  Colchester,  and  others  of  the  lesser  lights 
also  made  good  their  escape,  together  with  the  Abbots  of 
Colchester  and  St.  Osythe.  An  order  was  issued  on  the  *5th 
of  June,  for  the  arrest  of  Fitz  Eustace  and  Abbot  Cook.  The 
2 Countess  of  Oxford  was  seized  and  thrown  into  the  Tower  ; 
while  it  soon  became  known  that  Simon  Warde  was  captured, 
and  that  William  Blythe  was  ready  to  give  evidence  against 
his  dupes. 

To  guard  against  surprise,  3a  powerful  fleet  was  stationed  in 
the  Downs.  It  had  been  ordered  to  assemble  at  Sandwich  by 
April  1 9th,  and  a  strict  watch  was  kept,  to  prevent  both  the 
escape  of  accused  persons,  and  the  approach  of  any  hostile 
vessels.  So  strict  were  the  precautions  that,  on  the  4i2th  of 
July,  the  captain  of  some  Venetian  galleys,  at  Sluys,  wrote  to 
the  Senate  at  Venice  that  he  found  it  dangerous  to  attempt  to 
enter  the  port  of  Sandwich. 

On  the  nth  of  June,  14^1,  an  enquiry  was  opened  at  Col- 
chester before  Sir  William  Coggeshall  and  other  Justices  of  the 
Peace,  assisted  by  a  jury  of  twelve  persons,  and  it  soon  appeared 
that  most  of  the  more  formidable  leaders  had  either  given 
themselves  up  or  were  ready  to  throw  themselves  on  the  King's 
mercy.  The  Abbot  of  St.  Osythe,  bribed  apparently  with  a 
present  of  ^100,  had  surrendered,  but  the  Abbots  of  Colchester 
and  Byleigh  were  still  at  large. 

About  the  same  date,  a  secret  interview  was  held  between 
Richard  Glover,  of  St.  Osythe,  a  relative  of  the  Abbot  of 
Colchester,  and  William  Denton,  one  of  the  monks  of  Col- 
chester, who  had  undertaken  to  arm  i  oo  "  basynettes  ",  or  men- 

1  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  15.  2  EULOG.,  iii,  401 ;  USK,  82.  3  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV., 
1,  1,  dated  March  25th.  4  VENICE  STATE  PAPERS,  42. 


XXX.]  "  An  excellent  Plot,  very  good  friends"  427 

at-arms,  when  the  Frenchmen  should  arrive.  Glover  asked 
Denton  why  the  Abbot  of  Colchester  did  not  come  back,  as  the 
Abbot  of  St.  Osythe  had  done.  Denton  replied  that,  if  he  had 
;£ioo,  perhaps  he  might ;  but  he  appointed  to  meet  Glover  again 
on  the  following  Monday  when  he  would  tell  him  a  secret 
(conseyl).  The  two  met,  accordingly,  and  Denton  asked  his 
friend  to  help  him  to  get  a  passage  (shepyng]  out  of  the  country, 
"for  zyf  I  be  takyn,"  he  said,  "a  C.  libr.  schal  nawt  savyn  myn 
lyf."  Glover  advised  him  to  put  himself  in  the  King's  hands, 
but  Denton  replied  that  he  dared  not,  he  was  too  much  com- 
promised ;  but  he  asked  him  to  go  and  fetch  for  him  "alytyl 
forsshyr,"  or  forcer  (i.e.,  some  sort  of  a  knife),  and  four  yards  of 
cloth  for  a  gown.  Glover  did  as  he  was  desired.  Denton  then 
drew  out  the  "forcer,"  held  it  in  his  hand,  and  said:  "This 
shall  be  at  King  Henry's  heart,  our  unrightful  King,  ere  St. 
Lawrence  Day  (August  loth),  if  I  live  :  and  I  have  a  two-handed 
sword  to  take  the  life  of  Coggeshall,  Legat,  Doreward  and 
others."  We  are  not  surprised  to  hear  that,  within  the  month, 
Glover  had  reported  the  whole  of  this  confidential  conversation 
to  the  Coroner.  The  Abbot  of  Byleigh  also  surrendered  before 
St.  Alban's  Day  (June  22nd),  and  made  a  full  confession  of  all 
he  knew. 

On  the  :5th  of  August,  1404,  eight  Commissioners  were 
appointed  to  investigate  the  matter,  in  so  far  as  it  referred  to 
treasons  and  felonies  committed  in  the  counties  of  ~  Essex  and 
Hertford  since  the  preceding  January  i4th.  In  the  interval, 
John  Prittlewell  had  been  arrested  and  had  made  his  statement; 
Simon  Warde  had  been  caught ;  the  Abbot  of  Colchester  had 
submitted,  and  William  Blythe  had  tried  to  save  his  neck  by 
giving  information  against  his  late  dupes  and  accomplices. 
The  enquiry  was  opened  at  Colchester  on  the  325th  of  August, 
before  Sir  Bartholomew  Bourchier,  Sir  William  Coggeshale,  and 

i  See  their  names,  in  TRAIS.,  276.  2  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  9.  3  EXCHEQ. 
TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  »a  (2). 


428  The  Commotion  in  Essex. 


Leget,  three  of  the  Commissioners,  and  a  jury  of 
thirteen.  The  Countess  of  Oxford,  with  her  two  servants,  John 
Staunton  and  Simon  Warde,  the  Abbot  of  Colchester,  together 
with  William  Ely  the,  Richard  Mystleyghe,  and  John  Wrythook, 
were  charged  with  conspiring  at  Colchester,  and  other  places, 
with  the  Scots  and  French,  and  arranging  for  a  landing  at 
Ipswich.  2John  Staunton  had  already  turned  "  approver," 
accusing  Simon  Warde.  William  8  Ely  the  had  accused  the 
Abbot  of  Byleigh,  Philip  Fitz  Eustace,  and  Richard  Beche. 
The  Abbot  of  Byleigh,  as  we  have  seen,  had  himself  offered 
information,  so  that  there  was  no  lack  of  evidence.  The  enquiry 
was  continued  for  a  few  days  at  Colchester,  and  on  Wednesday, 
August  27th,  the  Commissioners  sat  at  4Braintree,  where 
evidence  was  tendered  by  several  of  the  monks  of  St.  John  of 
Colchester.  Richard  Glover  had  already  given  his  testimony, 
before  the  Coroner,  on  "  the  Monday  after  the  Translation  of 
St.  Thomas  (i.e.,  July  yth)."  In  addition  to  the  first  list  of 
names,  the  following  were  also  put  on  their  trial  as  traitors  :  the 
Abbots  of  St.  Osythe  and  Byleigh,  Thomas  Somerton,  Robert 
Boleyn,  William  Ayleby,  John  Hert  and  William  Denton 
(monks),  John  Russell,  and  John  Elkessale  (or  Eccleshall). 

There  cannot  be  much  doubt  of  the  decision  of  the  Commis- 
sioners, though  the  record  cannot  now  be  found.  We  only  know 
that  the  conspiracy  was  broken  as  soon  as  it  was  exposed.  It  is 
probable  that  5  Ely  the  was  subsequently  drawn  and  hanged.  Of 
the  fate  of  the  other  accused  we  know  nothing,  except  that  the 
Countess  of  Oxford  sued  for  pardon,  and  was  liberated.  At  the 
instance  of  the  Queen,  and  of  the  Parliament  which  subsequently 
met  at  Coventry,  her  property  was  restored  to  her  6  (November 
1  6th),  together  with  all  revenues  due  to  her  since  November  i  ith. 
A  full  pardon  was  accorded  to  her  on  December  75th,  1404. 

iPAT.,  1  H.  IV.,  2,  19  (November  5th,  1399),  records  grant  of  £20  per 
annum  to  "  Elming  Leget,  Esq."  2  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  2*  a  (13). 
s  Ibid  (9).  4  "  Branketre."—  Ibid  (5).  «Cf.  CAPGR.,  286,  and  WALS.,  ii, 
263.  "  The  clerk  that  wrot  these  billis  was  hanged  and  drawen,"  though 
this  may  refer  to  Serle.  6  Dated  from  "Our  Castle  of  Killingworth," 
in  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  EECPT.,  28la  (14).  ?BYM.,  viii,'379. 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 

CAERNARVON,  HARLECH,  AND  DARTMOUTH. 
ALL  this  time  where  were  the  French  ?  Had  they  ever  really 
intended  a  landing  in  Essex  ?  or  had  William  Blythe  and  others 
like  him  been  trading  altogether  upon  their  own  1;' false 
lesynges?"  The  few  known  facts  that  happened  during  the 
winter  of  1403-4  will  tend  to  show  that  the  leaders  of  French 
policy  were  really  trying  to  work  in  secret  upon  the  credulity  of 
the  disaffected  English,  though  far  from  pledging  themselves  to 
carry  out  a  serious  invasion,  for  a  purpose  which  they  must  have 
known  to  be  visionary  and  absurd ;  their  aim  being  to  damage 
Henry  and  his  government  by  every  possible  indirect  means, 
while  still  keeping  up  the  outward  semblance  of  maintaining 
negociations  for  a  peace.  They  thus  for  a  time  preserved  a 
decent  diplomatic  pretence  of  friendship  with  the  English  King, 
while  seizing  every  chance  of  wounding  him  through  Scotland, 
Wales,  Guienne,  and  Flanders,  and  finding  for  him  full 
occupation  at  home  by  raising  false  expectations  among  his 
credulous  and  disaffected  subjects. 

Large  sums  of  money  2(said  to  have  amounted  to  1,800,000 
francs)  were  raised  in  taxation  and  stored  in  the  Louvre  with  a 
view  to  the  invasion  of  England ;  but  the  money  was  squandered 
in  gaiety  and  display  through  the  influence  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  October,  1403,  a  force 
of  French  and  Bretons  were  reported  in  Caermarthen  Bay. 
They  had  landed  and  done  much  damage  to  the  crops  and 
farm-buildings,  but  had  not  been  able  to  make  head  against  the 
1  TEAIS.,  273.  2  juv.,  427. 


430  Caernarvon,  Harlech,  and  Dartmouth.          [CHAP. 

strong  castles  of  Kidwelly  and  Caermarthen.  They  did  not, 
however,  return  home,  but  with  the  help  of  the  rebels  they  were 
able  to  ride  out  the  winter  on  and  about  the  Welsh  coasts, 
inflicting  damage  wherever  they  could.  Late  in  the  year  they 
moved  northwards,  and  attempted  an  assault  on  Caernarvon 
Castle.  Their  vessels  were  armed,  and  were  under  the  com- 
mand of  *Jean  D'Espaigne,  a  Frenchman,  but  they  were 
insufficiently  supplied  with  material,  and  were  beaten  off. 
Upon  this,  the  Welsh  in  Anglesey,  being  cut  off  from  help  from 
the  mainland,  and  overawed  by  the  strong  castle  of  Beaumaris, 
made  their  submission  to  the  English  in  2  December,  and  agreed 
to  pay  their  dues.  The  3garrison  at  Caernarvon,  which  had 
consisted  of  20  men-at-arms  and  80  archers,  under  the  constable 
John  Bolde,  became  over-confident  at  their  easy  success.  Like 
their  fellows  in  Caermarthen,  4many  of  the  best  of  them  bid 
good  bye  to  the  place.  Eleven  died  of  pestilence  or  of  wounds 
received  in  the  assault,  and,  by  the  end  of  the  year,  there  were 
only  28  fighting  men  remaining  for  the  defence  of  the  town 
and  castle. 

When  news  of  the  weakened  condition  of  the  garrison  reached 
Owen  and  the  French,  they  determined  on  another  sudden 
attempt.  They  made  great  preparations,  knowing  the  impor- 
tance of  the  place,  and  the  difficulty  that  the  English  would  find 
to  relieve  it  in  the  depth  of  winter.  Engines  were  brought  up, 
and  "  sowes,"  and  long  scaling-ladders  ;  while  "  all  Caernarvon- 
shire "  made  preparations  to  cross  over  to  Anglesey  and  fetch 
away  the  inhabitants  and  the  cattle,  "leste  the  Englishemen 
shulde  be  refreshitte  therwith."  When  all  their  apparatus  was 
complete,  the  French  appeared  before  Caernarvon  Castle,  and 
the  siege  commenced  in  mid-winter,  Wednesday,  January  i6th, 


1  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OP  UECPT.,  Misc.  \\     SQRD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  90. 
ii,    4.      *  "  Many  of  the  beste  bene  God  betaghte  sithen."—  ORIG.  LET., 
II.,  i,  34.     These  letters  are  wrongly  assigned  by  TYLER  (i,  198)  to  1405. 


XXXL]  Siege  of  Harlech.  431 

1404.  In  the  absence  of  the  Constable,  'John  Bolde,  the 
defence  was  undertaken  by  Robert  Pary,  his  deputy.  None 
of  the  slender  garrison  could  be  spared,  but  a  woman  of 
Caernarvon  undertook  the  dangerous  duty  of  carrying  the  news 
to  Chester,  urgently  requesting  assistance  without  delay. 

Further  round  to  the  south,  a  desperate  crisis  had  been 
reached  in  the  castle  of  Harlech.  In  the  previous  October, 
the  garrison  had  become  disorderly  and  mutinous,  and 
suspicion  was  awakened  that  William  Hunt,  the  Constable,  was 
preparing  to  surrender  the  castle  to  the  Welsh,  when  a  resolute 
band  amongst  the  soldiers  seized  him,  "for  sum  thinges  that 
thae  fonde  with  hym."  They  took  the  keys  from  him.  His 
place  was  taken  by  two  others,  "  Sir  Lewis "  and  "  Fevian 
Colier."  Hunt  was  kept  a  close  prisoner  in  the  castle  for  three 
months,  but  pestilence  and  desertions  greatly  weakened  the 
little  garrison.  Some  died;  others  deserted  to  the  enemy; 
others  attempted  to  make  their  way  to  England,  but  were 
caught  and  killed  on  the  way ;  and  so  it  came  about  that,  while 
the  attack  was  preparing  against  Caernarvon,  the  garrison  of 
Harlech  Castle,  whose  normal  strength  amounted  to  ten  men- 
at-arms  and  thirty  archers,  had  almost  dwindled  away  to 
nothing,  while  the  Constable  had  been  lying  for  three  months 
under  suspicion  of  treason,  a  helpless  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  his 
subordinates.  On  2  Tuesday,  January  8th,  1404,  Hunt,  with 
two  yeoman,  named  "Jak  Mercer"  and  "Harry  Baker," 
managed  to  leave  the  castle,  and  entered  into  treaty  with  the 
rebels  under  Howel  Vaghan.  They  took  no  precautions  for 
their  safety,  and  the  three  were  at  once  seized  and  carried  off 
by  the  Welsh. 

The  garrison  was  now  reduced  to  five  Englishmen  and  about 


In  August,  1404,  "  John  Bolt "  was  in  the  south  of  England,  called 
upon  to  prepare  to  meet  the  expected  invasion  of  the  French. — ORD. 
PRIV.  Co.,  i,  234.  20RIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  35. 


43 2  Caernarvon,  Harlech,  and  Dartmouth.          [CHAP. 

sixteen  Welsh.  Colier  was  sick  and  nearly  dead  of  fever,  but 
"  Sir  Lewis  "  held  out  desperately,  and  sent  word,  by  a  man  of 
Criccieth,  to  Conway,  in  the  hope  that  some  help  might  come. 
The  keeper  of  Conway,  in  forwarding  the  news  from  Harlech 
and  Caernarvon,  asserted  that  he  had  been  told  by  many 
gentlemen  of  the  counties  of  Caernarvon  and  Merioneth,  that 
they  would  gladly  have  peace  if  the  English  would  remain  in 
the  country  and  protect  them  from  outrages  during  the  winter. 
"  I  durste  lae  my  hede,"  he  said,  that  200  men  in  Conway  and 
200  in  Caernarvon  would  be  sufficient  to  protect  the  two 
counties  with  ease  during  the  winter,  and  that  the  inhabitants, 
with  the  exception  of  four  or  five  gentlemen  and  "a  fewe 
vacaboundes,"  would  gladly  pay  dues  to  the  English  for 
protection,  rather  than  have  black  mail  exacted  by  the  Welsh. 
If  the  matter  were  delayed  till  the  opening  of  spring,  when  the 
Welshmen  could  camp  out  ("for  then  the  rebell  mae  lie 
withoute  "),  a  far  larger  number  would  not  suffice. 

This  sound  advice  the  King  could  not  adopt.  His  straitened 
means,  and  costly  court,  and  hand-to-mouth  policy,  forbade  it. 
Lord  J  Berkeley,  the  Admiral  for  the  South  and  West,  had  orders 
so  far  back  as  November  5th,  to  proceed  to  the  relief  of  the 
castles  on  the  west  coast,  and  he  subsequently  received  ^£2,344. 
to  pay  for  ships  and  a  year's  wages  for  300  men  at  arms.  Yet, 
by  the  opening  of  1404,  he  had  accomplished  nothing. 
Cardigan,  Aberystwith,  Lampeter,  Harlech,  Criccieth,  and 
Caernarvon  remained  closely  blocked.  Through  the  enterprise 
of 8 John  Stevens  and  Thomas  Saunders,  two  captains  from  the 
port  of  Bristol,  they  were  kept  fairly  4  supplied  with  provisions, 
and  were  able  yet  to  hold  out.  Foiled  in  his  attempt  to  capture 
Harlech,  Owen  himself  went  to  the  spot  and  opened  further 

1  TYLER,  i,  181;  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  quoted  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  220. 
2  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  Misc.  ^  s  PELLS  ISSUE  EOLL,  MICH.,  5 
H.  IV.,  January  31st,  1404.  *  TYLER  (i,  186)  gives  payments  made 
January  31st,  1404,  to  Prince  of  Wales  for  provisioning  the  castles. 


XXXI.]  Shrewsbury.  433 

negociations  with  the  little  garrison.  All  but  seven  of  them 
agreed  to  give  up  the  castle  and  receive  a  certain  sum  of  money, 
and  *  a  day  was  fixed  for  the  surrender  to  be  carried  out.  Thus 
the  thin  English  garrisons  were  hard  driven  to  defend  themselves 
from  utter  ruin,  while  the  Welsh  and  the  French  had  complete 
control  of  the  country,  north  and  south. 

In  April,  they  had  entered  Shropshire,  knowing  that  there 
were  no  English  troops  in  the  county.  They  accordingly 
prepared  to  make  a  raid  before  the  2  arrival  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales.  On  3  April  2ist,  the  men  of  Shrewsbury  wrote  a  pitiful 
appeal  for  help,  urging  that  one-third  of  the  county  had  already 
been  destroyed  by  the  French  and  the  Welsh,  and  that  tenants 
were  driven  out  of  their  homes  to  find  a  living  elsewhere  as 
they  might.  The  simple  men  in  the  Eastern  counties  might 
perhaps  be  excused  if  they  believed  that  Owen  4and  "all  yis 
pepil  "  were  soon  to  "  mete  to  gedir  "  at  Northampton. 

But  by  this  time  the  Parliament  had  dissolved,  and  the  King 
found  himself  again  supplied  with  funds.  6On  the  2ist  of 
March,  a  proclamation  to  the  sheriffs  called  upon  all  persons 
holding  annuities,  lands,  tenements,  or  annual  profits,  to 
assemble  with  arms  in  London,  by  April  i4th,  though  their 
destination  was  not  stated.  Those  who  were  too  infirm  to 
come  themselves,  must  send  a  deputy  to  take  their  place. 

The  first  care  of  the  6  Council  was  to  despatch  five  armed 
vessels  from  Bristol,  under  the  command  of  John  Stevens,  with 
corn,  wine,  vinegar,  and  salt,  for  the  besieged  garrisons  on  the 
coast  of  Wales,  and  to  disperse  the  French  from  the  neigh- 


LET.,  II.,  i,  38,  dated  Conway,  February  26th,  1404.  2He 
arrived  in  Shrewsbury  in  April,  1404,  and  attended  mass  in  the  Domin- 
ican Church.—  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  ^  s  QRD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  77. 
I  assign  this  letter  to  1404  rather  than  1403  (as  Sir  H.  Nicolas),  because 
of  the  mention  of  the  French  ore  de  novel  a  eux  venuz.  See  also  TYLER, 
i,  186.  4  TEAIS.,  275.  5  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  13.  «  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  220, 
dated  April  23rd,  1404  ;  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  EECPT.,  Misc.  g 

B2 


434  Caernarvon,  Harlech,  and  Dartmouth.          [CHAP. 

bourhood  of  Harlech  and  Caernarvon.  The  War  Treasurers 
assigned  ^300  for  this  purpose,  and  the  money  was  paid 
through  the  hands  of  Sir  Thomas  Carew,  who  himself  also 
received  ^200  for  the  wages  of  his  garrisons  in  Caermarthen 
and  Newcastle  Emlyn.  The  Earl  of  Arundel  received  ^400 
to  help  to  pay  those  who  were  serving  in  North  Wales  beyond 
their  stipulated  term ;  while,  in  conjunction  with  the  Duke  of 
York,  he  received  other  ^800  to  pay  the  wages  of  100  men-at- 
arms  and  200  archers,  for  40  days  in  Wales,  and  matters  were 
already  at  their  worst  when  they  suddenly  began  to  mend. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1404,  a  large  number  of  Breton 
Knights,  encouraged  by  their  success  against  Plymouth  in  the 
previous  year,  prepared  to  make  another  descent  upon  the 
coasts  of  Devonshire.  The  head  of  the  expedition  was  William 
de  Chastel,  Lord  of  Chateau  Neuf,  near  St.  Malo,  a  Breton 
gentleman,  who  had  also  commanded  the  force  which  had 
entered  and  plundered  Plymouth.  A  number  of  Norman 
Knights  joined  him,  and  the  whole  force  amounted  to  *  1,200 
picked  righting  men.  They  collected  at  Vannes,  with  unusual 
pomp  and  display,  2in  pride  of  trappings  and  rich  flashing 
armour.  They  crossed  the  country  to  St.  Malo,  where  they 
took  ship  and  steered  for  Dartmouth.  Here  the  vessels  lay  at 
anchor  for  six  days,  the  Admiral,  3Jean  de  Penhors,  being  from 
some  cause  unwilling  to  land. 

At  first,  the  Dartmouth  men  were  in  wild  alarm,  expecting 
every  night  that  their  town  would  share  the  fate  of  Plymouth; 
but,  as  day  after  day  went  by,  and  the  enemy  did  not  land,  they 
took  heart  and  collected  for  resistance.  The  4Earl  of  Warwick, 
who  the. year  before  had  done  good  service  in  similar  emer- 
gencies, gathered  a  large  force  from  the  neighbourhood.  His 

lrToutes  gens  usitez  de  guerre.— WAUR.,  88.  *  Gloriosus  apparatus, 
pretiosissimus  amictus  et  fulgens  armatura. — ANN.,  383.  s  NICOLAS, 
ROYAL  NAVY,  ii,  364,  &c.,  quoting  ST.  DENYS,  iii,  170-180.  *  KOY.  LET.,  i, 
169. 


XXXI.]  "  The  Crows  to  peck  the  Eagles."  435 

preparations  were  carried  out  in  all  speed  and  without  display ; 
so  much  so,  that  the  French  were  under  the  belief  that  they 
would  find  the  town  abandoned,  and  be  able  to  occupy  it 
without  opposition.  At  length,  after  waiting  six  days  in  their 
ships,  they  became  impatient.  The  Admiral  still  refused  to 
land,  but  the  Breton  Knights  would  wait  no  longer,  and  the 
Lord  of  Chateau  Neuf,  over-ruling  all  objections,  stepped  first 
into  a  boat  to  head  the  landing  party  (*  April  i5th,  1404.) 

The  spot  chosen  for  the  landing  was  a  rocky  inlet,  called 
2  Black  Pool,  where  the  deep  water  heads  up  to  a  steeply  shelving 
strand,  about  two  miles  south  of  Dartmouth,  on  the  left  of  the 
entrance  to  the  haven,  not  far  from  the  walls  of  the  castle  at 
Clifton.  As  the  Breton  leader  touched  the  shore,  three 
countrymen  attempted  to  attack  him,  but  they  were  killed  one 
after  another,  and  the  landing  was  begun.  But,  as  each  party 
landed,  they  were  set  upon  by  large  bands  of  men,  armed  with 
sticks  and  swords  and  hooks  and  bills.  The  Lord  of  Chateau 
Neuf,  who  had  advanced  before  his  followers,  was  struck  down 
before  many  could  land,  and  the  rest,  seeing  their  leader  fallen, 
grew  desperate  to  secure  a  footing  and  carry  off  his  body. 
Cheered  by  their  success  and  urged  by  the  banner  of  the  Earl 
of  [Warwick,  the  Devonshire  men  held  their  ground  and 
showered  a  3hail  of  arrows  on  the  broken  Bretons,  4even 
the  women  helping  in  the  confusion  with  slings  and  stones. 
Then,  when  the  Bretons  wavered  and  no  effective  help  came 
from  their  fleet,  the  English  fell  upon  them  hand  to  hand,  and 
forced  them  to  submit.  Many  were  needlessly  killed  in  the 
encounter,  for,  though  they  offered  to  surrender,  the  country 
people  did  not  understand  what  they  said.  The  leader,  William 
de  Chastel,  was  among  the  slain.  One  hundred  prisoners  were 

1  ANN.,  384.  « «  Blakpolle."— ROY.  LET.,  i,  272.  See  plan  with  proposed 
fortifications  (temp.  H.VIIL),  in  LYSONS,  vi,  154.  3"Des  fleches 
garnbloit  a  voir  gresil." — WAUR.,  89.  *ANN.,  384. 


436  Caernarvon,  Harlech,  and  Dartmouth.          [CHAP. 

taken,  including  three  barons  and  twenty  knights,  amongst  them 
being  Henry  and  Tanneguy  de  Chastel,  brothers  of  the  leader. 
The  Matter  had  fought  desperately  to  avenge  his  brother's  death, 
and  both  were  2believed  by  their  compatriots  to  have  been 
killed ;  but  they  were  taken  alive,  and  both  appear  among  a  list 
of  the  prisoners  dated  3May  25th,  1404.  No  English  ships 
were  at  hand  to  complete  the  rout,  and,  after  helplessly  watching 
the  disaster  to  the  landing  party,  the  Breton  Admiral  sailed 
ignominiously  away. 

Such  an  easy  victory  gave  heart  to  the  timid  dwellers  on  the 
coast.  It  was  represented  that  the  flower  of  the  knighthood  of 
Brittany  and  France  had  not  been  able  to  stand  before  the 
sticks  and  bills  of  the  Devonshire  rustics.  The  little  4  starlings, 
it  was  said,  had  pecked  off  the  big  sea-ravens,  and  the  ringer  of 
God  was  seen  miraculously  delivering  his  people. 

When  news  of  the  victory  was  brought  to  Henry,  he  attended 
a  solemn  service  at  the  shrine  of  the  Confessor  in  Westminster, 
and  addressed  the  assembled  nobles  and  others  in  terms  of 
devout  gratitude. 

Other  attempts  at  landing  had  been  made  about  the  same 
time  in  different  parts  of  the  South  coast,  but  all  had  been 
successfully  repulsed.  A  party  of  Normans  had  landed  on  the 
5island  of  Portland,  on  the  other  horn  of  the  Bay,  and  had 
plundered  it  unopposed ;  but,  on  repeating  their  attempt  nearer 
the  mainland,  they  had  been  foiled  by  the  resistance  of  the  men 
of  6Wey mouth,  and  many  of  them  were  killed  or  taken  prisoners. 
Several  similar  affrays  had  taken  place  likewise  on  the  7  coasts 

1  Juv.,  428.  2MoNSTR.,  c.  14.  *  RYM.,  viii,  358.  Tanneguy  is  called 
Frere  au  Seigneur  de  Castelle,  in  letter  of  John  Hauley  (dated  Dart- 
mouth, July  14th,  1404),  in  ROY.  LET.,  i,  270.  Hauley  was  at  that  time 
suffering  from  gout  (jeo  ay  este  si  grantement  malade  en  1'un  de  mes 
jambez).  He  died  in  140S.  His  tomb  and  effigy  are  in  St.  Saviour's. 
Dartmouth.  He  had  previously  lent  large  sums  of  money  to  Richard  II., 
and  had  been  rewarded  with  handsome  privileges. — PAT.,  1  H.IY.,  4,  28; 
Ibid,  75.  *EULOG.,  iii,  403.  5  "  Pres  d'  une  isle  laquelle  ils  avoient 
toute  pillee  et  derobee." — Juv.,  427.  6RYM.,  viii,  356.  ?  Ibid,  viii,  357. 


XXXI.J  Portland.  437 

of  Devonshire  and  Cornwall;  prisoners  were  abundant,  and 
quarrels  were  already  rising  among  the  captors  as  to  their 
respective  Claims  to  share  the  ransom  money  when  it  should  be 
paid.  Those  who  had  been  present  in  the  affray  at  Portland 
Island,  but  had  not  had  the  good  fortune  to  capture  any 
prisoners,  complained  that  none  of  the  prize  money  would  fall 
to  them.  Disputes  ran  high,  until  the  Sheriff  was  called  in  to 
arbitrate  between  the  rival  claimants  at  Wey mouth.  By  his 
intervention,  it  was  agreed  that  those  who  had  captured  prisoners 
should  give  up  one  tenth  of  their  prize  money  to  be  divided 
among  their  comrades,  who  were  present  in  the  action  but  had 
made  no  captures,  and  this  arrangement  was  subsequently 
ratified  by  the  King  2(May  i2th,  1404). 

On  the  323rd  of  May,  1404,  the  King  issued  proclamations 
forbidding  that  any  of  the  prisoners  should  be  allowed  to  return 
to  their  own  country  without  his  sanction.  The  proclamation 
was  repeated  on  the  422nd  of  June,  the  object  no  doubt  being 
to  secure  a  large  share  of  the  ransom  for  the  royal  purse. 
Attempts  were  made  to  arbitrate  for  the  adjustment  of  opposing 
claims.  5On  the  25th  of  May,  Henry  was  at  Nottingham, 
whence  he  sent  a  letter  to  the  Mayor  of  Dartmouth  requiring 
him  to  bring  before  him  five  of  the  prisoners,  that  he  might 
have  some  talk  with  them  and  know  from  them  the  "  secrets  and 
intentions"  (secreta  et  ordinationes )  of  the  enemy.  One  of 
the  number  was  a  Welsh  Esquire,  the  others  were  the  two 
brothers  of  De  Chastel,  6Jean  Gaudyn  and  7 Oliver  Arelle,  a 
Breton,  then  a  prisoner  in  Saltash  Castle.  Whether  the  King 
had  merely  a  curiosity  to  see  the  prisoners  and  exercise  his 
talent  as  a  cross-examiner,  as  he  had  before  done  with  the 

i  ROY.  LET.,  i,  270.  2  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  11.  a  RYM.,  viii,  357 ;  GLAUS. 
5  H.  IV.,  2,  9,  dated  May  24th,  1404.  4  RYM.,  viii,  362  ;  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV., 
2,  3.  dated  June  26th.  s  RYM.,  viii,  358  ;  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  1,  30.  6 Called 
Paganus  de  Gawdene.— ANN.,  384.  ?RoY.  LET.,  i,  271. 


438  Caernarvon,  ffarlech,  and  Dartmouth. 

rebellious  friars,  or  whether  he  had  sound  grounds  for  supposing 
that  they  would  really  reveal  the  "  secrets  and  intentions,"  we 
do  not  know.  But  we  know  that  *in  this  year  there  was  a  panic 
in  the  French  Council,  owing  to  a  boast  reported  to  have  been 
uttered  by  the  English  King,  that  there  was  nothing  happening 
in  the  French  Court,  that  did  not  soon  get  known  in  England. 

429. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

THE    FRANCO-WELSH   ALLIANCE. 

To  all  appearance,  Henry  went  on  negociating  with  the  French, 
as  if  they  really  wanted  peace.  But  we  know  that  they  were 
already  entering  into  "secrets  and  intentions,"  which  ought 
to  have  broken  off  the  negociations  forthwith.  The  proposals, 
which  had  been  postponed  until  the  ist  of  March,  had  not 
been  allowed  to  drop.  As  the  time  approached,  JSir  John 
Cheyne  had  been  specially  appointed  to  proceed  to  Paris  to 
confer  with  the  French  King  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
though,  as  late  as  2  March  i8th,  difficulties  were  still  thrown  in 
the  way,  and  he  had  not  been  able  to  cross  the  frontier  at 
Boulogne.  He  was  commissioned  to  3  remonstrate  in  the  name 
of  the  King  and  the  Parliament  of  England,  against  the  attitude 
taken  up  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  and 
against  the  blockade  of  Bordeaux,  which  was  then  practically 
surrounded  by  land  and  sea.  On  the  i2^ih  of  April,  1404, 
Cheyne  was  supplied  with  instructions ;  but  he  had  made  no 
progress  up  to  the  56th  of  June,  on  which  day  he  was  waiting 
with  three  colleagues  in  Calais,  in  a  hospice  "commonly  called 
the  Falcon." 

Between  that  date  and  the  62oth  of  July,  some  conversation 
took  place  between  him  and  the  Lord  of  Hugueville,  as  the 
representative  of  France.  The  English  demands  were  formu- 
lated under  four  heads,  and  arrangements  were  made  for  a  more 
formal  meeting.  But  by  the  7ist  of  September,  the  English 

1RoY.  LET.,  i,  224.  zlbid,  i,  226.  3See  the  remonstrance  (dated 
February  25th,  1401),  in  RYM.,  viii,  348.  i  ORD.  PBIV.  Co.,  i,  222. 
«RYM.,  viii,  350.  6  ROY.  LET.,  i,  279.  i  Ibid,  i,  307.  In  Latinis  et  non 
in  Gallico.  Cf.  Ibid,  i,  358,  for  a  similar  complaint. 


440  The  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance.  [CHAP. 

representatives  were  still  waiting  at  Calais  and  pressing  for  an 
answer  from  the  King  of  France,  which,  they  urged,  should  not 
be  given  in  French,  but  in  Latin,  as  a  language  which  all 
diplomatists  could  understand.  The  personal  expenses  in 
connection  with  the  negociations  were,  of  course,  not  lightened 
by  the  delay.  The  "  Receivers,"  or  Treasurers  for  War,  *paid 
;£ioo  to  Cheyne  for  his  "expenses  in  France,"  2even  before 
the  dissolution  of  the  Parliament  in  April  ;  a  large  sum,  when 
we  remember  that  £20  a  day  was  sufficient  to  pay  the  wages 
of  100  men-at-arms  and  200  archers. 

But  some  time  before  the  negociations  had  proceeded  even 
so  far,  the  chief  statesman  and  negociator  of  France  had  passed 
away,  and  further  complications  had  been  imported  into  the 
story.  On  the  32yth  of  April,  1404,  died  Philip,  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age,  when  his 
influence  was  at  its  height.  Early  in  the  year,  he  had  gone  from 
Paris  to  4Bar-le-Duc,  to  attend  the  funeral  of  his  sister  Mary. 
Thence  he  passed  to  Arras,  where  he  spent  Easter  with  the 
Duchess,  his  wife.  From  Arras  he  went  to  Brussels,  at  the 
summons  of  his  wife's  aunt,  Joan,  Duchess  of  Brabant,  who, 
at  a  very  advanced  age,  desired  to  hand  over  to  him  the  admin- 
istration of  her  Duchy.  The  spring  had  been  unusually  wet, 
and  fever  was  all  about  the  marshy  districts  on  the  borders  of 
Flanders.  The  Duke  was  struck  down  with  fever  in  Brussels 
on  the  5i6th  of  April,  and  was  at  once  removed  in  a  litter  away 
from  the  plague-stricken  place.  Every  care  was  taken  of  him. 
Gangs  of  men  were  despatched  along  the  road,  with  spades  and 
picks,  to  smooth  and  level  the  way  for  his  litter  to  pass.  But  at 
Hal,  a  few  miles  out  of  Brussels,  it  was  found  that  he  could  be 
carried  no  further,  and  he  died  there  at  the  Hostel  of  the  Stag, 
on  the  27th  of  April,  in  presence  of  his  three  sons,  John, 


.  TBEAS.  OF  EECPT.,  Misc.  $  (7).      aQRn.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  267. 
8  CHRISTINE,  II.,  i.      4MoNSTR.,  17.      5  L'ART  DE  VERIF.,  ii,  515. 


XXXII.]  "  There  came  a privee  theef  men  clepen  Deth"         441 

Anthony,  and  Philip.  His  bowels  were  burned  at  Hal.  His 
heart  was  sent  to  St.  Denys,  and  his  body,  after  being  embalmed 
and  laid  out  for  a  while  in  his  castle  at  Arras,  was  taken  to 
Dijon,  where  it  was  buried  (June  i6th,  1404)  in  the  Carthusian 
church  which  he  had  built.  Though  his  remains  were  interred 
with  great  display,  yet  he  died  poor,  and  his  wife,  Margaret, 
repudiated  his  debts  by  placing  her  girdle  and  keys  upon  his 
coffin.  But  his  country  wept  for  him,  'as  "  robbed  and  spoiled 
of  one  of  its  sovereign  pillars." 

Albert,  Count  of  Holland,  died  in  the  same  year  (2  December 
i5th,  1404),  and  his  widow,  being  unable  to  pay  his  debts,  was 
constrained  to  go  through  a  similar  ceremony.  In  this  case  she 
placed  a  straw  on  the  dead  man's  bier. 

The  death  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  happening  thus 
suddenly,  was  a  fatal  blow  to  France,  and  loosed  the  fierce 
passions  of  family  feuds,  which  plunged  the  country  into 
anarchy  and  civil  war.  But  to  England  it  was  unmixed  gain, 
and  its  effects  were  not  slow  in  disclosing  themselves. 

Three  days  after  the  death  of  the  Duke  (viz.,  3April  3oth, 
1404),  the  authorities  of  the  city  of  Bruges  wrote  to  the  English 
representatives  in  Calais,  informing  them  that  the  Duke  was 
dead,  that  the  Duchess,  his  widow,  was  now  governor  of 
Flanders,  and  wished  to  come  to  terms  with  the  English,  in 
order  to  remove  all  impediment  to  trade.  The  English  Council 
signified  at  once  their  willingness  to  treat.  On  the  i4th  of 
May,  the  Duchess  published  an  order  from  Arras,  that  no 
armed  vessels  were  to  issue  from  the  ports  of  Flanders  to  pillage 
or  attack  English  or  any  other  trading  ships,  but  that  trade 
should  be  encouraged,  "on  which  our  said  country  is  princi- 
pally based  and  supported;"  and  on  the  i6th,  she  gave  a 
written  assurance  to  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Calais,  that 

'See  his  eulogy,  in  CHRISTINE  BE  PISAN  (II.,  i),  who  was  much 
indebted  to  him.  2  DAVIES,  i,  185.  sRoY.  LET.,  i,  230. 


442  The  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance.  [CHAP. 

English  goods,  captured  and  carried  to  Nievvport,  should 
certainly  be  restored.  By  the  Jyth  of  June,  the  Duchess  was 
able  to  write  that  the  French  King  would  give  his  consent,  and 
that,  if  the  English  were  willing,  an  arrangement  of  the 
differences  between  England  and  Flanders  might  be  brought 
about  immediately.  The  French  King  gave  his  written  con- 
sent, in  aMocument  formally  drawn  up  in  Paris,  and  dated  June 
24th,  1404;  while,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  assurances  were 
willingly  given  of  their  desire  for  a  restoration  of  friendly 
relations,  though  it  is  significant  of  the  systematic  double- 
dealing  of  the  diplomacy  of  that  age,  that  at  the  very  same 
date  (circ.  "June  i3th),  it  was  believed  in  Bruges  that 
preparations  were  making  under  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  (whose 
name  the  Flemings  had  every  reason  to  remember  since  the 
events  of  1383),  or  some  other  noted  leader,  for  an  attack 
on  Flanders  by  sea.  They  had  probably  misinterpreted  the 
meaning  of  the  preparations,  which  we  know  were  being  then 
made  to  break  up  the  conspiracy  in  Essex,  and  to  guard  against 
a  possible  landing  by  the  French. 

Thus  one  of  the  thorns  which  pressed  most  heavily  in  the 
side  of  England  was  in  process  of  removal.  Moreover,  a  truce 
had  been  agreed  upon  (4  January  28th),  with  the  King  of  Castile 
and  Leon,  to  continue  until  June  24th,  in  order  to  devise  means, 
if  possible,  for  re-establishing  security  for  the  Spanish  shipping. 
But  with  France  there  was  no  such  immediate  change.  All 
through  the  summer,  Norman,  Breton,  and  English  vessels  were 
in  constant  conflict.  Descents  were  made  upon  the  coasts  for 
plunder.  Rovers  were  at  large,  uncommissioned,  but  un- 
checked, and  many  were  the  boastful  stories  current  of  their 
lives  of  robbery  and  adventure.  From  Newcastle,  Boston, 
Lynn,  Blakenham  (in  the  Orwell),  and  Hythe,  rovers  put  out  to 


.  LET.,  i,  247.      2  Ibid,  i,  324.      3  Ibid,  i,  253,  257.      *CLAUS.  5 
H.  IV.,  1,  11. 


XXXII.]       "  In  gooth  the  grapenel  so  ful  of  crokes"  443 

prey  upon  the  trading  vessels  in  the  North  Sea,  seizing  cargoes 
of  wine,  timber,  and  herrings,  and  capturing  or  drowning 
the  crews.  Trading  vessels  from  the  Hanse  towns  were 
plundered  in  the  very  ports  of  lading,  and  cargoes  of  copper, 
cloth",  Hamburg  beer,  and  other  wares,  were  carried  off  into 
English  ports,  ^tralsund  alone  sent  in  a  claim  for  3,084 
nobles.  In  retaliation,  the  2  Baltic  was  closed  to  English  ships, 
and  the  annual  catch  of  pilchards  and  herrings  was  all  lost  to 
the  country.  Early  in  3May,  an  English  vessel  entered  the  port 
of  Zwen,  or  Zwin  (the  old  entrance  to  the  harbour  of  Sluys),  in 
Flanders,  and  carried  off  a  ship  and  cargo  belonging  to  Lubeck. 
The  crew  were  landed  as  prisoners  at  Newcastle. 

Two  of  the  rovers,  John  Brandon,  of  Lynn,  and  William  Bigh, 
or  Bligh,  of  Newcastle,  made  their  names  dreaded  by  the  Baltic 
traders.  Henry  Pay,  4the  rover  of  Poole,  5who  had  previously 
made  himself  notorious  for  capturing  ships  belonging  to  the 
subjects  of  the  King  of  Spain,  suddenly  found  his  vessel 
6boarded  by  a  Norman  ship  of  war.  A  sharp  fight  ensued; 
but  the  Frenchmen,  being  better  armed,  overpowered  the 
English  crew,  after  a  desperate  hand-to-hand  resistance.  Some 
of  the  boarding-party  then  took  off  their  helmets  and  7  gloves 
("  chirothecas  "},  being  overcome  by  the  heat.  Others  took  off 
all  their  armour,  and  laid  it  on  the  deck.  Having  bound  their 
English  prisoners,  they  told  them  to  prepare  for  death,  and 
most  of  them  went  below  to  search  the  vessel.  The  English 
crew,  under  semblance  of  confession  to  each  other  in  the 
prospect  of  immediate  death,  arranged  a  hasty  escape.  En- 
couraged by  Pay,  they  suddenly  overpowered  the  few  who  were 
left  to  guard  them  on  their  own  deck.  Seizing  their  arms, 


.  LET.,  i,  264.  zlbid,  i,  240,  242.  3Ibid,  i,  251.  iC-RB.  PRIV.  Co., 
i,  234.  5He  was  summoned  before  the  Council  for  this,  December  19th, 
1402.—  ROT.  CLAUS.  4  H.  IV.,  m.  31,  in  NICOLAS,  ROYAL  NAVY,  ii,  351. 
•  ANN.,  386.  ?In  CHAUCER  (Knight's  Tale,  2016),  when  the  dead  warrior 
is  laid  out  for  burial,  "  upon  his  hondes  hadde  he  gloves  white." 


444  The  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance.  [CHAP. 

they  trapped  and  killed  the  remainder  in  the  hold.  Then  they, 
in  their  turn,  boarded  the  French  vessel  that  lay  by  them, 
killed  the  crew,  and  manned  the  ship  with  their  own  men. 
They  flew  the  French  flag,  and  sailed  on  with  their  own  English 
vessel  as  a  prize  in  tow.  Meeting  with  another  English  ship, 
they  bore  down  on  her,  and  told  their  tale.  The  two  crews 
united,  and,  thus  disguised,  Pay  sailed  in  perfect  security  far  up 
into  the  Seine.  Everywhere  he  was  unopposed,  the  French 
people  being  now  familiar  with  the  sight  of  English  prizes  being 
towed  into  their  ports.  Pay  watched  his  opportunity,  pounced 
upon  and  burnt  many  small  French  craft  in  the  river,  and 
returned  quite  unharmed  to  the  open  sea.  His  dare-devil 
exploit,  duly  seasoned  and  embellished,  was  long  remembered 
by  his  countrymen.  'On  the  2yth  of  May,  1404,  he  was 
specially  warned  not  to  attack  Spanish  or  Portuguese  vessels, 
but  we  may  be  sure  he  would  incur  no  reprimand  for  plundering 
in  the  Seine. 

On  the  other  hand,  a  small  party  of  Englishmen  made  a 
desperate  attempt  to  surprise  2La  Rochelle,  having  corres- 
pondence with  an  accomplice  in  the  town.  But  the  attempt 
failed,  and  the  party  3 afterwards  plundered  on  the  coasts  of 
Brittany. 

About  the  same  time,  a  second  French  expedition  approached 
the  shores  of  the  Isle  of  Wight.  The  Count  of  St.  Pol  had 
assembled  1,600  fighting  men  at  4  Abbeville,  with  abundant 
supplies  of  corn,  wine,  salted  meat,  biscuits,  and  butter.  This 
may  have  been  part  of  the  plan  for  which  preparations  had  been 
made  on  the  coasts  of  Essex,  but  which  had  been  foiled  by  the 
delays  on  the  French  side,  and  afterwards  by  the  closing  of  the 
ports  of  Flanders  to  the  filibusterers  on  the  death  of  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy.  At  any  rate,  when  the  expedition  started  from 
Harfleur  and  approached  the  Isle  of  Wight,  the  islanders  were 

1  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  8.     2  Juv.,  428.    *Ibid,  430.    *MONSTR.,  xix. 


XXXIL]  Fall  of  Cardiff.  445 

this  time  not  at  all  dismayed.  A  small  party  of  French  went 
ashore,  in  the  hope,  perhaps,  of  finding  a  welcome  prepared  for 
them.  But  they  were  deceived.  The  islanders  captured  them, 
and  refused  to  allow  them  to  return.  Instead  of  this,  they  sent 
to  enquire  from  the  strangers  in  their  ships  what  they  came  for. 
The  Frenchmen  answered  that  they  came  in  the  name  of 
Richard,  the  rightful  King  of  England,  and  of  Isabella,  his 
wife,  to  whom  their  tribute  ought  to  be  paid.  But  the  islanders 
had  no  such  friendly  recollection  of  their  late  experience  of  the 
French.  They  therefore  answered  that  they  knew  that  Richard 
was  dead,  and  that  Isabella  had  been  returned  to  her  father, 
and  they  would  hear  nothing  of  tribute.  The  French,  enraged 
at  their  temerity,  broke  out  upon  them  with  threats  that  they 
would  soon  rue  their  insolent  defiance.  "  Come  on,  then ! " 
said  the  islanders,  and  they  offered  to  let  them  land,  and  to 
give  them  six  hours  subsequently  to  refresh  themselves,  before 
beginning  their  attack.  But  the  French,  knowing  that  some  of 
their  party  were  already  captured,  and  suspecting  that  they  were 
being  lured  into  an  ambush,  declined  the  invitation,  and 
prudently  sailed  away. 

We  are  now  in  a  position  to  estimate  the  position  of  affairs  in 
Wales.  The  siege  of  Caernarvon  does  not  appear  to  have 
prospered.  But  in  Harlech,  treachery  and  fever  combined 
against  the  garrison,  and  during  the  spring  the  Castle  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Welsh.  In  the  south,  the  castle  and  town  of 
Cardiff  had  been  long  threatened.  On  the  2  2  6th  of  October, 
1403,  the  Earl  of  Devon  had  been  commissioned  to  impress 
men  and  proceed  to  the  rescue  of  the  place.  But  his  efforts 
failed.  3The  town  was  taken,  plundered,  and  burnt,  and  the 
garrison  of  the  castle  capitulated.  The  castles  of  *Caerphilly, 
6Usk,  Caerleon,  and  Newport,  followed  the  fate  of  Cardiff, 

1  RICHARDS,  in  BYEGONES,  256,  quoting  NICHOLAS,  ANTIQUITIES  OF 
WALES.  2  TYLER,  i,  185,  «  EULOG.,  iii,  401.  4  BLACK,  75.  5UsK,  90. 


446  The  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance.  [CHAP. 

while,  in   the   open   country,   the   Welsh  were   everywhere   in 
possession,  and  no  Englishman's  life  was  safe. 

Jevan  ap  Meredith,  one  of  the  Welsh  members  of  the  garrison 
of  Caernarvon  Castle,  died  about  this  time.  His  body  was 
buried  in  the  church  of  ^enmorfa,  near  Tremadoc,  but  it  was 
not  deemed  safe  to  take  it  across  the  county  of  Caernarvon  by 
land.  It  had  to  be  sent  round  by  sea.  It  was  estimated  that 
30,000  men  were  at  Owen's  call.  He  was  regarded  by  the 
churchmen  2 as  "the  rod  of  God's  anger."  None  dared  with- 
stand him,  away  from  the  shelter  of  the  English  castles.  Houses 
and  farms  were  sacked,  and  damage  done  beyond  the  possi- 
bility of  repair,  wherever  his  demands  were  refused.  Vengeance 
was  wreaked  on  kinsmen  or  strangers  who  dared  to  uphold  the 
English,  and  the  legend  of  the  fate  of  Howel  Sele,  in  the  3 great 
oak  at  Nannau,  is  but  the  vague  voice  of  tradition  recording 
the  tragic  end  of  many  a  peaceful  Welshman,  who  trusted  to  the 
power  and  protection  of  England,  but  found  himself  abandoned 
in  his  need  to  a  merciless  and  mysterious  death. 

With  all  the  country  in  his  hands,  and  the  Frenchmen  on  his 
coasts,  a  wider  field  began  to  open  up  to  Owen's  ambition. 
Acting,  no  doubt,  under  the  prompting  of  the  French,  he 
resolved  to  call  himself  "  Prince  of  Wales,"  and  in  this  name  he 
addressed  a  communication  to  the  King  of  France,  which  we 
are  fortunate  in  having  still  preserved.  It  is  written  from 
Dolgelly,  and  is  dated 4 May  loth,  1404,  "  the  fourth  year  of  our 
Principate,"  that  is  to  say,  he  reckons  back  to  the  time  when  he 
first  stood  up  in  rebellion  against  the  English,  and  bases  his 
claim  to  the  title,  four  years  back,  to  that  date.  But  we  have 
no  evidence  that  he  had  ever  before  claimed  the  title  "  Prince 

1  PENNANT,  i,  348,  quoting  HIST.  GWEDIR,  53.    -'  USK,  75,  quoting  Isaiah 
x,  5.  s  To  Cambria  look — the  peasant  see 

Bethink  him  of  Glendowerdy, 
And  shun  "  the  Spirit's  Blasted  Tree." 

MARMION,  Canto  vi,  Introduction,  with  Note  4  G. 
*  RYM.,  viii,  356. 


XXXII.]  The  "  Prince  of  Wales."  447 

of  Wales."  On  the  contrary,  in  his  letters  to  the  King  of 
Scotland,  and  to  the  Lords  of  Ireland,  in  1401,  he  writes  to 
them  in  terms  of  submissive  entreaty.  Now,  however,  he  had 
assumed  a  title  of  sovereignty,  had  appointed  one  of  his 
relations  his  "  Chancellor,"  and  he  signed  a  document  in  royal 
style,  to  the  King  of  France,  as  an  equal.  To  this  date, 
probably,  may  be  assigned  an  undated  *  letter,  which  is  still 
preserved,  and  claims  to  be  original.  It  is  from  "Yweyn  ap 
Gruffuth  Dominum  de  Glyn  Dwfrdwy,"  to  "  our  very  dear  and 
very  entirely  well  beloved  Henry  Don."  It  is  written  in  Latin, 
and  contains  little  of  special  interest,  except  that  it  urges  Don, 
who  was  probably  an  Englishman,  to  join  him  in  insurrection 
against  the  English,  "  and  you  may  know,"  it  continues,  "  that 
their  time  is  ending,  and  victory  is  turning  to  us,  according  to 
God's  ordaining  from  the  first,  which  none  can  doubt." 

In  his  letter  to  the  King  of  France,  Owen  refers  to  the 
affection  and  sincere  regard  which  Charles  has  borne,  and 
continues  to  bear,  towards  himself  and  his  "  subjects,"  and 
despatches  two  of  his  relatives  to  negociate  for  a  league,  either 
permanent  or  temporary,  with  the  French  King.  His  messen- 
gers were  his  two  relatives,  Griffin  Yonge,  his  "  Chancellor,"  and 
John  (or  Jenkyn)  Hanmer.  The  latter  was  supposed  by  the 
French  to  be  Owen's  2"own  brother."  He  was  really  his 
3  brother-in-law,  being  the  4  second  son  of  Sir  David  Hanmer, 
the  judge,  whose  daughter,  Margaret,  was  Owen's  wife.  The 
messengers  were  commissioned  to  ask  for  3men,  money,  and 
arms. 

In  the  meantime,  Owen  arranged  that  four  "of  the  most 
sufficient  persons,"  out  of  each  county  in  Wales,  should  meet  to 

1  OWEN  AND  BLAKEWAY,  i,  181,  from  MS.  of  E.  Lhuyd  (inter  Coll.  W. 
Mitton),  e  cod.  MS.  exod  in  chart,  penes  Dn.  Eobert  Pugh  de  Keon  y 
Gartleg,  in  paroch  LI.  St.  ffraid  apd.  Denbigh.  2  "  Fratrem  proprium." 
— ST.  DENYS,  xxv,  9.  3  He  is  called  "gener  ejus."  in  ANN.,  400.  *Foss, 
iv,  57.  5Juv.,  429. 


448  The  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance.  [CHAP. 

form  a  Parliament  in  ^arlech  or  2  Machynlleth,  on  the  Western 
coasts. 

This  is  really  all  we  know  of  this  pretentious  effort.  It 
marks,  if  nothing  else,  the  feebleness  and  inactivity  of  the 
English  government,  who  kept  themselves  informed  of  all  that 
was  going  on,  but  relaxed  for  the  first  time  their  annual 
preparations  for  a  summer  inroad  into  Wales,  and  so  left  Owen, 
with  his  lawyers  and  his  Frenchmen,  to  play  at  governing  an 
abandoned  and  terror-stricken  dependency. 

From  the  border  counties  there  came  the  old  familiar 
appeals.  From  3  Hereford,  the  Sheriff  wrote  to  the  King  and 
the  Council  that  the  Welsh  had  entered  the  county  in  great 
numbers  in  the  district  of  Irchenfield,  or  Archenfield,  near 
Whitchurch,  and  that  they  were  burning  houses,  wasting  the 
crops,  and  capturing  and  killing  the  peasants,  on  the  Southern 
border  near  Monmouthshire.  Lord  Abergavenny,  it  was  said, 
was  likely  to  be  destroyed,  if  aid  were  not  sent,  and  pitiful 
appeals  were  made  for  an  adequate  force,  under  the  King,  or 
some  one  high  in  power,  to  roll  back  the  invasion  which  it  was 
expected  would  take  place  about  the  middle  of  June.  The 
letter  was  dated  from  Hereford,  on  the  icth  of  June,  and  spies 
had  then  brought  in  word  that  the  rebels  would  raid  into  the 
county  in  eight  days.  Dean  Kingston  was  empowered  to 
proceed  to  London  and  lay  the  case  before  the  Council. 

The  King  was  at  the  time  in  Nottingham,  on  his  way  to 
Pontefract.  On  the  49th  of  June,  he  was  at  Doncaster,  whence 
he  issued  a  commission  to  the  Sheriffs  of  Hereford,  Worcester, 
Gloucester,  and  Warwick,  to  raise  the  forces  of  their  counties 
and  proceed  to  the  relief  of  Abergavenny.  Ignoring  the 
existence  of  War  Treasurers,  he  authorized  5  Kingston,  at  Here- 

1  OEIG.  LET.,  II.,  i,  43  (unless  this  should  be  1405).  2  USK,  83.  3  OED. 
PRIV.  Co.,  i,  224 ;  TYLER,  i,  188  ;  LEWIS,  ii,  371.  4  TYLER,  i,  190.  5PAT., 
5  H.  IV.,  2,  15,  dated  June  16th,  1404. 


XXXI  I.  J  Pontefract.  449 

ford,  to  collect  the  subsidy  from  these  counties  and  employ  it 
directly  for  purposes  of  defence. 

At l  Nottingham,  he  was  visited  by  representatives  from  the 
Count  of  Cleves,  who  renewed  his  proposals  of  friendship  made 
two  years  before,  when  the  Princess  Blanche  had  passed  through 
his  capital,  and  suggested  for  himself  a  marriage  with  Henry's 
other  daughter,  Philippa.  This  proposal  was  out  of  the  question, 
but  Henry  offered  to  subsidize  him  with  an  annual  grant  of 
money  if  he  would  do  homage  to  him,  as  the  Duke  of  Geldres 
had  previously  .done  to  King  Richard,  and  undertake  to  put  a 
force  of  armed  men  at  his  disposal,  for  employment  in  the 
English  service  whenever  required.  The  offer  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  accepted,  and  the  Count  afterwards  married 
Marie,  the  second  daughter  of  the  new  Duke  of  Burgundy. 

King  Henry  then  went  forward  to  Pontefract,  where  he  spent 
four  weeks  in  rest  and  negociation.  It  is  clear  that  he  had  no 
present  intention  to  advance  into  Wales  for  this  year.  Funds 
were,  as  usual,  lamentably  short;  the  more  so,  perhaps,  on 
account  of  the  control  exercised  by  the  War  Treasurers. 
Nicholas  de  Ryssheton,  the  representative  appointed  to  nego- 
ciate  with  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  was  in  London, a  clamouring 
for  his  arrears  of  pay.  He  had  contracted  large  debts  in  Calais. 
One  hundred  pounds  was  due  to  him,  but  he  had  not  received 
one  penny  of  payment  since  8  November  i4th.  He  appealed 
to  the  Chancellor,  on  the  strength  of  whose  promise  he  had 
contracted  the  debts.  But  the  Chancellor  could  only  refer  him 
to  the  War  Treasurers,  who  replied  politely  that  they  had 
nothing  to  give.  In  his  distress,  the  envoy  determined  to 
appeal  to  the  King  in  person,  in  Yorkshire,  but  had  not  the 
means  to  supply  himself  with  horses  or  other  necessaries  for  the 
journey. 

i  See  letters  (dated  June  llth  and  18th),  in  OED.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  225. 
s ROY.  LET.,  i,  266,  dated  London,  June  25th.  slbid,  i,  279,  dated  London, 
July  24th. 

C2 


450  The  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance.  [CHAP. 

At  Pontefract,  the  King  was  visited  by  the  :Earl  of  North- 
umberland and  William  Clifford,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the 
northern  castles  would  at  last  be  surrendered  and  the  country 
pacified.  The  northern  men  were  as  yet  far  from  tranquil. 
The  memory  of  Henry  Percy  was  still  alive  in  their  midst,  and 
they  vented  their  feeling  on  the  Scotch  traitor,  the  Earl  of 
March,  who  was  popularly  credited  with  his  death ;  so  much  so, 
that  the  Earl  and  his  men  often  wished  themselves  dead  or 
away  out  of  the  country  ~(vueillient  estre  mortz  fils  ne  se  retrehent 
Jwrs  du  paiis),  while  the  north-countrymen  only  waited  their 
opportunity  to  be  revenged. 

The  Earl  of  Northumberland  had  been  frequently  summoned 
by  letter  to  appear  before  the  King,  but  he  had  long  neglected 
the  summons.  An  3  accusation  of  high  treason  was  threatened 
against  him.  But,  seeing  now  that  there  was  a  prospect  of 
securing  his  own  terms,  he  presented  himself  at  Pontefract, 
a  little  before  4  Midsummer  Day.  In  tardy  recognition  of  an 
5  order,  dated  December  6th,  1403,  he  brought  with  him  his 
three  grandsons,  two  of  them  being  sons  of  Henry  Percy,  and 
one  of  Thomas,  who  had  lately  died  in  Spain.  With  him  came 
William  Clifford,  his  faithful  follower,  who  had  held  Berwick 
against  all  the  demands  of  the  royal  troops.  But  the  most 
welcome  visitor  in  the  company  was  William  Serle,  a  devoted 
servant  of  Richard  II.,  who  had  just  been  6 entrapped  on  the 
Border.  Serle  had  been  specially  troublesome  to  Henry,  and 
when  pardons  were  issued  in  the  late  Parliament,  he  and  two 
others  had  been  specially  excluded  by  name.  After  Richard's 
fall  he  had  escaped  to  France  ;  but,  hearing  that  his  late  master 
was  alive,  he  had  crossed  to  Scotland,  to  make  enquiry  for  him- 
self. In  7  December,  1401,  his  wife  was  seized  in  London,  and 

1  ORD.  PEIV.  Co.,  i,  229.  2  ROY.  LET.,  i,  301.  s  WALS.,  ii,  263.  4  ANN. 
(390)  says  June  24th,  but  from  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.  (i,  229)  it  is  certain  that 
the  interview  took  place  before  June  21st,  1404.  Cf.  EULOG.,  iii,  402. 
fCLAUs.  5  H.  IV.,  1,  27.  "Ceperat  cautelose.— WALS.,  ii,  263.  7CLAUS. 
3  H.  IV.,  1,  14. 


XXXIL]  William  Serle.  451 

lodged  in  Newgate.  Though  convinced  that  Richard  was  really 
dead,  he  nevertheless  lent  his  help  to  the  imposture,  in  the  hope 
of  damaging  Henry  in  the  eyes  of  his  subjects.  Finding 
himself  baffled  and  reduced  to  destitution,  he  repaired  to 
Berwick,  offering  his  services  to  Clifford,  in  the  hope  of  earning 
enough  money  to  make  his  way  back  again  to  France.  But 
Clifford  secured  him,  and  gave  him  up  to  Henry,  in  order  to 
obtain  better  terms  for  himself.  Being  now  in  Henry's  power, 
and  having  little  hope  of  help  from  the  Earl  of  Northumberland 
or  the  Scots,  Serle  confessed  that  he  had  carried  off  King 
Richard's  signet,  when  he  was  made  a  prisoner  at  Flint,  and 
had  kept  it  ever  since,  using  it  to  seal  those  many  forged 
communications  which  had  perplexed  people  in  England  for  the 
last  four  years.  He  admitted  that  there  was  an  impostor  now 
personating  King  Richard  in  Scotland,  but  that  he  was  not  the 
real  King.  Serle  was  accused  also  of  the  murder  of  the  Duke 
of  Gloucester,  for  which  Hall  had  already  suffered  so  fearful  a 
punishment.  Henry's  vengeance  would  allow  of  no  light 
satisfaction.  Serle  was  pronounced  guilty  at  Pontefract,  and 
his  punishment  was  cruelly  prolonged.  lu  Beginning  his  payne 
where  he  had  his  doome,"  he  was  drawn  by  horses  through  the 
streets  of  Pontefract,  and  afterwards  through  those  of  Lincoln 
and  2  Norwich,  and  the  towns  in  Suffolk,  Essex,  and  Hertford, 
through  which  he  passed  on  his  way  to  London.  He  was 
more  than  once  hanged  by  the  neck  and  cut  down  alive.  At 
length  he  reached  the  capital,  where  "he  3was  drawen  and 
hanged,  boweld,  and  his  bowels  brent  before  hym,  and  than 
beheded  and  quartered  at  Tyburne."  His  punishment  made  a 
deep  impression  on  the  country,  and  is  recorded  in  many 
chronicles.  It  was  afterwards  believed  that  it  extended  over 

1  SPEED,  631.  2  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  2  (dated  Leicester,  August  6th, 
1404),  contains  the  order  for  Helmyng  Leget  to  make  arrangements  for 
drawing  Serle  through  the  streets  of  Norwich;  3CHRON.  LOND.,  89. 


45  2  The  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance.  [CHAP. 

four  months,  and  that  the  pieces  of  his  body  were  distributed 
throughout  the  country ;  but  both  these  particulars  are  proved 
to  be  exaggerations  by  reference  to  the  official  order,  dated 
from  Lichfield  on  the  X24th  of  August,  requiring  that  his  head 
shall  be  placed  on  London  Bridge,  and  his  quarters  buried 
"within  sanctuary."  The  same  order  sets  forth,  however,  that 
William  Serle  had  suffered  "more  and  severer  penalties  than 
other  our  traitors  have  endured  before  these  times." 

The  Earl  of  Northumberland  now  agreed  to  give  up  the 
castles  of  Berwick  and  Jedburgh  (which  with  2Fastcastle,  on 
the  coast,  near  St.  Abb's  Head,  seem  to  have  been  the  last 
places  where  his  officers  held  out),  on  condition  that  the  Parlia- 
ment should  grant  to  him  and  his  heirs  for  ever  property  of 
equal  value.  The  matter  was  submitted  to  the  Council,  and  on 
the  9th  of  July,  a  document  was  drawn  up,  sealed  and  signed, 
according  to  which  the  castles  were  to  be  given  up  between 
July  2oth  and  August  ist,  1404,  the  King  promising  an  equiva- 
lent in  land,  when  the  Parliament  should  meet  in  the  winter. 
Two  days  afterwards,  the  King,  having  moved  to  Thorpe,  near 
York,  appointed  3Sir  Robert  Umfraville  to  be  Warden  of  Berwick 
Castle,  with  4orders  to  take  over  Jedworth  (i.e.,  Jedburgh) 
Castle  from  the  officers  of  the  Earl  of  Northumberland. 
Messengers  came  also  to  Pontefract  from  the  King  of  Scotland, 
and  negociations  went  forward  for  the  ransom  of  the  prisoners 
taken  at  Humbledon. 

On  the  6th  of  July,  two  representatives  of  Scotland  and  two 
of  England  signed  an 'indenture  at  Pontefract  Castle,  fixing  a 
truce  between  the  two  countries,  to  last  from  the  2oth  of  July, 
1404,  till  Easter  of  the  following  year.  It  was  arranged  that 
other  representatives  should  meet  at  Haudenstank,  on  the  8th 
of  October,  to  discuss  disputed  points,  and  it  was  left  open  for 

i  CLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2, 1.    2  RYM.,  viii,  370.     s  ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  168.     4  Dated 
from  Wressel,  July  19th,  1404.  in  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  2. 


XXXII.]  The  Duchess  of  Burgundy.  453 

the  King  of 1  France  to  be  included  in  any  succeeding  treaty,  if 
application  were  made  on  his  behalf  before  Christmas  Day. 
On  the2 2 4th  of  August,  two  representatives  were  named  on 
behalf  of  the  Scots.  On  the 3  26th  of  August,  King  Robert  and 
his  Council  gave  their  consent.  The  Scotch  representatives 
presented  themselves  before  the  King,  at  Tutbury,  on  the  4i  6th 
of  September,  and  matters  seemed  at  last  in  a  fair  way  of 
settlement  in  that  direction.  Later  in  the  year, 5  December  27th, 
1404,  permission  was  given  for  David  Lyndsay,  Earl  of  Craw- 
ford, to  come  to  England  to  negociate. 

Furthermore,  on  the  same  6th  of  July,  while  the  documents 
were  being  signed  by  the  Scotch  and  English  representatives  at 
Pontefract,  the 6  Duchess  of  Burgundy  was  addressing  a  letter  to 
the  King's  Lieutenant  in  Calais,  announcing  that  the  King  of 
France  had  given  his  consent  to  a  separate  treaty  being  arranged 
between  England  and  Flanders,  and  adding  that  her  repre- 
sentatives would  be  at  St.  Omer  by  July  2oth,  prepared  to  meet 
the  representatives  of  England  at  Reudelinghem,  near  Ardres. 
On  the  English  side,  four  representatives  were  named,  and 
it  was  hoped  that  negociations  would  be  begun  by 7 August  i5th, 
at  latest.  On  the  2ist  of  August,  two  English  representatives 
landed  at  Calais,  and  forwarded  letters  to  Bruges,  fixing  the  6th 
of  September,  as  the  day  of  meeting.  It  was  8 proposed  that 
the  meeting  should  take  place  at  "  Santyngfeld,"  on  the 
boundary  between  Calais  and  France ;  but  apprehensions  were 
still  suggested  as  to  the  good  faith  of  the  Flemish,  in  view  of  the 
threatening  news  from  France,  and  when  the  3ist  of  August 
arrived,  only  9one  out  of  the  seven  English  deputies  was  able  to 
be  at  his  post. 

Thus  the  four  weeks  at  Pontefract  had  been  unusually  well 

1  RYM.,  viii,  363.  a  Ibid,  viii,  369  ;  ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  169.  3RoY.  LET.,  i, 
298.  4  RYM.,  viii,  372.  a  Ibid,  viii.  6RoY.  LET.,  i,  266.  t  Ibid,  i,  277. 
8  Ibid,  i,  294,  297.  ^IbicZ,  i,  304. 


454  TJie  Franco-  Welsh  Alliance,  [CHAP. 

spent.  The  northern  rebels,  Scotland  and  Flanders,  seemed 
all  settling  into  quiescence,  and,  with  the  approach  of  July  2oth, 
there  seemed  a  prospect  of  much-needed  rest  for  the  King  and 
the  country.  But  the  Welsh  would  not  let  him  alone.  A  large 
force  from  South  and  West  Wales  entered  Hereford,  supplied 
with  provisions  for  fifteen  days.  Richard,  brother  to  the  Duke 
of  York,  Jwho  was  entrusted  with  the  defence  of  South  Wales, 
was  unable  to  withstand  them,  and  the  western  part  of  the 
county  of  Hereford  was  given  up  to  fire  and  plunder.  In  this 
emergency  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  ordered  to  Worcester,  where 
he  was  joined  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick  with  a  considerable  force 
of  his  own  tenants.  Yet  no  levy  of  the  forces  of  the  county 
was  made.  The  Prince  called  a  conference  at  Worcester,  but 
being  unable  to  raise  money  enough  by  the  sale  or  pawn  of  his 
jewels  and  belongings,  he  was  forced  to  remain  idle,  and  write 
urgent  despatches  to  London  and  Pontefract  for  money  and  men. 

In  the  meantime,  the  wishes  of  Owen  had  been  conveyed  to 
the  court  of  France.  Before  the  close  of  the  month  of  May, 
the  two  Welsh  envoys  arrived  in  Paris,  and  Hanmer  was 
personally  received  by  the  King,  who  spoke  of  Owen  as  his 
"brother."  The  envoy  received  from  the  King's  hands  a  gilded 
helmet,  a  cuirasse,  and  a  sword,  which  were  to  be  delivered  to 
Owen  as  a  token  of  coming  help,  together  with  2 promises  of 
more  substantial  assistance  without  delay.  The  envoy  received 
the  presents,  bowing  with  as  much  reverence  as  if  he  were 
getting  the  King  himself.  He  then  wrote  out  and  handed  in  a 
list  of  the  harbours  and  roads,  and  of  the  best  districts  in  Wales. 

The  few  sketchy  details  of  this  interview  are  given  by  the 
French  Royal  Chronicler,  who  3heard  them  "  from  those  who 
were  present."  He  likewise  saw  and  read  through  the  list  of 
harbours,  &c.,  which  had  been  supplied  by  Hanmer  to  the 
French  leaders,  though  he  does  not  give  any  of  its  contents. 

1  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  266.  *  Juv.,  429.  s  "  Prout  a  Francis  qui  tune 
interfuerunt  didici."  "  Quge  perlegi."— ST.  DENTS,  25,  9. 


XXXII.]  The  Treaty.  455 

On  the  1 4th  of  June,  1404,  James  de  Bourbon,  Count  de  la 
Marche,  had  been  named  to  represent  the  King  of  France,  and 
under  his  auspices  a  formal  * treaty  of  alliance  was  drawn  up, 
signed,  and  attested  in  Paris,  within  a  month  afterwards.  By 
this,  the  King  of  France  and  Owen  mutually  bound  themselves 
to  assist  each  other  in  opposition  to  "  Henry  of  Lancaster,"  to 
resist  his  attacks  or  those  of  his  adherents,  and  they  made 
provision  for  amicable  agreement,  in  case  any  difference  of 
opinion  should  in  future  arise. 

i  See  it,  in  EYM.,  viii,  365,  382,  dated  July  14th,  1404 ;  also  KEPT.  ON 
FCED.,  Archives  de  France,  i,  146. 


CHAPTER    XXXIII. 

INACTION. 

WHILE  the  King  was  still  at  Nottingham,  on  his  way  to 
Pontefract,  he  had  forwarded '(May  3ist)  to  the  Council  the 
usual  urgent  request  for  funds,  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  the 
defence  of  the  country,  as  sanctioned  by  the  last  Parliament. 
In  reply,  the  Council  drew  up  a  respectful  minute  (dated  2June 
8th  or  1 5th,  1404),  in  which  they  showed  the  absolute 
impossibility  of  doing  more.  Their  whole  efforts  were  taken  up 
in  trying  to  raise  money  to  equip  a  fleet  of  42  ships  with  600 
men-at-arms  and  1,200  archers,  and  they  drew  up  a  list  of  the 
sums  already  borrowed  and  expended  by  the  War  Treasurers 
since  the  Parliament  had  been  dismissed.  They  showed  that 
some  ^20,000  was  wanted  at  once,  and  that  they  did  not 
know  where  to  turn  to  procure  the  first  necessary  instalment  of 
^2,347  1 6s.  6d.,  which  must  be  provided  for  the  naval 
expedition  within  40  days.  In  many  of  the  counties  the 
advances  received  had  already  exceeded  the  total  amount  of 
the  subsidy,  and  in  others  the  collectors  could  not  get  in  their 
portions. 

The  Duke  of  York,  as  8  Lieutenant  of  South  Wales,  was 
quite  unable  to  pay  the  wages  of  the 4 garrisons  in  Caermarthen, 
Cardigan,  and  Newcastle  Emlyn,  although  he  had  5sold  or 
pledged  his  silver  and  gold  plate.  He  had  claims  also  upon 

!  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  265.  That  this  and  the  four  following  documents 
belong  to  1404  is  proved  by  internal  evidence.  Sir  H.  NICOLAS  himself 
noted  this  and  corrected  the  date  in  HIST.  NAVY,  ii,  367.  2  ORD.  PRIV. 
Co.,  i,  266.  3See  Cott.  Charters  and  Bolls  (x,  10),  in  Sir  F.  MADEN'S 
MS.  NOTES,  in  Chetham  Library.  4  See  his  letter  (dated  Clarendon, 
June  20th),  in  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  271.  5RoT.  PARL.,  iii,  553. 


"  A  litel  thorne  may  prikke  a  King  ful  sore"  457 

the  Exchequer  still  unpaid  since  the  time  when  he  was  serving 
in 1  Guienne,  nearly  three  years  before.  Caermarthen  was  under 
the  charge  of  ~  Rustyn  Villenove,  and  John  and  Henry  Neville. 
A  sum  in  payment  of  wages  for  the  garrison  was  guaranteed  on 
the  yield  of  "  the  subsidy  "in  Somerset,  and  special  promises 
were  added  by  the  Duke  of  York.  But  the  "knights,  esquires, 
and  others  in  their  company,"  looked  in  vain  for  their  expected 
wages,  and  received  "  not  a  penny."  Villenove  and  the  Nevills 
were  still 3  petitioning  humbly  for  their  wages  in  1405.  On  the 
4 22nd  of  June,  the  Duke  of  York  was  at  Glastonbury,  begging  a 
loan  from  the  Abbot,  if  possible,  and  could  only  ask  his 
dissatisfied  troops  to  wait  till  Lammas  (August  ist)  at  least, 
when  he  promised  to  pledge  all  his  lands  in  Yorkshire,  in  order 
that  the  arrears  might  be  paid  off.  The  castle  of  Abergavenny 
was  in  danger.  5On  the  i3th  of  June,  the  King  ordered  100 
marks  to  be  sent  for  food  and  carriage  for  the  garrison,  and  the 
Duke  of  York  was  to  proceed  to  their  relief. 

All  this  time  the  King  was  loitering  aimlessly  about  in  the 
Northern  and  Midland  counties,  making  a  feint  to  negociate  here 
and  there,  but  really  letting  slip  the  precious  summer  months  in 
helplessness  and  inactivity.  And  now,  for  the  first  time,  we 
seem  to  see  a  distinct  slackening  in  that  devouring  energy  which 
had  signalized  his  conduct  from  the  day  when  he  landed  in 
Yorkshire,  five  years  before.  During  all  these  five  years  he  had 
been  6 "  oppressively  ubiquitous,"  himself  the  centre  of  every 
action.  If  plots  were  to  be  put  down,  invasions  to  be  under- 
taken, or  rebellions  to  be  quelled,  he  trusted  no  man's  eyes  and 
no  man's  hand  but  his  owrn,  and  each  summer  saw  him  in  the 
forefront  of  every  danger  in  England,  Scotland,  or  Wales. 
But  now  an  unwonted  languor  came  upon  him,  or,  it  may  be,  a 

1  ROT.  PAEL.,  iii,  547.  2  See  his  appointment  (dated  May  12th,  1404, 
to  last  till  the  end  of  June),  in  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  19.  3  ROT.  PARL.,  iii, 
565,  dated  4  H.  IV.  (i.e.,  1404.)  i  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  273.  5Roi.  VIAG., 
20,  dated  Doncaster,  June  13th,  14th.  c  STUBBS,  iii,  507. 


45  8  Inaction.  [CHAP. 

peevish  resentment  against  the  late  attempt  at  parliamentary 
control.  He  was  only  36  years  old,  but  he  seems  to  have 
suddenly  l "  loste  al  lustyhede."  Perhaps  the  constant  pressure 
of  the  anxiety  of  the  last  five  years  was  already  wearing  down 
his  strength,  and  bringing  out  the  fatal  disease  which  carried 
him  prematurely  to  his  grave.  It  is  more  than  likely  that  he 
felt  himself  hampered  and  embarrassed  with  debt,  and,  being 
thwarted  in  his  efforts  by  the  Parliament  and  the  War 
Treasurers,  he  sullenly  retired  from  the  capital  to  his  northern 
castles,  in  the  expectation  that  growing  disasters  would  speedily 
convince  his  people  that  they  could  not  do  without  him,  and 
that  he  must  have  their  money  at  his  disposal  whether  the  War 
Treasurers  liked  it  or  not. 

He  remained  at  Pontefract  till  2 July  loth.  On  3July  nth, 
he  was  at  Thorpe  (now  4Bishopthorpe),  near  York,  and  on  the 
5 1 9th  at  Wressel.  By  the  62nd  of  August,  he  was  at  Leicester 
Castle,  where  a  7 Council  was  held,  and  negociations  were 
continued  with  France  and  Flanders.  From  Leicester  the 
King  made  short  excursions  to  8Rockingham  Castle  (August 
7th),  9Drayton  (August  8th),  and  Pipewell  Abbey  (in  North- 
amptonshire), August  nth.  On  the  i4th  and  i5th  of  August, 
he  was  back  in  10  Leicester,  and  from  thence  removed  to  his 
castle  at  Tutbury,  where  he  remained  till  "August  2ist,  and  then 
moved  on  to  Lichfield,  where  he  had  ordered  13a  "Grand 
Council "  to  assemble.  The  King  reached  Lichfield  on  the 
13  2 2nd  of  August,  and  the  Council  met  in  that  city  "on  the  same 
day. 

1  CHAUCER,  Boke  of  the  Duchesse,  27.  2  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  12.  3  ROT. 
SCOT.,  ii,  168.  *  Purchased  by  Walter  de  Grey,  Archbishop  of  York, 
temp.  H.  III.— HOOK,  iii,  194.  »  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  4,  2.  6RoT.  SCOT.,  ii, 
168.  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  3,  contains  an  order  (dated  August  4th,  1404)  for 
horses  and  carts  to  be  requisitioned  for  carrying  the  King's  effects  from 
London  to  Leicester.  7  ROY.  LET.,  i,  333,  337.  8  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  4,  2. 
»Ib»d,m.l.  ™Ibid,  4,  8.  nRYM.,  viii,  368.  la ROY.  LET.,  i,  433.  ISRYM., 
viii,  369.  14  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  233  ?  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  549.  A  1'Octave  de 
1' Assumption  de  Nostre  Dame. 


XXXIII.]     "  The  patient  dies  while  the  physician  sleeps."       459 

As  far  back  as  the  beginning  of  August,  very  threatening  news 
had  been  received  from  France.  Nevertheless,  the  formal 
negociations  were  not  interrupted.  On  the  *2nd  of  August,  the 
Bishop  of  Bangor,  being  in  London,  wrote  to  the  King  that  he 
had  private  information  from  Bruges,  that  Isabella,  the  Queen 
of  Richard  II.,  had  been  contracted  in  marriage  to  Charles, 
Count  of  Angouleme,  the  eldest  son  of  the  fiery  Duke  of 
Orleans.  2Pope  Benedict  XIII.  had  granted  the  necessary 
dispensation,  and  the  King  of  France  (as  the  father  of  Isabella), 
had  given  his  consent  to  the  marriage.  But  the  boy  was  only 
eleven  years  old,  and  must  wait  for  a  few  years  at  least.  Henry 
appears  not  to  have  known  yet  of  the  treaty  between  Owen  and 
the  King  of  France,  but  the  same  letter  that  told  him  of  the 
betrothal  of  Isabella  told  him  also  that  two  expeditions  were 
fitting  out  in  France  —  one,  under  the  Constable  of  France, 
against  Bordeaux,  and  the  other  consisting  of  500  bassinetts 
(or  men-at-arms)  and  200  balisters  (or  bowmen),  assembling  at 
3Harfleur,  in  60  vessels  under  the  command  of  James  de 
Bourbon,  Count  de  la  Marche,  to  help  the  Welsh. 

In  view  of  this  news  the  Council  had  to  face  the  following 
facts.  In  Wales,  as  we  have  seen,  the  payments  to  the  garrisons 
were  altogether  in  arrears.  On  the  Scottish  Border,  the  troops 
were  mutinous,  and  had  risen  against  Prince  John,  who  had 
been  Warden  of  the  East  March  since  the  fall  of  Hotspur.  The 
Prince  was  placed  in  the  midst  of  a  disloyal  population,  and 
was  altogether  unprovided  with  the  sinews  of  war.  On  the 
*i9th  of  April,  he  had  received  ^"60  to  pay  his  troops,  after  the 
rising  of  Parliament.  But  this  meagre  drop  was  utterly  insuf- 
ficient. By  the  beginning  of  5June,  the  pay  was  in  arrears  to 
the  extent  of  ^4,000,  of  which  only  a  portion  could  be  raised 
in  the  subsidies  from  Lancashire  and  Yorkshire,  the  Earl  of 


1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  281.     2  See  p.  424.     SQRD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  234.     4  EXCHEQ. 
TREAS.  OF  EECPT.,  $    «  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  269. 


460  Inaction.  [CHAP. 

March  providing  a  further  ^60.  The  Prince  was  insulted  by 
his  troops,  and  his  life  would  have  been  in  danger,  but  for  some 
timely  advance  made  to  meet  the  emergency  by  Thomas  Neville, 
Lord  Furnival,  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland. 

On  the  2i7th  of  August,  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Calais 
wrote  to  the  King  and  the  Council  in  utter  desperation,  hinting 
that  so  great  was  their  "  necessity,  mischief  and  poverty,"  that 
they  must  not  be  accused  of  cowardice  if,  in  the  absence  of 
proper  relief,  they  were  compelled  to  surrender  the  town,  and 
the  castles  on  the  French  Border.  In  order  to  raise  money,  a 
3  tax  of  a  penny  had  been  put  upon  every  cart,  both  on  entering 
and  on  leaving  the  town  for  goods.  Fourpence  also  was 
charged  in  the  same  way  on  the  roads  at  the  frontier,  at  Oye 
and  at  the  Dunes.  But  this  only  had  the  effect  of  still  further 
crippling  trade  and  increasing  the  poverty  of  the  people.  On 
the  rising  of  Parliament,  the  War  Treasurers  were  required  to 
assign  * ^'1,000  for  the  defence  of  Calais,  but  by  the  middle  of 
June  more  than  half  of  this  sum  (i.e.,  800  marks  =  ^"533  6s.  8d.) 
was  still  remaining  due.  No  pay  had  been  received  by  the 
garrison  since  Michaelmas,  1402,  and  although  advances  had 
been  made  by  the  traders  of  the  place  on  the  strength  of  the 
promises  made  in  the  last  Parliament ;  yet,  being  continually 
deluded  of  their  hopes  of  payment,  the  traders  had  now 
absolutely  declined  to  advance  more,  either  in  money  or  pro- 
visions, and  without  immediate  help  from  England,  Calais  must 
be  dishonourably  abandoned. 

Such  was  the  situation  and  such  the  tenour  of  the  despatches 
which  came  before  the  King  and  his  advisers,  at  the  Great 
Council  which  assembled  at  Lichfield  in  the  end  of  August, 
1404.  From  a  5list  which  is  still  preserved,  and  which  refers 
probably  to  this  date,  it  would  appear  that  the  Council  consisted 

iRoT.  PARL.,  iii,  552.  2  EOT.  LET.,  i,  284.  3Ror.  PARL.,  iii,  555. 
*  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  269.  3  Ibid,  ii,  85. 


XXXIII.]  Lichfield.  461 

of  8  Bishops,  1  8  Abbots  and  Priors,  19  great  Lords  and  Barons, 
and  96  representatives  of  counties.  No  representatives  of  the 
cities  and  boroughs  are  included  in  the  list. 

As  soon  as  the  Council  met,  it  was  ordered  ^August  22nd) 
that  a  Parliament  should  meet  at  Coventry  on  the  6th  of 
October  following,  and  the  writs  were  issued  on  2  August  25th. 
The  Council  then  proceeded  to  consider  the  reports  from  France 
and  Wales.  It  was  decided  (for  what  reason  we  cannot  now 
say)  that  the  King  could  not  proceed  in  person  to  Wales, 
suitably  attended  ;  but  it  was  thought  best  that  he  should  remain 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tutbury,  ready  for  emergencies,  until 
the  next  meeting  of  Parliament,  and  that  he  should  issue  his 
writs  to  such  of  the  Sheriffs  as  he  chose  to  select,  calling  upon 
them  to  summon  the  forces  of  their  counties  as  required. 

To  meet  the  expected  invasion  of  the  French,  messages  were 
sent  to  several  prominent  men  in  the  South  of  England,  to  have 
vessels  in  readiness.  We  may  assume  that  the  3old  practice  in 
such  cases  was  followed  now,  viz.:  that  the  wages  of  the  crew 
would  be  paid  by  the  Crown,  and  that  a  payment  of  35.  4d.  per 
ton  per  quarter  would  be  paid  to  the  owners  for  lending  and 
equipping  the  vessel.  4One  thousand  marks,  granted  by  the 
clergy,  were  allotted  specially  for  the  defence  of  Aquitaine. 

By  the  aid  of  a  loan  of   100  marks  from  the  Bishop  of 

5  Coventry  and  Lichfield,  and  an  advance  from  the  Customs  of 
the  port  of  Bristol,  help  was  to  be  sent  to  Caermarthen.     The 

6  Castles  of  Hay  and  Brecon  (the  former  under  the  command 
of  Sir  John  Oldcastle)  were  to  be  guarded  strongly  until  the  end 
of  September.     The  Prince  of  Wales,  who  had  been  in  Hereford 
since  June   29th,  was  to  have  500  marks  to  keep  his  troops 
together  on  the  Border  till  October   ist.      His  whole  7force 


.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  1.      2  KEPT.  ON  DIGNITY  OF  A  PEER,  iv,  790  ;    GLAUS. 

5  H.  IV.,  2,  3,  dated  August  26th,  1404.  3  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  554.  *KYM., 
viii,  371.  5PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  10,  dated  August  29th,  1404.  GQRD.  PRIV. 
Co.,  ii,  237.  7RoT.  PARL.,  iii,  549. 


462  Inaction.  [CHAP. 

amounted  to  129  men-at-arms  and  256  archers.  By  the  close 
of  September,  this  force  was  to  be  raised  to  500  men-at-arms  and 
2,000  archers,  and  they  were  to  have  wages  for  three  weeks  to 
carry  out  a  raid  over  the  1  hills  and  valleys  of  Monmouth  and 
Glamorgan.  The  Castle  of  2Coity,  or  Coitiff,  now  called 
Oldcastle  Bridgend,  was  besieged  by  the  Welsh  and  in  imminent 
danger  of  falling.  It  was  defended  stoutly  by  3  Alexander 
Berkroller,  the  lord  of  the  place,  and  the  clergy  made  advances 
of  money,  to  pay  the  wages  of  troops  proceeding  to  rescue  it. 
From  October  28th  to  November  nth,  the  Prince  of  Wales 
with  his  troops  was  occupied  in  defending  the  English  Borders 
from  attack.  On  the  1 3th  of  November,  he  advanced,  with  his 
brother  Thomas,  to  attempt  the  relief  of  Coitiff.  Denbigh  and 
the  castles  of  North  Wales  were  to  be  strengthened  and 
defended,  funds  being  found  by  applying  a  portion  of  a  fine 
already  levied  on  the  county  of  Chester.  In  Shropshire,  an 
opening  for  negociations  had  offered,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
admit  a  truce  with  the  rebels  in  that  part  of  the  country,  to  last 
until  the  end  of  November.  By  this  means,  the  town  and 
castle  of  Welshpool  were  secured  from  further  molestation  for 
the  present.  This  strange  transaction,  while  proving  beyond 
doubt  the  weakness  and  humiliation  of  the  English  government 
is  also  one  of  the  strongest  possible  proofs  of  the  want  of  unity 
and  common  purpose  among  the  rebels,  and  shows  that  the 
self-styled  "  Prince  of  Wales  "  had,  as  yet,  no  permanent  control 
over  his  "  subjects,"  when  it  suited  them  to  act  according  to 
their  own  view  of  their  own  individual  interest. 

But  the  most  startling  proposal  sanctioned  in  this  Council 
came  in  at  the  end.  By  an  order  issued  at  Lichfield,  on  the 
4 2 8th  of  August,  all  payments  of  pensions  or  annuities  from  the 

i  Overwent  and  Nethirwent,  Glamorgan  and  Morgannok. — OB  D.  PRIV. 
Co.,  i,  235.  2  EOT.  PARL.,  iii,  547.  3  TYLER,  i,  197,  quoting  MS.  DONAT., 
4597.  4  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  2. 


XXXIII.]  Suspension  of  Payment.  463 

Exchequer  were  to  be  suspended  until  the  next  meeting  of 
Parliament,  or  until  further  orders.  A  proclamation  to  this 
effect,  addressed  to  the  Sheriff  of  Kent,  stands  enrolled  under 
the  date,  ^uly  5th,  but  it  is  crossed  through,  and  no  action 
appears  to  have  been  taken  until  the  Council  met  at  Lichfield. 
Now,  however,  the  order  was  actually  issued,  and  all  who 
depended  upon  the  public  faith  for  their  incomes  found  their 
supplies  suddenly  stopped.  It  was  explained  that  the  measure 
was  for  the  moment  necessary,  "in  order  to  secure  prompt 
payment,"  and,  as  usual,  the  order  was  not  to  apply  to  the 
expenses  of  the  Royal  Households,  or  to  the  annuities  granted 
to  the  King's  sons,  Thomas  and  John.  The  question  was,  of 
course,  bound  to  come  up  for  consideration  at  Coventry. 

Messengers  bearing  the  necessary  instructions  were  sent  out 
from  Lichfield  on  the  2Qth  of  August.  On  the  same  day,  an 
order  was  issued  to  William  Clifford,  requiring  him  to  hand 
over  the  fortress  of  -Fastcastle  to  the  King's  son,  John,  by  the 
8th  of  September  next. 

The  interval  between  the  dismissal  of  the  Council  at  Lichfield, 
and  the  next  meeting  of  the  Parliament  was  spent  in  carrying 
forward  the  negotiations  with  Scotland,  France,  and  Flanders. 
Acting  on  the  recommendation  of  his  Council,  Henry  passed 
this  autumn  in  his  manors  and  castles  in  the  North,  away  from 
the  capital  and  from  the  disturbed  districts  on  the  Borders  of 
Wales.  On  "September  ist,  he  left  Lichfield  for  Tutbury, 
where  he  remained  until  the  iyth.  He  then  went  for  a  short 
stay  to  4Ravendale,  near  Grimsby,  returning  to  Staffordshire 
again,  before  the  meeting  of  Parliament.  On  the  2  9th  of 

1  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  5.  aRYM.,  viii,  370;  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  237; 
GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  1.  sRoi.  SCOT.,  ii,  170.  4  September  13th-25th. 
ROT.  SCOT.,  ii,  170  ;  RYM.,  viii,  372.  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  2,  contains 
documents,  dated  Ravensdale,  September  18th  and  21st,  1404.  In  the 
same  Roll  (m.  1,  3,  4;  pt.  i,  8,  32;  also  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2, 1,  3)  are  abund- 
ance of  documents,  dated  Tutbury,  September  1st,  3rd,  6th,  8th,  9th, 
10th,  llth,  12th,  13th,  14th,  15th,  22nd,  24th,  25th,  26th,  27th,  and  28th. 


464  Inaction.  [CHAP. 

September,  he  was  at  ^axstoke  Castle,  in  Warwickshire.  But 
feebleness  and  inactivity  brought  further  trouble  in  their  train, 
and  the  nation  was  again  taught  the  lesson  (perhaps  not  without 
the  King's  connivance)  —  Bellum  para  si  pacem  velis. 

Two  Commissioners  from  the  King  of  Scotland  arrived  at 
Tutbury  2  (September  i6th),  tendering  the  oath  to  Henry  in  the 
name  of  King  Robert.  The  oath  was  taken  and  formally 
attested,  and,  on  "September  23rd,  eight  Commissioners  were 
nominated  to  represent  the  English  King  at  the  meeting  which 
was  to  take  place  at  Haudenstank,  on  October  8th.  Thus  in 
that  quarter  it  seemed  as  though  matters  were  proceeding 
quietly. 

With  Flanders  the  proposals  for  a  truce  were  in  abeyance. 
After  negociations  had  been  opened  on  both  sides  with  every 
prospect  of  a  settlement,  the  two  countries  had  relapsed  suddenly 
into  an  attitude  of  mutual  suspicion  and  distrust.  Knowing 
that  a  large  fleet  was  collecting  in  the  Downs,  the  Flemish 
believed  that  England  was  preparing  to  invade  their  country. 
Resuming  their  predatory  habits,  they  again  fell  to  plundering 
English  shipping.  Some  English  traders  were  attacked  in 
4Middelburg,  and  forced  to  retreat.  In  revenge,  a  number  of 
English  landed  5  (August  i4th),  on  an  island  called  Wlpen 
(probably  Zwen),  near  Sluys,  burnt  a  church,  set  fire  to  several 
houses,  plundered  the  farms  and  carried  off  cattle  and  other 
property.  Nearly  64o  fishing  vessels  from  the  North  of  England 
were  surrounded  by  Flemish  privateers  in  one  night,  7  while  their 
nets  were  out.  Several  of  the  fishermen  were  drowned,  the  rest 
(more  than  85oo  in  number)  were  captured  and  carried  off  to 
Dunkirk,  where  it  was  said  that  the  plunder  was  openly  disposed 


.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  8.  SEYM.,  viii,  372.  3RoT.  SCOT.,  ii,  170.  4Rov. 
LET.,  i,  389.  «  Ibid,  i,  363,  386.  6  Variously  given  as  27,  28,  or  37,  in 
ROY.  LET.,  355,  377,  386,  389.  1  1bid,  i,  358.  8  The  numbers  were  at 
first  given  as  166  or  168  (Ibid,  i,  316,  345)  ;  but  they  were  afterwards 
ascertained  to  be  nearly  600  (Ibid,  i.  353). 


XXXIII.]  Bishop  Mascal  465 

of  with  the  connivance  of  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy.  A  sum  of 
^,000  nobles  (,£1,000)  was  demanded  as  ransom  for  the 
captives. 

But  a  more  notable  capture  was  made  about  this  time,  in  the 
person  of  2  Robert  Mascal,  the  English  King's  Confessor,  lately 
appointed  Bishop  of  Hereford.  He  was  crossing  from  3Middel- 
burg,  about  the  beginning  of  September,  when  the  vessel  on 
which  he  sailed  was  boarded  by  Flemish  pirates.  Some 
resistance  was  offered,  but  the  English  crew  were  overmastered 
and  flung  into  the  sea  (or,  in  the  barbarous  4  slang  of  the  day, 
"sente  hoom  by  water,")  while  the  Bishop  was  wounded  and 
carried  off  a  prisoner  to  Dunkirk.  Remonstrances  followed 
and  passionate  demonstrations  of  feeling,  so  that  it  was  not 
likely  that  much  benefit  would  come  of  the  proposed  meeting  of 
envoys,  which  was  fixed  to  take  place  at  Santyngfeld,  on  the 
25th  of  September.  To  add  to  the  difficulties,  two  of  the  English 
Commissioners  failed  to  attend,  pleading  -sickness  or  other 
excuse;  the  other  two  became  clamorous  for  their  arrears  of 
pay,  5  urging  that  "no  man  goeth  a  warfare  at  his  own  cost," 
and  threatening  to  return  to  England  and  lay  their  case  before 
the  Parliament. 

In  these  unpromising  circumstances,  6came  a  notification 
from  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy  that  she  would  refuse  to  admit 
representatives  of  the  Flemish  cities  to  the  proposed  conference, 
though  they  had  quite  expected  to  be  called  upon  to  take  their 
part.  The  Duchess,  however,  would  only  treat  in  the  name  of 
herself  and  through  her  own  nominees,  and  so  the  appointed 
day  came  and  no  meeting  was  held  at  all.  Remonstrances  did 
not  cease  to  pass,  the  English  demanding  the  unconditional 


.  LET.,  i,  390.     *Ibid,  i,  310,  316.     3Ibid,  i,  389.     *  cf.  the  Schip- 
man,  in  CHAUCER,  Prol.  399  :  — 

"  If  that  he  faughte  and  hadde  the  heigh  er  hand, 

By  water  he  sente  hem  hoom  to  every  land." 
5  ROY.  LET.,  i,  332.     6  Ibid,  i,  338. 

D2 


466  Inaction.  [CHAP. 

release  of  Bishop  Mascal  and  the  northern  fishermen,  and  the 
dispersal  of  the  Flemish  armament  then  collecting  at l  Nieuport, 
Lombardzyde,  Ostend,  Dunkirk,  Biervliet,  and  Sluys. 

We  shall  not  be  far  wrong  in  looking  for  the  ringer  of  France 
in  all  this  shiftiness  and  delay,  the  Duchess  being  more  in 
sympathy  with  the  interests  of  the  French  and  the  family  of  her 
late  husband  than  with  those  of  her  own  Flemish  subjects  and 
people.  Her  grand-daughter,  Margaret,  was  recently  married 
to  Louis,  eldest  son  of  the  French  King,  a  boy  seven  years  old. 
The  match  had  been  formally  Contracted  in  the  previous  year 
(1403),  before  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  but  the 
marriage  did  not  take  place  till  3August  3oth,  1404.  Commu- 
nications addressed  to  the  Duchess  by  the  English  representatives 
were  not  allowed  to  pass  through  French  territory,  but  were 
Violently  seized  by  order  of  the  governor  of  Boulogne. 

But,  on  the  part  of  the  burgesses  of  the  Flemish  towns  at 
least,  there  was  an  evident  desire  to  come  to  terms  with  England 
as  soon  as  possible,  and  to  secure  a  return  of  the  once  steady 
and  prosperous  trade  which  had  been  for  years  interrupted 
owing  to  ill-feeling  between  England  and  France.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  Bruges,  Ghent,  and  Ypres,  wrote  separately  to  the 
English  envoys  in  plain  homely  language,  without  the 5  circumlo- 
cution of  diplomatic  phrases  (ex  quadam  grossitie  et  ruditate, 
absque  debita  forsan  digestione.)  They  stated  that  they  were 
ready  in  Ypres  when  they  had  received  orders  countermanding 
their  presence.  The  English  were  empowered  to  open  separate 
negociations,  but  the  occasion  was  not  yet  considered  opportune, 
and  it  was  hoped  that  the  6  Duchess  would  consent  to  a  formal 
renewal  of  communications  by  October  pth.  This  step  was  of 
great  importance,  as  it  was  everywhere  assumed  that  Flanders 
was  entirely  under  French  influence.  7 Almost  all  the  public 

i  EOT.  LET.,  i,  346,  349,  358.  2  Juv.,  424.  *Ibid,  428.  *  ROY.  LET.,  i, 
348.  «I6td,  i,  340.  »Ib»d,  i,  858.  7  Ibid,  i,  379. 


XXXIIL]  Diplomacy.  467 

offices  were  filled  by  Frenchmen,  and  it  was  supposed  that  the 
whole  country  was  practically  a  French  province. 

In  France,  on  the  other  hand,  the  warlike  spirit  was  all  awake. 
A  certain  limited  armistice,  within  a  circumscribed  area, 
extending  over  ^icardy,  from  the  Somme  to  the  Aa  at 
Gravelines,  had  been  agreed  upon  to  last  2till  November  ist. 
But  on  the  subject  of  a  general  peace  the  French  still  delayed 
their  answer.  At  length,  3on  September  i9th,  1404,  the 
English  representatives  announced  that  they  had  just  received  a 
communication  in  which  the  French  declined  positively  to 
negociate  for  a  final  peace  before  November  ist,  when  the 
period  of  the  limited  armistice  would  expire.  They  intimated 
that  in  their  opinion  this  was  only  a  treacherous  blind,  to  cover 
the  intended  landing  in  Wales,  where  the  armistice  was  not 
binding,  but  they  hinted  pretty  plainly  that,  if  Henry  could 
strengthen  and  defend  his  position  in  Wales,  he  might  be 
tolerably  sure  of  a  peaceful  settlement  with  France. 

In  the  meantime,  it  was  known  that  a  large  and  formidable 
force  was  prepared  at  4Harfleur,  and  in  other  ports  of  Nor- 
mandy, ready  to  make  a  descent  either  on  Wales  or  in  the 
Orwell,  before  the  end  of  the  month  of  September.  The  3Duke 
of  Orleans  and  the  Earl  of  St.  Pol  were  still  the  chief  instigators 
of  ill-will,  throwing  all  blame  on  Henry  for  the  death  of  Richard 
II.,  and  reiterating  the  claim  for  payment  of  the  200,000  francs. 

September  closed,  and  the  expedition  had  not  started ;  but,  on 
the  66th  of  October,  the  negociators  wrote  that  the  French  fleet 
was  perfectly  ready,  and  that  many  volunteers  who  had  not 
been  able  to  find  room  on  board  the  ships  had  passed  over  to 
Sluys,  where  a  fleet  of  37  Flemish  vessels  had  collected.  These 
were  soon  joined  7(circ.  October  loth)  by  twelve  large  transport 
vessels,  filled  with  armed  men,  and  abundance  of  chopped  hay. 

i  ROY.  LET.,  i,  370.  2  ibid,  i,  318,  378.  s  Ibid,  i,  329.  *  Ibid,  i,  333, 
368.  5Ibid,  i,  339.  «  Ibid,  i,  368.  ?  Ibid,  i,  380. 


468  Inaction. 

Supplies  of  fodder  were  ready  in  Sluys,  sufficient  for  3,000 
horses,  while  enough  for  as  many  more  was  stored  at  Harfleur. 
Their  exact  destination  was  not  known,  but  it  was  rumoured 
that  they  would  at  once  put  to  sea,  either  to  help  the  French  or 
to  plunder  the  English  fishing-boats,  or  perhaps  to  attack  their 
Northern  neighbour,  the  Count  of  Holland. 

From  many  quarters  warnings  were  showered  in  on  the 
English  Council,  but  they  did  not  give  up  the  possibility  of  a 
friendly  understanding.  They  prepared  to  treat  with  the  French 
on  October  i5th,  while  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy  answered 
their  threats  and  angry  remonstrances  with  a  polite  disclaimer, 
laying  the  blame  upon  England,  but  asserting  her  readiness  yet 
to  arrive  at  a  friendly  settlement. 

Such  was  the  exact  position  of  affairs  when  Henry's  sixth 
Parliament  met  at  Coventry,  on  Monday,  October  6th,  1404. 

1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  375. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 
THE    "ILLITERATE"    PARLIAMENT. 

THE  Parliament  met  in  a  large  room  in  the  Priory  of  St.  Mary, 
at  Coventry.  Exactly  five  years  had  elapsed  since  Henry's  first 
Parliament  met  on  St.  Faith's  Day  (October  6th),  1399.  The 
Bishop  of  Lincoln,  as  Chancellor,  gave  the  usual  address,  and 
made  the  usual  statement  as  to  the  reasons  for  calling  the 
Houses  together.  He  referred  to  the  dangers  threatening  from 
the  Welsh,  the  French,  and  the  Bretons,  and  told  the  members 
that  in  England  an  invasion  was  every  day  expected,  while  in 
Guienne  it  had  already  begun.  Under  these  circumstances 
they  were  not  to  be  surprised  that  they  had  been  called  together 
again  so  soon  after  the  last  Parliament,  when  he  told  them  that 
the  sums  then  voted  had  proved  to  be  altogether  insufficient, 
and  that  no  adequate  measures  had  been  possible  for  dealing 
with  the  insurrection  in  Wales. 

The  Commons  then  retired  to  elect  their  Speaker,  and  on  the 
following  day  (Tuesday,  October  yth),  they  nominated  Sir 
William  Sturmy,  or  Sturmyn,  a  2  South  country  gentleman,  who 
then  sat  as  one  of  the  Knights  of  the  Shire  for  3  Devonshire. 
The  appointment  was  accepted  in  the  usual  form. 

The  King  then  announced  that  he  had  taken  counsel  with 
the  Lords  as  to  the  amount  of  grant  that  would  be  necessary, 
and  in  the  presence  of  pressing  danger  he  urged  the  Commons 
to  omit  all  other  subjects  from  their  consideration,  and  to  make 
the  money  question  their  first  and  principal  care.  They  were 

1RoT.  PAUL.,  iii,  545.  20nn.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  87.  He  is  called  "Sturmy," 
in  PAT.,  2  H.  IV.,  2, 9.  3  RETURN  OF  NAMES  OP  MEMBERS  OF  PARLIAMENT, 
i,  266. 


470  The  " Illiterate".  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

to  meet  from  day  to  day,  the  Lords  at  eight  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  the  Commons  at  seven.  The  Parliament  was  not 
dissolved  till  November  i3th,  after  a  session  of  38  days,  but  the 
number  of  measures  entered  on  the  Statute  Book  amounts  to 
only  four,  all  of  them  being  short  and  insignificant  amendments 
of  existing  Acts,  while  the  Roll  of  Parliament  exhibits  an 
unexampled  syncopation,  only  one  sitting  being  recorded 
(viz.,  October  25th),  until  the  last  two  days  (November  nth 
and  1 2th)  before  the  dissolution.  The  mere  question  of  money 
could  have  been  settled  in  a  far  shorter  time,  had  the  Commons 
been  agreed,  but  it  is  more  than  likely  that  they  met  the  King's 
request  with  the  same  dogged  opposition  as  in  the  earlier 
months  of  the  year,  until  the  arrival  of  constantly  more  alarming 
news  broke  down  their  resolution  in  the  presence  of  immediate 
danger. 

The  1 5th  of  October  was  at  hand,  and  no  arrangements 
had  been  made  for  a  meeting  with  the  representatives  of  France. 
The  preparations  at  Sluys  and  Harfleur  did  not  abate,  and  on 
the *  1 4th  of  October,  one  of  the  King's  Commissioners  at  Calais 
wrote  to  the  Mayor  of  London,  requesting  that  he  would  take 
steps  to  guard  the  Channel,  in  view  of  the  coming  peril.  Fifteen 
thousand  men  and  horses,  it  was  said,  were  collected  at  Harfleur, 
with  provisions  for  half-a-year,  ready  to  make  a  descent  upon 
Bordeaux  and  Wales.  In  the  latter  country,  they  were  to 
occupy  or  rebuild  abandoned  castles,  and  establish  themselves 
therein,  while  a  like  number  were  ready  at  Sluys,  prepared  for 
a  landing  at  Sandwich,  or  some  place  on  the  Eastern  coasts. 
Spaniards  and  Prussians  (from  the  Baltic)  were  joining  the  two 
expeditions.  Gravelines,  on  the  Flemish  Border,  was  2a  "  den 
of  robbers,"  from  whence  plunderers  issued  to  spoil  the  country 
within  the  English  pale,  and  it  was  feared  that  a  rapid  assault 
would  be  made  upon  Calais,  which  was  altogether  unprepared 

1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  384.     zlbid,  i,  392,  405. 


XXXI  V.J  Negotiations.  471 

for  resistance,  both  in  artillery,  ammunition,  provisions,  and 
men.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  Mayor  of  London  was 
urgently  appealed  to,  to  protect  the  Channel,  and  prevent  all 
traffic  being  diverted  to  Bordeaux  and  the  South. 

On  the  :i3th  of  October,  the  French  representatives  wrote 
another  letter  of  procrastination,  stating  that  it  was  impossible 
to  arrange  a  meeting  by  the  i5th,  but  that  they  would  be 
prepared  for  the  2oth  or  zist.  In  the  face  of  these  delays, 
a  sharp 2  letter  was  sent  to  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  threatening 
that  intercourse  and  negociations  must  be  broken  off  between 
England  and  Flanders  unless  the  Bishop  and  the  other  captives 
were  released,  their  property  restored,  and  the  fleet  at  Sluys 
disbanded  before  November  ist. 

The  French  Ambassadors  were  at  Paris,  and  it  was  some 
days  before  their  communications  could  be  delivered  to  the 
English  representatives  in  Calais.  As  a  fact,  they  were  not 
received  until  the  32oth  of  October,  and  the  English  had  no 
alternative  but  to  propose  a  further  delay,  seeing  that  no 
safe-conducts  had  been  provided,  and  none  could  possibly  be 
procured  in  time.  In  the  meantime,  the  French  envoys  were 
on  their  way.  On  the  2oth  of  October,  they  were  at  4Montreuil, 
from  which  place  they  wrote  proposing  a  meeting  at  Marquise, 
on  Wednesday,  October  22nd.  The  English  immediately 
replied,  Appointing  Friday,  24th,  or  Saturday,  25th  October,  as 
the  earliest  possible  day  of  meeting,  and  objecting  that  the 
conference  should  not  take  place  at  Marquise,  which  was  on 
French  ground,  but  at  Lenlyngham,  on  the  Border.  They  at 
once  addressed  a  further  letter  from  Calais  to  the  King  at 
Coventry,  complaining  that  seven  or  more  of  their  commu- 
nications had  remained  without  answer.  One  of  them,  Nicholas 
6Ryssheton,  threatened  that  he  would  not  remain  at  his  post 

1  ROY.  LET.,  i,  381.  »Ibid,  i,  391.  *Ibid,  i,  393.  4  Ibid,  i,  395.  5  Ibid, 
i/397.  6  Sometimes  spelt  "  Rixton,"  e.g.,  PELLS  ISSUE  ROLL,  4  H.  IV., 
PASCH.,  May  21st. 


472  The  "  Illiterate"  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

after  November  ist,  but  that  he  must  return  to  England  for  a 
personal  interview  with  the  King. 

On  Friday,  October  24th,  a  preliminary  meeting  was  held  at 
Lenlyngham,  where  it  was  arranged  that  further  time  should  be 
allowed,  during  which  one  of  the  English  envoys  should  cross 
to  England  and  have  an  interview  with  the  King,  to  see  if 
regular  negociations  could  not  be  set  on  foot.  A  period  of  15 
days  was  allowed  for  this  necessary  interval,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  the  French  representatives  would  remain  at  Boulogne  until 
Friday,  November  8th,  or  thereabouts,  in  expectation  of  some 
ultimate  genuine  progress. 

Ryssheton  at  once  crossed  to  England,  and  proceeded  to 
Coventry,  where  he  had  an  interview  with  the  King,  on 
November  ist,  the  day  on  which  the  limited  armistice  was  to 
expire.  On  the  following  day,  he  wrote  to  the  French  envoys 
and  to  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  expressing  hopes  of  a  favour- 
able solution.  Accordingly,  on  the1!  2th  of  November,  near 
the  close  of  the  session  of  Parliament,  Commissioners  were 
appointed  to  treat  with  France,  Flanders,  and  the  Duchess  of 
Burgundy.  They  had  power  to  continue  their  deliberations 
without  interruption  till  the  following  May,  with  a  view  to  the 
establishment  of  a  permanent  peace,  though,  in  the  instructions 
issued  to  them  2  (dated  November  i2th  and  i3th,  1404),  very 
little  hope  is  entertained  of  the  possibility  of  a  friendly  settle- 
ment. 

The  Commissioners  were  reminded  that  experience  had  shown 
that  no  faith  could  be  put  in  mere  promises  made  by  the 
French.  The  claim  for  repayment -of  the  200,000  francs  was  to 
be  met  by  a  reference  to  the  unpaid  ransom  of  King  John. 

Even  before  the  Parliament  had  assembled,  hostilities  had 
begun  on  the  borders  of  3Guienne.  The  islands  of  Jersey  and 

1  KYM.,  viii,  374,  379.  2  QRD.  PRIV.  Co.,  i,  238-243.  a  ROT.  PARL.,  iii, 
545. 


XXXIV.]  Heroic  Legislation.  473 

Guernsey  had  been  pillaged  and  made  to  pay  black  mail  to  the 
French  Admiral.  The  great  armaments  at  Harfleur  and  Sluys 
had  not  disbanded,  but  the  long  threatened  invasion  seemed 
unaccountably  to  hang  fire. 

The  Welsh  were  not  idle.  In  Glamorgan,  the  castle  of 
Coitiff  was  still  besieged,  and  all  efforts  failed  to  relieve  it. 
From  the  middle  of  August  to  the  middle  of  November,  a 
French  fleet,  under  the  command  of  the  Count  de  la  Marche, 
had  hovered  between  Brest  and  the  Southern  coasts,  keeping 
the  country  in  constant  alarm.  But  xno  landing  had  yet  been 
effected  ;  the  winter  was  fast  coming  on,  and  the  Channel  storms 
would  soon  be  England's  best  protection.  The  chief  need  of 
the  English  was  money,  and  from  the  opening  of  the  Parliament 
the  raising  of  money  formed  the  great  and  absorbing  subject  of 
debate. 

The  immediate  apprehension  of  invasion  had  not  deterred 
the  Commons  from  making  their  usual  reply.  Why  could  not 
the  King  live  "  of  his  own,"  as  his  predecessors  had  done  ? 
Why  should  continually  increasing  sums  be  voted  year  by  year, 
to  be  followed  only  by  increasing  demands,  accompanied  by 
continued  insecurity  in  the  country,  incompetence  in  the 
government,  and  decay  of  trade?  For  many  days  they 
stubbornly  refused  to  tax  themselves,  and  on  2  Saturday,  October 
25th,  they  presented  a  petition,  including  the  following  pro- 
posals : — 

That  all  lands,  manors,  castles,  etc.,  which  had  pre- 
viously belonged  to  the  Crown,  and  which  had  been 
granted  away,  either  for  life  or  for  a  term  of  years, 
since  the  year  1367  (40  Edward  III.),  without  special 
consent  of  Parliament,  should  be  resumed  by  the  Crown. 
Out  of  the  revenues  arising  from  these  grants,  all 

1  Juv.,  431.     2  ROT.  PAEL.,  iii,  547. 


474  The  "  Illiterate "  Parliament  [CHAP. 

payments  were  to  be  made  for  the  royal  household  and 
wardrobe,  the  dower  of  the  Queen,  and  the  allowances  of 
the  Princes. 

The  surplus  revenues  (if  any  remained  over  after 
satisfying  the  above  claims)  were  to  be  employed  in 
recompensing  the  holders  of  the  properties  thus  suddenly 
to  be  recalled. 

Those  who  could  show  that  they  had  paid  for  these 
grants,  might  have  the  option  of  retaining  them  in 
payment  of  a  fair  rent  for  the  future. 

Grants  made  previously  to  1367  were  not  to  be  inter- 
fered with,  but  if  hereafter  they  should  lapse  to  the  King, 
in  ordinary  course,  they  were  not  to  be  again  renewed. 

Gifts  of  wine,  and  other  commodities,  with  which  the 
customs  of  every  port  had  long  been  saddled,  were  to  be 
entirely  cancelled. 

These  heroic  proposals  were  certainly  sweeping  and  thorough. 
It  will  be  Remembered  that  they  were  already  provisionally  in 
force  since  the  order  issued  by  the  Council,  at  Lichfield, 
August  28th.  But  the  times  were  desperate,  and  called  for 
desperate  remedies.  Moreover,  all  the  property-holding  classes 
were  affected  by  them  alike,  not  only  the  great  Lords  and 
Barons,  the  Bishops  and  Abbots,  but  boroughs  and  cities,  and 
even  humble  individuals,  who  received  their  one  barrel  of  wine 
each  year  at  some  stated  port,  in  return  for  service  rendered  or 
money  lent  by  their  husbands  or  fathers  in  this  or  the  previous 
reign. 

The  Petition,  being  presented  as  embodying  the  wishes  not 
of  the  Commons  alone,  was  accepted  graciously  by  the  King, 
2  "as  gode  reson  asketh  and  alle  estates  thynken  the  same."  A 
Commission  was  promised,  which  should  enquire  into  the 
circumstances  of  all  grants  before  carrying  the  recommendations 

i  Page  463.      2  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  549. 


XXXIV.]  "  The  Cherch?  v.  "  The  Lay  Fe."  475 

into  effect.  In  the  meantime,  to  lessen  the  distress  in  which 
many  would  be  plunged,  it  was  provided  that  for  one  year  (viz., 
from  Easter,  1404,  to  Easter,  1405)  holders  of  these  grants 
should  be  considered  as  having  lent  the  proceeds  to  the  King, 
and  that  the  money  should  be  recoverable  from  the  Exchequer 
like  an  ordinary  loan.  Proclamations  were  to  be  sent  to  every 
county,  requiring  all  who  were  concerned  to  produce  their 
Letters  Patent,  for  examination  and  revision,  before  the  next 
Candlemas  (February  2nd,  1405.) 

From  the  first,  the  hungry  eyes  of  the  Knights  of  Parliament 
had  turned  again  to  the  tempting  wealth  of  the  Church. 
Why,  it  was  asked,  should  tenants  toil  and  soldiers  fight,  when 
churchmen  were  idling  in  luxury  ?  If  they  could  not  be  made 
to  fight,  let  them  at  least  be  made  to  pay  for  others  to  fight  for 
them  ;  and  the  same  outburst  of  rage  was  witnessed  at  Coventry 
that  had  been  seen  before  at  Worcester.  Some  modern  writers 
have  seen  in  this  commotion  the  work  of  the  Lollards,  who  are 
supposed  to  have  now  :  "  become  a  political  sect,  and  to  have 
attained  a  majority  in  Parliament."  But  there  is  nothing 
whatever  to  warrant  this  assumption,  which  is  quite  unsupported 
by  evidence,  and  altogether  contrary  to  all  the  probabilities  of 
the  case. 

The  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  had  withstood  this  storm 
before,  and  he  now  prepared  himself  to  resist  it  again  in  the 
interests  of  the  purses  and  property  of  his  order.  He  braced 
himself  to  the  task,  reflecting  on  the  glory  won  by  his  great 
predecessors,  2Becket  and  Rich.  But  the  days  of  martyrdom 
were  passed  for  Archbishops  and  politicians.  Archbishop 
Arundel  worked  with  earthly  weapons,  and  achieved  the  solid 
satisfaction  of  a  success  on  earth,  even  if  he  missed  the  shadowy 
glory  accorded  to  a  canonized  St.  Thomas  or  St.  Edmund. 


,  iv,  486.      See  also  STUBBS   (iii,  551),  who,  however,  pictures 
these  "  Wycliffite  Knights"  as  a  "  pertinacious  minority."      a  ANN.,  39L 


476  The  " Illiterate"  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

Aided  by  the  Archbishop  of  York,  and  the  eloquent  Bishop  of 
Rochester  (John  de  Botlesham),  he  appealed  to  the  King's 
intelligence.  He  showed  that  the  clergy  J  contributed  far  more, 
and  more  frequently,  than  the  laity ;  that  their  tenants  followed 
the  King's  standard  in  larger  numbers  than  those  of  their 
opponents;  and,  dropping  on  one  knee  before  the  King,  he 
claimed  the  benefit  of  the  Great  Charter,  and  adjured  him  not 
to  forget  his  oath  that  the  rights  of  the  Church  should  be  upheld. 

Seeing  the  impression  he  had  made  upon  the  King,  he  turned 
upon  the  Knights  of  Parliament,  with  the  2  Speaker  at  their  head, 
and  rated  them  roundly  :  "You  urged  your  King  to  confiscate 
the  wealth  of  the  foreign  priories  and  abbeys,  promising  him 
untold  riches,  and  yet  his  necessities  are  as  great  as  before. 
Now  you  urge  him  to  seize  the  wealth  of  the  Church  at  home, 
that  you  may  yourselves  be  the  gainers.  3"  Myn  hed  schal  rather 
bow  onto  the  swerd  than  Holy  Cherch  schuld  lose  ahy  part  of 
hir  rite."  Appealing  to  the  Lords,  with  the  Duke  of  York  at 
their  head,  he  warned  them  to  look  to  their  own  possessions, 
which  were  threatened  from  the  same  insatiable  quarter.  The 
King  had  neither  the  will  nor  the  unwisdom  to  countenance 
the  attack.  He  had,  indeed,  no  safer  nor  wealthier  supporters 
than  the  Clergy  and  the  Archbishop.  4The  Bishop  of  Durham 
had  lately  advanced  to  him  1,800  marks,  and  Archbishop 
Arundel  1,000  marks,  in  his  difficulty  with  the  previous  Parlia- 
ment. The  proposal  was  therefore  abandoned,  and  the  temporal 
goods  of  the  Church  were  safe  for  a  time. 

By  this  time  it  had  become  distinctly  5  known  that  a  formal 

1  "  Remembir  the  wel  that  at  every  task  ( =  tax )  the  cherch  hath 
payed  as  mech  as  the  lay  fe." — CAPGR.,  257.  STUBBS  (iii,  365)  asserts 
that  "  the  proportion  of  direct  taxation  borne  by  the  clergy  amounted  to 
nearly  a  third  of  the  whole  direct  taxation  of  the  nation "  ;  though 
ROGERS  ( i.  160 )  has  shown  that  "  as  far  as  concerns  the  wants  of  the 
state,  the  clergy  were  far  more  lightly  burdened  than  the  laity." 
2  Wrongly  called  John  Cheyne,  in  WALS.,  ii,  266.  s  CAPGR.,  288.  <  GLAUS. 
5  H.  IV.,  2,  3.  6  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  546. 


XXXIV.]  Coventry.  477 

alliance  had  been  concluded  between  the  French  and  Owen. 
On  the  *  26th  of  October,  orders  were  despatched  to  the  Sheriffs, 
calling  on  them  to  summon  the  forces  of  each  county  to  resist 
the  expected  invasion.  The  attempted  attack  upon  Church 
property  had  been  baffled,  and  there  seemed  no  sufficient 
reasonable  cause  for  prolonging  the  debates,  but  to  proceed 
to  action. 

The  coasts  were  visited  by  violent  storms,  which  caused  great 
damage  from  inundation  in  the  South  and  East.  Superstition 
would  appropriate  this  visitation  to  its  own  purposes,  and 
though  it  was  soon  known  that  the  2  opposite  coasts  of  Holland 
and  Flanders  had  suffered  in  precisely  the  same  way,  and 
though  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  was  himself  one  of  the 
principal  sufferers  from  the  effects  pf  the  floods,  yet  the  feeling 
would  be  too  strong,  in  the  minds  of  the  vast  majority,  that  these 
calamities  were  but  the  judgments  of  an  offended  God,  taking 
vengeance  on  the  impiety  of  his  spoilers  and  enemies.  Add  to 
this  that  Coventry  was  very  ill  siTpplied  with  provisions,  and,  in 
view  of  the  unwonted  influx  of  strangers,  the  3  prices  of  corn  and 
wine  had  been  artificially  forced  up.  The  water  was  bad  and 
scarce.  The  i  Prior  was  at  feud  with  the  citizens  for  tapping 
his  conduit,  and  there  was  great  mortality  from  5  dysentery  all 
around.  In  the  face  of  all  these  facts,  it  seemed  best  to  the 
members  to  arrive  at  once  at  a  speedy  decision,  and  to  separate 
and  return  to  their  homes. 

Accordingly,  on  the  nth  of  November,  the  largest  grant  that 
had  ever  been  made  to  Henry  was  formally  sanctioned,  and  the 
King  obtained  the  whole  of  his  demands. 

All  owners  of  taxable  property  were  to  pay  at  the  rate  of 
two-tenths  and  two-fifteenths,  upon  the  sworn  value  of  their 
moveable  possessions,  according  as  they  lived  in  or  outside  of 


viii,  374.      2  WALS.,  ii,  267.      8  CLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  1. 
PARL.,  iii,  551.      5  ANN.,  394. 


478  The  " Illiterate"  Parliament,  [CHAP. 

boroughs.  This  would  amount  to  a  tax  of  20  per  cent.,  or 
13^5  per  cent.,  respectively,  and  was  just  double  the  usual 
amount.  It  was  to  be  paid  in  instalments — one  half  by 
Christmas,  and  the  two  remaining  quarters  by  the  next  June 
24th  (Midsummer  Day)  and  November  nth  (half-quarter  day), 
respectively,  so  that  all  would  be  claimable  within  a  year.  Also 
all  persons  (being  laymen)  who  drew  an  income  of  500  marks 
G£333  6s.  8d.)  per  annum,  and  upwards,  were  to  pay  5  per 
cent.,  or  £i  out  of  every  £20.  Moreover,  the  three  years' 
grant  on  the  Customs  would  expire  September  2pth,  1405,  and 
it  was  enacted  that  this  should  be  renewed  for  two  years,  to  the 
full  amount,  from  that  date,  viz.:  505.  and  6os.  on  every  sack  of 
wool,  the  usual  subsidy  charged  to  English  and  foreign  traders 
respectively;  also,  35.  on  every  tun  of  wine,  and  is.  in  the  ;£, 
or  5  per  cent.,  on  all  commodities  entering  or  leaving  the 
country  by  sea.  In  granting  the  "  subsidy,"  it  was  expressly 
specified  that  it  included  the  "  old  Custom "  (6s.  8d.),  which 
had  gradually,  by  tacit  encroachment,  been  superadded  as  a 
surtax  upon  the  503.  voted  by  the  Parliament.  It  was  now 
acknowledged  that  the  parliamentary  grant  was  really  only 
435.  4d.  and  533.  4d.,  respectively,  so  that  the  total  amount 
(including  the  "old  Custom")  should  not  exceed  503.  and  6os. 
At  present,  the  duty  reached  563.  8d.  and  66s.  8d.  The  extra 
half  mark  (6s.  8d.)  was  petitioned  against,  and  the  injustice 
was  admitted,  but  the  exaction  was  to  be  remitted,  or 
"  pardoned,"  only  on  condition  that  it  was  continued  at  least 
up  to  September  29th,  1405. 

In  making  these  grants,  it  was  expressly  stipulated  that  they 
were  not  intended  to  satisfy  past  debts,  but  to  be  expended 
only  to  meet  present  or  future  necessities  in  the  defence  of  the 
country.  All  who  should  apply  for,  receive,  or  present  either 
Letters  Patent  or  under  Privy  Seal,  claiming  payment  from  these 
grants  were  to  be  adjudged  guilty  of  treason. 
1  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  556. 


XXXIV.j  Its  composition.  479 

To  avoid  the  falsifications  of  accounts,  and  deceptions,  that 
had  been  frequently  practised  in  the  past,  fresh  Collectors  and 
controllers  were  to  be  appointed  at  the  customs'  ports,  and  no 
member  of  Parliament  was  allowed  to  hold  the  office.  But, 
above  all,  it  was  insisted  that  two  "  War  Treasurers  "  should  be 
appointed,  who  should  be  responsible  to  Parliament,  and  should 
have  absolute  control  over  the  expenditure  of  the  money,  with  the 
sole  exception  of  the  half-mark  on  each  sack  of  wool.  It  was 
added,  that  the  whole  grant  would  be  considered  as  cancelled, 
if  a  sufficient  army  were  not  raised,  by  the  end  of  January,  to 
protect  the  seas  and  Guienne,  and  the  borders  of  Wales  and 
Scotland. 

On  the  same  day,  the  two  War  Treasurers  took  the  oath  in 
the  presence  of  the  King  and  the  Lords,  They  were  Thomas 
Neville,  Lord  Furnival,  or  "  Sir  Thomas  de  Furnyvale,"  brother 
to  the  Earl  of  Westmoreland;  and  Sir  John  2Pelham,  governor 
of  Pevensey  Castle,  and  one  of  the  representatives  for  the 
county  of  Sussex. 

Lastly,  it  was  stipulated  that  the  grant  should  not  be  made  a 
precedent  without  consent  of  Parliament,  and,  after  a  number  of 
private  petitions  had  been  dealt  with,  the  Parliament  was 
dissolved  on  Friday,  November  i4th,  1404.  On  the3i6th  of 
November,  the  King  was  at  the  royal  castle  of  Killingworth, 
near  Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

A  word  or  two  may  be  said  here  as  to  the  composition  of  the 
remarkable  assemblage  which  passed  so  readily  such  sweeping 
and  heroic  measures  of  reform.  The  original  writs,  with  the 
endorsements  of  the  members  returned,  together  with  their 
sureties  (or  manucaptors),  are  not  preserved,  but  the  4  Close  Roll 

1  STAT.,  p.  149.  2  ORD.  PRIV.  Co.,  ii,  87 ;  RYM.,  viii,  388  ;  PRYNNE,  474. 
EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  KECPT.  (J|)  contains  a  file  of  43  indentures  witnessing 
the  delivery  of  sums  of  money  to  them  by  the  collectors  of  customs,  &c., 
dated  7  H.  IV.  (i.e.,  1406-7.)  s  EXCHEQ.  TREAS.  OF  RECPT.,  Misc.  28la  (14). 
4  GLAUS.  5  H.  IV.,  2,  4,  in  tergo,  dated  Lichfield,  August  25th. 


480  The  " Illiterate"  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

contains  a  specimen  copy  of  the  writ  addressed  to  Sheriffs  of 
counties,  and  we  know  the  names  of  the  members  who  were 
actually  returned.  The  usual.  37  counties  (excluding  Chester, 
Durham,  and  Monmouth)  returned  each  two  Knights,  and  in 
this  respect  the  Parliament  of  Coventry  did  not  differ  from  its 
predecessors.  But  when  we  look  over  the  returns  from  cities 
and  boroughs,  we  come  upon  a  striking  contrast. 

In  the  four  preceding  Parliaments  of  this  reign,  the  number 
of  boroughs  and  cities  which  had  sent  representatives  had 
fluctuated  in  a  remarkable  way.  Thus,  in  1399,  the  number  of 
boroughs  represented  (excluding  the  Cinque  Ports)  was  79 ;  in 
1400,  there  were  only  14  ;  in  1402,  73  ;  in  1403,  only  16.  In 
this  year,  1404,  the  number  fell  to  5,  none  of  them  being  of  the 
first  rank  or  importance,  viz.,  Derby,  Rochester,  Grimsby, 
Lincoln,  and  Scarboro'.  The  reason  for  these  abstentions  is 
nowhere  stated,  but  it  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the 
writs  issued  contained,  in  addition  to  the  usual  exceptions,  a 
new  proviso,  viz,,  Hhat  "no  apprentice  or  any  other  man  at 
law"  should  under  any  circumstances  be  elected.  In  intro- 
ducing this  proviso,  the  King  followed  a  precedent  set  by 
2Edward  III.,  in  1372,  and  for  this  unconstitutional  act  he  was 
subsequently 3  called  to  account. 

Monkish  writers,  enraged  at  the  impiety  of  the  members  of 
this  Parliament,  and  delighted  at  the  failure  of  its  attacks  upon 
the  property  of  the  Church,  have  dubbed  4it  "  The  Illiterate 
Parliament."  In  spite,  however,  of  the  exclusion  of  the  lawyers 
(all  of  them,  of  course,  ecclesiastics),  it  is  certain  that  their 
interests  were  not  overlooked,  for  in  the  5  proposal  for  taxing 
wages,  annuities,  and  fees,  special  exception  is  made  in  the 
cases  of  the  Judges,  Sergeants  at-Law,  and  Barons  of  the 
Exchequer. 

i"Aut  apprenticius  sive  aliquis  alias  homo  ad  legem  aliqualitur  sit 
electus."  2STUBBS,  iii,  46,  401.  9  Ibid,  iii,  390.  *  ANN.,  391.  STOW 
(330)  calls  it  the  "  Laymen's  Parliament."  5  ROT.  PARL.,  iii,  549. 


XXXIV.]  Convocation.  481 

But,  if  the  Parliament  was  really  composed  of  "illiterates," 
they  showed  an  exceptional  amount  of  temperate  statemanship 
in  dealing  with  a  great  emergency,  and  succeeded  in  providing 
for  the  necessities  of  the  time  without  exempting  the  wealthy  or 
laying  the  burden  exclusively  on  any  one  class  of  the  com- 
munity. 

Before  separating,  they  petitioned  that  measures  should  be 
taken  at  once  and  put  immediately  into  execution.  The  Earl 
of  Arundel,  Lord  Powys,  and  Lord  Furnival  were  to  undertake 
the  defence  of  Hereford  and  Shropshire,  while  the  owners  of 
castles  on  the  Border  of  Wales  were  to  lay  in  provisions  and 
material  enough  for  a  proper  defence. 

In  vindication  of  their  loyalty,  and  in  gratitude  for  the 
preservation  of  their  temporal  goods,  the  Clergy  of  the  Southern 
Province  met  in  Convocation  at  St.  Paul's,  on  Monday, 
November  24th.  In  2addition  to  the  tenth  voted  earlier  in  the 
year,  the  second  instalment  of  which  was  not  yet  due,  they 
voted  a  further  sum  of  three-twentieths  (or  15  per  cent),  though 
there  were  not  wanting  evidences  of  their  discontent ;  and'  the 
King  did  not  scruple  to  express  his  3dissatisfaction  at  their 
reluctance. 

The  Northern  clergy,  who  had  met  and  voted  their  grant 
only  a  few  weeks  previously,  were  summoned  again,  and  4sat  at 
York,  from  December  nth  to  December  lyth.  They  then 
adjourned  till  January  i4th,  1405.  They  likewise  granted  a 
tenth,  though  they  stipulated  that  their  former  grant,  due  by 
instalments  in  January  and  November,  ought  to  be  sufficient 
for  the  present.  By  way  of  concession,  they  agreed  to  abolish 
all  exemptions,  and  to  tax  every  living,  however  small. 

Thus  it  would  seem  that  money  would  not  be  wanting — 
enough,  at  least,  to  repel  all  attacks,  if  properly  employed. 

1  CONC.,  iii,  280.  2  ANN.,  394.  «See  the  Archbishop's  letter  (dated 
Maidstone,  December  7th,  1404),  in  CONC.,  iii,  280  ;  ROY.  LET.,  i,  413. 
4  CONC.,  iii,  281. 


482  The  "  Illiterate  "  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

The  French  had  not  appeared.  The  year  closed  with  a  fair 
prospect  of  security.  The  King  returned  to  Westminster,  and 
Christmas  was  spent  peacefully  at  *  Eltham. 

This  year  had  seen  many  changes  amongst  the  ecclesiastics. 
Four  English  Bishops  had  died,  leaving  vacancies  to  be  filled  in 
the  sees  of  Hereford,  Rochester,  Bangor,  London,  Lincoln,  and 
Winchester. 

On  the  26th  of  April,  John  Trevenant,  Bishop  of  Hereford, 
had  died.  The  Pope  nominated  to  the  vacancy  our  friend  the 
chronicler,  3Adam  of  Usk,  who  was  then  at  Rome  ;  but  the 
nomination  was  set  aside,  and  poor,  disappointed  Adam  was 
left  for  four  years  without  preferment,  "  like  Joseph,  in  a  land 
of  strangers  whose  tongue  he  knew  not."  On  the  i2th  of 
September,  1404,  he  wrote  a  tenderly  reproachful  letter  to 
King  Henry,  timidly  hinting  ingratitude  for  the  past.  On  the 
4  2nd  of  July,  the  vacancy  had  been  rilled  by  the  appointment 
of  the  Carmelite  Friar,  Robert  Mascal,  who,  a  few  weeks  after- 
wards, unluckily  fell  into  the  irreverent  hands  of  Flemish  corsairs. 
He  had  been  the  King's  Confessor  since  5  November  6th,  1401, 
in  which  capacity  he  had  been  constantly  about  the  Court,  having 
"  four  horses  and  a  hakeney,"  with  an  allowance  of  33.  per  day, 
besides  sufficient  for  the  maintenance  of  four  servants. 

The  death  of  John  Botlesham,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  is  placed 
by  some  as  early  as  6  April  lyth,  but  he  seems  to  have  been  alive 
in  7  October,  and  able  by  his  eloquent  tongue  to  give  great  help  to 
Archbishop  Arundel,  in  defence  of  the  property  of  the  Church. 
He  died,  however,  before  the  end  of  the  year  1404,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Richard  Young,  previously  Bishop  of  Bangor. 

A  vacancy  occurred  in  the  see  of  London  on  8August  28th, 
1404,  by  the  death  of  Bishop  Robert  Braybrooke.  The  King 


397.  sCoNC.,  iii,  278.  See  the  Conge  d'elire  (dated  April 
12th,  1404),  in  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  23.  BUSK,  83.  *  Ibid,  209.  SPAT., 
3  H.  IV.,  1,  29.  6MONAST.,  i,  s.  v.  'ANN.,  397.  8Rov.  LET.,  i,  416, 
quoting  GODWIN,  i,  186.  See  the  Conge  d'elire  (dated  September  10th, 
1404),  in  PAT.,  5  H.  IV.,  2,  1. 


XXXIV.]       "  He  made  him  for  to  lese  his  Benefice."  483 

pressed  for  the  election  of  two  of  his  own  nominees  in  succession ; 
one  of  them  was  :  Guy  de  Mona,  Bishop  of  St.  Davids,  and  had 
this  arrangement  been  carried  out,  Adam  of  Usk  would  again  have 
had  a  chance  of  promotion.  But  the  Pope  refused  his  sanction ; 
Adam  was  again  thwarted,  and  the  ex- Archbishop,  Roger  Walden, 
became  Bishop  of  London,  December  loth,  1404,  mainly  through 
the  support  of  his  old  opponent,  Archbishop  Arundel. 

By  the  death  of  William  of  Wykeham,  at  the  age  of  82,  a 
vacancy  occurred  in  the  wealthy  see  of  Winchester.  The 
venerable  politician  and  ex-Chancellor  had  been  long  disabled 
for  work.  On  2 January  4th,  1402,  he  took  advantage  of  a 
Papal  Bull,  previously  obtained,  to  appoint  coadjutors,  and 
thenceforward  he  took  no  further  part  in  episcopal  duties.  He 
was  unable  even  to  be  present  at  the  King's  marriage,  at 
Winchester,  February  yth,  1403,  and  he  died  at  South  Waltham, 
near  Winchester,  on  the  32yth  of  September,  1404.  His 
memory  was  greatly  revered  by  the  clergy,  who  benefited  by 
his  rich  foundations  at  Winchester  and  Oxford.  His  4will  is 
dated  July  24th,  1403.  In  it,  amongst  other  interesting  bene- 
factions, he  left  ^500  to  the  King,  as  remission  of  part  of  a 
loan,  and  ^200  to  poor  prisoners  in  Newgate  and  other  gaols 
in  the  Southern  counties.  His  books  consist  of  mass  books  and 
books  of  offices,  together  with  others  bearing  such  titles  as 
"  Catholicon,"  "  Rationale  Divinorum,"  "  Floriarium  Bartholo- 
msei,"  "Thomas"  (i.e.,  Life  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury), 
"  Pars  Oculi,"  etc. 

The  vacancy  thus  created  at  Winchester  was  filled  by  the 
elevation  of  the  young  Chancellor,  Henry  Beaufort,  Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  and  half-brother  to  the  King.  He  was  succeeded  at 
Lincoln  by  Abbot  Philip  Repingdon,  of  Leicester,  the  ex-Lollard 
who  was  now  considered  safe  enough  to  be  entrusted  with  the 

^SK,  89.      2LOWTH,  270.      slbid,  283;   ANN.,  391.     CONG,  (iii,  279) 
contains  a  letter  signed  by  him,  dated  July  17th,  1404.    *  LOWTH,  384. 


484  The  "  Illiterate "  Parliament.  [CHAP. 

castigation  of  these  heretics,  his  former  bosom-friends  and 
associates  in  his  freer  and  earlier  days.  These  changes  took 
place  about  the  *  close  of  the  year  1404. 

Lastly,  about  the  same  time  came  a  notification  of  the  death 
of  Pope  Boniface  IX.,  at  Rome.  After  15  years  of  wrangling 
and  dispute,  Boniface  had  consented  at  last  to  receive  a 
deputation  from  his  rival,  Pope  Benedict  XIII.,  from  Avignon, 
on  the  subject  of  restoring  union  within  the  Church.  ~  Neither 
side  was  in  earnest ;  but  a  conference  was  at  length  arranged, 
and,  after  some  preliminary  skirmishing  as  to  the  title  by  which 
Boniface  should  be  addressed,  the  representatives  of  Benedict 
were  admitted  on  September  29th,  1404.  The  French  Arch- 
bishop of  St.  Pons  spoke  on  behalf  of  the  deputation  from 
Avignon,  and  concluded  a  *  studiously  moderate  and  temperate 
address  with  these  words  :  "  Most  dread  Lord,  if  you  feel  not 
for  others  souls,  my  Lord,  at  least  (i.e.,  Benedict),  declares 
himself  prepared  for  some  means  of  union  even  to  death." 
"  Your  Lord  is  a  false  schismatic  and  Antichrist,"  burst  out  old 
Boniface,  5in  anger.  "  Saving  your  Reverence,  Father,  not  so," 
said  the  Archbishop,  "my  Lord  (i.e.,  Benedict)  is  holy,  just, 
true,  catholic,  and  sits  on  the  very  seat  of  Peter ;  and,  besides," 
he  added  with  emphasis,  " he  is  not  a  6simoniac"  This  galling 
taunt  stung  Boniface  where  least  he  could  bear  it.  He  was 
old,  and  7  suffering  from  a  loathsome  and  incurable  disease.  He 
had  not  strength  or  power  to  reply.  He  ordered  the  embassy 
out,  retired  to  his  room,  and  died  in  great  agony  two  days 
afterwards,  8  October  ist,  1404. 

Adam  of  Usk,  who  was  in  Rome  at  the  time,  had  two  curious 
dreams  on  the  day  (St.  Michael's  Day)  on  which  the  conference 

JMoNAST.  (s.  v.  LINCOLN),  says  November  19th;  but,  as  late  as 
December  5th  (RYM.,  viii,  379)  and  December  7th  (Roy.  LET.,  i,  413) 
Beaufort  is  still  called  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  a  USK,  85.  sJuv.,  430. 
4 "  Perquam  discrete  et  solerter." — THEOD.  a  NIEM,  in  RINALDI,  17,  274. 
5"Parum  benigniter." — Ibid.  6 "Both  he  that  selleth  and  he  that  byeth 
things  spiritual  ben  called  simoniackes." — CHAUCER,  Parson's  Tale,  p.  560. 
7 "  Quamvis  torsionibus  intolerabilibus  cotidie  quatitur." — GOBELIN,  in 
MEIBOM,  L,  323.  e  GREENWOOD,  vi,  486. 


XXXIV.]        "  Sivevens  ben  but  vanities  and  japes:'  485 

was  held.  He  saw  St.  Peter,  seated  and  fully  vested,  fling  down 
to  the  ground  another  sorry  and  dirty  Pope,  who  was  sitting  on 
his  left.  Again,  he  saw  in  his  dream  a  fox,  driven  by  the  dogs 
into  a  stream,  just  keeping  its  nose  above  the  water  by  catching 
at  an  overhanging  willow  bough,  and  then  sneaking  off  into  its 
hole.  "  The  fox,"  he  says,  "  is  always  greedy,  but  always  lean  ; 
and,  though  he  was  stuffed  with  simony,  he  was  never  satisfied 
even  to  his  grave."  A  German  friend  also  showed  Adam  a 
letter,  which  said  that  a  holy  man  in  the  North  had  seen  St. 
Michael  give  Boniface  a  smart  slap  in  the  face  and  knock  him 
down. 

These  * "  warnyngs  of  thinges  that  schuln  after  falle,"  like 
little  straws  of  gossip  blown  down  from  the  far-off  past,  show  us 
how  hollow  was  the  lip-service  paid  to  Popes,  even  by  devoted 
churchmen  and  downright  adherents,  when  their  own  pockets 
were  touched.  If  abstract  doctrine  is  in  question,  the  Pope  is 
2 "  the  most  Blessed  Father  of  Fathers,  and  alone  incapable  of 
error,  the  very  Lord  Jesus  Christ,"  who  can  pronounce  judg- 
ment "  for  reasons  unknown  to  us  but  clear  to  him,"  against 
which  "  all  exception  is  null  and  all  appeal  idle."  But,  in 3 1402, 
Pope  Boniface,  having  previously  sold  indulgences,  graces,  livings, 
and  benefices  to  the  highest  bidder,  suddenly  revoked  his  grants 
and  sold  them  over  again.  Then  4"thei  seide  pleynly  that  it 
was  no  more  trost  to  the  Pope  writing  than  to  a  dogge  tail." 

The  new  Pope,  an  Italian,  Cosmo  Megliorotto,  of  Sulmona, 
Cardinal  Bishop  of  Bologna,  was  elected  at  Rome  amidst  riot 
and  tumult,  on  the  5iyth  of  October,  1404.  He  was  solemnly 
installed  on  the  2nd  of  November,  and  took  the  title  of 
Innocent  VII.  We  have  a  graphic  picture  of  the  riotous 
condition  of  Rome  at  this  time,  in  the  narrative  of  Leonard 

i  CHAUCER,  Nonnes  Prestes  Tale,  15138.      2  Extract  from  writings  of 
William  Feriby,  an  English  Priest  (circ.  1400),  in  CHRON.   GILES,  14." 
3  GOBELIN,    Cosmodrom.,    set.  vi,  ch.  Ixxxvii,  p.  320.       4  CAPGR.,   281. 
-5Contelorio's  Catalogue,  in  EINALDI,  xvii,  275. 


486  The  "Illiterate"  Parliament. 

Bruni,  of  Arezzo,  Secretary  Apostolic  to  Innocent  VII.  and 
his  three  successors.  Bruni  was  summoned  to  Rome  immedi- 
ately after  the  election  of  Innocent,  and  describes  what  he  saw. 
His  own  life  was  in  danger  in  the  streets,  and  he  only  escaped 
from  the  fury  of  the  citizens  by  dismounting  from  his  horse, 
and  changing  clothes  with  a  servant  in  an  entry.  He  was  with 
the  Pope  afterwards,  when  he  fled  from  Rome  in  the  night,  to 
Sutri  and  Viterbo. 

The  new  Pope  was  68  years  old  (estate  grandavus).  He 
knew  something  of  England,  2having  once  resided  there  as 
Papal  Collector,  in  the  time  of  3Urban  VI.  (1378-1389)  in  the 
early  part  of  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  Before  his  election  he 
had  pledged  himself  to  strive  his  utmost  for  the  4  unity  of  the 
Church,  even  if  it  should  involve  his  own  resignation.  He  lost 
no  time  in  opening  the  question.  On  the  52yth  of  December, 
an  encyclical  letter  was  forwarded  to  the  Archbishops  of 
Cologne,  Mayence,  Treves,  Salzburg,  Prague,  Canterbury,  York, 
Pisa,  Ravenna,  and  others,  requesting  them  to  send  proper 
representatives  to  Rome,  by  the  next  All  Saints'  Day  (November 
ist,  1405),  to  discuss  as  to  the  best  means  for  rooting  out  this 
pestilent  schism  from  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth.  In 
the  same  sense,  and  on  the  6same  day,  a  letter  was  forwarded 
to  Henry's  Council,  and  brought  by  two  Italians.  The  letter 
was  considered  in  a  Council  held  at  Winchester,  and  a  suitable 
reply  was  framed.  But  events  in  Rome  were  not  favourable  to 
deliberation,  and  before  the  arrival  of  All  Saints'  Day,  the  Pope 
had  other  matters  pressing  for  his  attention. 

1  ARETINUS,  254.  2  USK,  89.  3  A  Niem,  in  RINALDI,  xvii,  275.  4  GOB- 
ELIN, p.  323,  ch.  Ixxxviii.  5RiNALDi,  xvii,  276 ;  from  Contelor.  in  BLENCH. 
CARD.,  i,  114,  &c.  6  RYM.,  viii,  381. 


JAMES   CLEGG,    PBIITTEB,   WET   HAKE,    BOCHDALE. 


1883. 


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Church's  Beginning  of  the  Middle  Ages,  2*.  M. 

Cox's  Crusades,  2*.  6d. 

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G-airdner's  Houses  of  Lancaster  and  York,  2s.  ttct, 
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—  Thirty  Years'  War,  2s.  6d. 

—  (Mrs.)  French  Eevolution,  1789-1795,  2s.  6d. 
Bale's  Fall  of  the  Stuarts,  2s.  6d. 

Johnson's  Normans  in  Europe,  2s.  Bd. 

Longman's  Frederick  the  Great  and  the  Seven  Years'  War,  2*.  6d. 
LudloVs  War  of  American  Independence,  2*.  6d. 
M'Carthy's  Epoch  of  Reform,  1830-1850,  2s.  6d. 
Morris's  Age  of  Queen  Anne,  2s.  6d. 
Seebohm's  Protestant  Revolution,  25.  6d. 
Stubbs's  Early  Plantagenets,  2s.  6d. 
Warburton's  Edward  III.,  2s.  6d. 
Fronde's  English  in  Ireland  in  the  18th  Century.    3  vols.  crown  8vo.  18s. 

—  History  of  England.    Popular  Edition.    12  vols.  crown  8vo.  3*.  6d.  each. 

—  Julius  Ctesar,  a  Sketch.    8vo.  16*. 

Gardiner's  History  of  England  from  the  Accession  of  James  I.  to  the  'Outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War.    10  vols.  crown  8vo.  60,*. 

—  Outline  of  English  History,  B.C.  55-A.D.  1880.    Fcp.  8vo.  25.  6 d. 
Greville's  Journal  of  the  Reigns  of  George  IV.  &  William  IV.    :i  vols.  svo.  3fs. 
Lecky's  History  of  England.    Vols.  I.  &  II.  1700-1760.    Svo.  36s.    Vols.  III.  &  IV. 

1760-1784.    Svo.  36*. 

—  History  of  European  Morals.    2  vols.  crown  Svo.  16*. 

—  —      —  Rationalism  in  Europe.    2  vols.  crown  Svo.  16j. 
Lewee's  History  of  Philosophy.    2  vols.  Svo.  32*. 

Longman's  Lectures  ou  the  History  of  England.    Svo.  15*. 

—  Life  and  Times  of  Edward  III.    2  vols.  Svo.  28*. 
Macaulay's  Complete  Works.    Library  Edition.    8  vola.  Svo.  £5.  5*. 

—  —  —      Cabinet  Edition.    16  vols.  crown  8vo.  £4. 16*. 

—  History  of  England  :— . 

Student's  Edition.  2  vola.  or.  Svo.  Its.   I  Cabinet  Edition.  8  vols.  post  Svo.  48* 

People's  Edition.  4  vols.  cr.  8vo.  16*.   |  Library  Edition.  5  vols.  Svo.  £4. 
JIaoaulay'B  Critical  and  Historical  Essays.    Cheap  Edition.    Crown  Svo.  2t.  6d 

Student's  Edition.    1  vol.  cr.  Svo.  8*.    I  Cabinet  Edition.   4  vols.  post  Svo.  iM*. 

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Maxwell's  (Sir  W.  S.)  Don  John  of  Austria.    Library  Edition,  with  numerous 

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May's  Constitutional  History  of  England,  1760-1870.    3  vols.  crown  Svo.  18*. 

—  Democracy  in  Europe.    2  vols.  Svo.  32*. 
Merivale's  Fall  of  the  Roman  Republic.    12mo.  7*.  6d. 

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—  History  of  the  Romans  under  the  Empire.    8  vols.  post  Svo.  48*. 
Porter's  Knights  of  Malta.    Svo.  21s. 

Rawlinson's  Ancient  Egypt.    2  vols.  Svo.  63*. 

—  Seventh  Great  Oriental  Monarchy— The  Sassanians.    Svo.  28*. 
Seebohm's  Oxford  Reformers — Colet,  Erasmus,  &  More.    Svo.  14*. 

Short* a  History  of  the  Church  of  England.    Crown  Svo.  7*.  6d. 
Smith's  Carthage  and  the  Carthaginians,    Crown  Svo.  10*.  6d. 
Taylor's  Manual  of  the  History  of  India.    Crown  Svo.  7*.  6d. 
Trevelyan's  Early  History  of  Charles  James  Fox.    Crown  Svo.  6*. 
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—  (Mrs.)  Letters  and  Memorials.    3  vols.  8vo.  36s. 
Oates's  Dictionary  of  General  Biography.    Medium  8vo.  28*. 
Fronde's  Luther,  a  short  Biography.    Crown  8vo.  Is. 

—  Thomas  Carlyle.    Vols.  1  &  2,  1795-1835.     8vo.  with  Portraits  and 

Plates,  32s. 

Gleig's  Life  of  the  Dnke  of  Wellington.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 

Halliwell-Phillipps's  Outlines  of  Shakespeare's  Life.    8vo.  7s.  Bd, 

Zoestlin's  Life  of  Martin  Luther,  translated  from  the  German,  with  40  Illus- 
trations. Large  crown  8vo.  16s. 

Lecky's  Leaders  of  Public  Opinion  in  Ireland.    Crown  8vo.  7s.  Bd. 

Life  (The)  and  Letters  of  Lord  Macaulay.  By  his  Nephew,  G.  Otto  Trevelyan, 
M.P.  Popular  Edition,  1  vol.  crown  8vo.  6s.  Cabinet  Edition,  2  vols.  post 
8vo.  12*.  Library  Edition,  2  vols.  8vo.  36*. 

Marshman's  Memoirs  of  Havelock.    Crown  8vo.  3*.  Bd. 

Memoir  of  Augustus  De  Morgan,    By  his  Wife.    8vo.  14s. 

Mendelssohn's  Letters.    Translated  by  Lady  Wallace.    2  vols.  cr.  8vo.  St.  each. 

Mill's  (John  Stuart)  Autobiography.    8vo.  7s.  Bd. 

Mozley's  Reminiscences  of  Oriel  College.    2  vols.  crown  8vo.  18s. 

Newman's  Apologia  pro  Vita  Sua.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 

Overton'a  Life  &c.  of  William  Law.    8vo.  15*. 

Skobeleff  &  the  Slavonic  Cause.    By  0.  K.    8vo.  Portrait,  14*. 

Sonthey's  Correspondence  with  Caroline  Bowles.    8vo.  14*. 

Spedding's  Letters  and  Life  of  Francis  Bacon.    7  vols.  8vo.  £4.  4s. 

Stephen's  Essays  in  Ecclesiastical  Biography.    Crown  8vo.  7*.  Bd. 

MENTAL   AND    POLITICAL    PHILOSOPHY. 

Ames's  View  of  the  Science  of  Jurisprudence.    8vo.  18s. 

—  Fifty  Years  of  the  English  Constitution,  1830-1880.    Crown  8vo.  10*.  Bd. 

—  Primer  of  the  English  Constitution.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 
Bacon's  Essays,  with  Annotations  by  Whately.    8vo.  10*.  Bd. 

—  Promus,  edited  by  Mrs.  H.  Pott.    8vo.  16s. 

—  Works,  edited  by  Spedding.    7  vols.  8vo.  73*.  Bd. 
Bagehot's  Economic  Studies,  edited  by  Hntton.    8vo.  10*.  Bd. 
Bain's  Logic,  Deductive  and  Inductive.    Crown  8vo.  10s.  Bd. 

PAKT  I.  Deduction,  4*.        |         PART  II.  Induction,  6*.  Bd. 
Bolland  &  Lang's  Aristotle's  Politics.    Crown  8vo.  7s.  Bd. 
Grant's  Ethics  of  Aristotle ;  Greek  Text,  English  Notes.    2  vols.  8vo.  32*. 
Hodgson's  Philosophy  of  Reflection.    2  vols.  8vo.  21s. 
Jefferies'  Autobiography,  The  Story  of  My  Heart.    Crown  8vo.  5s. 
Kaliach's  Path  and  Goal.    8vo.  12s.  Bd. 

Leslie's  Essays  in  Political  and  Moral  Philosophy.    8vo.  10s.  Bd. 
Lewis  on  Authority  in  Matters  of  Opinion.    8vo.  14*. 
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Macleod's  Economical  Philosophy.    Vol.  I.  8vo.  15*.    Vol.  H.  Part  1. 12*. 
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—  Examination  of  Hamilton's  Philosophy.    8vo.  16*. 

—  Logic,  Batiocinative  and  Inductive.    2  vols.  8vo.  25*. 

—  Principles  of  Political  Economy.    2  vols.  8vo.  30*.    1  vol.  crown  8vo.  6*. 

—  Subjection  of  Women.    Crowri  8vo.  61. 

—  Utilitarianism.    8vo.  5*. 

Miller's  (Mrs.  Fenwick)  Readings  in  Social  Economy.    Crown  8vo.  5s. 

Muller's  (Max)  Chips  from  a  German  Workshop.    4  vols.  8vo.  36*. 

Sandars's  Institutes  of  Justinian,  with  English  Notes.    8vo.  18*. 

Seebohm's  English  Village  Community.    8vo.  165. 

Beth  &  Haldane's  Philosophical  Essays.    8vo.  9*. 

Swinburne's  Picture  Logic.    Post  8vo.  6*. 

Thomson's  Outline  of  Necessary  Laws  of  Thought.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 

Tocqneville's  Democracy  in  America,  translated  by  Reeve.  2  vola.  crown  8vo.  16*. 

Twiss's  Law  of  Nations  in  Time  of  War.    Second  Edition,  8vo.  21*. 

Whately's  Blemeuts  of  Logic.    8vo.  10*.  6d.    Crown  8vo.  4*.  6d. 

—  —      —  Rhetoric.    8vo.  10*.  6d.    Crown  8vo.  4*.  6d. 

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Williams's  Nicomacbean  Ethics  of  Aristotle  translated.    Crown  8vo.  7*.  6d. 
Keller's  Histcry  of  Eclecticism  in  Greek  Philosophy.    Crown  8vo.  10*.  6<f. 

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—  Senses  and  the  Intellect.    8vo.  15*. 

Beaconsfield  (Lord),  The  Wit  and  Wisdom  of.    Crown  8vo.  3s.  6d. 
Becker's  Chariclei  and  Gallvt,  by  Metcalfe.    Post  8vo.  7*.  6d.  each. 
Blackley's  German  and  English  Dictionary.    Post  8vo.  7*.  6d. 
Contanseau's  Practical  French  &  English  Dictionary.    Post  8vo.  7*.  6rf. 

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Parrar's  Language  and  Languages.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 

Proude's  Short  Studies  on  Great  Subjects.    4  vola.  crown  8vo.  24*. 
Grant's  (Sir  A.)  Story  of  the  University  of  Edinburgh.    2  vols.  8vo.  365. 
Hobart's  Medical  Language  of  St.  Luke.    8vo.  IGs. 
Home's  Essays,  edited  by  Green  &  Grose.    2  vols.  8vo.  28*. 

—  Treatise  on  Human  Nature,  edited  by  Green  &  Grose.    2  vols.  8vo.  28*. 
Latham's  Handbook  of  the  English  Language.     Crown  8vo.  6*. 

LIddell  &  Scott's  Greek-Englisli  Lexicon.      4to.  36*. 

—  Abridged  Greek- English  Lexicon.    Square  12mo.  7*.  64. 
Longman's  Pocket  German  and  English  Dictionary.    18mo.  5*. 
MacanJay'9  Miscellaneous  Writings.    2  vols.  8vo.  21*.    1  vol.  crown  8vo.  4*.  6d. 

—  Miscellaneous  Writings  and  Speecb.es.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 

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Vol.  II.  the  Prose  Writers,  7s.  Gd. 
MiUard's  Grammar  of  Elocution.    Fcp.  8vo.  3*.  Gd. 
Milner's  Country  Pleasures.    Crown  fevo.  65. 
Mailer's  (Max)  Lectures  on  the  Science  of  Language.    2  vote,  crown  8vo.  16*. 

—  —     Lectures  on  India.    8vo.  125.  Gd. 
Owen'a  Evenings  with  the  Skeptics.    2  vols.    8vo,  32s. 

Rich's  Dictionary  of  Roman  and  Greek  Antiquities.    Crown  8vo.  7*.  Gd. 
Rogers's  Eclipse  of  Faith.    Fcp.  8vo.  6*. 

—  Defence  of  the  Eclipse  of  Faith    Fcp.  8vo.  3*.  Gd. 

Roget's  Thesaurus  of  English  Words  and  Phrases.    Crown  8vo.  10*.  Gd. 

Saltoun's  (Lord)  Scraps,  or  Memories  of  my  Earlier  Days.    2  vols.  cr.  8vo.  185. 

Selections  from  the  Writings  of  Lord  Macaulay.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 

Simcox's  Latin  Literature.    2  vols.  8vo.  325. 

White  &  Riddle's  Large  Latin-English  Dictionary.    4to.  21*. 

White's  Concise  Latin-English  Dictionary.     Royal  8vo.  12*. 

—  Junior  Student's  Lat.-Eng.  and  Eng.-Lat.  Dictionary.   Sq.  12mo.  12*. 

-„„..„..„  f  The  English-Latin  Dictionary,  5s.  Gd. 
beparareiy  -j  The  Latin-English  Dictionary,  7*.  Gd. 

Wilson's  Studies  of  Modern  Mind  &c.    8vo.  12s. 

Wit  and  Wisdom  of  the  Rev.  Sydney  Smith,    Crown  8vo.  3*.  Gd. 

Witt's  Myths  of  Hellas,  translated  by  F.  M.  Younghusband.    Crown  8vo.  35.  Gd. 

Yonge's  English-Greek  Lexicon.    Square  12mo.  8s.  Gd,    4to.  21*. 

The  Essays  and  Contributions  of  A.  K.  H.  B.    Crown  8vo. 

Anttunn  Holidays  of  a  Country  Parson.    3*.  Gd. 

Ohanged  Aspects  of  Unchanged  Truths.    3s.  Gd. 

Common-place  Philosopher  in  Town  and  Country.    3*.  Gd. 

Counsel  and  Comfort  spoken  from  a  City  Pulpit.    3*.  6d. 

Critical  Essays  of  a  Country  Parson.    8*.  Gd. 

Graver  Thoughts  of  a  Country  Parson.    Three  Series,  3*.  Gd.  each. 

Landscapes,  Churches,  and  Moralities.    3*.  Gd. 

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Our  Little  Life.    Essays  Consolatory  and  Domestic.    3s.  Gd. 

Present-day  Thoughts.    3*.  Gd. 

Recreations  of  a  Country  Parson.    Three  Series,  3*.  6d.  each. 

Seaside  Musings  on  Sundays  and  Week-Days.    3*.  Gd. 

Sunday  Afternoons  in  the  Parish  Church  of  a  University  City.    35.  Gd. 

ASTRONOMY,  METEOROLOGY,  GEOGRAPHY,  &.C. 

freeman's  Historical  Geography  of  Europe.    2  vols.  8vo.  31*.  Gd. 

-TerscheTs  Outlines  of  Astronomy.    Square  crown  8vo.  123. 

Seith  Johnston's  Dictionary  of  Geography,  or  General  Gazetteer.    8vo.  42*. 

Merrifield's  Treatise  on  Navigation.    Crown  Svo.  55. 

Ueison's  Work  on  the  Moon.    Medium  Svo.  31*.  Gd. 

Proctor's  Essays  on  Astronomy.    Svo.  12*.    Proctor's  Moon.    Crown  8vo.  10*.  6dt. 

—  Larger  Star  Atlas.    Folio,  15*.  or  Maps  only,  12 s.  Gd. 

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•—       Run.    Crown  Svo.  14s.    Universe  of  Stars.    Svo.  10*.  Gd, 

—  Transits  of  Venus,  Svo.  85.  Gd.    Studies  of  Venus-Transits,  Svo.  5*. 
Schellen's  Spectrum  Analysis,  translated  by  J.  &  C.  Lassell.    Svo.  28«. 
Smith's  Air  and  Rain.    Svo.  24*. 

The  Public  Schools  Atlas  of  Ancient  Geography.    Imperial  Svo.  7*.  Gd. 


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Webb's  Celestial  Objects  for  Common  Telescopes.    Crown  8vo.  9*. 

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Allen's  Flowers  and  their  Pedigrees.    Crown  8vo.  Woodcuts,  75.  Gd. 
Arnott's  Elements  of  Physics  or  Natural  Philosophy.    Crown  8vo.  12*.  6d. 
Brande's  Dictionary  of  Science,  Literature,  and  Art.    3  vols.  medium  8vo.  63*. 
Decaisne  and  Le  Maout's  General  System  of  Botany.    Imperial  8vo.  31*.  Gd. 
Dixon's  Rural  Bird  Life.    Crown  8vo.  Illustrations,  5s. 
Edmonds's  Elementary  Botany.    Fcp.  8vo.  2s. 
Evans's  Bronze  Implements  of  Great  Britain.    8vo.  255. 
Ganot's  Elementary  Treatise  on  Physics,  by  Atkinson.    Large  crown  8vo.  16*. 

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Goodeve's  Elements  of  Mechanism.    Crown  8vo.  65. 

—  Principles  of  Mechanics.    Crown  8vo.  65. 
Grove's  Correlation  of  Physical  Forces.    8vo.  16*. 

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Haughton's  Six  Lectures  on  Physical  Geography.    8vo.  15*. 

Beer's  Primaeval  World  of  Switzerland.    2  vols.  8vo.  12*. 
EekuLoltz's  Lectures  on  Scientific  Subjects.   2  vols.  cr.  8vo.  7*.  6d.  each. 
Hnllah's  Lectures  on  the  History  of  Modern  Music.    8vo.  8*.  6d. 

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Keller's  Lake  Dwellings  of  Switzerland,  by  Lee.    2  vols.  royal  8vo.  42*. 
Lloyd's  Treatise  on  Magnetism.    8vo.  10*.  Bd. 

London's  Encyclopaedia  of  Plants.    8vo.  42*. 

Lnbbock  on  the  Origin  of  Civilisation  &  Primitive  Cordition  of  Man.    8vo.  18*. 

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Owen's  Comparative  Anatomy  and  Physiology  of  the  Vertebrate  Animals.  8  vols. 

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Armstrong's  Organic  Chemistry,  3*.  Gd. 

Ball's  Astronomy,  6*. 

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Jenkin's  Electricity  and  Magnetism,  3*.  Gd. 

Maxwell's  Theory  of  Heat,  3*.  Gd. 

Merrifield's  Technical  Arithmetic  and  Mensuration.  3*.  6d. 

Miller's  Inorganic  Chemistry,  3*.  Gd.  [Continued  on  page  1. 


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Tilden's  Chemical  Philosophy,  3s.  Gd. 

Unwin'8  Machine  Design,  6*. 

Watson's  Plane  and  Solid  Geometry,  3*.  6<f. 
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—  Sound,  with  Frontispiece  &  203  ^Yoodcuts.    Crown  8vo.  105.  Gd. 
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Wood's  Bible  Animals.    With  112  Vignettes.    8vo.  10*.  Gd. 

—  Common  British  Insects.    Crown  8vo.  3*.  Gd. 

—  Homes  Without  Hands.    8vo.  10*.  Gd.    Insects  Abroad.    8vo.  105.  Gd. 

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—  Strange  Dwellings.  Crown  8vo.  5t.    Sunbeam  Edition,  4to.  Gd. 

CHEMISTRY    AND    PHYSIOLOGY. 

Bnckton's  Health  in  the  House,  Lectures  on  Elementary  Physiology.     Cr.  8vo.  2< 

Jago's  Inorganic  Chemistry,  Theoretical  and  Practical.    Fcp.  8vo.  2s. 

Miller's  Elements  of  Chemistry,  Theoretical  and  Practical.    3  vols.  8vo.    Part  1. 

Chemical  Physics,  16*.   Part  II.  Inorganic  Chemistry,  24*.   Part  III.  Organic 

Chemistry,  price  31*.  Gd. 

Reynolds's  Experimental  Chemistry.    Fcp.  8vo.  \  Part.1. 1*.  Gd.    Part  II.  2*.  Bd- 
Tilden's  Practical  Chemistry.    Fcp.  8vo.  1*.  Gd. 
Watts's  Dictionary  of  Chemistry.    9  vols.  medium  8vo.  £15.  2s.  Gd. 

THE    FINE    ARTS    AND    ILLUSTRATED    EDITIONS. 

Dresser's  Arts  and  Art  Manufactures  of  Japan.     Square  crown  8vo.  31s.  Gd. 
Bastlake's  (Lady)  Five  Great  Painters.    2  vols.  crown  8vo.  16*. 

—  Notes  on  the  Brera  Gallery,  Milan.    Crown  8vo.  5s. 

—  Notes  on  the  Louvre  Gallery,  Paris.    Crown  8vo.  7s.  Gd. 
Hulme's  Art-Instruction  in  England.    Fcp.  8vo.  3s.  Gd. 
Jameson's  Sacred  and  Legendary  Art.    6  vols.  square  crown  8vo. 

Legends  of  the  Madonna.    1  vol.  21*. 

—  —    —    Monastic  Orders.    1  vol.  21*. 

—  —    —    Saints  and  Martyrs.    2  vols.  31*.  Gd. 

—  —    —    Saviour.    Completed  by  Lady  Eastlake.    2  vols.  42*. 
Longman's  Three  Cathedrals  Dedicated  to  St.  Paul.    Square  crown  8vo.  21*. 
Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome,  illustrated  by  Scharf.    Fcp.  4to.  10*.  Gd. 
The  same,  with  Ivry  and  the  Armada,  illustrated  by  Weguelin.    Crown  8vo.  6*. 
Macfarren's  Lectures  on  Harmony.    8vo.  12*. 

Moore's  Irish  Melodies.    With  161  Plates  by  D.  Maclise,  R.A.    Super-royal  8vo.  81  *. 

—  Lalla  Rookh,  illustrated  by  Tenniel.    Square  crown  8vo.  10*.  6<Z. 

New  Testament  (The)  illustrated  with  Woodcuts  after  Paintings  by  the  Early 

Masters.    4to.  21,$.  cloth,  or  42*.  morocco. 
Perry  on  Greek  and  Roman   Sculpture.    With  280  Illustrations  engraved  on 

Wood.    Square  crown  8vo.  81*.  6d. 

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Bourne's  Catechism  of  the  Steam  Engine.    Fcp.  8vo.  6*. 

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—  Handbook  of  the  Steam  Engine.    Fcp.  8vo.  9a. 

—  Recent  Improvements  in  the  Steam  Engine.    Fcp.  8vo.  61. 

—  Treatise  on  the  Steam  Engine.    4to.  42*. 

Brassey's  British  Navy,  with  many  Illustrations.    5  vols.  royal  8vo.  24s.  C,7. 

Oresy's  Encyclopaedia  of  Civil  Engineering.    8vo.  25*. 

Galley's  Handbook  of  Practical  Telegraphy.    8vo.  16*. 

Eastlake's  Household  Taste  in  Furniture,  &c.    Square  crown  8vo.  14*. 

Fairbairn's  Useful  Information  for  Engineers.    3  vols.  crown  Svo.  31*.  6d. 

—       Mills  and  MiUwork.    1  vol.  8vo.  25*. 
Gwilt's  Encyclopaedia  of  Architecture.    Svo.  52*.  6d. 
Kerl's  Metallurgy,  adapted  by  Crookes  and  Rbhrig.    3  vols.  Svo.  £4. 19*. 
London's  Encyclopaedia  of  Agriculture.    Svo.  21*. 

—  —  —  Gardening.    Svo.  21*. 
Mitchell's  Manual  of  Practical  Assaying.    Svo.  31*.  6d. 
Northcott's  Lathes  and  Turning.    Svo.  18*. 

Payen's  Industrial  Chemistry    Edited  by  B.  H.  Paul,  Ph.D.    Svo.  42*. 
Piesse's  Art  of  Perfumery.    Fourth  Edition.    Square  crown  Svo.  21*. 
Bennett's  Treatise  on  the  Marine  Steam  Engine.    8vo.  21*. 
lire's  Dictionary  of  Arts,  Manufactures,  &.  Mines.    4  vols.  medium  Svo.  £?  T 
Ville  on  Artificial  Manures.    By  Crookes.    Svo.  21*. 


RELIGIOUS    AND    MORAL    WORKS. 

Abbey  &  Overton's  English  Church  in  the  Eighteenth  Century.    2  vols.  Svo.  36*. 

Arnold's  (Rev.  Dr.  Thomas)  Sermons.    6  vols.  crown  Svo.  5s.  each. 

Bishop  Jeremy  Taylor's  Entire  Works.    With  Life  by  Bishop  Heber.    Edited  by 

the  Rev.  C.  P.  Eden.    10  vols.  Svo.  £5.  5*. 
Bonltbee's  Commentary  on  the  39  Articles.    Crown  Svo.  6*. 

—       History  of  the  Church  of  England,  Pre-Reformation  Period.    Svo.  15*, 
Bray's  Elements  of  Morality.    Fcp.  Svo.  2*.  Qd. 
Browne's  (Bishop)  Exposition  of  the  39  Articles.    Svo.  16*. 
Calvert's  Wife's  Manual.    Crown  Svo.  6s. 
Christ  our  Ideal.    Svo.  8s.  6d. 

Oolenso's  Lectures  on  the  Pentateuch  and  the  Moabite  Stone.  Svo.  12*. 
'olenso  on  the  Pentateuch  and  Book  of  Joshua.    Crown  Svo.  6*. 
lender's  Handbook  of  the  Bible.    Post  Svo.  7*.  6d. 
Oonybeare  &  Howson'sLife  and  Letters  of  St.  Paul  :— 

Library  Edition,  with  all  the  Original  Illustrations,  Maps,  Landscapes  oa 
Steel,  Woodcuts,  &c.    2  vols.  4to.  42*. 

Intermediate  Edition,  with  a  Selection  of  Maps,  Plates,  and  Woodcuts. 
2  vols.  square  crown  Svo.  21*. 

Student's  Edition,  revised  and  condensed,  with  46  Illustrations  and  Maps. 
1  vol.  crown  Svo.  7*.  6d. 

Creighton's  History  of  the  Papacy  during  the  Reformation.    2  vols.  Svo.  32*. 
Davidson's'Introduction  to  the  Study  of  the  New  Testament.     2  vols.  Svo.  30*. 
Edersheim's  Life  and  Times  of  Jesus  the  Messiah.    2  vol?.  Svo.  42s. 


London,  LONGMANS  &  CO. 


General  Lists  of  New  Works. 


Ellicott's  (Bishop)  Commentary  on  St.  Paul's  Epistles.    8vo.    Galatians,  8s.  Bd. 

Ephesians,  8*.  Bd.    Pastoral  Epistles,  10*.  Bd.    Philippians,  Golosesians  aud 

Philemon,  10*.  6d.    Thessalonians,  7*.  6d. 
Bllicott's  Lectures  on  the  Life  of  our  Lord.    8vo.  12». 

—  Antiquities  of  Israel,  translated  by  Solly.    Svo.  12*.  6d. 
Ewald's  Christ  and  His  Time,  translated  by  J.  F.  Smith.    Svo.  16*. 

—  History  of  Israel,  translated  by  Carpenter  &  Smith.    6  vols.  8vo.  79*. 
Gospel  (The)  for  the  Nineteenth  Century.    4th  Edition.    8vo.  10*.  6d. 
Eopkins's  Christ  the  Consoler.    Fcp.  8vo.  2*.  Bd. 

Jukes'a  New  Man  and  the  Eternal  Life.    Crown  8vo.  6s. 

—  Second  Death  and  the  Restitution  of  all  Things.  Crown  Svo.  3*.  6d. 

—  Types  of  Genesis.    Crown  8vo.  7*.  6d. 

Kalisch's  Bible  Studies.   PART  I.  the  Prophecies  of  Balaam.    8vo.  10*.  Bd. 

—  —       —  PART  II.  the  Book  of  Jonah.    8vo.  10*.  6d. 

—  Historical  and  Critical  Commentary  on  the  Old  Testament;  with  a 
New   Translation.     Vol.  I.  Genesis,  8vo.  18*.  or  adapted  for  the  General 
Eeader,  12*.    Vol.  II.  Exodm,  15*.  or  adapted  for  the  General  Reader,  12*. 
Vol.  in.  Leviticus,    Part  I.  15*.  or  adapted  for  the   General  Reader,  8*. 
Vol.  IV.  Lemttcu*,  Part  II.  15*.  or  adapted  for  the  General  Reader,  8*. 

Keary's  Outlines  of  Primitive  Belief.    8vo.  18*. 

Lyra  Germanica  :  Hymns  translated  by  Miss  Winkworth.    Fcp.  8vo.  5*. 
Manning's  Temporal  Mission  of  the  Holy  Ghost.    Crown  8vo.  8s.  Bd. 
Martineau's  Endeavours  after  the  Christian  Life.    Crown  8vo.  7*.  6d. 

—  Hymns  of  Praise  and  Prayer.   Crown  8vo.  4*.  Bd.   32mo.  1«,  Bd. 

—  Sermons,  Hours  ot  Thought  on  Sacred  Things.    2  vols.  7*.  6d.  each. 
Mill's  Three  Essays  on  Religion.    8vo.  10*.  6d. 

Monsell's  Spiritual  Songs  for  Sundays  and  Holidays.    Pep.  8vo.  6*.    18mo.  S*. 
Miiller's  (Max)  Origin  &  Growth  of  Religion.    Crown  Svo.  7s.  Bd. 

—  —     Science  of  Religion.    Crown  Svo.  7*.  Bd. 
Newman's  Apologia  pro  Vit&  Sua.    Crown  Svo.  6*. 

Se  well's  (Miss)  Passing  Thoughts  on  Religion.    Fcp.  Svo.  3*.  6d. 

—  —      Preparation  for  the  Holy  Communion.    32mo.  3*. 
Seymour's  Hebrew  Psalter.    Crown  Svo.  2*.  Bd. 

Smith's  Voyage  and  Shipwreck  of  St.  Paul.    Crown  Svo.  7*.  6d. 
Supernatural  Religion.    Complete  Edition.    3  vols.  Svo.  36*. 
Whately's  Lessons  on  the  Christian  Evidences.    ISmo.  Bd. 
White's  Four  Gospels  in  Greek,  with  Greek-English  Lexicoa.    32mo.  5*, 

TRAVELS,   VOYAGES,   &c. 

Baker's  Eight  Years  in  Ceylon.    Crown  Svo.  7*.  Bd. 

—  Rifle  and  Hound  in  Ceylon.    Crown  Svo.  7s.  B4. 

Ball's  Alpine  Guide.  3  vols. post  Svo.   with  Maps  and  Illustrations  :— I.  Western 

Alps,  6*.  6d.    II.  Central  Alps,  7*.  6d.    III.  Eastern  Alps,  10*.  «d. 
Ball  on  Alpine  Travelling,  and  on  the  Geology  of  the  Alps,  1*. 
Bras?ey's  Sunshine  and  Storm  in  the  East.     Crown  Svo.  7*.  Bd. 

—  Voyage  in  the  Yacht  '  Sunbeam.'  Crown  Svo.  7*.  Bd.    School  Edition, 
fcp.  Svo.  2*.    Popular  Edition,  4to.  Bd. 

Freeman's  Impressions  of  the  United  States  of  America.    Crown  Svo.  6*. 
Hassall's  San  Remo  Climatically  considered.    Crown  Svo.  5s. 
Miller  s  Wintering  in  the  Riviera.     Post  Svo.  Illustrations.  7*.  Bd. 


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10  General  Lists  of  New  Works. 


The  Alpine  Club  Map  of  Switzerland.    In  Four  Sheets.    42*. 
Three  in  Norway.    By  Two  of  Them.    Crown  8vo.  Illr"*   .tiona,  6*. 
Weld's  Sacred  Palmlands.    Crown  8vo.  10s.  $d. 

WORKS    OF    FICTION. 

Arden.    By  A.  Mary  F.  L  jinson.    2  vols.  crown  8vo.  12s. 

Aut  Caesar  aut  Nihil.    By  the  Countess  von  Bothmer.     3  vols.  crown  8\      21s. 

Because  of  the  Angels.    By  M.  Hope.    2  vols.  crown  Svo.  12s. 

Brabourne's  (Lord)  Higgledy-Piggledy.    Crown  8vo.  3*.  6<i. 

—        Whispers  from  Fairy  Land.    Crown  8vo.  3s.  6d. 
Cabinet  Edition  of  Novels  and  Tales  by  tl  e  Earl  of  Beaconsfleld,  E.G.  ils. 

crown  8vo.  price  6*.  each. 
Cabinet  Edition  of  Stories  and  Tales  by  Miss  Sewell.     Crown  8vo.  clowi  e      n , 

gilt  edges,  price  3s.  Bd.  each  :— 


Amy  Herbert.    Cleve  Hall. 
The  Earl's  Daughter. 
Experience  of  Life. 


A  Glimpse  of  the  World. 
Katharine  Ashton. 
Laneton  Parsonage. 


Gertrude.    Ivors.  Margaret  Percival. 

Novels  and  Tales  by  the  Earl  of  Beacon.     Id,  K.G.    Hughenden  Edition,  wi 

Portraits  on  Steel  and  11  Vignettes  on  Wood.    11  vols.  crown  8vo.  £*,  * 
The  Modern  Novelist's  Library.    Each  Woi"--  in  crown  8vo.    A  Single  Volr 

complete  in  itself,  price  2 s.  boards,  or  2s.    *.  cloth  : — 


By  the  Earl  of  Beaconsfield,  E.G. 
Lothair.    Coningsby. 
Sybil.    Tancred. 
Venetia.    Henrietta  Temple. 
Contarini  Fleming. 
Alroy,  Ixion,  &c. 
The  Young  Duke,  <&c. 
Vivian  Grey.    Endymfon. 


ByBretHarte.  TheQuee,       Caries. 


In  the  Carquinez  Woods. 

By  Mrs.  Oliphant. 

In  Trust,  the  Story  of  a  Lady 
and  her  Lover. 

By  Anthony  Trollope. 
Barchester  Towers. 
The  Warden. 


F-    'ajor Whyte-Melville. 
^igby  Grand. 
'General  Bounce. 
te  Coventry. 
V  .e  Gladiators. 
Good  for  Nothing. 
Holmby  House. 
The  Interrupter. 


By  Various 


The  AteL  ;r  r<u  ^ys. 

Ather&tone  T  *ory. 

The  Burg.;.,      JK  3  family. 

Elsa  and  1:  JT  Vulture. 

Mademoiselle  Mori. 

The  Six  Sisters  of  the  Vi  ">ey9. 

Unawares. 


Novels  and  Tales  of  the  Earl  of  Beaconsfield,  K.G.    Modern  Novelist'9  Library 

Edition,  complete  in  11  vols.  crown  8vo.  price  £1.  13*.  cloth  extr' 
In  the  Olden  Time.  By  the  Author  of '  Mademoiselle  Mori.'    Crown  Si; , 
Messer  Agnolo's  Household.    By  Leader  Scott.     Crown  8vo.  6*. 
Thicker  than  Water,    By  James  Payn.    3  vols.  21*. 
Under  Sunny  Skies.    By  the  Author  of  '  Robert  Forrester.'    2  vols.  12*. 
Whom  Nature  Leadeth.    By  G.  Noel  Hatton.    3  vols.  21*. 

POETRY  AND   THE    DRAMA. 

Bailey's  Festus,  a  Poem.    Crown  8vo.  12*.  6d. 

Bowdler's  Family  Shakspeare.    Medium  8vo.  14*.    6  vols.  fcp.  8vo.  21*. 

Cayley's  Iliad  of  Homer,  Homometrically  translated.    8vo.  12*.  64. 


London,  LONGMANS  &  CO. 


0 


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History  of  England  under 
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