Full text of "The history of England, from the accession to the decease of King George the Third"

THE

\ I '

HISTORY

ENGLAND,

FROM THE

ACCESSION TO THE DECEASE

KING GEORGE THE THIRD.

BY JOHN ADOLPHUS, ESQ.

VOL. II.

LONDON :

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR,
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PREFACE

THE SECOND VOLUME.

I THINK it necessary to introduce this volume by a
words of observation. Its appearance has been
delayed much more than I could reasonably have ex-
pected ; but the cause has been a laborious research
in the State-paper Office, for materials to render the
work more correct.

An error in the first volume, p. 180, has been
pointed out to me : I have said that Mr. Pratt, Chief
Justice of the Common Pleas, was made a peer by the
title of Earl Camden ; he was created a Baron, and
did not attain the higher title till 1786.

While that volume was in the press, a pamphlet
on the subject of Falkland's Islands was published by
Mr. L. B. Mackinnon, describing them in 1 838 and 1839,
with a climate, possibilities of commercial and agricul-
tural advantages, and productions both vegetable and
animal, very different from those which, relying on
the best authorities, I had attributed to them. How
much the aspect of this territory may have been
changed in a period of seventy years is not worth much
inquiry ; but it is important to ascertain that, as we
did not enter into the contest with Spain without
abundant cause, we did not relinquish it without am-
ple satisfaction, and did not tarnish our honour by any
clandestine compact to renounce the territory for which
we had been contending.

Dr. Johnson was perfectly right in maintaining
that Falkland's Islands, as a possession, were not worth
the hazard and cost of a war ; but, as a point of honour,
a much less object would have been a justification.
Our honourable feelings were fully appeased by the

IV PREFACE.

cession of the territory and the disavowal of Buccarelli's
proceedings ; to have required his punishment in any
form, would have been a degrading display of vindic-
tiveness.

But the point most insisted on, is a secret covenant,
that the place should be evacuated by Great Britain,\vhen
her honour had been appeased by the surrender. This
fiction was promulgated by the influence of party at
the time of the dispute ; but its value may be ascer-
tained from a communication of Lord Rochford to Mr.
Harris (8th March 1771), after the final arrangement
had been made. " The Spanish ambassador," he says,
" has pressed to have some hopes given him of our agree-
" ing to a mutual abandoning of Falkland's Islands.
" I replied, that the restitution must precede every
" discourse relating to them. Grimaldi is much out
" of credit and out of temper about this affair : he is
" equally reproached for rashness in beginning, and
" pusillanimity in ending the contest."

As to the value of the territory. The Spaniards,
in their jealousy of every thing which might interfere
with their sovereignty over South America and mono-
poly of its commerce, fixed on it much more than its
just estimate. Representations were made to the
English government to encourage settlements and
commercial establishments ; but they were vague and
unimportant. The agricultural value of the islands
was never insisted on ; but, among other things, it was
surmised that a plant had been discovered, which
would be of great use to dyers, as a substitute for the
lichen called Orchil or Archil, used by them in pro-
ducing or fixing purple tints, and imported at great
expense from Cape Verd and the Canaries. This
intimation, disclosed in 1773, was declared not to be
new, and rejected as impracticable. Taking a just
view of the advantages to be derived from the posses-
sion, and the expense of maintaining it, government
found that a sloop of war, with one hundred and
twenty-five men, constantly stationed at Port Egmont,
although utterly insufficient to protect it from hostile
attack, would cause an annual expense of 10,120;

PREFACE.

while a force of fifty men, seamen and marines, quite
adequate to support the claim of right, , would cost
only 3,552 a year, and this course was therefore
preferred.

In proof that Falkland's Islands were never sup-
posed to have any intrinsic worth, it may be observed
that they never were the object of enterprize in war,
nor of discussion in any negotiation for peace.

In these observations, I endeavour only to shew
that the measures pursued by government in 1771 were
neither dishonourable nor unwise. If the facts stated
by Mr. Mackinnon are correct, it will remain to be
considered hereafter, how far the islands, hitherto
deemed barren and unprofitable, may be rendered
valuable and important as a settlement.

CONTENTS

THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER XXI.
17731774.

King's speech at the close of the session, 3. View of the war
between Russia and the Porte, ib. Commencement of hos-
tilities, ib. Destruction of the Turkish fleet, 4. Jealousy
of France, ib. Congress at Fokshiani, ib. Preparations of
France, ib. Augmentation of the British naval force, 5.
French minister eager for war, 6. The King averse, ib.
Preparations at Brest, ib. Conference of Lord Stormont
with the French minister, ib. Armament at Brest discon-
tinued, 7. New one at Toulon, ib. Preparations in En-
gland, ib. Second Conference of the British ambassador
with the French minister, 8. Memorial to the French
court, ib. French deterred from hostilities, 9. Prepara-
tions mutually suspended, ib. Conduct of Lord Stormont
highly approved, ib. Resolutions passed by the City of
London respecting the duration of Parliament, 9. Address
and remonstrance to the King, 10. Efforts to revive
Wilkes's popularity, ib. He moves an address, ib. which
is negatived, 11. Wilkes's aspersions on the Lord Mayor,
ib. State of Ireland, ib. Meeting of the Irish Parliament,
ib. House surrounded by a mob, 12. Addresses opposed,
ib. Protest, ib. Resignation of Mr. Ponsonby,ib. Efforts
of opposition, ib. Proceedings in the ensuing session, 13.
Addresses opposed, ib. Protest, ib. Strenuous exertions
of opposition, ib. Money Bill amended in England re-
jected in Ireland, 14. Alterations in the establishment of
revenue officers, ib. Hearts of Steel, 15. Loan negotiated,
16. Termination of the session, ib. Lord Townshend re-
called, ib. Lord Harcourt lord-lieutenant, ib. Affairs of
America, 17. Contest of Massachuset's Bay with Governor
Hutchinson, ib. Taxation of revenue officers, ib. Address

Vlll CONTENTS.

of the Assembly, 18. Remonstrance, ib. Assembly pro-
rogued, ib. Progress of opposition, 19. Influence in the
Assembly, 20. Dependent state of the Judges, 21.
Governors prohibited from receiving presents, ib. Pro-
ceedings of the Assembly, 22. Legislature removed back
to Boston, ib. Tumultuous state of that town, ib. Reve-
nue officers insulted, ib. Burning of the schooner Gaspee,
23. Report of the intention to fix the salaries of the Judges,
ib. Town meeting, ib. Message to the Governor, ib.
Corresponding Committees appointed, 24. Observations
on them, ib. The Committee frame a declaration of rights,
25. Address to the people, ib. Meeting of the legislature,
26. They deny the legislative authority of Parliament, ib.
Messages respecting the salaries of Judges, ib. Hutchin-
son assents to the act of the Assembly, 27. Further grants
voted which the Governor refuses to sanction, ib. Activity
of the Committees of Correspondence, 28. Publication of
the letters of Hutchinson and Bernard, ib. Their charac-
ters, 29. Proceedings of the Assembly, ib. Effect of the
act for exporting tea, 30. Proceedings at Boston, ib. Ar-
rival of a ship, 31. Body meeting, ib. Tea thrown into
the sea, 32. Proceedings in other provinces, ib. Impeach-
ment of the Chief Justice, ib. His letter, 33. Assembly
dissolved, ib. Massachuset's petition, ib. Account of
Hutchinson and Bernard's letters and manner of obtaining
them, 34. Their effect in America, 38. Duel between
Mr. Whately and Mr. Temple, 39. Dr. Franklin's letter,
ib. Proceedings in the Privy Council, 40.- Mr. Wedder-
burne's speech, 42. Decision of the Privy Council, 45.-
Observations, 46. Bill filed in Chancery against Franklin,
47. Examination of his conduct and motives, 48.

CHAPTER XXII.
1774.

Meeting of Parliament, 51. King's speech, ib. Peace esta-
blishment, 52. Woodfall and Home brought before the
House of Commons, ib. and discharged, 54. Mr. Fox
complains of a libel, ib. Prosecution of it ordered, 56.
Grenville Act made perpetual, 56. Alderman Sawbridge's
annual motion, 57. American papers laid before Parlia-
ment, 58. King's message, ib. Bill for shutting Boston
port, 59. Opposed by Mr. Dowdeswell, 60. Petition of
Americans in London, ib. Amendment moved, 61. re-
jected, 62. Opposition on the third reading, ib. Oppo-

CONTENTS. IX

sition in the House of Lords, 65. Bill passed, 66. Bill
for regulating the government of Massachuset's Bay, ib.
Lord North's speech, ib. Lord George Germaine's sug-
gestion, 68. Debates on the bill, ib. Debate on the third
reading, 72. Opposition in the House of Lords, 76.
Protest, ib. Bill for impartial administration of justice, 77.
Committee, 82. In the House of Lords, ib. Protest, 83.
Second petition of the Americans in London, 83. Motion
for the repeal of the duty on tea, 85. Burke's celebrated
speech, 86. Observations, 89.- Motion rejected, ib. 'Lord
Chatham's speech on American affairs, ib. Bill for the
government of Canada, 91. View of the bill, 92. Bill
brought into the House of Lords, 94. Opposition, ib.
Answer, 95. Petition of the Penn family, 96. Opposition
on the subject of religion, ib. Petition from the City, 97.
Opposition on the subject of law, ib. Petition of the Ca-
nada merchants in London, 98. Evidence, ib. Debates
in the Lords, ib. Petition to the King, 100. Other acts
of Parliament, ib. Debates on the budget, ib. Gold coin,
101. King's speech on concluding the session, ib.

CHAPTER XXIII.
17731774.

Disposition of the people of Massachuset's Bay, 102. Their
contumacious proceedings, 103. General Gage appointed
Governor, ib. Arrival and effect of the Boston port act,
104. Town meeting, ib. The cause of Boston espoused
by Virginia, 105. Assembly dissolved, 106. Annual Con-
gress recommended, ib. Proceedings in Philadelphia, ib.
and other colonies, ib. Proceedings of the Assembly of
Massachuset's Bay, 107. Effect of the conduct of other
colonies, ib. Address to the Governor, ib. Members ap-
pointed to Congress, 108. Committee appointed to frame
recommendations, ib. Dissolution of the Assembly, ib.
Town meeting at Boston, 109. Address of the merchants
of Salem to the Governor, 109. His answer, ib. Solemn
league and covenant, 1 10. Gage's proclamation, ib. Ef-
forts at conciliation, ib. Drafts of the other bills arrive,
111. their effect, ib. Arrival of troops, ib. Alarm on
placing a guard at Boston Neck, ib. New council formed,
112. Law business suspended, ib. Militia disarmed, 113.
Stores seized, ib. Public resentment, ib. Gage's exer-
tions, ib. Boston Neck fortified, ib. Outrages of the
people, ib. They arm, ib. Suffolk meeting, 114. Their

CONTENTS.

remonstrance to Gage, 1 15. His answer, ib. The Assem-
bly meet in defiance of the Governor, 116. Resolve them-
selves into a provincial Congress, ib. Their remonstrance,
ib. His answer, 117. Their further proceedings, ib.
Gage's proclamation against them, 117. Sitting of the ge-
neral Congress at Philadelphia, 118. Its formation, ib.
Mode of voting, ib. Secrecy in debate, 1 19.- -Terms of in-
structions, ib. The Congress approve the resolutions of the
Suffolk meeting, ib. Further recommendations, ib. De-
claration of rights, 120. Non-consumption association, 122.
Address to the people of Great Britain, ib. Address to the
colonies, 123. Address to the people of Quebec, 124.
Petition to the King, ib. Instructions to their agents, 126.
Dissolution, ib. Observations on their proceedings, ib.
Effects of the Congress, 130. Royal proclamation, 131.
Insurrection at Rhode Island, ib. and in New Hampshire,
ib.

CHAPTER XXIV.
1774.

View of government and opposition, 132. The Americans'
real aim, independency, 133. Effects of Corresponding
Committees, ib. Of the proceedings in Massachuset's Bay,
134. Of the acquisition of Canada, ib. Of the proceed-
ings of Congress, ib. Of the efforts of opposition, 135.
Of the acts of last session, ib. Of the debates on them, ib.
Error of considering the tax on tea the real cause of dis-
turbances, 137. First effects of the Boston port act, ib.
Publications in England, 138. Plan of union proposed by
Mr. Galloway, 141. Its fate, 142. Opinion of govern-
ment, ib. Irresolution of ministry, ib. Dissolution of
Parliament, ib. Tests proposed, 143. Characters of lead-
ing men, ib. Lord Mansfield, ib. Lord Sandwich, 145.
Lord Hillsborough, 147. Lord Gower, ib. Lord Dart-
mouth, ib. Lords in opposition, ib. Lord Chatham, ib.
The Marquis of Rockingham, 148. The Duke of Rich-
mond, ib. Lord Shelburne, 149. Lord Camden, ib.
The Dukes of Devonshire and Portland, ib. In the lower
House, ib. Mr. Rigby, ib. Sir Gilbert Elliott, ib. Sir
Grey Cooper, ib. Mr. Dundas, 150. Mr. Jenkinson, ib.
Mr. Thurlow, ib. Mr. Wedderburne, ib. Opposition, ib.
Serjeant Glynn, ib. Mr. Dunning, 151. Sir George Sa-
vile, ib. Colonel Barr6, ib. Mr. Burke, ib. Mr. Charles
Fox, 153.

CONTENTS. XI

CHAPTER XXV.
17741775.

Meeting of Parliament, 158. King's Speech, ib. Motion for
an address, ib. Amendment proposed, ib. Lords' protest,
ib. In the House of Commons, 159. Seamen reduced, ib.
Fresh intelligence received, 160. Attempts to make ar-
rangements through Dr. Franklin, ib. Papers laid before
Parliament, 162. Lord Chatham's motion for removal of
troops, ib. Supported, 168. Opposed, 169. Negatived,
1 70. --Lord Chatham brings in a bill, ib. Heads of the
intended Bill, 171. Debate, 172. Proposal of Lord Dart-
mouth, ib. Opposition of Lord Sandwich, ib. Opposition
of other Lords, 173. The Duke of Grafton, ib. Bill sup-
ported, ib. Personal altercation, 174. Intemperate speech
of Lord Chatham, ib. Reply of ministers, ib. Petitions
in favour of the Americans, 176. Petition of Dr. Franklin
and others, 177. Rejected, ib. Committee on the Ame-
rican papers, ib. Motion for an address, 178. Amend-
ment moved, ib. Motion to recommit the address, 179.
Irresolution of the minister, 180. Conference, ib. Debate
in the House of Lords, ib. Original motion carried, 183.
Protests, 184. Augmentation of forces, ib. New England
restraining bill, ib. Opposition, 185. Petitions, ib. Evi-
dence, ib. Debate on the third reading, ib. Opposition
in the House of Lords, 186. Amendment, 187. Confer-
ence, ib. Amendment withdrawn, ib. Protest, ib. Bill
for restraining other colonies, ib. Bounties to Ireland, 188.
Intimacy between Lord Chatham and Dr. Franklin, ib.
Further attempt at negotiation, 189. Lord North's Con-
ciliatory propositions, ib. His speech, ib. Debate, 190.
Governor Pownall supports the measure, ib. Speech of
Mr. Fox, 191. Mr. Jenkinson, 192. Motion for Chair-
man to leave the chair, ib. Embarrassment of the minister,
ib. Extricated by Sir Gilbert Elliott, ib. Resolution
agreed to, 194. Burke's motion, ib. His speech, 195.
Debate, 201. Propositions rejected, 202. Mr. Hartley's
plan, ib. Negatived, ib. New York remonstrance, 202.
Rejected, 203. -In the House of Lords, ib. Attempts to
repeal the Quebec act, 204. Proceedings of the Lords
respecting exclusion of strangers, ib. In the House of
Commons, ib. Alderman Sawbridge's motion, 205.
Speech of Mr. Wilkes, ib. Mr. Wilkes's motion on his
expulsion, ib. Other proceedings, 207 Prorogation, ib.

Xll CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXVI.
177417751776.

State of Boston, 209. American force and character under-
valued, ib. Gage insufficiently reinforced, 210. -Conduct
of New York, 211. Effect of the King's speech, 212.-
Meeting of the Provincial Congress of Massachuset's Bay,
ib. Proceedings in other provinces, 213. Pennsylvania,
ib. Virginia Connecticut -Maryland, ib. Attempt to
seize cannon at Salem, ib. Expedition to Concord, 214.
Hostilities at Lexington, ib. Stores destroyed at Concord,
ib. The troops harassed in their return, 215. Observa-
tions and view of the contradictory statements, ib. Effects
of the event, 216. Boston blockaded by the Americans,
217. Gage permits families to quit Boston, ib. but after-
ward restrains them, 218. Exertions of the Provincial
Congress, ib. Conduct of other provinces, ib. New York,
219. Philadelphia, ib. Exportation of provisions pro-
hibited, ib. Conciliatory propositions referred to the As-
sembly of Pennsylvania, ib. and rejected, ib. Rejected
also in other provinces, 220.- Sitting of the General Con-
gress, ib. Their first measures, ib. Arrival of reinforce-
ments, 221. Gage's proclamation, 222. Americans fortify
Bunker's Hill, 223. Stormed by the English, ib. Bravery
of the troops, 224. Observations on the action, 225. Un-
important results, ib. Proceedings of Congress, 226.
PoAver exercised by Congress, ib. Georgia accedes, 227.
Washington appointed Commander-in-Chief, ib. His re-
ception in the camp, 229. Declaration of Congress, ib.
Inertness of the British army, 231. Address of Congress
to the legislature of Jamaica, 232. They reject the conci-
liatory propositions, ib. Expedition against Canada, 233.
Capture of Ticonderoga, ib. Crown Point Skenesbo-
rough and the sloop Enterprize, ib. Dissimulation of Con-
gress, 234. Their address to the people of Canada, ib.
Application of Arnold, ib. Exertions of General Carleton,
235. Representations of Congress, ib. Invasion of Ca-
nada, 236. St. John's, ib. Address to the people, ib.
Siege of St. John's, ib. Chamble'e captured, ib. St.
John's capitulates, ib. Ethan Allen taken prisoner, 237.
Montreal evacuated, ib. Expedition through the Wilder-
ness, ib. Maclean defends Quebec, 238. Arnold repulsed,
ib. Exertions of Carleton, ib. Judicious proceedings of
Montgomery, 239. Joins in besieging Quebec, ib. State
of the Americans, ib. Assault of the city, 240. Montgo-

CONTENTS. Xlll

mory killed, ib. Arnold wounded, 241. His division
taken prisoners, ib. Siege converted into a blockade, ib.
Eulogies of Montgomery, ib. Transactions in Virginia,
242. Contest of the people with the Governor, 243. Lord
North's propositions rejected, ib. Lord Dunmore retires
on board a man of war, 244. Assembly adjourned, ib.
Convention of delegates, ib. Lord Dunmore assaulted, ib.
He carries on a predatory war, ib. Proclaims martial law,
245. Emancipates slaves, ib. Effects of this measure, ib.
Royal standard erected at Norfolk, ib. Failure at the great
bridge, ib. Town of Norfolk burned, 246. Lord Dun-
more abandons the colony, ib. Project of Connelly, ib.
He is betrayed, and the enterprize frustrated, 247. North
Carolina, ib. The Governor driven away, ib. South
Carolina, ib. Ascendancy of Congress, 248. Gage re-
called, 249. Americans issue Letters of Marque, ib. Fal-
mouth destroyed, 250. General view, ib.

CHAPTER XXVII.
17751776.

Proceedings in the City of London, 252 Address to the
King, 253 His answer, ib. Message to the Lord Mayor,
254. Wilkes's answer, ib. Proceedings of the Common
Hall, ib. Remonstrance voted, ib. The King refuses to
receive it on the throne, ib. Further proceedings, ib.
Address of Congress to the people of Great Britain, 255
To the people of Ireland, ib. Proclamation against rebel-
lion, 256. Petition of Congress to the King, ib. Answer,
258. Effect of the answer, ib. Popularity of the measures
of government, 259. King's speech in Parliament, ib.
City petition, 261. Nova Scotia petition, ib. Address
proposed, 262. Amendment moved, ib. rejected, 263.
Protest, ib. House of Commons, ib. Defence of govern-
ment, 264. Debate on the employment of foreign troops
in garrisons, 265.- -Bill of indemnity, 266. Motion in the
House of Lords, 266. Bill rejected, 267. Sir James
Lowther's motion, ib. Bill for assembling the militia, ib.
Estimates, 269. Motion of the Duke of Grafton, ib. Ob-
jected to, 270. Dispute with America censured, ib.
Defended by Lord Mansfield, ib. Land Tax proposed,
273. Nova Scotia petition, 274. Debates on the petition
of Congress to the King, ib. Mr. Penn examined, 275.
The Duke of Richmond's motion, 276 Negatived, 278.
Burke's Conciliatory Bill, ib. Opposed by Governor

CONTENTS.

Pownall, 281. Hartley's propositions, 283. Rejected,
285. Bill for prohibiting commercial intercourse with
America, ib. Debated in the House of Lords, 288. Pro-
test, ib. Lord Mansfield, ib. Eecess, 290. Changes in
administration, ib. Lord George Germaine, Secretary of
State for America, 291. His character, ib. Other changes,
292. Despondency of administration, ib.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
17751776.

State of Ireland, 293. Effect of the American contest, ib.
Money bill rejected, 294. Contract respecting troops, ib.
Debated in the British Parliament, 295. On the treaties
with German Princes, 297. In the House of Lords, 300.
Debate on the army extraordinaries, 304. The Duke of
Grafton's conciliatory propositions, 305 lost, 310. Mr.
Hartley's proposition, ib. Sawbridge's motion, ib. Mr.
Fox's motion for a committee of inquiry, ib rejected, 311.
Miscellaneous transactions, 312. Wilkes's motion for a
reform of Parliament, 312. Trial of the Duchess of King-
ston, 312. Motion for inspection of the powers of commis-
sioners, ib. against prorogation, ib. King's speech, 313.
View of the conduct and politics of foreign powers, ib.
France, 314. Austria, 317. Prussia, 318. Negotiations
with Russia, 321. Application to Russia for troops, 326.
Intrigues of the King of Prussia, 329. State of the press
in England, 331. Dr. Price's publication, ib. Its effects,
332. Re-establishment of tranquillity in the city, ib.

CHAPTER XXIX.
177517761777.

America. Efforts of General Howe, 335. State of the Ame-
rican army, ib. Their wants, 336. Inactivity of the Bri-
tish army, ib. Prudence of Washington, 337. He takes
possession of Dorchester Heights, ib. Evacuation of Bos-
ton, 338. Severities of Washington, ib. Observations, ib.
Campaign in Canada, 339. Exertions of Congress, ib.
of Arnold, 340. Carleton makes a sally, ib. Blockade
of Quebec raised, 341. Carleton's humanity, ib. Action
at Trois Rivieres, ib. Americans evacuate Canada, 342.
Great exertions of both armies to prepare a fleet, ib. Close

CONTENTS, XV

of the campaign in Canada, 344. Pi'oceedings in North
Carolina, 345. Defeat of the loyalists, ib. Expedition to
Brunswick, ib. Unsuccessful attempt on Sullivan's Island,
348. Proceedings in Congress, 348. Efforts to obtain In-
dependence, ib. Publications, 349. Common sense, ib.
Mobs, ib. Influence used in Congress, ib. Recommenda-
tion to the colonies to new model their governments, 350.
Proceedings, ib. in Maryland, ib. in Philadelphia, ib.
Virginia, 351. Declaration of Rights, 352. Discussion
of the question of independency, ib. It is carried, ib.
Declaration of independency, 353. Effects of publishing
it, 355. Its reception by the people, 356 and army, ib.
Exultation of some members of Congress, ib. State of the
American army, ib. Prudent conduct of Washington, 357.
British plan of campaign, 358. Arrival of Lord Howe,
359. His letter to Franklin, 360. Attempt to negotiate
with Washington, ib. Circular letter, ib. Further efforts
to negotiate, 361. Dr. Franklin's answer, ib. Battle of
Brooklyn, 364. Retreat of the Americans to New York,
366. Renewed negotiation, 367. Committee of Congress
sent to confer with the British commissioners, 369. De-
claration of the commissioners, 371. Preparations for the
attack of New York, 372. Capture of the city, 373. It
is set on fire by American incendiaries, 374. Unsuccess-
ful efforts to bring Washington to action, 375. Battle of
White Plains, 376. Capture of Fort Washington, 377.
Successful invasion of New Jersey, 378. Disposition of
the British troops in winter quarters, ib. Expedition to
Rhode Island, ib. Proclamation by the Howes, 379 Cap-
ture of General Lee, ib. Exertions of Congress, 381.
Articles of confederation, ib. Other measures, ib. They
retire to Baltimore, 382. Miserable state of the army, ib.
Hessians stationed at Trenton, 385. Surprised by Wash-
ington, ib. Lord Cornwallis returns to the army, 387.
Washington surprises Princeton, ib. and recovers the
Jerseys, 389. Observations on the campaign, ib.

CHAPTER XXX.
17761777.

Meeting of Parliament, 392. King's speech, ib. Address
moved and amendment proposed, 393. Argument against
it, ib. Difference of opinion among the opposition, 396.
Lord Shelburne, ib. The Duke of Richmond, ib. Lord
Sandwich, ib. Amendment moved in the House of Com-

XVI CONTENTS.

mons, 397. Arguments in support of it, ib. Arguments
against it, 401. Debate on the proclamation at New York,
402. Partial secession of opposition, 405. Recess, 407.
Attempt to burn the royal arsenal, ib. Bill for suspending
the Habeas Corpus Act, 408. Lord North, ib. Mr. Dun-
ning, ib. Mr. Fox, 409. Mr. Thurlow, 410. Amended
in the committee, ib. Act for issuing letters of marque,
411. Lord Chatham's motion respecting America, ib. 're-
jected, 416. Debates on the navy, ib. Mr. Temple
Luttrell's motion for manning the navy, ib. Debates on
taxes and supplies, 417. King's message respecting the
arrears of the civil list, 418. Debates in the committee,
ib. Supply granted, ib. Debate and protest in the Lords,
423. Speech of Sir Fletcher Norton on presenting the bill
to the King, 424. He is thanked by the House, ib. De-
bate on the subject, ib. The Speaker's conduct more deci-
sively approved, 425. Close of the session, 426. King's
speech, ib. State of the public mind, ib. State and views
of foreign powers, 427. France, ib. Silas Deane's mis-
sion to France, 431. Money advanced by the French
government, 432. Dr. Franklin sent to France, 433.
Necker minister of Finance, 436. Conduct of other courts,
437. Choiseul, or war party, 438. Arrival and conduct
of the Emperor, 439. Efforts of the Americans to obtain
officers, 440. M. le Marquis De la Fayette, ib. Obser-
vations, 442.

CHAPTER XXXI.
17761777.

Extensive powers granted to Washington, 445. He recom-
mends an oath of allegiance, 446. His proclamation, ib.
State of his army, 447. Corps of loyal provincials raised,
ib. The Americans supplied with arms from France, 448.
Expeditions of the English, ib. To Peek's Kill, ib.
Danbury, ib. and other places, 449. American expedition
to Sagg's Harbour, 450. Difficulty of recruiting their army,
ib. Movement of Washington, 451. Motion of the British
army, ib. Howe makes a feigned retreat, 452. Action
near Quibbletown, ib. Howe evacuates the Jerseys, ib.
Capture of General Prescott, ib. The British army embarks
for the Delaware, 453. Landed at the head of Elk, ib.
Howe's Declaration, 454. Battle of Brandywine, ib.
Efforts of the Americans to defend Philadelphia, 456.
Surprize of General Wayne, ib. Capture of Philadelphia,
ib. Strong defence of the Delaware, 457. Billingsport

CONTENTS. XV11

taken, 458. Action at German Town, 459. Attack on Red
Bank, ib. Loss of the Augusta and Merlin, 460. The
enemy's forts at length taken, ib. Washington encamps at
White Marsh, ib. Huts his army at Valley Forge, 461.
Sir William Howe retires into winter quarters, ib. Cam-
paign of the Canadian army, 462. Observations on the
employment of Savages, ib. Burgoymrs preparations, 464.
He arrives at Crown Point, ib. War feast, ib. Proclama-
tion, ib. Fortifications of Crown Point and Ticonderoga,
465. They are captured, 466. Pursuit of the enemy, ib.
Action between General Fraser and Colonel Francis, ib.
Delays and difficulties of Burgoyne's army, 467. The
Americans recruit their army, 468. Proclamation by
Burgoyne and Schuyler, ib. Siege of Stanwix, 469.
Expedition to Bennington, 470. Defeat of Colonel Baum,
471 and Breyman, ib. Effects of these disasters, 472.
Gates commands the Americans, ib. Burgoyne crosses the
Hudson's river, ib. Advances to Saratoga, 473. Battle of
Still Water, ib. The Americans destroy the transports, 474.
Increasing difficulties of Burgoyne, ib. His attempt to ex-
tricate himself, ib. His lines attacked, ib. Changes his
position, 475. Falls back on Saratoga, ib. Calls a council of
war, ib. Arranges a convention, ib. Moderation of Gates,
476. Surrender of the British army, ib. Proceeding of
Clinton, 477. Expedition up the North river, ib. Takes
Forts Clinton and Montgomery, ib. The Americans burn
their fleet, 478. Various detached expeditions, ib.
Burning of Esopus, 479. Howe's orders, ib. Clinton's
intelligence from Burgoyne, ib.

CHAPTER XXXII.
17771778.

Meeting of Parliament, 482. Debate on the address in the
House of Lords, ib. Amendment moved by Lord Chatham,
483. Observations on the employment of savages in war,
490. Defended by Lord Suffolk, 491. Animated speech
of Lord Chatham, ib. Amendment rejected, 493. Debate
in the House of Commons, ib. Debate on the report of the
address, 494. Committee on the state of the nation ap-
pointed by the House of Lords, ib. Papers granted, ib.
Similar committee appointed by the House of Commons,
495. Papers refused, 497. Estimates, ib. Debate in the
House of Commons on the loss of Burgoyne's army, 498.
Debate in the House of Lords, 499. Lord Chatham's mo-
VOL. IT. b

XV111 CONTENTS.

tion on the employment of savages, 501. Negatived, 503.
Adjournment of the House of Commons, ib. In the House
of Lords, ib. State of the public mind, 504. Subscrip-
tions for raising regiments, 505. Subscriptions for the
American prisoners, ib. Conduct of France, 506. The
Emperor's visit to Paris, 507. Short war on the death of
the Elector of Bavaria, ib. Artifices of France, 508. De-
tected by the Emperor, ib. Debates on raising troops by
subscription, 509. Norfolk petition, 510. Wilkes's mo-
tion, 511. Lord Abingdon's motion, ib. Committee on
the state of the nation, 522. Fox's motion that no more
troops be sent out of the kingdom, ib. Similar motion in
the House of Lords, 514. Burke's motion on the employ-
ment of savages, 516 which is rejected, 519. Fox's se-
cond motion respecting the army, ib. Examination of evi-
dence in the House of Lords, 520. Resolutions moved by
the Duke of Richmond, ib. Motion by the Duke of Bolton
respecting the navy, 521. Lord North's plan of concilia-
tion, ib. Approved by Mr. Fox, 523. Opposed, 524.
Progress of the Bills through the House of Commons, 525.
Debates in the House of Lords, 527. Bills passed, 529.
Motions in the House of Commons, ib.

CHAPTER XXXIII.

1778.

Frequent allusions in Parliament to hostility on the part of
France, 532. Acts of the French Government, ib. Con-
duct respecting American prizes, 533. Efforts of Frank-
lin and Deane, ib. Duplicity of the French ministers,
534. Sagacity of Franklin, 536. Insincerity of De Ver-
gennes, ib. Treaty arranged, 537 but still denied, 538.
Observations in Parliament, 539. Attempt to engage Lord
Chatham in Administration, 540. Lord North gives notice
of an intended message from the King, 542. The message,
543. Motion for an address, 545. Address in the House
of Lords, 547. Debate on the navy, ib. Fox's motion in
the committee on the state of the nation, 548. The Duke
of Bolton's motion, ib. Lord Effingham's motion, ib. De-
bates in the House of Lords on contracts, 549. In the
House of Commons, ib. Bill for excluding contractors
from Parliament, 550. Motion for a tax on places, 551.
Propositions for relief of Ireland, ib. Opposition, 552.
Numerous petitions, ib. Small relief afforded, 554. Ad-
dress of the Roman Catholics, ib. Bill for their relief, 555.

CONTENTS. XIX

Opposed in the House of Lords, ib. Fox's motion rela-
tive to General Burgoyne, 557. Burgoyne's return to En-
gland, ib. His defence in the House of Commons, 558.
Altercation between Mr. Luttrell and Lord George Ger-
maine, 560. The Duke of Richmond's motion for with-
drawing the troops from America, ib. Sentiments of Lord
Chatham, 561. His appearance in the House of Lords, ib.
His speech, 562. The Duke of Richmond's reply, 563.
Lord Chatham's sudden illness, 565. and death, ib. Ho-
nours paid to his memory by the House of Commons, ib.
Annuity annexed to his title, 566. His debts paid by Par-
liament, ib. Proceedings of the House of Lords, ib.
Honours paid him by the Common Council of London, 568.
His funeral, ib. Debate resumed on the Duke of Rich-
mond's motion, ib. Adjournment of Parliament, and
King's speech, 569.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

1778.

Expeditions from Philadelphia, 571. State of the British
army, ib. American army, ib. The Conway cabal, ib.
Treachery of Congress toward Burgoyne's army, 574.
Drafts of the conciliatory bills sent to Congress, 575.
Their resolution, ib. Effects of this measure, 576. Ar-
rival of the French treaty, 577. Its effect, ib. La Fay-
ette's expedition to Barren Hill, 578. His imminent dan-
ger, ib. and escape, ib. Sir William Howe recalled, 579.
Superb festival, called Mischianza, ib. Arrival of the Com-
missioners, 580. Passport refused to their secretary, ib.
Terms proposed by them to Congress, ib. Debates, 581.
Answer, ib. Explanatory letter of the Commissioners, 582.
Publications by members of Congress, 583. Pretended
offers of bribes, ib. Resolutions respecting Governor
Johnstone, 584. Answer of the Commissioners, ib. Cor-
respondence about Burgoyne's army, 585. Manifesto of
the Commissioners, ib. Resolutions, 586. and counter
manifesto of Congress, ib. Evacuation of Philadelphia, ib.
Able retreat of Clinton, 587. Severities exercised against
the loyalists, ib. Slow inarch of the British army, 588.
Action at Monmouth court-house, ib. Embarkation of the
British army for New York, 589. Disgrace of General
Lee, ib. The Toulon squadron sails, 590. Pursued by a
British fleet, ib. The French arrive at the Chesapeak, 591.
Expedition against Rhode Island, ib. Partial engagement

XX CONTEXTS.

at sea, 592. The Americans repulsed at Rhode Island, ib.
Lord Howe resigns the fleet to Gambier, ib. Expedition
to Buzzard's Bay, ib. Surprise of Colonel Baylor, 593.
Attack on Egg Harbour, 594. Pulaski's legion cut to
pieces, ib. Expedition against Georgia, ib. Reduction of
Savannah, ib. and the remainder of the province, ib.
Destruction of Wyoming, 545. Disappointment of Byron,
596. D'Estaing sails to the West Indies, ib. Capture of
St. Pierre and Miquelon, ib. The French take Dominica,
ib. Attack on Sainte Lucie, 597. Ineffectual effort for its
relief, ib. It is captured by the English, ib. Indignation
of the Americans against D'Estaing, ib. His proclamation
to the Canadians, 598. Washington refuses to co-operate
in attacking Canada, ib. Hatred of the Americans toward
the French, ib.

APPENDIX I.

Precis of Letters relative to the interference of France between
Russia and the Porte, in 1773.

APPENDIX II.

Character of Frederick the Second, King of Prussia, by Sir
James Harris, afterward Earl of Malmsbury.

THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

GEORGE THE THIRD.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FIRST.

17711774.

ERRATA IK VOL. II.

for" to the beginning of the following line.

IStormont with the French minister. Armament at Brest
discontinued. New one at Toulon. Preparations in Eng-
land. Second conference of the British ambassador with
the French minister. France deterred from hostilities.
Preparations mutually suspended. Peace between Russia
and the Porte. Transactions of the city of London.
Resolutions respecting the duration of Parliament. Ad-
dress and remonstrance to the King. Ineffectual efforts
to revive the popularity of Mr. Wilkes. He moves an
address to the King, which is negatived. Libels the lord
mayor. And is unsuccessful as candidate to succeed him.
State of Ireland. Meeting of Parliament. The house
surrounded by a mob. Opposition to, and protest against
the address. Resignation of Mr. Ponsonby. Proceedings
VOL. II. B

XX CONTEXTS.

APPENDIX I.

Precis of Letters relative to the interference of France between
Russia and the Porte, in 1773.

THE

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

GEORGE THE TRIED.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FIRST.
17711774.

View of the war between Russia and the Porte. Com-
mencement of hostilities. Successes of Russia. Destruc-
tion of the Turkish fleet. Jealousy of France. Congress at
Fokshiani. Preparations of France. Augmentation of the
British naval force. French minister eager for war. The
King averse. Preparations at Brest. Conference of Lord
Stormont with the French minister. Armament at Brest
discontinued. New one at Toulon. Preparations in Eng-
land. Second conference of the British ambassador with
the French minister. France deterred from hostilities.
Preparations mutually suspended. Peace between Russia
and the Porte. Transactions of the city of London.
Resolutions respecting the duration of Parliament. Ad-
dress and remonstrance to the King. Ineffectual efforts
to revive the popularity of Mr. Wilkes. He moves an
address to the King, which is negatived. Libels the lord
mayor. And is unsuccessful as candidate to succeed him.
State of Ireland. Meeting of Parliament. The house
surrounded by a mob. Opposition to, and protest against
the address. Resignation of Mr. Ponsonby. Proceedings
VOL. II. B

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

in the ensuing session. Addresses opposed. Amended
money bill rejected. Alterations in the establishment of
revenue officers. Hearts of Steel. Loan negotiated.
Prorogation of Parliament. Lord Townshend recalled.
Succeeded by Lord Harcourt. Affairs of America. Con-
test of the New England assembly with the governor.
Taxation of revenue officers. Address Remonstrance
and prorogation of the assembly. Progress of opposition.
Influence in the assembly. Perverse use of the press.
Dependent state of the judges. Governors prohibited from
receiving presents. Proceedings of the assembly. Legis-
lature removed back to Boston. Tumultuous state of that
town. Revenue officers insulted. The schooner Gaspee
burned. Report of the intention to fix the salaries of the
judges. Town meeting. Corresponding committees ap-
pointed. Observations on them. Declaration of rights.
Address to the people. Meeting of the legislature. They
deny the legislative authority of Parliament. Transactions
respecting the salaries of judges. The Governor assents to
the act but refuses to assent to a further grant. Activity of
the corresponding committees. Publication of letters from
Governors Hutchinson and Bernard. Proceedings of the
assembly. They petition the King to remove the governor
and lieutenant-governor. Effect of the publication in
America. Effect of the act for exporting tea duty-free.
Proceedings at Boston. Arrival of a ship. Body meeting.
Other ships arrive. Their cargoes thrown into the sea.
Proceedings in other provinces.- Impeachment of the chief
justice. His letter. Assembly dissolved. Proceedings in
England on the petition. Account of the letters, and
means used to obtain them. Duel between Mr. Whateley
and Mr. Temple. Petition heard before the Privy Coun-
cil. Speech of Mr. Wedderburne. Decision of the Privy
Council. Dr. Franklin dismissed from the Post-office.
Observations. Bill in Chancery filed against Dr. Franklin.
Examination of his conduct.

GEORGE 111.

IN his speech, at the close of the session of parlia-
ment, the King mentioned the affairs of the continent
in these terms : " the continuance of the war between
" Russia and the Porte, with both of whom I am
" closely connected in friendship, although under no
" engagement to either, gives me great concern. But,
" from the pacific disposition of other powers, I have
" reason to hope that these troubles will extend no
" further. I shall persevere in my earnest endeavours
" to preserve the general tranquillity of Europe; at
" the same time it shall be the constant object of my
" care to be sufficiently prepared against any event
" which may affect the honour, safety, or interest of
" my kingdoms."

Hostilities between these two powers, as already
has been mentioned*, commenced in 1769 : their
first spring may probably be found in the intriguing
genius of Choiseul, who fomented disturbances in
Poland, for the purpose of reserving to his cabinet
the power of interfering, when a favourable occasion
should present itself. By the exertions of the French
minister, a party was fostered, called the Confederation
of Bar, who, uniting religion with patriotism, main-
tained open rebellion against the authority of King
Stanislaus Augustus. They frequently solicited the
assistance of the Turks, but without effect, till, in
October 1768, Prince Galitzin, in pursuing a party of
Poles, not only entered the Turkish dominions, but
burned the small town of Balta.

Irritated by this violation of territory, and insti-
gated by the interested representations of France, the
Sultan imprisoned, in the seven towers, Osbrekow, the
Empress's minister, which occasioned the commence-
ment of a war, and drew forth the first display of the
mighty energies of the Russian empire. The contest
was conducted with great animosity, but generally
favourably to the Russians; they overran Wallachia
and Moldavia; and the Empress having adopted the
novel and bold measure of sending a fleet into the
Mediterranean, the Turkish marine was effectually

* Chap, xiv, t

CHAP.
XXI.

1st July,
1773.

King's
speech at the
close of the

Commence-
ment of hos-
tilities be-
tween Russia
and the
Porte.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

Destruction
of the Turk-
ish fleet.
Jealousy of
France.

Congress at
Fokshiani.

Preparations
of France.
1770.

July 6th,

destroyed in the harbour of Chesme, on the coast of
Natolia.

France beheld these events with jealousy and
alarm : she had encouraged the commencement of
hostilities, in the hope of reducing the power of
Russia, and was proportionally irritated at finding
them tend to the aggrandizement of the Empress,
and disgrace of the Turks. The Russian naval power
was regarded with peculiar malevolence ; and the
French cabinet made several eiforts to assist the
Grand Sultan, which were always overawed by the
resolution. of the British ministry, and the formidable
state of the British fleet.

* In August, 1772, a pacificatory congress was in-
effectually held at Fokshiani ; and probably the French
influence was still exerted in preventing the Turks
from acceding to terms humiliating to them and
advantageous to their opponent

From an early period of the war, expectations were
formed that France would interfere, and rumours pre-
vailed of armaments preparing in her ports. M. de
Choiseul always professed a determined system of neu-
trality ; but still considerable maritime preparations
were made, particularly at Toulon, and all means
attempted to lull the suspicions or elude the vigilance
of the British ministry.

The cause of arming was said by Choiseul to be
nothing more than an intended expedition to Tunis.
This thin veil did not conceal the truth from the Bri-
tish ministry ; and, by their instruction, Mr. Walpole
observed that the armament at Toulon was extended
far beyond what was necessary for such a purpose, and
that sending two ships, as was proposed, into the
Archipelago, at the moment when the Russian and
Turkish fleets were expected to meet, was more likely
to retard than to promote the pacification of Europe.
Giving every credit to the French King and his mi-
nister for sincerity, it was obvious that, in these
narrow seas, when two hostile fleets were met, that of
a third power might be drawn in to take a part, con-
trary to the inclinations of its sovereign. Unforeseen

GEORGE III. O

circumstances, even a mere punctilio, might produce CHAP.
events which it was more prudent for nations, delicate
in the point of honour, to avoid than to incur. Mr. 1770.
Walpole was directed, after deprecating, in the King's
name, a measure which of necessity must give alarm,
to demand a final resolution on the subject. On his
mentioning, at a subsequent interview, that England July nth.
would send two or three frigates into the Archipelago,
the French minister gave reason to believe that his
project would be abandoned, observing that it was
useless, and might become dangerous.

This specious behaviour appears to have been only
a part of a deceptive system ; for Choiseul afterward
informed Mr. Walpole, that, before the countermand
could be communicated, the frigates had sailed ; which
was not so : but it soon became known that the Oct - 3rd -
French had accomplished their undertaking at Tunis,
and, consequently, that there was no longer a justi-
fiable pretext for armed vessels of theirs approaching
the scene of action. Toward the close of the year
Choiseul was removed from his post of prime minister, Dec -
with marks of disapprobation and disgrace, and w r as
succeeded by the Duke d'Aiguillon.

The King of England, bound by treaties with
both the contending powers, refused to permit the
undue interference of a foreign nation, or an arma-
ment, for the purpose of dictating a mode of pacifica-
tion. Early in the late session of parliament, measures l^f ec '
were adopted for putting the navy on a respectable Augmenta-
establishment ; twenty thousand men were voted for jj^lfeh naval
the service of the year ; and, although the delicacy of force.
the crisis forbade the ministry to disclose the real
motive of their preparations, it did not escape the
penetration of opposition, who observed, that while
the King's speech breathed sentiments of peace, the
measures of his servants indicated nothing but hos-
tility*.

The Duke d'Aiguillon, the successor of Choiseul,

* Parliamentary History, vol. xvii. p. 538; Debrett's Debates, vol. vi.
pp. 301 to 314 ; also respecting the war, OZuvres du Roi de Prusse, vol. iv. ;
Life of the Empress Catherine, vol. ii. c. v. vi. and vii. ; Eton's Survey of the
Turkish Empire, c. v.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXL

French mi-
nister eager
for war.
28th March,
1773.

The King
averse.

Preparations
at Brest.

30th Mar.
1773.

Conference
of Lord
Storm ont
with the
French mi-
nister.

a man of specious manners, but of an insincere and
intriguing character, was anxious to engage in the
contest, and essayed every art to make the British
court regard his proceedings with indifference. In a
council at Versailles, he announced a demand made
by Sweden for certain succours stipulated by France,
on the plea, that her independency was threatened by
a joint attack from Russia and Denmark : the King,
and many members of the cabinet, were averse from
hostility, as other great nations would also interfere,
and a general war would probably ensue : they pro-
posed a supply in money ; but d'Aiguillon, asserting
that Sweden insisted on an armed succour, said a fleet
of fourteen sail might be equipped in a month ; Eng-
land would not oppose, and Holland would assist in
the measure. Louis XV. was displeased at the pros-
pect of hostilities; but the members of the council
who had declared their sentiments did not venture
further to oppose the minister, and orders were dis-
patched to Brest for arming twelve ships of the line
and two frigates, manned with seven thousand sailors.
In an interview with Lord Stormont, the British
ambassador, d'Aiguillon dwelt on the ambitious views
of Russia, her demands on the Porte, and her aiming
to reign despotically in the north, by regulating the
government of Sweden, and making war on that
kingdom in concert with Denmark ; France, he said,
was bound, by every tie of interest and honour, to
support Sweden, if attacked. Lord Stormont answered,
much would depend on the mode to be adopted ; for,
although the King wished to avoid whatever could
disturb the harmony subsisting between the two courts ;
a French fleet in the Baltic would draw a British fleet
there also. The duke, dissatisfied at this intimation,
observed, that England backed every friendly pro-
fession with a declaration, insisting that France should
renounce her honour by abandoning an ancient ally
threatened with destruction ; a requisition with which
he could never comply. Lord Stormont replied, that
France might give other succours ; but the entry of
two fleets into the Baltic, would in effect be no more

GEORGE III.

beneficial than a neutrality : this declaration was care- CHAP.
fully qualified, by observing, he had never said the

British would attack the French fleet, but he could 1773.
not be responsible for contingencies arising from the
presence of two squadrons in the same sea. His lord-
ship made these observations with a perfect knowledge
that all the assertions of the French minister were
untrue, and all his professions deceptive. Sweden
had no desire to see foreign troops in the country
where a recent revolution, effected by the King against
the aristocracy, had implanted alarm and jealousy in
the minds of many ; but was anxious for a pecuniary
supply, which would have been beneficial to all.
They would have been glad to see a French fleet in
the Baltic to control and overawe that of Russia ; but
d'Aiguillon insisted that it should be used only to
convey the troops.

In his efforts for war, the French minister was
supported, of course, by the party who agreed with
him, and insidiously aided by some who envied and
wished to supplant him. They rejoiced in his dilemma.
" His honour is for ever lost," they said, " if he does
" not support Sweden; his power is lost if he does."
The vigorous language used by Lord Stormont pro- 4th April.
duced some effect ; the preparation at Brest was coun- Armament at
termanded : but still the French, hoping to elude the tinued.
vigilance of the British government, directed an arma-
ment of twelve or thirteen sail of the line to be New one at
equipped at Toulon, under pretence of exercising the !
sailors ; and the order for seven thousand men at Brest
was not retracted.

In announcing this information, Lord Stormont Preparations
suggested the propriety of vigorous and immediate inEn s lan
preparations, without secrecy or affected ostentation ;
great celerity, steadiness, and activity on our part,
might be the most efficient means of preserving the
public tranquillity, and prevent the French from be-
ginning that which, if once begun, they would, at all
events and every hazard, endeavour to carry through.
This prudent advice being consonant to the judgment ; t h April.
of the cabinet, the Ambassador was instructed to

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1773.

6th April.
Second con-
ference of
the British
ambassador
with the
French mi-
nister.

7th April.

14th.

Memorial to
the French
court.

declare, that if France stirred an oar, England would
immediately bend her sails: and that no proposal
could be admissible, tending to lead Great Britain to
connive at France sending a fleet into the Baltic or
Mediterranean.

Before the receipt of these instructions, d'Aiguillon
avowed to Lord Stormont the intended armament at
Toulon, but declared it was only equipped for evolu-
tions. After much discussion, Lord Stormont ob-
served, that although he had not, in his former dis-
course, mentioned the Mediterranean, yet his arguments
respecting the Baltic applied with equal force to that
sea ; and asked the Duke if he seriously meant the
fleet for evolutions alone] D'Aiguillon replied, he
indeed intended it so, but it might possibly be em-
ployed in assisting Sweden, and angrily asked, What !
do you intend to shut us up within our own ports, and
to control us everywhere"? The sea, he added, was
free, and they would, if they pleased, send a fleet into
the Mediterranean ; we might send one also, and, if
it went only to perform evolutions, no harm would
ensue.

To all this vehemence, which denoted rather the
agitation of fear than the warmth of true courage,
Lord Stormont opposed calm firmness and undisturbed
magnanimity. " I am entrusted," he said, " with the
" representation of a great nation, too conscious of its
" strength to boast of it, too careful of its own dignity
" to bend before anything that carries with it the
" smallest appearance of menace or arrogance ; acting,
" not from feverish jealousy, but upon calm, steady
" principles of honour. In one word, were the con-
" sequence to be a thirty years' war, if you arm, we
" arm."

Convinced of the hostile disposition of the French
minister, and apprehensive he did not truly represent
to his Sovereign the sentiments of the British court,
Lord Stormont suggested the propriety of delivering
to him a memorial, which must be submitted to the
King ; he also announced, that the Toulon squadron
would be ready for sea by the end of May, and re-

GEORGE III.

commended an immediate armament as the best means
of preserving peace. In both particulars this advice
was promptly followed. 1773.

In the mean time, another council was held at 12th April.
Versailles, in which d'Aiguillon faithfully reported ^"d'from
the sentiments of the British minister ; and, in con- hostilities.
sequence of their unanimous determination, Lord Stor- 20th.
mont was soon informed that the Toulon squadron
was either disarmed or considerably reduced. In
making this communication, the duke negligently said,
orders had been issued to suspend the armament and
the sailors countermanded; two frigates only would
be sent to the Archipelago, and three ships of the line
to Brest : and in a short time the preparations on both Preparations

., ,. ,. -, ... mutually

sides were discontinued*. suspended.

Thus, by a timely exertion of resolution and 3Uth -
vigour, tempered with moderation, Great Britain not
only avoided the calamities of war, but effectually
served the cause of her ally, and facilitated the peace,
which was in the next year concluded between Russia
and the Porte f. Lord Stormont received, as he well
merited, the warm approbation of his Sovereign and mont highly
his ministers, who declared that his conduct did honour a PP roved -
to his country, and consequently to himself. To all
the artifices which had been employed, he had opposed
what he justly thought stronger weapons, sincerity,
firmness, and temper.

The progress of this affair occasioned no great
sensation in England. The faction in the city was
reduced by divisions to the lowest ebb. Its leaders 16th Feb -
attempted to interest the public by recurring to general
topics of legislation, and therefore, on the motion of
alderman Oliver, the court of aldermen resolved, Resolutions
" That a frequent appeal to the constituent part of the city of i^>n- e
" people, by short parliaments, was their undoubted dou * es P, ect ~
" right, and the only means by which a real repre- tioL of par-
" sentation could be enjoyed and maintained." A

* From private information ; letters and minutes taken on the occasion, and
documents in the State Paper office.

f The British fleet was, in June, assembled at Portsmouth : on the 22nd the
King went to view this grand national bulwark, and endeared himself to every
one by his affability and bounty.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1773.

Address and
remonstrance
to the King.

26th Mar.

Efforts to

revive

Wilkes's

popularity.

7th April.

20th.

Nov. 17th.

9th June.
He moves an
address ;

livery adopted the resolution, and proposed a test for
future city candidates, by which they should bind
themselves to use every endeavour in obtaining annual,
or at least triennial, parliaments.

They also agreed to a new address, petition, and
remonstrance, on the old subjects of the Middlesex
election, the imprisonment of the magistrates, and the
erasure of the record in Mr. Wilkes's case, and pray-
ing for a dissolution of parliament, and dismission of
the ministry. The King, when it was presented, said,
it was so void of foundation, and conceived in such
disrespectful terms, that he was convinced the peti-
tioners themselves did not seriously imagine it could
be complied with.

Many attempts were ineffectually made to revive
the popular enthusiasm for Wilkes. On a call of the
House, the sheriffs summoned him among the county
and city members, and omitted Mr. Luttrell; Mr.
Wilkes, also, in a letter to the speaker, renewed his
claim to a seat, and in the usual manner inveighed
against the return of his opponent : he applied at the
petty-bag office for a certificate of his election, which
was refused, as the first return of the writ had been
altered by the House. He transmitted his complaint
on the subject to Serjeant Glynn, who mentioned it in
parliament, and made an unsuccessful motion that
Mr. Wilkes should be permitted to substantiate his
charge. Sir George Savile availed himself of this
opportunity to renew his motion relative to the rights
of election ; it occasioned a debate, but was negatived *.
The city had soon an opportunity of shewing their
esteem for the learned Serjeant, by appointing him
their Recorder, when Sir James Eyre was made a
Baron of the Exchequer j\

Mr. Wilkes, who, in pursuing his favourite object
of wounding the feelings of the King, was never
restrained by delicacy or decorum, made a motion, in
a court of common-council, for an address, congratulat-

201 against 151.

f He was opposed by Mr. Bearcroft, and had a majority of one only ; the
numbers being 13 to 12.

GEORGE III.

ing His Majesty on the safe delivery of the Duchess
of Gloucester. This effort of mean and wanton inso-
lence was opposed, as an affront to the King ; and at
length negatived, because it was not usual for the city
to address, except for the issue of the immediate heir
to the crown.

Libels against the members of different juntos in
the city were now no less frequent than those against
the court and courtiers. Mr. Wilkes, in a public
paper, stigmatised the rule of the lord mayor (Towns-
hend) for violence, tyranny, neglect of public business,
contempt of order and decorum, and sordid parsimony.
He was called to account by the court of aldermen,
but, instead of denying, gloried in the charge, and
added partiality and cruelty to his former accusations.
He was afterward candidate for the mayoralty, but
without success ; alderman Bull was elected, and the
vote of thanks to the late magistrate was accompanied
by a motion of censure on his libeller, which was only
withdrawn on the intercession of Alderman Towns-
hend himself.

Discontent and turbulence still prevailed in Ire-
land. The sudden prorogation of parliament was not
forgiven, and those who felt the greatest resentment
were employed, in an interval of fourteen months, in
reinforcing their friends, and concerting new measures.
Lord Shannon and Mr. Ponsonby were, during the
recess, deprived of all their places, and the accession
of their strength and influence was anxiously expected
by the minority.

The lord-lieutenant met the legislature with a
conciliatory speech, informing them that the bounties
on exportation of linen were continued and extended ;
and that, with a very strict economy, the duties granted
in the last session would be sufficient for the expenses
of the year, and no supply required. He rejoiced in
the opportunity of co-operating with them for the
public welfare, and nattered himself that their mutual
endeavours would bring the session to a speedy and
happy conclusion.

On the ensuing day, when the address was to be

CHAP.

XXI.

1773.

which is ne-
gatived.

Wilkes's
aspersions on
the lord
mayor.

10th Sept.

17th Nov.

State of Ire-
land.

2Gth Feb.
1771.

Meeting of
parliament.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1771.

27th.

House sur-
rounded by a
mob.

Addresses
opposed.

Protest.

Resignation
of Mr. Pon-
sonby.
4th March,
1771.

Efforts of
opposition.

moved, a mob, armed with clubs and cutlasses, sur-
rounded the House, and attempted to compel several
members to take an oath of their dictating ; on their
refusal, many distinguished adherents of government
were insulted and maltreated; nor was the tumult
quelled without the assistance of the military.

The addresses were strenuously opposed in both
Houses; and a paragraph, thanking the King for
continuing Lord Townshend in the lord lieutenancy,
occasioned a strong protest, signed by fifteen peers,
and concluding in these terms : " Because moderation,
" firmness, consistency, a due distinctive regard to all
" ranks of persons, a regular system of administration,
" being, as we conceive, indispensably requisite to the
" support and dignity of government, and to the con-
" duct of His Majesty's affairs, we cannot, without
" violation of truth and justice, return thanks to the
" King for continuing a chief governor, who, in con-
" tempt of all forms of business and rules of decency
" heretofore respected by his predecessors, is actuated
" only by the most arbitrary caprice, to the detriment
" of His Majesty's interest, to the injury of this
" oppressed country, and to the unspeakable vexation
" of persons of every condition." When the address
had been voted, Mr. Ponsonby resigned the chair.
He declared, by letter, that his excellency having, at
the close of the last session, declared the House guilty
of a great crime, that of encroaching on His Majesty's
prerogative and authority; he considered the address,
which expressed approbation of his excellency, deroga-
tory to the dignity of the House : he was succeeded by
Mr. Pery. The business of the session was not im-
portant ; no question was permitted to pass without a
division; but it is observed, that the minority were
constantly gaining ground. Protests, signed by the
Duke of Leinster and fifteen other peers, were, on
every division in the Lords, placed on the journals*.

During the recess, the press teemed with publica-
tions on the state of Ireland, and the conduct of the

* Plovden, vol. ii. p. 406 ; also Memoirs of Grattan, vol. i. p. 101, et scqq.,
and particularly the character there given of Mr. Pery.

GEORGE III. 13

lord-lieutenant ; and opposition prepared to exert itself CHAP.
with increased vigour. At the opening of the ensuing

session, the viceroy, in his speech, observed that the 8th Oct.
revenue had fallen considerably short of its intended P r ceedin gs

,,., j ,-,%. . , m the ensuing

purposes, and attributed the deficiency, in a great session.
degree, to the premiums and bounties allowed by
parliament, and the expenses of public works.

The strength of opposition was again essayed in Addresses
both Houses, in combating the addresses : in the oppos
Lords, the minority, headed by the Duke of Leinster
and Lord Moira, insisted that the deficiencies com-
plained of did not arise from the causes assigned, but
from the late unconstitutional prorogation. Failing
in their attempt to negative the address *, all the peers Protest.
who composed the minority joined in a protest. 1771*'

In the House of Commons, several eminent orators
distinguished themselves in resisting the address : they
alleged the impropriety of concurring in it, at least
until accounts delivered to the House should enable
them to judge whether the deficiency in revenue was
truly attributed to patriotic exertions, or whether it
arose from the great number of places and pensions so
flagrantly distributed among the members composing
the court party, and the conduct of the lord-lieutenant
in proroguing parliament was severely arraigned. The
measures of government were defended with equal
ability, and the vote of the last session, thanking the
King for continuing Lord Townshend in his situation,
was adduced as a proof of the inconsistency of those
who were now so anxious to criminate him, and of
their desire to mislead the House. After a debate,
which lasted till half after three o'clock in the morning,
a proposed amendment was rejected f, and the address
carried J.

The opposition party were neither dispirited nor strenuous
disconcerted by this failure; they saw their import-
ance and numbers increase on every division, and per-
severed with all the ardour inspired by a view of
success. For four months the House never rose before
ten o'clock, and frequently sat several hours after

* It was carried by 25 to 1 1 . f 88 to 36. J 132 to 107.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1771.
5th Dec.

Money bill
amended in
England
rejected in
Ireland.
20th Dec.

1st Jan.
1772.

Alterations
respecting
revenue
officers.
Feb. 1772.

midnight : a new attack was, almost every day, made
on government. On a proposition for a new board
of accounts, after a protracted debate, the opposition
divided a minority of five only* ; but, in the rejection
of a money bill, obtained a complete triumph.

An act of the Irish parliament sent to England,
containing means of supply, and returned from the
privy-council altered in three material particulars, was,
after an animated debate, rejected without a division ;
but the House of Commons, to avert the calamities
which would result from a want of supplies, instantly
brought in a new bill containing all the grants of the
former, and even admitting two of the three amend-
ments which occasioned its rejection ; it was read three
times in the same sitting, and sent to the Lords : the
whole transaction did not occupy two hours. The
Speaker, in presenting the bill to the lord-lieutenant,
assured him of the inviolable attachment of the Com-
mons to the King, and their zeal for his service.

Another measure of government which gave great
offence was the increase of revenue officers, by putting
the customs and excise under separate boards: this
alteration created an additional annual expense of
sixteen thousand pounds ; but the difference was abun-
dantly repaid by the prevention of frauds. The party
in opposition alleged that a great part of the revenue
officers already appointed resided in England, and the
increase of the number tended merely to the augmen-
tation of patronage. A resolution passed the House
of Commons, expressing disapprobation of the measure
before it was known to have been adopted by the
King ; and when the appointment was announced, a
resolution was voted, declaring, that whoever advised
the increase of commissioners of the revenue beyond
seven, advised a measure contrary to the sense of the
House f. A bill was also brought in for limiting the
number of placemen to sit in parliament, but failed.

* 124 to 119.

t The division was equal, 106 on each side ; the Speaker gave a casting voice
in the affirmative. The resolution was a more nullity, as the King had created
the commissioners before the passing of the resolution alluded to, as containing
the sense of the House : but the motion, and the strength of opposition, show the
state of public opinion.

GEORGE III.

Meanwhile the north of Ireland, particularly the
counties of Antrim, Down, Armagh, Londonderry, and
Tyrone, was overrun by a turbulent and savage ban-
ditti, who, under the name of Hearts of Steel, perpe-
trated the greatest outrages and the blackest crimes :
they were in sufficient force to keep the whole country
in alarm, and were not quelled without the aid of the
military. They committed violences and outrages on
the property of those who were obnoxious to them, not
sparing even life, when revenge, apprehension, or in-
terest prompted the sacrifice. They were bound to
each other by oaths, and inspired terror throughout
the community. By the transmission of threatening
letters they obstructed the collection of taxes, and
their number and combination enabled them to hold
the law in defiance. One of their party, charged with
felony, being imprisoned at Belfast, thousands pro-
ceeded to the town, and when, for security, he was
lodged in the barrack, they prepared to attack the
military; but the horrors of a bloody day were averted
by the prudence of a gentleman of great influence,
who persuaded the military to liberate the prisoner.
Had he been detained, the result would probably have
been productive of no advantage to justice; for several
who were taken and tried at Carrickfergus were ac-
quitted ; it may have been for want of evidence, but
that is not very probable : in cases where the offences
are committed in the face of day, and in the presence
of multitudes, it is more likely to have arisen from
fear of incurring the resentment of the insurgents, or
from a partiality to their cause in the minds of the
witnesses or the juries.

These proceedings were recommended to the atten-
tion of Parliament by the Lord-Lieutenant, who, in
his speech at the opening of the session, denounced
them as destructive of commerce, and disgraceful to
liberty. An act was passed for the purpose of pre-
venting the effect of prejudice or terror in the dis-
turbed districts, enabling the Lord-Lieutenant, in such
cases, to issue a special commission to try the offenders

CHAP.

XXI.

1772.

Hearts of
Steel.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1772.

Loan nego-
tiated.

2nd June.
Termination
of the ses-
sion.

9th Oct.
Lord Towns-
hend re-
called.

28th Nov.
Lord Har-
court lord-
lieutenant.

in the county or the city of Dublin. This measure
did not produce the desired effect : the Dublin jury-
men probably felt that they must appear to have been
selected for the execution of purposes of vengeance,
and they acquitted all the prisoners who were brought
before them*.

The continual efforts of opposition, frequently
attended with success, and the frequent insurrections
in the country, not only impaired the energies of
government, but diminished its pecuniary credit. The
receipt of revenue was so much impeded, and the
expenditure so much overcharged in consequence of
popular motions, that an alarming deficiency, which
had been felt for many years, and was continually
increasing, was submitted to parliament. The House
of Commons proposed to assist government by a loan
of two millions ; but men of property were not easily
induced to advance the requisite sums on the slender
security of tax acts, passed for two years only, while,
by the efforts of opposition, the permanent revenue
was incumbered to the annual amount of fifty thousand
pounds, and while the turbulence of the populace was
in some measure sanctioned and instigated by repeated
attacks on the constitution.

At the close of the session, the Viceroy expressed
approbation of several acts, but complained of the
smallness of supplies, and suggested the impossibility
of their sufficing, unless a considerable increase in the
revenue was effected. The conclusion of this speech
had a valedictory appearance ; and before the next
meeting of the legislature he was recalled j*, and re-
placed by Lord Harcourt, who was received with great
joy by the Irish. Dissatisfaction was however gene-
rally prevalent, and exaggerated accounts were circu-
lated, tending to impress a belief of emigrations, to an

* Plowden, vol. ii. p. 412.

t Lord Townshend was not recalled under circumstances of disgrace : he
was immediately appointed master-general of the ordnance. The personal ran-
cour excited by his administration was so great, that he was obliged to fight
(2nd Feb. 1773) a duel with Lord Bellamont, who was dangerously wounded in
the body, but recovered.

GEORGE III. 17

enormous and dangerous amount, from all the towns
and manufacturing counties in the kingdom*.

The rising and widely-diffused spirit of dissatisfac- 1771.
tion and opposition, which had already occasioned so Affairs of

j. A. AmcriCci

much embarrassment in the government of America,
now assumed a more formidable aspect, and produced
those events by which the separation of the parent
state from its colonies was ultimately effected.

The general repeal of American duties was not
satisfactory ; from the exception of tea, it was plausibly
urged that, although Great Britain had been twice
foiled in attempts to raise a revenue, the intention
was not abandoned, but, the right being reserved, an
opportunity alone was wanting to carry it into execu-
tion. This insinuation was frequently adverted to in
periodical publications, for the purpose of exciting
discontent ; jealousy and alarm were thus kept alive ;
but although the majority of the people were not
propelled to action by mere theoretical statements and
surmised possibilities, cordiality was not restored :
tea from Great Britain was still a prohibited article,
and the inhabitants of the New England provinces
assiduously cherished the sentiments of disaffection.
They would not have been satisfied with a total
abolition of the claim to taxation ; but anxiously
awaited such concession from the mother-country as
would, in fact, render America independent.

The removal of the legislature from Boston to the Contest of
town of Cambridge, distant about four miles, afforded aers Bay "
room for strenuous complaints from the House of with cover-
Representatives to Mr. Hutchinson, Sir Francis Ber- S on.
nard's successor in the government. In answer to a aothMay.
message requiring its reinstatement in Boston, he said
he was unable to comply, unless authorized by the
King, but would solicit his permission, and hoped to
obtain it before another session.

Before the end of the existing session, however, Taxation of
he found it necessary to alter this conciliatory Ian- officers.
guage. The establishment of a board of customs, and

* For these circumstances, see the accounts preserved in the periodical pub-
lications.

VOL. II. C

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1771.

4th July,

r.ih.

Rcmon-
strance.

Assembly
prorogued.

powers committed to its officers, formed a more
serious ground of complaint than any taxation im-
posed or attempted by Great Britain : and the legis-
lators of New England, unable to make the preven-
tion of smuggling a subject of invective, used every
little art and sinister chicane to oppress the persons
employed in protecting the revenue. During late
years, they had introduced a practice of assessing the
officers of the crown, residing among them, for the
profits derived from their commissions : the governor,
in consequence of representations on the subject, was
expressly instructed to withhold his consent from
such laws, on whatever pretence they might be
founded.

The legislature having passed an act, in the new
form, for " apportioning and assessing a tax of
1500," the governor, in mild terms, informed them
of his instructions, and stated that the general clause
in the bill, empowering assessors to tax all commis-
sions of profit, needed qualification, and should extend
only to commissions peculiarly relating to the pro-
vince ; otherwise, any of His Majesty's servants, occa-
sionally resident for a short term, might be taxed for
profits received from their commissions and places
in Great Britain, or any other part of the King's
dominions.

A strenuous debate ensued, and a copy of the in-
structions being communicated, the assembly unani-
mously voted an address, in which they termed the
governor's reason for refusing to sanction the bill sur-
prising and alarming. " We know of no commis-
" sioners of His Majesty's customs," they said, " nor
" of any revenue he has a right to establish in North
" America: we know, and we feel a tribute levied
" and extorted from those, who, if they have property,
" have a right to the absolute disposal of it."

A remonstrance was also agreed to on the go-
vernor's refusal to ratify the grant of certain sums of
money to Messrs. Bollan and De Bert, the colonial
agents. Governor Hutchinson checked the progress
of these debates, by proroguing the general court. In

GEORGE III. 19

his speech, he said, whatever might be the rights of CHAP.
the legislature in matters of taxation, the crown had

reserved to itself the prerogative of disallowing laws ; 1771.
and as the rejection of a tax act, after it was in part
executed, would cause great perplexity, the King's
instructions, pointing out those parts which he disap-
proved, aiforded an unexceptionable instance of ten-
derness and paternal regard. He promised also to
transmit his message, and their extraordinary answer,
to be laid before His Majesty.

The determined spirit of opposition shewn by the Progress of
assembly, and the system and perseverance with which pposl
it was prosecuted, indicated great strength of com-
bination, and firmness of arrangement. Every mea-
sure taken by the popular party since the commence-
ment of disputes between the mother-country and
colonies, tended to give vigour, and ensure success, to
their ulterior efforts. The government, when tranquil-
lity was apparently restored, rejoiced in the absence
of discontent, and banished all fear and jealousy ; the
opposition party, on the contrary, dreaded the abate-
ment of public effervescence, and excited suspicion
and apprehension by the revival of old topics of dis-
pute, and the suggestion of new ones, either existing
or probable. Effigies, paintings, and other imagery,
were exhibited to inflame the public mind; the
14th of August was annually celebrated as a festival
in commemoration of the destruction of a building,
the property of the lieutenant-governor, which was
demolished by a mob, on the supposition of its being
designed for a stamp-office, and of the owner's being
compelled to resign his office of stamp-master, under
the tree of liberty. The 5th of March, the anniver-
sary of the pretended massacre of Boston, was also
marked out for the periodical delivery of orations at
one of the meeting-houses; lists of imaginary griev-
ances were continually published; the people were
told that the ministry had formed a plan to enslave
them, and conjured, by the duty they owed to them-
selves, their country, and their God, by the reverence
due to the sacred memory of their ancestors, and by

c 2

20 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C xxf their affection for unborn millions, to rouse, and exert
" themselves in the common cause. They were further

1771. stimulated by pretences that the people of England
were depraved, the parliament venal, and the ministry
corrupt ; nor were attempts wanting to traduce Ma-
jesty itself*. The kingdom of Great Britain was
depicted as an ancient structure, once the admiration
of the world, now sliding from its base, and rushing
to its fall ; at the same time the natives were called
upon to mark their own rapid growth, and to behold
the certain evidence that America was on the eve of
independent empire. The dissenting ministers actively
inculcated the same sentiments from their pulpits, and
with religious solemnity, with forcible appeals to
Heaven, and with all the advantages derived from
habit, religious opinion, and popular predilection,
enforced the topics and principles which their audi-
ence had before read in newspapers. The friends of
government could not recur to the same, or even ordi-
nary means, in support of their cause, as the press was
entirely enslaved to the other party; printers were
threatened with ruin for publishing in their behalf,
and one was, for his perseverance, compelled to aban-
don the country.
inflncnce in Xhe legislature was entirely subjected to a com-

the assembly. ... /> >? ,. , .? ,

mittee ot the most active amongst the popular party,
who, in secret, framed the intended resolves, and
other violent measures. It was their policy to par-
ticularize the votes of every member, and, in the
ensuing gazette, to publish them with their names ;
exposing them to resentment and contempt by severe
strictures and invectives. Individuals, thus rendered
objects of detestation to their constituents, were
easily supplanted at a new election ; and although the
loss of a seat was not in itself of great importance,
yet, when the unsuccessful candidate became stigma-
tized as an enemy to his country, he was exposed to
insult, his professional pursuits were impeded, and the

* These opinions characterize many American publications ; and specimens,
which probably served as texts, may be seen in the Letters of Dr. Franklin,
Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 102, 169, et passim.

- GEORGE III. 21

welfare of himself and family rendered precarious. CHAP.
Under the influence, of these terrors, few members

could be found sufficiently hardy to oppose the popular 1772.
voice ; the apparent unanimity of the assembly encou-
raged factious proceedings out of doors ; and the pre-
vailing party in the legislature derived new courage
from the success of their adherents in the town*.

While such was the state of the legislative body, Dependent
no reliance could be placed on the due administration judges.
of justice, as the governor and the judges were de-
pendent for their salaries on the votes of the colonial
legislature, although their commissions were given by
the King, and to be held during his pleasure. The
salaries of the judges were inadequate to the dignity
of their stations, and disproportionate to those of other
officers of government : they had often petitioned for
an advance, but without effect, and their known de-
pendence diminished their authority. In their charges
to grand juries they in vain recommended the preven-
tion of riots and insurrections ; the jurors, who were
men of property, and invariably of the popular party,
refused attention to the instructions of persons whose
rank in society was rendered less respectable than it
ought to have been, by the want of a sufficient esta-
blishment; and libels on magistrates and governors
were repeatedly suffered to pass unnoticed, although
the proof was copious and flagrant. Party extended
its influence to the whole administration of justice ;
juries, even in cases of property, gave decisions biassed
by the political connexions of the suitors, and the
judges, restrained by a recollection of their own de-
pendence, could not reverse, by a declaration of the
law, these injurious proceedings (.

Sensible of the necessity of terminating this dis- Governors
graceful subjection, the ministry, in pursuance of an Eromie?
act of parliament, enjoined the governors of provinces giving pre-
to withhold their consent from any act for a gift or

* See Massachusetensis, a series of letters by Mr. Lonnard, a member of
the council of Massachusetts Bay ; Boston, printed ; London, reprinted for
Mathews in the Strand, 1776. Letter ii.

t Massachusetensis, Letter iii.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1772.

May.

Proceedings
of the as-
sembly.

13th June.
Legislature
removed
back to
Boston.

Tumultuous
state of that
town.

Revenue
officers in-
sulted.

present from the assembly or others to them, on pain
of recal.

The House of Representatives of Massachuset's
Bay, in a message to Mr. Hutchinson, required in-
formation, whether provision was made for him as
governor, in any other than the usual manner, by gifts
and grants from the general assembly t He answered,
that His Majesty, in pursuance of an act of parlia-
ment, had made certain and adequate provision for his
support in his station ; and he supposed he could not,
without special permission, accept of any grant from
the province for his ordinary services. On this an-
swer, they voted the governor's acceptance of support
not derived from the general assembly, a dangerous
innovation, which rendered him independent of the
people, and not such a governor as the people con-
sented to at the time of granting their charter ; and
most solemnly protested against the innovation, as a
change of the constitution, which exposed the pro-
vince to despotism.

Notwithstanding this contumacious proceeding,
the governor was disposed to conciliatory measures,
and, on the favourable report of the council, com-
plied with the wishes of the people, by adjourning
the session for a few days, and appointing their next
meeting at Boston. But, although the council cer-
tified, on their oaths, that the governor might, with
a proper regard to the King's instructions, remove
the general court to Boston, that town was still in a
most tumultuous state, and the spirit of insubordina-
tion unsubdued.

The establishment of a board of commissioners,
and the activity employed in the prevention of smug-
gling, occasioned great discontent.; and, after the
removal of the troops from Boston, the revenue
officers were exposed to constant insults : the of-
fenders were not restrained by the magistracy, and
openly encouraged by the wealthiest merchants.
Obnoxious persons were stripped, daubed with tar,
then covered with feathers, and in that state carried

GEORGE III. 23

through the streets, derided, struck, and scourged by CHAP.
the populace*.

The other New England provinces participated in 1772.
the same spirit : at the town of Providence, in Rhode Burning O f

T-iii . /. T -i , tne schooner

Island, a place notorious lor smuggling, a kings
schooner, called the Gaspee, was stationed ; the com-
mander of which, Lieutenant Doddingstone, was de-
tested for his vigilance and activity. At midnight,
the Gaspee was boarded by two hundred armed men
from boats, who, after wounding the commander, and
forcibly carrying him and the crew on shore, burned
the vessel. The perpetrators of this daring exploit
were never discovered, although a reward of five
hundred pounds was offered, together with a pardon,
if claimed by any of the accomplices f.

During a recess of the legislature of Massachusetts Report of the
Bay, it was rumoured, as the fact really was, that not ^'ulesaiaries
merely the governor, but the judges, were to be allowed of judges.
adequate salaries, payable out of the public revenues ;
the popular party represented this as a ministerial
plan, to render the judges dependent on the crown ;
and the press immediately teemed with new invec-
tives. Great Britain, it was said, having failed in the
attempt to dragoon the province into a slavish sub-
mission, was now aiming at the accomplishment of the
same end, by corrupting the source of justice.

The select men immediately appointed a town 25tL Oct.
meeting at Faneuil Hall, to inquire into the grounds i n g Wn
of the report. A message was transmitted to the Message to

A , .. .-, , * .. , T, the governor.

governor, stating the alarm excited among all con-
siderate persons, by the report of a measure tending
rapidly to complete the slavery, which originated in
a power assumed by the House of Commons of Great
Britain, to grant the money of the colonists without
their consent; and requesting information, whether
he had received advice on the subject ? Hutchinson
answered, it was not proper for him to lay before any
town meeting his official correspondence, or to acquaint
them whether he had or had not received advices

* Almou's Collection, vol. i. p. 249. f Stedman.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1772.

Correspond-
ing com-
mittees ap-
pointed.

Observations
on them.

relating to the public affairs of government. This
was deemed unsatisfactory, and a committee appointed
to request him to convene the assembly, which he
declined, assigning his reason. They then resolved to
petition the King for redress of grievances, and esta-
blished a committee to correspond with those of other
provinces.

The baleful effects of these committees had been
already experienced in the colonies: their establish-
ment in America is attributed to Franklin*, and is
termed " the foulest, subtilest, and most venomous
" serpent that ever issued from the eggs of sedition )."
The committees were generally chosen at town meet-
ings, and composed of the most fiery and uncontrollable
spirits of opposition ; they had an opportunity, under
the apparent sanction of their towns, of clandestinely

* The invention is far more ancient ; corresponding committees were esta-
blished among the republicans and sectaries in the time of Charles I. They may
have been revived in America at the suggestion of Franklin, but the origin of
their practical formation and arrangement is claimed for Virginia by Mr. Jeffer-
son. " Not thinking," he says, " our old and leading members up to the point
" of forwardness and zeal which the time required, Mr. Henry, Richard Henry
" Lee, Francis L. Lee, Mr. Carr, and myself, agreed to meet in the evening, in a
" private room of the Raleigh, to consult on the state of things. There may have
' been a member or two more whom I do not recollect. We were all sensible
' that the most urgent of all measures was that of coming to an understanding
' with all the other colonies, to consider the British claims as a common cause to
' all, and to produce a unity of action : and, for this purpose, that a committee
' of correspondence in each colony would be the best instrument for intercom-
' munication : and that the first measure would probably be, to propose a mcet-
' ing of deputies from every colony, at some central place, who should be
' charged with the direction of the measures which should be taken by all. Mr.
' Carr moved them ; they were agreed to nem. can., and a committee of corre-
' spondence appointed, of whom Peyton Randolph, the speaker, was chairman.
' The origination of these committees of correspondence between the colonies
' has been since claimed for Massachuset's, and Marshall has given in to this
' error ; the messengers of Massachuset's and Virginia crossed each other on
' the way, bearing similar propositions." Memoirs, vol. i. p. 4.

f An American writer, exulting in the effect already produced by these com-
mittees, and auguring the purposes to which they might be converted in other
countries, expresses himself in these terms : " If we recollect how many States
" have lost their liberties merely from want of communication with each other
" and union among themselves, we shall think that the committees of correspond-
" ence may be intended by Providence to accomplish great events. What the
" eloquence and talents of Demosthenes could not effect among the States of
" Greece, might have been effected by so simple a device. Castile, Arragon,
' Valencia, Majorca, &c. all complained of oppression under Charles the Fifth,
' flew out into transports of rage, and took arms against him ; but they never
' consulted or communicated with each other : they resisted separately, and
' were separately subdued. Had Don Juan Padilla, or his wife, been possessed
' of the genius to invent a committee of correspondence, perhaps the liberties
' of the Spanish nation might have remained to this hour." Almou's Remem-
brancer, vol. i. p. 33.

GEORGE 111. 25

wreaking revenge on obnoxious persons, by traducing
and representing them as enemies to the country;
many individuals of principle and property, while 1772.
travelling, found themselves insulted and reviled by
men whom they had never seen, and for whose male-
volence they were at a loss to divine a motive. Thus
was sedition propagated, and misrepresentation, both
of individuals and of public measures, rendered current
through all parts of this vast continent: by these
means did the same clamours arise in so many parts
of the colonies at the same moment, that to those who
supposed the proceeding spontaneous, it appeared
almost miraculous *.

From the committee at Boston originated a report, ?" d Nov -
, . . , , , . ,, . , r . ' The com-

containing a new declaration 01 rights, more extensive mittee frame

than any hitherto framed ; the authority of parliament
to legislate for the colonies, in any respect, was ex-
plicitly denied; the rights of the colonists, and the
violations of them, were enumerated ; the declaratory
act of 1766 was particularly complained of; by this,
they said, the British parliament assumed the power
of legislating for them without their consent, and,
under pretence of that authority, imposed taxes, and
appointed new officers to be resident among them,
unknown to their constitution, because unauthorized
by their charter. The British ministry, by framing
the new regulation for granting salaries to the judges
and crown officers out of this odious tribute, were
charged with designing to complete the system of
slavery commenced in the House of Commons.

This report being approved at an adjourned meet- Address to
ing of the inhabitants, six hundred copies were printed,
and dispersed through all the towns of the province,
with an address to the people,' exhorting them, in the
common cant used for purposes of faction, " By the
" regard they owed to the rising generation, not to
" doze, or sit supinely indifferent, on the brink of de-
" struction, while the iron hand of oppression was daily
" tearing the choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty,
" planted by their worthy predecessors at the expense

* Masaachusetensis, Letter iv.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1773.
6th Jan.

Meeting of
the legisla-
lature.

They deny
the legisla-
tive autho-
rity of parlia-
ment

Messages re-
specting the
salaries of
judges.
23rd Jan.

3rd Feb.

" of their treasure, and abundantly watered by their
" blood*."

As these general speculations had been unsparingly
promulgated, and with some appearance of authorita-
tive sanction, Mr. Hutchinson thought proper, at the
opening of the general court, to afford the legislature
an opportunity of disavowing any concurrence in such
dangerous sentiments, and therefore took occasion to
insist on the supreme legislative authority of parlia-
ment. The assembly, however, were not disposed to
recede, as a body, from the pretensions which, as
individuals, they had laboured to maintain : in their
address they denied the competency of parliament,
not only to levy taxes, but to legislate for them in
any respect ; and they added, " If, in any late in-
stances, there had been a submission to acts of parlia-
" ment, it had been, in their opinion, rather from
" inconsideration, or reluctance to contend with the
" parent state, than from a conviction or acknowledge
" ment of the supreme legislative authority of parlia-

"mentst."

The grand popular topic was not long permitted
to remain quiescent : the house of representatives voted
salaries to the judges, as a compensation for their ser-
vices for one year, ending the first of January. The
governor delaying to sanction this vote, was requested
to make known his difficulty, and acquainted that the

* Stedman, vol. i. p. 82. Almon's Collection, &c.

t Such was the improper tendency of this address, that the assembly them-
selves thought proper, in a letter to the Earl of Dartmouth, secretary of state for
American affairs, dated 29th June, 1773, to retract and apologize for the expres-
sions they had used. Even this was not done without some chicane and hypocrisy;
they accused the governor of having unnecessarily brought the subject of parlia-
mentary authority under consideration, and that, by his speech at the opening of
the session, Mr. Hutchinson called on the two Houses in such a pressing man-
ner, as amounted to little short of a challenge to answer him. Into such a
dilemma were they brought by the speech, they say, that they were under a
necessity of giving such answers as they did, or having their conduct construed
into an acquiescence in the doctrines it contained, which would have been an
implicit acknowledgment that the province was in a state of subjection, differing
very little from slavery. The answers were the effect of necessity, and this
necessity occasioned great grief to the two Houses. " The people of this pro-
" vince, my Lord," they continued, " are true and faithful subjects of His Ma-
" jesty, and think themselves happy in their connexion with Great Britain."
Stedman and Almon. Dr. Franklin, too, states that, even among the friends of
the ministry here, the conduct of Governor Hutchinson, in alluding to former
disputes, was deemed indiscreet, although well meant. Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 180.

GEORGE III. 27

people were universally alarmed with the report of CHAP.

salaries being fixed to the offices of the justices by '_

order of the crown. His excellency avowed his in- 1773.
formation that the King had directed salaries; but 4thFeb -
had received no intelligence of warrants being issued
for payment; he had therefore delayed giving his
immediate assent to the grants, lest, when the warrants
from the crown should be transmitted, they might
include sums due for part of the time for which the
assembly had provided.

In consequence of this message, a deputation was i2th.
instructed to wait on the governor, and represent that
" no judge, who had a due regard to justice, or even
" to his own character, would choose to be placed
" under an undue bias, by becoming dependent on the
" crown for his salary." The measure was imputed to
the King's being misinformed respecting their con-
stitution, and the governor's reasons for delay were
treated with great disregard. " When we consider,"
they said, " the many attempts that have been made
" to render null and void those clauses in our charter
" upon which the freedom of our constitution depends,
" we should be lost to all public feeling, did we not
" manifest a just resentment. We are more and more
" convinced, that it has been the design of administra-
" tion totally to subvert the constitution, and introduce
" an arbitrary government in this province, and we
" cannot wonder that the apprehensions of this people
" are thoroughly awakened." In conclusion, they
expressed a hope that the judges would refuse to
accept of support in a manner so justly obnoxious to
the disinterested and judicious part of the community,
being repugnant to the charter, and utterly inconsistent
with their safety, rights, liberties, and of property.

Contrary to the expectations of the demagogues, Hutchinson
the governor at length gave Ms consent to the vote ; ^Tctonhe
but as the question would now remain at rest for a assembly.
longer period than suited their views, they adopted an grants^oted,
unprecedented measure for the purpose of instantly which the

. .. i .. ', . f .-, governor re-

reviving it, by voting similar grants tor the year ensu- f usea to sauc-
ing; but this resolution the governor refused to confirm, tiou -

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1773.

Activity of
the commit-
tees of cor-
respondence.

Publication
of the letters
of Hutchin-
son and
Bernard.

alleging, that as there was no instance of an allowance
made to judges for services not actually performed,
and as those grants were prospective, and passed in so
short a time after the information he had given the
House, his assent would appear to counteract the
King's intentions.

The year 1773 produced abundant causes of dis-
content in New England ; the dispute respecting the
judges was never relinquished ; and the committees of
correspondence were actively employed in disseminat-
ing sedition. In consequence of the outrage com-
mitted on board the Gaspee, a court of inquiry was
instituted at Rhode Island, with powers, conformably
to a late act of parliament, to send the defendants to
England for trial. A sub-committee of correspond-
ence was formed by the people of Boston, to examine
by what authority the court of inquiry held its sittings ;
the assembly of Virginia, and several other legislative
bodies, adopted the corresponding system, and the
whole continent was thus prepared for the instanta-
neous reception of an uniform impulse.

The hatred of the people of Massachuset's Bay to
their governor and to the British government, received
at this time new force from a treacherous and un-
warrantable act committed by Dr. Franklin. His
appointment as agent, at a critical period, has already
been mentioned : his remaining in it was owing to the
influence of the opposition party in the assembly, who,
contrary to the practice and forms of the colonial
constitution, which required the concurrence of the
three branches of the legislature, continued him,
although the council had appointed another person
to officiate for them. Dr. Franklin's information was
highly prized by his adherents: his delineations of
the disposition of the King, the ministry, parliament,
and the nation, were deemed most authentic. He
advised the colonists to persevere in distressing go-
vernment by reiterated resolutions, and to cherish a
military spirit ; and assured his constituents, that, if
firm, they had Inothing to fear from the people of
England ; they were generally favourable to the Ame-

GEORGE III. 29

rican cause, and so was the King ; it was resisted only CHAP.
by a corrupt and unwise parliament. He assured

them too, that their part was warmly taken by the 1773.
Irish in general; that in France their dispute was
much attended to, and their pamphlets translated;
and, as the French language was generally spoken,
all Europe had thus become interested for the Ameri-
cans*. He suggested modes of resistance to govern-
ment, and the popular measures were generally in-
troduced to the IdLouse by letters from him. The
rancorous opposition which was displayed during the
governments of Bernard and Hutchinson, was attri-
buted to the misrepresentations of party agents. Sir
Francis Bernard was a man of acknowledged abilities, Their charac-
and undisputed integrity ; he came to the government
of Massachuset's Bay, recommended by the affections
of the people of New Jersey, over whom he had before
presided. Mr. Hutchinson's character in private life
was amiable and exemplary; his abilities, humanity,
and honour, were well known to the province, from
his conduct in various important departments, par-
ticularly that of chief justice ; and he was endowed
with a thorough knowledge of the interests, con-
nexions, and affairs of his government f . As a friend
to the constitution established by charter, both had
opposed the innovations of the republicans, and, in
confidential communications with persons in Great
Britain, expressed with freedom their sentiments
respecting the origin, continuance, and means of pre-
venting those disturbances which agitated the colony.

Dr. Franklin having obtained possession of some Proceedings
of these letters, transmitted them to the committee of
correspondence, by whom they were laid before the
house of representatives, where they gave birth to
most violent proceedings. A committee waited on
the governor, and, refusing to trust the letters from
their own custody, inquired whether he acknowledged
his signature. Having received an explicit avowal,

* Letters to Dr. Cooper, British Museum. February 17G9, to June 1770,
et passim.

t Massachusetensis, Letter iii.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1773.
June 29th.

Effect of the
act for ex-
porting tea.

Proceedings
at Boston.

the assembly prepared a petition and remonstrance to
the King, charging the governor with betraying his
trust and slandering the people, by giving private,
partial, and false information; he was declared an
enemy to the colony ; and they prayed for his removal,
and that of Mr. Oliver, the lieutenant-governor *.

While the spirit of opposition was at the utmost
height, intelligence was received of the act of the
British legislature, permitting the East India Com-
pany to export tea, free from duty, to all other parts
of the globe, while it was charged with a duty of
threepence per pound on its arrival in America j\
Since the non-importation agreements, the colonists
had been principally supplied with tea smuggled from
Holland ; as the duty taken off in England was one
shilling per pound, if the introduction was now per-
mitted, its cheapness would form an irresistible coun-
teraction to the non-importation covenants, and a duty
would be received by England from America, not-
withstanding all the efforts of opposition. The press
again poured forth a torrent of invective, and imputed
every sinister design to the mother-country ; the duty
on tea was represented as a prelude to various other
impositions, and the colonists were taught to expect a
window-tax, a hearth-tax, a land-tax, and a poll-tax,
as immediate and inevitable consequences.

Several of the provinces, influenced by these re-
presentations, compelled the consignees of tea to

* In a speech before the privy council, which will be noticed hereafter, Mr.
Weddcrburne gave the following animated and just account of this transaction:
' That Dr. Franklin sent these letters to such persons as he thought would, in
' some way or other, bring them into the assembly, may be true. And, accord-
' ingly, after an alarm of some dreadiul discovery, these letters were produced by
' one single person, pretending to be under an injunction to observe the strictest
' secrecy, and to suffer no copies to be taken of them. After allowing two or
' three days for fame to amplify, and for party malice to exaggerate ; and after
' having thereby raised a general prejudice against the governor; at length
' another member tells the assembly that he had received from an unknown
' hand a copy of the letters ; and wished to have that copy compared and authcn-
4 ticated with the originals. After this, when they had brought the council into
' their measures, they then found their powers enlarged ; and that they were at
' liberty to shew them to any one, provided they did not suffer them to go out of
' their hands ; and the King's Governor and Lieutenant-governor were per-
' mitted to look upon them only in this opprobrious manner, in order to render
' the indignity so much the more offensive."

t Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. iii. p. 545.

GEORGE III. 31

renounce their agency, and entered into strenuous CHAP.
resolutions against purchasing or permitting it to be

landed. In Boston the same attempts were made; 1773.
but the consignees, instead of yielding to the com-
mands of the populace, implored protection of the
governor, who immediately convened the council, and
submitted the petition to their consideration. The
council declined giving advice; the mob surrounded lothNov.
the houses of the consignees, and, on their still refus-
ing to renounce their employ, broke their doors and
windows, and compelled them to take refuge in Castle
William ; the governor's proclamation for suppressing
this riot was contemned and derided, and the sheriff
insulted while attempting to read it.

The most violent opposition to the landing of tea Arrival of a
being now expected, the first ship which arrived was shlp *
detained below Castle William. An assembly of the Body-mcet-
people was convoked at the Old South meeting-house, ing-
called a Body-meting : this convention differed from a
town-meeting, by being open to all persons, without
inquiry as to qualification. It consisted of several
thousands, collected, not only in Boston, but from all
the circumjacent towns: the owner of the tea ship
was summoned before them, and required to bring his
vessel to the wharf; his compliance, as they knew,
compelled him to enter his cargo at the custom-house,
and he accordingly reported his tea, after which twenty
days were allowed to land it and pay the duty.

The body-meeting having thus succeeded in creat-
ing a difficulty, passed a resolution that the tea should
not be landed, nor the duty paid, but return in the
same bottoms in which it was brought. This was
placing the captain in an inextricable dilemma; for
as the ship had been compelled to come to the wharf,
and was entered at the custom-house, it could not be
cleared out without the previous payment of the duties,
nor could the governor grant a permit for the vessel
to pass Castle William, without a certificate from the
custom-house.

The body-meeting then appointed a military guard,
to watch the ship every night till further orders. The

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1773.

Tea thrown
into the sea.

Proceedings
in other pro-
vinces.

Impeach-
ment of the
chiefjnstice.

consignees having been compelled to seek refuge from
the fury of the populace, and the council having de-
clined to interfere, the governor persevered in that
line which the law marked out as his duty : his in-
flexibility in this point was opposed by an equal
obstinacy on the part of the town's people, who re-
jected, with disdain, the offer of the consignees to land
the tea, and store it under the care of the select men,
or a committee of the town, till they could receive
further orders from England.

Two more ships were now arrived, when the mili-
tary guard was unexpectedly withdrawn, or the renewal
omitted. A numerous mob, in the disguise of Mohawk
Indians, suddenly sallied forth, boarded the ship, split
open the chests, and committed the cargoes of tea to
the waves. In this illegal transaction no wanton ex-
cess of violence was displayed, nor was any act of
cruelty committed. The operation was conducted with
as much order as if it had been perfectly legal; no
property, except the tea, was destroyed; nor was
personal injury inflicted on any but one man, who
having filled his pockets with stolen tea, was despoiled,
not only of his plunder but his apparel, and, by this
summary act of licentious justice, reduced to the ne-
cessity of seeking his home naked.

Measures were adopted in other provinces to pre-
vent the landing ; some ships were compelled to return
without coming to anchor, and several cargoes were
destroyed ; but in no other place was such a systematic
and overbearing spirit of opposition manifested as in
Boston *.

The assembly, animated with the popularity of
their late proceedings, omitted no opportunity of re-
newing personal contests with the governor. In the
last session they declared, that judges, who received
salaries from the crown instead of the people, would
no longer enjoy the public confidence and esteem, and
it would be the indispensable duty of the province to
impeach them before the governor and council. Not

* Stedman Massaclmsctensis, Letter iv. Letter from the Rev. Dr. Cooper,
to Dr. Franklin (17th Dec.), King George the Third's Papers, vol. cxc. fo. 14.

GEORGE III. 33

intimidated by these threats, the judges refused to CHAP.
accept more than half of the sums granted by the

house of representatives, who, in this session, put their 1774.
menace in execution, by voting articles of impeach- 24thF b -
ment against Peter Oliver, Esq. chief justice of the
superior court of judicature, charging him with a
design to subvert the constitution of the province, and
to introduce into the court over which he presided, a
partial, arbitrary and corrupt administration of justice,
in consequence of which he had declined receiving
grants of the general assembly, but accepted an annual
stipend from His Majesty's ministers.

In a letter addressed to the House, the magistrate His letter.
remonstrated, that, during the seventeen years he had
been in office, he was unconscious of any violation of
the laws in his judicial capacity; he had sustained,
'by privation of business, and the insufficiency of his
stipends, a loss exceeding three thousand pounds ster-
ling; he had not solicited a salary from the King; but
when it was offered, duty and gratitude to the best of
sovereigns induced him to accept the munificent dona-
tion. This appeal was insufficient to disarm the fury
of the assembly; the impeachment was voted by a
large majority*; but the governor, disclaiming any
authority to try and determine high crimes and mis-
demeanors, refused to receive it. The representatives
persevering in their attempt, and renewing the im-
peachment in another form, Hutchinson dissolved the 30tl1 Mar-
assembly. His speech was couched in terms of severe
reprehension : he said, " As some of your votes, re-
" solves, and other proceedings, which you have
" suffered to be made public, strike directly at the
" honour and authority of the King and parliament,
" I may not neglect bearing public testimony against
" them, and making use of the power vested in me by
" the constitution, to prevent your* further proceeding
" in the same way."

Before any measures were taken in parliament Massachuset's

* 92 to 8.
VOL. II. D

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1774.

Account of
the letters,
and manner
of obtaining
them.

respecting the transactions in America, the petition of
the legislature of Massachusets, founded on certain
letters, was heard before the committee of the privy
council, to whom it had been referred by His Majesty.
It is necessary to enter into some details, so far as
very imperfect disclosures will permit, of the manner
in which these documents were obtained, and of pro-
ceedings on the petition which produced effects utterly
disproportioned to any expectation which could reason-
ably have been formed.

The letters were thirteen in number; six written
by Mr. Hutchinson, between the 18th of June 1768,
and the 26th of October 1769, long before he was
governor. Mr. Oliver's were four ; the first dated 7th
May 1767, the last the 12th of August 1769, within
which period he was not lieutenant-governor. The
remaining three were from different persons in 1768.
The letters of Mr. Hutchinson were those of a person
who perfectly understood the constitution of the coun-
try, viewing with alarm and apprehension the daily
inroads made on it, and desirous to protect it if pos-
sible. His counsels do not seem dictated by a spirit
of violence, nor were they imparted in terms of undue
warmth: they are the effusions of a thinking mind,
occupied in discussing public affairs of the first moment :
he did not pretend to disclose private or confidential
communications, but detailed free opinions relative to
the politics of government, and the means of securing
the dependence of the colonists, the termination of
which he clearly anticipated. As he wrote with the
utmost frankness, some expressions might be descanted
on to his disadvantage; but his letters contained no
information unfounded on fact, nor were his reasonings
recommended by any promises to unite a party, or to
assist in subverting the charter of the colony: he
merely pointed out such means as were in his opinion
calculated to counteract the daily infractions of the
constitution, which were made under pretence of
aspiring at English liberty, but were, in fact, most
frequently founded on appeals to the abstract and

GEORGE III. 35

antisocial rights of nature. The letters of Mr. Oliver*
were of the same character; but his counsels were
more specific; he recommended the removal of the 1774.
principal incendiaries, the estabHshment of a patrician
order, and several other measures ; but his advice was
no more than a confidential disclosure of his own
particular opinions, and not combined with any pro-
position for giving effect to measures which might
result from it.

There is nothing in these letters, as published, to
denote to whom they were written ; it afterward ap-
peared that it was to Thomas Whately, Esquire, a
member of parliament, and who had been private
secretary to Mr. George Grenville f ; nor would Dr.
Franklin at any time disclose from whom he obtained
them. Even his Memoirs and private memorandums
contain no information on the subject, although, during
the remainder of his days, his conduct was severely
and justly stigmatized. His own account of his pro-
ceedings, the only feeble guide afforded us toward the
truth, does not place his character in an honourable
light.

From this narrative it appears, that when the
concessions of the British government had nearly
reconciled the greater portion of the American pro-
vinces to the operations which had excited so much
discontent, and when the renewal of mercantile inter-
course induced a hope that the contention was finally
closed, the spirit of dissatisfaction was still kept alive
in Massachusets. " A personal animosity between
" Governor Barnard, Lieutenant-governor Hutchinson,
" and some distinguished patriots, contributed to per-
" petuate a flame of discontent in that province,
" although elsewhere it had visibly abated J." Enter-
taining strong opinions of the improper conduct of the

* The letters at large were published by Wilkie, in St. Paul's Church-yard,
and by others, in various foims ; and the reader may form a candid judgment
from a perusal of the whole ; a few phrases maliciously selected, and falsified by
typographical artifice, can only lead to misapprehensions and fallacious con-
clusions.

t Memoirs of Dr. Franklin, vol. i. Appendix 7, p. 11.

J Same vol. p. 189.

D 2

36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. mother country toward the colonies, and that the
sending of troops to Boston was a national measure,

1774. since none here opposed it, Dr. Franklin sometimes
spoke of it in this light, and with some resentment,
until he was " assured by a gentleman of character
" and distinction, whom he was not permitted to name
" (even at a much later period of his life, when he
" was writing his Memoirs), that not only the measure
" he particularly censured so warmly, but all the other
" grievances he complained of, took their rise, not
" from the government in England, but were pro-
" jected, proposed to administration, solicited, and
" obtained by some of the most respectable among
" the Americans themselves, as necessary measures
" for the welfare of the country*."

To remove some doubts which he appeared to
entertain, and in the hope of convincing him, and,
through him, his countrymen, this unnamed gentleman
produced the letters which became the subject of so
much discussion. Dr. Franklin wished to convince
the people -of America that the source of their com-
plaints did not arise here, and felt it his duty to give
his constituents intelligence of such importance to
their affairs; but the gentleman would not permit
copies to be taken ; nor would copies have contained
proof of their own authenticity ; and as a mere report
of them as papers he had seen would have been still
less certain, he obtained the use of the originals, on
the express conditions that they should not be printed ;
that no copies should be taken of them; that they
should be shewn only to a few of the leading people
of the government, and that they should be carefully
returned. " I accepted those conditions," he says,
" and, under the same, transmitted the original letters
" to the committee of correspondence at Boston, with-
" out taking or reserving any copy of them for myself.
" I agreed the more willingly to the restraint, from an
" apprehension that a publication might, considering
*' the state of irritation in which the minds of the

* Same vol. p. 180.

GEORGE III. 37

" people there had long been kept, occasion some riot

" of mischievous consequence. I had no other scruple

" in sending them ; for as they had been handed about 1774.

" here to injure that people, why not use them for

" their advantage 1 The writers, too, had taken the

" same liberty with the letters of others, transmitting

" hither those of Rome and Auchmuty in confirmation

" of their own calumnies against the Americans;

" copies of some of mine, too, had been returned here

" by officers of government; why then should theirs

" be exempt from the same treatment^ To whom

" they had been directed here I could only conjecture ;

" for I was not informed, and there was no address

" upon them when I received them."

It is not easy to conceive the motive which could
lead Dr. Franklin to put upon paper this strange un-
satisfactory narrative. It could not have been to
justify himself in the eyes of his friends ; the matter
had fallen into disregard, and the success of his mea-
sures against this country had placed him above the
necessity of such a proceeding ; if it was to satisfy the
impartial portion of mankind of the correctness of his
conduct and the purity of his motives, the attempt
might with more advantage to himself have been re-
nounced. The art evidently shewn in concealing the
name of the person from whom he obtained the letters,
destroys all confidence in his statement. Had he
presumed to name any one, a direct contradiction
might, and probably would, have been given ; but as
they had avowedly been the property of a person who
was dead, it is not difficult to imagine that they were
surreptitiously taken from the place where they had
been deposited, and came to the hands of the doctor
in a manner far less creditable to him than that which
he has assigned. It is evident that the correspondence
must have consisted of many more letters ; that the
few which were published were malignantly selected,
and that, had all the others been communicated, a very
different impression might have been made. It is
most probable that the whole correspondence was
purloined from the papers of the gentleman deceased,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1774.

Their effect
in America.

and that, after the selection was made, the residue was
destroyed, so that the whole truth should never be
known. It seems like trifling with the understanding
of mankind to assert, with a hope of being believed,
that original papers, of which no copies were to be
made, should be transmitted beyond the Atlantic to
persons who made 110 promise to the original pos-
sessor, or who, if they did make a promise and violated
it, could not be called to any account. Nor can it be
believed that when Franklin sent those letters to a
committee composed, as he knew it was, of Mr. Han-
cock and other personal enemies of Hutchinson and
Oliver, and political foes to Great Britain, when " the
" whole committee of correspondence, five more who
" were named, and such others as the committee
" might think fit to shew them to," were to enjoy the
benefits of the communication, any promise was ex-
acted, or if, for form's sake he had required it, that a
man of his sagacity could have relied on it, especially
when persons unknown were to be among those who
were trusted*. .

In the state of mind which prevailed in America,
a temperate view of these letters could not be ex-

* That an injunction against taking copies accompanied these letters, will

appear from one of Dr. Franklin's to Dr. Cooper, 7th July, 1773 ; and it may

easily be seen how little he expected, or even desired, that it should be observed.

" You mention the surprise of gentlemen to whom those letters have been com-

" municated, at the restrictions with which they were accompanied, and which

" they suppose render them incapable of answering any important end. One

" great reason of forbidding their publication, was an apprehension that it might

" put all the possessors of such correspondence here upon their guard, and so pre-

" vent the obtaining more of it. And it was imagined that shewing the originals

" to so many as were named, and to a few such others as they might think fit,

" would be sufficient to establish the authenticity, and to spread through the pro-

" vince so just an estimation of the writers, as to strip them of all their deluded

" friends, and demolish effectually their interest and influence. The letters

" might be shewn even to some of the governor's and lieutenant-governor's par-

" tizans, and spoken of to every body ; for there was no restraint proposed to

' talking of them, but only to copying. However, the terms given with them

' could only be those with which they were received." And, after the publica-

ion had taken place, he writes to the Honourable Henry Gushing, chairman of

he committee of correspondence, 25th July, 1773, " I am favoured with yours of

' June 14th and 16th, containing some copies of the resolves of the committee

' upon the letters. I see, by your account of the transaction, that you could not

' well prevent what was done. As to the report of other copies being come from

' England, I know that could not be. It was an expedient to disengage the

' house. I hope the possession of the originals, and the proceedings upon them,

' will be attended with salutary effects to the province, and then I shall be well

' pleased." Memoirs of Benjamin Franklin, vol. ii. pp. 194, 197.

GEORGE III. 39

pected ; passion, interest, and faction, combined in the

efforts to render the writers universally odious. The

committees of correspondence printed, and inclosed in 1774.

a circular address, the letters of the governor and

lieutenant-governor, and the resolves of the assembly :

the ferment became general ; town meetings were

held, and violent resolutions adopted ; one town even

declared it was better to risk their lives and fortunes

in defence of their rights, civil and religious, than to

die by piecemeal in slavery. A natural consequence

of this ferment was the petition to the King which

Dr. Franklin, as agent for the province, had presented

to Lord Dartmouth. A counter petition, on behalf of

the governor and lieutenant-governor, praying to be Jan- 10-

heard by counsel on the allegations against them, was

sent in by Mr. Mauduit, and both were referred to

the committee of the privy council for Plantation

affairs.

Pending these transactions, Mr. William Whately, Y/ 3 '
brother of the gentleman from whose effects these Dueibe-
letters appear to have been purloined, supposing that what^
Mr. John Temple, of Boston*, had been instrumental and Mr.
in obtaining and publishing them, discussions in the Tem P le -
public prints between them, occasioned a duel in Hyde
Park, in which Mr. Whately received a wound, and
the parties were separated. Considering that the con-
flict, which had only been interrupted, would probably
be renewed, Dr. Franklin wrote to one of the news-
papers a letter, in which he said, " I think it incum- 25th ;
" bent on me to declare (for the prevention of future
" mischief) that I alone am the person who obtained
" and transmitted to Boston the letters in question.
" Mr. Whately could not communicate them, because
" they were never in his possession ; and, for the same
" reason, they could not be taken from him by Mr.
" Temple. They were not of the nature of private
" letters between friends ; they were written by public

* In the Annual Register for 1773, p. 152, he is styled Lieutenant-Governor
of New Hampshire. An account of the origin and course of this quarrel is given
in the Memoirs of Franklin, vol. i. Appendix 7, p. 62.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXI.

1774.

Jan. 11.
Proceedings
in the privy
council.

29th.

" officers to persons in public stations, on public affairs,
" and intended to procure public measures ; they were
" therefore handed to other public persons, who might
" be influenced by them to produce those measures :
" their tendency was to incense the mother country
" against her colonies, and, by the steps recommended,
" to widen the breach ; which they effected."

On the hearing before the committee of the privy
council, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Bollan, as agents, ap-
peared for the House of Assembly ; on the other side,
Mr. Mauduit attended, with Mr. Wedderburne, the
solicitor-general, as his counsel. After a few short
preliminary questions, Dr. Franklin said he did not
expect that counsel would have been employed;
and, although it was shewn that he had notice of the
prayer of Mr. Mauduit's petition to that effect, the
court acceded to his request of a delay. On the ap-
pointed day he presented himself, with Mr. Dunning
and Mr. Lee as his advocates ; the attendance of the
council was unusually full, thirty-five members being
present, and the anti-room was thronged with persons
desirous of admission. To substantiate the complaints
of the assembly, Mr. Dunning read extracts from the
letters which had been selected for him by Dr. Frank-
lin, and which were cited to prove that the two parties
complained of were unworthy of the confidence either
of the English government or of the assembly. No-
thing could be imagined of less importance than the
passages produced, if read with their entire context,
and with proper references to time and occasion. One
was a suggestion by Mr. Oliver, that government might
stipulate with the merchants of England for the pur-
chase of large quantities of goods, fit for the American
market, and abstain from shipping them until the
Americans should clamour for a supply. The mer-
chant might then put an advanced price upon his
wares, and possibly be able to make his own terms :
or, if it should be found that they would not bear
an augmentation of price to indemnify him, it might
be worth while for the government to agree with the

GEORGE III. 41

merchants before hand to allow them a premium equi- CHAP.

valent to the advance of their stock, and then the game '_

would be over*. 1774,

In another passage, it was averred that Mr. Oliver
indirectly recommended assassination ; his words being,
" that some method should be devised to take off the
" original incendiaries, whose writings supplied the
" fuel of sedition through the Boston Gazette f. One
" expression of Governor Hutchinson's is cited, as
" sufficient, alone, to justify all the complaints which
" were made, and to call for the immediate dismission
" of an officer so hostile to the rights and liberties of
" his countrymen." He declared that there must be
an abridgment of English liberties in the colonies J.

No report of the speeches made by Mr. Dunning
and Mr. Lee has ever been published. Dr. Priestly
insinuates that they made no great exertions. Mr.
Dunning, he says, was so hoarse, that he could hardly
make himself heard, and Mr. Lee spoke but feebly in
reply . Had their abilities been greater, if possible,

* This passage was taken from a letter dated the 7th of May, 1767. In
Dr. Franklin's Memoirs, vol. i. Appendix 7, p. 58, the last words are said to be,
the game will be up with my countrymen. This falsification could answer but
little purpose ; for the beginning of the paragraph shews clearly that the game
alluded to was the infusion of an alarm, that the manufacturers of England would
rise again and defeat the measures of government. " This game," he says, "has
" been played once, and succeeded."

f This passage, from the same work and page, is equally falsified with the
former. It is, " be their determination what it will, it is the determination of
some to agree to no terms that shall remove us from our old foundation. This
confirms me in an opinion that I have taken up a long time since, that if there
be no way to take off the original incendiaries, they will still continue to instil
their poison into the minds of the people, through the vehicle of the Boston
Gazette." Such was the phrase relied on to warrant an opinion that a pro-
posal could be made to a British government to authorise acts of assassination.
There are means, very different from murder, by which newspaper patriots may
be taken off. The phrase is not elegant or well chosen ; but uncommon malig-
nity must be employed to fix on the writer a charge of suggesting assassination.

J Ibid. And false again. Mr. Hutchinson having written, in October and
December, 1768, accounts of the proceedings of men calling themselves " sons of
" liberty," in insulting government, maltreating and abusing public officers, and
even preventing the assembling of juries, continuing the subject on the 26th of
January, 1769, said, " I never think of the measures necessary for the peace and
" good order of the colonies without pain. There must be an abridgment of
what are called English liberties. I relieve myself, by considering that, in a
remove from the state of nature to the most perfect state of government, there
must be a great restraint of natural liberty. I doubt whether it is possible to pro-
ject a system of government in which a colony three thousand miles distant from
the parent state shall enjoy all the liberties of the parent state."

In a letter in the Monthly Magazine, dated 10th Nov. 1802, reprinted in
Franklin's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 184.

42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

were ' th e incumbrance of such a case was
sufficient to depress them.
1774. Mr. Wedderburne made a speech of great cele-

Mr.Wedder- britv, and productive of effects more important and

Durno s * * -*-

speech. extensive than often result from addresses of the same

description. It was argumentative, learned, witty,
and peculiarly vituperative of Dr. Franklin. The pre-
sent question, he observed, was of no less magnitude
than whether the crown should ever have it in his
power to employ a faithful and steady servant in the
administration of a colony. In the appointment of
Mr. Hutchinson, His Majesty's choice followed the
wishes of his people ; and no other man could have
been named, in whom so many favourable circum-
stances concurred to recommend him. A native of
the country, whose ancestors were among its first set-
tlers. A gentleman, who had, for many years, presided
in the law courts ; of tried integrity ; of confessed
abilities ; and who had long employed those abilities
in the study of their history and original constitution.
Against him they did not attempt to allege one single
act of misconduct, during the four years in which he
had been governor. A charge of some sort was to be
preferred against him and the lieutenant-governor,
and His Majesty was prayed to punish them by a
disgraceful removal.

From a review of the history of American transac-
tions during the last ten years, he shewed that Mr.
Hutchinson had, on all occasions, proved himself alike
the friend of government and the colony; he said,
" I now come to consider the argument upon that
" footing on which my learned friends have chosen to
" place it. They have read to your Lordships the
" assembly's address ; they have read the letters ; and
" they have read the censures passed on them : and,
" after praying the removal of His Majesty's Governor
" and Lieutenant-Go vernor, they now tell your Lord-
" ships there is no cause to try there is no charge
" there are no accusers there are no proofs. They
" say that the Governor and Lieutenant-Governor are
" disliked by the assembly, and they ought to be dis-

GEORGE III. 43

" missed, because they have lost the confidence of
" those who complain against them. This is so very

" extraordinary a proceeding, that I know of no pre- 1774.
" cedent, except one ; but that, I confess, according
" to the Roman poet's report, is a case in point.

" ' Nunquam, si quid mini credis, amavi

" ' Hunc hominem. Sed quo cecidit sub crimine ? Quisnam
" * Delator ? Quibus indicibus ? Quo teste probavit ?
" ' Nil horum verbosa et grandis epistola venit
" ' A Capreis bene habet : nil plus interrogo.' '

Mr. Wedderburne then proceeded to examine into
the manner in which the letters had been obtained
and published. " How they came into the possession
" of any one but the right owners," he said, " is still
" a mystery for Dr. Franklin to explain. The late
" Mr. Whately was most scrupulously cautious about
" his letters. These I believe were in his custody at
" his death; and I as firmly believe that, without
" fraud, they could not have been got out of the cus-
" tody of the person whose hands they fell into.
" Wherein had my late worthy friend or his family
" offended Dr. Franklin, that he should first do so
" great an injury to the memory of the dead brother,
" by secreting and sending away his letters ; and then,
" conscious of what he had done, should keep himself
" concealed, till he had nearly, very nearly, occasioned
" the murder of the other? After the mischiefs of
" this concealment had been left for five months to
" have their full operation, at length comes out a letter,
" which it is impossible to read without horror, ex-
" pressive of the coolest and most deliberate malevo-
" lence. My Lords, what poetic fiction had only
" penned for the breast of a cruel African, Dr. Frank-
" lin has realized, and transcribed from his own. His
" too is the language of Zanga :

" Know then 'twas 1.

" I forged the letter I dtspos'd the picture
" I hated, I despis'd, and I destroy."

Examining the reasons given by Dr. Franklin for

44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. causing the publication of the letters, he demonstrated,
both from their contents and all circumstances con-

1774. nected with the writing of them, that they were purely
and strictly private communications; that the inten-
tions imputed to the writers, and the inferences drawn
from them, were the mere effects of fallacy and mis-
representation ; and particularly that, at the time of
the correspondence, Mr. Whately could neither guide
nor influence the proceedings of government; for,
although a member of parliament, he voted with the
opposition. " These are the letters," he said, " which
" Dr. Franklin treats as public letters, and has thought
" proper to secrete them for his own private purpose.
" How he got at them, or in whose hands they were
" at the time of Mr. Whately's death, the doctor has
" not yet thought proper to tell us. Till he do, he
" wittingly leaves the world at liberty to conjecture
" about them as they please, and to reason upon those
" conjectures. But let the letters have been lodged
" where they may, from the hour of Mr. Thomas
" Whately's death they became the property of his
" brother and of the Whately family. Dr. Franklin
" could not but know this, and that no one had a
" right to dispose of them but they only. Other
" receivers of goods dishonourably come by, may
" plead, as a pretence for keeping them, that they
" don't know who are the proprietors: in this case
" there was not the common excuse of ignorance ; the
" doctor knew whose they were, and yet did not re-
" store them to the right owner. This property is as
" sacred and as precious to gentlemen of integrity, as
" their family plate or jewels are : and no man who
" knows the Whately s will doubt but that they would
" much sooner have chosen that any person should
" have taken their plate, and sent it to Holland for
" his avarice, than that he should have secreted the
" letters of their friend, their brother's friend, and
" their father's friend, and sent them away to Boston
" to gratify an enemy's malice."

Dr. Franklin was not warranted in saying that he
transmitted the letters to his constituents; he sent

GEORGE III. 45

them only to a particular junto ; for to them, and them CHAP.

only, were the letters communicated. Dr. Franklin

did not communicate them, as their agent, to the 1774.

assembly : for whatever may have been the whispers

of this junto, the assembly, as an assembly, does not

to this day know by whom the letters were sent. And

so little do those innocent, well-meaning farmers, who

compose the bulk of the assembly, know what they

are about, that by the arts of their leaders they have

been brought to vote an address to His Majesty to

dismiss his governor and lieutenant-governor, founded

upon certain papers which they have not named;

sent to them from somebody, they know not whom,

and originally directed to somebody, they cannot tell

where : for my accounts say, that it did not appear fb

the House that these letters had ever been in London.

In conclusion, he said, " On the part of Mr.
" Hutchinson and Mr. Oliver, I am instructed to
" assure your Lordships that they feel no spark of
" resentment, even at the individuals who have done
" them this injustice. Their private letters breathe
" nothing but moderation. They are convinced that
" the people, though misled, are innocent. If the
" conduct of a few should provoke a just indignation,
" they would be the most forward, and, I trust, the
" most efficacious solicitors to avert its effects, and to
" excuse the men. They love the soil, the constitu-
" tion, the people of New England ; they look with
" reverence to this country, and with affection to that.
" For the sake of the people, they wish some faults
" corrected, anarchy abolished, and government re-
" established. But these salutary ends they wish to
" promote by the gentlest means ; and the abridging
" of no liberties which a people can possibly use to
" its own advantage. A restraint from self-destruction
" is the only restraint they desire to be imposed upon
" New England."

The committee of the privy council speedily re- Decision of
ported, " that the petition was founded on resolutions
" formed upon false and erroneous allegations ; that
" it was groundless, vexatious, and scandalous, and

46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, " calculated only for the seditious purposes of keeping
" up a spirit of clamour and discontent in the pro-

1774. " vince ; that nothing which had been laid before
" them did or could in any manner impeach the
" honour, integrity or conduct of the governor or
" lieutenant-governor ; and that the petition ought to
" be dismissed." The King in council confirmed the
report, and Dr. Franklin was dismissed from the office
of deputy postmaster-general in America*,
observations. This proceeding is one among the many instances
of a government being in principle perfectly right, and
yet, by not duly considering all surrounding circum-
stances, placing themselves in the wrong. It is im-
possible to screen the transaction in question, or the
conduct of Dr. Franklin in relation to it, from the
reproaches to which they were exposed; but the
character of the inquiry, and the dignity of the tri-
bunal to whose investigation it was submitted, were
not duly considered. Ministers, taught by experience,
ought to have known the degradation which they must
inevitably incur when they elevated an individual into
the rank of a personal opponent. Every word of cen-
sure uttered by Wedderburne, whether applied to the
patriots of Massachusets or to their agent, was most
strictly just ; but, from the place in which his speech
was pronounced, many advantages in public considera-
tion resulted to his adversary. The question before
the privy council, one entirely of politics, and the
highest interests of the nation, was treated as if it had
been a suit between private parties in which damages
were to be given, withheld or moderated according to
the opinions entertained by a jury of the conduct of
an agent or the character of a witness. The petition
could not be borne out by the letters on which it was
founded, and the manner in which they were obtained
and disclosed was most flagitious ; but even the strength
acquired by the advocate from these circumstances
was impaired by the tyrannous use which he made of

* In this narrative, the publication by Wilkie of the Letters of Governor
Hutchinson, and the Memoirs of Dr. Franklin, vol. i. p. 183 to 219 ; vol. ii.
p. 289, have been chiefly relied on.

GEORGE III. 47

it. The picture of the proceeding was calculated to CHAP.
heat and to harden those who were already attached

to the cause of the colony and its agent, and to place 1774.
their opponents in the unhappy situation of expressing
their satisfaction by boisterous joy, or of mitigating
censure by arguments of palliation or excuse.

Dr. Franklin, who had recently completed his
sixty-seventh year*, who was known and honoured in
the most eminent philosophical and literary societies
in Europe f, sat with his grey, unadorned locks, a
hearer of one of the severest invectives that ever pro-
ceeded from the tongue of man, and an observer of a
boisterous and obstreperous merriment and exultation,
which added nothing to the dignity of his judges^:.
He had sufficient self-command to suppress all display
of feeling; but the transactions of the day sunk deeply
into his mind, and produced an unextinguishable ran-
cour against this country, which coloured all the acts
of his subsequent life, and occasioned extensive and
ever memorable consequences.

As a sequel to, or rather a portion of, these pro- BUI filed in
ceedings (for Mr. Wedderburne alluded to it in his SSS 17
speech), Mr. Whately was induced, as administrator Franklin.
of his late brother Thomas Whately, to file a bill in
chancery against Dr. Franklin. The ostensible pur-
pose of the suit was to obtain from the defendant a
restitution of profits supposed to have been derived
from the publication and sale of the letters ; the real
one, to force from him, by means of interrogatories, a

* He was born the 17th of January, 1706.

t This circumstancej it is said, was used as the means of stigmatizing him.
' He has forfeited," the solicitor-general exclaimed, " all the respect of societies
' and of men. Into what companies will he hereafter go with an unembarrassed
' face, or the honest intrepidity of virtue ? Men will watch him with a jealous
' eye ; they will hide their papers from him, and lock up their escritoires. He
' will henceforth esteem it a libel to be called a man of letters homo trium lite-
' rarum," (i. e. FUR, a thief). Memoirs of Dr. Franklin, vol. i. Appendix 7,
p. 59. This passage does not appear in the publication by Wilkie ; but I have
no doubt of its being genuine.

J Mr. Wedderburne had a complete triumph. " At the sallies of his sarcastic
wit, all the members of the council, the president himself, Lord Gower, not
excepted, frequently laughed outright. No person belonging to the council
behaved with decent gravity, except Lord North, who, coming late, took his
stand behind a chair opposite me." Letter from Dr. Priestly to the Monthly
Magazine, before referred to. Franklin's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 185.

48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. disclosure from whom he had received, and to whom
" transmitted those documents. To the first part, his

answer was, that he had neither caused nor directed
the printing of the letters, nor had he made, or ever
intended to make, any profit by them. To the latter
interrogatories he put in a demurrer, which was over-
ruled ; but before the process which they could have
awarded against him, he had been by other affairs
called from the kingdom*.

Examination As consequences of the utmost importance flowed
duc"andmo- from the declared and active enmity of Dr. Franklin,
tives. it is proper to review the course of his proceedings,

and, so far as his own disclosures afford the means, to
ascertain the operations of his mind and feelings before
this period. From the moment when the stamp act
was imposed, he resisted it on the grounds both of right
and expediency ; and on those principles, as agent
for the colonies, endeavoured to obtain its repeal, as
Great Britain might be sure of greater aids from
voluntary grants than from arbitrary taxes ; by losing
their respect and affection, she would lose more in that
commerce than she could gain by the impost, and it
would be detrimental to the harmony which had so
happily subsisted, and was so essential to the welfare
of the whole f. He did not insist that the Americans
ought to be exempt from contributing to the common
expenses necessary to the support of the empire ; but
that their own parliaments alone could judge what
the colonists ought to contribute, and that their money
could not be taken from them without their consent J.
He was a strenuous advocate for the combinations
against the use of British goods, both as means of
coercion, through distress, and as favourable to the
growth of industry and economy in America .

* Same Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 195, 204. It is asserted that he quitted England,
because he was informed that a warrant had issued to arrest him on a charge of
high treason. Memoirs, &c. vol. i. p. 222. But of this there is not the slightest
appearance of evidence ; and from the manner in wliich he lived, and the nego-
tiations in which he was engaged during his stay, it is utterly improbable.

t Memoirs, vol. i. p. 188.

J Same, vol. ii. p. 176.

Ibid.

GEORGE III. 49

Yet he professed the most heartfelt attachment to c : 5v r '
the constitutional connexion between Great Britain and '

his own country; a great personal veneration for the 1774.
King, and love for the people, believing only that a
corrupt and vicious parliament imposed all the rigours,
and prevented all the benefits which could be derived
from such a sovereign and such a nation*. He even
went so far as to suggest that Great Britain ought
to propose an union with America, similar to that
between England and Scotland f. As the disputes
of the two countries grew warmer, he, too, warmed ;
and, as he expresses much personal dislike of Governor
Hutchinson, it is not improbable that that sentiment
had some effect in impelling him to the unwarrant-

* A passage expressive of these sentiments is to be found in his letter to
Dr. Cooper, referred to in vol. i. p. 430. In another, in the same collection of
MSS. 27th April, 1769, the following passage occurs. " I hope nothing that has
" happened, or may happen, will diminish our loyalty to our sovereign, or
" affection for this nation in general. I can scarcely conceive a King of a better
" disposition, of more exemplary virtues, or more truly desirous of promoting
" the welfare of all his subjects. The people are of a noble and generous nature,
" and we have many friends among them ; but the Parliament is neither wise
" nor just; I hope it will be wiser and juster another year." This was a mere
private letter of friendship, and contained, most probably, the undisguised, unvar-
nished sentiments of the writer. In another, written at a much more advanced
period of the struggle, to the Honourable Thomas Cushing, the Speaker of the
House of Assembly, and probably intended to be generally communicated, he
says, " When one considers the King's situation, surrounded by ministers, coun-
" sellers, and judges learned in the law, who are all of opinion that Parliament
" can make laws of sufficient force and validity to bind its subjects in America,
" in all cases whatsoever, and reflect how necessary it is for him to be well with
'* his Parliament, from whose yearly grants his fleets and armies are to be sup-
" ported, and the deficiencies of his civil list supplied, it is not to be wondered
" at that he should be firm in an opinion established as far as an act of parlia-
" ment could establish it, by even the friends of America at the time they
" repealed the stamp act, and which is so generally thought right by his Lords
" and Commons, that any act of his, countenancing the contrary, would hazard
" his embroiling himself with those powerful bodies. And from hence it seems
" hardly to be expected from him, that he should take any step of that kind.
" The grievous instructions, indeed, might be withdrawn without their observing
" it, if His Majesty thought fit so to do ; but, under the present prejudices of all
" about him, it seems that this is not yet likely to be advised." And in his
Memoirs, when describing the course of conduct he had pursued on these sub-
jects, he says, " I industriously, on all occasions, in my letters to America,
" represented the measures that were grievous to them, as being neither royal
" nor national measures, but the schemes of an administration which wished to
" recommend itself for its ingenuity in finance, or to avail itself of new revenues,
" in creating, by places and pensions, new dependencies ; for that the King was
" a good and gracious prince, and the people of Britain their real friends. And
" on this side the water, I represented the people of America as fond of Britain,
" concerned for its interests and its glory, and without the least desire of scpara-
" tion from it. In both cases, I thought, and still think, I did not exceed the
" bounds of truth, and 1 have the heartfelt satisfaction attending good intentions,
" even when they are not successful."

t Letter to Dr. Cooper, 8th June, 1770. King George the Third's Papers.

VOL. II. E

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C x*xi P ' a ^ e anc ^ dishonourable step which he took in relation
_J to the letters *.

1774. Personal interest does not appear in any respect

to have swayed him. His son was governor of New
Jersey ; he was deputy post-master-general of America,
and enjoyed the well-earned credit of having greatly
improved the regulations, and augmented the produce
of that department. The emoluments derived from
that and his agency, enabled him to enjoy life in Eng-
land to the full extent of his moderate desires. During
the Grafton administration he entertained a surmise
of an intention to remove him ; but the matter ended
to his entire satisfaction f. He was, however, far
from being disposed to surrender his position quietly;}:.
Nor does there appear to be the least foundation for
Mr. Wedderburne's insinuation, that he had procured
the removal of Governor Barnard, and struggled to
effect that of Governor Hutchinson, in hopes of attain-
ing the situation from which they were expelled.

* This feeling of warmth and of dislike is shewn in a letter to Mr. Gushing,
7th July, 1773. " I thank you for the pamphlets you have sent me, containing the
" controversy between the governor and the two Houses. I have distributed them
" where I thought they would be of use. He makes, perhaps, as much of his
" argument as it will bear; but has the misfortune of being on the weak side, and
" so is put to shifts and quibbles, and the use of much sophistry and artifice, to
" give plausibility to his reasonings. The council and the assembly have
" greatly the advantage in point of fairness, perspicuity, and force. His pre-
" cedents of acts of parliament binding the colonies, and our tacit consent to
" those acts, are all frivolous. Shall a guardian who has imposed upon,
" cheated, and plundered a minor under his care, who was unable to prevent
" it, plead those impositions after his ward has discovered them, as precedents
" and authorities for continuing them ? There have been precedents, time out of
" mind, for robbing on Hounslow Heath; but the highwayman who robbed there
" yesterday, does, nevertheless, deserve hanging. I am glad to see the resolves of
" the Virginia House of Burgesses. There are brave spirits among that people.
" I hope their proposal will be readily complied with by all the colonies. It is
" natural to suppose, as you do, that if the oppressions continue, a congress may
" grow out of that correspondence. Nothing would more alarm our ministers ;
" but if the colonies agree to hold a congress, I do not see how it can be pre-
" vented."

t Letter to his son, Governor Franklin, 2nd July, 1768. Memoirs, &c.
vol. ii. p. 184. It is proper here to observe, that, in all the heat and violence of
the subsequent contest, Governor Franklin retained his sentiments of loyalty,
and his father never attempted to make him alter his opinions, p. 1'51 .

| In a letter to Dr. Cooper he expresses this determination in characteristic
terms. " I am deficient," he says, " in the Christian virtue of resignation. If
" they would have my office, they must take it. I have heard of some great man,
" whose rule it was, with regard to offices, never to ask for them never to
"refuse them to which I have added, in my own practice, never to resign
'' them."

GEORGE III. 51

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SECOND.
1774.

Meeting of Parliament. King's speech. Peace establish-
ment. Mr. Woodfall and Mr. Home brought before the
House of Commons for a libel and discharged. Act for
trying the merits of controverted elections made perpetual.
American papers laid before Parliament. The King's
message. Bill for shutting Boston Port. Its progress
through the House of Commons. Petitions from the
Americans resident in London. Opposition in the House
of Lords. Bill for regulating the government of Massa-
chuset's Bay. Proceedings in the House of Commons.
Protest in the Upper House. Bill for the impartial ad-
ministration of justice in America. Opposition in the
Lower House. Debates and protest in the Lords. Se-
cond petition from the Americans in London. Motion for
repealing the duty on tea. Mr. Burke's famous speech.
Lord Chatham's speech on American affairs. Bill for the
government of Canada brought into the House of Lords.
View of the Bill. Opposition, and defence in both Houses.
Petition from the Penn family and from the Canada
merchants. Evidence examined. Petition to the King.
Miscellaneous acts of the Legislature. Close of the
session. King's speech.

THE extent of American disturbances was not CHAP.
fully known when the British parliament assembled.

The King, in his speech, reviewed the state of the 1774
continent, and anticipated a long duration of peace ; 13th Jan.
he recommended attention to internal and domestic parliament.
improvement, and mentioned the deteriorated state of King's

SOGGCn.

the gold coin, as an object claiming peculiar exertions.

E 2

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

Peace esta-
b.ishment.

llth Feb.
Wood fall
and Home
brought be-
fore the
House of
Commons.

The address was voted in both Houses without division
or debate.

The early part of the session was employed in
fixing the number of seamen and soldiers on the peace
establishment; on Mr. Sawbridge's annual motion
for shortening the duration of parliament; and on
Sir George Savile's similar effort to procure a bill for
securing the rights of electors, and for declaring the
proceedings relative to the Middlesex election illegal ;
both which were rejected.

Some attention was.<also excited by a proceeding
against Henry Sampson Woodfall, printer of the
Public Advertiser, and the Rev. John florne, for a
libel on the Speaker of the House of Commons, in a
letter signed " Strike, but hear," charging him, in
gross terms and much ribaldry, with injustice and
partiality. This scurrilous effusion arose out of a
petition and counter-petition on an inclosure bill, pre-
sented by Sir Edward Astley, and opposed by Mr.
William Tooke. Sir Fletcher Norton complained to
the House ; and, having obtained the testimony of Sir
Edward Ashley, who presented both the petitions, of
Alderman Sawbridge, Colonel Jennings, and Sir John
Turner, who knew the progress of the affair, in favour
of his rectitude on the particular occasion, and his
general impartiality, declared himself satisfied, and
expressed disregard of the scurrility and falsehoods
contained in that scandalous libel.

Mr. Herbert thought the dignity of Parliament
would be degraded if a matter of such importance
passed with impunity, and moved for bringing the
printer before the House. Sir Joseph Mawbey thought
the intention of the libeller was to injure the liberty of
the press, and create a variance between the King and
the City, and therefore wished the House to abstain
from noticing the libel, and referred the Speaker to
the courts of law for redress. Mr. Fox, agreeing with
Sir Joseph respecting the views of the writer, differed
in his conclusions. The letter was full of such
flagrant falsehoods, that no man of sense could place
belief in it; but was any member, much less the

GEORGE III. 53

Speaker, to be so grossly libelled, and obliged to CHAP.
descend to a law-suit 1 No ! he hoped they would

always maintain their prerogative, and protect them- 1774.
selves ; it would be no less absurd, he said, for them
to appeal to an inferior court, than for the Court of
King's Bench to apply for protection to the Court of
Common Pleas. The consequences arising from the
motion were dreaded, because the lenity formerly
shewn had led printers to conceive themselves entitled
to libel any member ; and, if suffered to proceed, they
would next claim, as a privilege, the right of libelling
whom they pleased. After a debate of some length,
in which a resistance to the order of the House, by
some alderman ambitious of popularity, was antici-
pated, and the futility of the claim of the city to
obstruct the execution of the Speaker's warrant, fully
established, the paper was unanimously voted a libel,
and the printer ordered to attend.

Mr. Woodfall obeyed without hesitation ; and, on uth Feb.
his interrogatory, declared the Rev. John Home author
of the obnoxious paper. A strenuous debate ensued,
in which the Speaker proposed committing the printer
to the custody of the Serjeant-at-arms ; Mr. Fox, after
some observations on the enormity of the offence,
recommended Newgate ; Lord North gave his suffrage
for the milder course. The question being pressed to
a division, Mr. Fox and he voted on opposite sides*,
and Mr. Woodfall was taken into custody by the
Serjeant-at-arms. On a subsequent day, on a petition
expressive of his regret, he was discharged. After
some demurs relative to the summons, and the cor-
rectness of his name and designation in it, Mr. Home
was brought before the House. He extricated him- 17th.
self from the accusation with great dexterity. Having
attempted to remove the imputation of contumacy, he
inquired whether Mr. Woodfall's declarations were to
be taken as evidence, or as the charge against him :
after some hesitation, he was told they constituted the
charge, and pleaded, as in any other court, not guilty.
The House was embarrassed : Mr. Woodfall was again

* The numbers were, 152 to 68.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

18th Feb.
And dis-
charged.

Feb. 16th
Mr. Fox

called and confronted with Mr. Home ; but as he was
implicated in the guilt of the publication, his un-
confirmed testimony was deemed insufficient to warrant
conviction. Three of Mr. Woodfall's journeymen
afterwards attended ; but they utterly failed, in
proving the accusation, and Mr. Home was dis-
charged*.

Another libel, published in the daily papers, was
complains of introduced to the attention of Parliament by Mr. Fox,
a libel. w j lo rea( j f rom The Public Advertiser and The
" Morning Chronicle," a letter signed " A South
" Briton," in which the curses denounced in the Holy
Writ against those who commit certain flagitious
offences, were recapitulated and applied to King Wil-
liam and Queen Mary, and all who had assisted in the
revolution, which the writer termed a rebellion, and
denied to be glorious. He went on to stigmatize sub-
sequent proceedings in different reigns, and cited the
national debt, the taxes, and the issue of Bank-notes,
as a proof that, instead of a blessing, the revolution
was a curse on us and our posterity for ever. All
our treasures, the writer said, had been expended to
make the poor and distressed States of Holland high
and mighty, the poor Electorate of Hanover rich and
wealthy, and to place the subjects of Great Britain
and Ireland in poverty, distress, and slavery. Much
more ribaldry of the same kind occurred : the stand-
ing army of great placemen, excisemen, custom-house
officers, and of devouring locusts, called pensioners,
and the standing army of soldiers, were said to be the

* A lively, but, in many respects, incorrect accourt of this transaction is
given in Mr. Stephens's Life of Home Tooke, vol. i. p. 422. By that narrative,
it appears that the publication was planned for the purpose of bringing strongly
to the notice of parliament the petition of Mr. Tooke, whose surname Mr. Home
afterward assumed, and with whom he lived on terms of affectionate intimacy.
One of the objections raised against the summons, was the use of the word reverend,
as Mr. Home had then recently resigned, so far as he could, his clerical cha-
racter, surrendered his living at Brentford, and entered his name as a student
in the Inner Temple, for the purpose of being called to the bar. Serjeant Glynn
assigned this as a reason for his not agreeing in the description given of him.
Many were of opinion, he said, that the clerical character was indelible, and that
he who had assumed it could not become a member of a legal profession ; if
such an objection should, at any future time, be urged, it would be very inju-
rious to Mr. Home's interest that his own admission that he Avas a clergyman
should be pressed against him.

GEORGE III. 55

means by which our liberties were become merely CHAP.
nominal; and our property of every sort, whenever
the King should please, could be wiped out with a 1774.
sponge. Such was the state of religion, that, in a
few years, the Church of England would, without a
special interposition of Providence, be extinct; and,
as for morality, our governors, by their wicked exam-
ples of bribery, corruption, dissipation, gaming, and
every species of wickedness, had so debauched the
public mind, that morality, like liberty, property, and
religion, had almost vanished from these once happy
isles.

Mr. Fox declared himself so much an enemy to all
libels, to all licentiousness of the press, although a
friend to its legal liberty, that he would bring libels of
every denomination into notice, in hope of putting a
stop to so scandalous a practice. Upon this occasion
he should think the House dishonoured if any debate
arose upon his motion, which was, " that the letter was
" a false, scandalous, and traitorous libel, tending to
" alienate the affections of his loyal subjects from His
" Majesty and his family."

No opposition was offered to the motion ; but
Mr. Thomas Townshend declared the libel to be un-
worthy of the attention of the House, from its amazing
stupidity : it had neither wit, sense, spirit, nor under-
standing, and was too contemptible for notice. But
he could not help observing how extraordinary it must
appear, that while Dr. Shebbeare and Dr. Johnson,
who had both been revilers of the revolution and its
principles, were pensioned by the administration, this
wretched South Briton was to be prosecuted. The
descendants of those who brought the revolution to
bear were not men who met with honour at present ;
nay, the revilers of those ancestors received counte-
nance and protection. He looked round to the de-
scendants of Lord Russell, who were in the House,
for confirmation of what he advanced ; he did not
himself think it a dishonour to say that he had a drop
of the blood of Sidney in his veins ; but he thought,
when so much countenance, and even reward, were

56 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. given to the greatest enemies of the revolution and its
principles, the present proceeding was not very con-
1774. sistent.

Mr. Fox denied the propriety of coupling Dr. John-
son with Dr. Shebbeare ; he knew not the passages in
Dr. Johnson's writings to which allusion had been
made, but said that the peculiar opinions of men of
great literary ability, dropped in works not professedly
political, ought not to subject them to prosecution.
Lord North did not think himself called upon to
defend pensions which were granted by ministers who
had preceded him. As to the work of- Sir John Dal-
rymple, which had been alluded to as containing
reflections on Lord Russell and Algernon Sidney, he
knew that every paper published in it was authentic,
that is, all the letters, whether their contents were
true or false, were written by the French minister
here; but he had never seen the book until it had
been published ; and if Mr. Townshend had bought
it, their encouragement of it had been equal.

A prosecution by the attorney-general of the au-
thors, printers, and publishers of the libel was ordered.
25th Feb. Anticipating a general election, Sir Edward Stan-

acTmade ley moved for leave to bring in a bill, to render per-
perpetuai. petual the law, introduced under the auspices of the
late George Grenville, for trying controverted elections
by committees. The motion produced an animated
debate, in which the question was not treated as an
affair of party, but discussed freely on the merits.
The principal objections against now rendering the
act perpetua^, were, the approach of a general election,
which would afford opportunities of obtaining more
decided experience of its benefits ; and the impro-
priety of the House surrendering its own privileges.
In answer to the first, it was stated, that five instances
had already occurred, and not one trial had been im-
properly decided. Mr. Dunning humourously apolo-
gized for supporting the motion. " No person," he
said, " had a juster right to resist the bill than himself;
" it had done him great injury ; for, since the act, not
*' one trial had come into Westminster-hall ; and he

GEORGE III. 57

" was confident, were it made perpetual, there never

" would be one. At a general election, even with all

" the faults that had been stated, it would be found a 1774.

" glorious act." In answer to the argument against

the resignation of privileges, the improper means used

to influence members in former times were detailed

by Lord George Germaine. " The parties used," he

said, " to apply to one set of the House to be their

" managers, another set to give their attendance and

" interest ; to a third set, with whom they were inti-

" mate, they would apply for their vote ; and to the

" lazy part of the House, they would say, we won't

" trouble you to attend the dry examination of wit-

" nesses; only let us know where you will be, and

" when the question is going to be put, we'll send

" you a card." The motion was at length carried*,

and the bill passed f.

Alderman Sawbridge made his accustomed mo- Feb. isth.

tion for shortening the duration of parliament. The
attempt would not require notice, but for the manner annual mo-
in which, with allusion to recent transactions, the

* '250 to 122.

f The merits of this celebrated law are thus elegantly described by Dr. John-
son : " The new mode of trying elections, if it be found effectual, will diffuse its
" consequences further than seems yet to be foreseen. It is, I believe, generally
" considered as advantageous only to those who claim seats in parliament : but, if
" to choose representatives be one of the most valuable rights of Englishmen, every
" voter must consider that law as adding to his happiness which makes his suifrage
" efficacious ; since it was in vain to choose while the election should be controlled
" by any other power. With what imperious contempt of ancient rights, and what
" audaciousness of arbitrary authority, former parliaments have judged the dis-
" putes about elections, it is not necessary to relate. The claim of a candidate, and
" the right of electors, are said scarcely to have been, even in appearance, referred
" to conscience ; but to have been decided by party, by passion, by prejudice, or
" by frolic. To have friends in the borough was of little use to him who wanted
" friends in the House ; a pretence was easily found to evade a majority, and the
" seat was at last his, that was chosen, not by his electors, but his fellow senators.
" Thus the nation was insulted with a mock election, and the parliament was filled
'' with spurious representatives ; one of the most important claims, that of a right
" to sit in the supreme council of the kingdom, was debated in jest, and no man
" could be confident of success from the justice of his cause. A disputed election
" is now tried with the same scrupulousness and solemnity as any other title.
" The candidate that has deserved well of his neighbours may now be certain of
" enjoying the effect of their approbation ; and the elector who has voted honestly
" for known merit may be certain that he has not voted in vain." See The
Patriot, Johnson's Works. Lord Chatham spoke of it in terms equally laudatory.
This happy event, he wrote on its passing the Commons, is a dawn of better times ;
it is the last prop of parliament ; should it be lost in its passage, the legislature will
fall into incurable contempt and detestation of the nation. The act does honour
to the statute-book, and will endear for ever the memory of the framer. Letter
to the Earl of Shelburne, Glh March, 1774 ; Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 332.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

American
papers laid
before Par-
liament.
4th March.
7th.

King's mes-
sage.

14th.

probable evils of a septennial legislature were de-
scribed. " Members having obtained a seat," he said,
" for so long a term as seven years, may consider
" themselves as having obtained a beneficial lease;
" and, although they come into the House with toler-
" ably pure intentions, falling in the way of ministers,
" or the procurer for ministers, may be tempted to
" deviate from the path of virtue ; and when that is
" once quitted, you know, Sir, how rarely it has ever
" been regained. What have we not to dread from
" such a House of Commons 1 May they not deter-
" mine that their resolutions are superior to the law of
" the land ? May they not arrogate to themselves the
" executive as w r ell as legislative authority, and arbi-
" trarily punish persons who have not been legally
" convicted of any offence against the known laws of
" the land? May they not imprison magistrates for
" having faithfully discharged their duty 1" He added
some other suppositions referring to the Middlesex
election, the civil list, and other points of popular dis-
cussion; but, as usual, failed on a division*.

Great alarm and uneasiness were excited in the
public by the intelligence received from America,
when, at length, Lord North, having previously inti-
mated his intention, submitted to Parliament the
papers relative to the destruction of tea. They were
introduced by a message from the King, stating that
unwarrantable and outrageous proceedings, obstruct-
ing the national commerce, and subversive of the con-
stitution, having been adopted in North America, and
particularly at Boston, His Majesty thought fit to lay
the whole matter before Parliament ; confiding in their
zeal for his authority, and attachment to the welfare of
all his dominions, for effectual powers to put an imme-
diate stop to those disorders ; and for further regula-
tions and permanent provisions, more effectually to
secure the execution of the laws, and the just depend-
ence of the colonies on the Crown and Parliament of
Great Britain. Loyal addresses were returned with-
out divisions, although in the Lower House smart
* 221 to 94.

GEORGE 111. 59

animadversions were made, and a conflict of sarcastic CHAP.

Y V T T

wit was maintained between Mr. Burke and the

Solicitor-General. 1774

On the documents presented to Parliament, which
exceeded one hundred, and consisted of copies and
extracts of letters from the different magistrates and
officers in America, the votes and resolutions of the
inhabitants of Boston, and other interesting commu-
nications, Lord North founded a motion for a bill to
remove the revenue officers from Boston, and to dis- BUI for shut-
continue the landing and shipping of merchandize at p"^ 6 '
the town or within the harbour*.

In recommending this measure, the minister as- Lord North's
serted, that the present disorders were entirely occa- speec '
sioned by the inhabitants of Boston : our commerce
could not be secure while it remained in that harbour,
where the officers of the customs had been thrice pre-
vented from doing their duty ; and stated the necessity
of finding some other port, where the laws could afford
full protection. Anticipating an objection that, in a
measure so general, some innocent persons would
suffer with the guilty ; he said, where the authority of
a town had been, as it were, asleep and inactive, it
was no new thing for the whole town to be fined : he
instanced the city of London, in the reign of Charles II.
when Dr. Lamb was killed by unknown persons ; the
case of Edinburgh, in Captain Porteus's affair; and
Glasgow, where the house of Mr. Campbell was pulled
down, and part of the revenue of that town was
sequestered for the purpose of indemnity. Boston, he
observed, did not stand in so fair a light as either of
those places, for it had been upward of seven years in
riot and confusion. He then detailed the proceeding
with respect to the tea ships, and denounced it as a
most violent outrage, by people who could not, in any
shape, claim more than the natural privilege of trading
with their fellow subjects. The violence of Boston
had influenced the rest of the continent ; Boston was
alone to blame, and should alone be the object of

* Before this debate began, the standing order for the exclusion of strangers
was rigidly enforced. Parliamentary History, vol. xvii. p. 1163.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C xx R
1774.

Opposed by

isth and
2ist March,

Petition of

punishment. A clause in the bill would prevent the
crown from rc-estabUshing the harbour, till full satis-
faction was made to the East India Company for the
loss of their tea ; and this not as a tax, but by requi-
sition. He should be happy that the promoters of the
disturbances were discovered, and compelled to make
reparation; but as they were unknown in England,
Boston would, no doubt, endeavour to discover them,
or pass acts of their own assembly to levy the money
in the most equitable manner. He always regretted
the necessity of punishment, and therefore hoped for
that unanimity which would give strength to the mea-
sure. He trusted all would agree with him, peers,
members, and merchants, and all would animadvert
upon such parts of America as denied the authority of
this country. We must punish and control, or yield
to them.

Some slight opposition to the first reading of the
k^ wa ma( j e? principally by Mr. Dowdeswell, who
inquired for evidence of general concurrence in the
inhabitants of Boston; he said, the examples of
punishment which had been mentioned were not
similar to the present case ; the obligation on the
counties to compensate for losses between sun and
sun was an ancient regulation not enacted for a par-
ticular purpose ; but this would be an ex post facto
law. The case of a corporation was also different;
they chose their own officers, while the magistrates
of Boston were elected by the province at large.
AVould the House condemn without evidence, in the
absence of the parties ^ The motion was supported
by some opposition members, particularly Colonel
Barre, who applauded the bill, harsh as it was, for
its moderation ; and he excited considerable risibility,
by saying, " I think Boston ought to be punished, she
" is your eldest son : " it was carried without a division.

The bill was twice read, and committed without
opposition : but, in the committee, the lord mayor j
Mr. Bull, presented a petition from several natives of
North America resident in London, who claimed, as an
inviolable rule of natural justice, that no man should be

GEORGE III. 61

condemned without being called upon to answer, to hear CHAP.

evidence, and make a defence. Under the intended

bill, no individual or corporate body in America could 17/4.
enjoy security ; for should judgment immediately follow
an accusation, supported even by persons notoriously
at enmity with them, while the accused were unac-
quainted with the charge, and, from the nature of
their situation, incapable of defending themselves,
every fence would be pulled down, justice no longer
be their shield, nor innocence an exemption from pu-
nishment. The petitioners hardily asserted that jus-
tice was executed by law with as much impartiality
in America as in any other part of His Majesty's
dominions ; distinguished between the case of Boston
and those of London and Edinburgh, mentioned in
Lord North's speech, and attempted to fix the blame
of the tumults on the governor, who had omitted to
restrain them by means of the executive force. They
declared a proceeding of such excessive rigour and
injustice would sink deep in the minds of their coun-
trymen, and tend to alienate their affections. The
attachment of America, they said, cannot survive the
justice of Great Britain ; and if the Americans see a
new mode of trial established for them, which violates
the sacred principles of natural justice, it may be pro-
ductive of national distrust, and extinguish those filial
feelings of respect and affection which have hitherto
attached them to the parent state.

After the reading of this petition, Mr. Rose Fuller Amendment
moved an amendment, mitigating the rigour of the
original proposal into a fine. The Bostonians, he said,
would refuse to remit money to pay their debts, and
numerous confederacies would be created; the bill
could not be carried into execution without a military
force ; if a small number of men were employed, the
Boston militia would cut them to pieces ; and if a large
number, the Americans would seduce them.

The proposition of a fine was opposed as tending to opposed by
increase the difficulty ; and Lord North said, though Lord North -
he Avas no enemy to lenient proceedings, he found
resolutions of censure and warning unavailing, and

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

Amendment
rejected.

25th March.
Opposition
on the third
reading.

coercive measures necessaiy. " Now is the time," he
said, " to persist, to defy them, to proceed with reso-
" lution, and without fear. This bill should convince
" all America of our firmness and vigour ; but that
" conviction would be lost did they perceive in our
" councils hesitation and doubt." In answer to the
suggestion that the Americans would withhold the
payment of their debts to British merchants, he said,
they used similar threats unless the stamp act were
repealed ; but, although they obtained that point, they
did not pay their debts ; and he believed their conduct
would be the same on this occasion. If Parliament
were to be influenced by such threats, all remedies
would become nugatory, and the proposed fine could
be as effectually resisted as the operation of the bill.
He denied that a military force would be necessary to
enforce the act, as four or five frigates would suffice ;
but, were it necessary, he should not hesitate to compel
due submission to the laws. " If their disobedience
" to this act," he continued, " is to produce rebellion,
" that consequence belongs to them, not to us ; they
" alone occasion it ; we are only responsible for the
" equity of our measures ; firmness, justice, and reso-
" lution alone can produce obedience and respect to
" the laws, and security to trade."

The debate was maintained with considerable ability,
and at much length ; the principal speakers in favour
of Lord North's measure were, Messrs. Herbert, Gas-
coigne, Montagu, second son of Lord Sandwich, who
made his maiden speech, Stanley, Ward, Jenkinson,
and General Conway. On the other side were Mr.
Byng and Mr. Dempster. The necessity of shewing
resentment by punishment being, however, generally
admitted, and the difference arising only as to the
mode, the committee adopted the original proposal
without alteration.

On the motion for a third reading, Mr. Fox, for
the first time, appeared in opposition, and particularly
censured the clause which vested in the Crown the
power of restoring the port. It confided to the King
that authority with which Parliament was afraid to

GEORGE III. 63

trust itself. The quarrel was with Parliament, and CHAP.
Parliament was the proper power to end it. He was

answered by Mr. Phipps, who shewed the propriety of 1774.
continuing to the throne that which had always been
its attribute, mercy ; nor could the restoration of the
port be so well vested in the legislature ; for Parlia-
ment might happen not to be sitting at the moment
when the exercise of lenity became proper.

The debate assumed, for a moment, a new colour
from the intemperance of Mr. Van, who, descanting
on the flagitiousness of the offence committed by the
people of Boston, said their town ought to be knocked
about their ears and destroyed. " Delenda est Car-
" ihago /" he exclaimed : " you will never obtain
" proper obedience to the laws until you have de-
" stroyed that nest of locusts."

This excessive vindictiveness called up Colonel
Barre, who earnestly deprecated such language: he
expressed approbation of the bill, although he feared
it was intended to involve the fatal doctrine of tax-
ation. " I have not a doubt," he said, " but a very
" small part of our strength will at any time overpower
" the Americans. I think this bill moderate ; but I
" augur that the next proposition will be a black one.
" You have not a loom, nor an anvil, but what is
" stamped with America ; it is the main prop of your
" trade."

The clauses objected to were acquiesced in with-
out a division, and the Speaker put the question for
passing the bill.

Mr. Fox then revived his objections, in order, he
said, to shew on the journals that some member had
resisted those clauses.

Mr. Dowdeswell opposed the whole principle of
the bill; censured the celerity of passing it, which
prevented the tendering of petitions from the manu-
facturers whose interests it would affect ; blamed the
selection of Boston for signal vengeance ; when many
other places had been equally culpable, and considered
the measure more likely to injure the merchants of
England than the delinquents in America.

64 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. M r . Burke derided the notion of a local remedy

for a general disorder. One town in proscription, the

1774. rest in rebellion, can never be a remedial measure for
general disturbance. " Have you considered," he
said, " whether you have troops and ships sufficient
" to enforce an universal proscription to the trade of
" the whole continent of America ^ If you have not,
" the attempt is childish, and the operation fruitless."
He blamed Governor Hutchinson for not having re-
course to the assistance of the military, who, it appeared
from the papers on the table, could have quelled the
riot, though not without killing many unoffending
people ; but the fault of the governor ought not to be
the means of punishment on the innocent. Universal
discontent prevailed throughout America, he said, from
an internal bad government. He wished to see a new
plan of legislation in that country, not founded on the
laws and statutes of Great Britain, but on the vital
principles of English liberty.

Mr. Burke was answered by Mr. Grey Cooper, who
expressed surprise and sorrow at hearing him upbraid
government for not using military force. " It has
been said," he continued, " that the Americans cannot
" be heard in their own defence before this measure
" takes effect. Look at the papers on the table, where
" you see the resolutions of their public meetings,
" ordered to be transmitted for our information." After
such a defiance, could they be expected to appear at
the bar, and defend themselves by those laws which
they expressly refused to obey? He compared the
mode of punishment to the black act, where the whole
hundred, although not present, is fined for the mis-
conduct of individuals. The bill was framed for the
protection of trade ; it was a mild measure, and if
opposed in America, the result would make the
punishment.

Alderman Sawbridge also opposed the bill, and
Governor Johnstone predicted that it would occasion
a general confederacy to resist the power of Great
Britain : it would be no more prejudicial and absurd
to prevent the inhabitants of Middlesex from sowing

GEORGE III. 65

corn, than to hinder the town of Boston from reaping CHAP.
profit from their trade and merchandize.

Lord North ably vindicated his measure, as 1774.
founded on justice, and the most eligible under all
circumstances; he opposed the suggestion, that a
foreign enemy would take advantage of our contest
with the colonies, by declaring the time of peace to
be the only period for regulation, and the present
time the crisis when the dispute ought to be decided.

The bill passed without a division. BUI passed.

In the House of Lords it was actively opposed by Opposition in
the Earl of Shelburne, who presented a petition from Lords USe f
the natives of America resident in London, similar to
that submitted to the House of Commons. His ac-
count of the debate is the only one which can be relied
on. " It underwent," he says, " a fuller and fairer
" discussion in the House of Lords than in the House
" of Commons. The debate took a general turn ; and
" Lord Camden, in his reply to Lord Mansfield, met the
" question fully, going as near the extent of his former
" principles as he well could. The remarkable features
" of the day were the notorious division among the
" ministry, which was very nearly avowed, some calling
" what passed in Boston commotion, others open rebel-
" lion ; a more than disregard to Lord Dartmouth, and
" somewhat of the same sort toward Lord North.
" Lord Mansfield took upon himself a considerable
" lead ; alleging that it was the last overt act of high
" treason, proceeding from over lenity and want of
" foresight ; that it was, however, the luckiest event
" that could befall this country ; for that all might be
" recovered, for compensation to the India Company
" he regarded as no object of the bill : that if this act
" passed, we should have passed the Rubicon ; that the
" Americans would then know that we should tempo-
" rize no longer ; and if it passed with tolerable una-
" nimity, Boston would submit, and all would pass sine
" ctsde. The House allowed me very patiently, though
" very late at night, to state the tranquil and the loyal
" state in which I left the colonies, with some other
" very home facts ; and I cannot say that I met with

VOL. II. F

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

30th March.
Bill pasted.

Bill for regu-
lating the go-
vernment of
Massachu-
set's Bay.
28th March.

Lord North's
speech.

" that weight of prejudice which I apprehended. Lord
" Temple declared, early in this debate, that he did not
" intend voting, or giving any opinion on the measure ;
" but that the backwardness of the ministry to explain
" their plan appeared an indignity to the house ; that
" they were mistaken if they thought the measure a
" trifling one ; that, in his opinion, nothing could justify
" them hereafter, except the town of Boston proving in
" an actual state of rebellion; but he feared the ministry
" had neither heads nor hearts to conduct either system.
" During the whole debate the ministers would never
" declare whether they would, this session, repeal the
" act or not. In regard to their plan, Lord Dartmouth
" appeared to stop, after declaring the proposed altera-
" tion of the charter ; but Lord Suffolk declared very
" plainly, that other very determined measures should
" be offered before the rising of Parliament*".

Beside Lord Mansfield, Lords Gower, Lyttelton,
Weymouth, and Suffolk, supported the bill, which was
opposed by the Dukes of Richmond and Manchester,
the Marquis of Rockingham, and Lords Camden,
Shelburne, and Stair. It passed the House in five
days, and no protest was entered on the journals j*.

On introducing the Boston port bill, Lord North
said it was not the only measure he intended to pro-
pose ; other parts of more nice disquisition would still
remain for future consideration. Accordingly, while
that bill was yet depending in the Lords, he laid before
the lower House, in a committee, the plan of a law
" For better regulating the government of Massachu-
" set's Bay."

He said, the papers would render indisputable the

* Chatham Correspondence, vol.iv. p. 339.

t See History of Lord North's Administration, p. 136. Soon after the address
was voted on the presentation of the papers, Mr. Bollan, agent for the council of
Massachuset's Bay, presented to the House of Commons a petition, which was
received, and ordered to lie on the table. During the progress of the bill he ten-
dered one to the Lords, in the same character ; but they refused to admit it,
alleging that the agent of the council alone was not competent to appear for the
whole corporation. This refusal was warmly censured, as creating an incon-
sistency between the proceedings of the two Houses, and between two proceed-
ings of the same House ; and it was said, as similar reasons would apply against
all the American agents, Parliament would thus cut off all communication between
themselves and the colonists whom their acts most immediately affected.

- GEORGE III. 67

want of an executive power in that country, and the CHAP.
necessity of strengthening the magistracy; the civil
force consisted in the posse comitatus, and, considering 1774.
that posse as the very people who had committed all the
riots, preservation of the peace could not be expected
from them. The constitutional power appeared to be
totally defective. If the democracy shewed contempt
of the laws, the governor had no authority to appoint
a magistrate willing to enforce them, nor to remove
one that would not act ; that power was vested in the
council, whose dependence was on the democratic part
of the constitution. If the governor published a pro-
clamation, there was hardly found a magistrate to obey
it ; nor could he issue any order without the consent
of seven of the council ; government was in so forlorn
a situation, that no governor could enforce obedience ;
nor, with such a want of civil authority, could it be
supposed that the military, however numerous, could
be serviceable. To remedy these evils, the minister
proposed that the governor should act as a justice of
peace, with power to appoint civil officers, such as
sheriffs, and provost-marshal, (the chief-justice and
judges of the supreme court excepted,) removable
only by the King under his sign manual, and upon
good representations made in England. The irregular
assemblies, or town-meetings, held in Boston, were no
longer to be convened without the consent of the
governor, unless for the annual election of certain
officers, whom it was their province to choose ; and
the nomination of juries required regulation. The
minister professed himself open to the effects of dis-
cussion, and inclined to reform his opinions where
erroneous ; he conceived some immediate and perma-
nent remedy necessary, and submitted the bill as tend-
ing to purge the constitution of Massachuset's Bay of
all crudities, and give strength and spirit to the civil
magistracy and executive power.

After a few unimportant observations, and an
explanation from Lord North, informing the House
that nothing in the bill was intended to affect the
legislative power of either the council or assembly,

F 2

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

Lord George
Germaine's
suggestions.

15th April.
Debates on
the bill.

Lord George Germaine expressed a wish that the
minister had made his scheme more extensive. He
approved of the abolition of town-meetings, and de-
clared it highly improper for men of a mercantile cast
to assemble daily, for the purpose of debating on poli-
tical matters ; they should follow their occupations as
merchants, and not consider themselves as ministers of
the country. He recommended that the council of
Massachuset's Bay should be put in the same state
with those of other colonies : the formation of juries
he particularly exposed, as replete with absurdities.
The grand juries were chosen for life, with a yearly
salary; the petty juries were elected annually from
each town ; thus offenders against government were
enabled to insure immunity at the expense of law
and justice. The juries, he said, were totally different
from those of England, and required great regulation.
He wished the council of Massachuset's Bay to be
rendered similar to the House of Lords ; and advised
the adoption of such a system as would obviate the
necessity of asserting the rights of Parliament by
words, while the colonies denied their authority, and
prevented the execution of their laws.

Lord North complimented Lord George Germaine's
propositions as worthy of a great mind, and promised
to reserve them for the consideration of abilities supe-
rior to his own; the charter, he said, ought not to
form an obstacle to the regulation of those defects in
the colonial constitution which prevented the restora-
tion of tranquillity.

Leave being given, the minister, after the Easter
recess, produced his bill, considerably altered from the
outline : the nomination of the council w r as vested in
the Crown ; they were to have no negative voice, nor
were the lieutenant-governor and secretary to be mem-
bers, unless appointed by the King. The general
functions of the council remained almost unaltered,
except in the nomination of judicial officers. The
mode of choosing juries was reformed according to
Lord George Germaine's suggestion ; but Lord North
acknowledged this to be a regulation of peculiar deli-

GEORGE III. 69

cacy, which, if the House required it, he would make CHAP.
the subject of a separate law.

Mr. Dowdeswell said the bill was calculated to 1774.
destroy the charter of the colony. The Americans had
laboured with unwearied industry, and nourished nearly
four-score years, under that democratic charter ; they
had increased their possessions, and improved their
lands, to an unexpected degree; and England "had
reaped the benefit of their labour : yet it was intended
to abrogate that very charter which had so long sub-
sisted to the mutual benefit of England and America.
" The charter," he said, " breathes a spirit of liberty
" superior to any thing either of the former or present
" times : it was granted in King William's days, and
" more adapted to the spirit of a free people than any
" that can possibly be framed by a minister in these."
Applying the metaphor so frequently used of a parent
and child, he compared the conduct of the mother-
country to those perverse and splenetic exertions of
authority in parents, by which evil dispositions in their
offspring are fomented, and lasting animosities im-
planted in the bosoms of both.

Governor Pownall described several points of
American polity, which appeared to be misunderstood,
or misrepresented. He minutely investigated the con-
stitution of Massachuset's Bay, where he had been
governor ; and affirmed the Americans to be a con-
scientious, good, religious, peaceable people, not less
respectable than any in His Majesty's dominions.
The council were elected by the legislature, and not
by the people at large ; the select men were similar to
the aldermen in English corporations. Great incon-
venience would arise from the suspension of town-
meetings, where all municipal business was transacted
till the governor's consent could be obtained ; as the
towns were, in many places, three hundred miles dis-
tant from the capital.

During the progress of this and another act, the
opposition increased in strength and resolution. On
the second reading, a strenuous debate took place : 22nd A P ril -
Sir George Savile considered the measure very doubt-

70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. ful and dangerous ; doubtful as to the matter and pro-
priety of regulation, and dangerous as to its conse-

1774. quence. Charters were sacred things, and he warmly
deprecated the abrogation of them, without hearing
the parties, or going through a legal course of evi-
dence.

Mr. Welbore Ellis answered, that chartered rights
were by no means so sacred as never to be altered ;
the prerogative of granting them vested in the crown
for the good of the people; if the legislature found
them repugnant to public utility, they had a right to
make them fit and convenient. Parliament would not
take away private property without a full recompence ;
but in public regulation they were entitled to correct,
control, or deprive, as might best suit the general
welfare. With respect to evidence, he deemed the
papers on the table amply sufficient, as they proved
the governor's application to the council for advice,
their neglect ; the petition of the inhabitants to the
council for protection, their contumacious adjourn-
ment for ten days, while the governor was unable to
act without their opinion ; and finally their resolution,
declaring the total insufficiency of their power. This
was evidence competent to ground the bill, which had
no further object than to remedy two defects stated by
themselves : a form of government incapable of pro-
tecting property, ought to be altered.

General Conway said the papers proved nothing,
unless the allegations of the parties inculpated were
heard. He considered this country as the aggressor
and innovator, and not the colonies. We had irri-
tated and forced laws upon them for six or seven years.
They had only acted as every subject would, in an
arbitrary state, where laws were imposed against their
will ; he predicted, from the measure before the House,
certain misfortune, and probable ruin to the country
and its ministers.

Lord North shewed the absurdity of postponing
the assistance to be expected by the subject for a whole
twelvemonth, in expectation of hearing, at the bar, men
who, having disclaimed all obedience to government,

GEORGE 111. 71

would most probably not appear. General Conway ^xiF'

had blamed former measures as tame and insipid ;

now he condemned this as harsh and severe. " The 1774.

" Americans," he said, " have tarred and feathered

" your subjects, plundered your merchants, burnt your

" ships, denied all obedience to your laws and autho-

" rity; yet so clement, and so long forbearing has

" been our conduct, that it is incumbent on us now to

" take a different course. Whatever may be the con-

" sequence, we must risk something ; if we do not, all

" is over."

On the subject of chartered rights, which had been
urged by Sir George Savile, Mr. Jenkinson observed,
that where the right was a high political regulation,
Parliament was not bound to hear the parties; but
only where private property was concerned. Long-
continued opposition to authority, refusal of protection
to His Majesty's subjects, and disobedience of the laws,
had rendered it necessary either to forsake the trade
with America, or to afford it due protection.

Governor Pownall, declaring that he spoke for the
last time on the subject, uttered a most extraordinary
prediction. He said, " The measure you are pursuing
" will be resisted, not by force, or the effect of arms, but a
" regular united system. I told this House four years
" ago that the people of America would resist the tax
" then permitted to remain on them that they would
" not oppose power to power, but they would become
" implacable. Have they not been so from that time
" to this very hour ? I tell you now, that they will resist
" the measures now pursued in a more vigorous way. The
" committees of correspondence in the different provinces
" are in constant communication they do not trust in the
" conveyance of the post-office they have set up a consti-
" tutional courier, who will soon grow up in the super-
" seding of your post-office. As soon as intelligence of
" these affairs reaches them, they will judge it necessary
" to communicate with each other. It will be found in-
" convenient and ineffectual so to do by letters they must
" confer. They will hold a conference and to what these
" committees thus met in congress will grow up, I will not

72 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C XXH ' " sa y' Should recourse be had to arms, you will hear
of other officers than those appointed by your go-

1774. " vernor. Then, as in the late civil wars of this coun-
" try, it will be of little consequence to dispute who
" were the aggressors, that will be merely matter of
" opinion." With much particularity he detailed the
acts and proceedings on both sides ; but, having stated
the facts, declined giving opinions.

Mr. Rigby assumed, from these statements, that
America was preparing to arm, and that the delibera-
tions of their town meetings tended chiefly to oppose
the measures of this country by force, and strongly
maintained the right to tax America, although he
would not impose a new tax at this particular crisis.
We had a right to tax them, and to tax Ireland.

From this observation Mr. Fox deduced an infer-
ence, that the time to tax America would be, when all
disturbances were quelled, and the people returned to
their duty; taxes, then, were to be the reward of
obedience, and the Americans, who had been in open
rebellion, were thus to be rewarded for acquiescence.
As to taxing Ireland, however he might agree in the
principle, he could not admit the policy. He con-
sidered America wrong in resisting the legislative
authority of this country ; but " the bill before you,"
he said, " is not what you want ; it irritates the minds
" of the people, but does not correct the deficiencies of
" the government."

Sir Richard Sutton closed the debate, by insisting
that, in the most quiet times, the disposition to oppose
the laws of this country was strongly ingrafted in the
Americans, and all their actions conveyed a spirit and
wish for independence. " If you ask an American,"
he said, " who is his master ? he will tell you he has
" none, nor any governor, but Jesus Christ. The
" opposition to the legislature of this country is a
" determined prepossession of the idea of total inde-
" pendence."

2nd May. On the motion for a third reading, Mr. Dunning,

Slrd'readin the * n a ^ O11 S an( ^ critical review of the proceedings from

the beginning of the session, compared the people of

GEORGE III. 73

Massachusetts Bay to prisoners who had surrendered CHAP.
at discretion, and denied that any proof was adduced,

or even alleged on the face of the bill, which could 1774.
justify the inculpation of treason, or warrant the in-
tended severity. " If there is treason," he said, " there
" are traitors ; let them be discovered, and brought to
" condign punishment." He entered into a long dis-
cussion to prove the charter of Massachuset's Bay not
more defective than those of other colonies, and de-
precated the measure before the House, as tending to
disunite the aifections of the American subjects from
this country ; and, instead of promoting peace, order,
and obedience, to produce nothing but clamour, dis-
content, and rebellion.

The right of Parliament to tax America was ably
vindicated by Sir William Meredith ; and Mr. Stanley,
viewing historically the rise of American government,
showed how those erroneous opinions of independence,
which now claimed correction, had originated.

Mr. Thomas Townshend, although an opposition
member, supported the bill in an honourable and
manly speech. He declared he should consider him-
self the lowest wretch on earth, if he suffered party
prejudices to smother private opinion. Though averse
to meddle with charters, he thought the inconveni-
ences arising from the town-meetings justified a cor-
rective measure. The juries were properly new mo-
delled, according to the constitution of this country.

Colonel Barre, in a long and somewhat diffusive
speech, stated the question to be, whether we would
choose to win over the affections of all the colonies by
lenient measures, or to make war with them. He cen-
sured Mr. Grenville for the stamp act, Mr. Charles
Townshend for the subsequent taxes, and the bills
which were in progress for enforcing obedience. He
termed the military who had quelled the riot in Bos-
ton a lawless soldiery, and the seven or eight who had
been killed, innocent persons, victims of revenge. All
other colonies had displayed the same spirit of resist-
ance, yet resentment was directed against Boston
alone ; but the minister would soon have all the rest

74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. upon his back. He had supported the Boston port

_J '_ act because he thought it would produce a compromise

1774. for the damage sustained by the East India Company.
Without much apparent relevancy, he spoke of the
law of evidence in France, the case of Galas, the kind-
ness of ladies in Ticonderoga to young officers, and by
that link dragged in an explanation of the circum-
stances through which he no longer belonged to the
military profession. " I think this bill," he proceeded,
" is in every shape to be condemned, for the law which
" shocks equity is reason's murderer. By it you are
" at war with the colonies ; you may march from north
" to south and meet no enemy ; but the people will
" soon turn out, like the sullen Hollanders, a set of
" sturdy rebels. The great minister of this country,
" Lord Chatham, always went cap in hand to all ; his
" measures were lenient and palliative ; but now, in
" the Lords, the phrase was, We have passed the
" Rubicon ; in the Commons, Delenda est Carthago"
He descanted on the nourishing state of French
finance ; it was in every respect superior to ours ;
their establishments were less expensive ; and argued,
that during our contest with the colonies, it was im-
possible that France, more ready and fit to go to war
than we were, should abstain from interfering.

The Marquis of Carmarthen said, that every one
in the world knew the practices carried on in America,
with a direct intention to renounce their dependence.
The opposition which they fomented was a systematic
resistance to every part of the law of this country.
When coercive measures were adopted by government,
they seemed to acquiesce ; but when lenient ones were
the system of administration, they became turbulent
and riotous. It had been said that Lord Chatham
always proceeded on cap-in-hand measures ; his mea-
sures were always understood to be spirited and vigor-
ous, and himself to be the furthest man in the world
from deserving the character which had been attri-
buted to him.

Mr. Rigby cleared himself from the imputation of
having desired to tax Ireland ; General Con way denied

GEORGE III. 75

his ever having maintained that Great Britain had no CHAP.
right to tax America ; he had said that taxation and

legislation had no connexion. As long as the doctrine 1774
of taxing America continued, we should never be at
rest. It would be better to have peace with America
and war with all the world, than war with America ;
because, if the people of that country were at peace
with us, they would contribute to support us in time
of war.

Lord George Germaine maintained that America,
at that time, was nothing but anarchy and confusion.
" Have they any one measure," he said, " but what
" depends upon the will of a lawless multitude ?
" Where are the courts of justice ? Shut up. Where
" are your judges ? One of them taking refuge in
" this country. Where is your governor 1 ? Where
" your council 1 All intimidated by a lawless rabble."
The trial of the military would be but a protection of
innocence.

Mr. Fox never could conceive that the Americans
could be taxed without their consent. No law what-
ever, while their charter continued, would make them
think we had a right to tax them. If a system of
force was to be established, there was no provision for
it, and it did not go far enough ; if it was to induce
them by fair means, it went too far. It was a bill of
pains and penalties, and he wished the House to con-
sider whether it would be more proper to govern by
military force or by arrangement.

The Attorney-General declared, while the sove-
reignty remained in this country, the right of taxing
was never to be surrendered. The charter of Massa-
chuset's Bay w r as a matter of mere legislative power ;
and no authority was given to control our right of
taxation.

Mr. Burke deprecated measures of severity, and
foretold a long series of labour and troubles as sure to
succeed. He recommended a repeal of the tax on tea
as the means of restoring peace and quietness; but,
although the Americans could not resist the force of
Great Britain, a great black-book, and a great many

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. red-coats, could not govern, they would make disturb-
ances never to be quieted.

1774. Lord North, sarcastically deprecating a reference

to natural rights, denied that the bill destroyed any
civil rights ; no military government was established ;
but the civil government was altered. The measure
was adopted as the best at present ; he did not say it
would succeed, but hoped for good consequences ; if
Massachuset's Bay was to be governed by manage-
ment, no other measure appeared so feasible ; and the
return of the Americans to their duty would re-animate
the kindness of the mother-country.

After a few remarks from Sir George Savile, the
bill passed*.

Opposition in It was vehemently opposed in the Upper House ;
LorS USe f but *^ e debates are not preserved -f. A protest in
lithMay. seven articles was signed by eleven peers , and sup-
posed to contain all the arguments of the minority.
Many of its positions are mere recapitulations of state-
ments already advanced in the other house, on the forms
of inculpation, the right of defence, and the sacredness
of charters. The precipitation in passing the bill was
censured ; because, if the numerous land and marine
forces employed could not maintain order in the pro-
vince till their charter could be legally tried, no regu-
lation in that bill, or in any other, could be eifectual ;
and the mere celerity of a decision against the charter
would not reconcile the minds of the people to that
form of government which was to be established on
its ruins. The mode of appointing the council, and
nominating the judges and sheriffs, was objected to as
means of tyranny, injustice, and oppression. The
lives and property of the people were subjected to the
governor and council, without control : and the in-

* 230 against 64.

t An argument in favour of suffering debates to be published may be drawn
from Uiis instance. The protest on the journals, and an able pamphlet, by Dr.
Shipley, bishop of St. Asaph, called " A Speech intended to have been spoken,"
convey all the reasons which could be urged against the measures of govern-
ment, and both appear with an air of authority, while the ministry left their
proceedings to be defended only by the ordinary means of the press ; and their
success in the House was converted into an argument of the impolicy of their
measures.

J The division on the third reading of the bill was 92 to 20.

GEORGE III. 77

valuable right of trial by jury turned into a snare for CHAP.
the public, who had hitherto looked upon it as their

main security against the licentiousness of power. 1774.
Finally, the bill was declared to be intended for the
support of an unadvised system of taxing the colonies,
in a manner new and unsuitable to their situation and
constitutional circumstances. The free grants of the
American assemblies would be far more beneficial, far
more easily obtained, less oppressive, and more likely
to be lasting, than any revenue to be acquired by par-
liamentary taxes, accompanied by a total alienation of
the affections of those who were to pay them. The
contradictions in conduct which had arisen since the
repeal of the stamp act, and the many weak, inju-
dicious, and precipitate steps accompanying that con-
duct, were alleged to have kept up a jealousy which
was subsiding, revived dangerous questions, and gra-
dually estranged the affections of the colonies from the
mother-country, without any object of advantage to
either. To render the colonies permanently advan-
tageous, they must be satisfied with their condition,
and that satisfaction could only be restored by re-
curring to the wise and salutary principles on which
the stamp act was repealed.

While this bill was pending, Lord North intro- isth April
duced another, " For the impartial administration of paW
" justice, in cases of persons questioned for any acts pist
" done, in execution of the laws, or for the suppression JUS
" of riots and tumults in the province of Massachuset's
* " Bay." By this law it was declared, if any person
were indicted in that province for murder, or any other
capital offence, and it should appear to the governor,
by information on oath, that the fact was committed
in the exercise or aid of magistracy in suppressing
tumults and riots, and that a fair trial could not be
had in the province, he should send the person so
indicted to any other colony, or to Great Britain, for
trial. The charges on both sides to be borne out of
the customs in England, and the act to continue in
force four years.

As the bill for regulating the government, and

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

that for the administration of justice in Massachuset's
Bay, were before the House at the same time, the
arguments of a general nature frequently applied to
both, and the opposition was uniformly conducted.
On moving for leave to bring in this bill, Lord

CHAP.

XXI I.

1774.

Opposition
and debates
in the House

of commons. North expres ^ e( i his hope that it would effectually
secure the province from future disturbances. He
then detailed the principal regulations, and proposed
it as the last measure to be taken by Parliament, after
which vigilance and firmness in His Majesty's servants
would alone be required.

Colonel Barre with reluctance resisted a measure
in its infancy, before its features were well formed,
but blamed himself for his previous moderation. He
supported the Boston port bill, though, in many re-
spects, cruel, unwarrantable, and unjust ; it was a bad
way of doing right, yet right was its object, and he
would not, by opposing it, seem to countenance the
violence which had been committed. But this pro-
position was so glaring; so unprecedented in parlia-
mentary proceedings; so unwarranted by any delay,
denial, or perversion of justice in America ; so big with
misery and oppression to that country, and with danger
to this, that he was alarmed and roused to opposition.
It was proposed to stigmatize a whole people as perse-
cutors of innocence, and incapable of justice; yet no
single fact was or could be produced to ground that
imputation. The instance of Captain Preston and the
soldiers who shed the blood of the people, was de-
cidedly adverse to the proposition ; they were fairly
tried and fully acquitted, and it was an American, a
New England, a Boston jury that acquitted them ;
and Captain Preston had declared, under his own
hand, that the inhabitants of the very town in which
their fellow-citizens had been sacrificed were his advo-
cates and defenders. When a commissioner of the
customs, aided by a number of ruffians, assaulted, and
almost murdered, the celebrated Mr. Otis, did the mob
take vengeance on the perpetrators of this inhuman
outrage against their supposed demagogue ? No. The
law tried them, and gave heavy damages, which Mr.

GEORGE III. 79

Otis generously forgave, on an acknowledgment of the CHAP.
offence. Such were the acts of the Americans, of whom

the minister, in a tone of declamation unbecoming his 1774.
place and character, had declared that we must show
them that we will no longer sit quiet under their
insults. The acts of our government, on the contrary,
had been, for many years, a series of irritating and
offensive measures, without policy, principle, or mo-
deration. " Have not your troops and your ships," he
exclaimed, " made a vain and insulting parade in their
" streets and in their harbours 1 You have studiously
" stimulated discontent into disaffection, and you are
" now goading that disaffection into rebellion. Can
" you expect to be well informed, when you listen only
" to partizans 1 Can you expect to do justice, when
" you will not hear the accused ] " He then examined,
as precedents, the suspension of the Habeas Corpus
act in 1745 the subjecting smugglers to trial in Mid-
dlesex, and the Scotch rebels in England, and declared
them all incompetent to support the present measure.
Proceeding to investigate the military character, the
colonel declared the bill a prelude to insolence and
outrage, and that every passion pernicious to society
would be let loose upon a people unaccustomed to
licentiousness and intemperance. " I have been bred
" a soldier," he observed, " have served long, respect
" the profession, and live in the strictest habits of
" friendship with many officers : but no country gen-
" tleman in the House looks on the army with a more
" jealous eye, or would more strenuously resist the set-
" ting them above the control of civil power. No man
" is to be trusted in such a situation. It is not the
" fault of the soldier, but the vice of human nature,
" which, unbridled by law, becomes insolent and licen-
" tious, wantonly violates the peace of society, and
" tramples upon the rights of human kind." He im-
plored the House not to pursue measures tending to
exasperate the Americans. " Alienate your colo-
" nies," he said, " and you will subvert the foundation
" of your riches and strength. Let the banners of
" rebellion be once spread in America, and you are an

80 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

" undone people. You are urging this desperate, this
" destructive issue : you are urging it with such vio-
1774. " lence, and by measures tending so manifestly to that
" fatal point, that (but that a state of madness only
" could inspire such an intention) it would appear to
" be your deliberate purpose. You are becoming the
" aggressors, and offering the last of human outrages
" to the people of America, by subjecting them, in
" effect, to military execution. I know the vast supe-
" riority of your disciplined troops over the provincials;
" but beware how you supply the want of discipline by
" desperation. They may be flattered into anything,
" but they are too much like yourselves to be driven.
" Have some indulgence for your own likeness ; re-
" spect that sturdy English virtue ; retract your odious
" exertions of authority, and remember that the first
" step toward making them contribute to your wants
" is to reconcile them to your government."

Mr. Wedderburne explained and defended the
principles of the proposed bill, which was only in-
tended, during a limited time, to procure that which
every one must desire, a fair trial for imputed crime.
He wished, and firmly hoped, that even the idea of our
authority, when known to them, would prevent the
necessity of exercising it. The olive-branch ought to
be carried in one hand, but the sword in the other.
When our authority was once established, he would
drop the point of the sword, and make use of the
olive-branch as far and as much as possible.

Captain Phipps, Mr. Thomas Townshend, and Mr.
Dowdeswell approved of the appointment of General
Gage, and, with some severe censures, rejoiced in the
removal of Governor Hutchinson. Lord North, with
his usual generosity, removed the aspersions from that
gentleman's character, expressing his surprise that
even one member in that house should consider his
removal a part of the merit of the measure. There
never had been a charge against him. He was shame-
fully abandoned in the execution of his duty. Before
this affair, he had desired and obtained leave to return,
and would, before this time, have arrived ; but as the

GEORGE III.

government of the province, in those distracted times,
would, in case of the death of the lieutenant-governor,
who was then dangerously ill, have fallen into the 1774.
hands of the council, he chose rather to stay in that
country. He was acting the part of a faithful servant
of the crown ; was not recalled on account of any mis-
conduct ; but his remaining in America was a proof of
his inclination to fulfil his duty, and entitled him to the
thanks of the House.

Without directly opposing the bill, General Con-
way recommended moderation, and considered the
abandonment of the right of taxation as the only
olive-branch that could be tendered. Mr. Van, on
the contrary, although he believed that, on the re-
quired concession, the Americans would return to
their duty, declared, that if they opposed the present
measure of government, he would, as was done in the
times of the ancient Britons, fire all their woods, and
leave their country open, to prevent the protection
they at present possessed. " If we are likely to lose
" that country," he said, " I think it better lost by our
" own soldiers, than wrested from us by our rebellious
" children."

On its introduction, Alderman Sawbridge, in a 2ist April.
vehement speech, declared he should think himself
highly unworthy a seat in parliament, if he suffered
so pernicious a bill to pass in any stage without his
hearty negative. He termed the measure ridiculous
and cruel, and denied that witnesses against the crown
could ever be obtained from America, " I plainly
" foresee," he said, " the dangerous consequences of
" this act; it is meant to enslave the Americans ; and
" the same minister would, if he had an opportunity,
" enslave England ; it is his aim, and what he wishes
" to do ; but I sincerely hope the Americans will
" not admit of the execution of these destructive
" bills, but nobly refuse them ; if they do not, they
" are the most abject slaves that ever the earth pro-
" duced, and nothing the minister can do is base
" enough for them."

To this vulgar ribaldry Lord North replied with

VOL. II. G

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.

XXII.

1774.

April 26th.
Committee.

6th May.

In the House
of Lords.

great moderation ; he wished to have the measure
thoroughly discussed, and, if bad, rejected. He dis-
claimed every intention of enslaving America, and
declared the assertion to be no better founded in truth
than another, importing that the Americans had seen
their error, and were willing to make reparation to
the East India Company. So far were they from
such sentiments, that letters recently received brought
accounts of renewed acts of violence.

A few other members spoke, and the motion for a
second reading was carried.

In the committee, a debate, rather curious than
important, arose on a clause respecting the appeal for
murder, in which the value of that gothic relic of the
constitution was examined with great freedom, and
impugned and defended with ingenuity and learning.
On the one side, it was treated as an ancient right of
the subject ; on the other, as a barbarous and super-
stitious practice, which exposed a man who had been
once acquitted to a second trial, and was most com-
monly resorted to for as the means of extortion;
being considered only in the nature of a civil suit, the
appeal might be compromised for money.

As the general opinion seemed to be, that, if the
appeal, with its barbarous appendage the trial by
battle, was to be taken away, the repeal ought to be
general, not local, the clause was withdrawn.

On the third reading, the debate was not long or
interesting, and the bill passed by a great majority*.

In the House of Lords, the opposition was similar
to that against the former act. On the third reading,
the Marquis of Buckingham detailed, at considerable
length, his objections. He viewed the transactions
relative to America from the repeal of the stamp act
during his own administration ; and while he laboured
to show the propriety of that measure, stigmatized
the tea-duty as an uncommercial, unproductive, pepper-
corn claim, retained only for the sake of contention.
He particularly objected to the bill in question, that,

* 127 to 24.

GEORGE III. 83

if officers were men of sensibility and honour, their
situation would be worse under the protection of such
a law than without it, as no acquittal could be honour- 1774.
able where the prosecutor had not the usual means of
securing a fair trial.

The bill passed by a great majority* ; but a protest, Protest.
signed by eight peers, and containing very forcible 18thMa >-
statements, was entered on the journals.

The protesting lords said, that, after the variety of
provisions made in the session for new modelling the
whole polity and judicature of the province, this bill
was an humiliating confession of the weakness and
inefficacy of all the proceedings of parliament. By
supposing it impracticable to obtain a fair trial for
persons acting under government, the House was
made virtually to acknowledge the British govern-
ment universally odious to the province. By sup-
posing the case, that such a trial may be equally
impracticable in every other province of America,
Parliament, in effect, admits that its authority is, or
probably may, become hateful to all the colonies.
The bill was described as one of the many experi-
ments toward an introduction of essential innovations
into the government of the empire ; and the protest
concluded by declaring it a virtual indemnity for
murder, and recapitulating the arguments against
the difficulty and hardship of sending parties and
witnesses so far for justice.

The natives of America resident in London again | nd M ^y-
attempted to interest the legislature by a petition ; tion of the
but, if the temper of the- colony had not been ex-
pressed in a manner sufficiently forcible to justify the
proceedings of administration, the terms in which this
extravagant remonstrance was conceived would have
convinced the impartial, that the spirit of opposition
and contempt of government by which the colonists
were actuated, required vigorous repression, or that

* 43 to 12. The partial publication of debates precludes the possibility of
estimating the arguments of the peers who supported administration. The prin-
cipal speakers on that side, were the Chancellor, and the Earls of Buckingham-
shire, Denbigh, and Sandwich.

G 2

84 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CH xu' t ^ ie C ^ m f ^e mother-country was reduced to a mere
verbal pretension.

1774. These petitioners deprecated the two bills, as fatal

to the rights, liberties, and peace of America ; com-
plained of the Boston Port act, as a violation of the
first principles of justice and the law of the land, as it
punished without hearing the accused. After des-
canting on the violation of charters, and the proposed
mode of appointing and removing judges, they added
that they perceived a system of judicial tyranny deli-
berately imposed on them, which, from bitter expe-
rience of its intolerable injuries, had been abolished in
Great Britain. The bill for more impartial adminis-
tration of justice was decried as an immunity for mur-
der, of which the soldiery, already taught by the incen-
diary arts of wicked men to regard the people as
deserving of every species of violence and abuse,
would not hesitate to avail themselves. The insults
and injuries of a lawless soldiery, they said, were such
as no free people could long endure ; and they appre-
hended, in the consequences of this bill, the horrid
outrages of military oppression, followed by the deso-
lation of civil commotions, while the dispensing power
given to the governor, advanced as he already was
above the law, and not liable to impeachment from the
people he might oppress, must constitute him an abso-
lute tyrant. They boasted of the loyalty of the colony,
and, throwing all the blame of the late disturbances on
the governor, boldly averred, that, among a people
hitherto remarkable for loyalty to the crown, and affec-
tion for Great Britain, no history could show, nor would
human nature admit of, an instance of general discon-
tent, but from a general sense of oppression. They
wished they could perceive any difference between the
most abject slavery and an entire subjection to a legis-
lature, in the constitution of which they had not a
single voice, nor the least influence, and in which no
one was present on their behalf. They strenuously
urged the principle of taxation by consent alone, assi-
milated themselves to Ireland, and declared the bills
would reduce their countrymen to the dreadful alter-

GEORGE III.

native of being totally enslaved, or compelled into a
contest the most shocking and unnatural with a parent-
state, which had ever been the object of their venera- 1774.
tion and love. They concluded with these words, no
less remarkable for hypocrisy than for resolute contu-
macy : " In a distress of mind which cannot be de-
" scribed, the petitioners conjure the House not to con-
" vert that zeal and affection, which have hitherto united
" every American hand and heart in the interests of
" England, into passions the most painful and perni-
" cious ; most earnestly they beseech the House not to
" attempt reducing them to a state of slavery, which
" the English principles of liberty they inherit from
" their mother-country will render worse than death ;
" and therefore pray that the House will not, by pass-
" ing these bills, overwhelm them with affliction, and
" reduce their countrymen to the most abject state of
" misery and humiliation, or drive them to the last
" resources of despair."

The notion that the repeal of the duty on tea would 1 9th April.
tranquilize opposition, and suppress every disagree- the^epeaTo
ment between the colonies and the parent-state, in- the dut y on
duced Mr. Rose Fuller, an old member of parliament,
and, in general, a supporter of the minister, to move
for a committee, intended to produce that measure ; and
he introduced his proposition with great moderation.

He was seconded by Mr. Pennant, and an animated
debate ensued. The supporters of Mr. Fuller's motion
argued chiefly the importance of retaining the friend-
ship of America, the trivial amount of the tea duty,
the impropriety of founding a claim to real taxation
on mere imaginary or virtual representation, and the
hostile appearance which the legislature must assume
by rejecting the motion. These topics were principally
enforced by Captain Phipps, Stephen Fox, Charles
Fox, Frederick Montague, and Colonel Barre.

On the other side, it was contended that the amount
of the tea duty was not unimportant ; the Americans
would not be satisfied with the repeal of the tax, but
their views extended to an emancipation from all con-
trol ; this was proved by referring to the conduct of

86 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. th e legislature of Massachusetts Bay, long distinguished
' for its rebellious tendency, and the combinations and
1774. illegal proceedings of the people. It was also argued
that the repeal would be taken as an indication of weak-
ness rather than conciliatory tenderness. It was even
remonstrated that a want of unanimity in rejecting
this question would be productive of dangerous conse-
quences, by affording countenance to resistance ; and
firmness and resolution were recommended as the only
means of restoring peace. The speakers on this side
were Mr. Rice, Mr. Cornwall, Lord Beauchamp, Mr.
Buller, the Solicitor-General, and Lord North.
Burke's ceie- Some reflections, in this debate, on the repeal of
speech. the stamp act produced from Mr. Burke one of the
most brilliant specimens of senatorial eloquence which
the records of any age or country can boast. He con-
tended, that, from the period of repealing the stamp
act, the practical right of taxing America ought to
have vanished from the minds of statesmen, and de-
cried the absurdity of continuing a tax merely for the
sake of a preamble to an act of parliament, when five-
sixths of the revenue intended to be raised were aban-
doned. He read a letter written by Lord Hillsborough
when secretary of state for America, upon which he
grounded an inference of an absolute promise that
taxation would not be again attempted. He said, that
from the passing of the Navigation Act till the year
1764, trade, and not taxation, being the object of
England, no attempt had been made to raise a revenue
in America. The first glimmerings of the new colony-
system dawned under Mr. Grenville. Mr. Burke then
depicted, in animated terms, and with considerable
force and discrimination, the talents, politics, and mea-
sures of that minister. Pursuing his history of the
stamp act, its repeal, and the subsequent proceedings,
he delineated, in a similar manner, the Marquis of
Rockingham, Lord Chatham, and his motley adminis-
tration, and Charles Townshend, under whose auspices
the existing American revenue act was passed. By
the subsequent repeal of the whole series of taxes,
excepting that on tea, the revenue was nearly annihi-

GEORGE III. 87

lated, and nothing remained worth a contest, unless it
were the preamble of the act, which declared it was
expedient to raise a revemie in America. He recom- 1774.
mended the repeal of the tax as a measure of policy,
and advised the House, if they afterwards apprehended
ill effects from concession, to stop short, decline reason-
ing, and oppose the ancient policy and practice of the
empire as a rampart against innovators on both sides,
and thus they would stand on great, manly, and sure
ground. " I am not going," he said, " into the distinc-
" tions of rights, nor attempting to mark their boun-
" daries. I do not enter into those metaphysical dis-
" tinctions; I hate the very sound of them. Leave
" the Americans as they anciently stood, and these
" distinctions, born of our unhappy contest, will die
" along with it. They, and we, and their and our
" ancestors, have been happy under that system.
" Let the memory of all actions, in contradiction to
" that good old mode, on both sides, be extinguished
" for ever. Be content to bind America by laws of
" trade ; you have always done it. Let this be your
" reason for binding their trade. Do not burthen them
" by taxes ; you were not used to do so from the begin-
" ning. Let this be your reason for not taxing. These
" are the arguments of states and kingdoms ; leave the
" rest to the schools, for there only they may be dis-
" cussed with safety." If this advice were rejected, he
augured, as a certain consequence, resistance; if the
sovereignty of England and the freedom of America
could not be reconciled, the Americans would cast off
sovereignty, for no man would be argued into slavery.
In reconciling his present opinion with the decla-
ratory act, Mr. Burke appears to have been embar-
rassed ; he attempted a distinction somewhat too subtle
to form a basis of action in government. " The parlia-
" ment of Great Britain," he said, " sits at the head of
" her extensive empire in two capacities ; one as the
" local legislature of this island, providing for all things
" at home, immediately, and by no other instrument
" than the executive power. The other, and I think
" her nobler capacity, is what I call her imperial cha-

88 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C XXH " rac ^ er > i* 1 which, as from the throne of heaven, she

" superintends all the several inferior legislatures ; and

1774. " guides and controls them all without annihilating
" any. As all these provincial legislatures are only
" co-ordinate to each other, they ought all to be subor-
" dinate to her. It is necessary to coerce the negligent,
" to restrain the violent, and to aid the weak and de-
" ficient, by the over-ruling plenitude of her power.
" She is never to intrude into the place of the others,
" whilst they are equal to the common ends of their
" institution. But, in order to enable parliament to
" answer all these ends of provident and beneficient
" superintendence, her powers must be boundless.
" Gentlemen who think the powers of Parliament
" limited may please themselves to talk of requisitions.
" But suppose the requisitions are not observed 1
" What ! Shall there be no reserved power in the em-
" pire to supply a deficiency which may weaken, divide,
" and dissipate the whole I We are engaged in war ;
" the secretary of state calls upon the colonies to con-
" tribute ; some would do it ; I think most would cheer-
" fully furnish whatever is demanded ; one or two,
*' suppose, hang back, and, easing themselves, let the
" stress of the draft lie on the others ; surely it is pro-
" per that some authority might legally say, tax your-
" selves for the common supply, or parliament will do
" it for you. This backwardness, as I am told, was
" actually the case of Pennsylvania for some short time,
" towards the beginning of last war, owing to some
" internal dissensions. But, whether the fact were so
" or otherwise, the case is equally to be provided for
" by a competent sovereign power. But then this
" ought to be no ordinary power ; nor ever used in the
" first instance. This is what I meant, when I have
" said at various times that I consider the power of
" taxing in parliament as an instrument of empire,
" and not as a mean of supply." He recommended
lenity, and that policy, not rancour, should be the rule
of conduct. " Let us act," he said, " like men ; let us
" act like statesmen : let us hold some sort of consist-
" ent conduct. It is agreed that a revenue is not to be

GEORGE III. 89

" had in America. If we lose the profit, let us get
" rid of the odium."

By this speech, which was afterwards published, the 1774.
orator acquired great applause, and his party a con-
siderable benefit. The system recommended was spe-
cious, and calculated to captivate by a mixture of
moderation and resolution ; it unfolded many wise
principles of policy, while every gratification was
afforded to the fancy, by playful and elegant sallies of
imagination, expressed in the happiest language, and
illustrated by images irresistibly pleasant : but the ad-
vice it contained was inadmissible ; the time, the unre-
pented aggression of the Americans, the acknowledged
necessity of punishment, and the propriety of restrain-
ing the exertions of disloyalty, forbad the adoption of
a system which, instead of discouraging, appeared to
proffer a premium for opposition to the supremacy of
Great Britain.

The motion was rejected*, and Mr. Rose Fuller, Motion
afterwards, in opposing the bill for regulating the reje
government of Massachuset's Bay, said, " I will now
" take my leave of the whole plan. You will com-
" mence your ruin from this day. I am sorry to say,
" that not only the house has fallen into this error, but
" the people approve of the measure. The people are
" misled; but a short time will prove the evil tendency
" of this bill. If ever there was a nation running head-
" long to ruin, it is this."

The ranks of opposition in the House of Lords were 2? th May.
reinforced by Lord Chatham, who, after absenting ham's speech
himself from parliamentary attendance during the last on American
two sessions, made his appearance on the third read-
ing of a bill for quartering troops in America, and
stated at large his opinions on the proceedings relative
to that country.

He began by observing, that a transient view of
the motives which induced the ancestors of the Ame-
ricans to quit their native land and encounter the dif-
ficulties of unexplored regions in the western world,

* 182 to 49.

90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP, would remove all impressions of astonishment at the
conduct of their descendants. There was no corner

1774. of the globe into which men of their free and enter-
prizing spirit would not fly with alacrity, rather than
submit to the slavish and tyrannical principles which
prevailed at that period in their native country ; and
shall we wonder if the progeny of such illustrious
characters spurn, with contempt, the hand of uncon-
stitutional power, that wotdd snatch from them such
dear-bought privileges as they now contend for 1 ? Had
the colonies been planted by any other kingdom than
our own, the inhabitants would have carried with them
the chains of slavery and spirit of despotism ; but as
they are, they ought to be remembered as great in-
stances to instruct the world what exertions mankind
will naturally make when left to the free exercise of
their own powers. He strongly blamed the conduct
of the Americans in some instances, particularly the
riots in Boston ; but the measures pursued to bring
them to a sense of their duty were astonishing, from
their diametrical opposition to the fundamental prin-
ciples of sound policy. In proof of the gratitude of
the Americans for the repeal of the Stamp Act, and
their sincere loyalty at that period, Lord Chatham
read an extract of a letter from Governor Bernard,
and inferred that the same temper would have con-
tinued, but for the fruitless endeavours subsequently
made to tax them without their consent. From the
complexion of the proceedings, he thought adminis-
tration had purposely irritated them into those violent
acts, for which they so severely smarted, purposely to
be revenged for the victory they gained by the repeal
of the Stamp Act ; a measure in which the ministry
seemingly acquiesced, but, at the bottom, were its real
enemies. What could induce them to dress taxation,
that father of American sedition, in the robes of an
East India director, but to break into the peace and
harmony so happily subsisting ? He advised the adop-
tion of a more lenient plan in the government of
America, as the day was not far distant when Ame-
rica might vie with these kingdoms, not only in arms,

GEORGE III. 91

but in arts. The principal towns in America were

learned and polite, understood the constitution of the

empire, and consequently would have a watchful eye 1774.

over their liberties to prevent encroachment on their

hereditary rights. In support of this opinion he read

an extract from the pamphlet of an American author,

denying the right of the mother-country to tax the

colonies. Affirming this to be his own opinion, which he

would carry with him to the grave, he recommended

the substitution of kindness for rigour. " Instead of

" adding to their miseries," he said, " adopt some

" lenient measures, which may lure them to their duty ;

" act like an affectionate parent toward a beloved child;

" and, instead of harsh and severe proceedings, pass an

" amnesty on all their youthful errors ; clasp them once

" more in your arms, and, I will venture to affirm, you

" will find them children worthy of their sire. But should

" their turbulence exist after proffered terms of forgive-

" ness, I will be among the foremost to promote such

" measures as will effectually prevent a future relapse,

" and make them feel what it is to provoke a fond and

" forgiving parent ! A parent whose welfare has ever

" been my greatest and most pleasing consolation.

" This declaration may seem unnecessary ; but I will

" venture to declare, the period is not far distant when

" she will want the assistance of her most distant

" friends ; but should the all-disposing hand of Provi-

" dence prevent me from affording her my poor assist-

" ance,my prayers shall be ever for her welfare Length

" of days be in her right hand, and in her left riches

" and honour ; may her ways be ways of pleasantness,

" and all her paths be peace ! " Lord Suffolk made a

few observations on this speech, and was answered by

Lord Temple. The bill passed on a division*.

One more law relative to our dominions in Ame- Bil1 for the .
rica occasioned strenuous debates. Since the cession of
Canada, that extensive sovereignty had been governed
by royal proclamations ; no parliamentary system was
established; the customs of the land were not sanc-

* 57 to 16.

92 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. tioned by explicit consent, or meliorated by a more
" perfect form of jurisprudence. Yet the subject had

1774. not lain dormant ; it was often deliberated in the
cabinet ; but the difficulty and danger of deciding on
abstract principles of legislation, and the instability of
administrations, had hitherto prevented effectual pro-
gress. At length, in 1771, the King, by a special
order, directed the reports and papers relative to the
laws and courts of judicature, and the defects in the
mode of governing Quebec, to be referred to the advo-
cate, attorney, and solicitor-general, to prepare a gene-
ral plan of civil and criminal law ; and they were sub-
sequently directed to make separate reports to the
King in council. Every species of information was
resorted to, and diligently compared, and applied in
the formation of these reports, on the basis of which a
bill was framed, " For making more effectual provision
" for the government of Canada."

view of the The first object of the bill was to define the boun-

bilL daries of Canada, which were enlarged to an unex-

pected extent, including all the lands in America not
subject to any previous grant, or comprised in any
charter. The limits, thus extended, stretched from Cha-
leur Bay, along the southern coast of the St. Lawrence,
almost to Crown Point ; they were also carried over
the whole interior country, which lay behind the New
England provinces, together with those of New York
and Pennsylvania, to the borders of Ohio. The boun-
dary line then proceeded westward, through ten degrees
of longitude, to the eastern banks of the Mississippi,
whence it extended northward, to the southern boun-
dary of the land granted to the Hudson's Bay com-
pany, being from about the fortieth to the fiftieth
degree of latitude.

The government of this domain, which appeared
from evidence to be inhabited by about three hundred
and sixty English, and a hundred and fifty thousand
French settlers, was modelled with strict attention to
the habits, prejudices, manners, and convenience of the
people. Abstract theory, as well as national predilec-
tion, would have pointed out the English constitu-

GEORGE III. 93

tion, both in church and state, as the best model for CHAP.

"X ^C TT

the government of Canada: but no wise statesman,
no conqueror, unless a mere predatory tyrant, would 1774.
attempt the rash experiment of forcing on a whole
people a scheme of government, formed at a distance
from their abode, and arranged without a pretence of
consulting their wants, their grievances, their means of
information, or their views of happiness. The system
of mutual representation, mutual reliance, and mutual
responsibility, which forms the basis of the British
constitution, and is admirably adapted to the genius,
the manners, and the commercial and political relations
of the nation, would, if applied to a people living
widely scattered in a thinly inhabited country, and so
educated as to entertain an habitual predilection for
another mode of government, have been a curse instead
of a benefit, a badge of slavery instead of a buckler of
defence. Yet there were points of essential importance
in the British constitution, which a due regard to the
real happiness of the governed would not justify the
governors in omitting.

The Canada or Quebec bill, therefore, granted the
free exercise of the religion of the church of Rome,
subject to the King's supremacy ; and the clergy were
permitted to employ their property, and receive the
accustomed dues from persons professing that persua-
sion ; with a proviso, that the King should not be
disabled from making such provision as he should
think fit for the protestant clergy.

All property was to be held, and all controversies
relative to it among Canadians were to be decided, by
the existing laws of Canada, and without the inter-
vention of a jury; a proviso was made for freeing
estates from feudal entails, and excepting from the rule
all lands granted by the King.

The criminal law of England was instituted, with
trial by jury.

A legislative body was created, consisting of per-
sons resident in Canada, in number not less than
seventeen, nor more than twenty-three, who were to
be appointed by His Majesty in council. They were

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

May 2.
Bill brought
into the
House of
Lords.

12ih.

16th.

17th.

26th May
to ]3th June.
Opposition.

to make ordinances for the government of the pro-
vince, but not to impose taxes ; and their edicts were
to be considered as absolutely repealed, if disapproved
by the King in council. The legislature was also re-
strained from enacting severe penalties for religious
offences, and from meeting at undue seasons of the
year, and without sufficient notices.

Finally, the King was empowered to erect any
courts, criminal, civil, or ecclesiastical, by letters
patent under the great seal.

Lord Dartmouth presented this bill to the House of
Lords. No report is preserved of any debate upon it,
nor does it appear from the journals that any amend-
ment was moved upon which a discussion was likely.
Papers were presented, shewing different ordinances
made by virtue of the King's proclamation, under
which the province was governed ; but they were of no
general importance. In the committee a few alterations
were made ; but not, as it appears, in consequence of any
suggestion from the usual opponents of government.
The only attempt at a material alteration was on the
third reading, when a motion was made for a proviso,
limiting the duration of the law to a period of seven
years, which, after a debate, was rejected ; and, after
some further discussion, the bill passed, and was sent
down to the House of Commons. No petition was pre-
sented, and no protest appears on the journals*.

Probably, this apparent quietude arose from the
opposition party not having, at first, contemplated or
arranged measures of resistance ; for in the lower House
a struggle was strenuously maintained through every
stage, from the first introduction of the bill.

The chief general objections were derived from its
tendency to establish a despotic government, contrary
to the royal proclamation in 1763, and the indecency
of urging a business of so much importance at a late
period of the session, when many members had retired
into the country.

The clause which fixed the limits of the province

* Lords' Journals, vol. xxxiv, at the dates in Hie margin.

GEORGE III. 95

was censured on two grounds ; first, if, in any future CHAP.
war, Canada should be restored to the French, they

would, by the avowal of the British Parliament, derive 1774.
a claim to a territory more ample than they had ceded
at the last peace. We were giving up to Canada
almost all that which was the subject of dispute, and
for which we went to war, calling it the province of
Virginia; but now we were telling the French that
the assertion was merely a pretence for hostilities,
for we then knew, as well as now, that it was part of
Canada. Secondly, if we were to retain the pro-
vince, the enormous addition operated as a griev-
ance on the inhabitants of the planted and chartered
colonies. If, in order to live on what they had ever
esteemed their direct property, they crossed an imagi-
nary line, they found themselves suddenly deprived of
all their own charters, and all the common privileges
of Englishmen, and subjected to an arbitrary system
of French government : this was decried as a violent,
cruel, and odious measure, which tore up justice and
all its principles by the root.

To the argument on the restoration of the colony, Answer.
Mr. Thurlow answered, that the limits of cession were
never dependent on legislative arrangements, but on
the length of the sword : success in war would give
success in peace, and not imaginary lines drawn by a
state for its colonies ; nor had the limits now described
any reference to old Canada ; it was not a restoration
of the limits once claimed by France, but a new scheme,
including countries for which France had never con-
tended.

With respect to the injury to be sustained by the
inhabitants of chartered colonies, it was observed, that
they must voluntarily place themselves in a situation
to receive it ; and it would be extremely imprudent,
in favour of such a supposition, to leave without go-
vernment all the chain of posts already established
by the French through the whole country included in
the bill, and not protected by any law, or defended by
any charter.

Mr. Fox started an unexpected and ingenious ob-

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP,
XXII.

1774.

May 31.

Petition of
the Penn
family.

Opposition
on the sub-
ject of reli-
gion.

jection to the reception of the bill. It provided that the
clergy of the church of Rome might hold, receive, and
enjoy their accustomed dues and rights, with respect to
such persons as should profess that religion. As those
words included the receiving of tythes, which were, to
all intents and purposes, a tax on the people of Canada,
it was, he said, contrary to the rules of Parliament,
that a money-bill, for such must this be considered, should
have its origin elsewhere than in the House of Com-
mons. This point was ably and strenuously argued by
Mr. Dunning, Mr. Serjeant Glynn, and some other mem-
bers ; but the difficulty was easily solved by the fact
that the rights of Roman Catholic clergy were guaran-
teed by the definite treaty, and by the irresistible obser-
vation that tythe was not a tax ; it was a new measur-
ing out of land, due at that moment, the subject of an
action at law, the object of exchange or compensation,
as was daily evinced in bills for inclosure or other
improvements : it had never before been called a tax,
and many bills for purposes in which tythe was com-
prehended had originated with the lords. The decision
of the house was adverse to Mr. Fox's opinion ; but he
continued to maintain it, and repeated it when the third
reading of the bill was ordered which fixed the boun-
daries.

Against this part of the bill a petition was pre-
sented on behalf of the Penn family, and, as it was
alleged that they would, by its operation, be deprived
of a portion of their legal estates in Pennsylvania, and
the three lower counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sus-
sex, in the Delaware, the minister admitted its validity,
and said, it never was the intention of the measure to
affect the just rights of the proprietors or of the
colonies.

The clause allowing the exercise of the Romish reli-
gion was opposed, not so much by direct motions lead-
ing to divisions, although some of these occurred, as
by angry and intemperate observations. Mr. Wil-
liam Burke described the bill as the worst that ever
engaged the attention of a British council ; to esta-
blish the popish religion, was to establish despotism.

GEORGE III. 97

In some instances we had, as far as we were able, CHAP.

established freedom ; but to establish Popery, to esta-

blish despotism in a conquered province, was what we 1774.
had never done before. To aid the cause of prejudice,
when argument was wanting, Colonel Barre said, the
bill was Popish from the beginning to the end. The
lords, with whom it originated, were the Romish
priests, who were to give his Majesty absolution for
breaking the promise made in the proclamation of 1 763.
On the motion that it should pass, Mr. Howard de-
nounced it as a most abominable and detestable mea-
sure, tending to introduce tyranny and arbitrary power
in all the colonies ; to give a further establishment to
Popery ; to annul the bill of toleration, and to destroy
the act of Habeas Corpus. It was a money-bill, and
no treatment too contemptuous could be applied to it.
The Speaker ought to throw it over the table, and
somebody else should kick it out at the door. On the
part of government, it was denied that the Romish
religion was established ; it was tolerated. Some dis-
tinction between toleration and establishment, but
nothing of importance, was urged, nor any amendment
attempted, except in the form of one of the prescribed
oaths. An effort was made to excite popular prejudice, Petit i on f rom
and the corporation of London, in a petition against the city.
the bill, did not forget to remind the King, that the
Romish religion was idolatrous and bloody, and that
his illustrious family was called to the throne, in con-
sequence of the exclusion of the Roman Catholic
ancient branch of the Stuart line, under an express
stipulation to profess and maintain the Protestant
faith.

The continuance of the French law, dispensing opposition on
justice without a iury in civil, while the English code the subject of
J j law -

was granted in criminal cases, occasioned numerous

and violent debates. The opposition insisted, that by
this distinction, a complete despotism was established :
the King, by mixing his English with French sub-
jects, and involving both in the same law, obtained
over both all the powers of a French king : he might
even, if he pleased, imprison by Lettres de Cachet.

VOL. II. H

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXH.

1774.

Petition of
the Canada
merchants
in London.

Evidence.

The privation of the trial by jury, in civil cases, and
of the Habeas Corpus, was represented as an intolerable
hardship.

The merchants of London trading to Canada peti-
tioned against this part of the bifl, as tending to
render their property less secure, and were heard by
counsel. Two merchants* were produced as witnesses,
who stated, that the people of Canada were highly
pleased with the trial in civil causes ; and that a dis-
continuance of it would be of great prejudice. On
the other hand, five witnesses were examined, some of
whom had been long resident, and filled important sta-
tions in the colony J 1 ; from their information it gene-
rally resulted, that the Canadians, though highly pleased
with the British form of criminal jurisprudence, had
an insurmountable disgust to the decision of civil
causes by a jury.

The enormous expense of that mode of trial in a
country thinly inhabited; the difficulty of obtaining
the attendance of jurors, and the amount of their
travelling charges and maintenance, were successfully
urged as reasons against the establishment. An at-
tempt was made during the progress of the bill to
obtain a right for either party in a suit to demand a
trial by jury, but without effect. The general argu-
ments relative to tyranny, and the want of the Habeas
Corpus, could not, it was observed, be decided on mere
suppositions ; time would discover, and the legislature
of the colony would announce, whether the King did
in fact imprison his subjects by Lettres de Cachet, and
whether they felt any real grievance from the non-in-
troduction of a new writ, incompatible with the forms
of that law by which they preferred to be governed.

* Edward Watts and Samuel Morin.

t They were General Carleton, governor of Canada : Mr. Maseres, cursitor-
baron of the exchequer, late attorney-general of the province, and agent to the
English inhabitants ; Mr. Hey, chief-justice of the province ; Mr. Lothbiniere, a
French gentleman of considerable property ; and Dr. Marriott, the king's advo-
cate-general. Some ill temper was displayed in examining these gentlemen,
particularly General Carelton and Dr. Marriott ; but they both, Dr. Marriott
especially, evinced a dignified calmness and self-possession which frustrated all
attempts to expose their evidence to censure, or to extract from them any improper
disclosures.

GEORGE III. 99

It was also successfully urged, that if tyranny were
the aim of the bill, the means taken to establish it

were singular and unapt ; a government by law was 1774.
substituted for one purely optional, and the King's
power of ruling by proclamation was abolished by act
of parliament.

Many objections were made against vesting the
legislative power in the governor and council alone,
without an assembly, as in other colonies. But the
extreme absurdity of a pretended election, the rights
of which should reside in three hundred and sixty
persons, while the number governed was upwards of
a hundred and fifty thousand, was an irrefragable argu-
ment against the proposition for establishing a repre-
sentative senate. It was also proved in evidence, that
the Canadians were not desirous of being represented
in any assembly ; and, from the aspect of the times,
policy dictated that they should, as little as possible,
be placed in the same situation with the other pro-
vinces of America.

Some members attempted to fix a limit to the
duration of the act; but it was answered, that,
being one of experiment, it could not in its nature
be supposed to be permanent ; when time had en-
abled the Canadians to appreciate its merits and
defects, Parliament, in answer to petitions, or from well-
authenticated information, could alter, amend, or re-
peal such portions as expediency might require.

As several alterations were made in the bill, it ^ eb 1 i | ) te ^ in
became necessary to return it to the upper house. i7thJune.
Although in a less exceptionable form it had passed
almost without opposition, yet its principles were now
strenuouly resisted. Lord Chatham recapitulated all
the objections used in the House of Commons, and
called it the child of inordinate power. It would in-
volve this country in a thousand difficulties, shake the
affection of all his majesty's subjects in England and
Ireland, and finally lose him the hearts of all the Ame-
ricans. He invoked the bench of bishops to resist a
law by which the Roman Catholic religion would
become the establishment of a vast continent, and in-

H 2

100

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXII.

1774.

June 22nd.
Petition to
the King.

Other acts of
Parliament.

May 18.
Debates on
the Budget.

sisted that Parliament had no more right to alter the
oath of supremacy, than to repeal the Great Charter,
or the Bill of Rights. Lord Dartmouth and Lord
Lyttelton defended the bill, but with no new argu-
ment*. The corporation of London having resolved
to petition the King to refuse his sanction, the Lord
Mayor, with several aldermen, the Recorder, and a
great many members of the common council, attending
at St. James's just as the King was going to the house,
was informed, that as the petition related to a bill
agreed on by the two houses of Parliament, of which
his Majesty could not take notice until it was presented
for his assent, they were not to expect an answer]*.

During this long and active session, many other
objects of public importance were agitated in parlia-
ment. The House of Lords, by reversing a decree of
the Court of Chancery, established the principle that
booksellers have not a perpetual right in the copies
of works which they possess by assignment from their
authors. In producing the financial statement, com-
monly denominated the Budget, Lord North forcibly
exposed the fallacious statements which had been
made of the flourishing state of the French reve-
nue; ridiculed most happily the specious orators
who, fortified by a little information, picked up at
random, in a country, where, for want of a representa-
tive body, few, very few indeed, possessed any real
knowledge on the subject, pretended to advance facts
and draw comparisons, the one unfounded, the other
incorrect. Colonel Barre, considering, and he could not
be mistaken, that these remarks were levelled at him,
made an answer full of strenuous reflections. Mr.
Burke supported some of his assertions, but totally dis-
claimed those which depicted the flourishing state of
the French treasury. Mr. Dempster and governor
Johnstone also attacked the minister ; he neither replied
nor was supported, but his resolutions were agreed to.

* It was carried, 26 to 74.

t In revising this portion of my work, I have derived much assistance from
Sir Henry Cavendish's Reports of the debates on this bill in the House of
Commons, forming a specimen of a publication, intended to be produced by Mr.
Alright, of all the debates in that parliament, from 1768 to 1774.

GEORGE III. 101

Several beneficial regulations were made in the gold
coin, pursuant to the suggestion in the King's speech.
A committee was appointed to consider and report on 1774.
the state of the linen and woollen trades, and an act Gold coin -
passed for the relief of insolvent debtors, and prisoners
incapable of paying their fees.

In terminating the session, the King applauded 22nd.
the Quebec act, as founded on the clearest principles Kin s" s speech

/ . , . . ITT T i r . on concluding

of humanity and justice, and calculated to produce the the session.
best effects in quieting the minds and promoting the
happiness of the Canadians. He lamented the dan-
gerous spirit of resistance displayed by the people of
Massachuset's Bay, but approved the measures adopted
by Parliament to restrain them. He said, " The tem-
" per and firmness with which you have conducted
" yourselves in this important business, and the general
" concurrence with which the resolution of maintaining
" the authority of the laws in every part of my domi-
" nions has been adopted and supported, cannot fail of
" giving the greatest weight to the measures which have
" been the result of your deliberations. Nothing that
" depends on me shall be wanting to render them effec-
" tual. It is my most anxious desire to see my deluded
" subjects in that part of the world returning to a sense
" of their duty, acquiescing in that just subordination to
" the authority, and maintaining that due regard to the
" commercial interests of this country, which must ever
" be inseparably connected with their own real prospe-
" rity and advantage."

102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-THIRD.
17731774.

Disposition of the people in Massachuset's Bay Arrival and
effect of the Boston port act. The cause of Boston espoused
in several colonies. The assembly of Massachuset's, Bay
removed to Salem. Their address to the governor. Mem-
bers appointed to a general congress. Recommendations
to the people. Dissolution of the assembly. Town-meet-
ing at Boston. Address of the merchants and freeholders
of Salem to the governor. Solemn league and covenant.

Efforts at conciliation. Drafts of the other bills arrive.

their effect. Arrival of troops. Alarm on placing a
guard at Boston Neck. New council formed. Juries and
law officers refuse to act. Militia disarmed and stores
seized. Public resentment, Boston Neck fortified. Out-
rages of the people. They arm. Suffolk Meeting- 1 - their
resolves and remonstrance. Gage's answer. The Assem-
bly meet in defiance of the Governor resolve themselves
into a provincial congress their remonstrance. Gage's
answer and proclamation. Sitting of the general congress
at Philadelphia. Formation. Mode of voting. Secrecy
in debate. Detached proceedings. Declaration of rights.

Association Address to the people of Great Britain.
To the colonies. To the people of Quebec. Petition to
the King. Instructions to their agents. Dissolution.
Observations on their proceedings. Effects of the congress.

Royal proclamation. Insurrection at Rhode Island, and

in New Hampshire.
CHAP.

xxiii. IF it was expected that mere legislative ordinances

could subdue or even restrain the people of Massachu-
se t' s Bay, in any case where their apprehensions were
5 or their passions excited, their character and

set's Bay." temper must have been grossly misunderstood. Their

GEORGE III. 103

disregard of laws where obedience could not be en- CHAP.

forced, had been recently displayed, in other instances \

beside those which immediately called for the late enact- 1774.
ments of the legislature. During the agitation res-
pecting the Stamp-act, every supposed friend to that
measure was subjected to all kinds of violence. The
dwellings of Mr. Oliver, Governor Hutchinson, and
Governor Barnard, were broken into, their plate and
valuable property purloined, their papers and manu-
scripts burnt, their houses destroyed, and their lives
put into imminent danger. At that period, the people
of Boston had began to shew a disposition to excite
strong political feelings and a contempt of the superior
orders, by calling meetings under the tree of Liberty,
and styling themselves the respectable populace*.
Before intelligence of the parliamentary proceedings
could be received, the people of this province mani- contumacious
fested a disposition to exasperate the mother-country Massachusetts*
by repeated outrages. Tea ships which arrived after Bay -
the destruction of the first cargoes, were treated in a
similar manner ; a post-office was projected to rival
the government establishment; and the assembly,
before their dissolution, found a new subject of contest
with the governor, by resolving to continue Dr. Franklin
their agent, although Hutchinson refused to ratify the
appointment, or sanction the law for paying his salary.
The governor was succeeded by General Gage, who General Gage
was married to an American lady, had long commanded vernor. tec
the troops in the province, and was respected for his
prudence and urbanity. The auspices under which he 13th Ma y-
commenced his office were most discouraging, for some
inhabitants of Boston, attempting the customary civility
of a complimentary message to the ex-governor, their
proceeding was protested against by many of the
citizens, and the populace expressed their hatred and
contempt by hanging him in effigy. General Gage,
however, received the usual honours from the council,
magistrates, clergy, military and town officers.

* State Papers, 1765 and 1766.

104

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

1774.

Arrival and
effect of the
Boston port
act.

14th May.
Town meet-
ing.

The Boston port act was already arrived, and re-
ceived with a mixed sensation of indignation and
terror. The severity of its enactments* appalled the
factious, and the uncertainty whether the other colonies
would join in the cause, or take advantage of their
situation, produced anxiety and consternation. The
resolves of a meeting, held to take the act into con-
sideration, no longer breathed the haughty and
impetuous tone of former days, but indicated fear,
hesitation, and irresolution. They declared, if the
other colonies would decline all commercial intercourse
with Great Britain and the West Indies till the repeal
of the obnoxious act, their resolution would prove the
salvation of North America, and her liberties ; but
otherwise, fraud, power, and the most odious oppres-
sion, would rise triumphant over right, justice, social
happiness, and freedom. The impolicy, injustice, in-
humanity, and cruelty of the law, exceeded all their
powers of expression, and they left it to the just cen-
sure of God and the world. Copies of this vote were
transmitted to all the colonies ; the act of parliament
was printed on paper bordered with black, hawked
about the streets as a barbarous, cruel, bloody, and
inhuman murder, and in some places burnt with great
solemnity.

Measures equally bold and judicious had previously
been taken by the people of Boston to unite others in
their cause. On the destruction of the tea ships,
expresses were dispatched to New York, Philadelphia,
and other provinces, relating what had taken place,
and assigning for it plausible and seductive reasons.
If the British Government, they said, intended that a
duty should be paid on the commodity, they were

* By this act it was ordained, that from the 1st of June, 1774, no person
should receive or discharge any cargo or lading at the harbour of Boston, on pain
of forfeiting the goods and the vessel ; and any wharfinger who permitted such
lading or discharge at his wharf, was to forfeit treble the value of the cargo,
computed at the highest price, together with the craft employed. No vessel was
allowed to moor within the harbour, or to be seen hovering about the bay, after
six hours' notice, on pain of forfeiture. Several penalties were inflicted to
prevent collusions, and the act was to continue in force till satisfaction made to
the East India Company, and till it should appear to the King in council that the
people of Boston were submissive to law and good order.

GEORGE III. 105

doing that against which the voice of the whole con- xxm'

tinent had been pronounced, raising a revenue from. _ '_

the people without their assent; if not, a monopoly 1774.
would be created, equally adverse to the principles of
liberty and of commerce. The mercantile body adopted
these opinions with zeal and earnestness, in both the
great provinces to which they were most particularly
addressed. In Philadelphia a general ferment was
created, and in New York inflammatory papers were
distributed, tending to excite opposition to the sending
of teas ; but still a more subdued spirit had consider-
able prevalence. Even in Massachusets itself, a num-
ber of respectable persons expressed a desire that the
people of Boston should be made to compensate for the
violence they had committed. Forty inhabitants of
the town of Plymouth published a protest, expressing
abhorrence of rebellious proceedings and attachment
to the British government; but the mercantile and revo-
lutionary parties were most numerous, active, and
likely to prevail.*

But if apprehensions of the conduct of other colonies 24th May.
existed, the horrors of suspense did not long continue. Boston" 86 f
Virginia, where ardent principles had before been so espoused by
strongly displayed, was forward to make common Vur s inia -
cause with Boston, and even to urge bolder measures
of opposition and resistance than the complaining
party had contemplated. In the house of Burgesses
the chief influence had been enjoyed by Mr. Henry,
Mr. Henry Lee, Mr. Francis Lee, Mr. Carr, and Mr.
Jeflerson, who in the preceding year, when Lord Dun-
more dissolved them, met with a few more at a tavern,
and, as one of their body asserts, originated the plan of
corresponding committeesf . The act arriving during
a session, a small number of members, agreeing that
they must boldly take an unequivocal stand in the line
with Massachusets, met in the council chamber, for the
sake of the library which it contained. Finding it neces-
sary to arouse the people from the lethargy into which

* State Papers, Letter of General Haldimand, 5th Jan. 1774.
t Jefferson's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 4. The invention has been claimed by Mas-
suchusets ; but Mr. Jefferson's denial is positive and circumstantial.

106

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

1774.

Assembly
dissolved.

Annual
congress re-
commended.

'20th May.
Proceedings
in Philadel-
phia.

24th May.

And other
colonies.

they had fallen as to passing events, they devised the
appointment of a day of general fasting and prayer, to
call up and alarm their attention ; such a solemnity
had last existed in the days of their distresses in the
last war, since which a new generation had grown up.
They consulted Rushworth for the revolutionary pre-
cedents and forms of the Puritans of that day, and by
his aid framed a resolution, somewhat modernizing the
phrases, for appointing the first of June, on which the
act was to commence, for a day of fasting, humiliation,
and prayer, " to implore Heaven to avert from them the
evils of civil war, to inspire them with firmness in sup-
port of their rights, and to turn the hearts of the King
and Parliament to moderation and justice*."

Such an encroachment on the governor's preroga-
tive as the appointment of a fast without his concur-
rence, combined with the motives of the proceeding,
induced him to dissolve the assembly ; but eighty-nine
of the members signed an association, denouncing the
attempt to compel one of the sister colonies to submit
to arbitrary taxes, as an attack upon all British Ame-
rica; and recommending their committee of corres-
pondence to communicate with other committees on
the expediency of appointing deputies from the several
colonies to form annually a general congress, and deli-
berate on measures conducive to the united interests
of America. This paper avowed that other measures
were in contemplation, and expressed a hope that
Great Britain would not, by persisting in the system of
arbitrary taxation, compel them reluctantly to relin-
quish all commercial intercourse.

The people of Philadelphia, excepting thequakers,
agreed to suspend all business on the first of June, as
an expression of sympathy, and in order to gain an
opportunity of reflecting on the precarious situation of
American rights. They also held a town-meeting,
passed resolutions in reprobation of the act, and in fa-
vour of a congress, and entered into a subscription for
relief of the suffering inhabitants of Boston ; several

* Idem, p. 5, whose own words have been preserved. And for a general ac-
count of proceedings in Virginia, Sparks' Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 122.

GEORGE III. 107

other colonies subsequently adopted similar resolutions, xx'
and their cause was espoused with an ardour equal to

their most sanguine wishes*. 1774.

Meanwhile the assembly of Massachuset's Bay met 26th May.
for the last time at Boston, and proceeded to the elec- ofthTas-
tion of a council on the day prescribed by their charter. !t mbl y f
General Gage opened the session, by expressing his set's Bay.
inclination to concur in all measures tending to the
welfare of the province, but announced the necessity of
removing the general court to Salem. They petitioned
him to set apart a day for general fasting and humilia-
tion, with which he refused to comply, considering it
only meant to afford an opportunity for diffusing sedi-
tion from the pulpit; and, apprehending the ill effects
of protracted debates, he adjourned the legislature to
the seventh of June, then to meet at Salem.

In this interval, the people had the satisfaction of Effe , ct f *

,. fy, f r . , i T conduct ol

learning that their sufferings occasioned general mdig- other coio-
nation, and the fast on the first of June was almost mes *
every where strictly observed. Measures were gene-
rally adopted for contravening the interests of Great
Britain ; the wish for a congress was widely diffused,
and the province of Maryland even instructed the
lawyers not to commence suits for recovery of debts
due to inhabitants of Great Britain, till the Boston
port act should be repealed.-!*

Animated by these assurances, the legislature took 9tl1 Ju e -

,, ,. . f . ,,. , Address to

the earnest opportunity of insulting the governor, un- the governor
der pretext of answering his speech at the commence-
ment of the session. Their address began with ordi-
nary felicitations, but, in its progress, expressed a hope,
that his administration, in principles and conduct,
might be a happy contrast to that of his two immediate
predecessors. General Gage, interrupting the chair-
man of the committee, who read the message, refused
to receive such indecent reflections on governors whose
conduct had been approved by the King, after a
trial and acquittal before the privy-council ; they were

* An account of the proceedings in New York, with some sensible observations
on t hem, is in the Life of Gouverneur Morris, by Jared Sparks, vol. i. p. 22.

t A protest against this resolution was signed by a respectable body of
merchants.

108

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

1774.
13th June.
Members
appointed to
congress.

Committee
appointed to
frame recom-
mendations.
17th June.

Dissolution of
the assembly.

an insult on his Majesty, the lords of the council, and
himself.

The house of representatives next appointed a com-
mittee for a general congress, selecting for that pur-
pose five of their body who were most conspicuous in
opposition ; and voting five hundred pounds for their
use, out of the treasury. In this appropriation of the
public money, they exceeded their authority, and, the
governor refusing his assent to the vote, they recom-
mended a levy to that amount, by equitable appor-
tionments, among the towns and districts of the
province.

A prorogation or dissolution of the assembly being
anticipated, a committee was appointed to prescribe
rules of conduct to the people, under the form of re-
commendations, which, in the actual state of opposition,
would have the effect of laws. They speedily presented
a report, stating that their colony, as well as others in
North America, had long been struggling under the
heavy hand of power ; their dutiful petitions for re-
dress of intolerable grievances were disregarded, and
the design totally to destroy the free constitution of
America, to establish arbitrary government, and reduce
the inhabitants to slavery, appeared to be more and
more fixed and determined on : the inhabitants were
therefore recommended, until redress should be ob-
tained, to discontinue the consumption of tea, as well as
of all other merchandizes imported from India and
Great Britain ; and encourage to the utmost the manu-
factures of America.

Although the committee intended to keep their
proceedings profoundly secret, and deluded the gover-
nor by a pretence of being employed on conciliatory
measures, they could not prevent the disclosure of their
real intention, and General Gage dispatched the secre-
tary to the court-house to dissolve the assembly. The
officer, finding the doors locked, transmitted the in-
formation to the speaker, that he was charged with a
message to the house ; the assembly, however, refused
to open the doors ; and the secretary, in presence of
several members, proclaimed on the stairs the dissolu-

GEORGE III. 109

tion of the general court. They, however, considered CHAP.
the passing of their resolutions as a material advantage

gained over the governor. 1774.

Notwithstanding the dissolution of the legislative Town meet-

i j j." -U ij t. T> v mg at Boston.

body, a town meeting was held at Boston, where reso-
lutions were passed, and ordered to be transmitted, by
the corresponding committees, to other colonies, con-
taining assurances of the zeal and activity prevailing
in Massachuset's Bay, and the general anxiety to meet
in congress ; a measure which, they affirmed, would
compel Great Britain to acquiesce in the terms they
should propose.

At Salem, the merchants and freeholders presented i 8t h June.
an address to the governor, personally complimentary, Address of
but highly censuring the measures he was deputed to chLitsof sa-
support. They commiserated the people of Boston, lemtothe

* * * governor.

and declined availing themselves of the advantages
tendered by the act, by removing trade from the capital
to their town. They said, " Nature, in the formation
of their harbour, forbad a rivalship with the convenient
mart of Boston, and, were it otherwise, they must be
dead to every idea of justice, lost to all feelings of hu-
manity, could they indulge one thought to acquire
wealth, and raise their fortunes on the ruin of their
suffering neighbours." They spoke in high terms of
the hardships encountered by their ancestors, who, " to
avoid oppression, braved every danger, and began a
settlement on bare creation ; in a dreary wilderness
filled with savage beasts, and yet more savage men :"
and complained of the hardships endured by themselves,
the progeny of such ancestors, in being " checked and
dishonoured for exhibiting proofs of that spirit which
in their fathers produced such astonishing effects."
They ardently wished for a happy union with the
British empire, and would gladly adopt every measure
compatible with the dignity and safety of British sub-
jects. The governor, in his answer, assured them of His answe-.
his sympathy with the people of Boston, and of the
good-will of Great Britain toward her colonies ; but
the mother-country, retaining her ancient spirit, found
it necessary to support her rights, as head of the empire,

110

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

1774.

Solemn
league and
covenant.

20th June.
Gage's pro-
clamation.

Efforts at
conciliation.

Gth July.

not by checking the free spirit which the colonists de-
rived from their ancestors, but by inculcating that due
obedience to the King and Parliament which their
fathers had acknowledged.

By the activity of the corresponding committees,
a general association was framed throughout the con-
tinent, which, in the puritanical phraseology of the
preceding age, was called A Solemn League and
Covenant. In this compact, the parties, " from a con-
sciousness that no other means existed of avoiding the
horrors of slavery, or the carnage and desolation of
civil war ; in the presence of God, solemnly, and in
good faith," covenanted to suspend all commercial
intercourse with Great Britain, till the Boston port act
should be repealed, and restoration made of their char-
tered rights : not to purchase or consume any goods or
merchandize from Great Britain, after the last day of
August ; to have no dealings with persons who should
break this agreement ; but to publish their names as
enemies to their country, and cut off from all social
intercourse. This solemn league and covenant was
received with the utmost alacrity by the people of
Massachuset's Bay. In vain did General Gage issue
a proclamation, forbidding such unlawful and traitorous
combinations, and commanding all magistrates and
other officers to apprehend persons publishing or
tendering them for signature : his orders were disre-
garded, and the compact generally received.

Amidst the exertions of opposition, some efforts
were made which had a tendency to reconciliation.
An address was presented to the governor, signed by a
hundred and twenty gentlemen and merchants of
Boston, containing a disavowal of lawles violences, and
lamenting that he was not intrusted with a discretionary
power of restoring commerce to its ancient course,
without the loss of time which must be occasioned by
a reference to the King in council. The justices of the
general session, on their meeting in the county of
Plymouth, beside their congratulations to Gage on his
appointment, expressed serious concern at seeing the
inhabitants of some towns influenced by persons calling

GEORGE III. HI

themselves committees of correspondence, and, with CHAP.
the encouragement of some whose business was to
preach the gospel of Christ, and inculcate principles of 1774.
loyalty and obedience, entering into a league, calculated
to increase the displeasure of the Sovereign, exasperate
the parent-country, and interrupt and destroy the har-
mony of society. An attempt was made by the opulent
inhabitants of Boston to procure the passing of reso-
lutions for indemnifying the East India Company, and
for dissolving the committee of correspondence ; but
their exertions were over-ruled by a large majority of
the lower class.

All conciliatory endeavours were finally frustrated Drafts of the
by the arrival of drafts of the bills for altering the other bills

f /> ,, . . ' arrive.

charter, reforming the course of justice, and quartering
soldiers in the colony. These bills being printed, and Their effect.
actively and profusely distributed in all parts of the
continent, completed the exasperation against the
government of England. All opposition to the popular
cause was suppressed by clamour and violence : the
inhabitants of Boston were considered martyrs for
liberty, and subscriptions were opened for their relief.

General Gage, fully appreciating the dangers and Arrival of
difficulties of his situation, and knowing the inefficacy, troops.
in times of popular commotion, of all appeals to the mu-
nicipality or the legislature, ordered to Boston some re-
giments of foot, with a detachment of artillery, who were
encamped on the common, They were reinforced by
troops from Great Britain and Ireland ; but he soon
found the usual artifices of the colonists employed, and
desertion frequent and much encouraged. To check 15th July,
this dangerous spirit, he first issued a proclamation, ^J "
offering pardon to those who should return to their duty guard at
within a limited time, and denouncing punishment BostonNeck -
against those who refused compliance; and he placed a
guard at Boston Neck, a narrow isthmus, which joins
the town with the country. This proceeding, moderate
in itself, and dictated by necessity, was made the subject
of alarm to the whole colony, and magnified into a
design of intercepting communication, and by famine
compelling the inhabitants of Boston to comply with

112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

the views of government. Such was the effect of these
insinuations, that the people Worcester assembled in
1774. arms, and deputed persons to inquire into the fact ; to
assure the people of Boston of the assistance of several
thousand armed men in case of necessity : and at the
same time to caution them against the baseness of sur-
rendering their liberties, as such an act would be disa-
vowed by the country*.

Au t In the midst of this general ferment, the acts for

New Council altering the charter and regulating judicial pro-
ceedings were promulgated. Of thirty-six members
appointed by the King to form a colonial council, only
twenty-four would be sworn ; and of these many were
subsequently obliged, by threats and injuries, to resign
their commissions. They issued writs, however, ac-
cording to the statute, for convening an assembly in
October.

Proceedings in the courts of justice were also sus-
pended, for jurors refused to take the oaths under the
new judges and the new laws ; and the inferior officers,
with all due humility, implored pardon in the public
papers for having issued warrants to summon juries ;
even if their country forgave them, they said, they
could never forgive themselves. The prohibition to
call any public meeting which was contained in the
new statute, was ingeniously evaded; before its arrival,
the town meeting was adjourned to a given day, so
that when it reassembled it could not be said to have
been called ; and thus from time to time its existence
was protracted. If this contrivance was found insuffi-
cient, the members made a pretext of electing public
officers, or even of assembling peaceably, without noti-
fication, on their own private affairs ; and when these
artifices were detected, they could not be restrained,
for the statute imposed no penalties^.

Disaffection and tumult spread on every side ; the

* Beside the passages already referred to, these proceedings are particularly
related, with observations, in the life of General Washington by Jared Sparks,
vol. i. p. 123; Jefferson's Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 6, 105, 119; and Marshall's
Life of General Washington, vol. i. p. 168, 169 ; and facts and observations are
derived from numerous dispatches in the State Paper Office.
t General Gage to the Secretary of State, 2nd September.

GEORGE III.

113

reign of law was dissolved, and General Gage, appre-
hending more serious consequences from force, took
the opportunity of a general muster of the militia, to
deprive them of their ammunition and stores, which
he placed under special custody, and removed to Bos-
ton all those which had been deposited at Charlestown,
Cambridge, and Medford. These measures were not
adopted without clamour and threats of resistance;
destruction of their houses, and abuse of their persons,
awaited the friends of government ; and even the go-
vernor's company of cadets, composed wholly of gentle-
men, and supposed to be entirely attached to govern-
ment, suddenly disbanded themselves, and returned
their standard.

Yet the governor did not lose his firmness, or aban-
don his cause. The select men of Salem having, in
defiance of the new laws and of repeated admonitions,
proceeded according to their ancient custom to the
election of town-officers, he issued orders for appre-
hending them; but before the command could be
executed, the meeting was dissolved. Seeing the indis-
pensable necessity of separating the troops from the
people, he resolved to fortify Boston Neck, and to erect
barracks ; but such was the effect of the spirit which
animated all ranks, and of the exhortations by which
they were daily inflamed, that, although artizans were
reluctantly engaged, the people impeded the projected
works by various petty manoeuvres ; they burned a
quantity of straw, sunk boats laden with bricks, and
overturned carts employed in conveying wood for the
use of the army. General Gage, however, although
he anticipated scenes of bloodshed as inevitable, would
not commence them by permitting the soldiers to fire
on the offenders.

Every effort was employed by the committees of
correspondence and the demagogues to keep alive the
flame of sedition. Continual alarms were circulated
of massacres by the troops ; of the town being cannon-
aded by the ships ; and of dangers the more terrific
from not being precisely described. Arms were in
every man's hand, and although the time did not yet
VOL. ii. i

CHAP.
xx i n.

1774.

Militia dis-
armed.

2d Sept
Stores seized.
Public re-
sentment.

Gage's exer-
tions.

Boston Neck
fortified.

Outrages of
the people.

They arm.

114

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
.XXIII.

1774.

Suffolk
Meeting.

appear ripe for the commencement of hostile operations
against government, the intention was so resolutely
manifested as to leave no doubt of the event.

In this state of affairs, when the old charter consti-
tution was abrogated, and the newly established system
suspended by violence, the leading men of the province
determined on holding an assembly of delegates from
all the towns of the county of Suffolk, of which Boston
was the capital. This meeting passed resolutions more
decidedly hostile to the authority of Great Britain than
any which had yet been explicitly sanctioned: they
were prefaced, it is true, with a formal profession of
allegiance, but were calculated throughout to vindicate
resistance, and stigmatize obedience as a dereliction of
natural right. The late acts were called gross infrac-
tions of civil and religious liberty, which ought to be
rejected as the wicked attempts of an abandoned admi-
nistration to establish despotic government. It was
resolved to indemnify all sheriffs, jurors, and others,
who should be prosecuted for not carrying into execu-
tion any process issued by the present unconstitutional
judges, and declared all members of the new council,
who should persist in holding their commissions, incor-
rigible enemies to their country. Their resolutions also
censured the fortifying of Boston Neck, and the Quebec
act, whereby the religion of Rome and the laws of
France were established: recommended a suspension
of commerce with Great Britain, encouragement of
home manufactures, the holding of a provincial con-
gress, and a strict obedience to the decrees of the con-
tinental congress; and the people were exhorted to
perfect themselves in the military science, by appearing
under arms once in every week. Adverting to the
late intended arrest of the select men of Salem, they
advised, in case such a measure should be again at-
tempted, that all the officers of so tyrannical a govern-
ment should be seized, and detained till the others
were restored to liberty. They also took upon them-
selves to recommend (which amounted to a decree) that
the collectors and receivers of public revenues should
retain the monies in their hands till the civil govern-

GEORGE III. 115

mcnt of the province was placed on a constitutional xxin'

foundation, or the provincial congress should give dif- _'

ferent orders. They exhorted the people to restrain 1774.
their resentments, to avoid riots, and convince their
enemies, that, in a cause so solemn, their conduct should
merit approbation from the wise, and admiration from
the brave and free of every age and country. These vio-
lent and daring resolutions concluded with the following
remarkable instruction, which shews the reliance placed
on the committees of correspondence, and the purposes
of their institution : " Should our enemies, by any sud-
" den manoeuvre, render it necessary to ask aid from
" our brethren in the country, some one of the com-
" mittee of correspondence, or a select man from the
" town where hostilities shall commence or be ex-
" pected, or from the town adjoining, shall dispatch
" couriers with written messages to the select men, or
" committees of correspondence of the towns in the
" vicinity, who shall send others to committees more
" remote, until sufficient assistance be obtained ; the
" expence of couriers to be defrayed by the county,
" until otherwise ordered by the provincial con-
" gress."

The meeting also appointed a committee to wait 9 f h Sept.
on the governor with a remonstrance against the forti- strancelo 10 "
fying of Boston Neck ; the insults which the soldiers, Ga s e -
encouraged by their officers, exercised against passen-
gers; and the seizure of public magazines. To these
proceedings, and the obnoxious acts of parliament, to
which they declared their firm resolution, by divine
assistance, never to submit, the remonstrance imputed
the agitation of the public mind. They desired to
avoid hostilities with the King's troops, disclaimed
every wish and idea of independency, and attributed
the troubles in the colonies to misinformation, arising
from the sinister designs of individuals. The governor His answer,
returned a short answer, denying that he intended to
prevent free access to Boston, or would suffer any one
under his command to injure the persons or property
of the King's subjects; but it was his duty to preserve
the peace and prevent surprise ; and he gave assur-

i 2

116 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxiii'- ances that cannon would not be used, unless hostile

proceedings rendered it necessary.

1774. It has been already mentioned that the governor

The assembly issued writs, according to the form of the new law, for
S5thf convening an assembly on the fifth of October: but
governor. the course of subsequent events, the tumultuous dis-
position of the people, and the numerous resignations
by members of the council appointed by the Crown,
which had reduced them to a number too small to form
a house, induced him to countermand, by proclama-
tion, the execution of the writs of summons, and dis-
charge those already returned from the duty of attend-
ance. The leading men, unwilling to renounce the
advantage of meeting in a public manner to discuss
and resolve, declared the proclamation illegal ; the re-
Resoivethem- p^esentatives who were elected met at Salem, and,
selves into a having waited a day in pretended expectation of the
congress! governor, denominated themselves a provincial congress,
chose Mr. Hancock for their president, and adjourned
to Concord, a town distant about twenty miles from
the seat of government, where they were less appre-
hensive of interruption or forcible dissolution.
iithOct. One of their earliest proceedings was a remon-

Their remon- gtrance to the governor, in which they vindicated their

st run c'c*

meeting by a reference to the distracted state of the
colony ; complained that the rigour of the late laws
was exceeded by the manner of putting them into exe-
cution, and decried the operation of those statutes as
calculated to abridge the rights of the people, and li-
cense murder. They represented the alarm from the
great increase of troops, and the formidable prepara-
tions at Boston Neck, which endangered the lives, li-
berty, and property of the people, tended to sour and
irritate them, and to frustrate their peaceable endea-
vours toward reconciliation ; and entreated him, by his
regard for the King's honour, the dignity of the em-
pire, and the public peace and welfare, to discontinue
the fortifications, prevent any further invasions of pri-
vate property, restrain the irregularities of the military,
and leave the communication between town and coun-
try open and free.

GEORGE III. 117

To this address, the general, although averse to a CHAP.
correspondence with an illegal assembly, returned an

answer, in which he indignantly denied all their asser- 1774.
tions. There was not, he said, a gun planted against His answer -
the town ; no property had been destroyed or injured,
except that of the King, whose bricks, straw, and
other stores had been wantonly demolished by the
people. The lives, liberty, or property of none but
avowed enemies could be in danger from the troops of
Britain, among whom the most correct discipline was
maintained, and who could never harbour the black
design of wantonly enslaving or destroying any people ;
in fact, they had shewn no disposition to hostility,
though they might be expected to feel resentment at
the exertions used to deprive them even of the neces-
saries of life. He reminded the self-constituted con-
gress, that while they affectedly complained of altera-
tions in the charter, their very meeting was a direct
violation of their own constitution ; and admonished
them to desist from such illegal and unconstitutional
proceedings.

Not intimidated by this message, they resolved to Their further
adopt the measures suggested by the Suffolk meeting. proceedings-
Finding their recommendations attended with the
effect of laws, they issued them on the most important
subjects : they settled the militia, arranged means for
providing arms, and ordered the receipt of taxes, and
the retention of them in the hands of sheriffs and col-
lectors. They also appointed a day of public thanks-
giving to the Almighty for the union which so remark-
ably prevailed in all the colonies*.

Aroused by these proceedings, the governor issued Ga V e's'rocH
a proclamation, cautioning the people against paying mation against
obedience, or affording sanction to the requisitions, them '
recommendations, directions, or resolves of an unlawful
assembly, whose acts were highly seditious, and ap-
proximated to treason and rebellion ; but the procla-
mation, as on former occasions, was contemned, and
the recommendations universally obeyed. This body,

* This thanksgiving wa celebrated th 1 5th day of December following

118

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

1774.
5th Sept.
Sitting of the
general con-
gress at Phi-
ladelphia.

Its formation,

Mode of
voting.

at length, dissolved itself, having appointed the en-
suing February for a new meeting.

The congress of Massachuset's Bay received a new
impulse, and frequent advice from the continental
congress, which was sitting at Philadelphia. They
met in a room called Carpenters' Hall, in consequence
of a previous arrangement, made by a junto who met
separately to give an impulse to measures, and, by the
same influence, selected for their secretary Charles
Thomson, one of the most violent of those who termed
themselves Sons of Liberty*. It must have been a
great triumph to the projector of corresponding com-
mittees to observe the unanimity with which this mea-
sure was received and sanctioned. No longer did
America exhibit the appearance of rival colonies,
piquing themselves on separate rights, and boasting
the relative advantages of different charters, and dif-
ferent constitutions ; all agreed ; the same grievances,
although not felt by all, were complained of by all ;
and the same remedy, without apparent previous com-
munication, was generally recurred to, with the only
difference of more or less violence according to the
genius of the people, or the temper of the favourite
leaders. Georgia alone refused to send delegates : all
the other colonies deputed various numbers of mem-
bers, nine being the greatest, and two the smallest
representation ; they were qualified in various modes,
some by the provincial assemblies, some by town-meet-
ings, and some by the committees of correspondence.
In Rhode Island the election was ratified by the gover-
nor. The whole number who attended congress was
fifty-six. The inequality of representation was re-
medied in the manner of voting, as each colony had
one suffrage only in the decision of every question ; al-
though the representatives of each colony separately
declared, by the enumeration of a majority, on which
side that vote should be recorded ; a regulation which
gave an appearance of unanimity to the proceedings.

* More than a twelvemonth before the convocation of this body (7th July,
1773), Dr. Franklin had pointed out, in a letter to Mr. Gushing, its importance
and certain effects on the affairs of America. Memoirs, vol. i. p. 220.

GEORGE III. 119

The debates were strictly private, with the doors locked
and guarded ; thus the people, being prevented from
ever attaining a knowledge of the arguments by which 1774.
any measure was combated or sustained, received the secrecy in
results as the abstracts of wisdom and union, and with debate -
the veneration due to oracular edicts.

Some of the votes or instructions to deputies, which Terms of
were read as credentials at the first sitting of congress,
were conceived in loose and general terms, and em-
powered the deputies to consult and advise on proper
measures for advancing the best good of the colonies;
but in general they specifically enjoined an attention
to the redress of certain express grievances, and the
renewal and maintenance of the connexion and amity
with Great Britain, so essential to the interests of both.
Under these restraints, speculations of a different ten-
dency could not be promulgated till the public mind
was further prepared ; and therefore, in all proceedings,
a formal acknowledgment was made of the supremacy
of the mother-country, and the subjection of the colo-
nies ; although, by subsequent definitions and restric-
tions, the power of the one, and the submission of the
other, were reduced to mere names.

After appointing officers and establishing commit- loth Sept.
tees, they took into consideration the proceedings of ^o^? 3
the Suffolk meeting, their resolutions, recommenda- Resolutions of
tions, and address to the governor ; of all which they meeting? 115
expressed the highest approbation, and recommended
them to general adoption, as the means of carrying
such conviction to the British nation of the unwise,
unjust, and ruinous policy of administration, as would
quickly introduce better men and wiser measures.
They approved of the opposition to the late acts of
parliament, declared that, in case of an attempt to carry
them into execution by force, all America ought to
support the people of Massachuset's Bay, and recom-
mended a continuance of the subscriptions for relief of
the inhabitants of Boston. They afterward requested Further re .
the merchants and all other persons in the various co- commcnda-
lonies to transmit no new orders for goods to the mo- 22nd 'sept.
ther-country, but to countermand or suspend those

120 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

x'xm already issued ; and formed resolutions for discontinu-
ing, after the first of December, the importation and

1774. use of all goods from Great Britain and Ireland, and
for the cessation of all exports to those countries, and
27th - to the West Indies, after the tenth of September 1775;

and they declared the seizure of any person, for the
purpose of transporting him beyond the sea, to be tried
for an offence committed in America, contrary to law ;
it would justify, and ought to meet with, resistance and
reprisal.

ri c j^ ration of Meanwhile, a committee, appointed for that pur-
14th Oct. pose, had submitted to congress a series of resolutions
forming a DECLARATION OF RIGHTS, which was adopted,
and published by authority. It was prefaced by an
enumeration of grievances since the termination of
the last war, among which were cited the declaratory
act, establishing the right of Great Britain to bind
America in all cases whatever ; the imposition of taxes
for the purpose of raising a revenue ; the establish-
ment of a board of commissioners ; the extension of the
admiralty jurisdiction ; the alteration in the establish-
ment of judges ; the revival of the obsolete statute of
Henry VIII. ; the three acts of the late session rela-
tive to Massachuset's Bay, and that for establishing
the government of Quebec ; the dissolution of assem-
blies, and the disregard shown by ministers to petitions
for redress. Under these circumstances, the good people
of the twelve colonies, justly alarmed at the arbitrary
proceedings of parliament and administration, had
appointed deputies to a general congress, in order to
obtain such an establishment as would secure their
religion, laws, and liberties from subversion. There-
fore the deputies did, in the first place (as Englishmen,
their ancestors, had usually done in like cases), form a
declaration, for the purpose of asserting and vindicating
their rights and liberties.

They claimed their RIGHTS as founded on the im-
mutable laws of nature, the principles of the English
constitution, and their several charters or compacts.
From these they assumed for themselves an absolute
title to life, liberty, and property, which no sovereign

GEORGE III. 121

power could dispose of without their consent. Their
ancestors, they said, possessed, and had not forfeited
by emigration, all the rights, liberties, and immunities 1774.
of Englishmen ; and their descendants were, therefore,
entitled to them, so far as circumstances would admit.
The foundation of all free government being a right
to participate in a legislative council, and the circum-
stances of America rendering it impossible for them
to be represented in the British Parliament, they
claimed a right to free legislation in all cases of taxa-
tion and internal polity, subject only to the King's
negative : they were willing, however, to consent to
the operation of British acts of parliament, bona fide
restricted to the regulation of commerce, but exclud-
ing every idea of taxation, internal or external. The
respective colonies were entitled to the common law
of England, and to the benefit of all statutes which
existed at the tune of their colonization, and particu-
larly to the inestimable privilege of a trial by their
peers, and in their own vicinage. They were also
entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted
by their charters, and secured by the provincial laws.
They had a right to assemble to consider of their
grievances ; and all prosecutions, prohibitory procla-
mations, and commitments on that account, were
illegal ; as was the keeping a standing army in any of
the colonies in time of peace, without consent of the
people. And finally, the exercise of legislative power
in several colonies, by a council appointed during
pleasure by the Crown, was declared unconstitutional,
dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American
legislation. These rights, they asserted, could not be
legally taken from them, altered or abridged, by any
power whatever, without their own consent, by their
representatives in their several provincial legislatures.
Then recapitulating their grievances, to which they
could no longer submit, they declared their adoption
of the present measures to be founded on the hope
that their fellow-subjects in Great Britain would
restore the Americans to that state in which both
countries had found happiness and prosperity.

122

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

1774.
Non-con-
sumption
association.

21st Oct.
Address to
the people
of Great
Britain.

Their first proposition was an association or agree-
ment against importation or consumption of any arti-
cles of British commerce, and against the exportation
of their own produce to Great Britain, Ireland, or the
West Indies, except rice to Europe. A committee was
to be chosen in each colony, to superintend the exe-
cution of the agreement, and the committees of corres-
pondence were directed frequently to inspect the en-
tries of the custom-houses, for the purpose of inform-
ing against such merchants as violated the association,
with whom the congress, for themselves and their con-
stituents (who were bound by their signature) agreed
to have no commerce or intercourse, but to consider
them unworthy the rights of freemen, and inimical to
the liberties of their country. The agreement was to
continue in force till the repeal of all the acts of par-
liament which constituted their grievances ; but some
of the articles would in their effect be perpetual, par-
ticularly that for encouraging the growth of wool, and
one for abolishing the slave-trade.

Another of their measures was to address the peo-
ple of Great Britain ; those of their own colonies and
of Canada separately. In each of these productions
great art was used in directing appeals to feeling and
prejudice, and in citing such circumstances as were
calculated, through hope or fear, to gain adherents to
their cause. The people of Great Britain were re-
minded of the struggles maintained by their ancestors
in the cause of liberty, and told that the project of
ministers in endeavouring to enslave the Americans,
derived from the same stock, tended only to the more
easy introduction of slavery at home. They claimed
a participation of British rights, and nattered the
national pride, by affecting to make the freedom of
Englishmen the model and scope of their wishes. They
recapitulated their services in the former war, and
proceedings of Parliament since that time, extenuating
the plunder of the tea ships, which they described as a
personal, not a public affair, the remedy of which
ought to have been sought by the sufferers in the courts
of law, without an appeal to Parliament, They en-

GEORGE III. 123

deavoured to excite national indignation against the CHAP.

late acts, and directed the severest invectives against _

the new system in Quebec, as being intended to over- 1774.
throw the liberties of the British colonies by a vast in-
flux of Catholics, swelled by emigrations from Europe.
"We cannot suppress our astonishment," they say,
" that a British parliament should ever consent to
" establish a religion which has deluged your island in
" blood, and dispersed impiety, bigotry, persecution,
" murder, and rebellion, through every part of the
" world." Declaring that the view of ministers in en-
deavouring to tax America at pleasure, was merely to
draw such immense sums into the royal coffers as
would render the King independent of Parliament, and
that a successful contest would be attended with no
other consequence; they demanded, as the means of
restoring harmony, to be placed in the same situation
they were at the close of the last war.

The address to the colonists contained a recapitula- Address to
tion of all the acts of the British government, against ihe colonies.
which exceptions were taken ; a review of the conduct
of the American governors ; a vindication of the pro-
ceedings at New York and Boston; and a general
rehearsal of late grievances. The act for the govern-
ment of Quebec was stigmatized, and every political
and religious prejudice invoked against it. From
this detail, as well as from authentic intelligence received,
the congress inferred, as an indubitable position, that
a resolution was formed, and then carrying into exe-
cution, to extinguish the freedom of the colonies by
subjecting them to a despotic government. Although
the state of affairs, they proceeded to observe, would
justify other measures, yet weighty reasons induced the
preference of those they had adopted. Then, recapitu-
lating the resolutions they had taken, they inculcated
the necessity of observing them, and frequently alluded
to the probability of forcible resistance, advising the
people to extend their views to the most unhappy
events, and to be prepared for every contingency. In
conclusion, they earnestly entreated the people, with
devotion of spirit, penitence of heart, and amendment

124

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.

XXIII.

1774.

Address to
the people
of Quebec.

26th Oct.

2Gth Oct.
Petition to
the King.

of life, to humble themselves, and implore the favour
of Almighty God, whose divine goodness was fervently
besought to take them into his gracious protection.

After the abuse lavished in the foregoing addresses
on the Canadians, and the malevolence employed in
raising prejudices against their religion and laws, it
appears surprising to find them invoked as friends and
fellow-citizens to join the colonies, and send deputies
to the next congress. They were told that the consti-
tution bestowed on them by Parliament was a violation
of the King's promise at the peace ; that, in justice,
British rights ought to have been substituted for Gallic
jurisprudence. Liberty of conscience in religion was
stated to be a right of nature, for which they were not
obliged to the act of parliament ; for if laws divine and
human could secure it against the despotic attacks of
wicked men, it was secure before. These principles
were enforced by artful citations from foreign writers,
particularly Montesquieu and Beccaria, and recom-
mended by insidious appeals to the love of glory so
prevalent in the French character. On an union with
the other colonies, the people of Quebec were told,
w r ould depend the alternative of being governed and
protected by just and equitable laws, or subjected to
all the evils of the English constitution, and French
government: these were enumerated in formidable
array ; the inquisition and the excise ; partial judges,
and arbitrary governors; privileges and immunities
dependent on the smiles or frowns of a minister, lettres
de cachet, gaols, dungeons, and oppressive service ; all
these were displayed as the apparatus of a government
no less absolute than that of the despots of Asia or
Africa.

The petition to the King, after enumerating all their
grievances, some of which were of a specific, others of
a general nature, presumed, that to a sovereign who
" gloried in the name of Briton," the bare recital must
justify the loyal subjects who fled to the foot of his
throne and implored his clemency for protection.
They attributed all the distresses, dangers, fears, and
jealousies, which overwhelmed the colonies with afflic-

GEORGE III. 125

tion to the destructive system of colonial administra-
tion, adopted since the conclusion of the war. " Had
" our Creator," they said, " been pleased to give us ex- 1774.
" istence in a land of slavery, the sense of our condition
" might have been mitigated by ignorance and habit.
" But, thanks be to his adorable goodness, we were
" born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our right
" under the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose fa-
" mily was seated on the British throne to rescue and
" secure a pious and gallant nation from the popery and
" despotism of a superstitious and inexorable tyrant."
Feeling as men, and thinking as they did, silence
would be disloyalty; and as the King enjoyed the
signal distinction of reigning over freemen, the lan-
guage of freemen could not be displeasing ; but his
indignation would rather fall on those designing and
dangerous persons who daringly interposed between
him and his faithful subjects, and who for several
years past had been incessantly employed in dissolving
the bonds of society, abusing His Majesty's authority,
prosecuting the most dangerous and irritating projects
of oppression, and accumulating on the petitioners,
injuries too severe to be any longer tolerable. Such
sentiments, they said, were extorted from hearts that
would much rather bleed in the King's service. The
charges of the administration of justice, and the sup-
port of civil government had been always sufficiently
provided for ; the constitutional militias were adequate
to the protection of the colonies in time of peace, and
in war they would always be willing, when constitu-
tionally required, to make strenuous efforts in granting
supplies and raising forces ; these proofs of attachment
were equally honourable to the prince who received,
and the people who tendered them ; the petitioners
prized the privilege of so expressing their attachment
too highly ever to resign it to any body of men on
earth, and doubted not that the purity of their inten-
tion, and the integrity of their conduct, would justify
them at that grand tribunal before which all mankind
must submit to judgment. They asked only for peace,
liberty, and safety ; not desiring a diminution of the

126

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

1774.

Instructions
to their
agents.

20th Oct.
Dissolution.

Observations
on their pro-
ceedings.

prerogative, or the grant of a new right : the royal
authority over them, and the connexion with Great
Britain, they would always carefully and zealously
support and maintain. They presented their petition
only to obtain redress of grievances and relief from
fears and jealousies, occasioned by a system of statutes
and regulations adopted since the war, which they
enumerated by recapitulating all the acts affecting
America ; and then, appealing to that Being who
searches thoroughly the hearts of his creatures, so-
lemnly professed that their councils had been influenced
by no other motive than a dread of impending des-
truction.

This petition was transmitted to the colonial
agents, with instructions, after delivering it into the
King's hands, to make it public through the press,
together with their list of grievances, and to circulate,
as early as possible, their address to the people through
all the trading cities and manufacturing towns.

After these proceedings, they dissolved, having
first passed a resolution for convening a new congress
on the tenth of May.

The acts of congress, and the general tenor of their
determinations, evidently 'indicated that a plan of hos-
tility and separation from the mother-country was pro-
foundly meditated, and unremittingly pursued by those
who possessed the greatest influence, and whose exer-
tions gave a colour to all the proceedings. Most of
the resolutions adopted, and the general purport, as
well as many marked expressions in the association,
addresses, and petitions, pointed decidedly to resist-
ance and independence : even the studious and laboured
manner in which those views were verbally renounced,
while they were really pursued, contributes to enforce
a conviction that the expressions of loyalty and sub-
mission were intended only to conceal sentiments dia-
metrically opposite. Fettered as some of the members
of the congress were by the instructions of their con-
stituents, many of w r hich enjoined them to pursue
none but proper, prudent, and lawful measures, they
could not openly advance their claims, and were there-

GEORGE III. 127

fore obliged to assume such a mode of conduct as XXIH"
would secure the greatest share of popularity, and dif-

fuse the smallest portion of alarm. Even in the bosom 1774.
of the congress that unanimity did not prevail which
is indicated in the publication of their proceedings : the
plans recommended by some of the demagogues were too
violent, and the principles advanced in their support too
daring, to be adopted by all the members ; hence it fre-
quently appears on the journals that strenuous debates
were maintained, questions adjourned, and reports re-
committed : the effect of these disagreements was, how-
ever, prevented from reaching the public, by an artifice
of the leaders of the republican party, who, before
any business was proceeded on, persuaded the other
members to bind themselves in an agreement that their
names should be subscribed to whatever might be
decided by a majority, and to enter no protest or dis-
sent on the minutes*. Two parties were formed at
the beginning of the sittings : the one, consisting of
men of loyal principles, and possessed of considerable
fortunes, who had no intention but that of candidly
and clearly defining American rights and charters, and
explicitly and dutifully petitioning for redress of griev-
ances ; these, meaning to do only such things as were
reasonable and just, were open and ingenuous. The
other party, composed of congregational and presby-
terian representatives, men of bankrupt fortunes, and
overwhelmed in debt to British merchants, were de-
sirous to throw off all subordination to, and connexion
with, Great Britain ; they endeavoured, by fiction,
falsehood, and fraud, to delude the people from their
allegiance, to reduce government to a state of anarchy,
and incite the ignorant and vulgar to arms ; these men
were secret and hypocritical, and essayed every art to
conceal their intentions. These parties held each

* The exception of rice in the association is an instance of the address of the
leaders of congress in managing individual interests, and suppressing opposition.
The article was at firbt framed without any exception ; but the delegates from Ca-
rolina insisting that tlicir constituents would be ruined, and threatening to absent'
themselves unless a modification were devised, occasioned the ridiculous interpo-
lation of the words except rice to Europe, in an agreement forbidding exports to
Great Britain and Ireland,

128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

XXJH ' ther m check for some time ; but at length the dema-

gogues triumphed ; the lassitude attending a perpetual

1774. system of defence, and the unwillingness continually
to impute principles which were constantly denied,
diminished the alertness of their opponents ; while the
temper infused into the populace, the frequent mes-
sages from the provincial congress of Massachuset's
Bay, and the examples daily exhibited, of tarring and
feathering obnoxious persons, gave additional spirit
to the violent, and increased the timidity of the mo-
derate.

These differences of opinion, and necessities of
conciliation, account for some incongruities in the
proceedings. The declaration of rights is a strong
instance ; it is founded at once on the laws of nature,
those of society, and royal charters ; professes at once
a duty of obedience, and right of self-government :
avows a dependence on British acts of parliament, to
the period of the colonization of America, yet de-
nies the right of the mother-country to a subsequent
power of legislation. It would result from these prin-
ciples, that colonies planted at different periods, were
subjects in different degrees, and that the Parliament
of Great Britain, repealing one of the ancient statutes,
could not give force to the repeal in America, without
separately consulting each of the governments. The
charters were appealed to as the basis of rights, and
yet such of them as appointed an independent legisla-
tive council were to be abrogated as derogatory to the
rights of nature. The petition to the King was merely
an insidious .jnockery ; the professions of loyalty were
not calculated to give the sovereign assurances of
peaceable domination, but to vindicate the petitioners
from well-merited charges of disaffection, without re-
nouncing the mode of conduct by which those charges
were incurred. The address to the people of America
breathes a spirit of hostility and resistance alone ; that
to the Canadians discovers deep and inveterate malig-
nity against the mother-country, and is replete with
mean artifices to cajole the people into disaffection :
the appeal to the people of Great Britain is of the same

GEORGE III. 129

order, tending to disseminate alarms and jealousies, CHAP.
and create, by means of terror, interest, or policy, a

party favourable to the American cause. Their com- 1774.
mittees were always composed of the most fiery repub-
licans, which may account for the extent and presump-
tion of some of their claims, such as those of repeal-
ing all the acts made to affect them since the peace, of
insisting on a change of ministers, and of obtaining
every demand, without the least concession or promise
of reparation for the wrong avowedly committed*. Yet
whatever arts were used in conciliation, or whatever
advantages gained in debate, the general congress
seemed so little likely to gratify, in their utmost extent,
the wishes of the leaders, that it was on the point of
separating without passing a resolution to re-assemble,
until Silas Deane, one of the members for Connecticut,
without previous communication, introduced the pro-
positionf.

Whatever results might ultimately be expected
from the establishment of such a body, the decrees of
congress did not at first meet with universal sanction.
The resolution to refuse importation and to encourage
domestic manufactures was sufficiently wise and
patriotic ; but that which forbad exportation was alike
repugnant to policy and justice. Those who had
already received goods from England, remonstrated that
every principle of propriety and conscience demanded
the returns which had been agreed on ; but they were

* This account is derived from the journal of proceedings of congress, and
extracts from the votes, &c. Philadelphia printed ; reprinted ,by Almon, Lon-
don, 1775. The Life of General Washington, by Jerard Sparks, vol. i. p. 129.
Also from several tracts, both American and English, particularly " What think
"ye of the Congress nowl" Galloway's tracts and Tucker's fifth tract on
American subjects. A slight account of this Congress, its division in party feel-
ing, the opinion of some members, and the manner in which the addresses were
prepared and carried, are also in the Memoirs of Thomas Jefferson, one of its
members most hostile to Great Britain ; vol. i. p. 6. Lord Chatham spoke in
the highest terms of eulogy of these proceedings. " I have not words," he says,
' to express my satisfaction that the congress has conducted this most arduous and
' delicate business with such manly wisdom and calm resolution as do the
' highest honour to their deliberations. Very few are the things contained in
' their resolves which I could wish had been otherwise. Upon the whole, I
' think it must be evident to every unprejudiced man in England, who feels for
' the rights of mankind, that America, under all her oppressions and provoca-
' tions, holds forth to us the most fair and just opening for restoring harmony
' and affectionate intercourse as heretofore." Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 368.
t From the private information of one who had the fact from Silas Deane.

VOL. II. K

130

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIII.

J774.

Effects of
the congres.

over-ruled by observations that the British merchants
would justly suffer for the injuries their government
had committed, and that debts would not be extin-
guished, but only the payment postponed. The advo-
cates for commercial integrity were few, opulent, and
easily distinguished; their opponents numerous, and
for the most part needy, if not desperate, in their cir-
cumstances, bound by no obligations, connected with
no particular spot or system. Armed with the power
conferred by the general congress of pronouncing a
sort of social excommunication on those who did not
conform to their directions, the partizans of revolution
exercised a formidable tyranny, by ordering that, in
future, no person should deal with them in buying or
selling, or in any manner transact business with them*.

In New York, where the spirit of loyalty was most
energetic, the measures of congress were generally
disapproved ; but still, such is the advantage which
violence and clamour ever gain over quiet respecta-
bility, that the plan for the overthrow of government
still went on. Sixty persons were nominated as a com-
mittee for carrying the measures of congress into effect,
a list was prepared, and, although less than forty indi-
viduals attended, those who had been designated were
all appointed. This was ascribed to various causes ;
those who were well affected had no mutual communi-
cation, and were not headed by any influential or con-
spicuous leader ; and, even among them, commercial
interests and feelings produced great differences of
opinion, while the members of the Church of England
were, in all things, threatened and opposed by the
dissenters-j-. Even in Georgia, where it had been re-
fused to send delegates to congress, resolutions were
obtained at a small meeting favourable to the views of
that body^.

Other colonies, where insubordination had before

* Among many others, Mr. Andrew Miller, a merchant, from Halifax county,
North Carolina, underwent this sentence for refusing to sign the association
proscribed by congress.

t State Papers, Letters from Governor Colden to Lord Dartmo\ith, 4th Nov.
and 7th Dec.

J Same, Letter from Sir James Wright, 10th Aug.

GEORGE III. 131

made but little progress, appeared actuated by the CHAP.
same spirit as the inhabitants of New England. The

intention of military resistance was openly avowed 1774.
and cherished; the militia were assiduously drilled,
and arms were provided with great industry and per-
severance. On the information of the diiferent gover-
nors, the ministry found it necessary to issue a procla-
mation, forbidding the export of warlike stores; but
this prohibition produced only a greater degree of
eagerness, and some riots. Mills and manufactories
were established for the structure of arms and compo-
sition of gun-powder, and premiums were offered for
the production of saltpetre.

On the proclamation reaching Rhode Island, forty insurrection
pieces of cannon belonging to the Crown were seized, at Rhode
with the avowed intention of preventing them from
falling into the hands of the King's troops ; and the
declaration was accompanied with a threat of resist-
ance, should the recovery be attempted. The assem-
bly of the province sanctioned these proceedings, by
passing resolutions for procuring, at the public expense,
arms and military stores, and for training the militia.

The proclamation also occasioned an insurrection 14th Dec.
in New Hampshire, where a number of armed men
surprised a small fort, called William and Mary, im-
prisoned the garrison, consisting only of an officer and
five men, and did not release them till they obtained
possession of the ordnance, gun-powder, and military
stores*.

* In this chapter, beside the publications and documents already indicated,
reference has been had to the papers laid before Parliament, the periodical pub-
lications, Almon's collections of papers, and Remembrancer : Stedman, Andrews,
and Ramsay ; the History of Lord North's Administration, and a great variety of
tracts and pamphlets.

K 2

132

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FOURTH.

1774.

CHAP.
XXIV.

1774.

View of
government
ami opposi-
tion.

View of government and opposition. Independency the
real aim of the Americans. Effect of corresponding com-
mittees. Of the proceedings in Massachuset's Bay. Of
the acquisition of Canada. Of the proceedings of Congress.
Of the efforts of opposition. Of the acts of last session.
Of the debates on them. Error of considering the tax
on tea the real cause of disturbances. First effects of the
Boston port act. Publications in England. Plan of union
proposed by Mr. Galloway. Its fate. Dissolution of
parliament. Tests proposed. Characters of leading men :
the Lord Chancellor Lord Mansfield Lord Sandwich
Lord Hillsborough Lord Gower Lord Dartmouth.
Lords in opposition : Lord Chatham the Marquis of
Rockingham the Duke of Richmond Lord Shelburne
Lord Camden the Dukes of Devonshire and Portland.
Principal members of the lower House : Mr. Rigby Sir
Gilbert Elliot Sir Grey Cooper Mr. Dundas Mr.
Jenkinson Mr. Thurlow Mr. Wedderburne. Opposi-
tion : Serjeant Glynn Mr. Dunning Sir George Savile
Mr. Burke Mr. Charles Fox.

As we are now entering on the period when Great
Britain was about to commence a severe and arduous
contest, it will be proper briefly to review the motives
and principles of action on each side ; to consider the
means of information which government possessed, or
might have obtained ; to examine the theories and
arguments of opposition, and to delineate the chief
political characters who supported and 'oppugned the
measures of administration.

GEORGE III. 133

The thin veil with which the Americans covered
their designs rendered only a small degree of penetra-
tion necessary to discover that absolute independence 1774.
was the aim of the principal leaders ; that they con- J a 1 J 1 e 8 ,^ l eri ~
templated a revolution as a glorious era, and were aim.inde-
prepared rather to plunge their country into the P endenc y-
horrors of civil war than renounce their favourite
project. Hence their complaints of grievances were
clamorous, frequent, and specific ; while their profes-
sions of attachment and loyalty were merely general,
and attended with no precise offers of conciliation or
satisfaction. The range of complaint comprised in
their late petitions and addresses, extended beyond
the possible hope of royal interposition or parliamen-
tary redress : no body of men who had formed or sup-
ported any administration since 1764, escaped cen-
sure ; no party could attempt conciliation without
the dereliction of some principle, or the establishment
of some, claim derogatory to the interest and honour
of the country. Nor was cordial conciliation pro-
bable on any terms ; the hour of separation from the
dominion of the parent land was anticipated with
anxiety. America, flattered by political prophets,
proud of her strength, her extensive domain, her
wealth and population (undoubtedly increasing, al-
though greatly exaggerated by the demagogues), and
flushed with eager hope of augmenting her subjects
by immense emigrations from Europe, bore with im-
patience the yoke of subjection, and made strenuous
exertions to accelerate the period of emancipation.

The union, effected among the colonies, by means Efforts of ^
of corresponding committees, was, a death-blow to the
authority of Britain ; the Americans were sensible of tees -
the advantage, and as soon as the co-operation of all
parts of the continent was ensured, advanced bolder
claims, diffused broader principles of government,
and assumed with less disguise the port and mein of
defiance. The references made in their declaration to
the rights of nature, the intimation that, like their
ancestors, they proceeded, before the adoption of other
measures, to state their grievances and their rights,

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIV.

1774.

Of the pro-
ceedings in
Massachuset's
Bay.

Of the acqui-
sition of
Canada.

Of the pro-
ceedings of
Congress.

and their frequent exhortations to arms, all prove that
plans of revolution and resistance were already medi-
tated and digested. Motives of common safety, when
they had once assumed a hostile position, cemented
the jarring interests of the colonies, and for the time
subdued their inveterate jealousies.

The proceedings in the different provinces, espe-
cially Massachuset's Bay, before the meeting of con-
gress, were calculated to alarm the government of
Great Britain. Already had the legislators avowed
that they knew of no authority in the mother-country
to collect a revenue, and that submission to acts of par-
liament made in England, was an inadvertence which
ought to be corrected: these pretensions had been
supported by violence, tumult, and defiance ; measures
of severity did not produce the desired eifect ; resist-
ance only became more general, and the cause of go-
vernment more hopeless.

A contest with the colonies could not be advanta-
geous to Great Britain; a failure in the ultimate object
would be attended with great loss and disgrace, and
success would only produce disaster and damage in a
valued member of the empire, which must, in the
event of a pacification, be repaired, to the injury of the
whole body. By acquiring the dominion of Canada,
Great Britain, in fact, promoted the American revolu-
tion : so many subjects, animated with a spirit of inde-
pendence, feeling their own force, and exempt from
every fear, would not be restrained by a distant power,
whose protection they no longer needed, and whose
sway they were taught to regard as tyrannical*.

The spirit of the British constitution is unfavour-
able to those strong and prompt measures calculated
suddenly to check and prevent impending revolution.
Had the government been despotic, and the behests of
the sovereign the only rule of law, the Americans might

* Speaking of this event to Lord Stormont, M. de Vergennes observes, " I
" was at Constantinople when the last peace was made ; I told several of my
" friends there, that I was persuaded England would not be long before she had
" reason to repent of having removed the only check that would keep her colo-
" nies in awe : my prediction has been but too well verified." Lord Stormont
to Lord Rochford, 3rd Oct. 1775.

GEORGE III. 135

have been retained in subjection; but under existing '

institutions, their complaints and petitions were daily

discussed in every form, and in all societies, while their 1774.
agents were occupied in every part of the kingdom in
conciliating the people to their pretensions. A claim
to liberty always finds admirers and advocates in Eng-
land ; the recollection of their own struggles excites
sympathy in British bosoms, and a similar contest,
however unjustly commenced, or iniquitously pursued,
will ever secure some adherents. Many of their com-
plaints were not devoid of plausibility, and many of
their pretensions were well-founded in abstract theory,
however repugnant the whole mass of their claims
might be to any practical system. The extent of dis-
affection, and progress of resistance, rendered inevi-
table some measures, the complaints against which could
be supported by arguments drawn from the fundamen-
tal principles of the British constitution ; and it must
always afford cause of regret, when the turbulence and
violence of the times render any deviation from those
principles absolutely necessary for the maintenance of
order and government.

The efforts of opposition in the late session of Par- or the efforts
liament did not benefit the American cause so much in of opposition.
England as in America ; the adducing of arguments
in their favour in the very senate of the country, whose
interest was supposed to consist in opposing them, gave
new animation to their partisans*. Yet the efforts of
opposition were not calculated to amend, if it was
erroneous, the conduct of the minister. The system of
parliamentary opposition is generally, with justice,
deemed a contest for power, in which members, for the
sake of distressing government, and acquiring popu-
larity, will assume a latitude in discussion, and avow
principles which do not form the basis of a practical
system. Their advice is never taken as sincerely in-
tended for the advantage of the minister, but as an

* This observation was made in their dispatches by Governors Colden of
New York, Sir James Wright of Georgia, and generally by all the friends of
Great Britain in America.

136 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxtv' attempt to render his proceedings odious, by showing

L that they might have been more wise and just.

1774. The general concurrence in the Boston port act,

an( ^ ^e ainm ated declarations by several members of
opposition, that a severe castigation was due to that
town, were calculated, though perhaps not intended,
to mislead the minister. In vain would that measure
have been sanctioned, if the charter, the source of all
the disorders, was left unaltered, or if men, disposed to
exert themselves in the cause of government, were de-
livered up unprotected to the fury of their adversaries.
Thus the two other bills became indispensable : and
the opposition to their progress must have been re-
garded as a surprise, or more probably a party manoeu-
vre, as the petitions to parliament, and the protests of
the lords, appeared written with a systematic concur-
rence of sentiment, decrying every proceeding relative
to America since the repeal of the stamp-act and pass-
ing the declaratory law, and promising the restoration
of tranquillity if the same measures were again pur-
sued. But if these politicians were sincere in their
expectations, how must they have been astonished
when congress declared their right to an exemption
from all acts passed since their colonization ? How
disconcerted when, in the enumeration of grievances,
the declaratory act stood prominent on the list, and
was assailed with great asperity 1

or the debates Prophecies of resistance, when made in general
terms, were not entitled to more credit than those of
submission, if certain relief were granted ; that of Go-
vernor Pownall*, which displayed the means and mea-
sures of American opposition, is remarkable for its
truth in detail, but contains no principle by which
government could ascertain its correctness, nor any
mark by which it could be distinguished from an im-
perfect information of certain facts, and a disposition
to prognosticate what the prophet rather wished than
expected. All members acquainted with America,
whether adherents of ministry or opposition, agreed

* See page 71.

GEORGE III.

137

that no native military force could resist the troops of
Britain. This would have been an impolitic and
cowardly motive for urging hostilities, but was surely
a good ground for concluding that a desperate and im-
politic opposition to legal authority would not be
maintained with perseverance. The want of import-
ance in the supposed cause of contest, and the cer-
tainty expressed by Lord North, that, on a show of
submission, conciliatory measures would be adopted,
must also have contributed to impress a belief that the
Americans would not risk a conflict so desperate and,
unequal.

It was a great error, both in ministry and opposi-
tion, to regard the tea-tax as the cause of the American
disturbances ; it was indeed the point on which the
contest with Great Britain was to be raised ; but not
the repeal of that tax, or any other measure, save such
a general system as would leave to the mother-country
only a nominal sovereignty, would have restored tran-
quillity. In their demands on government they avowed
the full extent of this principle ; and, in marking the
line of their voluntary subjection, reserved a ground
for future cavil, by declaring they would submit only
to such acts as were bonafide intended for the regula-
tion of their trade.

The information received from America for some
time after passing the Boston port act, aiforded the
best hopes of its beneficial effects : the non-importa-
tion agreement, recommended by the people of Boston,
was said to be coldly received in some places, and re-
jected in others ; but, in proportion to the assistance
they obtained, and the resolution they expressed, their
spirit diffused itself among the colonies, till the general
congress completed the ascendancy of disaffection.
Some of the governors gave hopes that the popular
rage would cool ; others appreciated more justly the
effects of a contagious enthusiasm ; and the governor
of South Carolina, in particular, drew an alarming
though just picture of the consequences to be expected
from the diffusive spirit of opposition.*

* He said, " I observe with great concern, that this spirit of opposition to
" taxation, and its consequences, Is so violent, and so universal throughout

CHAP.
XXIV.

1774.

Error of con-
sidering the
tax on tea
the real
cause of
disturb -

First effects
of the Bos-
ton port act.

138

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIV.

1774.

Publications
in England.

Such a crisis could not fail of calling forth great
diversities of political opinion, which were detailed
through the press, and formed the creeds of different
parties. On one hand, the supremacy of British autho-
rity, and the right to tax and coerce the colonies in
every case, were asserted ; on the other it was affirmed,
that from the moment men transplanted themselves
from their native shores and ceased to be represented
in the senate of their country, the duty of obedience
ceased ; every act of sovereignty in the parent state
ought to be resisted as mere tyranny. These extreme
doctrines were argued with great warmth, but little
effect ; and as the reasoners on both sides drew their
materials from sources widely different, and from prin-
ciples diametrically opposite, no medium could be ima-
gined by which their opinions could be so reconciled
as to form a guide to peace without dereliction of
national honour, and what had ever been considered
national property.

The question, in what manner the exigency of the
times should be encountered? occasioned more in-
structive and interesting discussions. Those who
rather led than followed the Americans, in denying
the authority of Great Britain, recommended abject
and total submission : to withdraw our ships and troops
from their shores, and owning their right to a separate
government, receive with humility, from those who

' America, that I am apprehensive it will not be soon or easily appeased. The
' general voice speaks discontent, and sometimes in a tone of despair, as deter-
1 mined to stop all exports to and imports from Great Britain, and even to silence
' the courts of law, foreseeing, but regardless of, the ruin that must attend them-
' selves in that case ; content to change a comfortable for a parsimonious life, to
' be satisfied with the few wants of nature, if by their sufferings they can bring
' Great Britain to feel.

" This is the language of the most violent ; others think it is going too far ; but
' the most violent too often prevail over the most moderate. When men shall
1 in general lay aside the hopes of getting riches, and abandon the employ-
1 ments of agriculture, commerce, and mechanic labour, what turn their leisure
' time under such circumstances may take, I submit to your lordship's knowledge
' of history, and of the human mind. Such sudden and great changes in the
' manners of an extended thriving people, among whom the gazettes are rilled
' with such variety of articles for luxury, is scarce credible, though possible ;
' but the continuance of it very improbable. The first account of the result of
' Congress at Philadelphia may reach your lordship the beginning of Novem-
' ber. I think it my duty to make this true and faithful representation of the
' disposition and temper of the people, however disagreeable it may appear, and
' to confide in the royal wisdom for the remedy." Governor Bull's Letter to the
Earl of Dartmouth, 31st July, 1774.

GEORGE III. 139

were so lately considered as subjects, an amnesty for CHAP.
past wrongs, and a precarious friendship and con-

ditional alliance in future. 1774.

Those who were more covert advocates of the
cause of American independence, who affected to
consider taxation as the only grievance complained of,
advised a complete abandonment of all views of re-
venue, and a restoration of the political relations of
the two countries as they stood at the close of the late
war. This was the fashionable doctrine of Parlia-
mentary oppositon, and was recommended through
the press, by sentiments of peace and conciliation, and
assurances of retaining the greatest and most essential
source of British opulence. Some differences prevailed
among these writers respecting the measures to be
adopted if conciliatory efforts failed ; all appeared to
consider the thunder of British vengeance as infallibly
sure to strike to earth a contumacious spirit of resist-
ance ; but few had the magnanimity, like Lord Chat-
ham, to record their opinion of its expediency, if re-
quired. The progress of events, in the course of the
year, made it apparent, that no sacrifices which Great
Britain could make, less than an absolute dereliction
of all authority, would be attended with the desired
effect ; and therefore the counsels of this class of rea-
soners were daily in less repute, and considered as dis-
tempered speculations.

One writer alone*, well versed in history, com-
merce, and politics, penetrated into the true question
in dispute, and the probable results. He saw that
the struggle was in fact maintained for independence ;
a long war would be necessary to enable Great Britain
to obtain, if it were possible, her former ascendancy ;
but the expense of such a contest would more than
countervail all the advantages to be derived from an
enforced and sullen submission, unaccompanied with
cordial esteem, or a real desire to promote the interest
of the mother-country. He estimated justly the na-
tural and legislative right of Great Britain, and ex-

* Dr. Tucker, Dean of Gloucester.

140 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxi v' P 086 ^ i* 1 striking colours, the fallacy of reasoning,

1_ by which American ingratitude and contumacy

1774. were vindicated. His advice was bold and decisive ;
it was, as expressed by himself, " to separate totally
" from the colonies, and to reject them from being
" fellow-members and joint partakers with us in the
" privileges and advantages of the British empire ;
" because they refused to submit to the authority and
" jurisdiction of the British legislature ; offering, at
" the same time, to enter into alliances of friendship
" and treaties of commerce with them, as with any
" other sovereign, independent states*." This was
utterly impracticable in a deliberative government like
that of Britain, where responsibility is attached to ad-
vice, and where the people had been taught to affix so
high a value on the American connexion. The most
ambitious and daring of mankind would not have
ventured to accept the situation of minister, on condi-
tion of enforcing such a plan.

The ministry were fully imbued with the opinions
currently entertained, of the great importance of
Americaf; and feeling, with just consciousness, the
valour and resources of the mother-country, were
more ready to accede to the arguments of a fourth
class of reasoners, who recommended that concession
on the part of America should precede any effort at
conciliation by Great Britain. If the social compact
between the two countries must be new-modelled, the
mother-country should have the privilege of dispensing

* Humble Address and Earnest Appeal, p. 5. General Gage expressed similar,
but stronger sentiments, in a letter to Government, written in September, 1774 ;
he charges the people of Boston with entertaining over -weening notions of their
importance to Great Britain. " The fisheries in which they are rivals, potash,
" lumber, iron, and shipping, all which they export to Britain or places under
" her protection," have made them opulent; were they cast off, and declared
aliens, they would become a poor and needy people. State Papers.

f On this subject, Lord Dartmouth, secretary of state for the colonies, used
the following expressions in a letter to General Gage, dated 3rd June, 1 774. " The
" constitutional authority of this kingdom over its colonies must be vindicated, and
" its laws obeyed throughout the whole empire. Not only its dignity and reputa-
" tion, but its power, nay, its very existence depends upon the present moment ;
" for should those ideas of independence, which some dangerous and ill-designing
" persons here are artfully endeavouring to instil into the minds of the King's
" American subjects, once take root, that relation between this kingdom and its
" colonies, which is the bond of peace and power, will soon cease to exist, and dcs-
" truction must follow disunion."

GEORGE 111. 141

her benevolence, and not be compelled reluctantly to
concede extorted claims. Rather than be thus de-
graded, she ought to assume all the terrors of indig- 1774.
nation, restrain the factious, awe the turbulent, and
punish the guilty.

If any hope of a specific adjustment, comprising p ] Jj n ( ^J 011
a redress of all grievances and the retention of British Mr. Galloway,
authority, could yet be entertained, it must have been
founded on the plan of forming a general legislative
and administrative government, extending its authority
over all parts of the continent, without abrogating the
several charters of the provinces, so far as they related
to their internal government. Such a plan was sug-
gested to Congress by Mr. Joseph Galloway, one of
the delegates from Philadelphia ; who, although a
warm friend to his country and her real interests and
liberties, was shocked at the proceedings of those
whom he saw inclined to pursue the attainment of in-
dependence even through the paths of rebellion and
civil war. He framed, as an outline, not a perfect plan,
a resolution, which, while it announced the intention
of Congress to apply to the sovereign for a redress of
grievances, explicitly declared their abhorrence of the
idea of being considered independent communities,
and proposed, as the terms of union, that a British
and American legislature, to be denominated a grand
council, should be established ; each colony returning
representatives, but retaining its present constitution
and powers of internal government. A president-
general to be appointed by the King, and the body
renewed every three years ; the members to be elected
by the representatives of the people in each province,
the council to choose their own speaker, and to enjoy
all the rights, liberties, and privileges exercised by
the House of Commons. The president-general and
council to form an inferior and distinct branch of the
British legislature ; and general regulations, formed
in either, to be transmitted to the other, and of no
validity in case of dissent ; but, in time of war, bills
for granting supplies prepared by the grand-council

142

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIV.

1774.

Its fate.

Opinion of
government.

Irresolution
of ministry.

30th Sept.
Dissolution
of Parlia-
ment.

and approved by the president-general, were to be valid,
and passed into laws without the aid of Parliament.

This project was received with great satisfaction
by many distinguished members, and ordered to be
taken into consideration on a future day. Had it
been so, its nature and merits would have been gene-
rally disclosed, and probably acceded to by a great
portion of the people. To prevent a result so unfa-
vourable to their views, the revolutionary party, seizing
an opportunity when their opponents were absent,
passed a new vote, expunging the former and the plan
itself from their minutes ; nor would they permit the
dissent of Mr. Galloway and another member to be
recorded.

This plan, if it had been received with an honest
spirit and matured by deliberation, might have pre-
vented the calamities which followed ; more especially
as the British ministry declared that the idea of union
on some general constitutional plan was undoubtedly
just, and expressed hopes that it might still be attain-
able through some channel of mutual consideration
and discussion*.

The necessity of recurring to arms was regarded
with alarm and extreme reluctance. The ministry
temporized till the spirit of faction had gained too
great a height to be eifectually suppressed ; and dis-
cordant sentiments, relative to the employment of
force or the trial of conciliatory methods, prevailing in
the cabinet, palsied the vigour of government, and
gave an air of indecision to all their proceedings. Their
severities consequently failed to impart terror, and the
Americans, instead of returning to their duty, cheer-
fully braved difficulties, and even courted hostilities.

In the course of the autumn, Parliament was sud-
denly dissolved.

* Letter from Lord Dartmouth to Governor Colden, January 7, 1775. A
full account of the project and the proceedings on it is also in the State' Papers ;
and, soon after its failure, Mr. Galloway published it at New York, and in 1780,
it was reprinted in London, under the title of " A candid examination of the
" mutual claims of Great Britain and the Colonies, with a plan of accommoda-
" tion on constitutional principles."

GEORGE III. 143

Before this event, tests had been proposed in many CHAP.
countries, cities, and boroughs, calculated to bind the

representatives to support or resist certain measures : 1774.
this unconstitutional and pernicious practice was not T ^ pro "
general, and was frequently rejected, even by those
candidates who might be supposed most anxious for
popularity. Mr. Wilkes, who was elected to repre-
sent the county of Middlesex, at a meeting of free-
holders, jointly with his colleague, Serjeant Glynn, pro-
posed and signed a test, containing most of the articles
of the popular creed. Although the notices of elec-
tion were extremely short, the contests in many parts
of the kingdom were maintained with great spirit and
perseverance ; and many who had seats in the former
Parliament were rejected.

The house of lords contained at this period many characters of
members of distinguished abilities, who supported the leading men.
measures of government. Lord Apsley, afterward
Earl of Bathurst, filled the office of chancellor ; he had
passed through the labours of his profession with repu-
tation, holding successively the posts of solicitor and
attorney-general to Frederick Prince of Wales, and of
attorney-general to the Princess Dowager: in 1754 he
was made a judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and in
1771 received the great seal, after being one of the
commissioners from the death of Mr. Charles Yorke.
His eloquence was clear and methodical ; but his views
of politics were not extensive, nor his exertions in
debate frequent, or essentially serviceable.

William Earl of Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice of the Lord
King's Bench, had long maintained an unrivalled repu-
tation as a lawyer, and an exalted character as a states-
man. He was perfectly acquainted with the history
and constitution of England, versed in the practice of
its laws, and enlightened by all the information neces-
sary to form a comparison and connexion between
them and the best of ancient and modern systems. He
obtained a seat in the House of Commons in 1 742,
when he was in his thirty-eighth year, his faculties no
less matured by experience than improved by study.
He commenced his parliamentary career as a supporter

144 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxrv ' ^ ^ord Carteret's administration, which was vehe-
mently opposed by Mr. Pitt, and his eloquence was no

1774. less celebrated in the senate than at the bar. His lan-
guage was natural, yet elegant, arranged with method,
and applied with the utmost ingenuity ; his images
were often bold, always just; his eloquence flowing,
perspicuous, convincing, and impressive. He was en-
dowed with a most retentive memory, which rendered
his replies irresistible from the facility of repelling the
arguments of his adversaries, and exposing their fal-
lacy, weakness, or incongruity. He affected no sallies
of imagination or bursts of passion, but made his ap-
peal rather to the reason than the feelings, and did
not, even when attacked, condescend to personal abuse
or petulant altercation. His speeches were character-
ized by acuteness, and recommended by clearness and
candour; his reasoning introduced itself so easily into
the minds of his hearers, as to convey information and
conviction. His manner was moderate and decent, not
presuming and dictatorial; but expressive of that dig-
nity which, arising from superiority, does not produce
disgust. Though of low stature, his person was re-
markable for ease and grace ; he possessed a piercing
eye ; a voice finely toned ; his action was at once ele-
gant and dignified, and his countenance replete with
fire and vivacity. He supported through life the ut-
most consistency of political conduct, never courting
popular applause so much as the approbation of the
wise and good, yet not intimidated, by the appearance
of danger, or the fury of party, from pursuing that con-
duct, or enforcing those sentiments which were dic-
tated by his own conviction. Too mild to be the
leader, too wise to be the dupe, of any party, he was
believed to speak his own sense of public measures.
The House of Lords paid greater deference to his au-
thority than to that of any other individual ; and he
was frequently consulted by the King. The perspica-
cious eye of envy and jealousy could not establish a
fault in his political conduct*, and malignity was re-

* He was severely attacked by Wilkes, Junius, Andrew Stuart, and others ;
even when party rage was highest, their efforts produced only a clamour of the

GEORGE III. 145

duced to the miserable resource of extorting from his
descent the means of indirect implication, imputing to
him those attachments and principles by which his 1774.
relatives were influenced ; but which he had not, in his
juridical or senatorial capacity, ever adopted. Lord
Mansfield was a conspicuous and constant supporter of
administration in the American contest: in 1766, he
had delivered his opinions on the subject of British au-
thority, and American resistance, in the House of
Lords*, and the judgment he then professed appears to
have swayed him in every subsequent crisis^.

The Earl of Sandwich, first lord of the Admiralty, Lord Sand-
was a veteran in parliamentary contest and official wich>
employ, having, in 1739, taken his seat in the House
of Lords. He joined the Duke of Bedford in his op-
position to Sir Robert Walpole, and continued with
the duke in opposition to the succeeding administra-
tion. On the formation of the broad-bottom ministry
in 1744, he was appointed a lord of the Admiralty;
and, in 1746, plenipotentiary at the congress of Breda,
in which character, in 1748, he signed the peace of
Aix-la-Chapelle. On his return he was made first
lord of the Admiralty, and a privy counsellor. He
was removed in 1751, but regained an official situation
in 1755, when he was constituted joint vice-treasurer
of Ireland. He resigned his office in 1763, on being
nominated ambassador extraordinary to the court of
Spain; but his personal services were not exerted in
that situation, and he was, in 1763, re-appointed first
lord of the Admiralty. In the Duke of Bedford's ad-
ministration, he held the seals of secretary of state ;
on the dissolution of that ministry, in 1765, was again
out of office till 1768, when he became joint post-
master general; on the termination of the Grafton
administration, in 1770, he received the seals of the

populace : men of sound judgment, in every rank, and of all parties, have since
concurred in acknowledging the futility of the accusations.

* " Proceed, then, my lords," he said, " with spirit and firmness; and when
" you shall have established your authority, it will then be time to shew your
" lenity." See Holliday's Life of Lord Mansfield.

t This delineation is derived from the characters of Lord Mansfield, by Bishop
Newton, Dr. Johnson, Bishop of Worcester, and various other authorities collected
by Holliday, in his Life of Lord Mansfield, p. 456, et seq. and from private infor-
mation.

VOL. II. L

146 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxiv home department; and in 1771, again became first
lord of the Admiralty. In all his official employments,
1774. Lord Sandwich displayed great vigour and judgment,
in introducing reform, economy, and activity. In the
Admiralty those qualities were peculiarly required ; as,
since the conclusion of the late war, great negligence
had prevailed ; insomuch that, at the period of the dis-
pute with Spain, respecting Falkland's Islands, it was
much doubted whether the naval force of Great
Britain could cope with that of the Bourbon family.
The good effects of Lord Sandwich V exertions were
perceptible in 1773, when the menaces of a British
armament were sufficient to deter France from en-
gaging in the war between Russia and the Porte : but
the complete re-establishment of a marine force, after
a long period of indolence, negligence, and improvi-
dence, accompanied with that parsimony which incurs
infinitely more expense than it avoids, was a task of
great labour, and required time for its completion.
The introduction of care and subordination in depart-
ments where waste and disregard of discipline had
long prevailed, created many personal enemies, and
none of the ministry experienced more severe and fre-
quent attacks than the first lord of the Admiralty.
The efforts to render him unpopular, or rather
hated, or contemned by the low and inconsiderate
portion of mankind, were much advanced by the
clamours of Wilkes and his adherents. His lordship
having been the means of exposing that obscene libel,
" the Essay on Woman," the moral irregularities of
his own life were detailed with violent exaggerations ;
and it being asserted that the poem in question was
long known to, if not in part composed by him, sup-
plied his adversaries with a nick-name for him, which
was constantly repeated, and produced more effect
among the vulgar than could have resulted from the
declamation of the orator or the works of the states-
man*. In debate he was rather able and intelligent,

* A character of Lord Sandwich, compressed in form, but ample and distinct
in delineation, is given by Mr. Butler, an eminent conveyancer, in his interesting
Reminiscences, vol. i. p. 74.

GEORGE III. 147

than brilliant and eloquent : his arguments were
strongly pointed, and his speeches distinguished for
sound sense and appropriate knowledge. His un- 1774.
ruffled temper gave him great advantages in the re-
futation of charges : and the house listened to him
with attention, from a conviction that he was not an
obtrusive orator, but spoke only when he possessed
essential or exclusive information*.

The Earl of Hillsborough, though no longer secre- Lord mils
tary of state for the colonies, continued to give his borou s h -
advice and assistance to the ministry. He supported
their proceedings with zeal, firmness, and ability : his
experience made him a competent judge of the great
topics of dispute, and in debate he rendered ready and
effectual services.

The measures of government were officially sup-
ported by Earl Gower, lord president of the council,
who obtained a seat in the House of Commons in
1744, and ever since that period had been a distin-
guished member of the senate, and filled several offices
of respectability ; the Earl of Dartmouth, secretary of
state for the colonies, who chiefly confined himself to
the details of office and explanations required in the
course of debate ; and for some time by the Duke of
Grafton, lord privy seal.

The opposition was formidable on account of ac-
knowledged talent, and the popularity of many of its
members.

The Earl of Chatham, seeming to acquire new Lords in
vigour from the importance of the crisis, was indefa-
tigable in exposing to censure the conduct of adminis-
tration. His declining sun shone with meridian splen-
dour, and never were his extraordinary faculties dis- Lord chat-
played with greater energy than during the American
contestf. The popularity and success of his own ad-

* Derived principally from Memoirs of Lord Sandwich, by the Rev. John
Cooke, M.A.

t The eloquence and manner of the Earl Chatham are admirably charac-
terized in an extract of a letter from Mr. Stillingfleet to Dr. Dampier, afterward
dean of Durham; London, November 17, 1761. "Mr. Aldworth was at the
" house last Friday. Pitt was greater than ever ; he is a most wonderful man :
" I question whether there ever was o complete an orator since Demosthenes;
" every attitude, every action, every look, every tone of voice was a masterpiece,

L 2

148

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIV.

1774.

The Marquis
of Rocking-
ham.

The Duke of
Richmond.

ministration ; the regard due to his years and charac-
ter, made him the most conspicuous of parliamentary
speakers. His observations were repeated by the pub-
lic with profound veneration, and even his opponents
in Parliament frequently mollified their difference of
sentiment, by a complimentary tribute to his charac-
ter and abilities, and a sort of indirect apology for not
coinciding in judgment with him.
With those who considered the taxation of Ame-
rica as the sole cause of the existing disputes, the
Marquis of Rockingham had the greatest claim to
popularity ; his administration, though short, produced
several measures calculated to gratify the public. He
is described by Mr. Burke* as a person of sound prin-
ciples, enlargement of mind, clear and sagacious sense,
and unshaken fortitude. These qualities secured many
adherents ; but their effect was diminished by a defi-
ciency in parliamentary eloquence. He seldom took
a share in debate, even to defend his own administra-
tion ; spoke with an air of embarrassment, and in a
tone almost inaudible.

The Duke of Richmond was an active and indefa-
tigable opponent of administration. In the Rocking-
ham ministry he held the seals of secretary of state ;
and in 1766, was appointed minister plenipotentiary
to the court of France. He was endowed with con-
siderable abilities, improved by laborious perseverance,
and the associations incident to a military life. In
debate he evinced a prompt and decisive mind : always
seizing some censurable point, which he attacked with
force and pertinacity. His reprobation of the mea-
sures of administration was never qualified in terms
or manner, but always calculated to convince the
hearers that it was the genuine offspring of conviction.

' to say nothing of his words. It was perhaps the most ticklish and trying situa-
' tion man could be in ; yet he acquitted himself almost without censure.
' In short, he may take pensions, and titles, and resign at a critical juncture, and
' talk imprudently of guiding, &c. it is all nothing, when once he is heard.
' You remember, perhaps, how JSschines endeavoured to give an idea of the
' power of Demosthenes to the Rhodians when he was banished ; he is such
' a man, said ^Eschines, that were I to wrestle and throw him, he would per-
' suade you all that he threw me."

* Speech on American Taxation ; Burke's Works, vol. i. p. 548.

GEORGE III. 149

The Earl of Shelburne possessed ready powers of CHAP.
argumentation, applied himself to the commercial and
political relations of Great Britain, and was well versed 1774.
in foreign affairs. He was first lord of trade during Lord shei-
the Duke of Bedford's administration in 1763, and, burne -
under the auspices of Lord Chatham, by whom he was
held in high estimation, filled the office of secretary
of state.

Lord Camden was the principal law lord in opposi- Lord Camdcn.
tion, and his exertions were of the utmost importance.
He was a member of the House of Commons from
1754, till December 1761, when he was appointed
chief justice of the Common Pleas. In that court, he
presided with dignity, firmness, and impartiality : his
popularity was established by the memorable questions
relative to Wilkes, and considerably augmented by his
opposition to the American war. His legislative in-
formation was recommended by a ready, nervous, and
persuasive eloquence, and his reasonings were drawn
from a thorough and accurate knowledge of the con-
stitutional history of the country. He was personally
attached to Lord Chatham, to whom he was indebted
for his advancement, and o\uring whose administration
he was elevated to the dignity of lord chancellor, and
was the constant and persevering opponent of Lord
Mansfield.

The Dukes of Devonshire and Portland seldom ad- The Dukes of
dressed the house ; the former often compensated for J^rS? 8
silence by a few words of singular force and neatness : land.
they joined in the important protests, assisted the party
with all the weight of their connexion and personal
influence ; and were equally respected for independence
and integrity.

The lower house exhibited an unusual assemblage in the lower
of abilities on both sides.

Mr. Rigby, paymaster of the forces, was a vigor- Mr. Rigby.
ous and intrepid speaker. Sir Gilbert Elliott was en- Sir Gilbert
dowed with firm and manly sense, and clearness in Elliott,
detail, highly advantageous in debate ; and Sir Grey sir Grey
Cooper rendered essential services by knowledge of c 'i )er '
business, facility in debate, and a strict attention to,

150

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIV.

1774.

Mr. Dundas.

Mr. Jenkin-
son.

Mr. Thurlow.

Mr. Wedder-
burne.

Opposition.

Serjeant

Glynii.

and accurate acquaintance with, the affairs of finance ;
he enjoyed the full confidence of the minister, under
whose auspices he was introduced into parliament, and
to whom he remained invariably attached.

Mr. Dundas, lord advocate of Scotland, had ac-
quired considerable eminence by his proficiency in the
civil and common law, by application, and by the order
which he introduced into all the affairs of office. Al-
though he seemed to lie under some disadvantages
from his native accent, yet few were heard with greater
attention : he was an able and spirited debater, never
shrinking from the question, and declaring his opinions
with manly firmness, without the pomp of studied
phraseology, or the glare of rhetorical ornament.

Mr. Jenkinson, subsequently Lord Hawkesbury,
and Earl of Liverpool, first attracted public notice by a
treatise on the conduct of the Government of Great
Britain toward Neutral Nations ; he was versed in the
constitution, applied himself to commercial and politi-
cal questions, and spoke with correctness and precision.
He sate in two preceding parliaments, and his merits
were acknowledged by various ministers. In 1766,
during Lord Chatham's administration, he was a lord
of the Admiralty, and, in 1772, joint vice-treasurer of
Ireland.

The principal members of the robe who supported
administration, beside Sir Fletcher Norton, the speaker,
were Thurlow and Wedderburne.

Thurlow was nervous, impressive, and majestic ; he
delivered the resolute dictates of a superior intellect,
without soliciting applause. From him truth appeared
above the aid of art ; and the judgment was summoned
to yield without an appeal to the intervention of fancy.

Wedderburne was acute, perspicuous, elegant, and
persuasive ; he alternately essayed the force of rea-
son, and the charms of eloquence ; sometimes attack-
ing the judgment with refined argument, at other times
appealing to the fancy with the powers of wit and
graces of elocution.

The most distinguished lawyers in opposition were
Serjeant Glynn and Mr. Dunning. Glynii became

GEORGE III.

151

member for Middlesex, in consequence of his exertions
in behalf of Wilkes ; and to the same cause may be
attributed his attaining the recordership of London in
1772. He was not a frequent speaker, but generally
engaged in popular questions, and delivered his senti-
ments with eloquence and boldness. His health was
already much impaired, and an early death deprived
his party of his support.

Dunning enjoyed an unequalled reputation at the
bar, and had filled the office of solicitor-general. He
united a perfect knowledge of the law, with a liberal
view of politics. The meanness of his figure, the un-
gracefulness of his action, and monotony of his voice,
were all lost in the rapidity of his conceptions, the
fluency of his words, the flashes of his wit, and the sub-
tlety of his arguments.

Sir George Savile, who in the present and two pre-
ceding parliaments, represented the county of York,
was respected for the soundness of his understanding,
the firmness of his principles, and the integrity of his
motives. Possessed of a large fortune, and never
having accepted any official situation, he was not in-
fluenced by views of ambition, or fettered by obliga-
tions or connexions ; his opposition was constant and
vigorous, and he was considered at the head of the
country gentlemen in the minority.

Colonel Barre joined to a practical acquaintance
with affairs, a bold and nervous eloquence. He rea-
soned or ridiculed ; rolled the deep-toned thunder of
personal denunciation, or uttered sallies of sarcastic
animadversion, with equal readiness and equal effect ;
and with a constant disregard of urbanity and mo-
deration.

Mr. Burke came into Parliament under the imme-
diate auspices of the Marquis of Bockingham, to whom
he was introduced merely by the reputation of those
learned and admirable publications, which at an early
period fixed his fame on an enviable eminence. He
was Lord Bockingham's confidential political adviser,
and on his judgment and address the proceedings of
the anti-ministerial party in a great measure depended.

CHAP.

XXIV.

1774.

Mr. Dunning,

Sir George
Savile.

Colonel
Barre.

Mr. Burke.

152 HISTORT OF ENGLAND.

CHAP Burke enjoyed the rare advantage of being equally
eloquent in speech and in writing, and the Irish

1774. accent and manner, which he never lost, were forgot-
ten in the variety of his excellencies. He possessed
great literary taste, much learning, general knowledge,
an intimate acquaintance with the law of nations, and
a sagacity which penetrated into the political nature
of man, and confidently deduced, from visible causes,
those effects which to a less intuitive mind seemed re-
mote and problematical. At his first entrance into the
senate, he established a high reputation, which in all
the vicissitudes of a laborious life he never relin-
quished. His oratory was of the highest class ; and if
he appeared on some occasions to give the rein to his
fancy, to the prejudice of his judgment, it may be con-
fidently asserted that no man who spoke so much, and
on so many important topics, compensated for a few
faults with such a number and variety of beauties. If
Burke wandered, the elegance of the digression, and
the ingenuity with which it was reconciled to and con-
nected with the main subject, repaid the momentary
impatience of the auditor. If occasionally he seemed
to trifle, or descend below his proper level, he re-
gained his accustomed position with such elastic
vigour, and atoned for his temporary aberration with
such a splendid profusion of rhetorical beauties, that
the most captious felt ashamed to censure, and the
most fastidious were abundantly satisfied. To him all
nature and all science tendered tributary stores: in
this inexhaustible opulence, he consulted rather his
own resources than the mere wants of the subject, and
scattered the treasures of his intellect with unrestrained
prodigality : his fervid mind assailed the topic of dis-
cussion in every possible direction, and he seemed at
last to desist, not because he was exhausted, but because
the object of investigation could not afford a point on
which to fix a new illustration. To a poetical ardour
of imagination, Burke joined a warmth of temper
which occasionally transported him beyond the bounds
of discretion ; but even this frailty had no considerable
effect on his argumentation. If he was warm, his rea-

GEORGE III. 153

soning was not less cogent ; and although the indig- CHAP.
nant sensations of the moment sometimes produced

expressions which appeared inconsistent with prudence, 1774.
and derogatory to his high reputation ; still the cor-
rectness of his images, the happy application of his wit,
and the force of his raillery, obliterated the recollec-
tion of his defects, and left on the mind no other sen-
sations than those of exquisite gratification. Colonel
Barre equalled, or rather transcended, him in this fault,
but did not possess the same redeeming qualities. In
detailing general principles, Burke was extremely for-
tunate: they always seemed appropriate to his subject,
not introduced to cover a defect in the texture of his
chief argument, but generated from a natural combina-
tion of expansive knowledge, and specific investigation.
From him nothing appeared trite, nothing inelegant or
unfinished ; his faults as an orator arose from the ex-
cess of his excellencies ; he reasoned after the hearer
was convinced ; he illustrated when the topic was per-
fectly luminous ; he urged fresh grounds of defence
when acquittal was already secure ; and persevered in
accumulating motives of censure, when the indignation
of his audience had already attained its highest pitch.
He was formed most powerfully to support, assist, or
guide, but never to head a party.

At the period of which we are treating, the repu- Mr. Charles
tation of Mr. Burke was in its zenith, and his exertions Fox -
were sufficient to influence, in a considerable degree,
the politics of the times ; but, great and admired as
they were, the effect they produced was not to be com-
pared with that which resulted from the efforts of
the Honourable Charles James Fox, second son of
Lord Holland.

Mr. Fox displayed, at Eton and at Oxford, an ardent
attachment to classical literature, and gave presage of
his future genius by unwearied application to Cicero
and Demosthenes, and by preferring the Athenian to
the Roman orator. Even in the earliest periods of
life, and during all the vicissitudes of pleasure and
dissipation, he was indefatigable in the exercise of his
argumentative faculty. The indulgent partiality of

154 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxrv kis father supplied abundant means of gratifying incli-

nations natural to a youth of warm passions, totally

1774. exempt from restraint; and his great talents were
shrouded from the view of those who could not discern
them through the veil of unbounded dissipation. He
obtained a seat in Parliament before the period of
legal maturity, and was, in 1770, appointed a lord of
the Admiralty ; but his support, though marked with
all the ardour of his temper and energy of his genius,
was not yet deemed essential to the cause of govern-
ment : he had more than once participated in the un-
popularity of administration, without the credit of
sharing the direction of their measures. In 1772, he
resigned his situation at the Admiralty with marks of
disgust, and was then expected to join the ranks of
opposition*. The difference was, however, accommo-
dated, and he soon afterward j" received a seat at the
treasury-board, from which he was dismissed in March
1774, with circumstances which occasioned the most
lively indignation. To the period of his quitting the
side of the minister, Mr. Fox was considered by some
as a man for whose political errors, and levity of con-
duct, youth and inexperience afforded charitable ex-
cuses J; but he soon " discovered powers for regular
" debate, which neither his friends had hoped, nor his
" enemies dreaded ." By an unaccountable deviation
from his usual path of urbanity, Lord North had
communicated his removal from office || in terms of
levity, if not derision, ill suited to the character and
pretensions of the individual who was dismissed. If, in
doing so, he was influenced by any opinion to the dis-
advantage of Mr. Fox, he soon had reason to repent
his error, and to find that he had " thrown a pearl
" away," the value of which was inestimable. If the
opposition party did not, at first, place unbounded
confidence in him, they soon felt the necessity of sub-

* Gibbon's Posthumous Works, vol. i. p. 449.

t 9th January, 1 773.

J Debates on Mr. Grenville's Act, 25th February, 1774.

The expression of Gibbon. Posthumous Works, vol. i. p. 489.

|| Chatham Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 327.

GEORGE III. 155

mitting to his guidance, for they found in him what xxrv '
they had so long been reproached with wanting a

leader a head. 1774.

The force of Fox's oratory cannot he adequately
described, and can be felt only by those who have
heard him on important occasions. His speeches
were luminous, without the appearance of concerted
arrangement ; his mind seemed by its masterly force
to have compressed, reduced, and disposed the whole
subject, with a confident superiority to systematic
rule ; the torrent of his eloquence increased in force
as the subject expanded ; the vehemence of his
manner was always supported by expressions of cor-
respondent energy ; and the decisive terms in which
he delivered his opinions, by precluding the possi-
bility of evasion, impressed a full conviction of his
sincerity, and gained regard even from the most
inveterate opponent. The distinguishing character-
istic of his arguments was profoundness ; his general
aim was the establishment of some grand principle, to
which all the other parts of his speech were subser-
vient ; and his genius for reply was singularly happy.
He not only combated the principal reasonings of his
adversaries, but, extending a generous protection to
his own partizans, rescued their speeches from ridicule
or misrepresentation. The boldest conceptions, and
most decided principles uttered by him, did not appear
gigantic ; he seldom employed exaggerated or tumid
phraseology ; and, in the greatest warmth of political
contest, few expressions escaped him which can be
cited to the disadvantage of his character as a gentle-
man. Rhetorical embellishments, though frequently
found in his harangues, did not seem the produce
of laborious cultivation, but spontaneous effusions.
Superior to art, Fox seemed to illustrate rules which
perhaps he had not in contemplation ; and the bold
originality of his thoughts and expressions would
rather entitle him to be considered the founder of a
new style of eloquence, than a servile adherent to any
established practice. Burke, studious and indefati-
gable, from his continually augmenting stores, poured

156 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

^JJJy knowledge into the mind of Fox ; but in debate their
manners were widely dissimilar : Fox depended on his

1774. natural and daily improving genius for argumentation ;
Burke on those beauties which his taste and learning
enabled him to collect and dispose with so much grace
and facility ; his speeches were listened to with admi-
ration as vehement and powerful pleadings ; but Fox
was always elevated above his subject, and, by energy
of manner, and impetuosity of oratory, staggered the
impartial, animated his adherents, and threw uneasi-
ness, alarm, and astonishment into the minds of his
opponents.

Such were the principal men to whom the discus-
sion of the grand question relative to the rights and
authority of Great Britain over her colonies was com-
mitted ; who, by their conduct as ministers, or their
exertions in support of, and opposition to, the measures
of government, regulated the progress of this im-
portant contest*.

* In depicting these characters, my own judgment and recollection have been
much assisted by private information. The eloquent Gibbon, in his usual masterly
manner, has described this parliament in his Memoirs, published by Lord
Sheffield, p. 146, " I assisted at the debates of a free assembly ; I listened to
" the attack and defence of eloquence and reason ; I had a near prospect of the
" characters, views, and passions of the first men of the age. The cause of
" Government was ably vindicated by Lord North, a statesman of spotless in-
" tegrity, a consummate master of debate, who could wield, with equal dexterity,
" the arms of reason and of ridicule. He was seated on the treasury-bench
" between his attorney and solicitor-general, the two pillars of the law and state,
" magis pares quam similes ; and the minister might indulge in a short slumber,
" while he was upholden on either hand by the majestic sense of Thurlow, and
" the skilful eloquence of WedderbiTrne. From the adverse side of the house
" an ardent and powerful opposition was supported by the lively declamation of
" Barre ; the legal acuteness of Dunning; the profuse and philosophic fancy of
' ' Burke ; and the argumentative vehemence of Fox, who, in the conduct of a party,
" approved himself equal to the conduct of an empire. By such men every opera-
" tion of peace and war, every principle of justice or policy, every question of
" authority and freedom, was attacked and defended ; and the subject of the
" momentous contest was the union or separation of Great Britain and America."
Many of the persons who were conspicuous in this parliament are ably described
by Mr. Butler, in the two volumes of his Reminiscences.

GEORGE III. 157

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FIFTH.
17741775.

Meeting of Parliament. King's speech. Amendment moved.
Protest. Seamen reduced. Attempt to make arrange-
ments through Dr. Franklin. Papers laid before Parlia-
ment. Lord Chatham's motion for removal of troops
negatived. He moves for leave to bring in a bill for quiet-
ing the troubles in America. Heads of the bill. Opposed
by Lord Sandwich and the Duke of Grafton. Supported
by Lord Camden and Lord Shelburne. Personal alter-
cations. Intemperate speech of Lord Chatham. Reply.
Petitions in favour of the Americans referred to a com-
mittee. Petition of Dr. Franklin and others rejected.
Committee on American papers. Motion for an address
carried. Motion to recommit the address negatived.
Conference. Debate in the House of Lords. Energetic
speech of Lord Mansfield. Personal altercation. Motion
carried. Protests. Augmentation of forces. New Eng-
land restraining bill. Petitions. Evidence. Debate on
the third reading. Opposed in the House of Lords. Amend-
ment made and withdrawn. Bill for restraining other
colonies. Bounties to Ireland. Intimacy between Lord
Chatham and Dr. Franklin. Another attempt at nego-
tiation. Lord North's conciliatory propositions. Sup-
ported by Governor Pownall. Embarrassment of the mi-
nister. He is extricated by Sir Gilbert Elliott. Resolution
agreed to. Burke's motion. His speech. Proposition
rejected.- -Mr. Hartley's plan negatived. New York
remonstrance rejected. Attempt to repeal the Quebec
act. Proceedings in both houses respecting the exclusion
of strangers. Alderman Sawbridge's annual motions.
Speech of Mr. "VVilkes, His motion relative to his own ex-
pulsion. Other proceedings. Prorogation.

158

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1774.

29th Nov.

Meeting of

parliament.

30th.

King's

speech.

Motion for
an address.

Amendment
proposed.

Lords' pro-
test.

THE House of Commons having re-elected Sir
Fletcher Norton speaker, the King opened the session,
by mentioning, with great concern, the continuing
prevalence of a daring spirit of resistance to the laws,
which in Massachusetts Bay had broken forth in fresh
violences, of a very criminal nature, and was counte-
nanced and encouraged in other colonies. Measures
had been adopted to enforce the acts of last session for
the protection of commerce, and re-establishment of
peace, order, and good government. His Majesty de-
clared his resolution to withstand every attempt to
weaken or impair the supreme authority of the legisla-
ture over all his dominions, the maintenance of which
he considered essential to the dignity, safety, and wel-
fare of the empire.

An address, in conformity with the sentiments ex-
pressed in the speech, was moved by the Earl of Hills-
borough, and seconded by the Earl of Buckinghamshire.

The duke of Richmond proposed an amendment,
requiring information, and promising, when it was af-
forded, to apply with the utmost zeal to such mea-
sures as would tend to secure the honour of the
crown, the true dignity of the country, and the har-
mony and happiness of all his Majesty's dominions.

Lord Lyttelton said the question was no longer
one of taxation, but whether we should renounce
the benefits of the act of navigation, and lay our com-
merce open to the will of the factious Americans, who
were struggling for a free and unlimited trade, indepen-
dent of the mother-country; that if government should
now, in the least degree, recede, America, instead of
being subject, would soon give laws to Great Britain.

Lord Camden, on the other side, urged the inex-
pediency of coercive measures at this time : they
might be effectual in the infancy of a settlement ; but
when, by commerce, the colonists had acquired power,
and from the increase of numbers had derived strength,
it was impolitic and dangerous to compel their sub-
mission to laws which would impose the least burthen
or restraint on that trade by which alone they existed.
The amendment was rejected*, and the unusual mea-

* 63 to 13.

GEORGE III. 159

sure of protesting against its rejection was adopted by CHAP.

nine peers, who " would not without inquiry and in-

" formation commit themselves with the careless 1774.

" facility of a common address of compliment in

" declarations which might lead to measures, in the

" event fatal to the lives, property, and liberties of their

" fellow-subjects, and which might precipitate their

" country into the horrors of civil war."

In the House of Commons, the address was 5th Dec.
moved by Lord Beauchamp, and seconded by Mr. De *"
Grey. An amendment, proposed by Lord John
Cavendish, requiring a communication of the intelli-
gence received from America, was resisted, on the
ground, that, admitting the expediency of a reconcilia-
tion with the colonies, yet, as they had not offered
terms, England could not be the first to submit. The
address was carried by a majority, which proved the
strength of the minister in the new parliament*. But
it is to be observed, that several members, who de-
clared themselves not attached to either side, voted for
the address, because they considered it a matter of
course, while they held themselves perfectly free from
any engagement to vote for future measures of which
they might not approve. Mr. Fox vehemently cen-
sured the manner in which the galleries were cleared,
as a mere trick to stifle inquiry and prevent debate. Seamen
Had the public been admitted as usual, ministers must r<
have been obliged to break that silence and unconcern
which they now affected to hold.

Sufficient information had not yet arrived con-
cerning the extent of American resistance : the letters
hitherto received from the governors warranted in-
deed the observations in the King's speech, but con- 12th Dcc -
tained neither facts nor inferences which could justify
the ministry in stating to parliament the expectation
of an armed opposition. The number of seamen was
therefore reduced from twenty to sixteen thousand,
and the land forces fixed at seventeen thousand five
hundred and forty-seven effective men. These estimates,
although not regularly opposed, did not pass without

* 264 against 73.

160 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

C HAP. considerable debates, of which the state of America
formed the principal subject. The minister acknow-

1774. ledging that the measures adopted by the last parlia-
ment had not been attended with their expected effect,
promised the communication of papers, and that a
committee should be formed to take into consideration
the affairs of America.

Fresh inteiii- Intelligence received during the recess, more un-
gencere- equivocally ascertained the disposition of the Ameri-
cans, and included accounts of all their proceedings to
the seizure of Fort William and Mary.

Attempt to While Dr. Franklin remained in England, after

make arrange- w hat he terms " the affront that was given him at the
Dr n Frankiin. " council-board," an effort was made to gain the ad-
November. vantage of his ability and influence in reconciling the
people of America, and preventing further conflict.
With some appearance of contrivance, but none of
dexterity, he was introduced, for the purpose of playing
at chess, to Mrs. Howe, sister to Lord Howe, and after-
wards, through her, was induced to draw up, for the
consideration of Mr. Barclay and Dr. Fothergill, two
distinguished characters among the quakers. a set of
proposals, the granting of which he supposed would
produce a durable union between Great Britain and
her colonies. They were seventeen in number ; some
sufficiently reasonable to be acceded to without hesi-
tation, some of such a nature as to render a long con-
tinuance of union impossible, and others extremely
arrogant and unfit even to be required. The petition
of congress to the King was accompanied with instruc-
tions to the several agents for the colonies*, after pre-
senting it, to make the contents public through the
25th. p resS) together with the list of grievances. Just at
this period, Dr. Franklin was introduced to Lord
Howe, and mutual explanations took place. His lord-
ship, declaring himself to be merely an independent
member of parliament, neither attached to the ministry
nor devoted to opposition, was anxious to obtain the
influence of the Doctor, which would be more effectual

* Namely, Paul Wentworth, Esq. Dr. Benjamin Franklin, William Bollen,
Esq. Dr. Arthur Lee, Thomas Life, Esq. Edmund Burke, Esq. and Charles
Garth, Esq.

GEORGE III. 161

than that of any other man toward composing differ-
ences and producing reconciliation. Franklin pro-
fessed a sincere desire to heal the breach between the 1775
two countries, but expressed an apprehension, from
the King's speech and the measures said to be in
agitation, that no desire of accommodation existed in
the present ministry. It was afterward explained to
him, both by Lord Howe and Governor Pownall, that
Lord North and Lord Dartmouth did not approve of
the measures pursued, and entertained an earnest
desire to accommodate differences, and listen favour-
ably to any propositions that might have a probable
tendency to produce that effect. Lord Howe suggested
a mission to America, for the purpose of inquiring
into grievances, conversing with the leading people,
and endeavouring to agree with them on means of
composing differences ; and was answered, that a
person of rank and dignity, who had a character for
candour, integrity, and wisdom, might be of great use.
The sequel was that which from the beginning might
have been expected. The very reasonable proposition,
that the people of Boston should make compensation
for the destruction of the tea, was resisted on the
ground that, Parliament having no right to tax the
people of America, all that had been extorted from
them by the operation of the duty acts with the assist-
ance of an armed force, preceding the destruction of the
tea, was so much injury, which ought, in order of time,
to be first repaired ; it was not, therefore, likely that
the Americans would pay, in the first place, the value
demanded, especially as twice as much injury had
since been done them by blocking up the port ; and
their castle, which was also seized before by the crown,
had not been restored to them, nor any satisfaction
offered.

Such pretensions afforded no hope of an amicable
arrangement : it is not easy to imagine that a man
indued with Franklin's sagacity expected it. To place
speculative wrong in the balance against actual violence
and depredation, to assert a right paramount to that of
the Crown over the fortresses of a province, displayed

VOL. II. M

162

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

19th Jan.
Papers laid
before Par-
liament.

20th Jan.
Lord Chat-
ham's mo-
tion for re-
moval of
troops.

no signs of a disposition toward conciliation. The
American agent was, doubtless, too well acquainted
with the temper of his constituents to suppose that
they intended anything but insult and defiance. In
this position the discussion remained when Parliament
re-assembled after the recess*.

Lord North took the earliest opportunity of laying
before Parliament numerous papers from all the colo-
niesf, containing letters, proclamations, narratives of
proceedings, and other interesting documents, together
with sentiments of governors and other public men, on
the state of affairs. These were submitted to a com-
mittee.

Animated by strong feelings, and fortified by much
preparation, Lord Chatham moved an address, advising
and beseeching the King to allay the unhappy fer-
ments and animosities in America, by removing the
troops from Boston as soon as the rigour of the season
and other circumstances might permit. In his speech,
he censured the delay of communication, accused the
ministry of deluding the people by false representa-
tions, and recommended instant efforts to effect a
reconciliation before the meeting of the delegates.
He was anxious not to lose a day, since the loss
even of an hour might produce years of calamity.
" Nothing," he said, " but being nailed to my bed by
" the extremity of sickness, shall prevent me from
" paying unremitted attention to so important a sub-

* This narrative, and some facts hereafter mentioned, are derived from the
Memoirs of Dr. Franklin, where, with minuteness and particularity, they are
given in his own words, and occupy sixty quarto pages, vol. i. p. 223 to 283.
In Mr. Jefferson's Memoirs, an attempt is made to cast some doubt on the au-
thenticity of this relation ; the MS. having, as he says, been presented to him
as a donation by Dr. Franklin, when in a dying state, and afterwards given to
Mr. William Temple Franklin, the editor and compiler of his relative's Memoirs
and works. Mr. Jefferson seems to have suspected that the paper would be alto-
gether suppressed, or much mutilated ; but in this he appears to have been no
more correct than in the assertion made, from supposed memory, that Lord
North's answers were dry, unyielding, in the spirit of unconditional submission,
and betrayed an absolute indifference to the occurrence of a rupture; and that he
said to the mediators distinctly, at last, that a rebellion was not to be deprecated
on the part of Great Britain; that the confiscations it would produce would
provide for many of their friends. Jefferson's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 94. It is hardly
necessary to say that this assertion is no more consistent with the character of
Lord North than with the narrative of Franklin.

t There were at first no letters from Maryland ; but the deficiency was after-
ward supplied.

GEORGE III. 163

" ject. I will knock at the door of this sleeping and

" confounded ministry, and rouse them to a sense of _

" their imminent danger. When I state the import- 1775.

" ance of the colonies, and the magnitude of the

" danger hanging over this country, from the present

" plan of mis-administration, I desire not to be under-

" stood to argue a reciprocity of indulgence between

" England and America. I contend not for indulgence,

" but justice, to America ; and I shall ever contend,

" that the Americans justly owe obedience to us in a

" limited degree : they owe obedience to our ordi-

" nances of trade and navigation ; but let the line be

" skilfully drawn between the objects of those ordi-

" nances, and their private internal property ; let the

" sacredness of their property remain inviolate ; let it

" be taxed only by their own consent, given in their

" provincial assemblies ; else it will cease to be pro-

" perty. As to the metaphysical refinements, attempt-

" ing to shew that the Americans are equally free

" from obedience and commercial restraints, as from

" taxation for revenue, as being unrepresented here ;

" I pronounce them futile, frivolous, and groundless.

" Resistance to your acts was necessary as it was just ;

" and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of Par-

" liament, and your imperious doctrines of the neces-

" sity of submission, will be found equally impotent to

" convince or enslave your fellow-subjects in America,

" who feel that tyranny, whether ambitioned by an in-

" dividual part of the legislature, or the bodies who

" compose it, is equally intolerable to British subjects.

" The means of enforcing this thraldom are found to

" be as ridiculous and weak in practice, as they are

" unjust in principle. Indeed, I cannot but feel the

" most anxious sensibility for the situation of General

" Gage and the troops under his command ; thinking

" him, as I do, a man of humanity and understanding ;

" and entertaining, as I ever will, the highest respect,

" the warmest love, for the British troops. Their situ-

" ation is truly unworthy ; penned up pining in in-

" glorious inactivity ; they are an army of impotence :

M 2

164 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

" you may call them an army of safety and of guard ;
" but they are, in truth, an army of impotence and
1775. " contempt : and, to make the folly equal to the dis-
" grace, they are an army of irritation and vexation.
" I mean not to censure their inactivity; however
" contemptible, it cannot be blamed, for the first drop
" of blood shed in civil and unnatural war may be
" l immedicdbile vulnus.' Adopt the grace while you
" have the opportunity of reconcilement : or at least
" prepare the way. Allay the ferment prevailing in
" America, by removing the obnoxious hostile cause :
" obnoxious and unserviceable; for their merit can only
" be in inaction ; ' Non dimicare estvincere,' their victory
" can never be by exertions. Their force would be most
" disproportionately exerted against a brave, generous,
" and united people, with arms in their hands and
" courage in their hearts : three millions of people,
" the genuine descendants of a valiant and pious an-
" cestry, driven to those deserts by the narrow maxims
" of a superstitious tyranny. And is the spirit of per-
" secution never to be appeased 1 Are the brave sons
" of those brave forefathers to inherit their sufferings
" as they have inherited their virtues ? Are they to sus-
" tain the infliction of the most oppressive and unex-
" ampled severity beyond the accounts of history, or
" description of poetry 1 ' Rhadamanthus habet duris-
" sima regna, castigatque, auditque :' so says the wisest
"* poet, and perhaps the wisest statesman and politician
" of antiquity : but our ministers say, the Americans
" must not be heard. They have been condemned un-
" heard ; the indiscriminating hand of vengeance has
" lumped together innocent and guilty ; with all the
" formality of hostility, has blocked up the town, and
" reduced to beggary and famine thirty thousand in-
" habitants." Some years ago, when the repeal of the
stamp-act was in agitation, a person of undoubted
respect and authenticity had said to him, with a cer-
tainty derived from judgment and opportunity, " You
" may destroy their towns, and cut them off from the
" superfluities and perhaps the conveniencies of life ;

GEORGE III. 165

" but they are prepared to despise your power, and will
" not lament their loss, while they have their woods
" and their liberty*." 1775.

He extolled the Congress, as more wise and more
prudent than the meeting of ancient Greece : Thucy-
dides recorded nothing more honourable, more respect-
able, than that despised convention : their proceedings
were remarkable for firmness, temper, and moderation,
and it would be happy for Great Britain, if the House
of Commons were as freely and uncorruptly chosen.
" Ministers may satisfy themselves, and delude the
" public with the report of what they call commercial
" bodies in America. They are not commercial:
" they are your packers and factors ; they live upon
" nothing for I call commission nothing ; I mean
" the ministerial authority for this American intelli-
" gence ; the runners for government who are paid for
" their intelligence. But these are not the men, nor
" this the influence, to be considered in America, when
" we estimate the firmness of their union. Trade in-
" deed increases the glory and wealth of a country ;
" but its real wealth and stamina are to be looked for
" among the cultivators of the land ; in their simplicity
" of life is found the simpleness of virtue, the integrity
" and courage of freedom. These true genuine sons
" of the earth are invincible ; they surround and hem
" in the mercantile bodies, and, if it were proposed to
" desert the cause of liberty, would virtuously exclaim ;
" ' If trade and slavery are companions, we quit trade ;
" ' let trade and slavery seek other shores, they are not
" ' for us !' This resistance to your arbitrary system of
" taxation might have been foreseen : it was obvious
" from the nature of things, and of mankind, and,
" above all, from the whiggish spirit flourishing in that
" country. The spirit which now resists your taxation
" in America, is the same which formerly opposed
" loans, benevolences, and ship-money in England.
" The same spirit which called all England on its legs,

* This sentiment his lordship is supposed to have derived from Dr. Franklin,
who, by his express desire and through his personal introduction, was present at
the debate. Lord Chatham's Correspondence, vol iv. p. 372 376.

166 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

" and by the bill of rights vindicated the English con-
" stitution the same principle which established the
1775. " great, fundamental, essential maxim of our liberties,
" that no subject of England shall be taxed but by his
" own consent this glorious spirit of whiggism ani-
" mates three millions in America, who prefer poverty
" with liberty, to gilded chains and sordid affluence ;
" and who will die in defence of their rights as men
" as freemen. The cause of America is allied to every
" true whig : the whole Irish nation, all the true
" English whigs, the whole people of America com-
" bined, would amount to many millions of whigs
" averse to the system. To such united force, what
" force shall be opposed 1 'What, my lords 1 A few
" regiments in America, and seventeen or eighteen
" thousand men at home ! The idea is too ridiculous
" to take up a moment of your lordships' time. Nor
" can such a rational and principled union be resisted
" by tricks of office, or ministerial manoeuvre. Laying
" of papers on your table, or counting noses on a divi-
" sion, will not avert or postpone the hour of dan-
" ger : it must arrive, unless these fatal acts are done
" away. It must arrive, in all its horrors ! and then
" these boastful ministers, 'spite of all their confidence,
" and all their manoeuvres, shall be forced to hide their
" heads ! They shall be forced to a disgraceful aban-
" donment of their present measures and principles :
" principles which they avow, but cannot defend ;
" measures which they presume to attempt, but can-
" not hope to effectuate. They cannot stir a step ;
" they have not a move left ; they are checkmated.
" It is not repealing this or that act of parliament it
" is not repealing a piece of parchment that can re-
" store America to our bosom : you must repeal her
" fears and her resentments ; and may then hope for
" her love and gratitude. But now insulted by an
" armed force at Boston, irritated with a hostile array
" before her eyes, her concessions, if they could be
" forced, would be suspicious and insecure ; they will
" be, irato animo, not sound honourable pactions of
" freemen ; but dictates of fear, and extortions of force.

GEORGE III. 167

" It is, however, more than evident you cannot force CHAP.

" them, principled and united as they are, to your un-

" worthy terms of submission ; it is impossible ! and 1775.

" when I hear General Gage censured for inactivity,

" I must retort with indignation on those whose intem-

" perate measures and improvident counsels have be-

" trayed him into his present situation. His situation

" reminds me of the answer of a French general in the

" civil wars of France. Monsieur Conde, opposed to

" Monsieur Turenne, was asked how it happened that

" he did not take his adversary prisoner, as he was

" often very near him ? ' J'ai peur,' replied Conde very

" honestly, ' J'ai'peur qu'ilnemeprenne ;' ' I am afraid

" he will take me.'

" We shall be forced ultimately to retract ; let us
" retract while we can, not when we must. These vio-
" lent oppressive acts must be repealed you will re-
" peal them I pledge myself for it that you will in the
" end repeal them I stake my reputation on it ! I will
" consent to be taken for an idiot, if they are not finally
" repealed ! Avoid then this humiliating, disgraceful
" necessity. With a dignity becoming your exalted situa-
" tion, make the first advances to concord, to peace, and
" to happiness ; for that is your true dignity, to act with
" prudence and with justice. That you should first
" concede is obvious, from sound and rational policy.
" Concession comes with better grace and more salu-
" tary effect from the superior power; it reconciles
" superiority of power with the feelings of men: and
" establishes solid confidence on the foundations of
" affection and gratitude. So thought a wise poet, and
" a wise man in political sagacity ; the friend of Mee-
" cenas, and the eulogist of Augustus: to him, the
" adopted son of the first Csesar, to him, the master of
" the world, he wisely urged this conduct of prudence
" and dignity:

" ' Tuque prior, tu parce ; genus qui ducis Olympo ;
" ' Projice telamanu."

" On the other hand, every danger impends to deter
" you from perseverance in the present ruinous mea-

168

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Supported.

" sures. Foreign war hanging over your heads by a
" slight and brittle thread ; France and Spain watching
" your conduct, and waiting for the maturity of your
" errors. If the ministers thus persevere in misad-
" vising and misleading the King, I will not say they
" can alienate the affections of his subjects from the
" crown, but I will affirm they will make the crown
" not worth his wearing. I will not say, the King is
" betrayed; but I will pronounce the kingdom un-
" done*."

Lord Chatham's motion was supported by the Duke
of Richmond, the Marquis of Rockingham, Lords Shel-
burne and Camden. They insisted that the assertion
of the omnipotence of Parliament was an abstract me-
taphysical question, purposely introduced into the dis-
cussion of American affairs to delude alike the Parlia-
ment and people : the very lowest mechanic was in-
flated with his own importance, as a party in a contest
with traitors, vagabonds, and base ungrateful rebels.
But, whatever stress might be laid on the legislative
supremacy of Great Britain (and the doctrine was just
when properly directed), it was no less true, and conso-
nant to the reasonings of all speculative writers on go-
vernment, that no man, on the true principles of natu-
ral or civil liberty, could, without his own consent, be
divested of any part of his property. The question
was not, in fact, referred to the people or Parliament,
because an administration consisting of four or five
persons, and those again guided by one man, held an
absolute sway over Parliament ; between the ministry,
therefore, and all America, was the issue depending.
The acts of last session were analysed, and declared
highly unconstitutional; and Lord Camden quoted
Selden and Blackstone, to prove, that although the va-
rious circumstances and incidents which might justify
resistance could not be exactly defined, the people at
large, possessing the original rights necessary to their

* This speech is taken from Debrett's Debates, corrected and assisted by a
report by Hugh Boyd ; the History of Lord North's Administration, p. 187 ; and
the Annual Register for the year 1775, p. 47.

GEORGE III. 169

own happiness and preservation, had a right to recall CHAP.

a delegated power and authority, whenever abused to '_

their own ruin and destruction. 1775.

The motion was opposed by the Earls of Suffolk, opposed.
Rochford, and Gower; Viscounts Townshend and
Weymouth ; and Lcrd Lyttelton.

They traversed Lord Chatham's statements and
his encomiums on the Congress, who in their proceed-
ings and resolutions breathed the spirit of indepen-
dency and rebellion. The British Parliament pos-
sessed an indubitable legislative supremacy; an inactive
right was absurd ; if right existed, it must be asserted,
or for ever relinquished. The difficulties of the mo-
ment would be infinitely augmented by the lapse of a
few years : and disobedience to Parliament, once con-
nived at, would invalidate every claim to dominion
over America. The obnoxious acts were specifically
defended ; the Boston port act would, but for the ob-
stinacy of the people, have executed itself, and, by
causing the indemnification of the East India Com-
pany, have re-established the port, and facilitated a
complete reconciliation. The resolutions of Congress
against these acts, demonstrated that the views of the
Americans extended beyond the professed limits of a
redress of grievances, even to the overthrow of the act
of navigation, that great palladium of British com-
merce. The question was not limited to revenue : but
in its determination would decide whether that great
commercial system on which the strength and pros-
perity of Great Britain and the mutual interests of
both countries vitally depended, should be destroyed
to gratify the foolishly ambitious temper of a turbulent
and ungrateful people. The parent state should never
relax, till her supremacy was acknowledged ; but
dutiful compliance would be attended with every in-
dulgence consistent with the real interest of both
countries; previous concession would be impolitic,
pusillanimous, and absurd. It was a duty incumbent
on administration to pursue their object of subduing
the rebellious Americans; and the Earl of Suffolk,
Secretary of State, explicitly avowed the ministerial

170

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Negatived.
1st Feb.
Lord Chat-
ham brings
in a bill.

resolution of enforcing obedience by arms, acknow-
ledging with pride that he had advised coercive mea-
sures, from a conviction of their necessity. All in-
quiry into the state of the troops at Boston and the
conduct of General Gage was deprecated, from the im-
possibility of forming a judgment at so great a distance,
and from such slender materials as Parliament pos-
sessed. The motion was negatived*.

In the course of the debate, an observation was
made on the facility with which the measures of mi-
nisters were censured by those who proposed nothing
better. In answer, Lord Chatham said he had framed
a plan of adjustment, solid, honourable, and perma-
nent ; and he took the earliest occasion to present it
under the form of " A provisional act for settling the
" troubles in America ; and for asserting the supreme
" legislative authority and superintending power of
" Great Britain over the colonies." His introductory
speech was short; urging the necessity of an im-
mediate effort at conciliation. Great Britain and
America, he said, were drawn up in martial array,
waiting for the signal to engage in a contest, in which
it was little matter for whom victory declared, as ruin
and destruction must be the inevitable consequence to
both. He wished to act the part of mediator ; but no
desire for popularity, no predilection for his own
country, not his high esteem for America on one
hand, nor his unalterable steady regard for Great
Britain on the other, should influence his conduct.
He loved the Americans, as men prizing and setting
the just value on that inestimable blessing, liberty;
but were he once persuaded that they entertained the
most distant intention of rejecting the legislative su-
premacy, and the general, constitutional, superintend-
ing authority and controul of the British legislature,
he would be the first and most zealous mover for ex-
erting the whole force of Britain in securing and

* Contents 18 Non-contents 68. The division -was remarkable by the ap-
pearance of the Duke of Cumberland in the minority. Lord Chatham's prepara-
tion for this effort, its progress and effect, are displayed in his Correspondence,
vol. iv. p. 369 to 386.

GEORGE III. 171

enforcing that power. He entreated the assistance of
the House in digesting his crude materials, and in
adapting them to the dignity and importance of the 1775.
subject, and their great ultimate ends.

The bill affirmed that the colonies of America
were of right dependent on the imperial crown of
Great Britain and Ireland, and that Parliament had biif.
full power to bind America in all matters relating to
the general weal of the whole dominion of the im-
perial crown, beyond the local competency of distinct
colonial representative bodies, and particularly in the
regulation of navigation and trade ; and that all sub-
jects in the colonies were bound in duty and allegiance
duly to recognize and obey the supreme legislative
authority and superintending power of Parliament.
To quiet groundless jealousies and fears respecting a
standing army, without derogating from the legislative,
constitutional, and hitherto unquestioned prerogative
of the Crown, it was declared that no military force,
however raised and maintained according to law, could
be lawfully employed to violate and destroy the just
rights of the people. By the clause respecting taxa-
tion, no tallage, tax, or charge for the king's revenue,
was to be levied in America, without legal consent of
the provincial assemblies. The delegates to the late
general Congress were agair^ to meet in May, and con-
sider on a due recognition of the supreme legislative
authority, and superintending power of Parliament;
and of a free grant of a certain perpetual revenue, to
be disposed of by Parliament in alleviation of the na-
tional debt, which had, in no inconsiderable part, been
incurred for the extension, defence, and prosperity of
the colonies. This free grant was to be adjusted and
apportioned by the delegates to Congress, they being
duly authorized and empowered by their respective
provinces ; they were, as an indispensable condition,
before these acts should have any force, fully to recog-
nize the supreme legislative authority and superintend-
ing power of Parliament ; but it was not to be under-
stood as a condition of redress, but as a just testimony
of affection. The prayer of the petition of Congress

172

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Debate.
Proposal of
Lord Dart-
mouth.

Opposition
of Lord
Sandwich.

was then to be granted by restrictions on the admiralty
jurisdiction ; a restoration of the trial by jury, where
abolished, in civil cases ; a renunciation of the power
of removing persons indicted for murder to other pro-
vinces, or to Great Britain for trial ; and a repeal of all
the acts relating to America, from the fourth year of
the King to those of the last session, including the
Quebec act, and that for quartering soldiers. The
judges were to hold their offices, with salaries from the
Crown, as in England, during good behaviour ; and
the colonial charters were confirmed, and declared ex-
empt from invasion or resumption, except for misuser,
or some legal grounds of forfeiture. The bill con-
cluded with these words ; "So shall true reconcile-
" ment avert impending calamities, and this most
" solemn national accord between Great Britain and her
" colonies stand an everlasting monument of clemency
" and magnanimity in the benignant father of his peo-
" pie ; of wisdom and moderation in this great nation,
" famed for humanity as for valour ; and of fidelity and
" grateful affection from brave and loyal colonies to
" their parent kingdom, which will ever protect and
" cherish them." Nor was this florid style confined to
this paragraph ; it pervaded the whole bill.

An animated debate ensued. The Earl of Dart-
mouth, secretary of State for America, expressed a
wish that the bill might lie on the table, to be taken
into consideration after the adoption of some reso-
lutions relative to the papers already communicated.

This apparent moderation was highly displeasing
to Lord Sandwich, who, after the bill had been read a
first time, insisted that any concession was an abandon-
ment of the cause of government. The Americans
had formed the most hostile and traitorous designs,
and were guilty of actual rebellion in seizing the
King's forts and ammunition, with an avowed in-
tention of employing them against him. The mode of
introducing the bill was unparliamentary and unpre-
cedented. The stale pretence of preserving our com-
mercial interests by concessions was a device which
could impose on none but those who were \\41fully

GEORGE III. 173

blind, and resolved to contradict the plainest evidence CHAP.

of facts; the Americans were not disputing about '_^

words, but realities ; their aim was to be freed from 1775
commercial restrictions; they courted the trade of
other nations, and he had in his pocket letters which
would undeniably prove that ships were then lading at
L'Orient, Havre-de-Grace, and Amsterdam, with East
India and European commodities for America. He
therefore moved the immediate rejection of the bill.

He was supported by the Duke of Grafton, Earl Opposition
Gower, and the Earl of Hillsborough. The Duke of Lords : er
Grafton particularly denounced the unparliamentary
manner of hurrying the bill into the house ; he had
had the honour of sitting there longer than the noble
earl, and remembered no similar instance. So great
a variety of subjects should not have been combined,
but distinctly discussed. Other opponents of the bill
contended that it was calculated to gratify the Ameri-
cans in every particular, but offered no security for
concession on their part. It sanctified and legalized
the late congress, and warranted another assembly of
the same description. The acts of parliament proposed
to be repealed were successfully defended, particularly
the Quebec act, which was peculiarly extolled for mo-
deration, justice, and policy.

The bill was supported by the Duke of Richmond, Bil1 supported.
Earl of Shelburne, and Lord Camden. Lord Shel-
bume described a ruined commerce, starving manu-
facturers, increased taxes, heavy poor's-rates, rents
fallen, an exhausted exchequer, and a diminished re-
venue, as inevitable consequences of the measures pur-
sued by administration. Famine must also necessarily
ensue, from the discontinuance of the vast supply of
bread-corn derived from America. In that case, all
the military force of the kingdom would be requisite
to keep the people in due restraint, as was fully demon-
strated during the scarcity in 1766. The ministry
were generally challenged to discuss the principles of
the bill, although an immediate decision was profes-
sedly not required. The laws proposed to be repealed
were analysed with great severity, particularly those of

174

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Personal
altercation.

Intemperate
speech of
Lord Chat-
ham.

last session. Nor was the probability of foreign inter-
ference omitted; and the ministry were particularly
cautioned by Lord Shelburne against trusting to the
assurances of their inveterate enemies.

A more moderate party, consisting of the Duke of
Manchester, Earl Temple, and Lord Lyttelton, disap-
proved many parts of the bill, but deprecated its sud-
den rejection, as an unnecessary insult to an exalted
character. Lord Temple attributed all the evils and
distractions to the fatal repeal of the stamp act ; and
the laws of the last session were more exceptionable
in mode than matter. Lord Lyttelton voted against
the rejection of the bill, yet differed in many respects
from Lord Chatham, particularly on the subject of the
Quebec act, against the repeal of which he strenuously
contended.

In the course of the debate much personal alterca-
tion arose. The Duke of Richmond animadverted
with great severity on Lord Gower ; and Lord Chat-
ham, in arguing Lord Sandwich's motion, uttered a
tremendous philippic against the whole administration.

He began with his quandam colleague in office,
and very humble servant, the Duke of Grafton, on
whose logic he descanted with great severity. Could he
be more justly charged with hurrying the business into
the house, or his grace with hurrying it out 1 America
was declared in rebellion; eleven days had elapsed
since his last motion, and no measure had yet been
proposed by any of the King's servants. " Even now,"
he said, " if they will assure me they have a plan to
" offer, I will give them a proof of candour they do
" not deserve, by instantly withdrawing my bill." The
indecent attempt to stifle the measure in embryo would
not sink it in oblivion ; it would make its way to the
public, to the nation, to the remotest wilds of Ame-
rica ; it would be coolly investigated, and appreciated
by its merits or demerits alone. " I am not astonished,"
he continued, " that men who hate, should detest those
" who prize liberty ; or that those who want, should
" persecute those who possess virtue. I could demon-
" strate, were I so disposed, that the whole of your

GEORGE 111. 175

" political conduct has been one continued series of

" weakness, temerity, despotism, ignorance, futility,

" negligence, blundering, and the most notorious ser- 1775.

" vility, incapacity, and corruption. On reconsidera-

" tion, I must allow you one merit, a strict attention to

" your own interests : in that view you appear sound

" statesmen, and able politicians. You well know, if

" the present measure should prevail, you must in-

" stantly relinquish your places. I doubt much whe-

" ther you will be able to keep them on any terms :

" but sure I am, such are your well-known characters

" and abilities, that any plan of reconciliation, how-

" ever moderate, wise, and feasible, must fail in your

" hands. Who then can wonder that you should

" negative any measure, which must annihilate your

" power, deprive you of your emoluments, and at

" once reduce you to that state of insignificance for

" which God and nature designed you."

The Earls of Gower and Hillsborough warmly re- Reply of
probated these intemperate animadversions, as the re- ministers.
suit of a factious design to embarrass government and
obtain undue popularity ; great industry would doubt-
less be employed in circulating the bill, and inflaming
the public mind, both in England and America. To
talk of three millions of Americans in arms was a
gross exaggeration ; the whole population did not ex-
ceed that amount : one third, at least, would submit ;
and, deducting from the remainder, the aged, the in-
fants, and the females, his lordship's facts would be
found no more correct than his arguments. It would
be sufficiently early to answer general charges when
so pointed as to call for defence or explanation : but
Lord Gower observed, the persons censured only shared
the fate of all other administrations he ever remem-
bered; Lord Chatham having uniformly condemned,
though he afterwards acted with them ; and, if his
age did not form an impediment, he would probably
give, on the present occasion, one more proof of ver-
satility, by loudly eulogizing the measures he now so
loudly condemned.

176

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.
23rd Jan.
to 26th.
Petitions in
favour of the
Americans.

Lord Sandwich's motion was carried ; and that for
bringing in the bill rejected*.

Meanwhile, the papers submitted to the House of
Commons were referred to a committee, and numerous
petitions offered on American affairs from great mer-
cantile cities and townsf, praying Parliament to desist
from those proceedings which occasioned the American
association so prejudicial to commerce.

On the first petition from the merchants of Lon-
don, presented by Alderman Harley, a strenuous de-
bate arose on a proposition to refer it to a committee
on the twenth-seventh of January, the day after that
appointed for considering the papers. Much acrimony
was displayed in arraigning the conduct of ministers,
and much ridicule thrown on the proposed committee,
which Mr. Burke humorously termed a Coventry
committee, and a committee of oblivion. The ques-
tion was, however, carried J, and all the ensuing peti-
tions, together with one from Birmingham of a con-
trary tendency, were submitted to the same com-

* 61 to 32. On the subject of this measure, Mr. Jefferson says, " When I
' saw Lord Chatham's bill, I entertained high hope that a reconciliation could
' have been brought about. The difference between his terms and those offered
' by our congress might have been accommodated if entered on by both parties
' with a disposition to accommodate. But the dignity of Parliament, it seems,
' can brook no opposition to its power. Strange ! that a set of men, who have
' made sale of their virtue to the minister, should yet talk of retaining dignity."
Jefferson's Correspondence, vol. i, p. 149. With such sentiments in the mind of
a man, aged thirty-one, who might be looked to as one of the most rising charac-
ters in the colonies, little hope of accommodation could be entertained. But if
the ardour of Mr. Jefferson's youth should cause his opinions to be considered
less than a fair specimen, those of the mature and sagacious Dr. Franklin, who
had been consulted by Lord Chatham, and perused the draft of his bill, will be
deemed more capable of influencing his countrymen. He objected to almost
every proposition ; and, on the rejection of the bill, expresses his contempt of
the house by saying, " Hereditary legislators ! there would be more propriety,
" because less hazard of mischief, in having (as in some University in Germany)
" hereditary professors of mathematics. But the elected House of Commons is no
" better, nor ever will be, while the electors receive money for their votes, and pay
" money wherewith ministers may bribe their representatives when chosen."
Franklin's Memoirs, vol. i, p. 257 to 260.

t The American merchants in London presented two; Bristol the same
number : Glasgow, Norwich, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Wolver-
hampton, Dudley, and several other places in Great Britain and Ireland, sent
petitions, as did various bodies of merchants interested in the great objects of
dispute.

t 197 to 81.

} It was insisted by opposition that this counter-petition was unfairly obtained
by ministerial influence, and not signed by persons really interested in the Ame-
rican trade.

GEORGE III. 177

mittee. The merchants of London, displeased by this CHAP.
reference, withdrew their petitions, declaring them-

selves under no apprehensions respecting their Ameri- 1775.
can debts, unless the means of remittance should be
cut off by measures adopted in Great Britain.

Dr. Franklin and Messrs. Bollan and Lee, who 25thand
were authorized by the continental congress to present petitioner
their petition to the King, also prayed to be examined
at the bar, in support of that paper which they were
enabled to elucidate. In debating this request, it was
insisted, on one side, that compliance would lead to in-
extricable confusion, and destroy the whole colonial
government. It would explicitly sanction the Congress,
which was not a legal meeting, and recognize the par-
ties making the application, who were not, in fact,
legally appointed. On the other, it was contended
that the Congress, however illegal for other pur-
poses, were fully competent to this : the petition was
signed by the members : it might be received as from
them in their individual capacity ; and the equity of the
house should rather lead to the adoption of plausible
reasons for receiving, than the invention of pretences
for rejecting, such papers ; the practice of dismissing
petitions and declining the examination of agents
would establish an opinion, that those who refused to
hear complaints, abdicated the rights of government, Re J ected -
and thus naturally lead to universal rebellion. The
introduction of the petition was not permitted*. On
all these occasions, animated and eloquent speeches
were made in both houses ; but they were merely repe-
titions of declamations often heard before, prophecies
which many construed into wishes, anticipations of re-
sistance which were viewed as suggestions, assertions of
right often before advanced and discussed, enlivened
with personalities and pleasantries which irritated and
amused only for the moment.

In a committee of the whole house, on the papers
from America, Lord North re-argued the customary committee
topics of parliamentary supremacy, the propriety of
American contribution, and lightness of the taxes
hitherto imposed, which did not amount to more than

* 218 to 68
VOL. II. N

178 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

sixpence a year on each individual. Then denouncing
the confederacy against importation as the cause of the
1775. present separation, he unfolded his plan of coercion,
which was, to send to America a large military force,
and, by a temporary act, to stop the foreign com-
merce of New England, and their fishery on the banks
of Newfoundland, until they returned to their duty ;
whenever that took place, their real grievances should,
f r an on P r P er application, be redressed. His motion was
for an address, thanking the King for the communica-
tion of papers ; affirming the province of Massachu-
set's Bay to be in rebellion ; declaring the resolution
of the house not to relinquish any part of the sovereign
authority, vested by law in his Majesty and the two
houses, over every branch of the empire ; and profess-
ing their constant readiness to pay attention to the
grievances of the subject, when presented in a dutiful
and constitutional manner. The King was requested
to take effectual measures for enforcing obedience to
the laws and authority of the supreme legislature, and
in the most solemn manner assured of their fixed
resolution, at the hazard of their lives and pro-
perty, to support him against all rebellious attempts,
in the maintenance of his just rights and those of the
two houses.

Amendment The debate, though spirited and vehement, afforded

little novelty ; and no other interest than appertained
to the importance of the subject. Mr. Fox moved an
amendment, censuring the ministry for having rather
inflamed than healed differences, and praying for their
removal. He expatiated on the injustice, inexpediency,
and folly of the motion, prophesying defeat in America,
ruin and punishment at home.

Mr. Dunning denied the existence of rebellion;
but was fully answered by Mr. Thurlow. The cha-
racter of the Americans, their religious enthusiasm,
and inaptitude for arms, were discussed with more
vehemence than judgment. Captain Luttrell pointed
out the evils and inconveniences resulting from a war
with the colonies ; discussed at large the probability
of foreign interference; and, in speaking of ineffi-
ciency of arms in such a cause, concluded with this re-

GEORGE III. 179

mark : " The Americans feel, as a consolation, that

" every ship and every regiment sent to Boston, adds

" strength to their cause ; for without much pretension 1775.

" to prophesy, I may foretel, that the history of these

" dissentions will be similar to that of the troubles in

" Ireland in the reign of Elizabeth. That queen, im-

" patient to subdue the Irish, employed a large army,

" but the rebels daily gathered strength ; Elizabeth de-

" manding the cause, was answered, that the army there

" was the true reason ; for their money had found its

" way into the country, and enabled her opponents, not

" only to purchase ammunition and warlike stores, but

" even to hire foreign officers." The amendment was

negatived*.

On the presentation of the report, Lord John Ca- 8th Feb.
vendish moved to recommit the address ; in the debate, ^
in which the existence of rebellion and the policy of address.
declaring it were amply discussed, Mr. Wilkes would
not pretend to decide on the state of Massachuset's
Bay ; a fit and proper resistance was a revolution, not
a rebellion. " Who can tell," he said, " whether, in
" consequence of this very day's violent and mad ad-
" dress, the scabbard may not be thrown away by them
" as well as by us, and, should success attend them, whe-
" ther, in a few years, the Americans may not celebrate
" the glorious era of the revolution of 1775, as we do
" that of 1688 1 ? Success crowned the generous effort
" of our forefathers for freedom, else they had died on
" the scaffold as traitors and rebels, and the period of
" our history, which does us the most honour, would
" have been deemed a rebellion against lawful autho-
" rity ; not a resistance sanctioned by all the laws of
" God and man, and the expulsion of a tyrant."

In answer to these observations, it was said, the
present important crisis (and one more intricate had
not occurred since the revolution) was not more to be
attributed to the refractory spirit of ungrateful subjects
on the other side of the Atlantic, than to some no less
restless on this; and as a great minister had once
boasted of having conquered America in Germany,

* There were two divisions : on the amendment, the numbers were 304 to
105; on the original motion, 296 to 106.

N 2

180

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Irresolution
of the minis-
ter.

7th Feb.
Conference.
Debate in
the House
of Lords.

so it would now be necessary to conquer it wholly or
partially in England : for till restraint could be imposed
on the sedition so constantly, artfully, and shamefully
circulated from hence, and a check given to those in-
cendiaries who breathed forth the inflammatory poison
conveyed in every newspaper, we could never hope,
without the last extremities, to bring the wicked leaders
of those deluded people to a sense of their duty and
obligations. Their proceedings, and the papers before
the house, evidently proved they were ungratefully
aspiring to be independent ; a future age might pos-
sibly witness the accomplishment of their design ; but
it was the duty of Englishmen, by vigilance, to pre-
vent the anticipation of that evil day ; remissness or
want of firmness would leave an everlasting stain on
the present age. The declarations of Congress were
traced to the real sources, and their arrogance in pro-
hibiting British commodities was exposed to deserved
censure. " To all nations with whom we are not ac-
" tually at war," Sir William Mayne observed, " we
" can transport our commodities with safety ; but it is
" only on the inhospitable continent of America that
" British manufactures, the produce of British indus-
" try, cannot find an asylum."

Lord North, who had before shewn some irresolu-
tion and doubt relative to the measures of coercion,
by stating a willingness to repeal the tax on tea, if that
concession would satisfy the Americans, now displayed
still greater hesitation. He disclaimed the taxation
of America as an act of his administration, and traced
it to the Duke of Grafton : adding, that the quarrel
would be terminated, if the constitutional right of su-
premacy were conceded to Great Britain. The motion
for recommitment was negatived*.

A conference having been held on the address,
the Earl of Dartmouth moved for the concurrence of
the lords : the Marquis of Buckingham, at the same
time, presented petitions from the American merchants
in London, and from the West India planters ; and
the previous question was demanded on the Earl of
Dartmouth's motion.

* 288 to 105.

GEORGE III.

181

Lord Mansfield, in a long and able speech, des- CHAP.

canted on the arrogance of the American claims, _ '_

demonstrated the futility of the reasonings used to 1775.

impose a belief that the colonists contended for an ^, Mans '

, field's

exemption from taxation only, and animadverted on speech.
Lord Chatham's declaration in a former debate, that
in return for a temporary suspension, and ultimate
repeal of the obnoxious acts, America must unequi-
vocally admit the supreme legislative controullng
power of Parliament in every case except that of
taxation. The Congress, he remarked, avoided every
declaration, equivocal or unequivocal ; for all they
promised was submission to the act of navigation,
while they boldly contended for the repeal of every
law from which that act could derive force or effect.
He minutely analysed the declarations of Congress,
and the acts of parliament of which they complained,
proving, that to annul any, except the tax laws, would
be a complete renunciation of sovereignty. On the
petitions he observed, that undoubtedly every class of
people would feel severely the effects of war, while
none could answer for its events ; the British forces
might be defeated, the Americans might prevail, and
Great Britain be stripped for ever of the sovereignty ;
but the question was, whether the right of the mother-
country should be resolutely asserted, or at once relin-
quished. He argued, from the documents before the
house, that the colonies were in a state of rebellion,
and, while he doubted the expediency of taxation,
deprecated the consideration of the question in that
view, till the right should be fully asserted and ac-
knowledged. He condemned the taxes imposed in
1767, as the foundation of all the troubles and political
confusions ; they had thrown the colonies into a fer-
ment, and injured British commerce, by furnishing
the Americans with a temptation to smuggle.

Lord Camden combated the assertion that the
colonies were in rebellion, and entered into a variety
of distinctions relative to constructive treason. He
disclaimed all participation in the law for taxing
America, having never been consulted on the subject.

Lord Cam-

182

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.
Duke of
Graft or.

Lord Lyttel-
ton.

Lord Shel-
burne.

The Duke of Grafton reprobated the conduct of
both the law lords ; it was mean, he said, in Lord
Camden, and much beneath the dignity of the exalted
station he had filled, when the duties were imposed,
to screen himself from the consequences by imputing
the measure to others, who, as he was fully conscious,
had no more particular concern in it than himself. The
act was consented to, at least, in the cabinet : Lord
Camden acquiesced in it ; he sat in the chair of that
house while it passed its several stages, and signified
the royal approbation under the seal of his office ; and
shall he now tell the house and the public, that it pas-
sed without his approbation or participation ? The
duke gladly availed himself of the opportunity of testi-
fying to the public, that he was not the author of the
measure ; perhaps it was contrary to his judgment ;
but he reserved his sentiments to a future occasion ;
every cabinet minister who acted and deliberated in
that capacity at the time of passing a law, should
equally share the censure or applause resulting from
its merits or defects. His grace combated Lord Mans-
field's arguments against the mode of enforcing the
act, and lamented the misfortune he suffered, while
minister, in being deprived of his assistance, which he
knew was afforded to previous administrations.

Lord Lyttelton spoke with great severity on the
doctrine of Lord Camden, respecting constructive
treasons. Those little evasions and distinctions, he
observed, were the effects of professional subtlety and
low cunning ; it was highly absurd to enter into such
flimsy observations on this or that particular phrase or
word, and thence draw deductions, equally puerile
and inconclusive, that the colonies were not in rebel-
lion. He should not abide by such far-fetched inter-
pretations ; but be guided by common sense, and only
consult the papers on the table, to prove beyond
question the very reverse of Lord Camden's inference.

Lord Shelburne, hoping the day of inquiry and
public retribution would come, when the author of
the present dangerous measures would be discovered,
and that despotic system, which had for some time

GEORGE III. 183

governed the colonies be developed, affirmed, from his CHAP.
own knowledge, that neither the Duke of Grafton nor

Lord Camden approved of taxing America ; his own 1775.
sentiments were too well known to require recapitula-
tion ; and he intimated that the King was favourably
disposed toward the colonies. It was therefore de-
serving of inquiry, how this unexpected change was
effected, and by what fatal over-ruling influence this
great empire was brought to the eve of a civil war 1

The debate now became extremely tumultuous.
The Duke of Richmond related official anecdotes,
tending to censure Lord Mansfield, who in reply denied Lord Mans-
the charge of having influenced or directed the present
measures ; though, if true, he should glory in it, as he
thought them wise, politic, and equitable. He dis-
avowed, with manly pride, the low arts used to obtain
popularity ; and, while he claimed the merit of striving
to deserve, renounced, with detestation, the baseness
of courting it ; he exposed the artifices of which he
had been witness among cabinet-ministers to acquire
popularity, as the means of forwarding their ambi-
tious or interested views ; and answered the menaces
of his opponents with magnanimous defiance : " I am
" threatened !" he exclaimed ; " I dare the authors of
" those threats to put any one of them in execution.
" I am ready to meet their charges, and prepared for
" the event, either to cover my adversaries with shame
" and disgrace, or, in my fall, risque the remnant of a
" life nearly drawing to a conclusion, and consequently
" not worth much solicitude. "

Lord Shelburne again pressed his former obser- Lordshei-
vations, and more than insinuated that the chief-
justice of the King's Bench had not spoken the truth :
upon which Lord Mansfield, with considerable warmth, Lord Mans-
lamented that, for the first tune, he witnessed a devia- field -
tion from the usual practice of that house, to behave
like gentlemen, and accused the last speaker of
uttering gross falsehoods. Lord Shelburne retorted
the charge ; and after some extraneous speeches rela-
tive to the navy, this disgraceful and indecorous debate
was terminated, by adopting the affirmative of the carried.

184

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Protests.
U)th Feb.
Augmenta-
tion offerees.
13th.

10th Feb.
to the 24th.
New Eng-
land restrain-
ing bill.

previous question, and agreeing to the address of the
House of Commons*. A protest on each subject was
entered on the journals.

The King's answer to the address was accompanied
with a message, in consequence of which 2000 addi-
tional seamen, and 4383 land forces were voted,
though not without many severe censures on the
conduct of government, the deceit practised by minis-
ters in the small force at first demanded, and insinua-
tions on the insufficiency of the armament to effect any
beneficial purpose. " If ministers were really per-
" suaded," Mr. Fox observed, " of the views and inten-
" tions of the Americans; if rebellion were written
" among them in such legible characters, how were we
" to account for their slothful and dilatory conduct I
" Had they conducted themselves on principles of
" common sense, they would have been earlier in their
" intelligence to Parliament, earlier in their applica-
" tion, and more vigorous in their measures." The
probability of foreign interference was not omitted ;
and Captain Walsingham asserted that France had
seventy-five sail of the line, one-half of which were
manned and fit for actual service.

In pursuance of his plan, Lord North introduced a
bill for restraining the commerce of the- New England
provinces to Great Britain, Ireland, aud the West
Indies, and prohibiting them from carrying on, for a
limited time, any fishery on the banks of Newfound-
land, with an exception in favour of individuals who
should obtain from the governors of certain provinces
certificates of good behaviour, and take a test acknow-
ledging the rights of Parliament.

The bill was justified by the rebellious state of
those provinces, as proved by the papers before the
house ; the arguments in its support were, that as the
Americans had refused to trade with this kingdom, it
was just to prevent their commerce with other nations.
Whatever distress they might feel, their own conduct

* The previous question is, Whether the main question shall be now put ?
which was carried by 104 to 29 : the division on the principal question was 87 to
27. The protests were signed by 18 peers.

GEORGE III. 185

left them no right of complaint : they had begun the CHAP.
practice by an association calculated to ruin our mer-

chants, impoverish our manufacturers, and starve the 1775.
West-India islands.

The opposition urged the impolicy of destroying a Opposition.
trade which could never be restored : God and nature,
they argued, had given the Newfoundland fishery to
New, and not to Old England. The penalties con-
founded the innocent with the guilty ; nor was it pos-
sible for government to issue such a proclamation as
would afford security to all who were well intentioned.
The bill was calculated to irritate the Americans and
starve four provinces ; and the danger of the Ameri-
cans withholding the debts due to British merchants
was strongly urged. Mr. Dunning denied that the
people of Massachusets were in a state of rebellion,
which, he said, was that state between a government
and its subjects which between two independent coun-
tries would be war. Upon the very ground of this
definition, Mr. Wedderburne proved that the colonists
were in rebellion.

During the progress of the bill, petitions were | 4tl ?F eb -
presented from the American merchants in London,
from the merchants of Poole, from the Quakers, and 28th *
from the merchants of Waterford. They were referred 2 sthFeb
to a committee, before whom counsel were heard, and to 6th Ma-.
many witnesses examined ; but their evidence did not Evldence -
prove the inexpediency of the measure.

On the third reading, Mr. Hartley proposed a 8th May.
clause, permitting the importation of fuel, corn, meal, ^TiiircT
flour, and other victual, carried coastwise from other reading.
parts of America, into the proscribed provinces. This
motion brought before the house, in vivid colours, the
question of involving in one common famine the friend
and the foe of government ; the resisting adult, the
feeble infant, the pregnant female, and the decrepid
elder. The people, Mr. Burke observed, were already
reduced to beggary, and now the beggar's scrip was
taken from them ; even the morsel tendered by the
hand of charity was dashed from the mouth of hun-
ger. Mr. Fox, with his usual impetuosity, said to

186

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

15th and
16th Mar.
Opposition
in the House
of Lords.

ministers, " You have now completed the system of
" your folly. You had some friends yet left in New
" England, but rather than not make the ruin of that
" devoted country complete, they are to be involved in
" one common famine. ' You see, 'it will be said to them,
" ' what friends in Engand you have depended upon.
" ' You are treated in common with us as rebels. Your
" ' loyalty has ruined you. Rebellion alone, if resistance
" * is rebellion, can save you from famine and ruin.' I
" thought your measures intended to divide the people ;
" but you unite all, beqause you wish to destroy all."

Governor Pownall answered all these arguments,
by stating as a fact, that the New English colonies
(although agriculture was neglected) were in no dan-
ger of famine: they were provision colonies, they
were great grazing settlements, and the flour and bis-
cuit imported from Philadelphia and New York were
merely articles of luxury for the rich: he therefore
ridiculed the imputations of obduracy and cruelty so
liberally advanced against the ministry, and, consider-
ing the bill as a mere commercial regulation, with-
holding indulgences from colonies, who prohibited
trade with England, gave it his cordial support. The
motion was negatived*.

In the Lords the bill was opposed, as in the lower
House. Petitions were presented, and witnesses ex-
amined, to the same effect. On the motion for its
commitment, the Marquis of Rockingham compared
the conduct of ministry to that of Marshal Rozen,
King James the Second's French general in Ireland,
who, in order to reduce the garrison of Derry, collected
the wives, children, and aged parents of the besieged,
under the walls, there to perish by famine, or be mas-
sacred if they attempted to retreat. " But," the mar-
quis added, " weak, infatuated, and bigoted as that
" prince was, his heart revolted at such a horrid expe-
" dient for subduing his enemies ; as soon as it reached
" his knowledge, he immediately countermanded the
" barbarous order, and left the innocent and unoffend-
" ing at liberty."

* 188 to 58.

GEORGE III. 187

The ministerial members explicitly denied the im- CHAP.
putation of intending to subject the colonists to famine :

far from thinking themselves driven to that resource, 1775.

they considered, that in the event of armed resistance,

the Americans would afford an easy and inglorious

conquest. " Suppose the colonies to abound with men,"

Lord Sandwich injudiciously exclaimed, " of what im-

" portance is the fact I They are raw, undisciplined,

" and cowardly. I wish, instead of forty or fifty thou-

" sand of these brave fellows, they would produce, at

" least, two hundred thousand ; the more the better !

" the easier would be the conquest ! if they did not

" run away, they would starve themselves into com-

" pliance with our measures." The Duke of Grafton

maintained that the bill was founded on the principle

of retalliation and punishment, for an outrage as daring

as it was unprovoked, still further heightened and

aggravated by resistance to all lawful authority, and

almost a positive avowal of total independence on the

mother-country* .

On the third reading, an amendment was made, 2istMar.
invalidating protecting certificates obtained from the
governors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia, and South Carolina, on the ground that
these colonies were as much in a state of rebellion as Conference.
those of New England^ . The bill, thus altered, not Amendment
agreeing with its title, the House of Commons desired withdrawn.
a conference, when the Lords withdrew their amend-
ment, and the bill passed in its original form. A pro- Protest.
test against it was signed by sixteen peers.

The amendment of the Lords was, in fact, rendered 9th March to
unnecessary by a bill, which Lord North introduced, BiiiforrV-
when the New England restraining act had passed straining other
the House of Commons, for laying restrictions, nearly
similar, on the provinces they had specified. It
passed the lower House, not without some opposi-
tion; but no new argument was offered; and in the
proceedings of the House of Lords, neither debate
nor protest appears.

* The numbers for committing the bill were 104 to 29.

t The amendment was carried, 52 to 23 : the amended bill, 73 to 21 .

188

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.
llth and
2/th April.
Bounties to
Ireland.

Intimacy
between
Lord Chat-
ham and Dr.
Franklin.

To counterbalance the inconveniences which
might be expected from these laws, the ministers al-
lowed bounties on the importation of flax-seed, and to
Irish ships engaged in the Newfoundland and Green-
land fisheries, and removed some restraints which in
other respects affected the Irish commerce.

While the discussions were proceeding in the
House of Lords, an unusual intimacy was observed be-
tween Lord Chatham and Dr. Franklin. This was
the more remarkable, as, from antecedent circum-
stances, they could not have been expected to enter-
tain toward each other any very friendly sentiments.
Their position, at a former period, when his lordship
was the great, the popular, the successful minister of
the Crown, is described by Franklin : " When I came
" to England in 1757, I made several attempts to be
" introduced to Lord Chatham, on account of my
" Pennsylvania business; but without success. He
" was then too great a man, or so much occupied in
" affairs of greater moment. I was therefore obliged
" to content myself with a kind of non-apparent and
" unacknowledged communication through Mr. Potter
" and Mr. Wood, his secretaries, who seemed to culti-
" vate an acquaintance with me by their civilities, and
" drew from me what information I could give relative
" to the American war, with my sentiments occasion
" ally on measures that were proposed, or advised by
" others, which gave me the opportunity of recom-
" mending and enforcing the utility of conquering
" Canada. I afterwards considered Mr. Pitt as an
" inaccessible ; I admired him at a distance, and
" made no more attempts for a nearer acquaintance. I
" had only once or twice the satisfaction of hearing,
" through Lord Shelburne, and I think Lord Stanhope,
" that he did me the honour of mentioning me some-
" times as a person of respectable character."

But now, so altered were sentiments and circum-
stances, the noble leader of opposition solicited the
acquaintance which before he had regarded with so
much indifference, and elevated the man to whom he
had barely conceded a respectable character, into a

GEORGE III. 189

confidant and a political coadjutor. He effected an CHAP.

acquaintance through the intervention of Mr. Sargent

and Lord Stanhope, received Dr. Franklin at Hayes, 1775.
courted his friendship, solicited the communication of
his intelligence from America, advised on the plans to
be pursued, and submitted his own projects and
motions to the perusal and censure of his new associate.
To make their connexion more public and more ge-
nerally noticed, Lord Chatham personally introduced
Franklin below the bar of the House of Lords on the
day he made his first motion, pronouncing his name
loudly, and so openly declared sentiments coinciding
with his declared opinions, that Lord Sandwich did
not hesitate to ascribe the expressions of the noble lord
to the dictates of his American adviser, one of the
bitterest and most mischievous enemies this country
had ever known.

After the rejection of all Lord Chatham's pro- Feb 13th
positions, Dr. Franklin did not expect to hear of any Further at-
further negotiation toward an amicable adjustment ; negotiation.
but a new opening was offered, and, far from receding,
he advanced, with as much firmness as before, all the
pretensions of Congress. On the subject of Canada, it
was suggested that what related to boundary might be
conceded and settled on the petition of the several
provinces which would be injured by the extension of
territory described in the statute. The observation in
answer was, that as the Americans had co-operated
with the people of Great Britain in the conquest, they
had right to be consulted in the government of it ; and
required that the Quebec, Massachusets; as well as
other acts, should be entirely repealed. " We can-
" not endure despotism," it was said, " over any of our
" fellow-subjects ; we must all be free, or none*."

Before the bill for restraining the New England
provinces had passed, Lord North, to the surprise of conciliatory
opposition, and of many of his own adherents, brought His P speech.
forward, in a committee, propositions for conciliating
the differences with America. Adverting to the terms

* Franklin's Memoirs.

190

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP
XXV.

1775.

His speech.

Debate.

Governor
Pownall sup-
ports the
measure.

of the address on the American papers, he observed,
although Parliament could never relinquish the right
of taxation, yet, if the Americans would propose means
of contributing their share to the common defence,
the exercise of the right might without hesitation be
suspended, and the privilege of raising their own por-
tion of contribution conceded to the colonists. This
being the sense, and he believed the very words in
which he moved the address, he proposed a resolution,
" That when the governor, council and assembly, or
" general court of any of his Majesty's provinces, or
" colonies, shall propose to make provision for con-
" tributing their proportion to the common defence ; to
" be raised under the authorities of the general court,
" or general assembly, and disposable by Parliament ;
" and shall engage to make provision also for the sup-
" port of the civil government, and administration of
" justice ; it will be proper, if such proposal shall be
" approved by His Majesty in Parliament, and for so
" long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to
" forbear in respect of such province or colony, to levy
" any duty, tax, or assessment, except for the regula-
" tion of commerce ; the net produce of which shall be
" carried to the account of such province, colony, or
" plantation."

To this resolution Lord North anticipated ob-
jections from various quarters ; but the terms being
such as, even in the hour of victory, would be good
and just, he left it to the consideration of the House.
It would be a test of the American pretensions: if
their ostensible causes of opposition were real, they
must agree with the proposition ; if they did not, it
would become indisputable that they had other views,
and were actuated by other motives. To offer terms
of peace was wise and humane ; if the colonists re-
jected them, their blood must be upon their own
heads.

The minister did not err in his conjecture of op-
position ; but he also received unusual support : Go-
vernor Pownall was a warm advocate for the measure ;
he referred to his past conduct as a proof of his at-

GEORGE III. 191

tachment to the Americans; his principles were known CHAP.
through the medium of the press, and he was entirely

independent of the minister, and unconnected with 1774.
opposition. He traced the origin of the present dis-
putes to a Congress at Albany in 1754, at which he
was present ; he had the means of knowing the real
opinion of the first men of business and ability hi that
country, and saw the rise of the present crisis. He
had, therefore, always, in both countries, recommended
such a mode of conduct as in his judgment was cal-
culated to prevent a rupture ; but had the misfortune
to find his counsel disregarded. He now saw the
colonists resisting the government derived from the
Crown and Parliament ; opposing rights which they
had always acknowledged ; arming and arraying them-
selves, and carrying their opposition into force by
arms: under such circumstances, he could not deny
the necessity which impelled this country to assume a
hostile position : the Americans themselves had ren-
dered it necessary. But although he acquiesced in
the coercive measures of government, he ever looked
to pacification, and hailed the proposition as a dawn of
peace. If two adverse nations were on the eve of war,
some mediating power might be found to avert the
calamity ; and, considering the Americans in the same
situation, he adjured the House, and particularly the
country gentlemen, to interfere and prevent fatal con-
sequences. The terms were prudent and candid ; and
an analysis of the proposition proved it, in all its parts,
wise, politic, and equitable.

Mr. Fox congratulated his friends and the public Speech of

,, , & ,, ,, . . . , r Mr. Fox.

on the retrograde movement 01 the minister, who, re-
ceding from his former steps of violence and war, now
tried the paths of peace ; a change which he attributed
to the persevering efforts of a firm and spirited op-
position. He questioned, however, the sincerity of the
motion: it exhibited two faces; to the Americans it
offered negotiation and reconciliation ; and to the ad-
vocates of British supremacy, a resolution never to
abandon that object. This conduct would alienate
his friends, while those who sincerely desired peace

192

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Mr. Jenkin-
son.

Motion for
chairman to
leave the
chair.

Embarrass-
ment of the
minister.
Extricated
by Sir Gil-
bert Elliott.

Colonel
Barre.

would not trust the speciousness of his offers, and the
Americans would reject them with disdain.

Mr. Jenkinson denied that the proposition indicated
any change of proceedings : on the contrary, it made
part of the very measures in which the House engaged
by the late address. So far from being a new pro-
position, it was the same which Mr. Grenville had
made to the colonies the year before he introduced the
stamp act; and, had the colonies ever proposed mea-
sures in this line of common service, government
would have been ready to listen. If the proposition
contained any novelty, it consisted in that explicit and
definitive mode of explanation, which, if rejected,
would leave the colonies without excuse.

The great objection to the motion arose from its
repugnance to the address; an opinion first started by
Mr. Welbore Ellis, and supported by Mr. Adam, Mr.
Dundas, and Mr. Ackland, who moved that the chair-
man should leave the chair.

Lord North was embarrassed by this objection, and
spoke several times in explanation : Sir Gilbert Elliott
at length reconciled the apparent deviation, by observ-
ing, that the address contained two correspondent
lines of conduct. The one, to repress rebellion, pro-
tect loyalty, and enforce the laws : for this, the forces
had been augmented, money levied, and measures of
restriction resorted to. The other concurrent and
concomitant line was, indulgence to those who would
return to their duty: this, in the address, was ne-
cessarily intimated in general and vague terms ; no
definitive and explicit expressions could be used, unless
the subject had been assumed as a particular point of
consideration. The measure now proposed, far from be-
ing contradictory to, or inconsistent with, the other,
was so absolutely connected, that, without it, the plan
adopted at the beginning of the session would be
broken, defective, and unjust.

Colonel Barre vigorously attacked the minister
on the ridiculous situation in which he had placed
himself, and from which he was only extricated by
Sir Gilbert Elliott. He expected at first that Lord

GEORGE III.

193

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Lord North.

North would have lost many of his old friends, with-
out gaming new. But, although the minister's new
motion would cause no new divisions, yet it was
founded on that wretched, low, shameful, abomi-
nable maxim, which had so long predominated, divide
et impera. This was to divide the Americans ; this^
was to break those associations, to dissolve that
generous union, in which, as one man, they stood in
defence of their rights and liberties. But they were
not, nor could the minister consider them such gud-
geons as to be caught with so foolish a bait : he meant
only to propose something specious, which he knew
the Americans would refuse ; and thus afford a pretext
for calling down tenfold vengeance on their devoted
heads, now rendered ten times more odious. But
this snare would not succeed !

Lord North again rose to defend himself against
the charge of a low, mean, foolish policy, in ground-
ing his measures on the maxim divide et impera. " Is
" it foolish, is it mean," he said, " when a people,
" heated and misled by evil councils, are running into
" unlawful combinations, to hold out those terms which
" will sift the reasonable from the unreasonable, dis-
" tinguish those who act upon principle from those who
" wish only to profit by the general confusion and ruin ?
" If propositions that the conscientious and the pru-
" dent will accept, will, at the same time, recover them
" from the influence and fascination of the wicked ;
" I avow the use of that principle, which will thus
" divide the good from the bad, and give aid and sup-
" port to the friends of peace and good government."

Mr. Burke called the proposition a contradiction Mr. Burke.
to all the declarations of Parliament, a shameful pre-
varication in ministers, and a mean departure from all
their professions : he was willing to purchase peace by
any humiliation of ministers or of Parliament ; but the
present measure was mean without being conciliatory.
It was a far more oppressive mode of taxation than
that hitherto used, for it made no determinate de-
mand. The colonies were to be held in durance by
troops and fleets, until singly and separately they
VOL. n. o

194

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Mr. Dun-
ning.

27th Feb.
Resolution
agreed to.

Burke's
motion.

should offer to contribute to a service they could not
know, in a proportion they could not guess, on a
standard which they were so far from being able to
ascertain, that Parliament had not ventured to hint
at the scope of their expectations. He compared this
conduct to the tyranny of Nebuchadnezzar, who
ordered the assemblies of his wise men, on pain of
death, not only to interpret, but to tell him the sub-
ject of a dream which he had forgotten. Every
benefit, natural and political, must be acquired in
the order of things, and in its proper season. Reve-
nue from free people must be the consequence, and
not the condition, of peace ; if this order were inverted,
neither peace nor revenue could be obtained.

Mr. Dunning bantered the minister on the danger
he had incurred of losing his usual supporters, his
efforts to retain them, and the timely interference of
Sir Gilbert Elliot. He admitted the validity of
the objections taken by ministerial members, and
opposed the motion, as being not conciliatory, but
subtle and treacherous. It was, however, adopted by
a large majority*. On presenting the report of the
committee, the argument was renewed, but nothing
remarkable for novelty or interest was urged on either
side. The resolution was agreed to without a division.

Lord North's plan of conciliation, if indeed con-
ciliation was possible, contained no great radical
defects ; it did not compromise the dignity of empire,

* 274 to 88. This celebrated debate is described with characteristic wit by
Gibbon : " We go on with regard to America, if we can be said to go on ; for
' last Monday a conciliatory motion of allowing the colonies to tax themselves,
' was introduced by Lord North, in the midst of lives and fortunes, war and
' famine ; we went into the House in confusion, every moment expecting that
' the Bedfords would fly into rebellion against those measures. Lord North rose
' six times to appease the storm, but all in vain ; till at length Sir Gilbert declared
' for administration, and the troops all rallied under their proper standard."
Gibbon's Posthumous Works, vol. i. p. 490. Lord Chatham, in a letter to his
lady, 21st February, 1775, gives an account of the debate, not less lively than
that of Gibbon, and not widely differing in effect : " Lord North was, in the
' beginning of the day, like a man exploded, and the judgment of the House,
' during two whole hours, was that his lordship was going to be in a considerable
' minority ; Mr. Ellis and others, young Acland in particular, having declared
' highly and roughly against his desertion of the cause of cruelty. Sir Gilbert
' Elliot arose, and spoke ' ferry prief and ferry wise worts' in ' th' imminent
' ' deadly breach,' and turned the fortune of the day. The warlike Rigby took
' notes, and put them generously in his pocket. Lord North is thought to have
' made a wretched figure in the House." Correspondence, vol. iv. p. 403.

GEORGE III. 195

or require abject submission : most of the arguments
against it, used by'the members generally in opposi-
tion, were drawn rather from the imputed character of 1775.
the minister and the obsequious disposition of Parlia-
ment, than the nature of the measure. Acquiescence
was not, perhaps, seriously expected by either party ;
but as the American cause was highly interesting to
the opposition, it was necessary for them to produce a
plan of conciliation, for the acceptance of which by
the Americans they could pledge their credit, and
from the terms of which they might, by comparison,
infer a censure of Lord North's proposition. Accord- 22d March,
ingly, about a month after the minister's motion was
carried, Mr. Burke proposed thirteen resolutions, as
the basis of tranquillity, and the means of obviating
all future causes of contention.

In recommending this measure, Mr. Burke made His speech.
one of his most eloquent speeches. It may be con-
sidered a model of skilful pleading ; but when the
parts of the oration are distinctly reviewed and com-
pared, when the partial statements of fact, the falla-
cious deductions in argument, the palliation of the
indignities and injuries sustained by Great Britain,
and the exaggeration of the wrongs done to America,
are accurately investigated, the effect ceases, and it
cannot be considered as a foundation for any system of
action calculated to promote general good.

In his exordium, Mr. Burke reviewed the state of
Great Britain, with regard to America, and stated
the necessity he felt, not unaccompanied with diffi-
dence, of making some proposition for permanent
tranquillity. Anger and violence, daily increasing,
were hastening toward an incurable alienation of the
colonies : his proposition was peace : " Not peace
" through the medium of war ; not peace to be hunted
" through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negoti-
" ations ; not peace to rise out of universal discord,
" fomented from principle, in all parts of the empire ;
" not peace to depend on the judicial determination
" of perplexing questions, or precision in marking the
" shadowy boundaries of a complex government : but

o 2

196 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

G XXV ' " s ^ m P^ e P eace ; sought in its natural course, and or-
" dinary haunts ; peace sought in the spirit of peace ;

1775. " and laid in principles purely pacific. I propose, by
" removing the ground of the difference, and by re-
" storing the former unsuspecting confidence of the
" colonies in the mother-country, to give permanent
" satisfaction to your people ; and (far from a scheme
" of ruling by discord) to reconcile them to each other
" in the same act, and by the bond of the very same
" interest which reconciles them to British govern-
" ment."

He attempted to ridicule Lord North's proposi-
tion, but took advantage of the acquiescence of the
House in it, to reason, as on an established principle,
that the American complaints were not without foun-
dation, that conciliation was admissible before con-
cession, and to infer that the proposals ought to
originate from Great Britain.

He then viewed the enlarged population of Ame-
rica, and increased importance of her trade, both in
exports and imports ; describing in glowing terms her
augmenting commerce*, prosperous agriculture, and
enterprising fisheries. Such a people should be go-
verned by prudent management; force was not only
an odious, but a feeble instrument, for preserving a
race so numerous, so active, so growing, so spirited,
in a profitable and subordinate connexion.

In the character of the Americans, he contended,
the love of freedom was the predominating feature ; a
fierce love of liberty, rendered jealous, suspicious,
restive, and intractable, by the appearance of an at-
tempt to wrest from them by force, or shuffle from
them by chicane, the only advantage which, in their

* In descanting on this part of his subject, Mr. Burke assumed the African,
West Indian, and North American trade to be so interwoven, that the attemr t to
separate them would tear to pieces the contexture of the whole ; and if not en-
tirely destroy, would very much depreciate the value of all the parts, and there-
fore considered the three denominations one trade. On this basis he entered
into a comparison between the exports in 1704, and the existing period, shewing
that within that time they had increased from 569, 9301. to 6,024,1711., and that
the trade with America was in 1772 within less than 500,0001. of being equal to
what, at the beginning of the century, England carried on with the whole world.
It is obvious that such commercial statements are easily adapted to the views or
system of the speaker.

GEORGE III. 197

estimation, gave value to life. This ardour for liberty
he ascribed to six causes :

The descent of the Americans from Englishmen ; 17/5.

The popular governments of the colonies ;

The religious spirit of the northern provinces ;

The possession of slaves in the southern, which
rendered the owners far more proud and jealous of
their freedom;

Their education, which led so universally to the
study of law, that almost all the Americans were
lawyers, or smatterers in law, and successful proficients
in the arts of chicane ;

And their distance from the seat of government.
" Three thousand miles of ocean," he exclaimed, " lie
" between you and your subjects. No contrivance
" can prevent the effect of this distance, in weakening
" government. Seas roll, and months pass, between
" the order and the execution: and the want of a
" speedy explanation of a single point, is enough to
" defeat a whole system. You have, indeed, winged
" ministers of vengeance, who carry your bolts in their
" pounces to the remotest verge of the sea. But there
" a power steps in, that limits the arrogance of raging
" passions and furious elements, and says, ' So far shalt
" ' thou go, and no farther.' Who are you, that should
" fret, and rage, and bite the chains of nature? No-
" thing worse happens to you than does to all nations,
" who have extensive empire ; and it happens in all
" the forms into which empire can he thrown. In
" large bodies, the circulation of power must be less
" vigorous at the extremities. Nature has said it.
" The Turk cannot govern Egypt, and Arabia, and
" Curdistan, as he governs Thrace ; nor has he the
" same dominion in Crimea and Algiers, which he has
" at Bursa and Smyrna, Despotism itself is obliged
" to truck and huckster. The Sultan gets such obe-
" dience as he can. He governs with a loose rein,
" that he may govern at all ; and the whole of the
" force and vigour of his authority in his centre, is
" derived from a prudent relaxation in all its borders.
" Spain, in her provinces, is perhaps not so well obeyed

198

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

" as you are in yours. She complies too ; she submits ,
" she watches times. This is the immutable condition,
1775. " the eternal law of extensive and detached empire."

From these investigations, he proceeded to exa-
mine the means by which a new government had
been established without the ordinary artificial media
of a positive constitution, better observed than the
ancient government in its most fortunate periods, and
yet formed in the midst of anarchy. Against the
daring and stubborn spirit which could achieve such a
prodigy, only three modes of proceeding could be
found; to change it by removing the causes; to pro-
secute it as criminal ; or to comply with it as ne-
cessary. Examining distinctly each of the causes he
had before assigned, the orator shewed the impracti-
cability of changing those which were moral, and
removing those which were natural. The second
mode was too vast for his ideas of jurisprudence ; he
knew not the method of drawing up an indictment
against a whole people, and felt rather mortified than
honoured by being a judge in his own cause; nor
were the criminations hitherto adopted attended with
a correspondent effect. Massachuset's Bay was de-
clared in rebellion, but no individual was convicted or
even apprehended ; measures of coercion were resorted
to, rather resembling a qualified hostility against an
independent power, than the punishment of rebellious
subjects.

Conciliation and concession alone remained; the
colonies complained of being taxed in a Parliament
where they were not represented. If they were to be
satisfied, it must be by giving them the boon they
asked ; not another of a kind totally different, but
which might be thought better for them. He depre-
cated all discussion on the right, as foreign from the
question, which related merely to expediency. Whe-
ther the grant of money was a private power reserved
out of the general trust of government, and how far
mankind in all forms of polity were entitled to an
exercise of that right by the charter of nature 1 Or
whether, on the contrary, a right of taxation was in-

GEORGE III. 199

volved in the general principle of legislation, and inse-

parable from the ordinary supreme power 1 " These,"

he said, " are deep questions where great names mili- 1775.

" tate against each other ; where reason is perplexed ;

" and an appeal to authorities only thickens the confu-

" sion. For high and reverend authorities lift up their

" heads on both sides ; and there is no sure footing in

" the middle. This point is the great Serbonian log

" betwixt Damiata and Mount Casius old, where armies

" ivhole have sunk. I do not intend to be overwhelmed

" in that bog, though in such respectable company."

A title, and arms to support it, were of no use, if reason

tended to convince him that the assertion of his title

would be the loss of his suit, and that he could only

wound himself with his own weapons. He was not

determining a point of law, but restoring tranquillity.

He then proceeded separately to develope his pro-
positions, and to descant on each. They recited the
unrepresented state of the colonies, and the injustice
of taxing them by a British Parliament. Distance
prevented their sending deputies to England, and they
had general assemblies of their own legally authorized
to raise taxes. Those assemblies had frequently
granted large subsidies to the King, which had been
found a more agreeable and beneficial manner of con-
ducing to the public service than acts of parliament.
The remaining propositions were to repeal the tax act
of 1767 ; the Boston port act; the Massachuset's Bay
judicature act ; and the act for altering the charter of
that colony ; to explain and amend the statute of
Henry VIII. for trial of treasons committed out of the
realm ; to render the judges appointed by the general
assemblies irremovable, but by the King in council,
on a representation or complaint from one branch of
the colonial legislature, and by regulating the courts
of admiralty, to render them more commodious to the
suitors.

On each of these resolutions he descanted with
much ability, quoting historical facts, citing the
precedents of Ireland, Wales, Chester, and Durham,
to shew the expediency of giving constitutional rights,

200 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

instead of imposing taxes, and inferring from every
mode of argumentation, and every testimony of ex-
1775. perience, the practical benefits to be derived from
his plan.

He anticipated and endeavoured to obviate some
objections, and attempted to reconcile the House to
the cause of the Americans, by saying, they did not in
any general way, or in any cool hour, go much beyond
the demand of immunity in relation to taxes, and they
had no interest contradictory to the grandeur and
glory of England. He called Lord North's plan a
project of ransom by auction, and, after a long analyti-
cal comparison, gave his own a decided preference, as
deriving a larger fund from prosperous gratitude, than
could be obtained by compulsive oppression. " What
" is the soil or climate," he exclaimed, " where expe-
" rience has not uniformly proved that the voluntary
" flow of heaped-up plenty, bursting from the weight
" of its own rich luxuriance, has ever run with a more
" copious stream of revenue than could be squeezed from
" the dry husks of oppressed indigence by the strain-
" ing of all the political machinery in the world."

He declared, in the strongest terms, the utter im-
possibility of obtaining a revenue in England trans-
mitted from America, and argued, from the example of
Bengal, where the sums received in taxes were re-
funded by loan, that no fiscal emolument could be
expected from a distant country. Bengal was pecu-
liarly qualified to produce and transmit wealth ; Ame-
rica had none of these aptitudes. If she gave taxa-
ble objects, on which to lay duties here, and a surplus
by a foreign sale of her commodities, she performed
her part to the British revenue. With regard to her
own internal establishments, she might, and doubtless
would, contribute in moderation; in moderation;
for she ought not to be permitted to exhaust herself.
" Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wis-
" dom ; and a great empire, and little minds, go ill
" together. If we are conscious of our situation, and
" glow with zeal to fill our place as becomes our station
" and ourselves, we ought to elevate our minds to the

GEORGE III. 201

" greatness of that trust to which the order of Provi-

" dence has called us. By adverting to the dignity of

" this high calling, our ancestors have turned a savage 1775.

" wilderness into a glorious empire; and have made

" the most extensive and the only honourable con-

" quests ; not by destroying, but by promoting, the

" wealth, the number, the happiness of the human

" race. Let us get an American revenue, as we have

" got an American empire. English privileges have

" made it all that it is : English privileges alone will

" make it all it can be."

It appears that these propositions were vigorously Debate,
combated, and a long and animated debate maintain-
ed, in which the principal speakers on the ministerial
side were, Mr. Thurlow, Mr. Jenkinson, Mr. Corn-
wall, and Lord Frederic Campbell ; but their speeches
are not preserved. The insidiousness of the propo-
sitions was pointed out, and the attempt to introduce
a necessity of yielding every object of contest, under
the notion of affirming an obvious truth, was severely
censured. The mere truth of an axiom did not prove,
of course, the propriety of making it the subject of a
vote : and, as the House had frequently resolved not
to sanction the unconstitutional claims of the Ame-
ricans, they could not admit resolves leading directly
to a concession of them. No assurance was offered,
that, if the propositions were adopted, the colonists
would make dutiful returns ; and thus the scheme,
pursued through so many difficulties, of making that
refractory people contribute their just proportion to
the expenses of the whole empire, would be rendered
abortive. It was further insisted, that not the
American assemblies, nor any other body, except
Parliament alone, could, consistently with the bill of
rights, levy money for the use of the Crown ; and
that any minister, who suffered the grant of a revenue
from the colonies in such a manner, would merit
impeachment. All inferior assemblies in the empire
were, like corporate towns in England, capable of
making bye-laws for their own municipal government,
and nothing further.

202

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Propositions
rejected.

27th March.
Mr. Hart-
ley's plan.

Negatived.

15th May.
New York
remon-
strance.

The resolutions were supported by Lord John Ca-
vendish, Mr. Hotham, Mr. Tuffnell, Alderman Saw-
bridge, and Mr. Fox ; but the first being lost by a
motion for the previous question*, the remainder
were similarly disposed of, or negatived without a
division^.

Not discouraged by the failure of Mr. Burke's
plan, Mr. Hartley, a few days afterward, introduced a
new conciliatory project, differing but little from that
which Lord Chatham tendered to the House of Lords.
It was prefaced by a long and able speech, and con-
cluded with a motion, that letters of requisition should,
by the King's command, be written to the North
American provinces, to make provision for their own
defence, and the answers laid before the House. The
debate did not produce any novelty in fact or argu-
ment, and the motion was negatived without a divi-
sion ; as were three others made by the same member,
for suspending, during a limited period, the operation
of the three acts of the last session, relative to Massa-
chuset's Bay.

Toward the close of the session, Mr. Burke pro-
duced to the House a representation and remonstrance
from the general assembly of New York, for which
colony he was agent. It was introduced by an asser-
tion, undoubtedly true, that New York yielded to no
part of the King's dominions in zeal for the prospe-
rity and unity of the empire, and had ever contributed
as much as any, in its proportion, to the defence and
wealth of the whole. He candidly owned he did not

* 270 to 72.

f Mr. Burke's speech was published, and is printed in vol. ii. of his works.
The statement of the arguments on the other side is taken from a very confined
report in Debrett's Debates, and from the Annual Register for 1775, p. 108. Dr.
Tucker, in two tracts, entitled " A Letter to Edmund Burke, Esq. in answer to
" his printed speech," and " An humble Address and earnest Appeal," has mi-
nutely investigated, and often triumphantly refuted Burke's positions and deduc-
tions. In point of style, Tucker is not to be compared with his antagonist, and
he often attacks him on his employment as agent for the colony of New York,
his equivocations, and his factiousness in opposition (which the Dean calls mock
patriotism), in a manner which the provocations given by Burke can hardly jus-
tify ; but Dr. Tucker took an uncommon view of political and commercial sub-
jects, and he treated them with much good sense. His information was exten-
sive, his mind free from every kind of affectation and pedantry, and all his coun-
sels practical and solid, not theoretical and merely argumentative.

GEORGE III. 203

expect the House would approve of every opinion
contained in the paper ; but as its general language
was decent and respectful, he moved, after recapitulate 1775.
ing the heads, for leave to bring it up.

The remonstrance was similar to those received
from other parts of America, claiming the same rights,
complaining of the same grievances, though avowedly
not extended to the petitioners, and demanding the
repeal of the same acts of parliament. This paper
afforded a sufficient proof, that the arts by which the
other colonies had been inflamed were not without
success in New York.

Lord North, paying a just tribute to the disposi- Rejected.
tion hitherto manifested by that province, and profess-
ing an inclination to relieve them in one of the subjects
of complaint, the Quebec duties, moved an amend-
ment, by which the petition would not be received,
alleging, that although Parliament had already relaxed
in very essential points, they could not hear any thing
which tended to call in question the right of taxing.
After some debate, the amendment was carried*.

The Duke of Manchester offered a paper, somewhat
similar, from the same body to the upper House ; but,
as he declined stating the general heads, the House of Lords.
could not receive it, consistently with the accustomed
forms of Parliament^.

* 186 to 67.

t 45 to 25. The Earl of Effingham particularly exerted himself in this de-
bate. He was bred to arms, and, from an eager desire to become a practical
soldier, served as a volunteer in the Russian army during the late war with the
Porte. The twenty-second regiment of foot, in which he held a captain's com-
mission, being ordered to America, he resolved, though not possessed of an am-
ple patrimony, to resign a darling profession, and all hopes of advancement,
rather than bear arms in a cause he did not approve. In this debate he expressed
his sentiments on this subject in the following terms : '' Ever since I was at an
' age to have ambition at all, my highest has been to serve my country in a mili-
' tary capacity. If there was on earth an event I dreaded, it was to see this
' country so situated, as to make that profession incompatible with my duty as a
' citizen. That period is, in my opinion, arrived : and I have thought myself bound
' to relinquish the hopes I had formed, by a resignation, which appeared to me
' the only method of avoiding the guilt of enslaving my country, and embruing
' my hands in the blood of her sons. When the duties of a soldier and a citizen
' become inconsistent, I shall always think myself obliged to sink the character of
' a soldier in that of the citizen, till those duties shall again, by the malice of our
' real enemies, become united. It is no small sacrifice which a man makes who
1 gives up his profession ; but it is a much greater, when a predilection, strength-
' ened by habit, has given him so strong an attachment to his profession as I feel.

204

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXV.

1775.

Attempts to
repeal the
Quebec act.

12th April.

1771.
Dec. 6, 16.

Proceedings
of the Lords
respecting
exclusion of
strangers.

12th.

In the House

of Commons.

Attempts were made in both houses, nearly at the
same time, to procure a repeal of the act for establish-
ing the government of Quebec. In the Lords, the
motion was produced by Lord Camden ; in the Com-
mons, by Sir George Savile. Both took, for their foun-
dation, petitions signed in November 1774 by a hun-
dred and eighty-four persons, complaining of the pri-
vation of the habeas corpus and the trial by jury.
The arguments against the act embraced the topics of
last session, and the usual invectives against popery ;
and the defence was conducted on the principles origi-
nally advanced in support of the measure, with addi-
tional observations derived from experience. The
motions for repeal were negatived*.

In consequence of a message from his Majesty,
the palace in St. James's Park, called Buckingham-
house, was purchased, and settled on the Queen, in
lieu of Somerset-house, which was given up for public
uses.

Some proceedings respecting the forms and consti-
tution of Parliament had no inconsiderable share of
interest. With a view to extinguish a feeling of re-
sentment often strongly expressed by members of the
House of Commons, respecting their exclusion from
the upper House, it was resolved, on the motion of
Lord Lyttelton, that the doors should be open to them,
to the sons and brothers of peers of all the three
kingdoms, and to so many of the public as should be
introduced by English peers. This point was conceded
with the greatest appearance of dignity and grace, as
the other house had not shewn the same good temper.
Mr. Thomas Townshend introduced the subject, by
lamenting that, by the shutting of the gallery doors,
several young lords, who would wish to hear and be in-
structed, were deprived of the privilege. Both houses
had acted absurdly, and that which first corrected the
absurdity would stand on the highest ground. Mr.

" I have, however, this one consolation, that, by making that sacrifice, I at least
" give to my country an unequivocal proof of the sincerity of my principles."
The cities of London and Dublin voted him their thanks for this conduct. His-
tory of Lord North's Administration, p. 202.

* In the Lords, 88 to 28. In the Commons, 174 to 86.

GEORGE III. 205

Hans Stanley and Sir Gilbert Elliot supported the
proposal, and, upon principle, were rather disposed to
extend than to limit the rights of admission. Mr. 1775.
Rice, on the contrary, contended that, as the behaviour
of the Lords had been so outrageous, he would not
allow them any admittance, lest it should be construed
as concession. Colonel Barre, alluding to a similar
transaction in the days of George the First or his suc-
cessor, quoted an observation of John, Duke of Argyle,
that, as the Peers ought to be more polite and have
better manners than the Commons, it was expedient in
them to set the Commons an example, by opening their
doors. Mr. Burke dissented from the duke's opinion :
the Peers had not more manners, although they had
more pride, than the Commons ; more true politeness
would be found among the country gentlemen. In the
progress of his speech, he made further reflections,
which were neither complimentary nor conciliating
toward the Lords, and the conversation dropped.

Alderman Sawbridge made his accustomed motion Feb
for shortening the duration of parliament, which de- Alderman
serves notice only in consequence of its having pro-
duced from Mr. Wilkes, recently installed as Lord
Mayor of London, a violent speech. " Several gentle-
" men," he said, " have talked of the last parliament Speech of
" in the terms of reproach and indignation which that Mr ' Wllkes -
" profligate assembly most justly merited. I fear the
" present parliament are treading in the same steps
" which conducted their immediate predecessors to the
" utter hatred of the nation ; they seem to advance
" with giant strides to a like detestation from this age
" and from all posterity." A long harangue, composed
of similar matter, although supported by the learning
and eloquence of Serjeant Glynn, produced no effect ;
the motion was negatived*.

A more animated debate took place, when Mr. Feb 2 2 n d.
Wilkes moved that the resolution for expelling him Mr. wnkes's
should be expunged from the journals. The fatal SpSoT. h '
precedent established by that act, he said, was a direct

* 195 to 100.

206 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

attack on the inalienable rights of the people. The
most respectable bodies in the kingdom had expressed

1775. their abhorrence of it, and petitioned the Crown to dis-
solve the Parliament which had been guilty of such
a flagrant breach of trust. Above sixty thousand of
our fellow-subjects had carried their complaints to the
foot of the throne, a number deserving the highest re-
gard from the minister, if his whole attention had not
been engrossed by the small number of six thousand,
who returned the majority of members to that House.
The people had been in a ferment which had not yet
subsided. He minutely recited the proceedings against
him, quoted the opinions of law writers, and cited
precedents relating to expulsion. He was materially
aided by Sergeant Glynn, who also referred to the pre-
cedents and legal opinions. Colonel Onslow, on the
other side, controverted the deductions made by both
these speakers, and, referring to a series of precedents,
from that of Arthur Hall in the times of Queen Eliza-
beth, contended that the authority of Parliament was
not exceeded in the course which had been adopted.
With considerable humour, he referred to some late
elections in the City, and particularly that of the Lord
Mayor. " On their late vacancies for aldermen, the
" citizens have not been able to fill them from the
" City. They have gone to the west end of the town,
" and other parts of the kingdom, to find patriots
" qualified to preside over them as magistrates, and
" represent them in the City senate. Instead of the
" fat, inactive, commercial aldermen, they have chosen
" patriots, as Shakspeare says, not ' sleek-headed men,
" 'and such as sleep o' nights;' they have discarded
" the fat, sleek, well-carcassed, black dock from the
" City coach, and have substituted the nag- tailed, the
" patriotic alderman ; animals which champ the bit,
" prance, and curvet ; but I doubt whether these blood-
" bays will draw quite so well as the old blacks ; and
" if the phaeton, now on the box, should overturn the
" state-coach into Fleet-ditch, I question whether
" these light cattle will be able to get it out again."
Many other members delivered their sentiments. Mr.

GEORGE III. 207

Fox, regardless of all effects on popularity, maintained CHAP.
the opinions he had formerly given, and the motion

was negatived*. 1775.

An attempt by Mr. Fuller to procure a Bill for other
diminishing the expenses of county elections, and the Proceedin s s -
proceedings before committees, respecting the recent
elections for Saltash and Hindon, produced some
spirited debates, but no important results. Mr. Gil-
bert called the attention of the House to the state of
the laws for maintenance of the poor, and offered a
series of resolutions, which were referred to a Com-
mittee, and formed the basis of some wise, humane,
and beneficial regulations.

At the conclusion of the session, the King ex- 26th May,
pressed his entire satisfaction at the conduct of Par- Prorogation.
liament, and augured the most salutary effects, from
measures formed and conducted on ,such principles.

* 239 to 171. "On Wednesday," says Gibbon, ''we had the Middlesex
" election. I was a patriot ; sat by the Lord Mayor, who spoke well, and
" with temper, but before the end of the debate fell fast asleep."

208

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SIXTH.
177417751776.

State of Boston. American force and character undervalued.
Gage insufficiently reinforced Conduct of New York.
Meeting of the provincial Congress of Massachuset's Bay.
Proceedings in other provinces. Attempt of Gage to
seize cannon at Salem. Expedition to Concord. Hostili-
ties at Lexington. Contradictory statements. Blockade
of Boston by the Americans. Exertions of the provincial
Congress. Lord North's conciliatory propositions referred
to the assembly of Pennsylvania and rejected the same
in other colonies. Sitting of the general Congress. Their
first measures. Arrival of reinforcements. Gage pro-
claims martial law. Bunker's Hill fortified by the Ameri-
cans stormed by the English. Proceedings of Congress.
Accession of Georgia to the confederacy. Peace expected
by the Congress. Washington appointed commander-in-
chief. Declaration of Congress. State of their army.
Inertness of the British army. Congress vote an address
to the legislature of Jamaica. Reject the conciliatory pro-
positions. Expedition against Canada undertaken. Cap-
ture of Ticonderoga. Crown Point. Skenesborough
and the sloop Enterprise. Dissimulation of Congress.
Their address to the people of Canada. Exertions of Ge-
neral Carleton. Canada invaded. Siege of St John's.
Fort Chamblee taken. St. John's capitulates. Ethan
Allen taken prisoner. Montreal evacuated. Expedition
of Americans through the "Wilderness. Maclean defends
Quebec. Arnold repulsed. Judicious proceedings of
Montgomery. Joins in besieging Quebec. State of the
American army. Assault of Quebec. Death of Montgo-
mery. Failure of the enterprise. Quebec blockaded.

GEORGE III. 209

Transactions in Virginia. Lord North's propositions rejec-
ted. Contest between Lord Dunmore and the Assembly.
he retires on board a man of war. Carries on pre-
datory hostilities proclaims martial law emancipates the
slaves. Town of Norfolk burnt. Lord Dunmore aban-
dons the colony. Failure of Connelly's project. Trans-
actions in North Caroliana. The governor driven away.
The like in South Carolina. Ascendancy of Congress.
Gage recalled. Americans issue letters of marque. Fal-
mouth destroyed. General view of events.

NOTWITHSTANDING the contributions raised in other CHAP.
colonies, the people of Boston experienced great dis-

tress ; a populous and commercial town, suddenly de- 1775.
prived of its usual means of support and prosperity, state of

j j A. -U- L J j i Boston.

was reduced to an abject dependence on eleemosynary
bounty; a severe winter increased the general misery;
none were totally exempt from inconvenience, and
many were plunged in the deepest calamity. The
restraints of law were suspended; but yet, no violence
or disorder was committed, except in the struggles be-
tween the opponents of government and the military ;
and perhaps even these were greatly exaggerated. But
the sufferings so generally experienced could not fail
of producing a proportionate share of resentment; and
although the military force was sufficient to prevent
serious attempts, the spirit of animosity and resolute
resistance was assiduously kept alive, and inflamed by
every species of publication and address.

It was a great misfortune in the commencement of American
this unhappy contest, that government undervalued chaTact^
and even expressed contempt of the strength and undervalued,
qualities of those who were opposed to them ; neglect-
ing thus the proper means of enforcing submission,
and exasperating, through the medium of their pride,
the hostile disposition of their enemies. When no
doubt could be entertained that a conflict in arms was
intended, and even certain, General Gage apprised Nov 2
ministers that he could form a body of three thousand

VOL. II. P

210

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Gage insuffi-
ciently rein-
forced.

Jan. 27.

men ; but lie prudently added, that the enemy confided
in their numbers, and a small force would rather en-
courage resistance than terrify. If misunderstandings
were to proceed to the last extremity, to begin with
an army of twenty thousand would, in the end, save
Great Britain both blood and treasure.

Whether from disagreement among themselves,
fear of the censures of opposition, or a thorough mis-
apprehension of the nature of the conflict that was to
ensue, ministers totally disregarded this wholesome
advice. Gage was told that as force must be repelled
by force, new troops were sent, which, with those he
could collect, by calling together every corps that
could be spared from necessary duty, in every other
part of America, would increase his army to nearly
four thousand men, and that seven hundred marines,
three regiments of infantry, and one of light dragoons
would speedily be embarked from Ireland. He was
also directed to encourage those who would raise corps
of infantry in the country, and with these reinforce-
ments it was hoped that he would be enabled to take
an active part, to protect Boston, and resume his func-
tions at Salem.

In the same dispatch it was observed, that to em-
ploy twenty thousand men would require an augmen-
tation equal to a war establishment ; but that would
not be necessary. The violence committed by those
who had taken up arms in Massachuset's Bay, were
only the acts of a rude rabble, without plan, without
concert, without conduct. From these mistaken pre-
mises, a conclusion was drawn, that a small force at
the present time, if put to the test, would be able to
encounter them with a greater probability of success
than might be expected from a great army, if the peo-
ple should be suffered to form themselves on a more
regular plan, to acquire confidence from discipline, and
to prepare those resources without which every thing
must be put to the issue of a single action.

It does not require the aid drawn from subsequent
experience to detect the absurdity of this mode of rea-
soning; but it was carried to its highest point by

GEORGE III. 211

directing General Gage to arrest and imprison the
principal actors and abettors in the Provincial Con-
gress, should they presume again to assemble in defi- 1775.
ance of the proclamation; with precaution and secrecy,
all this, together with the protection of commerce
against illegal seizures directed by Congress, might be
effected without bloodshed ; but supposing the con-
trary, any efforts of the people, unprepared to encoun-
ter with a regular force, could not be very for-
midable*.

The resolutions of Congress afforded room for many
contests ; but the dispersion of the members over the
whole continent, the zeal resulting from the novelty
and arduousness of their situation, as well as a strong
political bias, the strenuous efforts of the correspond-
ing committees, and the inflamed state of the public
mind, gave the opponents of government many advan-
tages over its friends. The exertions of the popular
faction were violent and incessant, extending in every
direction, and appealing to every motive of reason and
of prejudice ; those of the government party were com-
paratively feeble and languid, generally tending to
remedy or obviate some disorder or misrepresentation,
and often not adopted till the occasion had ceased, or
was grown unimportant.

The assembly of New York rejected the proceed-
ings of Congress on a solemn debate, as did a few
towns f in other colonies : but their example was not *** Jan-
calculated to produce general effect; and even the
assembly of New York, before the termination of its Conduct of
sitting, voted an address complaining of many griev- New York>
ances, and requiring many of the remedies petitioned
for by Congress. On the other hand, unremitting
endeavours were used to familiarise to the people the

* Letters of General Gage and Lord Dartmouth, of the dates in the margin.
State Papers.

t The inhabitants of Barnstaple in New England, at a town-meeting ( Janu-
ary 4th, 1775), rejected by large majorities the resolutions and proceedings of Con-
gress ; in Ridgefield, in Connecticut, a special town-meeting was held, and the
proceedings of Congress renounced with only three dissentient voices. Loyal
associations were formed, and the King's authority explicitly avowed in several
towns, and by a small party even in Boston.

212 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

idea of having recourse to arms, and to furnish them
with the means of making forcible resistance*.
17-5 The King's speech on opening the session of Par-

Kin C> s ftlie lament g rea tly increased the popular discontent.
speech. Violent resentments were expressed at the imputation
of a prevailing disposition to disloyalty ; it was reso-
lutely denied by several provincial Congresses, who
declared that a due submission to the constitutional
laws of their country was the great characteristic of
the Americans. The fury of the people spread from
town to town, with contagious rapidity, and it was pro-
moted by all the artifices of misrepresentation. They
were taught to believe that their religion was in dan-
ger, their lands to be taxed, and troops sent wantonly
to massacre thenrf.

In pursuance of their resolution at the last ad-
Meetin' of joumment, and in defiance of all proclamations, the
the Provin- Provuicial Congress of Massachuset's Bay met at
Cambridge. In an address to the people, they ex-
Bay. pressed fears that, from the disposition of the British
ministry and Parliament, reasonable and just applica-
tions for peace, liberty, and safety, would not meet with
a favourable reception ; but, on the contrary, from the
large reinforcements expected, the tenor of intelligence,
and general appearances, their sudden destruction was
particularly intended, for refusing, with the other
American colonies, tame submission to the most igno-
minious slavery. They recommended encouragements
to persons skilled in manufacturing fire-arms and
bayonets, and covenanted to purchase as many as
could be produced within a certain time. They de-
clared the highest detestation of all who should pre-
sume to supply the royal troops with military or build-
ing stores ; exhorted the militia and minute-men J to
spare neither time, pains, nor expense, in acquiring

* The town of Marblehead resolved, " That as the greater part of the inhabi-
" tants might soon be called forth to defend the charter and constitution of the
" province, a considerable advance of pay should be made to the militia ; and
" decreed the raising of a sum of money for that purpose."

f General Gage to Lord Dartmouth, 17th February, 1775. State Papers.

J So called from their engaging to be ready at a minute's notice.

GEORGE III. 213

discipline, and to procure skilful instructors for com-
panies not already provided.

Similar measures were adopted in several other 1775.
colonies. Pennsylvania was the first, which, in a pro-
vincial convention, approved the resolutions of the
general Congress ; and proposed means for supplying

O & ' . 1 f rr J > Pennsylva-

the province, from its internal resources, with the arti- nia.
cles necessary for subsistence, clothing, and defence.
Virginia was forming military companies ; Connecticut Virginia.
boasted of a park of forty pieces of cannon, and ten
thousand soldiers ; and in Maryland, even force was Maryland.
recurred to in augmenting the patriotic levies.

General Gage's measures were not projected with Attempt to
the judgment nor arranged with the secrecy required
by the occasion, and by the subtilty of his opponents.
While the public mind was highly exasperated, and
the rage against the military restrained only by the
dread of their prowess, no enterprise should have been
undertaken which was not of great importance in itself,
and in which the means of success were not so com-
bined as to render disappointment impossible. But
General Gage was of an unsuspicious, confiding dispo-
sition ; slow to believe that the Americans would urge
opposition to the last extremities; tardy in adopting
measures of coercion, and easily disposed to suspend
compulsive efforts. Having received intelligence that
some ordnance was deposited at Salem, he dispatched 26th Feb.
a field-officer with a small detachment on board a
transport to seize it. They were deceived by a false
information, arrested in their course by the proprietor
of a private road, and baffled in their attempt to pass a
small river by the destruction of the ferry boat, which
was cut through with axes before their eyes; they
were then obliged to avail themselves of the interces-
sion of a clergyman, who, to prevent effusion of blood,
and save their honour, obtained permission for them to
make a small progress ; and they finally returned to
Boston, without accomplishing their instruction. In
this frivolous expedition, they displayed the utmost
coolness and discipline ; but their disgrace in being
foiled, afforded ground for exultation to the provincials,

214

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1 775.

Expedition
to Concord.

18th April.

19th.

Hostilities at
Lexington.

Stores de-
stroyed at
Concord.

and diminished the impression made by the presence of
an armed body.

This failure might have warned General Gage
against the bad policy of pursuing, with an insufficient
force, expeditions up the country, where every hour's
march strengthened the enemy, and rendered retreat
dangerous and precarious. Yet his next attempt was
of a similar nature. Having learned that military and
naval stores, purchased for the provincial Congress,
were deposited at Concord, he confided to Lieutenant-
Colonel Smith, and Major Pitcairne, of the marines,
the command of a secret expedition, composed of
grenadiers and light infantry, to seize or destroy them.

There is reason to believe that, notwithstanding
the precautions taken, intelligence of the General's
intentions had transpired*. The troops were em-
barked by night in boats, and conveyed up Charles
river, to Phipps's farm : they landed before day, and,
in order to keep their march profoundly secret, seized
all passengers ; yet they had advanced only a few
miles, when they perceived, by the firing of guns and
ringing of bells, that the country was alarmed. Colo-
nel Smith immediately detached six companies of light
infantry to secure two bridges on different roads, lead-
ing from Concord, and on the other side of that town.

At five o'clock in the morning, they reached Lex-
ington, fifteen miles distant from Boston, near which
they perceived a military corps exercising on a green ;
these persons were peremptorily summoned to throw
down their arms and disperse ; the former part of the
injunction was disregarded, the latter sullenly obeyed,
and while the Americans were in the act of retreating,
some pieces were discharged at the King's troops from
behind a stone wall, and from adjoining houses ; the
fire was returned , and several Americans killed and
wounded. The advanced detachment was, in con-
sequence of this delay, joined by the grenadiers ; they
proceeded to Concord and destroyed some stores ; but
the light infantry, posted at the bridge, were obliged

* See Stedman, vol. i. p. 119 ; Almon's Remembrancer for 1775, p. 81.

GEORGE III. 215

to maintain their position by firing on the militia, of CHAP.
whom nearly four hundred were assembled, and who

returned the fire. 1775.

When the detachment began their retreat to The troops
Boston, the whole country was alarmed ; the minute- ^j^tu
men, volunteers, and militia, were posted among trees,
in houses, and behind walls, whence they greatly an-
noyed the troops ; while a strong body, hourly rein-
forced, pressed on their rear. Spent with fatigue, and
harassed by an incessant and effectual, though irre-
gular fire, the soldiers were driven before the Ame-
ricans to Lexington, where they were fortunately met
by sixteen companies of foot, and some marines, under
Lord Percy. Colonel Smith's detachment, completely
exhausted, lay down on the earth to recover strength,
while the others formed a hollow square, inclosing
them, and administering refreshment.

The united companies proceeded toward Boston,
still harassed by the Americans, who from their places
of ambush kept up an incessant fire, running from
front to flank, and from flank to rear, loading their
pieces at one place, and discharging them at another,
in a manner which rendered it impossible to assault
them in return.

After evading an insidious attempt to lure them to
their doom, by false intelligence respecting a ford, the
detachment reached Boston about sun-set, -not less
dispirited by the incidents, than exhausted by the
fatigues of their long and distressing march. The
whole force amounted to about eighteen hundred men ;
sixty-five were killed, a hundred and eighty wounded,
and twenty-seven missing, of whom several were
scalped, or had their ears cut off, by the Americans.
The provincials lost, according to their own accounts,
about fifty killed and thirty-eight wounded. Observa

Such were the proceedings of this day, in which tionsand
blood was first drawn in battle, between Great Britain conTradi?
and her colonies. Respecting their origin, assertions tory state.
diametrically contradictory were advanced; but the E
animosity against government, openly promoted by
the demagogues, the collecting of military stores, the

216

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Effects of
the event.

pains taken to alarm the country, and the drawing up
of an armed body to oppose the progress of the King's
troops, render indisputable the hostile disposition of
the Americans, and clearly indicate their resolution to
try their strength on that day. In the recent ex-
pedition to Salem, and on many other occasions, the
British troops had shewn incredible forbearance, sus-
taining every species of insult, without having recourse
to extremities ; and the assertion, that they were first
assailed is supported by probability; although many
witnesses gave testimony directly contrary*.

The advantages derived from the expedition were
but trifling, as great part of the stores had been pre-
viously removed ; while the injury accruing to the
cause of government was extensive and permanent.
The circumstances of the day afforded the enemy an
opportunity of throwing odium on the King's troops,
and enabled them to excite the timid and confirm the
wavering. Discipline and valour had been baffled by
energy and cunning ; those who were not engaged in
the contest, became enflamed with emulation ; longed
to share the glory of driving before them the British
troops ; and talked with confidence of expelling them
from Boston. Their zeal was farther excited by a
report, industriously circulated, that one object of the
expedition was the seizure of John Hancock and
Samuel Adams, two distinguished members of Congress.
For this assertion there are no authentic grounds,
although the intention is consistent with the declara-
tions of Gage, that the capture of some of these leaders
would be of great importance to government. In fact,
the mind of this commander was too unsettled and
wavering for the position he occupied, and the times
in which he was called upon to act. At one moment,
he was full of apprehension of the designs, combina-
tion, and influence of the disaffected ; at another, he
expressed a belief that the frenzy which had seized
the people was cooling ; that the want of regular legal

* See accounts on both sides, in the London Gazette, 10th July, 1775. Sted-
man Ramsay Morse's American Geography Almon's Remembrancer, 1775
and the depositions published by the Americans.

GEORGE III.

217

administration, the tyranny exercised over the press,
and the oppression of individuals, were severely felt,
and nothing required but the capture and punishment
of the most obnoxious leaders, with a proclamation of
general pardon to all others, to secure victory with
little opposition*.

It is well observed, by a writer friendly to the
Americans, that as force was to decide the contest, it
was fortunate for them that the first blood was drawn
in New England, where the inhabitants are so con-
nected by descent, manners, religion, politics, and a
general equality, that the destruction of an individual
interested the whole community, and excited general
indignation. The militia from all parts of the pro-
vince poured in, and an army was soon formed of
twenty thousand men, under the command of colo-
nels Ward, Fribble, Heath, Prescott, and Thomas,
officers who had served in provincial regiments in the
last war, and now acted as generals. The head quar-
ters were fixed at Cambridge, and a large detachment
from Connecticut having joined them under Putnam,
a veteran, who had acquired knowledge and experience
in the last two wars, a line of encampment was formed
of thirty miles in extent, reaching from the river
Mystick on the left, to Roxburgh on the right, and
inclosing Boston in the centre ; while Putnam took a
position from which he could extend succours to those
parts of the line of encampment which were nearest
to Boston : the strength of the works from the Neck
preserved that town from assault, but it was closely
blockaded,

To prevent co-operation in case of an attack, which,
however desperate, was daily expected, General Gage
entered into a compact with the inhabitants, permit-
ting them to leave the town, with their families and
effects, on giving up their arms. Many, wishing to
avail themselves of this agreement, performed their
part of the stipulation ; but it was speedily represented,
that the enemies of government alone were disposed

* Letters from General Gage to Lord Dartmouth, January 18th and 27th,
and February 17th.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Boston
blockaded
by the Ame-

22nd April.
Gage permits
families to
quit Boston;

218

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.
Imt after-
wards re-
strains them.

Exertions of
the provincial
Congress.

5th May.

Conduct of
other Pro-
vinces,

to quit Boston, by which means the danger of the
well-disposed was greatly increased, as, in case of an
assault, their lives and properties alone would be
exposed. In consequence of these intimations, pass-
ports were not granted without delays and difficulties ;
effects, it was contended, did not include merchandize ;
the wives and children of those who absented them-
selves were deemed desirable hostages, and thus separa-
tions of families ensued. General Gage, in vindication
of these proceedings, issued a proclamation, asserting,
that all the arms had not been delivered up ; but the
inhabitants bitterly complained of the infraction of
the agreement*.

The provincial Congress, which was now removed
to Waterton, ten miles from Boston, shewed their
consideration for the besieging army, by making pro-
visions for cloathing, and fixing a liberal pay for the
officers and soldiers. They also established rules for
governing the military force^, and voted one hundred
thousand pounds to be issued in paper currency, for
defraying its expenses, for the redemption of which
paper the faith of the province was pledged, and it
was to be a legal tender within the colony. They also
drew up an address to the inhabitants of Great Britain,
justifying the late conflict; complaining, in acrimo-
nious terms, of the conduct of the regulars ; professing
great loyalty, but appealing to heaven for the justice
of their cause, and declaring their resolution not to
submit to the persecution and tyranny of a cruel
ministry ; to be free, or die. They also resolved, that,
as General Gage had, by the late transactions, dis-
qualified himself from serving that colony as governor,
or in any other capacity, no obedience was due to him,
but he was to be guarded against as an unnatural and
inveterate enemy.

Other provinces displayed a spirit of ardour, zeal,
and resolution consentaneous with that which prevailed

* Ramsay's History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 189.

f See these rules, which, with the introductory recitals, are worthy of notice,
as indicating the unaltered puritanical spirit of the people, in Almon's Remem-
brancer, vol. i. p. 1'20.

GEORGE III. 219

in Massachusetts Bay. Accounts of the affair at xxvF*

Lexington were transmitted, both by Gage and his

opponents. The populace at New York seized the 1775.
magazine of arms, unladed two provision vessels
destined for the troops at Boston ; formed themselves
into military companies, chose officers, distributed
arms, called a provincial congress, and adopted all the
violent measures which they had hitherto so cautiously
avoided. In Philadelphia, even the Quakers took up phiiadei-
the sword, excepting only the aged and the heads of ^ a -
meetings. At some places the magazines were seized ; Exportation
in New Jersey the treasury ; and a general prohibition of provisions

, J , , ,. ~ c . . prohibited.

was imposed on the exportation ot provisions.

During this ferment, Lord North's conciliatory 2nd May.
propositions arrived, and were first referred to the Conci ^. tor y

, , P -r, , ' . . . , , , . propositions

assembly ot Pennsylvania, introduced by a persuasive referred to
and lenient address from Mr. Penn, the governor,
who solicited temper, calmness, and deliberation, in
considering the plan of reconcilement held out by the
parent to her children ; descanted on the equity, mo-
deration, and kindness of the terms; congratulated
them on being the first assembly to whom they had
-been submitted ; and endeavoured, from this circum-
stance, to incite a desire of being instrumental in
restoring public tranquillity, and rescuing both coun-
tries from the calamities of civil war.

Unmoved by these considerations, the house, with- 4th May.
out a dissentient voice, declared that they should esteem
it a dishonourable desertion, to adopt a measure so
extensive in its consequences, without the advice
and consent of the colonies engaged with them, by
solemn ties, in an union founded on just motives, and
conducted by general councils. They could form no
prospect of lasting advantages for Pennsylvania, how-
ever agreeable at the beginning, but what must arise
from a communication of rights and prosperity ; and
if such a prospect should be opened, they had too sin-
cere an affection for their brethren, and too strict a
regard for the inviolable performance of their engage-
ments, to receive any pleasure from a benefit equally
due to other colonies, yet cofined to themselves, and

220

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP,
XXVI.

1755.

Rejected also
in other pro-
vinces.

4th Jan.

10th May.
Sitting of the
general Con-
gress.
15th May.
Their first
measures.
] 7th May.

which, by their temporary generous rejection, might
be secured to all. In conclusion, they deprecated the
calamities of civil war, considering it a olreadful mis-
fortune, only to be exceeded by subversion of the liber-
ties of America.

Other colonial assemblies followed this precedent,
adding various reasons, many of which were suggested
by the arguments of opposition in parliament. Some
regarded the propositions merely as a scheme for dis-
solving their union ; some considered them not satis-
factory, because the amount of the contribution was
not left in their discretion, but to be determined by the
King in Parliament, and all concurred in a reference to
the general Congress, which in fact amounted to an
utter rejection, as it was well known that the govern-
ment of Great Britain would not acknowledge that
body to be legally constituted. Nor was this general
concurrence surprising, considering that the revolution-
ary party used the most tyrannical means to prevent
any discussion in public, and even destroyed the office
of James Eivington, a printer, for having dared to pub-
lish in a news-paper a fair statement of the propositions.

The Earl of Dartmouth had, some months before,
in a circular letter, directed the governors of colo-
nies to use their utmost endeavours in preventing the
appointment of deputies to Congress, as highly dis-
pleasing to the King ; but, notwithstanding every effort,
they assembled at Philadelphia, and proceeded to
frame resolutions for raising an army, and the emission
of a paper currency, the realization of which was
guaranteed by the United Colonies; that being the
title by which they decreed that America should in
future be distinguished. They prohibited the exporta-
tion of provisions to the British fisheries, or to any
colony, island, or place, which continued in obedience
to Great Britain ; a measure productive of great tem-
porary distress, particularly at Newfoundland. It was
qualified, however, with a proviso, that any person pro-
ducing a certificate that he had imported gunpowder
for the use of the continental army, should be paid its
value twofold, and be allowed to export double its value

GEORGE III. 221

without restriction. They also resolved, that, by the
violation of the charter of William and Mary, the com-
pact between the Crown and the people of Massachu- 1775.
set's Bay was dissolved ; and therefore recommended 8th June -
the establishment of a new government, by electing a
governor, assistants, and house of assembly, according
to the powers contained in the original charter. They
prohibited the negotiation of bills of exchange, drafts, 2nd June>
or orders issued by officers of the army or navy, agents
or contractors, or the loan of money, to such persons,
and the supplying of the army, navy, or transports,
with provisions or necessaries. They erected a post-
office, and placed it under the management of Frank-
lin. The effect of these decrees was to be enforced by
oaths in all the provinces, by which persons not only
swore allegiance to Congress, but also renounced the
British government, and promised not to supply his
Majesty's troops or ships with necessaries of any kind.

The reinforcements from England arrived, under 25th May.
the command of Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clin- re inforce-
toii; men of undoubted bravery; in the prime of life;
who had served in different parts of the world;
eminent military characters, in whose appointment
neither parliamentary nor other influence had been
used. General Howe's family was unfriendly to ad-
ministration, and General Burgoyne sided with the
opposition. General Clinton, of the noble family of
that name, had been aid-de-camp to the hereditary
Prince of Brunswick, and had distinguished himself
during the seven years' war.

Part of these troops being expected to land at
New York, the inhabitants applied to Congress for
instructions. As no effectual resistance could be op-
posed, they were advised to permit them to occupy the
barracks, but not to allow the erection of fortifications or
the interruption of communication with the country ;
and, in case of hostilities, to repel force by force. The
removal of women and children, and securing of arms
and magazines, were also recommended ; and, in con-
sequence of these measures, the once flourishing city
became almost deserted. The newly-arrived forces,

222

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

12th June.
Gage's pro-
clamation.

although they formed a fine, well-disciplined army,
and amounted to ten thousand men, did not imme-
diately undertake any enterprise. Boston continued
blockaded, and the army and inhabitants reduced to
subsist on the military stores ; while only a few skir-
mishes, occasioned by the attempts of different parties
to obtain provisions, showed any desire on the part of
the governor to meliorate his situation.

At length, as a last effort, General Gage issued a
proclamation, in which he recited numerous violations
of the laws by the Americans, the abuses of the press,
the assault at Lexington, which he described as a con-
summate act of frenzy, committed by many thou-
sands, who attacked the King's troops from behind
walls and lurking holes ; and complained of the
blockade of Boston, which he said was made with
the preposterous parade of military arrangement. In
this exigency of complicated calamities, to spare the
effusion of blood, he promised, in the King's name,
pardon to all who should lay down their arms, and re-
turn to the duties of peaceable subjects. From this
immunity he excepted Samuel Adams and John
Hancock, as persons " whose offences were too flagi-
tious to admit of any other consideration than that of
condign punishment ;" and declared them, and all who
had appeared in arms and would not renounce them,
and all who should protect or conceal such offenders,
or supply or communicate with them, rebels and
traitors. And as justice could not be administered by
the common law of the land, he proceeded, by virtue
of the authority vested in him by the royal charter of
the province, to proclaim martial law, until the re-
storation of tranquillity*.

Whether this measure roused the provincials to
effectual enterprise, or whether they were stimulated
by intelligence of Gage's intended movements, cannot
be ascertained ; but they now executed an attempt of
considerable moment, with a celerity and resolution
which afforded presage of an arduous contest. Chaiies-

* See the Proclamation in Almon's Remembrancer, vol. i. p. 126.

GEORGE III. 223

town is situated on a peninsula to the north of Boston,
on the opposite bank of Charles river, which being
navigable, and nearly as broad as the Thames at Lon- 1775.
don bridge, Boston and Charlestown have been com-
pared to the city of London and the borough of
Southwark. Charlestown gives its name to the penin-
sula, in the centre of which rises Bunker's Hill, with
an easy ascent from the isthmus, sufficiently high to
overlook any part of Boston, and within cannon shot.

It is more characteristic of the hesitative situation
of the dispute, than of the disposition or judgment
of either party, that this important position had been
neglected until General Gage, yielding to repeated
and urgent advice, determined to occupy it, but was
anticipated by the enemy.

About nine o'clock in the evening, a strong de- i^ June
tachment of Americans moved from Cambridge, and, Americans
passing over Charlestown Neck, reached the top of ker^Hiii"
Bunker's Hill, in perfect silence and unobserved.
With extreme rapidity and caution, they contrived,
in a short summer's night, and without alarming the
ships of war or transports lying around, to throw up
an intrenchment, reaching from the river Mystick on
their right, to a redoubt on their left, and in many
places cannon-proof.

At day-break, they were observed by the Lively
sloop of war ; the alarm was given ; a cannonade be- nth June,
gan from the sloop of war ; and from Cop's Hill in
Boston ; but these raw provincials still continued their
operations, undismayed by a roar of artillery, which
might have occasioned some consternation even among
veterans.

About noon, a detachment from the British army
landed on the peninsula of Charlestown, and was
afterward reinforced to upward of two thousand men ;
two lines were formed ; General Howe commanded
the right, destined to attack the provincial intrench-
ment, and the left was led on by Brigadier-General
Pigot, to storm the redoubt. The attack was begun
by a sharp cannonade ; the troops were suffered to
form without molestation, and advanced slowly, halt-

224

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Bravery of
the troops.

ing at intervals to afford time for the effect of the
artillery. The left wing, moving forward, was op-
posed by a body of provincials, posted in the houses at
Charlestown, and during the conflict the town was
set on fire and destroyed.

The provincials on Bunker's Hill, secure within
their intrenchments, reserved their fire till the troops
approached within a short distance : they then opened
so tremendous and continued a discharge of musketry,
that the British line twice recoiled, and was with dif-
ficulty rallied. The officers were peculiarly aimed at
by the riflemen, and General Howe was for some
seconds left nearly alone, almost all those who were
near his person being killed or wounded. At this
crisis, General Clinton, from the opposite point at
Boston, discerning the moment in which he could
render effectual assistance, volunteered his services,
and having passed the water with a detachment, rallied
the troops, and by a happy manoeuvre brought them
back to the charge. The British soldiers, stung with
shame, and animated by the appearance of a reinforce-
ment, attacked with fixed bayonets, and with irresisti-
ble impetuosity drove the Americans from their works ;
they fled with precipitation ; but as no pursuit was
ordered, they did not suffer much in their flight. Of
the British troops, two hundred and twenty-six were
killed, and eight hundred and twenty-eight wounded.
The Americans, by their own accounts, had three
hundred and four wounded, and one hundred and
forty-five slain, among the most lamented of whom
was Dr. Warren, a physician and general in their
army, who fell commanding in the redoubt.

The bravery and discipline of the British troops
shone on this occasion with conspicuous lustre ; they
performed the dangerous exploit of driving before
them an enemy amounting to three times their num-
ber, strongly posted and covered by a breast-work*,
under a scorching sun, and incumbered with three

* The Americans asserted, they had only fifteen hundred men engaged. See
the account of the provincial Congress of Massachuset's Bay. Remembrancer,
vol. i. p. 284. Ramsay's History of the Revolution, vol. i. p. '203.

GEORGE III. 225

days' provision: their progress was up an ascent,
covered with grass reaching to their knees, and inter-
sected with the walls and fences of inclosures. 17/5.

The conduct of the attack has been exposed to
considerable censure : the whole object of the expedi-
tion might, it is said, have been accomplished without action.
possibility of loss : a floating battery or armed vessels,
placed in the Mystick river, opposite Charlestown Neck,
would have not only prevented the sending reinforce-
ments to the provincial troops, but might also have
effectually cut off their retreat, without risk to the
British forces. It is also observed, that nearly at the
same place, and at no great distance from the spot
where the British troops landed in the front of the
enemy, they should have disembarked to attack the
rear of the provincial army, where there was no in-
trenchment ; and. thus, beside avoiding all difficulties
and impediments, they would have rendered the breast-
work of the Americans useless ; the whole detachment
would have been inclosed in the peninsula, and must
have surrendered at discretion, or been reduced to the
desperate extremity of attempting to cut through the
British line, while they sustained the fire of the float-
ing batteries and armed vessels. It is mentioned as
another error in conduct, that the attack was extended
to the enemy's whole front, instead of being confined
to their left wing, which was covered only by a breast-
work of rails and hay, easily to be surmounted, and
opening to a hill commanding their redoubt and lines.
The unmilitary and unnecessary load under which the
troops advanced, exhausted their strength and de-
pressed their spirits, and during the engagement, a
supply of ball, sent from Boston, was of dimensions too
large for the field-pieces ; an inadvertency which ren-
dered the artillery useless*.

As the British troops did not pursue the enemy,
the advantages of this bloody contest were confined to Unimport-
the occupation of Bunker's Hill, where they fortified "*

* See the History published under the name of Stedman, vol. i. p. 128. It is
to be observed, however, that the author of this work always shews a strong dis-
position to censure General Howe.

VOL. II. Q

226

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Proceedings
of Congress.

Power ex-
ercised by
the Congress

themselves, and thus gained an addition of space for
1 quarters, but incumbered with a double garrison duty.
The Americans raised works on another hill, with
strong redoubts, and advanced them close to the forti-
fications on Boston Neck. One important effect of
these conflicts was to undeceive those who before mis-
apprehended the nature of the contest, and the quality
of the enemy. " The late success," General Gage ob-
serves, speaking of Bunker's Hill, " was very neces-
" sary, but cost us dear. The number of killed and
" wounded is greater than we can afford. The trials
" we have had shew that the rebels are not the des-
" picable rabble too many have supposed them to be.
" I find it, owing to a military spirit encouraged among
" them for some years past, joined with an uncommon
" degree of enthusiasm. Whenever they find cover,
" they make a good stand ; and the country, naturally
" strong, affords it them ; they are taught to assist its
" natural strength by art. They intrench and raise
" batteries ; they have engineers to instruct them ;
" they have fortified all the passes and heights around
" Boston, from Dorchester to Medford or Mystick, and
" it is not impossible for them to annoy the town*".

Meanwhile the Congress proceeded with vigour
and diligence, and with a wary determination to con-
vert every rising occurrence to the utmost advantage
in forwarding their ultimate views, without disclosing
them too amply, or alarming those who were not pre-
pared to adopt their principles in their utmost extent.
A few days after the meeting, Peyton Randolph, their
president, retired ; his situation was conferred on
John Hancock, the person who was afterward ex-
cluded from pardon by Gage's proclamation ; and, the
province of Georgia adding itself to the general con-
federacy, all the colonies were included in the repre-
sentative body

By thus concentrating and consolidating their
power, the revolutionists gained an immense advant-
age. The British governors ruled in separate pro-

* General Gage to Lord Dartmouth, 25th June, 17/5. State Papers.

GEORGE III. 227

vinces, deriving authority only from their commis- CHAP
sions, restrained in the exercise of it by general laws _ \
and local regulations. Statutes passed in their assem- 1775.
blies were binding only within the limits of their
colonies; they could punish only according to the
terms of strict law, under the adjudication of com-
petent courts ; they had no power to amend or restrain
as necessity might direct, and they could not remit a
penal sentence, or even a fine, without authority from
the King in council. Congress, on the contrary, as-
suming, as representatives, the authority of the whole
people, proscribed those whom they denominated ene-
mies, enacted and enforced such oaths as they thought
proper, confiscated property, declared disabilities, ap-
propriated levies and ordered new ones, demanded
military service, and inflicted severe sentences on those
whom they deemed refractory or deserters, and they
silenced opposition and remonstrance by exercising an
arbitrary and rigid control over the press. These
violences are not to be considered as a system of per-
manent government; but they formed a temporary
tyranny, to which the people found they must submit,
while struggling against what they were taught to call
oppression. One result of this extensive and arbitrary
power was the compulsory recruiting of the army :
those who would not voluntarily join it, being sent to
prison as enemies of their country; and those who,
after the check at Bunker's Hill, wished to return to
their houses, being refused passes, were seized and sent
back to their regiments. They formed committees to
arrange rules for government of the military assembled
before Boston, which they styled the continental army,
and for augmenting it from the provinces.

Their unanimous election of a commander-in-chief
fell on George Washington, esq. who was the chair- Georgia ac-

man of these committees ; and the choice was equally ,

i> . ,/. M ,. . * J^th June.

judicious and fortunate, for nothing which was pro- Washington
jected or executed contributed so much to the success c P onm!ander-
of the cause as this selection. At the time of receiving in-cjiief.
the command, Mr. Washington was in his forty-fourth

Q 2

228 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvi ' Y ear *> a native of Virginia, where his family, of ho-

nourable English descent, had been settled more than a

1775. century. He had received as good an education as
his native country could afford, and, applying himself
.assiduously to the portions of science which were most
likely to be useful, acquired, before he had com-
pleted his nineteenth year, reputation and credit as a
surveyor. In 1753 and 1754, he served his country
both in negotiation and in arms, and attained the
local rank of colonel. By his skill and judgment, and
by a prudent marriage, he had greatly improved his
estate, and resided on it, in the enjoyment of domestic
felicity, and with the increasing satisfaction of seeing
his property improve under his own vigilance and
management. When the progress of disputes made
an appeal to arms probable, his knowledge, integrity,
and firmness, indicated him as the person fit to be in-
trusted with the formation and command of the pro-
vincial levies. He had been a member of the Assembly
and Congress of Virginia, and always opposed the
measures of the British government on the points of
taxation and controul ; but his opposition was not
that of an ambitious man, seeking popularity or ad-
vancement through the aid of faction ; it was that of a
temperate and considerate reasoner, who, whether his
opinions were well founded or not, delivered them
with no pretension but that of convincing the judg-
ment of his hearers. When Patrick Henry, and
orators of his class, had vented their fervent ebullitions,
they found their reward in clamorous applause, or in
the affected repetition of their phrases; but when
Washington's unadorned speeches were mentioned, it
was always with an acknowledgment that they com-
prised all the good sense which had been uttered in
the debates. These qualities recommended him as a
delegate to Congress^.

* He was born 22nd February, 1732.

f See Smollet's Continuation of Hume, vol. iii. p. 377, 420, and the Memoirs
of General Washington, published by Judge Marshall, Dr. Bancroft, Dr. Ramsay,
and Jared Sparks.

GEORGE III. 229

He returned thanks for the high trust with which
he was invested, in a short, modest speech, expressing
diffidence in his own abilities and military experience, 1775.
and claiming the lenient consideration of Congress on
his conduct. He declined a pecuniary remuneration
of five hundred dollars per month, which had been
voted, and even left to the generosity of his country
the choice of refunding his expenses. Congress im-
mediately resolved, " that they would maintain, assist,
" and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in
" the cause of American liberty ;" he was instructed
to destroy or make prisoners all who should appear in
arms against the good people of the colonies, and in-
vested with a general power to dispose of the army as
might be most advantageous in obtaining the end for
which it had been raised, making it his special care
that the liberties of America "should receive no detri-
ment.

In his progress to the camp, the new general re- .

rlis reception.

ceived homage from the Congresses and public bodies in the camp.
of the different colonies, and was hailed by the army 3d July -
with lively exultation.

Pursuant to the form of last year's proceeding, the
Congress drew up various justificatory addresses and
appeals to the people.

One was entitled, " A Declaration, setting forth the
causes and necessity of taking up arms." It was writ-
ten in a verbose, declamatory style, accused the British
government of " an intemperate rage for unlimited
" domination, and of designating the colonies to all
" the easy emoluments of statute plunder." American
loyalty and liberality were highly vaunted ; and the
assertion of Lord Chatham, that the revenue derived Declaration of
from the provinces had enabled him to defeat the ene- Con g ress -
mies of Britain was triumphantly quoted. They cen-
sured all the acts of the present reign, particularly
the declaratory act, against which, while unrepre-
sented, they had no defence. The proceedings of the
late session, from the King's speech to the recess, were
reprobated, not however without many compliments to
the opposition, and to the petitioning cities and towns.

230 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvT" ^e an?a i r a t Lexington was represented in the most

_J '_ unfavourable view ; General Gage's subsequent con-

1775. duct stated in the blackest colours ; and his proclama-
tion censured as replete with falsehoods and calumnies
against the good people of America. " In brief," they
said, " a part of these colonies now feels, and all are
" sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of adminis-
" tration can inflict them, the complicated calamities
" of fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the
" alternative of unconditional submission to the tyranny
" of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The
" latter is our choice. We have counted the cost of
" this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as volun-
" tary slavery. Our cause is just; our union perfect;
" our internal resources great ; and, if necessary, fo-
" reign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. The
" arms we have been compelled by our enemies to as-
" sume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with
" unabating firmness and perseverance, employ for the
" preservation of our liberties, being, with one mind,
" resolved to die freemen rather than live slaves."
Finally, they abjured every intention to dissolve the
union with the mother-country ; nor had they excited
any other nation to declare war in their behalf. Their
armies were not raised with the ambitious design of
separating from Great Britain, or establishing indepen-
dent states; they fought for neither glory nor conquest.
The mother-country, on the contrary, boasting of her
privileges and civilization, proffered no milder condi-
tions than servitude or death. " In our own native
" land, in defence of the freedom that is our birth-
" right, and which was ever enjoyed, till the late
" violation of it ; for the protection of our property,
" acquired solely by the honest industry of our fore-
" fathers and ourselves; against violence actually
" offered, we have taken up arms. We will lay them
" down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the
" aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed
" shall be removed, and not before."

This manifesto was read by General Washington
to his troops, and received with enthusiastic acclama-

GEORGE III. 231

tions. He found, however, no motive for exultation, CHAP.
nor any ground for hope. The late action at Bunker's

Hill inspired with much greater spirits those who re- 1775.
lated and reasoned on it, than those who were person- state of the

n i A i army.

ally engaged, or viewed its progress. A large number
of troops was collected, but they had none of the con-
veniences which are necessary for the comfort of regu-
lar armies. Instead of tents, they had a scanty supply
of sails, which the suspension of commerce had ren-
dered useless. They came to camp in their ordinary
working dresses, and had therefore no uniforms; a
deficiency which was afterwards supplied by the use of
the hunting-shirt. For want of commissaries and
quarter-masters, their supplies were insufficient and
irregular : individuals brought provisions to the camp
on their own horses ; some received necessaries from
committees of supply, but without system or economy :
the Connecticut troops, who had proper officers, were
alone tolerably well provided with food*. General
Washington complained loudly and repeatedly of his
numerous wants and deficiencies to the Congress.
" We have no store of ammunition," he said, " no tools
" for intrenching, nor engineers to direct the construc-
" tion of military works ; we have no money, and want
" clothing ; there is a total laxity of discipline, and the
" majority not to be depended on in the event of ano-
" ther actionf."

That this event did not take place is matter of con- I j ner i n ^. s sl J )f
siderable surprise, as the British commander was not "
unacquainted with the distressed state of the adverse
army : he was even apprized by a deserter that they
had not more than nine rounds of powder a man ; but
treated this true and important information as an in-
vention, fabricated to lure him into some impracticable
enterprise. The British army was intrenched on
Bunker's Hill, having three floating batteries inMystick
river,] and a twenty-gun ship below the ferry, between
Boston and Charlestown. They had also a battery on
Cop's Hill, Boston, and were strongly fortified on the

* Ramsay's History of the Revolution, vol. i. p. 222;

t General Washington's Official Letters, vol. i. p. 2 to 9, et passim.

232

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Address of
Congress to
the legisla-
ture of Ja-

31st July.
They reject
the concilia-
tory propo-
sitions.

Neck. The Americans were intrenched at Winter
Hill, Prospect Hill, and Roxbury, communicating with
one another by small posts, over a distance of ten
miles. Parties were also stationed in several towns
along the sea-coast. Thus both armies continued re-
strained by mutual fear of attack, and the year wasted
without any transaction of greater importance than
the burning of a light-house in Boston harbour, the
surprise of a guard by the Americans, and some slight
skirmishing between detached parties, instigated by
attempts to obtain by force those fresh provisions
which, in obedience to Congress, were tenaciously
withheld. In addition to these circumstances, occurred
one hardly ever parelleled. Toward the close of the
year, the term of service being out, the American
army disbanded, and a large majority of them, having
first been deprived of their arms, quitted the camp,
and yet a force so weakened was left unmolested, no
attempt being made against them. It is said that
Washington contrived, by marching and counter-
marching, to impose a belief that he possessed a
strength which no longer remained to him, and to sup-
press all means of communication ; but it would seem
that such a secret could not be maintained in so long
a line as that which the Americans occupied; dis-
closures, if properly sought for, must have been ob-
tained; even appearances, if attended to, would have
declared the state of facts*.

Beside their manifesto, Congress voted an address
to the house of assembly in Jamaica, vindicating tlieir
late proceedings, and demanding their good wishes as
friends to liberty and mankind. They issued several
other addresses; and recapitulated against Lord North's
conciliatory propositions most of the objections made
in Parliament, declaring that nothing but their own
exertions could defeat the ministerial sentence, of
death or abject submission^.

* Many interesting particulars on these subjects will be found in Sparks's Life
of Washington, vol. i. p. 138 to 154, and Johnson's Life of General Greene, 4to.
vol. i. p. 31 to 48.

f Almon's Remembrancer, 1775, v. i. p. 274.

GEORGE III. 233

One of their earliest measures was an address to CHAP.
the people, or, as they termed them, " the oppressed

inhabitants" of Canada. This province, surrounded 1775.
by rivers and lakes, and stretching from Nova Scotia, | 6th ^ r -

. J ' . , ' Expedition

in an oblong direction, almost to the southern ex- against Ca-
tremity of Pennsylvania, presented many facilities for 1 t ^ e a n under ~
invasion, and promised to be an important acquisition.
Before the affair of Lexington, some individuals of
Connecticut formed a project for obtaining possession
of Ticonderoga, situated at the north end of Lake
George, and Crown Point, near the southern extremity
of Lake Champlain, which were the gates to that
quarter of Canada. They procured a loan of eighteen
hundred dollars of the public money, and having
raised two hundred and seventy men of a hardy race,
known by the name of Green Mountain Boys, pro-
ceeded to Bennington, and placed themselves under
the command of a partizan named Ethan Allen. They
were unexpectedly joined by Colonel Arnold, who,
after the battle of Lexington, received from the Massa-
chuset's congress a commission to raise four hundred
men for the capture of Ticonderoga. He agreed to
act under Allen, and they proceeded to Lake Cham-
plain, which they crossed with eighty-three men, sur-
prised Captain de la Place, commander of Ticonde-
roga, in bed, and summoned him to surrender, " in
the name of the great Jehovah, and the continental Ticonde -
Congress." The fort, with its valuable stores*, was
captured without resistance ; Crown Point, which,
through neglect, had neither guard nor garrison, sur- Crown Point
rendered ; Skenesborough, a valuable and prosperous f ^ ei j 1 e ? bo "
iron work and village, was surprised by Allen, and
Major Skene, the proprietor, his son, and negroes, sloop En-
were taken prisoners ; while Colonel Arnold, with ter P rise -

* The stores taken at Ticonderoga were between 112 and 120 iron cannon,
from 6 to 24 pounders ; 50 swivels of different sizes, 2 ten-inch mortars, 1
howitzer, 1 co-horn, 10 tons of musquet balls, 3 cart-loads of flints, 30 new car-
riages, a considerable quantity of shells, a warehouse full of materials to carry on
boat building, 100 stand of small arms, 10 casks of very indifferent powder, 2
brass cannons, 30 barrels of flour, and 18 barrels of pork. The prisoners were
one captain, 1 gunner, 3 Serjeants, and 44 rank and file, besides women and
children. Captain de la Place was not brought to a court-martial, but suffered to
sell out.

234

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Dissimula-
tion of Con-
gress.

26th May.
Their ad-
dress to the
people of
Canada.

13th June.
Application
of Arnold.

great spirit and ability, secured the entire command
of Lake Champlain, jby seizing the sloop Enterprize,
the only vessel of the royal navy in those parts.

The intelligence of these successes was the first
which greeted the continental Congress. None could
have been more welcome ; for the secret ambition of
their leaders was to add the Canadas to their own
provinces, and form the whole into one general re-
public. They were, however, apprehensive of ap-
pearing to court active hostilities and change the
nature of the war ; and therefore all publications in
their interest treated the affair as the spirited enter-
prise of individuals not sanctioned, although not cen-
sured ; and Congress recommended to the committees
of the cities and counties of New York and Albany
to cause the cannon and stores to be removed from
Ticonderoga to the south end of Lake George, and to
take an exact inventory of them, that they might be
safely returned when the desired restoration of har-
mony between Great Britain and the colonies should
render it prudent and consistent with the over-ruling
law of self-preservation.

In their address, the Congress spoke a bolder lan-
guage, described in terms of pity the abject state to
which the Canadians were reduced on the arrival of
that day in which the sun could not shine on a single
freeman in all their extensive dominion. By the in-
troduction of the present form of government, or
rather of tyranny, the Canadians with their wives
and children were made slaves, subject to be deprived
of the fruits of their industry, to be transported into
foreign countries, to fight battles in which they had
no interest, to spill their blood in conflicts from which
neither honour nor emolument could be derived ; and
to witness the expulsion, banishment, and ruin of their
priests, whenever a sufficient temptation was furnished.
The chief object of the address was to conciliate the
people to the late captures, and deprecate hostile op-
position.

Animated by his successes, Colonel Arnold soli-
cited from Congress a reinforcement, and promised,

GEORGE III. 235

with two thousand men, to reduce the whole province ; CHAP.
this hope was encouraged by the feeble state of the

British force, which did not exceed eight hundred 1775.
men.

The deficiency, in this respect, is ascribed to the Q^^ 118 of
too sanguine reliance of the governor, General Carle- Carietou.
ton, on his influence and on the power of the clergy
over the inhabitants, and his having fallen into the
common error of undervaluing the enemy. In the
abundance of his confidence, he assured General Gage,
in the preceding year, that a corporal's command was
sufficient for the protection of the province*. When
the invasion was undertaken, he mentioned, in his
dispatches, " one Benedict Arnold, said to be a native
" of Connecticut, a horse-jockey ; one Bindon, a mer-
" chant of Montreal ; and one Ethan Allen, said to be
" outlawed in New York." Such thoughts and ex-
pressions take from success all pretensions to glory,
and embitter defeat by the apparent disgrace of con-
futation. On the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown
Point, he ordered his small force to St. John's fort,
which was prudently strengthened with two redoubts.
He tried, without success, the influence over the na-
tives on which he had so firmly depended ; and pro-
claimed martial law, in order to compel them to arm ;
but, although they declared themselves ready to defend
their own province, they refused to march beyond its
limits*}'. General Gage, however, dispatched Briga-
dier-general Prescott, and two officers of inferior rank, Jul y-
with two ships, to Montreal ; and, about the same time,
Colonel Guy Johnson arrived with seven hundred
warriors of the Five Nations : they proposed the re-
capture of the forts, which were weakly garrisoned ;
but General Carleton refused to sanction the attempt.

Congress took advantage of these exertions to as- Representa-
sert that Carleton meditated an incursion on their tions of Con ~
north-western frontier ; and inculcated this opinion as
a justification of their conduct in invading the King's

* Stedmaii, vol. i. p. 132. f Ramsay, vol. i. p. 228.

236

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

September.
Invasion of
Canada.

6th Sept.

10th.

St. John's.

Address to
the people.

Siege of St.
John's.

Chamblee
captured.

3rd Nov.

St. John's
capitulates.

dominions ; thus the plan, which in the beginning of
the year was deemed violent and dangerous, was now
encouraged by general approbation.

Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, at the head
of three thousand men, proceeded to Lake Champlain,
took possession of Isle aux Noix, and attacked St.
John's, the first British post in Canada, distant about
a hundred and fifteen miles to the northward of Ticon-
deroga : the picquets were driven in, but the invaders
were repulsed and obliged to return to Aux Noix.
They published a conciliatory address to the Canadians,
affirming that the only views of Congress were the
restoration to them of those rights to which every sub-
ject of the British empire, whatever his religious senti-
ments, is intitled ; and that, in the execution of these
trusts, they had received positive orders to cherish every
Canadian and every friend to the cause of liberty, and
sacredly to guard their property. They also succeeded
in detaching the Indians from the British cause, which
was easily effected, as these savages were dissatisfied
with the governor's rejection of their services. Gene-
ral Schuyler was obliged by ill health to retire to Ticon-
deroga ; and Montgomery, having taken precautions
for a retreat to Aux Noix, formally besieged St John's.

From the lightness of their artillery, and the insuf-
ficiency of ammunition, they made little progress, till
the surrender 'of Fort Chamblee, distant about five
miles, which, being besieged by threxs hundred men, sur-
rendered after fifteen days, although amply provided
with means of defence, and no practicable breach made
in the walls ; a conquest rendered highly important
from the quantity of ammunition and military stores
which the commandant neglected to destroy.

Before they obtained this timely succour, the Ame-
ricans were reduced to their last round of shot, and must
soon have been obliged to abandon Canada ; but they
now pressed the siege of St. John's with increasing
vigour, and, from a deficiency in provisions and ammu-
nition and the failure of any relief, the garrison was
soon obliged to capitulate.

GEORGE III. 237

An attempt had been already made by Ethan CHAP.

Allen, at the head of a hundred and fifty men, to '_

capture Montreal; but he was defeated by a small 1775.
party of the twenty-sixth regiment, aided by some jsth Sep.

j -1,1 - *- i -I Ethan Allen

natives, and taken prisoner*. Montreal was, however, taken prt-
unprotected ; and General Carleton, after the capture soner -
of St. John's, evacuated the town : the inhabitants
applying to General Montgomery for terms of capitu-
lation, he answered, they could not expect such a
concession, as they were without means of defence, Noy
but promised the free enjoyment of their religion and Montreal
property. Here the Americans found many European evacuated -
necessaries and luxuries, which the regulations of
Congress had prevented their obtaining in their native
provinces ; and Montgomery directed the construction
of flat-bottomed boats preparatory to the siege of
Quebec.

The safety of that city was menaced by a most Expedition
daring and difficult enterprize. Arnold, on a plan of tikierness?
his own suggesting, was dispatched by General Wash- 1 3th Sept.
ington, with fifteen hundred men, to penetrate into
Canada, by ascending the Kennebeck, and descending
by the Chaundiere to the river St. Lawrence. On
their arrival at the Kennebeck, they commenced the 20th
arduous toil of working up a river encumbered with
rocks and shoals, against an impetuous current ; and
they were often compelled by cataracts and other
impediments to land and drag their batteaux up rapid
streams or over falls. Their progress by land was not
more exempt from difficulty and danger ; thick woods,
deep swamps, and precipitous mountains, alternately
impeded their march. Sometimes they were obliged
to cut their way through forests so embarrassed that
their progress did not exceed four or five miles in
a day; their provisions were reduced; scarcity and
fatigue brought on sickness and desertion; the original
troop was diminished by one-third ; they devoured

* By Governor Carleton's order, Allen and his fellow prisoners were sent in
irons on board a man of war, and conveyed to England : he was, however,
remanded to America, anrl afterward served in the provincial army with the rank
of colonel.

238

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

3rd Nov.

5th Nov.
Maclean de-
fends Que-
bec.

13th.

14th.

Arnold re-
pulsed.

20th.

Exertions cf
Carleton.

their dogs, their cartouch boxes, and every article of
leather about their accoutrements and clothing ; when
a hundred miles from any habitation, they divided
their last store, which afforded four pints of flour for
each man, and, while they were yet thirty miles distant
from the probability of succour, their last morsel of
bread was eaten. Finally, they surmounted every
difficulty, and the Canadians with amazement beheld
this squalid band emerge from a wilderness which
they considered it impossible for human perseverance
to penetrate. Conciliated by the behaviour of the
invaders, and re-assured by a manifesto which they
published by General Washington's direction, the
inhabitants treated them with hospitality, and were
prepared, if not to assist in their enterprize, at least to
regard it without malevolence or alarm*.

Colonel Maclean, who still remained at the con-
fluence of the rivers Sorrel and St. Lawrence, expect-
ing to be joined by Carleton from Montreal, becoming
fortunately apprized of Arnold's arrival, and of his
encampment at Point Levy, opposite Quebec, threw
himself into the city, and by his judicious measures
prevented the effect of that consternation which would
have rendered it an easy prey, could the American
chief have procured immediate means of passing the
river j*.

Uninformed of this seasonable succour, Colonel
Arnold made an attack on the gate of St. Louis, but
was repulsed with considerable loss ; and the inhabi-
tants of the city being cordially united in defence of
their property, and reinforced by sailors from the
ships, he became alarmed for his own safety, and with-
drew to Point aux Trembles, twenty miles from the
capital. General Carleton had been collecting a force
to oppose Montgomery ; on learning the danger of
Quebec, he passed in the disguise of a fisherman
through the enemy's craft, and. took vigorous mea-
sures for confirming and extending the judicious

* Stedman, Andrews, Ramsay, Washington's Official Letters, vol. i. p. 52.
f Washington's Letters, vol. i. p. 39, 41.

GEORGE III. 239

efforts of Maclean : he armed the inhabitants, and CHAP.

" "

expelled from the city all who were not willing to co-

operate in its defence. 1775.

During this interval, General Montgomery had Judici us

, i j jj ru j. 1.1? j 'i. proceedings

been employed in recruiting the strength and spirits O f Montgo-
of his followers, and had acquired considerable ascen- mery *
dancy over the lower class of natives, who were easily
seduced to sympathize with colonists like themselves,
struggling, as they supposed, for liberty. The clergy
were, however, active and resolute in opposing the new
doctrines ; their influence was considerable, and they
extended it by refusing absolution to such as abetted
the invaders*. The nobles, dissatisfied with the state
of the province, and without cordial attachment to the
British government or to its opponents, supported
neither party]*. Montgomery, with great address,
avoided giving offence even to the clergy ; he raised
a regiment of Canadians, which he placed under the
command of James Livingston, a native of New York :
his expresses were permitted to pass in every direction
unmolested, and individuals were induced to subscribe
liberally in specie for the support of his troops.

This brave officer, having effected a junction with 1st Dec.
Arnold at Point aux Trembles, summoned Quebec ; ^sieging
and, on the rejection of overtures, commenced a bom- Quebec.
bardment with five small mortars, and opened a battery
of six guns at seven hundred yards distance from the
walls.

An attack so feeble, and of such light metal, was state of the
not calculated to make a sensible impression ; and the Amencans -
besieging army was not prepared for the delays and

* General Washington endeavoured to conciliate, or at least avoided irritating

them, by forbidding the customary commemoration of the popish plot the burning

of Guy Fawkes. Sparks's Life of Washington, vol. ii. p. 342.

f Gibbon, with his usual force and perspicuity, adverts to these circumstances,

in a letter to Colonel Holroyd (Lord Sheffield), dated 14th Nov. 1775. He says,
' We are not quite easy about Canada ; and even if it should be safe from an
' attack, we cannot flatter ourselves with the expectation of bringing down that
' martial people on the back settlements. The priests are ours ; the gentlemen
' very prudently wait the event, and are disposed to join the stronger party ; but
' the same lawless spirit and impatience of government which have infected our
' colonies, are gone forth among the Canadian peasants, over whom, since the
' conquest, the nobles have lost much of their ancient influence." Posthumous
' Works, vol. i. p. 495. Similar statements occur in a dispatch from General

Carleton to General Gage, Sep. 16. State Papers.

240

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

31st Decem-
ber.

Assault of
the city.

Montgomery
killed.

misfortunes of protracted operations. Success appeared
improbable, and retreat disgraceful: the British empire
in Canada was reduced to the single city of Quebec :
the fame of former exploits had inspired exaggerated
hopes in America, and disappointment threatened fatal
results to the common cause. Yet difficulties were
daily augmenting; dissensions arose between Arnold and
his officers, destructive of subordination ; the provincial
corps were inflamed with a spirit of mutual animosity,
and the men with difficulty induced to pay obedience to
officers not belonging to their own colony ; their num-
bers were insufficient for proper reliefs in their daily
toils ; and, as the expiration of their military engage-
ments approached, the general was apprehensive that
many would quit the service. The severity of a Cana-
dian winter was already felt ; the troops had no effec-
tual protection against its rigours; their cash was
nearly expended ; the Congress paper had no circula-
tion in Canada ; and the natives began to show their
fickleness, by a total disregard of the invaders.

In this situation, Montgomery adopted the daring
resolution of trying the fortune of an escalade. Two
feints were made at Cape Diamond and St. John's
gate, and two determined attacks, separately led by
Montgomery and Arnold, under Cape Diamond, by
Drummond's wharf and the Potash. The whole pro-
ceeding on the part of the besiegers betrays rashness
and confusion: the signals of attack were given before
the troops were in a due state of preparation ; hence
the feints were detected in sufficient time to enable
the British general to concentrate his forces at the real
points of assault.

General Montgomery, at the head of nine hundred
men, advanced intrepidly along a defile, upon a narrow
path, between two fires, with a precipice to the river
on one side, and a hanging rock over head. His ap-
proach was awaited with calmness and resolution, and
when he was within fifty yards of the point of attack,
a tremendous discharge of grape-shot put an end to
his hopes and his life. His followers, undismayed,
returned to the charge; but, convinced, by repeated

GEORGE III. 241

repulses, that ultimate success was unattainable, CHAP.
sought safety by retreat.

Colonel Arnold made his attack with seven hun- 1775.
dred men at the Saut des Matelots, and dispersed the Arno1 ^

in . -i'ii i wounded.

Canadian guard ; he received a wound in the leg, and
was obliged to retire ; but his party was advancing
with prospects of success : they took the first and second
barriers after an obstinate resistance, and against the
third a ladder was already placed to convey them into
the town, when they were encountered by the com-
bined force of the garrison, which, after the defeat of
Montgomery's division, united against them. Yielding taken prison-
to superior numbers, they attempted to retreat in vain, ers -
and were obliged to surrender.

The English sustained but inconsiderable loss; siege con-
the Americans, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, Eklde. a
were deprived of half their men ; yet Arnold did not
abandon the province; he encamped on the heights of
Abraham, where, by obstructing the supplies, he
changed the siege to a blockade. The horrors of war
were, however, softened by mutual acts of civility;
the prisoners were treated with kindness, and per-
mitted, on their parol, to attend the funeral of their
departed leader, while the wounded received ample
relief.

The name of Montgomery was mentioned with Eulogies of
respect by his most determined opponents : the Ame- *
ricans deplored his fate with all the warmth of patriotic
attachment, and the animation excited by the circum-
stances of his fall; and those in England who partici-
pated in the sentiments of the Americans, spoke of
him in terms not only expressive of their sense of his
merits, but incompatible with an attachment to the
cause of their country*.

In tracing the progress of those discontents which
united all America in one common cause, and com-

* See Parliamentary Register, vol. iii. 402. General Montgomery was of a
respectable family in the North of Ireland ; he was educated at school, and the
University in Dublin ; he had served with reputation in America during the pre-
ceding war, and had obtained the rank of captain in the 17th regiment of foot ;
he quitted the service in disgust, and married a lady of a considerable family in
the province of New York ; he had been beloved and esteemed through life.

VOL. II. R

242

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

Transactions
in Virginia.

bined thirteen discordant and rival governments in one
general legislation, it is necessary to describe some
transactions in various colonies, till all difference of
conduct had ceased.

Virginia had been conspicuous in the course of the
American disturbances, and its councils seemed entirely
influenced by popular demagogues, among the most
conspicuous of whom was Patrick Henry*. Lord
Dunmore, the governor, had, in the early part of his
government, been highly popular, but was now the
object of disgust, from his efforts to maintain the royal
authority, and from the publication of his correspond-
ence with Lord Dartmouth, which was laid before Par-
liament. In these dispatches, he had, with greater
freedom than was acceptable to those over whom he
presided, analyzed their views in impeding the course
of justice, and examined their means of giving per-
manence to their present engagements. He imputed
to them motives of extreme baseness, and insidious
duplicity of conduct. Wisdom should have prevented
the full communication of these letters ; but, in making
such disclosures, ministers are rarely able to guard
them with sufficient jealousy, without reducing the in-
formation afforded to a mere nullity j\

* See chapter ix.

f See Lord Dunmore's letters to Lord Dartmouth, Parliamentary Register,
1774-5, vol. i. pp. 85, 185. The following passages were peculiarly offensive :
" There is not a justice of peace in Virginia that acts, except as a committee-
' man : the abolishing the courts of justice was the first step taken, in which the
' men of fortune and pre-eminence joined equally with the lowest and meanest.
The general court of judicature of the colony is much in the same predicament ;
for though there are at least a majority of liis Majesty's council, who, with my-
self, are the judges of that court, and would steadily perform their duty, yet the
lawyers have absolutely refused to attend, nor indeed would the people allow
them to attend, or evidences to appear. The true cause of so many persons join-
ing in so opprobrious a measure, was to engage their English creditors, who are
numerous, to join the clamours of this country ; and not a few to avoid paying
the debts in which many of the principal people here are much involved. Every
step which has been taken by these infatuated people must inevitably defeat its
own purpose. Their non -importation, non-exportation, &c. cannot fail, in a
short time, to produce a scarcity, which will ruin thousands of families : the
people, indeed, of fortune, supply themselves and their negroes for two or three
years ; but the middling and poorer sort, who live from hand to mouth, have not
the means of doing so, and the produce of their lands will not purchase those
necessaries (without which themselves and negroes starve) of the merchants
who may have goods to dispose of, because the merchants are prevented from
turning such produce to any account. As to manufacturing for themselves, the
people of Virginia are very far from being naturally industrious ; and it is not
by taking away the principal, if not the only, encouragement to industry, that it

GEORGE III. 243

The planters assailed Lord Dunmore with invec- CHAP.
tive, and insinuated that he had formed a conspiracy to

murder Mr. Randolph, the speaker of the assembly. 1775.
As the people of Virginia had formed a convention, ^^u*'
elected deputies to Congress, and were, like other colo- the governor.
nies, training a militia to oppose the British govern- 20thA P nl -
ment, Lord Dunmore removed part of the powder from
the magazine at Williamsburg, and placed it on board
a ship of war, to which he averred it belonged. A
military force immediately assembled under Patrick
Henry, and a negotiation was finally arranged, by
which a sum of money was obtained from the public
treasury, as a compensation for the powder. The vio-
lence of these proceedings induced his lordship to
remove his lady and family on board the Fowey man of
war, to fortify his palace, and surround it with artil-
lery. He also issued a proclamation, charging Henry
and his followers with rebellious practices, and accusing
them of a design to change the form of government ; M
meetings were held in all parts of the province, and the y '
public mind was inflamed by invective, accusation, and
recrimination.

Such was the state of the colony when the general * st June,
assembly was convened for the purpose of debating on propositions 8
Lord North's conciliatory propositions. The gover- re J ected -
nor recommended them to consideration, in a tern- 14A
perate and judicious speech, and they were acceded
to by the council. The assembly returned a long ad-
dress, denying the right of the British Parliament to
intermeddle with the support of civil government in
the colonies, refusing to incur a perpetual tax, ade-
quate to the expectations, and subject to the disposi-
tion of Parliament alone, and claiming, as a right,
a free trade with the whole globe. They referred the
final decision to the general Congress, and committed
their injuries to the even-handed justice of that Being
who doeth no wrong.

" can be excited ; nor is it in times of anarchy and confusion that the foundation
" of such improvements can be laid. The lower class of people too well discover
" that they have been duped by the richer sort, who, for their part, elude the whole
" effects of the association by which their poor neighbours perish."

244

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Lord Dun-
more retires
on board a
nan of war.
8th of June.

Assembly
adjourned.

18th June.
Convention
of delegates.

Lord Dun-
more as-
saulted.

He carries
on a preda-
tory war.

Before the receipt of this address, several mes-
sages had passed, relative to the state of the magazine
and the removal of military stores; and the public
fermentation was so excessive, that his lordship
thought it necessary for his safety to join his relatives
on board the Fowey. The immediate motive of this
measure was an intimation of an intention to assassi-
nate him and his whole family ; but this, it is said, was
a mere contrivance of the popular leaders, to embar-
rass government by his absence.

A series of messages ensued, in which the assem-
bly assured Lord Dunmore of personal safety and
respect, if he would return to Williamsburg; a mea-
sure which he resolutely declined, but offered to
transact all public business on board the Fowey, or
to return on shore, if the legislature would remove
their sittings to York, about twelve miles distant
from the capital. This proposal was indignantly re-
jected by the assembly, and his lordship's message
voted a high breach of privilege ; they declared their
apprehensions of a dangerous attack on the unhappy
people of the colony, and that it was their duty to
prepare for the preservation of their property, and
their inestimable rights and liberties : they made ge-
neral professions of loyalty to the King, and then
adjourned. A provincial convention of delegates was
immediately convened, and the royal government en-
tirely superseded.

When the popular commotions had in some degree
subsided, Lord Dunmore, accompanied by several
officers of the Fowey. ventured on shore, at his plant-
ation on the banks of York river, about two miles
from Williamsburg. In a short time, he received
notice that a party of riflemen were approaching to
seize his person, regained his boat with precipitation,
and was fired at in his retreat, but sustained no injury.

Convinced that moderate measures would not be
productive of beneficial effects, he sent his lady and
family to England, repaired to the town of Norfolk, at
the mouth of Chesapeak Bay, and collected a small
naval force for the purpose of acting hostilely against

sure.

GEORGE III. 245

Virginia. His resources were inadequate to his en-

terprize ; a predatory war was for some time carried

on ; the colonists destroyed the houses near the coast, 1775.

and drove away the cattle ; and he was foiled in

an attempt to burn the town of Hampton. He 25th Oct.

then issued a proclamation, declaring the law insuf- 7thNoy

ficient for the punishment of traitors, and therefore Proclaims

establishing martial law, and requiring all persons martiallaw -

capable of bearing arms to join the royal standard; Emanci-

and all indented servants and slaves belonging to pat '

rebels, and obeying this invitation, were declared free.

In such a colony as Virginia, this measure might Effects of
have produced an extensive and tremendous effect,
had it been resorted to at an earlier period of the dis-
pute ; but, six months having elapsed since Lord Dun-
more first threatened its adoption, the negroes had
ceased to believe and the planters to fear ; it produced
no surprise ; the country was in a state of defence, the
royal authority much reduced, and the governor's pro-
tection problematical ; but the fury of the colonists
was increased to frenzy ; and their union cemented by
a proceeding which rendered accommodation impos-
sible. Lord Dunmore gained an accession of some
hundred adherents, white and black ; but they came
only from the vicinity where he was established ; in
all other parts, the certainty of being intercepted pre-
vented their attempting to join him.

He erected the royal standard at Norfolk, and Royal stand-
many of the inhabitants, to preserve their slaves, ab-
jured the Congress. Fearful of an extension of his
influence, the insurgents detached about a thousand
men from the western side of Virginia, who intrenched
themselves opposite to the governor, on the other side Dec -
of the river Elizabeth, near a village called the Great
Bridge, expecting to oblige the royalists to abandon
their post. Before they had been many days in this
position, Lord Dunmore, deceived perhaps by false re-
ports contrived for the purpose, ordered Captain For-
dyce, with a detachment of a hundred and twenty men, 9th Dec.
to dislodge them. This project was pursued with S^Great
equal boldness and caution ; but the provincials were Bridge.

246

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

Town of
Norfolk
burned.

1st Jan.
1776.

Lord Dun-
more aban-
dons the
colony.

Project of
Connelly.

prepared; and, as he proceeded along a causeway
skirted by a thicket, near the intrenchments, Fordyce
was at once assailed with a heavy fire from the thicket
and the works. He fell within a few feet of the breast-
work, and his party, seeing the enterprize imprac-
ticable, were obliged to retreat, with the loss of thirty
killed and wounded.

In consequence of this failure, the governor was
again obliged to retire on board ship, attended by the
liberated slaves and the loyal inhabitants, whose num-
bers now became seriously injurious, by consuming
the provision, and crouding the vessels. The Ame-
ricans had taken possession of Norfolk, and as their
riflemen prevented Lord Dunmore from obtaining
supplies, he set fire to the wharfs where they princi-
pally annoyed him, and the whole town of Norfolk,
one of the most flourishing on the shores of the
Chesapeak, containing eight thousand inhabitants,
was burnt to the ground. The efforts of the enemy
were still successful in impeding supplies; distress
daily increased ; sickness prevailed, particularly among
the negroes ; and, finally, Lord Dunmore, after send-
ing the slaves to Florida, Bermuda, and the West
Indies, quitted for ever the shores of Virginia, and
joined the British army under General Howe.

It was justly considered essential to the existence
of the British power in America, that possession of
Virginia should be retained*, and every effort was
made for that purpose. One of the most important
was a project communicated by Mr. Connelly, a native
of Pennsylvania, to Lord Dunmore, and approved by
General Gage, for attacking Virginia and the other
southern colonies on their back and inland parts,
where the people were known to be strongly attached
to the British government. The garrisons at Detroit,
and some other remote posts, with their artillery and
ammunition, were to have assisted; and hopes were
entertained of engaging the Canadians and Indians in
the cause. Connelly, who had received a commission

* Washington's Official Letters, vol. i. p. 62 to 64.

GEORGE 'III. 247

as Colonel-Commandant, prosecuted his scheme with CHAP.
vigour and address, when he was betrayed by his con-

fidential assistant*, seized, loaded with irons, and sent 1775.
to Philadelphia, where he was treated with extreme , Heis , be -

., -A- j 1 -UT v J J trayed.and

severity. His papers and plans were published, and the enter-
the cause of Congress was thus doubly served, by the
frustration of the enterprize, and the opportunity of
making the people believe that Providence interposed
in their behalf.

In North Carolina, Mr. Martin was driven from North
the government by measures nearly similar to those Carolma -
practised against Lord Dunmore; he was accused of
insulting the rights and liberties of the people, and
instigating the negroes to insurrection. The go-
vernor's refutation of these charges was couched in
language so forcible, that the provincial convention
showed their indignation by ordering it to be burnt JstJune
by the hands of the common hangman. A dispute The go-
afterward arose relative to some cannon; but the in- vemor dliven

3,AVilV

surgents were awed by the vigorous and determined
conduct of the governor. Still, as their party was
constantly augmenting, and the royal authority pro-
portionately on the decline, Mr. Martin was ultimately
obliged to retire on board a ship of war at Cape
Fear.

In South Carolina, similar disturbances produced SouthCaro
similar effects ; Lord William Campbell was governor, Una.
but his authority was of little avail when counterpoised
by that of Henry Laurens, president of the provincial
Congress. In an address from that body, signed by
him, the grievances imposed by Great Britain were Jul y 2ud -
adverted to ; it was declared, that when ordinary modes
of application for redress had been found ineffectual,
recourse must be had to those which were extraordi-
nary ; all love of innovation was disclaimed ; and it
was declared that they had been impelled to take up
arms solely in defence of their lives and properties.
The principles and complaints which formed the basis
of these resolutions had been promulgated in a pam-

* Washington's Official Letters, vol. i. pp 42, 65, 82, 85.

248

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.

XXVI.

July 2.

July 23.

Ascendancy
of Congress.

phlet, by William Drayton, a member of the council,
who was in consequence prosecuted and suspended.
Under the new aspect of affairs, and aided by decrees
of the provincial Congress, he assumed authority never
possessed by any individual. Accompanied by Thomas
Corbet and James Neufville, he forced an entrance
into the post-office, and seized and carried away
twenty-six packets, directed to different governors and
to military and civil officers, and prevented the mail
from going to Georgia, the province which had not yet
sent delegates to Congress. To support these vio-
lences, they had voted a military levy, and the sum of
a million of dollars for their pay ; parochial commit-
tees were empowered to take enquiry of, and re-ques-
tion persons who should presume to violate or refuse
obedience to the authority of Congress, and to declare
them objects of the public resentment, or, in other
words, to be treated as enemies to the liberty of America.
The committee cited before them persons in high offi-
cial situations, and, on their refusal to appear, so stig-
matised them that they were obliged to quit the
province; they even, in the most unjust and violent
manner, passed sentence of death on a free negro, on
the mere rumour of a plot, and he suffered without
the slightest evidence. These tyrannical proceedings
aroused the indignation of the considerate and respect-
able portion of the community ; but they were in num-
ber the minority ; and in action slow and hesitating ;
timid in respect of their property ; and vigorous only
in private professions, declarations of loyalty, and ex-
pressions of hope and confidence. In conclusion,
Lord William Campbell was obliged, after vainly en-
deavouring to rally a royalist party, to follow the ex-
ample of Lord Dunmore, and seek safety on ship-
board*.

Without separately detailing the transactions of each
of the colonies, it may suffice to say that the royal
government was now reduced to a mere name ; the
Congress, favoured by dissimulation, enterprize, and ac-

* State Papers, according to the dates.

GEORGE III.

cident, having acquired a decided ascendancy. Every
circumstance which, by the most strained construction

could be rendered serviceable to their cause, was os- 1775.
tentatiously advanced; falsehood was often employed
in recommending their own proceedings, and vilifying
those of their opponents ; and more frequently those
perverse misrepresentations which are more iniquitous
than direct falsehood, as they enable those who use
them to triumph while undetected, and when their
artifices are disclosed, to shelter themselves under the
double sense of the word. The royalists acted feebly,
and, in general, with integrity; they were often
overpowered by violence, overawed by clamour, or
teazed into silence by repeated efforts of chicane.
The southern colonies might have been kept in sub-
jection by an inconsiderable military force ; application
was made to General Gage, from Sir James Wright,
governor of Georgia; but, intelligence having been
given to some of the agents of Congress, the messenger
was way-laid, his letters seized, and another man
forwarded with dispatches of a contrary tendency so
nicely forged as to deceive the person to whom they
were written*.

Toward the close of the year, General Gage was ]0th
recalled, and the chief command devolved on Sir Gage re'
"William Howe. The Massachuset's and continental ^ lled .

s~< * . November.

Congresses granted letters ot marque against British Americans
vessels, and they took many, laden with military and
naval stores and provisions ; captures no less beneficial
to them than prejudicial to their opponents, who were
obliged to draw all their subsistence at an immense
expense from England. These enterprises were con-
ducted with skill, judgment, and bravery. The letters
of marque were accompanied with instructions from
General Washington, to cruise against vessels bound
to or from Boston, loaded, or suspected to be so, with
soldiers, arms, or implements of war, for the use of
the ministerial army; and the distribution of prize-

* Ramsay, vol. i. p. 256.

250

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVI.

1775.

18th Oct.

Falmouth

destroyed.

General
view.

money was regulated. It was found that defenceless
vessels could not, without the greatest difficulty, enter
the harbour of Boston while the rebel privateers in-
fested the bay, and had the advantage of many inlets
on the coast, where His Majesty's ships could not pur-
sue them ; nor could they blockade the several ports
which afforded protection to the Americans without
a land force, which could not be spared*. In the
course of predatory hostilities, the town of Falmouth,
in the northern part of Massachusets, was cannonaded
by a ship of sixteen guns, and utterly destroyed.
Several sea-port towns were deserted ; but, far from
showing a disposition to submit, Congress resolved to
oppose Great Britain by sea, and issued orders for
building five vessels of thirty-two guns, five of twenty-
eight, and three of twenty-four.

On the whole, the transactions of the year 1775
were productive of most unfortunate results to the
British cause, and most animating to the Americans.
Measures which were relied on by the ministry as cer-
tain to operate by terror and coercion, were met with
firmness, and evaded, or rolled back with address and
dexterity ; conciliatory propositions were rejected ;
and the Americans displayed a consummate proficiency
in political intrigue, by appearing to retain sentiments
of loyalty, while their conduct evidently indicated a
determination to renounce all subjection to the mother-
country. They contrived to advance with rapid steps
in the path of revolt, yet to make Great Britain con-
stantly appear the aggressor ; and to retain the pre-
tence of a pacific disposition, while they withstood
every offer which had a tendency to terminate the
subsisting differences. Their military operations were
uniformly calculated to inspire confidence and animate
enterprize : even the expedition into Canada, although
not in every part fortunate, was prosecuted with so
daring a spirit, and frustrated by the failure of so gal-
lant an attempt, that the Americans felt more pride as

* Letter from General HOAVC to Lord Dartmouth, 3rd December. State
Papers.

GEORGE III. 251

sharers of the glory of Montgomery, than mortifica- CHAP.
tion in the disappointment, which only showed that

they could not, without considerable exertion, wrest 1775.
from Great Britain the chief conquest reserved as an
indemnity for the toils and expenses of the late war*.

* For this chapter, beside the authorities quoted in support of particular pas-
sages, I have consulted the periodical publications ; the histories of the Ameri-
can War, by Stedman and Ramsay; Morse's American Geography; and the
Remembrancer ; and I have been assisted by very respectable manuscript ob-
servations on them.

252 * HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-SEVENTH.
17751776.

Proceedings in the city of London. Address to the King.
His answer. Contest respecting the right of presenting pe-
titions to the King on the throne. Address of Congress to
the people of Great Britain to the people of Ireland.
Proclamation against rebellion. Petition of Congress to the
King. Answer from the Secretary of State. Effects of the
answer. Popularity of the measures of government.
Transactions in Parliament till the Christmas recess.
King's speech. City petition presented by Lord Camden.
Petition from the assembly of Nova Scotia. Opposition
to the address in both houses. Protest. Debates on the
employment of foreign troops in garrisons. Bill of indem-
nity. Motion of censure both rejected. Bill for assem-
bling the militia. Estimates. Motion by the Duke of
Grafton. Land tax fixed at four shillings in the pound.
Nova Scotia petition. Debate on that of Congress to the
King. Mr. Penn examined as a witness. The Duke of
Richmond's motion. Burke's conciliatory bill opposed
by Governor Pownall rejected. Hartley's propositions
rejected. Bill for prohibiting commercial intercourse with
America debated in the Lords passed. Recess. Changes
in administration. Lord George Germaine secretary of
state for America his character. Other changes. Des-

CHAP. pondency of administration.

XXVII. J

1775 UNDER the mayoralty of Mr. Wilkes, the city of

Proceeedings London seemed largely to participate in the sentiments
wn i c h produced such alarming commotions in America.
The majority of individuals was friendly to govern-
ment; but an active and turbulent minority endea-

GEORGE III. 253

voured by every intrigue to make the proceedings of ^vn"
the city councils assume a factious appearance.

In consequence of the acts of Parliament relative 1775.
to America, the Livery presented to the King an ad- ^ r ^"J;
dress, remonstrance, and petition, censuring all the late the King.
measures, not merely with plainness and freedom, but
with acrimonious asperity. " Not deceived," they said,
" by the specious artifices of calling despotism dignity,
" they plainly perceived a real design to establish arbi-
" trary power over all America; and, considering the
" liberties of the whole inevitably connected with every
" part of an empire founded on the common rights of
" mankind, they were alarmed at seeing the consti-
" tution violated in any part of the King's dominions."
Numerous grievances, they said, had driven his Ma-
jesty's faithful subjects in America to despair, and com-
pelled them to a resistance justified by the great prin-
ciples of the constitution, in consequence of which,
the crown was transferred from the popish and tyran-
nical race of Stuarts, to the illustrious and protestant
house of Brunswick. Persuaded that these measures
originated in the secret advice of men, enemies alike to
his Majesty's title and the liberties of the people ; that
the ministry carried them into execution by the same
fatal corruption which had enabled them to wound the
peace and violate the constitution of the country,
poisoning the fountain of public security, and render-
ing that body, which should be the guardian of liberty,
a formidable instrument of arbitrary power, they
prayed the King, as a first step toward a redress of
grievances which alarmed and affected the whole na-
tion, to dismiss his ministers for ever ; so should peace
and commerce be restored, and confidence and affection
be the supporters of the throne.

The King's answer testified his astonishment that His answer.
any of his subjects should encourage the rebellious
disposition existing in America ; relying, however, on
the wisdom of Parliament, the great council of the
nation, he would steadily pursue the measures recom-
mended by them for support of the constitutional
rights and protection of the commerce of Great

254

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

Message to
the Lord
Mayor.
Wilkes's
answer.

24th June.
Proceeding
of the com-
mon hall.
Remon-
strance
voted.

28th June.
The King
refuses to
receive it on
the throne.

4th and 5th
July.

Further pro-
ceedings.

Britain. The Lord Mayor was prevented from re-
plying by an intimation from the Lord in waiting.

In a few days after this interview, the Earl of Hert-
ford, Lord Chamberlain, signified to the Lord Mayor
the King's determination not to receive, on the throne,
any address, remonstrance, or petition, but from the
body corporate. Mr. Wilkes eagerly seized the oppor-
tunity thus afforded of raising a new contest. In a
long letter, he insisted on the right of the city, " a
" right which even the accursed race of Stuarts had
" respected, to present petitions to the King on the
" throne ; and hoped that a privilege left uninvaded
" by every tyrant of the Tarquin race, would be
" sacredly preserved under a Prince of the house of
" Brunswick, whose family was chosen to protect the
" liberties of a free people, whom the Stuarts had
" endeavoured to enslave."

At the first common hall, an address, remonstrance,
and petition, in many respects an echo of the last, but
rather exceeding it in violence, was approved ; the
ministry were described as men avowedly inimical to
the principles on which the King possessed the crown ;
and the Parliament as a body of whom the majority
were notoriously bribed to betray their constituents
and the country : the ministers were therefore to be
dismissed, and the Parliament dissolved. The corre-
spondence between the Lord Mayor and Lord Hert-
ford was entered on the city records, and the sheriffs
instructed to inquire when the King would receive,
on the throne, this address, presented by the Lord
Mayor, the city members, the court of aldermen,
sheriffs, and livery. The King having offered to
receive it at the next levee, Mr. Plomer, one of the
sheriffs, declared the resolution of the Livery not to
present it unless the King would receive it sitting on
the throne. " I am ever ready," his Majesty rejoined,
" to receive addresses and petitions, but I am the
" judge where." The substance of this conference
was reported to the Livery, resolutions adopted, and
conveyed to the King, asserting that his answer was a
direct denial of the right of the court to have their

GEORGE 11 J. 255

petitions heard ; that the remonstrance should be CHAP.

printed in the public papers, and the city members '_

instructed to move for an impeachment of the evil 1775
counsellors who planted popery and arbitrary power
in America, and were the advisers of a measure so
dangerous to his Majesty's happiness and the rights of
the people, as that of refusing to hear their petitions.
An address subsequently voted by the common council, 7th
couched in moderate and respectful terms, and praying
the King to suspend operations of force against America, ] 4^.
obtained a gracious reception, and a mild, though un-
complying answer.

The American Congress availed themselves of the Address f
disposition in the city of London to render their cause thTpeopie
popular, and exerted their endeavours to obtain par- g f ri ^^ at
tizans in every part of the King's dominions, or at least 8th July,
to render as many as possible indifferent to the interests
of government. They circulated a long, elaborate, and
insidious address to the inhabitants of Great Britain,
appealing at once to their pride, justice, and compas-
sion ; exculpating themselves, and endeavouring to
alarm the jealousy of Englishmen for their constitu-
tional rights, which would be no less endangered by
success, than their prosperity would be impaired by a
failure in hostilities. They justified their opposition
to military force, by alleging that they were wantonly
attacked ; but although they repelled assaults and
returned blows, yet they lamented the wounds they
were obliged to inflict ; nor had they learned to rejoice
at a victory over Englishmen. They denied aspiring
at independency, but declared they would only treat
on such terms as would render accommodation lasting ;
calling God to witness that they would part with their
property, endanger their lives, and sacrifice every thing
but liberty, to redeem Great Britain from ruin.

An address w T as also made to the people of Ireland, 2 8th.
designed, from similarity of situation, to produce con- P eo^e of
geniality of sentiment. The measures of the reign Ireland,
were decried as indicating that the genius of England
and the spirit of wisdom had withdrawn from the
British councils, and left the nation a prey to a race

256

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

23rd Aug.
Proclama-
tion against
rebellion.

1st Sept.

Petition of
Congress to
the King.

of ministers, with whom the ancient English honesty
and benevolence disdained to dwell ; from that period,
jealousy, discontent, oppression, and discord, had raged
among all his Majesty's subjects, and filled every part
of his dominions with distress and complaint. They
deplored the necessity of renouncing their commercial
connexion with Ireland, from whose Parliament they
had received no injury, and whose people had ever
been friendly to the rights of mankind ; but on the
other hand, the labours and manufactures of Ireland,
like those of the silk-worm, were of little moment to
herself, serving only to give luxury to those who neither
toil nor spin ; and should the resolutions of Congress
occasion much distress, the fertile regions of America
would afford a safe asylum from poverty, and, in time,
from oppression. In this address, reconciliation was
mentioned as desirable, but independence was never
disclaimed : on the contrary, Congress anticipated the
golden period when liberty, with all the gentle arts of
peace and humanity, should establish her mild domi-
nion in the western world, and erect eternal monuments
to the memory of those virtuous patriots and martyrs
who fought, bled, and suffered in her cause.

The progress of hostilities, and the appearance of
an intercourse with the American leaders, induced
government to issue a proclamation for suppressing
rebellion, and preventing traitorous correspondence*.

At this juncture Richard Penn arrived from
America, with a petition from Congress, and, accom-
panied by Arthur Lee, a resident agent, presented it
to the King.

This paper was drawn with great art, and com-
prised many appearances of a conciliatory disposition :
could it have been examined apart, and unconnected
with the transactions in America, which were sanc-
tioned by Congress, and their declarations to the people
of Great Britain, Ireland, Canada, and Jamaica, it

* Ou the publication of this proclamation at the Royal Exchange, Wilkes
showed his factiousness by causing it to be read by one of his officers, accompanied
only by the common crier ; they were not allowed horses, as usual on such occa-
sions, nor was the mace permitted to be carried; the proclamation was received
with a general hiss. Annual Register, 1775, p. 149.

GEORGE III 257

might have afforded hopes of an amicable adjustment. CHAP.
The King was addressed in respectful and endearing
terms ; and his magnanimity invoked to give the most 1775.
favourable construction to the expressions of the peti-
tioners. They solemnly assured him that they most
ardently desired a restoration of harmony between the
mother-country and her colonies, and the establish-
ment of concord on so firm a basis as to perpetuate its
blessings, uninterrupted by future dissensions, to suc-
ceeding generations, and transmit his Majesty's name
to posterity, adorned with the signal and lasting glory
attending the memory of those illustrious personages
whose virtues and abilities have extricated states from
dangerous convulsions, and, by securing happiness to
others, erected the most noble and durable monuments
to their own fame. They therefore besought his Majesty
to use his influence and authority in procuring them
relief from their afflicting jealousies and fears, and to
settle peace through every part of his dominions ; with
all humility submitting to his Majesty's consideration
the expediency of directing some mode by which the
united applications of his faithful colonists to the
throne, in pursuance of their common councils, might
be improved into a happy and permanent reconcilia-
tion* ; and that, in the mean time, measures might be
adopted for preventing further destruction of lives, and
such statutes as more immediately distressed the colo-
nies might be repealed. By arrangements for collect-
ing the united sense of the American people, his
Majesty would receive such satisfactory proofs of their

* The explanation of this clause is given by Ramsay ; History of the Ame-
rican Revolution, vol. i. p. 213. Congress meant, he says, that the mother-
country should propose a plan for establishing, by compact, something like Magna
Charta for the colonies. They did not aim at a total exemption from the controul
of Parliament, nor were they unwilling to contribute, in their own way, to the
expenses of government ; but they feared the horrors of war less than submission
to unlimited parliamentary supremacy. They wished for an amicable compact,
in which doubtful, undefined points, should be ascertained, so as to secure that
proportion of authority and liberty which would be for the general good of the
whole empire. They fancied themselves in the condition of the barons at Runny -
mede ; but with this difference, that in addition to opposing the King, they had
also to oppose the Parliament. This difference was more nominal than real ; for,
in the latter case, the King and Parliament stood precisely in the same relation to
the people of America, which subsisted in the former between the King and people
of England. In both, popular leaders were contending with the sovereign for the
privilege of subjects.

VOL. II. S

258

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

4th.

Answer.

Effect of the
answer.

disposition, that the wished-for opportunity would be
soon restored, of evincing the sincerity of their profes-
sions, by every becoming testimony of devotion.

To this petition the Earl of Dartmouth, in the
King's name, informed the agents of Congress that
no answer would be given.

Immediate advantage was taken of this repulse to
encourage the friends of Congress ; to fix the waver-
ing, and give resolution to the timid. Such, in fact,
must have been the view of the invidual who framed*,
and the body who adopted, the address : they knew
that neither the King nor Parliament could acknow-
ledge them as a body legally constituted ; nor could
the ministry, after the late transactions, recede from
the measures they thought proper to enforce, without
an appeal to the people through their representatives.
The Congress, a body constituted in defiance of the
King's commands, raising armies and levying taxes,
for the express purpose of oppugning his authority
and that of the British legislature, approached the
throne with the exterior of respect, but without al-
leging any urgent occasion for their assembly, and
holding themselves fully competent, not only to treat,
but even to dictate terms ; for the King was required,
before the adoption of measures for facilitating a con-
ference on the nature of grievances, to use his influ-
ence in obtaining a repeal of all statutes which dis-
tressed the colonies. It was not possible to discuss
such a proposal with hopes of ultimate success ; and,
without such a motive, it would have been base and
feeble to sanction the acts or petitions of a body, con-
stituted as the Congress was, glorying in the success of
armed resistance, and demanding concessions without
apology for the past, or reciprocal engagement for
the future. The rejection of this artful petition being
doubtless anticipated, it fully answered the view of its
authors ; and less artifice than they possessed was ne-
cessary to make it appear that hostile measures alone
could satisfy the pride and rage of the British nation.

* Mr. Dickinson, author of several celebrated political tracts.
History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 213.

Ramsay's

GEORGE III. 259

Under these constructions, the rejected petition con- xxvn
tributed to the union and perseverance of the colonies.

When pressed by the calamities of war," an Ame- 1775.
rican writer observes, " a doubt would sometimes
" arise in the minds of scrupulous persons, that they
" had been too hasty in their opposition to their pro-
" tecting parent-state. To such, it was usual to pre-
" sent the second petition of Congress to the King,
" observing, that all the blood and guilt of the war
" must be charged on British, not on American, coun-
" cils*."

Although the subsequent events, and termination Popularity
of the American contest have afforded opportunities sure* e c>rgo-
of repeating and enforcing the arguments used by the vemment.
adherents of Congress, they made, at the time, no con-
siderable impression. The cause of the mother-
country was generally popular, because considered,
just ; the war was not dreaded ; the American arms
were rarely successful, except through our own mis-
management ; and the nation reposed just confidence
in the exertions of British valour. The ministry
showed a due portion of spirit and perseverance ; the
large demands attending the beginning of warfare
gave energy to commerce ; and loyal addresses, un-
solicited and unexpected, were sent from all parts of
the kingdom f.

In his speech from the throne, the King amply de- 26th Oct.
tailed to Parliament the state of America. Those who ^S in
had too successfully laboured to inflame the people, parliament.
by gross misrepresentations, now openly avowed their

* Ramsay's History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 213. The author
was connected by marriage with the family of the well-known Laurens, and was
from 1782 to 1786 a member of Congress.

t Gibbon states this fact in a letter to Mr. Holroyd (Lord Sheffield), dated
14th October, 1775. He says, "Another thing that will please and surprise, is the
" assurance which I received from a man, who might tell me a lie, but who could
" not be mistaken, that no arts or management whatsoever have been used to pro-
" cure the addresses which fill the gazette, and that Lord North was as much sur-
" prised at the first that came up, as we could be at Sheffield." Addresses were
presented from both Universities. At Cambridge, the opponents of government
relied on what they termed the Whig character of their body, and entertained
hopes that " the pride which is sometimes not an useless guardian to virtue,
" would take alarm at their being called upon to play second fiddle to the Tory
"University of Oxford;" but, notwithstanding every effort, the address was
carried. An account of the matter, not untinged with party colouring, is in the
Anecdotes of Dr. Watson, Bishop of Landaff, vol. i. p. 88 to 94.

s 2

260 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvn re volt, hostility, and rebellion. They had raised

1 troops, and were collecting a naval force ; they had

1775. seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves
legislative, executive, and judicial powers, which they
exercised in the most arbitrary manner over the per-
sons and properties of their fellow-subjects ; and al-
though many might still retain their loyalty, and be
too wise not to see the fatal consequence of this usurpa-
tion, and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence
had been strong enough to compel their acquiescence
till a sufficient force should appear for their support.
The authors and promoters of this desperate conspi-
racy had derived great advantage from the difference
of the King's intentions and their own. They meant
only to amuse by vague expressions of attachment to
the parent-state and protestations of loyalty, while
preparing for a general revolt. On his part, though
it was declared in the last session that a rebellion
existed in the province of the Massachuset's Bay, yet
even that province he wished rather to reclaim than
subdue. The war was become more general, and was
manifestly carried on for the establishment of an in-
dependent empire. It was now the part of wisdom,
and (in its effects) of clemency, to put a speedy end
to such disorders, by decisive exertions. He had re-
ceived the most friendly offers of foreign assistance ;
and had sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port
Mahon part of his electoral troops, that a larger por-
tion of the British forces might be applied in main-
taining its authority ; and the national militia might
give a farther extent and activity to military opera-
tions. His Majesty professed readiness to receive the
misled and deluded multitude with tenderness, when-
ever they should become sensible of their error ; and,
in order to prevent inconvenience from distance, and
remove their calamities as soon as possible, he would
give a discretionary authority to persons on the spot
to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities,
and receive the submission of any province or colony
disposed to return to its allegiance. He suggested the
propriety of authorising the persons so commissioned

GEORGE III. 261

to restore such provinces or colonies to the free exer- CHAP.
cise of trade, and the same protection and security as

if they had never revolted ; and informed both Houses, 1775.
that, from the assurances received, and the general
appearance of affairs in Europe, he saw no probability
of impediment to his measures by disputes with any
foreign power.

Before any motion was made on the King's speech, city petition.
Lord Camden took the very unusual course of pre-
senting a petition to the House. It was from the
Lord Mayor and Common Council of the city of Lon-
don, expressing alarm at the. late proceedings with
respect to America, which, uncertain as they were in
their effect, must be productive of new and burthen-
some taxes, increase our enormous national debt, and
occasion the loss of the most valuable branch of our
commerce. As his Majesty had, in answer to a late
address, declared that he should abide by the sense of
Parliament, they besought the House to adopt speedy,
permanent, and honourable measures for healing the
present unhappy disputes.

The Lord Chancellor censured the proceeding of Nova Scotia
Lord Camden, as a departure from the usual respectful P etitlon -
mode of abstaining from other business until the
King's speech had been taken into consideration ; but,
as the established complimentary practice had been
violated, he would also present an address, petition,
and memorial, from the General Assembly of Nova
Scotia. The petitioners professed, in terms of dutiful
humility, their acknowledgment that the King, Lords,
and Commons of Great Britain, were the supreme
legislature of that and all the British provinces in
North America, and confessed an indispensable duty
to pay a just proportion of the expenses of the empire ;
but suggested modes in which the contribution ought
to be imposed and levied, and suggested many griev-
ances which demanded redress; and many improve-
ments in legislation, finance, and judicial administra-
tion, which were required by justice and a regard to
the public good.

Both petitions having been laid on the table, an

262

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

Address pro-
posed.

Amendment
moved.

address was proposed by Lord Viscount Townshend,
and seconded by Lord Viscount Dudley. The Mar-
quis of Rockingham moved an amendment, in which
the conduct observed toward America was censured as
tending to tarnish the lustre of the British arms, and
to nourish, without hope of end, a most unhappy civil
war. It deprecated the dangerous and alarming ex-
pedient of calling in foreign forces to support his
Majesty's authority within his own dominions, and the
still more dreadful calamity of shedding British blood
by British hands.

In the debate, the Earl of Dartmouth asserted
that the late proceedings had been unsuccessful from
causes not to be anticipated ; and Lord Gower avowed
that administration had been misled, and pursued a
system inadequate to the nature and extent of the
service. The accounts received from the southern
provinces led to this mistake; New York had been
over-awed and forced by a party of insurgents from
Connecticut into measures they would not otherwise
have adopted ; yet, if the friends of government were
emancipated by the aid of a force from this country, the
colonies might be brought to a sense of their duty,
without recourse to scenes of misery and desolation.

Lord Shelburne severely arraigned the conduct of
administration, and the rashness of the predictions
that a little bloodshed would ensure success : a great
deal of blood had been unhappily shed to no purpose,
but to sever the two countries, perhaps for ever. He
advanced, as a plain and incontestible fact, that the
commerce of America was the vital stream of this
great empire, and the independence of that country
must be the ruin of Britain. The inevitable conse-
quence of perseverance in the present measures must
be the depreciation of property ; opulence would be
reduced to competence, competence to indigence : in
contemplation of such adversity, he felt happy in
having been bred a soldier; accustomed to the mo-
deration of that life, his fall would be easy.

At an early period in the debate, the Duke of
Grafton delivered sentiments hostile to administration,

GEORGE III.

263

yet refused to concur in the amendment. He con- xxvn

demned the proceedings with respect to America _I 1

during the last twelve months, and apologized for 1775.
having supported them, by alleging that he was misled
and deceived ; he had concurred when he could not
approve, from a hope that in proportion to the strength
of government would be the probability of amicable
adjustment. He recommended the repeal of all acts
relative to America passed since 1763 : this propo-
sition would not probably obtain immediate appro-
bation, but would daily grow in esteem, and ulti-
mately gain universal assent. Did he entertain con-
trary sentiments, he could not agree in an address
which sanctioned measures of unknown extent and
expense, while the King's speech was not accompanied
with the slightest information. He mentioned the
bad state of his health, and, following the example of
Lord Chatham, declared his intention to come in a
litter, rather than fail to express his full and hearty
disapprobation of the measures of administration.

The amendment was negatived*, and the address Amendment
carriedf, by great majorities : nineteen peers signed a protest.'
protest.

In the House of Commons, Lord John Cavendish House of
moved an amendment in the same terms as that pro- Commons-
posed by the Marquis of Rockingham. In the debate,
the principle and conduct of the contest were severely
arraigned. The facts assumed in the speech were
declared to be untrue ; Parliament was not early con-
vened; the Americans were not collecting a naval
force ; the assertion, that they meant only to amuse
by vague expressions of attachment, and sought to
render themselves independent, were equally injurious
to their honour and repugnant to truth : and the
confiding of two such important fortresses as Gibraltar
and Minorca to garrisons of foreigners was highly im-
proper; the idea of conquest was equally romantic
and unjust ; and the addresses did not prove the senti-
ments of the people, even if fairly obtained ; but the

* 69 to 29.

t 76 to 33.

26 J: HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvn' contrary was strenuously affirmed. Colonel Barre
exposed to severe censure the whole conduct of the

1775. campaign ; Mr. Fox observed that Lord Chatham,
the King of Prussia, nay, Alexander the Great, never
gained more in one year than the existing government
had lost it had lost a whole continent. Although
the Americans were not justifiable in the extent of
their proceedings, resistance was less culpable than
submission to the tyrannical acts of a British parlia-
ment. General Conway, though joined with the
King's servants, detested the principle of supporting
every measure of government ; reprobated the idea of
conquering America ; declared explicitly against the
right of taxation; and wished to see the declaratory
law repealed, since it had been converted to such bad
purposes. Mr. Wilkes termed the address fulsome
and adulatory ; the war unjust, ruinous, felonious,
and murderous; unjust and felonious, because its
primary cause and origin was to take money from the
Americans, without their consent, contrary to the
common rights of mankind, and those great funda-
mental principles of the constitution for which Hamp-
den bled; murderous, because it was an effort to
deprive men of their lives, for standing up in defence
of their property and their rights.

Defence. I n answer to these objections, the necessity of

regaining America by force was strenuously urged:
during the late summer, government, although vested
by the legislature with the right of using the sword,
had, through a love of lenity, preferred an attempt to
govern by the civil power : it was now intended to
send out an ample force, supported by a sufficient
fleet, to insure subjection. Congress verbally pro-
fessed not to aim at independence; but their claims
amounted to a total exemption from parliamentary
authority. They had expressly declared that the
British legislature had no right to intermeddle with
their provision for the support of civil government or
the administration of justice; each country should in
those respects regulate itself: thus they plainly claimed
an exclusive authority in each colonial assembly. Not

GEORGE III. 265

only the late acts more particularly complained of,
but every other affecting their internal polity, had
been treated as unjust encroachments of parliament on 1775.
the rights of a legislature as independent as itself. In
military matters their pretensions were equally ex-
travagant. They denied to Great Britain the right of
keeping a single soldier in the whole extent of their
continent, without consent of the colonial legislature.
With regard to revenue, Parliament had declared, in
words intelligible to all mankind, that they would
never tax America, unless impelled by a refusal to
contribute a due proportion to the common expenses
of the state. They even knew that a reasonable
sum would be accepted ; but would not, to gratify
this country, offer the contribution of a single shilling.
The only particular in which they seemed inclined to
admit the authority of Parliament, was the regulation
of trade ; though even there they expressed themselves
with sufficient caution ; and in every thing else as-
serted an absolute independence.

Lord North observed, that to repeal every act
passed since the year 1763, must terminate the dis-
pute; for, from that moment, America would be
raised to independence. The acts were all just, and
not cruel ; and that for restraining their traffic with
other countries, against which opposition so loudly
declaimed, was not passed till the colonies, by a non-
importation agreement, had refused to trade with
England, who had nurtured them to their present
greatness, and, on the principles of reciprocity, had an
exclusive right to the benefits of their commerce.

At four o'clock in the morning the address was
carried*.

In these debates, and on the report of the address, Debate on
the illegality of committing the custody of Gibraltar ^ ie em P lo J
and Minorca to foreign troops was strenuously urged, foreign
It was a precedent of most alarming and dangerous tro P s in

.. & o. garrisons.

tendency, recognizing a power in the King to intro- 27th Oct.
duce foreigners into the British dominions, and raise

* 278 to 108.

266

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

Bill of in-
demnity.
31st Oct.

1st Nov.

1st Nov.
Motion in
the House
of Lords.

armies without the consent of Parliament. Mr. Thur-
low answered, that the clause in the Bill of Rights em-
braced no part of the King's dominions beyond the
limits of Great Britain ; the necessity of the case and
danger of delay were also urged, and the introduction
of six thousand Dutch troops, in 1745, without pre-
vious consent, was cited as a precedent. Lord North
avowed himself the adviser of the paragraph in the
King's speech, and declared he should not consider
the House precluded, by voting for the address, from
reviewing the measure on any future day.

The friends of administration did not uniformly
concur in Lord North's opinion, and Mr. Marsham
gave notice of his intention to bring in a bill of in-
demnity. The minister treated the intimation with
his accustomed gaiety; declaring, that although per-
fectly satisfied with the legality of the measure, he
had no objection to concur in any proposition tend-
ing to keep the heads of ministers more securely on
their shoulders ; yet conceiving that acts of indem-
nity were never passed but as a defence against ac-
tions at law, and not against impeachments, he pro-
posed a resolution, approving the employing of foreign
troops. This expedient was not, however, considered
adequate to the purpose, and the minister himself,
yielding his own judgment to the arguments of his
friends, obtained leave to bring in a bill of indemnity.

The Duke of Manchester, on the same day, made
a motion to declare the employment of electoral troops,
in the dominions of Great Britain, dangerous and un-
constitutional, and supported it by an elaborate speech.
The Earl of Rochford, as one of the ministers who ad-
vised the measure, declared his unshaken opinion that
it was perfectly justifiable, and his readiness to abide
the consequences : yet, as he had learned that Lord
North intended to apply for a bill of indemnity, he
moved the previous question. The Duke of Grafton,
the only cabinet minister in the House who did not
avow his having concurred in giving this advice, con-
demned the measure in the strongest terms, as incon-
sistent with the spirit of Magna Charta. The motion

GEORGE III. 267

of censure was supported by the Duke of Richmond,
the Earls of Effingham, Camden, and Shelburne, and
Lord Lyttelton. The previous question was, how- 1775.
ever, negatived*.

A motion similar to that of the Duke of Manches- 3rd NOV.
ter was made by Sir James Lowther, and disposed of
in the same manner']' : in a long and animated debate,
the minister was censured, even by his coadjutors, for
acceding to the suggestion of a bill of indemnity.
Lord Barrington, the secretary at war, in particular,
declared that, although he was a principal adviser of
the measure, he wanted no such bill, and should pity
and contemn the minister by whom it was required.

Such being the opinions professed by members of BUI rejected,
administration in both Houses, the fate of the bill of
indemnity might be anticipated : it passed the House 24th NOV.
of Commons, after the rejection of a motion for amend-
ing the preamble, and making ministry confess their
conduct illegal, and repugnant to the spirit of the
constitution. In the Upper House it was unanimously m h NOV.
rejected on the third reading : the Marquis of Rock-
ingham asserting it would be a disgrace to the statute
book to afford indemnity to those who acknowledged
no offence, and the ministerial lords declaring them-
selves perfectly indifferent respecting the event.

Several months afterward, Sir James Lowther re-
produced the subject, by a motion for declaring the
illegality of introducing foreign troops into any part of
the King's dominions without the consent of Parlia-
ment. Several speeches were made, which displayed
much industrious preparation, but no novelty, and it
ended in the rejection of the previous question^.

Lord North brought in a bill for enabling the sothOct.
King to assemble the militia in cases of rebellion ;
which passed, with a rider proposed by Sir George miiitia.'
Savile, limiting its duration to seven years. In the
course of the debates, Lord Mountacute expressed a
wish to see a militia in North Britain. Mr. Dunning Mr> Dunnin s-

* 75 to 32.

t On the previous question being put. the numbers were, ayes 81, noes 203.

t 186 to 92.

268

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

Mr. Rigby.

Mr. Ackland.

fired at the suggestion : he was a friend to the old
militia, because it could only be drawn out in cases
prescribed by the constitution ; but that meritorious
body was to be annihilated, and a monster given in its
stead. " A noble lord," he said, " has touched upon
" another militia ; a militia to be composed of a dif-
" ferent set of people, a northern militia ! From the
" manner in which the intimation is given, I take for
" granted the plan is determined, and that it is one of
" the measures which are, at present, so rapidly com-
" bined. It is curious to observe what are the auxi-
" liaries called to the assistance of the British consti-
" tution. Catholics from Canada ; Irish papists ; a
" new militia in England, very differently composed
" from the old one ; a Scotch militia, of a description
" that I will not name ; Hanoverian mercenaries to
" garrison the two principal fortresses in the Mediter-
" ranean ; and, to crown the whole, twenty thousand
" Russians : they are not to be sent to America ; there-
" fore we may presume they are to be brought here, to
" protect the legislative authority of this country."

These observations were answered by Mr. Rigby,
who denied any intention of bringing Russians into
this country, and stated that, whenever a war demanded
foreign auxiliaries, they had been obtained from various
countries. The last war saw Wolfenbuttlers, Hes-
sians, Hanoverians, and many other people in our
service; there was a Britannic legion, which consisted
of all the thieves in Europe. " The learned member,"
he proceeded, " enters very logically into the distinc-
" tions of rebellion. He detests that of 1745, but
" likes the present passing well. For my part, al-
" though I think there is but one kind of rebellion, I
" cannot carry my resentments so far back ; for when-
" ever the Americans shall return to their duty, I shall
" not consider them as deserving of my hatred."

Much displeasure was expressed in several debates
at the loyal addresses which had been sent, and many
reflections cast on the means employed to obtain them.
The first battalion of the Devonshire militia had for-
warded one : such a proceeding by an armed body was

GEORGE HI.

269

censured as unconstitutional ; and Mr. Ackland, a major
in the regiment, was charged with using improper
means to procure it. The objection against its legality
was easily disposed of; and, as the supposed interference
was denied; Mr. Dunning made a suitable apology. In
a subsequent debate, the accusation being in some de-
gree adverted to by Mr, Fox, Mr. Ackland intemper-
ately observed, that he was no adventurer or place-
hunter. Men of property, who had much at stake,
and could have no interest but that of the public, were
more fit to be trusted with sums for its defence than
those of reduced fortunes. Here he was interrupted
by Mr. Burke. Mr. Fox began a speech of severe re-
prehension; but the altercation was stopped by a gene-
ral interposition.

How little effect the efforts of opposition produced,
was shewn by three divisions taken during the pro-
gress of the bill*.

The number of seamen was fixed at 28,000 ; the
land forces at 55,000, of whom 25,000 were destined
for America. The discussion of the navy estimates
gave occasion to impute many malversations to the first
Lord of the Admiralty ; and while the army estimates
were under consideration, a review was taken of the
cause and progress of the American dispute, the
means of conciliation, and the probabilities of con-
quest.

In the House of Lords, similar efforts were made ;
the Duke of Grafton, who had resigned the Privy Seal
since the commencement of the session, became con-
spicuous in the ranks of opposition. He moved for an
account of the number of forces serving in America
previous to the commencement of hostilities ; the force
actually employed there ; the plans for winter-quarters,
and the numbers of the provincial army ; an estimate
of the troops in Great Britain and Ireland ; and an
estimate of the military force necessary to be sent to
America, with an account of the artillery and stores.
In support of this motion, he stated the unsuccessful

* The numbers on the motion for a second reading, 259 to 50 ; on an amend-
ment proposed in the committee, 140 to 56; and on the third reading, 162 to 26.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

22nd Nov.
Estimates.

1st Nov.
8th.

Motion by
the Duke of
Grafton.
4th Nov.

15th.

270

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

Objected to.

Dispute with

America

censured.

Defended by
Lord Mans-
field.

operations of the late campaign, the condition of the
army, cooped up in Boston, mouldering away by sick-
ness and famine, and almost daily waiting for its fate,
that of being destroyed or made prisoners by a force
infinitely superior. The Lords who directed his Ma-
jesty's councils had ingenuously avowed their having
been deceived; apologized on account of ill-founded
information, false reasonings and mistaken conclusions :
and directed oblique censures against the commanders
both by sea and land. In such a state of darkness and
uncertainty, such charges, blunders, mistakes, impu-
ted negligence or incapacity, it was necessary to warn
the House of the difficulties to be encountered, and the
means of obviating or surmounting them : by such
means they w r ould be enabled to adopt measures of
coercion or conciliation which best suited the dignity,
justice and permanent interests of the country.

The proposition was resisted, on the ground that the
information would be communicated to the enemy,
and expose the plan of military operations. Earl
Gower asserted, on the credit of an officer of eminence
in America, that all measures determined on in Eng-
land were known in the provincial camp much earlier
than in the King's army. The Americans would con-
sequently rise in their demands if conciliation were
proposed, or take the measures of resistance best cal-
culated to defeat the intentions of Great Britain.

A digression was made into the general grounds of
the dispute : the Americans were vindicated by Lord
Camden, the Duke of Richmond, and Lord Shelburne,
who declared Great Britain in every instance the
aggressor, and stigmatized the proceedings against the
colonies by the name of robbery : they were cruel, op-
pressive, unjust, and unrelenting, and ought to be re-
sisted as open and dangerous attacks on liberty, pro-
perty, and every thing dear to free men. The asser-
tion that America aspired at independence, was treated
as an unfounded calumny, invented for purposes of
delusion.

Beside the Earls of Gower and Dartmouth, who, as
ministers, vindicated their own proceedings, the cause

GEORGE III. 271

of government was ably defended by theLords Lyttel- xxvii'
ton, Dudley, and Townshend; but Lord Mansfield,

with his usual perspicuity, eloquence, and profound 1775.

information, traced to their real source the pretensions

which convulsed America and agitated Great Britain.

He said, " The bad consequences of planting northern

" colonies were early predicted. Sir Joshua Child

" foretold, before the revolution, that they would,

" finally, prove our rivals in power, commerce, and

" manufactures. Davenant, adopting the same ideas,

" foresaw that whenever America found herself suffi-

" ciently strong to contend with the mother-country,

" she would endeavour to become a separate and inde-

" pendent state. This had been the constant object in

" New England, almost from her earliest infancy.

" This compelled King William to revoke his former

" charter, and give them a new one ; and toward the

" conclusion of his reign, to procure an act that no law

" originating in the colonies should be valid, if con-

" trary to that of England. Those disputes had

" scarcely ever subsided: in 1733, Mr. Talbot, after-

" ward chancellor, proposed a series of resolutions in

" the House of Commons, indicating the precise nature

" of the disputes, and fully asserting doctrines similar

" to those now maintained by the British Parliament.

" A new administration, formed in 17 56, was extremely

" unwilling to engage in a war on account of America ;

" and would have avoided it, had not circumstances

" given another turn to the subsisting disputes." " I do

" not assert" his lordship said, " that America was not

" the true cause of the war ; I am certain it was. A vulgar

" opinion prevailed, the reverse of truth, that we armed

" in defence of Hanover ; but, whatever form the war

" might afterward assume, it was originally undertaken

" for the preservation of America. At the peace, the

" inconveniences which have since arisen were partly

" foreseen ; but they were, with suitable wisdom, ba-

" lanced against those which might result from the

" other part of the alternative. The restoration of

" Canada to France would have been the source

" of endless contention. At the time of imposing the

272 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvn' " s ^ am P duties, an idea prevailed, that America, from
" her increased power and ability, should contribute to

1/75. " alleviate the burdens with which she had been in-
" strumental in loading this country. I shall not dis-
" cuss the propriety of the measure ; from succeed-
" ing events, I regret its adoption ; but at the time it
" encountered no opposition. The next year the decla-
" ratory law was passed with equal unanimity. In a
" year after, Lord Camden, being then at the head of
" his Majesty's councils, and presiding on the wool-
" sack, was present when the port duties were imposed,
" but offered not the slightest resistance. When the re-
" solutions for extending the statute of Heniy VIII,
" relative to the trial of persons for offences committed
" out of the realm, were voted, the same learned Lord
" retained his situation, and the noble Duke, who made
" the motion this day, then presided at the head of the
" treasury; both were in the cabinet, and yet not a
" word was said against the measure. I look back
" with sorrow to all these transactions. Lastly, the
" bill for shutting the port of Boston, on which the
" learned Lord hath this day bestowed so many hard
" names, was passed without opposition. If these acts
" were justifiable, those which succeeded were equally
" so. America does not complain of particular inju-
" ries, so much as ,the violation of her rights ; in one
" place Congress sums up the whole of their griev-
" ances in the passage of the declaratory act, which
" asserts the supremacy of Great Britain, or the power
" of making laws for America in all cases. Hence
" arises the dispute ; they positively deny the exist-
" ence, not the mode of exercising the right: they
" would allow the King of Great Britain a nominal
" sovereignty, but no more : they would renounce de-
" pendency on the crown of Great Britain, but not on
" the person of the King, whom they would reduce to
" a cypher. In fine, they would stand in relation to
" Great Britain, as Hanover now stands : or, rather,
" as Scotland stood toward England before the union."
His Lordship then proved that the views of America
were directed to independence; that Great Britain

GEORGE III. 273

could not concede any claim without relinquishing all. CHAP.

Such a sacrifice he supposed was not intended ; and, '_

consequently, any measures of conciliation would only 1775.
furnish grounds for new claims, or produce simulated
obedience and submission.

The Duke of Grafton's motions were negatived
without a division.

Among other means of raising supplies, the minis- 13th N v.
ter proposed a land tax of four shillings in the pound. 4 S an in ^ at
This measure, so unpalatable to the country gentlemen, pound,
afforded means of arraigning the conduct of ministry,
and alarming the jealousy of those who would be most
affected. Mr. Hartley said, little foresight was neces-
sary to prophesy, last year, that the land tax must be
raised to four shillings, and he saw no probability of
its ever being reduced. He made numerous statements
and calculations to prove that, instead of deriving the
promised revenue from America, England would be
encumbered with a perpetual mortgage on the land, to
pay for measures equally unjust and ill executed.

These arguments produced the desired effect. Mr.
Baldwin observed, he always understood the dispute
with America to be for a revenue in relief of the
country gentlemen ; but, having since learnt that the
idea of taxation was abandoned, he considered it im-
proper to embark in further expenses.

After replying to several of Mr. Hartley's state-
ments, Lord North denied that taxation was renounced.
A mode, he said, would be adopted for obtaining a
contribution from America ; ministers abandoned the
idea of taxation only for the present ; it was but a
matter of secondary importance, when the supremacy
and legislative authority of the country were at stake.
To ensure legislative authority and commercial advan-
tages, it would be necessary to combine them with a tax,
even though attended with no direct profit.

This explanation was deemed satisfactory, and the
measure encountered little further opposition*.

* A division took place on an amendment, moved by Sir George Younge, for
continuing the land tax at three shillings in the pound ; but it was negatived,
182 to 47.

VOL. II. T

274

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

26th Oct.
Nova Scotia
petition.

23rd Nov

29th.

6th Nov.
Debates on
the petition
of Congress
to the King.
7th Nor.

A similar petition to that presented to the Lords
from the general assembly of Nova Scotia, was also
offered to the House of Commons. The assembly de-
plored the prospect which the present state of affairs
opened to America, and proposed, as the means of ter-
minating amicably all differences, and preventing the
possibility of their being renewed, a tax ad valorem
on all commodities imported into the province, not
being the produce of the British dominions, except
bay salt. This tax would include almost all luxuries,
and would increase in an equal ratio with the affluence
of the inhabitants. The offer was made in compliance
with the conciliatory propositions, and the petitioners
hoped it would serve as a model and precedent.

Lord North moved, in a committee, that this pro-
posal should be accepted, the tax not to exceed eight
per cent. ; and when the legislature of Nova Scotia
should have passed an act for effectuating it, their
trade should be restored, and they at liberty to import
wines, and certain other articles, directly from any
other country. It does not seem to have occurred,
until suggested by Sir George Younge, that this
petition contained the same doctrines, breathed the
same language, and claimed the same rights, as the
declaration of Congress. Sir George moved an amend-
ment, which was overruled ; but the petition was not
afterwards cordially espoused. It was reported, and a
long debate maintained on some proposed amendments,
and an ironical resolution moved by Mr. Burke ; but
the subject was gradually relinquished.

The petition of Congress being alluded to in
the King's speech, was submitted to the inspection of
Parliament. Before this paper was regularly discussed
in the House of Lords, Mr. Luttrell endeavoured to
conciliate the lower House to the pretensions and
character of Congress, by moving an address for em-
powering commissioners to receive conciliatory pro-
posals from any general convention, congress, or other
collective body, conveying the sentiments of one or
more colonies, suspending all inquiry into the legal or
illegal forms under which such colony might be dis-

GEORGE III. 275

posed to treat. This motion was introduced by a long CHAP.
speech, tending to prove, that in Great Britain, more

than any other country, government had been brought 1775.

back to its first principles, by extra-formal assemblies

of the people in a convention or congress. By such

a convention, he argued, monarchy had been restored

in the person of Charles II. and such a convention

in 1688 perfected the glorious Revolution. No answer

was made to the harangue, but by observing, that to

treat with the American Congress would be to admit

it a legal assembly, and consequently that the conduct

of Great Britain was entirely founded on injustice.

The motion was negatived.

When the Lords, in pursuance of the order of the * ^ ov -
day, were proceeding to take into consideration the examined.
petition of Congress, the Duke of Richmond saw Mr.
Penn standing below the bar, and, anticipating that
some doubts would arise respecting the authenticity of
the paper, urged the propriety of examining him as a
witness. After a strenuous debate on order and pre-
cedent, mixed with much personal invective, the
ministry conceded that his evidence should be re-
ceived.

The examination was conducted by the Duke of loth NOV.
Richmond, who had previously communicated the
questions he intended to ask. Mr. Penn had been
constantly resident in America four years, two of
which he had been governor of Pennsylvania ; he
described the Congress as men of character and
intelligence, capable of conveying the sense of their
constituents, and without means of enforcing obedience,
but through the confidence reposed in them : that con-
fidence, however, was so unlimited, that no sufficient
protection could be found for persons who should
advance sentiments differing from those which they
had promulgated. The people generally considered
themselves fully able to resist the arms of Great
Britain employed to enforce taxation and the late
obnoxious acts. The war was commenced and pro-
secuted by the inclination and zeal of the people, in
defence of their liberties, though not, as the witness

T 2

276

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

The Duke of

Richmond's

motion.

Lord Shel-
burne.

The Earl of
Dartmouth.

believed, for the purpose of establishing independency ;
but, unless conciliatory measures were speedily pursued,
he feared the Americans would form connexions with
foreign powers, which they would not easily be induced
to renounce. They were dissatisfied with the reception
of their petitions, and had formed great hopes of that
delivered by the witness, which was styled the Olive
Branch ; and the commission to present it was con-
sidered a subject of congratulation by his friends. He
described the dissatisfaction occasioned by the stamp
act, and the exultation at the repeal ; and was of
opinion that the declaratory act would have occasioned
no discontent, had America been left in the state she
then was : he believed the colonies inclined to acknow-
ledge the imperial authority of Great Britain, in every
particular, except taxation, and to acquiesce in the
words of the declaratory act.

Upon this evidence, manifestly partial and neces-
sarily imperfect, from the situation of the witness,
whose knowledge was avowedly limited to Pennsyl-
vania, the Duke of Richmond founded a motion,
" That the petition was a ground for conciliation of
" the unhappy differences between Great Britain and
" America." He extolled its language as that of
dutiful submission to the sovereignty of the mother-
country, so far as was compatible with the rights
secured to freemen by the constitution of the empire ;
and traced all the difficulties, dangers, and inconve-
niences attendant on a project of forcible conquest.

Lord Shelburne coincided in these sentiments,
and expatiated on the topics urged by the Duke of
Richmond, in terms still more forcible. He predicted
national ruin from the prosecution of the contest, and
said, if ministers persisted in measures neither justifiable
on principles of policy or of liberty, he should apply
to them the adage, " Quos deus vult perdere prius
" dementat."

The Earl of Dartmouth defended the refusal to
answer the petition, by observing, that unless presented
to the King on the throne, no answer could be expected
as of right ; and it would have been indecent in the

GEORGE III. 277

Secretary of State to give one unauthorized. If silence
was construed into disapprobation, the construction

was justifiable. The petition, in its expressions, was 1775.
unexceptionable ; but there was every reason to believe
the softness of the language purposely adopted to
conceal the most traitorous designs. Did it become
the oifending party to dictate the terms on which
peace would be accepted "?

Lord Lyttelton, with great warmth, descanted on ^ord Lyttei-
the partiality of the witness, and declared he could
have confronted him with a person of unexceptionable
character, possessed of ten thousand acres of land in
New England, but that individual was afraid to appear,
from a certainty that his property would be totally
destroyed, and his person proscribed. " Supposing,
" however, Mr. Penn's evidence impartial, what was
" the purport of the motion, but that the acts of the
" British Parliament, its repeated addresses to the
" throne, his Majesty's own most solemn declarations,
" were to be superseded by the commands, not ad-
" dresses, of the rebellious Americans ? Those auda-
" cious rebels, who endeavoured to impose on his
" Majesty insidious, traitorous, false expressions of
" loyalty and obedience, while in the same breath
" they appealed to the people of Great Britain and
" Ireland, abused the Parliament, denied their power,
" invited their fellow-subjects to make a common
" cause, arid thus, at once, endeavoured to involve
" every part of this great empire in one general scene
" of rebellion and bloodshed. Are these the men you
" would treat with \ Is this the cause the pretended
" friends of the country would endeavour to defend s
" Or would you, by agreeing with this motion, relin-
" quish your dominion over those worst of rebels, and
" tamely submit to transfer the seat of empire from
" Great Britain to America V

Lord Sandwich, whose temper and mildness in LordSand-
debate furnished at once a contrast and reproof to the
vehemence of Lord Lyttelton, defended that nobleman
against the animadversions he incurred by his irritabi-
lity, and unfolded many errors and exaggerations in the

278

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

Negatived
1 Glli Nov.
Burke's con-
ciliatory bill.

statements of American force and British alliances.
He exposed with perspicuity the geographical and
political mistakes made by the opponents of ministry,
censured their assumption of mere suppositions for
facts, and rectified their mis-statements of the strength
and zeal of the country.

The Duke of Richmond's motion was negatived*.

Mr. Burke again judged it expedient to propose a
project of conciliation, which he introduced at the
moment of presenting a petition from the inhabitants
of certain towns in Wiltshire, against the prosecution
" of the war. His motion was " For leave to bring in
" a bill for composing the present troubles, and quiet-
" ing the minds of his Majesty's subjects in America,"
founded on the statute of Edward I. de tallagio non
concedendo. In conformity to this precedent, he pro-
posed a renunciation of taxing, a repeal of statutes
made on a contrary principle, since 1766, a general
pardon, and a congress to be held by royal authority
for the adjustment of differences J*.

In his speech, Mr. Burke observed, three plans
were afloat with regard to America ; first, simple war,
in order to a perfect conquest ; second, a mixture of
war and treaty ; and third, peace grounded on conces-
sion. The first plan was to be effected in two ways ;
the one direct, by conquest, the other indirect, by
distress. The forces to be employed in America,
amounting on paper to no more than 26,000, were, he
contended, insufficient for conquest ; and without
anticipating the success or frustration of the plan of
distress, he objected to it as not leading to a speedy
decision. The longer our distractions continued, the
greater the chance of interference by the Bourbon
powers, which, in a protracted war, he considered not
only probable, but certain ; and this country was utterly
incapable of coping with America with those powers
in conjunction.

The second project, of force mixed with treaty,

* 86 to 33.

t See the bill in the Parliamentary Register, vol. iii. p. 182. Parliamentary
History, vol. xviii. p. 978.

GEORGE III. 279

appeared most favoured by ministers, but met with xxvn

his decided disapprobation. Ministers did not propose '_

to negotiate with the present or any other general
congress or meeting, but with the several assemblies
distinctly. In this scheme they knew they could not
succeed, because the chartered assembly of one prin-
cipal province, that of Massachuset's Bay, was des-
troyed by act of parliament. No assembly would sit
under the new constitution, because the inhabitants
must then, as a preliminary, surrender the principal
object for which they had armed ; and thus, before the
opening of the negotiation, decide the contest against
themselves : the treaty must therefore stumble on the
threshold. Beside this fundamental objection, he
urged the impossibility of ever terminating a negotia-
tion with so many provinces, of such different consti-
tutions, tempers, and opinions, while, in the mean time,
hostilities, with their whole train of disadvantages,
accidents, and ruinous expenses, would be continued.
The objects of treaty must be either the recognition of
abstract rights, on as large a scale as Parliament
claimed them, to which the Americans would never
submit ; or upon a lesser, to which they had already
submitted. Another object of treaty might be a
practical recognition of the right of Great Britain to
tax for a revenue, either nominal or beneficial ; if
nominal, it amounted only to a speculative acknow-
ledgment of right, which they would for ever refuse ;
if beneficial, they would grant it only in the ancient
mode, which from the beginning of the contest they
had repeatedly tendered ; that of contributing accord-
ing to their ability, estimated by themselves. If
ministers treated for a revenue, or any other purpose,
they could only rely on the force which procured the
terms, or the honour, sincerity, and good inclination
of the people. If nothing but force could hold them,
and they aimed at independency, as the speech from
the throne asserted, then the House was to consider
how a standing army of 26,000 men, and seventy
ships of war, could be constantly maintained. " A
" people aspiring at independency will not abandon it,

280 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CI1 vn' " Because they have, to avoid a present inconvenience,
" submitted to treaty. After all our struggles, America

1775. " must be retained by her good inclination. If this
" fails, all fails ; and it were better to trust to the
" honesty of the colonies, before we ruined ourselves
" and irritated them, than after we had alienated their
" affections for ever."

Having dilated on these topics, Mr. Burke came
to his own proposition, that of concession previous to
treaty. He put no great faith in any negotiation, and
none in an armed negotiation ; he would therefore
recommend little treaty, and that as short as possible.
The House would judge whether concession was neces-
sary or not; and should they decide in the affirmative,
it would be most consistent with their dignity to
make it immediately, and of their own free grace. A
necessary preliminary, however, would be the dis-
mission of the ministry. In no time or country, or
under any form of government, was the power of
ministers suffered to survive the success of their coun-
sels ; or the same men permitted to inflame a depend-
ent people to arms, and then appease them by con-
cessions. In concession, the credit of a state is saved
by the disgrace of a minister ; because it is his counsel
alone that is discredited. But when the very same
ministers, in consequence of resistance, forego their
own acts, the nation itself submits.

He then read his bill, and shewed its conformity
to its model, supposing Great Britain to stand in
the place of the sovereign, and America in that of the
subject. The circumstances were not indeed in every
respect exactly parallel, but sufficiently so to justify
his following an example that gave satisfaction and
security on the subject of taxes, and left all other
rights and powers exactly as they stood before the
arrangement.

At first he intended to propose the repeal of the
declaratory act, but found it impossible, without
making the legislature accuse itself of uttering false
propositions, and advancing groundless claims : it
would be a denial of legislative power, as extensive as

GEORGE III. 281

the affirmation. To repeal all the acts since 1763 was
impossible, without ruining the whole system of trade
laws, and some which were extremely beneficial to 1775.
America. All those which leaned on the colonists,
and were the cause or consequence of our quarrel,
should be repealed; and the bill authorised a nego-
tiation for settling all inferior matters to mutual ad-
vantage. The Congress did not require this sweeping
repeal as a preliminary to peace ; but even if it had,
he did not conceive that men treating of peace must
persevere in demanding every thing they claimed in
the height of the quarrel. The cause of the dissension
was taxation ; that once removed, the rest would not
be difficult : and he was confident, both from the
nature of the question, and from information which
did not use to fail him, that this bill would restore im-
mediate peace ; and as much obedience as could be
expected, after so rude a shock had been given to
government, and after so long a continuance of public
disturbances.

This proposition occasioned a long debate, in which
the principal speakers on both sides engaged with Governor y
their utmost spirit and ability. The chief opponent Powna11 -
to Mr. Burke, whose arguments are preserved, was
Governor Pownall. Following the mover in his
division of the subject, he exposed many fallacies in
his reasoning, and many errors in his statements. He
gave, as an analysis of Mr. Burke's theory, that Great
Britain must either change the sentiments of the
Americans by negotiation, or subdue the rising spirit ;
the rising spirit was not to be subdued, and while war
lasted it was not to be changed by negotiation. Par-
liament must, therefore, previously make concessions,
disavow their declarations, repeal their acts, sue for
peace, and the Americans might grant it. By this
plan the unsuspecting confidence of the colonies must
be regained by removing the ground of the difference.
Even such a project was not recommended by ex-
perience. " When the stamp act was repealed, the
" mover says, the Americans resigned themselves to
" their former unsuspecting confidence ;" the declara-

282 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xx vn ^ on ^ Congress expressly contradicts the assertion.
" After the repeal of the stamp act," they say, " having

1775. " again resigned ourselves to our ancient unsuspicious
" affection for the parent state, and anxious to avoid
" any controversy with her, in hopes of a favourable
" alteration in sentiments and measures towards us,
" we did not press our objections against the above-
" mentioned statutes made subsequent to the repeal."
Among these were the declaratory act, and the act for
imposing other duties in lieu of that which was re-
tracted.

Governor Pownall then entered into a detail of
the various acts, which, from the twenty-fifth year of
Charles II. had laid duties on the colonies for the
purpose of raising a revenue for England ; he shewed
that the Americans required a repeal of these, as well
as of the subsequent acts ; and that they neither were
nor could be content with what was done in 1766.
Mr. Burke's proposition, therefore, did not go back so
far as Congress demanded, not even so far as the year
1763; the declaratory act and the revenue act were
left unrepealed, while Congress stated their abhorrence
of the former law, demanding what was to defend them
against a power so enormous, so unlimited. This
fault in the plan arose from the proposer's partiality to
his own friends, under whose auspices the obnoxious
acts were passed. The Americans would not be so
satisfied ; for when they limited their present demands
to the infringements of their rights since 1763, they
carefully reserved the further consideration of the
general state of their claims to a future day. The
Governor was adverse to all partial concessions and
repeals, which could produce nothing but an endless
succession of quarrels and temporary reconciliations.
The bill itself, although grounded on the complaints
of American grievances, did not afford the redress and
remedy: it went only to 1766; but, to be real and
efficient, it must be extended to 1672. " They com-
" plain," he said, " of the admiralty jurisdiction : now
" that is as old as the act of navigation, by which ships
" navigated contrary to law were to be seized, and

GEOHGE III.

283

1775.

" might he brought to the court of admiralty in Eng-
" land, on the express principle that there should be
" no party juries. For the ease, and not the ag-
" grieving of the subject, courts of admiralty were
" afterward established in the colonies, and all this
" system stood established before 1764. To my argu-
" ment it is nothing how far this is right or wrong,
" grievous or otherwise ; but the Americans complain
" of it ; and if the bill which is to afford redress and
" concede to their complaints must be effectual,
" in order to gain their confidence, this bill does not
" go far enough : there are others willing to go
" further."

He then moved the previous question, which was
decided in the negative*.

Mr. Hartley renewed his conciliatory efforts, opo- 7tQ Dec ;
logizing for his perseverance by adverting to the pr oposf- &
magnitude of the object, upon which not only the tions -
fate of our own times, but of all future ages, both
in this country and America, would depend. He
took the ground of his proposition for pacification
from the petition of Congress, which he characterized
as most dutiful and affectionate, humbly supplicating
the King to become the mediator of peace between
them and their parent state. Lord North, at the be-

* 210 to 105. In the course of this debate, Sir George Savile, with consider-
able pleasantry, supposed the House of Commons the American Congress, and
assigned to the principal persons the characters of the leading Americans. "The
' learned gentleman, Mr. Wedderburne, for his quiet and temperate character,
' spirit of moderation, deep philosophy, love of liberty and his country, I will
' suppose is Dr. Franklin. I have fixed upon him, besides, as his particular
friend. His neighbour, Lord George Germaine, is General Putnam. His next
' neighbour, Lord North, Mr. Adams. And there is a gentleman I can suppose
' to be Mr. Hancock I beg your pardon, Mr. Speaker (bowing to the Speaker),
' you are Mr. Hancock. Now I will suppose all these great men got together ;
' and our Dr. Franklin to take up the defence of the colonies with all that wit
' and eloqxience of which he is master. I will only suggest the topics upon
' which he would talk." He then put all the strongest words and arguments in
defence of America into the mouth of this supposed Dr Franklin, and went on
in the same manner with the other imaginary persons. Mr. Fox, with great wit
and readiness, gave a description of the treasury -bench, beginning with Mr. Ellis,
and ending with Mr. Cornwall, by a single epithet, happily marking the charac-
ters of each with a fine satire, and without breach of decorum. And Mr.
Wedderburne, in answer to an observation of Mr. Burke, on the conduct of
Demosthenes, descanted on the history of that period, with allusion to the pre-
sent times. His speech, though delivered at three o'clock in the morning,
awakened the attention of cverv individual in the House.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvn ginning of the session, having expressed an ardent
1 wish that affairs were in the same state as in 1763,

1775. Mr. Hartley would unite with him on those terms ;
for, although he considered the ministry at all times
aggressors, he thought it not unreasonable to expect
from America some concession to the national honour.
The Americans had offered to make any reasonable
sacrifice ; he would embrace the suggestion ; and, as
a hankering after revenue still lurked in the minister's
heart, he might also obtain a revenue if he would re-
ceive it in a constitutional way. Even supposing that
a right to tax America could be proved, justice, which
is superior to all rights, would require its dereliction.
It is the prerogative of the Commons of England to
give and grant by their own representatives ; the
Commons of Ireland possess the same prerogative ;
and it has always been equally enjoyed by the Com-
mons of America. Had the reverse been true ; had
the right of taxing unrepresented America been un-
disputed, and the exercise customary and notorious;
yet, considering the oppression and grievances of un-
represented taxation, it would have been the duty of
Parliament to rectify the constitution of America by
the British model. If administration were sincere in
the desire for peace, he would offer terms of accommo-
dation, by which, if the Americans were replaced in
the same position as in 1763, they should give full
satisfaction on the point of honour, and an effectual,
not mere verbal, recognition of the authority of the
mother-country as it then was. The test should be,
the registering, by the assembly of each province, of
some act of parliament on principles of justice, and
such as the colonies would in 1763 have received with
a silent and thankful compliance.

His motions were, first, for a suspension of arms
during the treaty of pacification ; second, for a re-
storation of the legislature of Massachuset's Bay, ac-
cording to the charter; third, for a bill to establish
the right of trial by jury in criminal cases to all slaves
in North America, and to request the registering of
that act by the assemblies in each colony. This was

GEORGE III. 285

the proposed test. Fourth, for a bill to restore the H AP.

Americans to the position in which they were in 1763 ;

and fifth, for a free pardon, indemnity, and oblivion. 1775.
They were all negatived*. Rejected.

These motions appear to contain some good prin-
ciples of conciliation, if conciliation was indeed pos-
sible : the arguments against them are not preserved.
Lord North objected to the attempt as unseasonable,
till experiment had been made of a measure of such
vast extent as the prohibitory bill, which was then
passing through the House.

This measure was introduced by the minister him- 20th NOV.
self, for the purpose of terminating all intercourse with Bm ?f
the colonies during the rebellion, repealing the Boston commercial
port and restraining acts, and enabling the King to in . tercourse ,

, . , ' . with America.

appoint commissioners, and issue proclamations in cer-
tain cases. He explained the necessity of restraining
the American trade during the rebellion, and the jus-
tice of immediately removing the restraint from any
colony wherein it might cease ; the Boston port act,
and other acts of last year, being framed on other
grounds and for other purposes, would impede this
operation ; the restraining acts were civil coercions
against civil crimes ; but, in a state of war, the pro-
visions were ineffectual, and others became necessary :
those he now proposed would be used in war with any
country, but were framed under provisos facilitating
the approach of peace. The charter acts could not
be repealed while the Americans denied the right of
making them : the bill for the administration of jus-
tice there was no occasion to repeal ; because, the coun-
try being in actual war, martial law took place, and
there were no courts in which it could operate. He
should also be ready to repeal the tea duty on the
same grounds that he would suspend every exercise of
the right of taxation, if the colonies themselves would
point out any mode by which they would bear their
share of the burden, and give their aid to the com-
mon defence. The clause respecting the commis-

* 122 to 21.

286

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

J775.

Mr. Fox.

Lord Howe.

General
Coivway.

sioners meant, beside the granting of pardons, that
they should inquire into any material change of cir-
cumstances in the colonies; remedy real grievances
or oppressions ; and, if any part, or a whole colony,
returned to a proper state of obedience, declare that
colony or part to be in peace, upon which the restric-
tions in the present bill were to cease.

In vindication of his own conduct, Lord North
observed, the dispute about taxation was prepared
and begun before he engaged in it as a minister ; he
embraced it when the colonies, being already taxed,
disputed a right which the country had determined
not to surrender. If the colonies, by appealing to
arms, had made war the medium, although peace was
the only point he ever retained in view, he must pur-
sue it through that medium. To these principles he
declared his stedfast adherence.

Mr. Fox decried the proposition, as tending to de-
stroy all trade with America, and accused the minis-
ter of designing to ruin the manufacturers, in order
to induce them to enlist in the army, which could
no otherwise be recruited. He moved, as an amend-
ment, to omit the whole of Lord North's proposition,
except what related to the repeal of the obnoxious
laws.

During this debate, the nature of civil wars, and
the propriety of active exertion in military com-
manders when their opinions were repugnant to the
service, were brought into discussion. Lord Howe de-
clared he did not conceive any struggle so painful as
that between duties as an officer and as a man : if
left to his choice, he certainly should decline to serve ;
but if commanded, it was his duty, and he should not
refuse to obey.

General Conway urged the difference between a
foreign war, where the whole community was in-
volved, and a domestic war on points of civil conten-
tion, wherein the community was divided. In the
first case, no officer ought to call in question the jus-
tice of his country; in the latter, a military man,
before he drew his sword against his fellow-subjects,

GEORGE III.

ought to examine his conscience, whether the cause
was just.

Mr. Thurlow, with becoming indignation, decried 1775.
these sentiments. " Let the honourable gentleman," Mr - Tnurlow -
he said, " justify his conscience to himself, but not
" hold it out as a point of doctrine to be taken up in
" a quarter and line of service where his opinions
" might be supposed to have great influence ; for, if
" once established as doctrine, they must tend to a
" dissolution of government." Lord North's propo-
sition, he contended, retained the habitual exercise of
taxation, and left an opening to America of a per-
mission to raise her share of supply toward the com-
mon defence, by granting it in her own assemblies,
and giving it in her own way. On this principle, he
was willing to coincide in any measure that might
aiford ground for conciliation ; yet he thought the only
sure and permanent basis would be a definition of the
relation between the mother-country and her colonies.
He added, that, as Attorney-general, he had a right,
by writ of scire facias, to set aside every charter in
America : but, in our present situation, such a process
would be justly the object of ridicule ; for the conduct
of America was not a matter for judicial, but parlia-
mentary, animadversion.

Mr. Fox's amendment was rejected*.

This law was vehemently opposed during its whole
progress : it was decried as a formal abdication of the
government of the colonies, and termed a bill for more
effectually carrying into execution the resolves of Con- D e c
gressf. Petitions were presented by the West India
merchants, and counsel heard ; an attempt was made
to exclude the province of Georgia from its operation ;
and several amendments were tendered in the com-
mittee. Opposition was carried to the extreme of po-
litical violence and personal altercation ; but at length
the bill passed without amendment J.

In the House of Lords the contest was not less

* 192 to 64.

t History of Lord North's Administration, p. 220.

t The final division was 112 to 1(5.

288

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.

Debated in
the House of
Lords.
15th Dec.

Protest.

20th Dec.

Lord

Mansfield.

violent and acrimonious. On the second reading,
much of the debate turned on the allegation in the
preamble, that the Americans were in rebellion. The
peers in opposition contended that they had been
forced to take up arms in defence of their property,
which several statutes had attempted unjustly to wrest
from their hands ; they were resisting acts of violence
and injustice, acts oppressive, cruel, and tyrannical ;
consequently, such resistance was neither treason nor
rebellion, but, in every political and moral sense, per-
fectly justifiable.

This manner of speaking was vehemently censured
by Lord Lyttelton, who, in the phrase of Cicero, styled
it immoderata licentia concionis ; and the Earl of Den-
bigh insisted, that, by the laws and constitution of this
realm, any other treasonable expression might be as
well justified, under the claim of exercising the privi-
lege of speech, as the assertion that America was not
in rebellion, or that resistance to the statutes of a
British parliament is no more than resistance to the
most wanton act of tyranny and oppression. Those
who defend rebellion, he said, are themselves little
better than rebels ; and there is no great difference
between the traitor, and him who openly or privately
abets treason.

A protest, signed by eight peers, was entered on
the journals against committing the bill*.

During its further progress, several amendments
were made ; delay was attempted, and a petition pre-
sented from the merchants of Bristol, requesting a
suspension of its operations for two months ; but with-
out effect.

On the last reading, Lord Mansfield defended the
measure in all its parts, and the conduct of govern-
ment toward America in general. He always was of
opinion that the people of America were as much
bound to obey the acts of the British Parliament, as
the inhabitants of London and Middlesex ; and thought
that, ever since the peace of Paris, the northern colo-

* This division was 78 to 19.

GEORGE III. 289

nies had been meditating independency. " They have xxvn
" said so in a publication of the continental Congress,

wherein they thank Providence for inspiring their i77c,
" enemies with the resolution of not attempting to
" carry their schemes of dominion into execution till
" they had arrived at a growth and strength sufficient
" to resist them. Whatever might be their wishes
" before that time, their situation rendered it imprac-
" ticable, because Great Britain alone could protect
" them against the power of France, to which their
" whole frontier lay exposed. But allowing all their
" professions genuine, their inclinations those of duty
" and respect toward this country, that they entered
" into the present rebellion through the intrigues and
" arts of a few factious and ambitious men, or those
" who ultimately directed them ; that the stamp act
" was wrong ; that the declaratory law might assert
" the supremacy over that country, but it ought never
" to be exercised, nor amount to more than such a
" power as his Majesty claims over France, a mere
" nominal dominion ; that no troops should be sent
" even to defend the Americans, without their own
" permission ; that the Admiralty courts should never
" be made to extend there, though, by the trial by jury,
" the parties themselves would be judges ; that offen-
" ders against the laws and authority of this country
" should be tried for offences by persons who them-
" selves were ready to declare they did not think the
" charges criminal; that no restraints should be laid
" upon their trade, though that great bulwark of the
" riches and commerce of this country, the act of na-
" vigation, depended on such restrictions ; that every
" measure hitherto taken to enforce submission to par-
" liamentary authority was cruel and unjust; that
" every ministry had been tyrannic and oppressive,
" and the last worst of all ; yet, admitting all this to be
" true, was Great Britain to rest inactive, till America
" thought proper to begin the attack, and gained
" strength to do it with effect ] We are now in such a
" situation, that we must either fight or be pursued.
" A Swedish general, in the reign of Gustavus Adol-

VOL. II. U

290

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. phus, pointing to the approaching enemy, said to his

; '_ " troops, ' My lads, you see those men ; if you do not

1775. " ' kill them, they will kill you.' The same sentiment
" is applicable to the present case. If we do not get
" the better of America, America will get the better of
" us. They have begun to raise a navy ; trade will
" beget opulence, and they will be enabled to hire ships
" from foreign powers. It is said the present war is
" only defensive on the part of America. Is the attack
" on Canada, or the attempt at Halifax, a defensive
" war 1 ? Is the prohibiting all trade and commerce
" with every other part of the British dominions, even
" with Ireland, for which they express such friendly
" sentiments ; is starving the sugar islands acting on
" the defensive"? No; though those people never
" oifended, nor oppressed us, we will distress them, say
" they, because that will be distressing Great Britain.
" Are we, in the midst of all outrages, of hostility, of
" seizing our ships, entering our provinces at the head
" of numerous armies, and seizing our forts, to stand
" idle, because we are told this is an unjust war, and wait
" till they have brought their arms to our very doors \
" The justice of the cause must give way to our pre-
" sent situation ; and the consequences which must
" ensue, should we recede, would, nay must, be infi-
" nitely worse than any we have to dread by pursuing
" the present plan, or agreeing to a final separation."
2ist Dec. The bill passed without a division. Mr. Hartley

vainly attempted to procure its rejection, when re-
turned in an amended state to the Commons: and
22st & 22nd. both Houses adjourned for the Christmas recess*.

During the session, several changes took place in
the administration. The Duke of Grafton appears to
have been always disposed to repeal the American tea
dutyf, although he continued in administration when
that measure was rejected. On the first day of the
session, he seized the opportunity of claiming popula-

* In a subsequent period of the session, some supposed partialities and im-
puted frauds in carrying this act into effect, gave rise to complaints, which were
investigated in Parliament ; a committee was formed, evidence heard, and ani-
mated debates maintained in both Houses.

f See Mr. Fox's speech in the House of Commons, 20th Dec. 1775.

Recess.
Changes in
administra-
tion.

4th Nov.

GEORGE III. 291

rity by opposing the address ; in a short period, he re- xxvn'
signed the privy seal. General Conway also abandoned

the cause of administration, but was not removed from 1775.
the government of Jersey. The Earl of Dartmouth i th NOV.

P,,, . 1JTJ/-1 /I L rd Ge r S e

received the privy seal, and Lord George Germame, Germaine
uncle to the Duke of Dorset, succeeded to the secre- sS fo7 f
taryship of the American department. This nobleman, America.
descended from the illustrious race of Sackville, Dukes ]
of Dorset, supported the stamp act under Mr. Gren-
ville's administration. His person, tall and dignified,
added force to a manly elocution : his harangues were
rather argumentative than florid ; without resorting to
the artificial graces of oratory, he addressed the judg-
ment, constantly confining himself to the subject under
debate ; he was concise, and, as he never rose to speak
but upon a weighty question, he was heard with atten-
tion, and spoke with effect. By him the operations of
the war are supposed to have been generally planned,
and to him their superintendency was principally en-
trusted*. But the great talents of this able minister
were counteracted by the unpopularity of his name. It
is almost unnecessary to remind the reader, that Lord
George Sackville, who had taken the name of Ger-
maine, having, in the preceding reign, after the battle
of Minden, demanded a court-martial to inquire into
his conduct, was declared incapable of any military
employment. This sentence was enforced even with
asperity, and when it was confirmed by George II. a
severe and unprecedented stigma was added, and com-
manded to be given out in public orders; and the
same day his Majesty in council ordered the name of
Lord George Sackville to be struck out of the list of
privy-counsellors. By the Buckingham administration
he was restored to his seat at the council-board, and
appointed joint-vicetreasurer of Ireland. Without en-
tering into the merits of the question respecting his dis-
grace, his appointment to his new office was undoubt-
edly very unpopular. Lord George possessed great
dignity of mind, and sterling sense ; his manners were
rather distant than attractive ; he was a severe check

* History of Lord North's Administration, p. 212.

u 2

292

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVII.

1775.
10th NOT.
Other changes.

17th Nov.

Despondency
of administra-
tion.

on those who suffered a lavish expenditure through
neglect, or to gratify dependents, or with a view to
power or popularity.

The Earl of Rochford, retiring about the same
time, was succeeded by Lord Viscount Weymouth,
who thus resumed the office he vacated at the time of
the dispute relative to Falkland's Island. Lord
Lyttelton, who on the first day of the session had op-
posed the address, was gratified with a seat at the
council-board, and the office of chief justice in Eyre
beyond Trent. Administration gained, or rather, for
a time, fixed on their side a florid, ready, and eloquent
speaker ; but the reproach of versatility, often repeated,
prevented the beneficial effects of his exertions.

The efforts of opposition, although unsuccessful in
Parliament, threw a gloom, approaching to despon-
dency, over the ministry : the affairs of America be-
came daily more perplexed and unpromising, and the
probability that the authority of Congress would be
rapidly extended, indicated a necessity for increasing
energy. Treaties were concluded with the Landgrave
of Hesse, the Duke of Brunswick, and some other
continental princes, for troops; an application to
Russia was less successful*.

* CEuvres posthumes de Frederic II, Roi de Prusse, t. iv. p. 149.

GEORGE 111.

293

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-EIGHTH.
17751776.

State of Ireland. Effect of the American contest. Money
bill rejected. Contract respecting troops. Debated in the
British Parliament. Debate on the treaties with German
princes. In the House of Lords. Motion by the Duke of
Richmond. Debate on the army extraordinaries. The
Duke of Grafton's conciliatory proposition. Mr. Hartley's
proposition to place America on the same footing as Ireland.
Sawbridge's motion for that purpose. Fox's motion for
a committee of enquiry. Miscellaneous transactions.
Wilkes's motion for a reform of Parliament. Trial of the
Duchess of Kingston. Motion for inspecting the powers
of commissioners. Against prorogation. King's speech
on terminating the session. View of the conduct and poli-
tics of foreign powers. France. Spain. Austria. Prus-
sia. Negotiation with Russia. State of the press in Eng-
land. Dr. Price's publication. Its effects. Re-establish-
ment of tranquillity in the city.

IRELAND, as Dr. Franklin had asserted*, shared in
the sensations excited by the American dispute, and,
during the government of Lord Harcourt, strong par-
ties were formed, and great exertions growing to ma-
turity. The public was frequently alarmed by accounts state of
of the defection of manufacturers, the migration of Ireland -
labourers, and the successful operations of rioters;
but for several years no important transaction occurred.

As the American contest advanced, the Parliament
of Ireland and the people of Dublin began again to Effect of the
embarrass government with opposition and cabals,

P. 29.

CHAP.
XXVIII.

1775.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvm

1775.

28th Aug.

10th Oct.
Money bill
rejected.

23rd NOV.

Dissenters were active and violent* ; and the guild
of merchants of the metropolis, beside their address
of thanks to Lord Effingham on his resignation, voted
a similar compliment to those peers who, " in support of
" the constitution, and opposition to a weak and wicked
" administration, protested against the American res-
" training billsj*." The sheriffs and common council
were also desirous of imitating the city of London, by
transmitting petitions against the measures relating to
America, but were restrained by the Lord Mayor and
Aldermen. Indignant at this impediment, they de-
clared their anxiety to preserve their names from the
odium which all posterity must attach to those who
promoted the acts carrying on in America, their grief
for the injured inhabitants of that continent, and their
own brave countrymen sent on the unnatural errand
of slaughtering their fellow-subjects ; and resolved,
that whoever refused his consent to a dutiful petition
tending to undeceive the King, and by which the ef-
fusion of one drop of subject blood might be prevented,
was not a friend to the constitution.

The Lord Lieutenant met the Parliament with a
speech in which he recapitulated the benefits lately de-
rived from the liberality of Britain, reprobated the rebel-
lious spirit of the Americans, and recommended atten-
tion to the discharge of arrears which had been una-
voidably incurred. A money bill was prepared and
transmitted to England; but, having been altered in
council, was on its return rejected by Parliament;
which prevented an immediate supply.

In pursuance of the plan of vigorous operation
resolved on in the British cabinet, Lord Harcourt
requested the House of Commons to concur in sending
out of the kingdom four thousand men, to be taken
into British pay, and offering, if it were the desire of
Parliament, to replace them, as soon as his Majesty
should be enabled so to do, by an equal number of
foreign Protestant troops, who were also to be main-

* Gibbon's Posthumous Works, vol. i. p. 496.

f Annual Register, 1776, p. 43. This address was presented under the cor-
poration seal, and published -with the several answers of each peer.

GEORGE III. 295

tained without expense to Ireland. The House reluc-
tantly assented to the required diminution of their

national force, but refused the aid of foreigners in their 1770.
stead*, and the opposition unsuccessfully endeavoured
to obtain an act for embodying the militia']'.

This was the first important transaction which en- 15th Feb.
gaged the attention of the British legislature after the ^British
recess. Mr. T. Townshend, after expatiating on the Parliament.
privileges of Parliament, which, though the undoubted
right of all the commons of England, were but secon-
dary to that great privilege of keeping the purse of
their constituents from the hands of violence, art, or
fraud, read the proceedings of the Irish legislature.
Lord Harcourt's message, he said, contained two pro-
positions, both binding on the British Parliament ; to
pay the troops to be sent to America, and to replace
them with four thousand foreign Protestants ; twelve
thousand men were still to be retained in Ireland,
which was, at the same time, to be relieved of an an-
nual burthen of eighty thousand pounds. Such a
proposition could only originate in the worst designs,
or the most consummate folly : for the minister not
only engaged that the expense should be borne by the
British Parliament, but, adding folly to temerity, pro-
mised that eight thousand men should be taken into
pay, although no more than four thousand would be
in the service of Great Britain. He complained of
Lord Harcourt's message as contrary to the privileges
of the English House of Commons, derogatory to its
honour and authority ; and moved for a committee of
inquiry.

The debate was long and animated, frequently de-
generating into personalities. The defence of Lord
Harcourt was not conducted on a consistent principle.
Some insisted that the Speaker of the Irish Parliament
had mistaken the sense of his message, which pur-
ported only that his Majesty, if desired by the Irish
and authorized by the English Parliament, would pay

* The division on this occasion was 106 to 68, and it was considered by the
opposition party as a great triumph. Plowden. vol. i. p. 427 to 434.

t See the message, &c. on this subject, Parliamentary Register, vol. iii. p.
313. Parliamentary History, vol. xviii. p. 1129.

296 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxWii ^ ie ^ OU1 ^ousand foreigners. Others argued, that, at
_ '_ the time of increasing the establishment in Ireland,
1776. the King had engaged that twelve thousand troops
should always be maintained in that kingdom, except
in case of actual invasion or rebellion in England ; and
the present demand for troops not being within those
exceptions, it was necessary the King should be ab-
solved from his promise by those to whom it was made.
An application to the Commons of Great Britain would
have been a direct violation of the promise to the sister
kingdom.

On the other side, it was contended, that the mes-
sage was an experiment to procure the reception of
foreign troops, in order to establish a precedent, which
afterwards might be applied to other purposes. It was
the aim of administration to habituate both countries
to certain notions which must, in the end, reduce the
Parliament of each to mere instruments, without will
or independence. It was a scheme, however deep,
formed on very simple principles, and had a direct
tendency to vest in the crown the virtual power of
taxing both countries. In Ireland, the minister was
to ask some favour ; then England was to be pledged ;
in England, Ireland was to be taxed, in order to main-
tain the supremacy of the British legislature. The
various modes of defence were ridiculed with great
success: no two of the confidential servants of the
crown agreed in a single sentiment. Some allowed
the message to import what was stated in the com-
plaint ; others acceded to a part ; while a third party
modestly contended, in defiance of every rule of
rational and obvious construction, that the message
meant the very reverse of its manifest import.

In answer to an insinuation by Mr. Dunning, that,
although this famous message had been disavowed by
the friends of administration in England, the Lord
Lieutenant would not have risked such a measure en-
tirely on his own judgment ; Lord North acknow-
ledged his co-operation in giving general instructions ;
but would not charge his memory with having assisted
in framing a,ny specific authority on which it was

GEORGE III. 297

founded. He thought it, however, perfectly justifi-
able, and was willing to share in the consequences.

Mr. Thurlow treated the motion as a mere party 1776.
squib, denying that the preamble to an Irish law was
binding on the Parliament of Great Britain; and
Lord George Germaine, while he admitted that pos-
sibly the Lord Lieutenant might have misunderstood
or exceeded his instructions, and that the bargain was
not commendable on the ground of economy, con-
tended that the first part of the message only proposed
a matter to the consideration of the Irish Parliament,
clearly and legally within the constitutional exercise
of regal power. If the King had not promised to
retain twelve thousand men within the kingdom, he
might, by virtue of his prerogative, have ordered all
the troops to any part of the British dominions, without
application to Parliament.

Both ministry and opposition testified, in ample
and unequivocal terms, the general merits of Lord
Harcourt's administration ; and the motion for a com-
mittee was negatived, and all inquiry refused*.

Lord North submitted to the House copies of the On the
treaties with the Duke of Brunswick, the Landgrave
of Hesse Cassel, the hereditary Prince of Hesse Cassel, princes,
and subsequently one with the Prince of Waldeckf.
These potentates stipulated to afford an aid of 17,742
men : the terms were somewhat different, but all
seemed extravagantly high. Levy money was to be
paid at the rate of 77. 45. 4</. each : all extraordinary
losses in battle, siege, by contagious malady, or ship-
wreck, were to be compensated by the King, who was
also to bear the expense of recruiting the corps. Three
disabled men were estimated as one killed ; the troops
were to take oaths to the King of Great Britain, with-
out prejudicing their allegiance to their own prince;
to be employed on no extraordinary service, but to

224 to 106.

t The dates of these treaties were 3rd and 15th January, and 5th of February,
1776. That with the Prince of Waldeck was subsequently presented to Parlia-
ment : it was made on the 20th of April, 1776. Parliamentary History, vol. xviii.
pp. 1156, 1341.

298

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVIII.

177G.

29th Feb.

receive pay, forage, and provision, in common with
English troops, and two months' pay in advance.
Each of the princes received, beside these sums, a
subsidy of disproportionate amount. To the Duke of
Brunswick, who supplied four thousand and eighty-
four, an annual stipend of 15,519/. was secured, so
long as his troops received pay, and double that sum
in the two years subsequent to their dismission. For
twelve thousand men, the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel
obtained 108,281 1. per annum, and was to receive
twelve months' notice of discontinuing the payment,
after the forces were returned to his dominions. The
Prince of Hesse, who contributed six hundred and
eighty-eight men, was recompensed with an annual
grant of 6,01 11. ; and for six hundred and seventy
men, the Prince of Waldeck received the same sum.
The dominions of the princes were also guaranteed
against foreign attack.

On moving to refer these compacts to the com-
mittee of supply, Lord North urged the necessity
by which they were occasioned. Only three questions,
he said, could arise: Whether the troops were
wanted 1 Whether the terms were advantageous 1
and, Whether the force might be deemed adequate
to the intended operations "? The reduction of Ame-
rica to a constitutional state of obedience being the
great object of Parliament, administration adopted the
best and most speedy means of effecting it ; men were
thus obtained more easily, and much cheaper, than by
the ordinary mode of recruiting ; and the force thus
acquired would, in all probability, compel submission,
possibly without further effusion of blood.

Lord John Cavendish reprobated the measure.
Britairi was disgraced in the eyes of all Europe ; im-
poverished, and, what was if possible worse, reduced
to apply to petty German states in the most mortify-
ing and humiliating manner, and submit to indignities
never before prescribed to the crown of a powerful
and opulent kingdom. First, the troops were to enter
into pay before they began their march ; a thing un-
precedented ; secondly, levy money was to be allowed ;

GEORGE III. 299

thirdly, those petty princes were to be subsidised; xxrvni
fourthly, they modestly insisted on a double subsidy ; '

fifthly, the subsidy was to be continued two years in 1775.
one instance, and one year in the other, after the
return of the troops to their respective countries ; and
lastly, a body of twelve thousand foreigners was, under
the express words of the Hessian treaty, to be intro-
duced into the dominions of the British crown, under
no controul either of King or Parliament.

Mr. Cornwall corroborated the minister's asser-
tion, that the pecuniary terms of the treaties were
advantageous, and lower than had ever before been
obtained: this assertion was 'strenuously denied by
opposition; and Mr. Grenville, Lord George Ger-
maine, and Lord Barrington, in defending the measure,
admitted that the terms were such as the princes had
prescribed, and necessity compelled the ministry to
accept.

The general principle of letting out subjects to
hire, to fight in the cause of foreigners, did not
escape severe strictures* ; and the expenses of the
contest, of which these compacts were a specimen,
were anticipated as enormous.

The conduct of administration, in thus engaging
the assistance of foreigners, was contrasted with that
of the Americans. " As a proof of their desire for
" peace, they tell you they have not called for aid on
" the rivals of your grandeur : in reward of this for-
" bearance, their petition is rejected unheard ; Parlia-
" ment is told, the King has with satisfaction received
" friendly offers of foreign assistance ; and answer,
" that they will cheerfully enable him to avail himself
" of the offer. An American Congress holds in ab-
" horrence a measure which a British Parliament

* " I shall say little," Lord Irnham observed, " to the feelings of those princes
" who can sell their subjects for such purposes. We have read of the humourist
" Sancho's wish; that if he were a prince, all his subjects should be black -a-
" moors, as he could, by the sale of them, easily turn them into ready money :
" but that wish, however it may appear ridiculous and unbecoming a sovereign, is
" much more innocent than a prince's availing himself of his vassals for the pur-
" pose of sacrificing them in such a destructive war, where he has the additional
" crime of making them destroy much better and nobler beings than themselves."

300

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP " adopts with cheerfulness. Perhaps the example of

'_ " this very act may render their adoption of the same

1776. " fatal measure unavoidable. A fatal measure ; be-
" cause, when foreign powers are once introduced into
" this dispute, all possibility of reconciliation is pre-
" eluded."

Germans were peculiarly improper : they would
be employed in enslaving and irritating a hundred
and fifty thousand of their own countrymen, many of
whom fled from tyrants to seek the protection of
Britain. Many German and Indian mercenaries
would desert, accept of lands, and, although hired by
us, league with the enemy.

These objections were not answered in detail ;
but the necessity of the measure was repeatedly
urged ; the probability of abridging the duration of
hostilities, by the employment of trained veterans in-
stead of raw recruits, was represented as sufficient to
counterbalance every disadvantage ; and, as the ex-
pense was incurred for a limited period, the plan was
really economical.

4thMarcii. In the debate on receiving the report of the

committee, an address was voted to the King, on the
motion of Colonel Barre, for cloathing the German
troops in British pay with the manufactures of this
country*.

5th March ^ n *k e u PP er House, the Duke of Richmond moved

in the House for an address to countermand the march of the foreign
of Lords. troops, and suspend hostilities. He entered into a
history of the treaties concluded with Landgraves of
Hesse, from 1732 to 1761, shewing that they had con-
stantly advanced in their demands, never failing to
establish former extortions as precedents for succeed-
ing exactions. He then computed that, under differ-
ent heads included in the treaty, and subsequent con-
tingencies, the charge for 17,300 men would not be
less than a million and a half; an expense unprece-
dented in history. Toward the close of the last war,
an ingenious gentleman, Mr. Mauduit, calculated that

* The divisions were, on the question for referring the treaties to a committee,
242 to 88 ; for agreeing to the report, 120 to 48.

GEORGE III. 301

every French scalp cost the nation ten thousand
pounds. It would be right to consider the price of

an American scalp, when the hire of seventeen thou- i?76.
sand foreigners amounted to a million and a half.

His Grace then stated the redundancy of officers
in proportion to rank and file ; the danger of keeping
so many foreigners together under the command of
their own generals ; and depicted the exposed and
perilous situation of England, should France or Spain,
taking advantage of our weakness, attempt an invasion.

These observations were ably enforced by the other
peers in opposition. The opinion of Sir Walter Ra-
leigh, in his History of the World, was quoted against
the employment of foreign mercenaries. " They are
" seditious, unfaithful, disobedient devourers and de-
" stroyers of all places and countries whither they are
" drawn, as being held by no other bond than their
" own commodity. Yea, that which is most fearful
" among such hirelings is, that they have often, and
" in time of greatest extremity, not only refused to
" fight in defence of those who have entertained them,
" but revolted to the contrary part, to the utter ruin of
" those princes and states who have trusted them."

Vehement censures were expressed against the
power reserved to a foreign prince of administering
justice within the dominions of Great Britain ; and,
the better to effect it, an executioner with servants
formed part of the Hessian establishment* ; nor was
any limitation or exception to this illegal power pro-
vided, even should the civil government of America
be restored. The stipulation to assist Hesse was
equally reprobated : if the landgraviate was attacked
in consequence of a decree of the imperial chamber,
we must excuse our breach of the treaty by our mi-
nister's ignorance of the imperial constitutions, or
enter into a war, like that in America, not to main-
tain, but to subvert the liberties of the Germanic body.

In reply, the treaty was stated to be drawn up in
the usual forms ; the calculations did not prove the
comparative dearness or cheapness of the terms: it

* This was really the fact. See the treaty.

302 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvni was fi^ e( ^ W ^^ pompous, high-sounding phrases of
alliance ; but they were mere phrases, the real object

J;:G. of the contract being, not to create an alliance, but to
hire a body of troops which the American rebellion
rendered necessary.

On the latter part of the motion, for discontinuing
hostilities, the old topics urged against the war were
advanced with additional violence, aided by such new
arguments as recent events and more modern specu-
lations could supply. Lord Camden, in a bitter phi-
lippic, termed the war wanton, cruel, and diabolical.
The Duke of Grafton, boasting his knowledge of
finance, solemnly averred that there was not a single
tax, in the power of the most fruitful invention to
devise or conceive, that would increase the receipt at
the exchequer. Every impost that could be suggested
would interfere with some other already existing : if
the war should continue, national credit would be
ruined, and the kingdom undone. He prophesied,
that when the people were bending under the pressure
of taxes, public credit departed, public bankruptcy
inevitable, and universal ruin and despair spreading
themselves throughout the kingdom, then no longer
able to endure such calamities, and expecting no re-
dress where only it can be constitutionally sought,
they would seek relief in the means which God and.
nature had pointed out ; no longer looking up to Par-
liament, which had betrayed them, been deaf to their
entreaties, and inattentive to their interests. He
treated with contempt the supposed popularity of
ministerial proceedings : the numerous addresses, so
much relied on, furnished no proof. At no time, since
the establishment of monarchy, did this test of public
opinion manifest itself more than during the reign of
James II. Addresses, congratulations, engagements
to support him with life and fortune, poured in from
every quarter: yet that infatuated monarch fatally
discovered, in the hour of trial, that they were mere
effects of ministerial art and court adulation.

The population of America was pompously exhi-
bited : Lord Emngham considered it no exaggeration

GEORGE III. 303

to state it considerably above four millions ; their pe- CHAP.
cuniary and military resources were described as truly

formidable ; the probability of Spanish assistance was 1770.
urged, and an invasion of Ireland by the French was
treated as easy, and, from the disposition of the
people, sure of success. The Duke of Cumberland,
in a short speech, declared his constant opposition to
the oppressive proceedings against America, and con-
sidered the motion as full of respect and duty to the
crown, and affording a basis for a happy reconciliation
with the colonies.

The Earl of Coventry predicted the necessary
termination of the connexion between Great Britain
and America. " In the body politic," he said, " as in
" the natural body, the seeds of dissolution are con-
" tained in the first vital principles. Sooner or later
" the event must happen ; and human wisdom can
" only extend the duration of one, as the greatest
" care and attention, employed on the best native con-
" stitution, may prolong the other. Look on the map
" of the globe, view Great Britain and North America,
" compare their extent ; consider the soil, rivers, cli-
" mate, and increasing population of the latter ;
" nothing but the most obstinate blindness and par-
" tiality can engender a serious opinion that such a
" country will long continue under subjection to Great
" Britain. The question is not, therefore, how we
" shall be able to realise a vain, delusive scheme of
" dominion ; but how we shall make it the interest of
" the Americans to continue faithful allies and warm
" friends. Surely that can never be effected by fleets
" and armies: instead of meditating conquest, and
" exhausting our own strength in an ineffectual strug-
" gle, we should wisely abandon wild schemes of coer-
" cion, and avail ourselves of the only -substantial
" benefit we can ever expect, the profits of an exten-
" sive commerce, and the strong support of a firm and
" friendly alliance and compact for mutual defence
" and assistance."

The ministry were supported by the usual argu-
ments on the general subject of the American dis-

304

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVIII.

177C.

llth March.
Debate on
the army ex-
traordinaiies.

pute ; the history of the colonists was traced to its
origin, and their constant disposition to factious resist-
ance clearly demonstrated.

Lord Temple, in a pathetic and judicious speech,
reprobated the intemperance of opposition. " The
" next easterly wind," he said, " will carry to America
" every expression used in this debate. I do not wish
" that the nakedness and weakness of my country
" should stand confirmed by the authority and sanction
" of testimonies given in this house. It is a time to
" act, not talk : much should be done, little said : the
" die of war is cast, the sword is drawn, and the scab-
" bard thrown away." Past experience could not
justify confidence in administration; but he would
not, by declaring our utter inability to reduce the
Americans, furnish a golden bridge for an ignominious,
ruinous, and disgraceful peace. " I have heard," he
said, " the war called unjust. I know not who in this
" house has a right to call it so ; not those who voted
" for the declaratory act : those only who denied our
" right of taxation ; and how very few were they*.
" I cannot approve of recalling troops, and publishing
" the terms to which you will yield, till there is reason-
" able assurance of their not being utterly rejected.
" Uncommon sagacity and discretion are necessary to
" the attainment of what all must eagerly wish : when
" the happy and favourable moment for conciliation
" shall arrive, I hope ministers will seize it : I wish
" them success : at least, at such a crisis, I will not
" hang on the wheels of government, rendering that
" which already is but too difficult, the more imprac-
" ticablej."

The motion was negatived^ by a great majority :
the proposed address was entered on the journals, with
the names of ten peers subscribed, protesting against
its rejection, but assigning no reason.

A new debate in the House of Commons was
occasioned by a demand of 845, 165/. for the extraor-
dinaries of last year. Colonel Barre drew a ludicrous
comparison between the campaign of Bunker's Hill

* Only five. f Lord Temple did not vote. J 100 to 32.

GEORGE III. 305

and Lexington, and the glorious exploits of the xxvni
immortal Marlborough ; the forcing of the lines

thrown up by a mob in a summer's night, was opposed 17/e.
to the victories of Blenheim and Schellenburgh, and
the conquest of Gibraltar and Minorca, the march of
Lord Peterborough through the vast kingdom of
Spain, and the impressions made by the Duke of
Ormond at Vigo and Port St. Mary. Mystic river
was compared to the Danube ; and the operations of
a war that pervaded half Europe, and in which a
British army and foreigners in British pay, amounting
to seventy thousand men, rendered the power and
glory of the British arms immortal, was balanced
against those carried on within a circuit of little more
extent than the site of the British metropolis. The
charge of the former did not exceed two millions,
"while this, including the expenses of the fleet, cost
nearly three.

Hopes of pacification were not yet renounced ; or,
at least, the members of opposition thought proper to
fortify their cause, and embarrass administration, by
presenting new projects.

The Duke of Grafton moved for an address, JJ^Marc

. -rr> T T -i The Duke

beseeching the Jlmg to issue a proclamation, declaring, O f Grafton's
that if the colonies, within a reasonable time, before or
after the arrival of the troops, should present a peti-
tion to the Commander-in-Chief, or to the commis-
sioners under the late act, setting forth what they
considered their just rights and real grievances, the
petition should be transmitted to his Majesty, who
would consent to a suspension of arms ; and to assure
them, that such petition should be received, considered,
and answered.

Contemplating with horror, he said, the conse-
quences of the bloody conflict, when, on whichever
side victory might declare, all true friends of their
country would have melancholy cause of grief; he
appealed to the humanity of the House, imploring
their interference to avert such dire calamities, and
prevent the effusion of blood. Since the doctrine of
unconditional submission had been espoused, it would

VOL. II. X

306 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvni ke merely equitable to let the Americans know the
ultimatum of the mother country, as they might then

1776. either agree, or risk the consequences of resistance.

Examining the powers of conciliation granted to
the commissioners, and comparing them with the
King's speech, the Duke professed himself astonished.
" What does the clause say 1 Commissioners are to
" be appointed ; and that is all. What are they to do 1
" To receive submissions. Does it state what, or pro-
" vide for any conditions'? Have the commissioners
" power to make concessions 1 Not one : the alterna-
" tive is resistance, or unconditional submission; eternal
" hostility, unless America shall instantly disarm, sur-
" render, and submit."

Declining to enter again on the policy of the con-
flict, the Duke thought administration should possess
full and unequivocal proofs of the disposition of
foreign nations, before they rushed into a civil war.
Little reliance could be placed on general professions ;
even confidential engagements, as experience had
frequently shewn, served merely to amuse and deceive.
France and Spain were collecting great naval and
military forces ; and in the last summer two French
gentlemen went to America, had a conference with
Washington at his camp, and in consequence of his
reference, repaired to the Congress.

In debating this proposition, great latitude of dis-
cussion was assumed ; Lord Mansfield observed, he
never saw it carried to such an extent ; almost every
matter, connected with the affairs of America, was
amply investigated.

The proposed measure was considered as the only
one which remained to extricate the country from
the inevitable destruction attendant on the romantic
system of conquest and coercion ; to prevent the dire
conflict between resentment and despair. It proposed
no terms which might embarrass administration, not
even such as must be granted in terminating the war ;
for very few were now so sanguine as to expect that
America, if subdued, could be held in peaceable sub-
jection, under the exercise of taxation. The only

GEORGE III. 307

plausible objection was said to be, that, by receding,
Great Britain would encourage America to advance

more extravagant demands ; but even should America 1770.
not be satisfied without absolute independency, the
real ground of the quarrel would be clearly and defi-
nitively understood ; the sentiments of all parties
would be united ; administration would acquire sta-
bility, and be enabled to unfold their plan of opera-
tions ; the only subject of debate would then be,
whether it were best to conquer or abandon.

To urge that the Americans should not be treated
with while armed, was, in fact, to refuse all treaty : for
a whole people, engaged in what appeared to them the
best of causes, who had already committed themselves
so far as to incur the censures of rebellion, would not,
while they retained means of defence, forego their
only hope, and submit unconditionally to those whom
they accused of injuring and oppressing them. The
powers granted by the late act of parliament were
inadequate to the commencement of a treaty ; the man
who, under such authority, should make a single con-
cession, without receiving an unconditional submission
or surrender, would hazard his neck. To what pur-
pose then send out commissioners, when any treaty or
intercourse would be treason against the King, the
state, and the legislative rights of Parliament ^ The
people of America were declared rebels ; and so de-
scribed in the very act : no power could accommodate
the subsisting disputes but that which announced
their crime, unless they submitted unconditionally ;
and this was the real object in view, though concealed
under the flimsy clause for appointing commissioners :
it was an attempt to enlarge the powers of the Crown,
under pretext of asserting the rights of Parliament ;
but Parliament was, at all events, to be disgraced.

The peers in administration avowed a resolution
not to cease hostilities until America should so far
submit as to acknowledge the supreme legislative
authority : such was the submission they required ;
nor could the country with propriety concede, nor,
consistently with her honour, dignity, or most essential

x 2

308 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvni interests, disarm or suspend operations, until the
colonies acceded to this principle, and by acts of duty

1776. and obedience entitled themselves to the favour and
protection of the parent-state. When the repeal of
the taxes of 1767 was in agitation, America having
questioned the right, it was judged expedient to retain
a part of the duties till that principle was fully recog-
nized ; concessions would now be made on the ground
of expediency alone : for if the right of taxation were
surrendered, every other beneficial right of sovereignty
would vanish, and a total dissolution of all connexion
with America must ensue ; it would never be entirely
abandoned, because essential to the very nature and
exercise of civil government.

Ministers had been willing to suppose the disor-
ders local, and fomented only by the delusive arts of a
factious few ; the people were therefore treated with
kindness ; every reasonable indulgence granted, and
even their prejudices accommodated. In return, they
regarded favours as indications of national imbecility;
abused lenity and liberality; and imputed humanity
and forbearance to timid backwardness and want of
ability to assert the rights of the nation. The human-
ity, equity, and policy, professed by the mover, would
be best consulted in sending the armament with the
utmost expedition. Fear might exact a conduct which
duty or obedience failed to inspire, and thus the effu-
sion of blood would be spared.

Every object proposed by Parliament since the
commencement of disputes would be frustrated by
adopting the motion. England would become the jest
of Europe, and the ridicule of those very people for
whom the benefit was intended. Without the hope of
saving a shilling of the enormous expence attending
the armaments, Great Britain would lose a campaign,
of which the enemy would avail themselves, and the
next spring the same course must be renewed. Nor
would the force sent out preclude accommodation ; it
might restore the colonies to their senses, but would
not prevent the reception of terms consistent with the
dignity of Parliament and rights of the parent state.

GEORGE III. 309

The powers granted to the commanders in chief,
or commissioners, were declared to be clear, sufficient,
and consistent with the King's prerogative. 1776.

An attack from our habitual enemies was consi-
dered chimerical. Lord Weymouth officially assured
the House, that at no time within his knowledge or
recollection had Great Britain less reason to be
jealous or suspicious of those courts. Ministry had
received repeated assurances, accompanied by unequi-
vocal proofs, of their pacific intentions ; and although
they should entertain sentiments diametrically oppo-
site, it was not in their power to involve this country
in a war, or impede the operations against the colonies.
The two French gentlemen who visited Washington,
and proceeded to Philadelphia, were travellers ac-
tuated by curiosity, or traders intent on mercantile
speculation.

Lord Sandwich ably vindicated the state of the
navy from several objections, general and particular.
Lord Hillsborough explained, and justified his letter
to the American governors in 1769. Lord Shelburne,
although he spoke and voted in opposition, disclaimed
the sentiments of his associates with respect to the
King's prerogative of employing or disposing of his
military force*. Lord Dartmouth, after observing that
as the Duke of Grafton had framed his motion, and

* Lord Shelburne's opinion on this occasion deserves particular notice : he
said, " The disposition of the army in particular, I predict, will be the source of
" great doubt, and no small contrariety of sentiment both here and in America. I
" however put in my claim to be understood as by no means giving up or being
'< willing to relinquish the right inherent in the Sovereign, of ordering, directing,
" and stationing the army in whatever part of the empire he may think proper ;
" and I confess it is with no small astonishment and uneasiness I have heard doc-
" trines of a very different nature maintained within this House by several lords,
" whose more particular business it is to watch and take care that his Majesty's
" just prerogatives be maintained entire and undiminished in all their parts. I
" particularly allude to the transactions in Ireland, and the language held by the
" Parliament of that kingdom. When I hear it asserted that the military force of
" this empire is to be divided into separate establishments, not under the imme-
" diate controul of the Sovereign ; when I hear it maintained that it is not com-
" petent for his Majesty to send foreigners, under the sanction of a British Par-
" liament, into any part of the empire for its particular defence, or for the safety
" of the whole ; when I hear that a ceitain local military establishment is fixed,
" and, as it were, locked up in Ireland, so as not to be called forth, as the exi-
'* gencies of affairs may require ; 1 cannot forget my duty so much as to be silent,
" and not to express my most hearty disapprobation of doctrines so derogatory to
" the prerogative of the Crown, and the controuling and superintending power of
" the British Parliament."

310

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVIII.

1776.

] st April.
Mr. Hartley's
proposition.

10th May.

Sawbridge's

motion.

Mr. Fox's
motion for a
committee of
inquiry,
20th Feb.

supported it by arguments which seemed to imply an
alternative of war, for the purpose of conquest or un-
conditional submission, moved the previous question in
preference to a direct negative. The Duke's motion
was lost*, and no protest entered on the journals.

Mr. Hartley, afterward, presented to the House of
Commons the form of an address for empowering the
commissioners to offer to the Americans some specific
line of rational obedience, instead of unconditional
submission; to give assurance of redress of grievances,
with full security of all constitutional and chartered
rights, and to issue a proclamation promising that they
should be placed on the same footing with Ireland, in
regard to pecuniary grants.

Sawbridge, who had succeeded Wilkes in the
office of lord mayor, by the instruction of his consti-
tuents, moved, in conformity with Mr. Hartley's sug-
gestion, to place the American colonists in the same
situation as the people of Ireland. In the debate, more
heat than judgment was displayed: Mr. Temple Lut-
trell styled the King's speech a sanguinary parole, the
ministry an infernal administration, and declared he
should in future consider acquiescence and quietude
unworthy of a British soul, and highly criminal. Thales
of Miletus, one of the seven sages of Greece, he said,
had observed, that of all wild beasts, the worst was a
tyrant ; of tame ones, a flatterer. When he surveyed
his Majesty's efficient ministers, his domestic minions,
he wished, like another Orpheus, to play up a second
dance in the midst of this menagerie, so as to send
them scampering from the rich pastures of a court, to
their native tramontane fastnesses. This pedantic ri-
baldry produced only some smart animadversions from
Mr. Eigby, and the motion was negativedf.

The intelligence received from America in the
course of the session gave rise to several motions for
inquiry and papers. The first effort was made by Mr.
Fox, who, assuming for argument that the principles
by which ministers were actuated were perfectly just,
contended that their mismanagement and misconduct

* 91 to 31. f 115 to 33.

GEORGE III. 311

were indisputable. He reviewed historically the coer-
cive plan, and placed in the strongest light what he

styled folly in the cabinet, ignorance in office, inability i?76.
in framing, and misconduct in executing, with such a
shameful and servile acquiescence in Parliament, as
never before disgraced a nation. If ministers had
planned with wisdom and proportioned the force to
the service; if the great officers in efficient depart-
ments had acted ably and faithfully, the miscarriages
might be deservedly imputed to the naval and military
commanders. If, on the other hand, the latter ac-
quitted themselves according to their instructions, and
carried on their operations in proportion to their force,
it was no less plain that the cause of all the disgraces
which the British arms had suifered, arose from igno-
rance in those who planned, and incapacity and want
of integrity in those to whom the execution was in the
first instance entrusted. His motion was for a com-
mittee to inquire into the cause of the ill success of
his Majesty's arms, and the defection of the people of
Quebec.

The chief aim of opposition seems to have been a
justification of the American invasion of Canada ; the
previous question was moved early in the debate. The
principal objections to the inquiry were the unfitness
of the time, the unfortunate situation of ministers,
who had preferred trying measures of lenity to abso-
lute force, and had thus afforded the Americans many
advantages. A powerful fleet and army were now to
be employed, and would doubtless crush the rebellious,
or bring them back to a proper sense of duty. The
minister appealed to the candour and recollection of
the House : nothing had been transacted in a corner,
but openly, and under the sanction of their repeated
approbation. It was not candid, in an early period of
the dispute, to state objections against the conduct of
administration, which were only applicable to a state
of hostility and open rebellion ; when the ground was
changed, the measures would necessarily vary.

Mr. Fox's proposition was rejected*.

* 240 to 104.

312

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVIII.

17776

Miscellaneous
transactions.

6lh March
and 30th April.

'21st March.

Wilkcs's
motion for a
reform of
Parliament.

15th April.
Trial of the
Duchess of
Kingston.

22nd May.
Motion for in-
spection of the
powers of
commissioners.
23rd May.
Against pro-
rogation.

In this active session, opportunities were found of
urging other topics beside those which most interested
the nation. Bills were introduced for the improve-
ment of police and social regulation, and the relief of
insolvent debtors. Some transactions at the late gene-
ral election, which were disclosed in consequence of
the petition of Mr. Mortimer against the return for
Shaftesbury, afforded grounds for new speculations on
the subject of representation. Alderman Sawbridge
made his accustomed motion respecting the duration
of Parliament ; and Mr. Wilkes, besides his usual at-
tempt to reverse the decision on the Middlesex election,
brought forward a project of parliamentary reform.

He explained, as his general outline, that every
free agent in the kingdom should be a constituent;
that the metropolis, which contains a ninth part of the
population, and the counties of Middlesex, York, and
others, which abound with inhabitants, should receive
an increase in the representation ; that the mean and
insignificant boroughs, so emphatically styled the
" rotten part of the constitution," should be lopped
off and the electors thrown into the counties ; and the
rich, populous trading towns, such as Birmingham,
Manchester, Sheffield, and Leeds, permitted to send
deputies to the great council of the nation. The long
speech which recommended this proposal was re-
plete with ribaldry and invective, and the motion for
leave to bring in a bill was negatived without a divi-
sion.

The Lords were occupied on the trial of the Duchess
of Kingston for bigamy ; she was found guilty ; but,
being exempted by the privilege of peerage from cor-
poral punishment, was discharged on paying the fees.

Although the affairs of America had already been
abundantly discussed, an ineffectual attempt was made
by General Conway, on the day before the proroga-
tion, to carry a motion for submitting to inspection
the pacific authorities with which the commissioners
were .invested* ; and when the King was expected in

* The division against the motion was 171 to 85.

GEORGE III. 313

the House of Lords, Mr. Hartley proffered a motion, xxvni

which was negatived, for an address that Parliament 1

might not be prorogued, but continue sitting by adjourn- me.
ments during the summer, that they might be ready to
receive information, and provide at the earliest moment
for every important event.

In terminating the session, the King represented King's speech.
the country as engaged in a great national cause, the
prosecution of which must inevitably be attended with
many difficulties and much expense ; but, considering
that the essential rights and interests of the whole em-
pire were deeply concerned in the issue, and no safety
or security could be found but in the constitutional
subordination contended for, no price could be too
high for the preservation of such objects. He still
entertained hopes that his rebellious subjects might be
awakened to a sense of their errors, and, by a voluntary
return to duty, justify him in bringing about the fa-
vourite wish of his heart, the restoration of harmony,
and re-establishment of order and happiness in every
part of his dominions.

His Majesty also informed Parliament that no al-
teration had happened in the state of foreign affairs
since their meeting, and dwelt with pleasure on the
assurances he had received of the dispositions of the
European powers, which promised a continuance of
the general tranquillity.

An implicit reliance on such promises or appear- view of the
ances, at a moment when Great Britain was engaging c n d . uct nd
in a formidable and extensive civil war, would have forei
been extremely imprudent. Assurances of amity
from rival powers, taught by the hostility of ages to
consider each other as natural enemies, must always
be regarded with suspicion ; and on the present occa-
sion that feeling must have derived strength from the
positive boast of the Americans, that it was in their
power to obtain foreign assistance*. The conclusion
of the last war, so mortifying to the pride of the house
of Bourbon, rendered it probable that the courts of

* Chap. 26.

314 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvm France and Spain would, by all indirect means, foment
and encourage the prevailing misunderstanding be-

1776. tween Great Britain and her colonies ; and perhaps,
should hostilities be long protracted, take an active
share. There was, however, no immediate danger of
a rupture. No indemnities could be offered, no hopes
of aggrandizement were presented : nor did commer-
cial advantages of a momentous nature present them-
selves ; and, notwithstanding the flattering prospect of
humbling a haughty rival, the inclination to interfere be-
tween the mother-country and the colonies would be
repressed, by considering that reconciliation was not
yet desperate ; and in such an event the officious inter-
meddlers would be left unsupported to sustain the com-
bined resentment of both. But although a sudden
junction of France or Spain with the Americans was
not to be dreaded, yet it was probable that a covert,
clandestine, or equivocal assistance, would be afforded,
until the resources and strength of each party were
fully tried, and the breach become irreparable.
France. Nor did the peculiar state of France or Spain fur-

nish reasons for expecting the commencement of hosti-
lities. Many disputes had arisen on the subject of
territorial possessions in India, the unsettled accounts
of the last war, the demolition or extension of works
at Dunkirk, settlements in Africa, the Newfoundland
fishery, and contraband trade, and small naval arma-
ments were occasionally formed ; but, in general, the
French minister, the Due d'Aiguillon, seemed to con-
form to the pacific views of the indolent and voluptu-
ous monarch, who abhorred any project which por-
tended interruption to his luxury or disturbance of
his repose. The last years of Louis XV were marked
with the weakness and violence of a poor, proud, tyran-
nical government ; but, whatever might be his personal
bad qualities, his death was deplored by all who wished
for the peace of Europe. The accession of his grand-
son, Lous XVI*, was hailed as an event promising the
most beneficial consequences to the nation. His ami-
able youth, integrity of character, and love of virtue,

10th May, 1774.

GEORGE III. 315

inspired sanguine hopes of a prosperous reign ; his xxvni
marriage with Marie Antoinette of Austria, daughter

of the empress queen Maria Theresa, and sister to the 1776.
emperor of Germany, was regarded as the means of
extinguishing the inveterate animosity which had so
long rent France and Austria, and both the king and
queen were objects of popular adoration. Louis re-
moved an odious administration, reinstated the Parlia-
ments suppressed by the late king, exerted his efforts
to relieve the distress occasioned by a scarcity of grain,
and shewed a merciful mind in the alteration of penal
laws. The friendly disposition of the French govern-
ment toward Great Britain had been unequivocally
demonstrated ; and the expectation that succour would
be afforded to the Americans was suppressed by an
edict prohibiting all intercourse with them*. Oppo-
sition, however, in the late session of Parliament, rea-
soning as well from general system as from information
which they professed to have received, often considered
the interference of France as certain. The idea of
foreign danger, it was observed, might be thought
visionary ; but France and Spain were both arming,
and could not, in fact, avail themselves of a better op-
portunity. M. de Vergennes, who held the reins of
power, was supposed to be desirous, if not of peace,
at least of avoiding a hasty declaration of hostility.
The queen was said to be biassed by Choiseul, the
lover of war, and the great enemy of Britain-]- ; but
her influence was counteracted by that of the King's
aunts, who were inimical to de Choiseul ; and the first
appointment of ministers, both domestic and foreign,
gave surprise to the court of Vienna, who saw almost
every individual whom the queen was supposed to
favour, and whose nomination would have been agree-
able to her mother, excluded from the cabinet.

M. de Vergennes always gave explanations and
made professions calculated to obviate complaints, to re-
move suspicions, and to impart confidence in the conti-

* In April 1775.

t See General Coiiway's speech in the House of Commons, 22nd May, 1776.

316 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

nuance of peace. He expressed, in the strongest terms,
and by his sovereign's desire, his intention to live in

1767. friendship with his Majesty ; his wishes for his success
and that of .his present ministers, of whom they had a
high opinion, and to whom they should be sorry to
cause the least uneasiness or embarrassment. The at-
tention paid by France to her marine was ascribed
only to the shamefully neglected state in which it had
been left by the late minister, M. de Boynes. All
knowledge of armaments in Spain was disclaimed, ex-
cept in so far as they were occasioned by disputes with
Portugal in America, which were, after all, nothing
more than quarrels between two governors. If the
disgraces and the humiliating termination of the last
war were deeply felt by a considerable part of the
nation, the probability of a new one arising was dimi-
nished by considerations of finance and internal govern-
ments, and by a want of impulse from the King, who
had no military education, nor had ever displayed the
least desire of war-like glory. All these circumstances

*' afforded reasons for disbelieving the immediate ap-

proach of hostilities; but no firm reliance could be
placed on the dispositions of a sensitive people, whose
pride had been so severely wounded ; a government
anxious to secure advantages, from whatever source
they might arise ; a ministry ready to use every art in
concealing the intrigues which they were ashamed to
avow ; and a monarch whose virtues were rendered un-
availing by an unhappy want of firmness, productive
to Mm, at last, of the most calamitous results*.

* Many of the facts above stated are derived from dispatches in the State
Paper Office ; particularly on the 1st of August, the 23rd of September, the 12th
of October, and the 3rd of November, 1 774. Toward the close of that year
(Dec. 7), Lord Stormoiit, with his usual discernment and clearness of expression,
gives a view of the state of opinions and feelings in France. You desire me,
he writes to Lord Rochford, to inform you what language is held here on our
American disputes. Our wits, philosophers, and coffee-house politicians are,
to a man, warm Americans, affecting to consider them as a brave people strug-
gling for their rights, and endeavouring to rescue them out of the hands of wan-
ton and violent oppression. They talk of " No representatives, consequently
" no obedience due." This argument they turn in all its various shapes, please
themselves with vague, empty, general theories, the common cloak under which
men of parts conceal their ignorance, and talk in a manner that would surprise
those who are not well acquainted with the country, and do not know with what

GEORGE III. 317

Spain, possessing immense and valuable settlements xxvni

in America, could not, on any principle of sound 1

policy, be supposed capable of fomenting and abetting 1776.
the rebellion of adjacent colonies, especially when her Spam -
own were exposed to immediate danger. These ob-
vious causes were sufficient to restrain, for the time,
any hostile demonstrations ; but a disposition to quarrel,
and a desire to excite enmities against us, were ap-
parent in many acts of their government.

Other powers, whose immediate interference in the Austria .
affairs of Great Britain was not expected, regarded the
American contest with a degree of interest suited to
the magnitude and novelty of the crisis, and with such
sentiments as their attachment to, or hatred of, the
British government suggested. The people in most
countries appeared to participate in sentiment with the
Americans ; but their sovereigns were not disposed to
sanction, by their approbation, a mode of conduct so
ruinous to the interests of every government. The
emperor, Joseph II, with dignified magnanimity, gave
at once a decided reproof to all who expected that he
should favour, even by tacit compliances, the cause of
insurrection; the ports of the Low Countries were
shut against the vessels of America, and all intercourse
with them was strictly prohibited. At an audience
obtained by the British ambassador, the emperor
strongly expressed his opinion of the justice of the

complacency the French speak of what they least understand, making up in
petulance what they want in knowledge.

Men of quite another turn admit our right, but believe that it would be wise
in us to waive it, and rather give way to the pretensions of the Americans, how-
ever groundless, than bring on a contest by which we must be losers in the
end. From the natural and inevitable course of human affairs, increase of
population, trade, and strength in the colonies, there must come a period when
the spirit of independency would be general. These men pretend that no hu-
man policy can prevent this, that all the greatest wisdom could do would be to
palliate and delay an inevitable event. They say we have done the direct
contrary ; first, raised a spirit of opposition, and by attempting to subdue, we
should only increase it, and accelerate the period we should have endeavoured
to retard.

The ministers are satisfied, that, however they may terminate, these affairs will
give us a great deal of disagreeable occupation ; the wisest think the evil will be
but temporary, if we meet it with moderation and invariable firmness.

I have not been able to discover any traces of a secret intelligence between this
country and the Bostonians; but, although it would be improper to betray a
suspicion of our rivals, it is wise to entertain it, and not to forget that whenever,
wherever they can wound, they will.

318 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxvni English proceedings, his high sense of the personal
worth of the King, and a conviction that success in

1776. reducing the Americans was of the utmost importance
to all the regular governments in Europe. " The
" cause in which the King is engaged," he said, " is in
" fact the cause of all sovereigns ; they have a joint
" interest in maintenancing a just subordination and
" obedience to law, in all the monarchies which sur-
" round them*. He saw with pleasure the vigorous
" exertions of national strength which the King was
" employing to reduce his rebellious subjects, and
" sincerely wished success to those measures." The
empress queen expressed, with no less warmth, her
determination to maintain the good understanding be-
tween the two crowns, and to prohibit all transactions
by which her subjects should seem to afford assistance
to the colonies, or give umbrage to England. She had
a high esteem, she said, for the King's principles of
government, a sincere veneration for his political cha-
racter, and a hearty desire to see obedience and tran-
quillity restored to every quarter of his dominions.
Her friendship for him, and hereditary affection for
the royal family, had never abated, although a dif-
ference in political opinions, the source of which she
could not help attributing to the King of Prussia, had,
for a considerable time, diminished the opportunities
of an interchange of good officesf.

Widely distant from the honourable and dignified
sentiments and conduct of the emperor, were those of
the King of Prussia. In the transports of mortified
avarice and resentment at the cessation of his subsidy,
he forgot every feeling of gratitude for the generous
assistance of this country, by which he had been
enabled to retain his existence as a territorial power ;
his resentment assumed the shape of implacable hos-
tility, and nothing which craft and duplicity could
effect to our disadvantage was left unpractised. He

* Conformable to this sentiment is the expression related by Dr. Moore,
" Je suis par metier royaliste." View of Society and Manners in France, &c. v.
ii. letter 96.

f From private information.

GEORGE III. 319

courted the alliance of France, intrigued with the
cabinet of Vienna, and at the same time, in the midst J 3 ?,
of jarring interests, made the greatest efforts to gain

an ascendancy over the mind of the' Empress of Russia. 1775.
Although in these machinations, Frederick shewed all
the characteristics of an adept in the art of politics,
and all the activity of mind so essential to the success
of deep-laid plans, he was much declined from that
loftiness of genius which, in earlier life, enabled him
to avert pressing dangers and achieve mighty exploits.
His mind was debased to the level of unworthy pas-
sions, hatred fermented into rancour, prudence assumed
the tinge of avarice ; unsupported by religion, he
leaned feebly on the insubstantial support of philoso-
phy, and was the sport of every passion, the slave of
every whim which the occasion of the moment in-
spired. In his person he was disgustingly negligent,
not of the appearances of dignity alone, but of those
common cares and attentions to propriety which are
necessaiy in old age to render the individual less than
insupportable. Regardless of the advice of his phy-
sicians, he abandoned himself to an excessive and ill-
judged gulosity, by which his health was impaired, and
his mind was often so disturbed that he was obliged
for certain periods to seclude himself from all pursuits
of business. But, at other times, and even in short
intervals of malady, his powers of conversation and
correspondence, and his facility in the dispatch of
business, were not inferior to what he had displayed in
his more vigorous days*.

In his intercourse with Great Britain, distaste and
indifference, rather than absolute hostility, had been
evincedf ; but the time for inflicting a serious injury
had not yet arrived. He disapproved the conduct of
our administration, although he did not affect to justify

* From many documents in the State Paper Office, from 1762 to 1774, and
Lord Dover's Life of Frederic II. vol. ii. p. 437 to 462, with the authorities there
quoted, and Appendix to this volume.

t In a conference with Sir Andrew Mitchell in 1766, when the triple alliance
with Great Britain and Russia was proposed, the King of Prussia, in declining it,
quoted the Italian proverb, " Chi sta bene nan si muove ;" to which the English
ambassador answered, " Chi sta solo, non sta bene." State Papers.

320

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

XXVHI ^ e Americans, or wish ultimate failure to the mother-

1 country. It was a difficult thing, he said in a conver-

1776. sation with some English gentlemen, to govern men by
force at such a distance ; if the Americans should be
beaten, which appeared a little problematical, still it
would be next to impossible to continue to draw from
them a revenue by taxation : "if you intend concilia-
" tion," he said, " some of your measures are too
" rough ; and if subjection, too gentle. In short, I do
" not understand these matters ; I have no colonies. I
" hope you will extricate yourselves advantageously ;
" but I own the affair seems rather perplexing*."

* Moore's View, &c. v. ii. letter 75. In the works of the King of Prussia,
the affairs of England are treated in a manner which displays at once the ignorance,
malice, and presumption of the writer. He was from the beginning of the present
reign entirely unacquainted with the politics of Great Britain, and viewed the
conduct of its Sovereign and ministers only through the medium of resentment
and prejudice. It is fit the whole extract, 'containing his opinions on the origin
and conduct of the American war should be given, that the reader may judge how
little reliance can be placed on the information of this royal philosopher, in mat-
ters not immediately subject to his own inspection. After discussing the state of
France in 1775, he says, that from a constant spirit of rivalship with England, she
saw with pleasure the rising troubles in the American colonies, encouraged, un-
derhand, the spirit of revolt, and animated the Americans to maintain their rights
against the despotism which George III was endeavouring to establish, by exhibiting
a prospect of succours to be expected from the friendship of the most Christian king.
" The court of London," he proceeds, " exhibits a picture totally different from
" that we have been sketching. Bute, the Scotchman, governs the King and realm ;
" like those evil-working spirits who are always talked of, but never seen, he
" shrouds himself, as well as his operations, in impenetrable obscurity ; his emis-
" saries, his creatures, are the springs with which he moves, at his pleasure, the
" political machine. His system is that of the ancient Tories, who maintain that
" it is essential to the welfare of England that the King should be invested with
" despotic authority, and that, far from contracting alliances with the continental
" powers, Great Britain should limit herself solely to the extension of her com-
" mercial advantages. Paris, in his contemplation, is what Carthage was to
" Calo the Censor. Bute, if it were in his p'twer, and he could collect them,
" would destroy in one day all the ships of France. Imperious and harsh in his
" government, little solicitous in the choice of means, his awkwardness in the
" conduct of affairs is superior even to his obstinacy. This minister, to accom-
" plish his grand views, began by introducing corruption in the House of
" Commons. A million sterling, wliich the nation annually pays the King for the
" maintenance of his civil list, was hardly sufficient to gratify the venality of the
" members of parliament. This sum, intended for the expenses of the royal
" family, the court, and embassies, was annually employed in stripping the nation
" of its energy ; George III had nothing left fin- his subsistence, and the support
" of the royal dignity at London, but five hundred thousand crowns, which he
" drew from his electorate of Hanover. The English nation, degraded by its
" Sovereign himself, appeared to have no will but his ; but, as if all these provoca-
" tions were not sufficient, Lord Bute attempted a more bold and decisive blow,
" for the establishment of the despotism he had in view; he induced the King
" to tax, by arbitrary imposts, the American colonies, as well for the augmenta-
" tion of his revenues, as to establish a precedent which in a course of time
" might be imitated in Great Britain ; but we shall see that the consequence of
" this act of despotism did not answer his expectations. The Americans, whom
" England had not condescended to corrupt, openly opposed this taxation, so re-

GEORGE 111.

The baleful effects of this monarch's malevolence CHAP.
were first manifested in Russia. Catherine the second
had extraordinary talents for government, and parti- 1776
cularly those which were required in the country over
which she was placed. Her intellect was sharp and
piercing; her understanding extensive and solid; her
courage and self-confidence unbounded. Conscious of
her own advantageous situation, and encouraged by
continued successes, she considered herself not only
secure from neighbouring nations, but capable of de-
ciding their councils and regulating their conduct, and
she had long perceived that the conviction which they
felt of her superiority in policy and in power, gave her
in peace a more effectual ascendancy than she could
have acquired by a successful war*. She successfully
cultivated the affections of her subjects, and shewed a
true regard for their interests and feelings, by framing
for them a code of laws ; and she introduced inocula-
tion among them, not by an edict or decree, but by

" pugnant to their rights, their customs, and above all, to the liberties they had en-
" joyed since their first establishment. A prudent government would have hastened
" to appease these rising troubles, but the English ministry were guided by other
" principles ; they stirred up new commotions with the colonies, on account of the
'" merchants who monopolized certain East India merchandizes,which they wanted
" to compel the Americans to purchase. The harshness and violence of these
"proceedings completely roused the Americans ; they held a Congress at Phi-
" ladelphia, where, renouncing the yoke of England, now become insupportable,
1 they declared themselves free and independent. From this time we see Great
' Britain engaged in a war with her colonies ; but if Lord Bute shewed himself
' inexpert in the conduct of this affair, he appeared still more so when the war
began. He simply (bonnemenf) imagined that seven thousand regular troops
were sufficient for the subjugation of America ; and as he was not quite so good
a calculator as Newton, he was always deceived. General Washington, whom
at London they styled the leader of the rebels, obtained, at the beginning of
hostilities, some advantage over the royalists assembled near Boston. The
King, who expected to hear of victories, was surprised at the news of this
check, and the government was obliged to change its measures." See CEuvres
complettes de Frederick II, Roi de Prusse, vol. iv. Tit. Memoires depuis la Paix
de Hubertsbourg, 1763, jusqu' a la fin du Partage de la Pologne en 1775, ch. iv.
The extracts, given without suppression, addition, or falsification, will sufficiently
shew how little the author understood the history, government, and politics
of England. It must excite a smile to imagine the surprise of an English reader
who takes these things for true, at finding the system of Lord Bute and the lories
(of which Frederick perused nothing but newspaper stories and factious babble,
transmitted by M. Michel) so consistent with his own prejudices, and at hearing
that the splendour of the British court was supported by a revenue derived from
the electorate of Hanover. It would be a waste of criticism to expose the his-
torical and chronological errors in this extract, or to expatiate on the malevolence
which guided the pen of the writer.

* State Papers. Dispatch from Sir George Macartney to General Conway,
12th Aug. 1766.

VOL. II. Y

322 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

submitting to the operation herself. Two favourite
notions seem to have regulated her early proceedings.
1/76. One was the formation of an alliance of herself, Austria,
and Great Britain; other powers were afterwards
added, for the purpose of preserving the peace of the
North, and counteracting the effects of the family com-
pact ; the other, to prevent such an approximation be-
tween France and Prussia as would give to those
powers a preponderance injurious to her interest, and
particularly in the affairs of Poland. In the early part
of her reign, the conduct of Frederick had given her
some considerable offence, by a letter from him to
Count Finkenstein, which had been intercepted and
published, in which he compared her deceased hus-
band to the Greek emperor Zano, and her to his wife
Ariadne, and to Mary de Medici. She expressed great
disgust at the ungrateful return made by the Prussian
sovereign for the benefits he had received from England,
and professed, probably with much sincerity, a deter-
mination to cultivate British friendship in preference
to that of any other country.

But the conduct and decision of courts do not
depend entirely on the judgment or disposition of sove-
reigns. They are guided, and in effect governed,
by ministers who may be misled, prejudiced, or venal;
Catherine was served by men who did not disguise
their venality. A commercial treaty with England, on
the basis of that concluded in 1734, was proposed, but
its progress retarded by attempts to introduce foreign
clauses ; to unite with it a defensive alliance and sub-
sidy ; the Russian chancellor impeded its progress by
a demand of two thousand pounds in compensation for
some damage he had sustained through English priva-
teers ; and the influence of France was strongly felt in
the progress of the discussions.

As the projects for dismembering Poland advanced
toward maturity, the influence of the King of Prussia
at Petersburg became extensive, and his opinions be-
gan to guide those of the Empress. Taught by his
minister, she spoke slightingly of the British councils,
and animadverted on the frequent changes in the

GEORGE III. 323

cabinet. He professed to her ministers a great respect xxvni

for the British nation, and a sincere icgard for the ',

royal family, but could have no confidence in the sta- me.
bility of our ministers, or hope for the change of that
inactive spirit of insular policy, which he supposed to
govern a man, who, although unseen, gave the tone to
all administrations*.

If these unfounded assertions and fallacious pre-
tences did not altogether deceive Count Panin, the
Russian prime minister, they at least furnished plau-
sible reasons for him to urge in the discussion of terms
of the proposed treaty. It had been originally sug-
gested, that the alliance between Great Britain and
Russia should be of the closest description ; and,
among other things, that a Turkish war should be a
casus fcederis : but this being objected to, the empress
modified her demand, requiring only that we should
pay to Sweden an annual subsidy of fifty thousand
pounds. This arrangement could not be acceded to,
as the British government, rendering annual accounts
to Parliament, could not promise to adopt the unusual
system of granting subsidies in time of peace. The
refusal of this condition, besides the frustration of one
of the Empress's favourite plans, threw Sweden more
completely into the hands of France, and doubly gra-
tified the King of Prussia, who was become a great
favourer of that power, as the rival and enemy of Eng-
land ; and, as it increased his means of inflaming the
mind of the Empress. . Panin said, " that if he found
" himself obliged to pay a subsidy to Sweden, which
" he must if we refused it, he would engage with us
" no further." The conduct of our ministers in re-
fusing this compact was repugnant to sound policy
and the true interest of the nation. " It seems to me,"
Lord Cathcart observed, " that if at this juncture the
" King can be put at the head of an alliance with
" Russia, in which are included Denmark, Sweden,
" Prussia, and Poland, for the expense of fifty thou-

* Letter from Lord Cathcart to Sir Andrew Mitchell, 12th November, 1768.
State Papers.

324 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xx'vni " san( l P oim( ls per annum, with a Swedish squadron

1 " into the bargain, the nation might rejoice, and not

1776. " grudge the money*."

If these discussions had a tendency to create any
unfriendly feeling in the mind of the Empress, the
conduct of England was so amicable, spirited, and
generous, that a more favourable opinion must have
prevailed. In 1769, during her war with the Turks,
her fleet was received, repaired, and equipped in the
ports of Great Britain; and Panin acknowledged to
Lord Cathcart, that " nothing could equal the atten-
" tion of his Majesty and his ministers to every thing
" which could be friendly and useful, except the natu-
" ral demonstrations of good-will which appeared in
" every quarter." To evince the perfect disinterested-

* Letter of the 12th of November, already referred to. In a subsequent
dispatch, 31st of August, 1774, Lord Cathcart, referring to this subject, details
the sentiments of the Russian minister. " In their secret way of thinking, this
" court looks upon the family compact, especially with the additional alliance of
" Austria, as more proper to have given rise to a war than to have caused a gene-
" ral peace." *' France," he says, " was at the head of the plan: England is
" her natural rival : she can have no fixed animosity against other powers, nor
" any value for their connexion, but relatively to her views against or apprehen-
" sions from England. England seemed insensible of the danger of the conse-
" quences of their combinations, and of the various movements of France since
" the peace ; or insensible that those movements, though apparently aimed
" against Russia, were ultimately intended to strike at herself : the friendship
" between England and Russia, and the never-ending negotiation for an alliance,
" is the reason why Russia is the butt of the malice of France : France had de-
" claredto Vienna, in 1767 or 1768, that in 1770 she should be ready for open
" war : Russia had communicated it to England ; had had the complaisance to
" vary her pretensions from a Turkish casus fbederis to the expedient of a subsi-
" diary alliance between Great Britain and Sweden, and had pressed this ar-
" rangement, in 1768, with every argument the common danger suggested :
" Prussia was acquainted with this idea, wished success to the union of the two
" empires on these terms, and would have acceded if desired ; and Denmark
" was in the same disposition. Had England, without loss of time, accepted the
'' proposals, not only the alliance with Russia, but the general union of the
" powers of the North, Sweden included, would have been completed ; the late
" extraordinary diet would have been prevented ; and England, who at the time
" of her late dispute with Spain had not a single ally, would have found herself,
*' with Russia, at the head of many powerful states, confederated for their com-
" mon defence against the common enemy. England rejected the proposals,
" granting subsidies in time of peace being contrary to a general rule ; but the
" event has proved how dangerous it is to be governed by general rules in cases
" proper for exceptions ; so England is answerable for all the consequences. The
" fearing of a war with France prevented her holding at Paris that language,
" which at a certain time would, without a war, have prevented the loss of
" Corsica. The same policy of having friends everywhere, and enemies no-
" where, occasioned England to hold a middle conduct in many other instances,
" expensive and disadvantageous for herself, ineffectual for her friends and the
" common cause, and highly convenient for her enemies, who only suspend the
" event England so much apprehends till the moment shall be favourable for
" themselves."

GEORGE III. 325

ness of our government in the transaction, three armed >px\Vii

vessels, with British passes, having sailed with the 1. [

Russian squadron for the Mediterranean, were, in con- 1776.
sequence of orders immediately issued from the Admi-
ralty, obliged to return. Even at a more recent period,
in December 1773, a Russian fleet was allowed to refit
in our ports ; their sick were sent to our hospitals,
and supplied with medicine, wine, and spirits ; and
British officers were permitted to enter the Russian
service*. And the noble and firm proceeding of Lord
Stormont at Paris, when he declared that England
would not permit an armament adverse to the interests
of Russia, even if it should plunge us into a thirty
years' war, was warmly felt, and gratefully recollectedf
When, in the late negotiations for a treaty, it was
proposed that a war of the Porte against Russia should
be deemed a casus fcederis, it was suggested, on our
part, that an attack on his Majesty's subjects in
America or the East Indies should be regarded in the
same light ; as, without such an agreement, any power
hostile to England could defeat her claim to succours
from Russia, by compelling us to be the aggressors in
Europe. The treaty cannot so properly be said to
have been destroyed by the direct rejection of terms
as to have been frustrated by evasions and delays. It
never did take place ; but all the circumstances sub-
sisting between the two countries, and all that could
be derived from the expressions of the Empress, led
to a reasonable hope that an application for such suc-
cours as Russia could afford in the present exigency
would be cheerfully granted. Nor was a motive of
personal sympathy wanting ; for, in her own domi-
nions, the Empress had recently been obliged to strug-
gle against an insurrection of Cossacks, under Pugat- 1773 & 1774
scheff, which had continued more than a year, and
was at last suppressed by the defeat and capture of
the chief. The Empress showed her resentment of

* Dispatch from Lord Cathcart to Lord Rochford, 31st of October, 1 769 ;
and from Lord Rochford to Lord Cathcart, 17th of April, 1770, and December
1773.

t See p. 8.

326

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVIII.

1775.

January.

1774.

Application
to Russia for
troops.

June 30th.

Au 'ust 8th.

the crime by ordering the execution of Pugatschcff
and four of his accomplices, with torture ; while
eighteen inferior agents underwent the knout, and had
their noses slit.

Among other demonstrations of good- will, the
Empress expressed high approbation of the dissolu-
tion of Parliament, strongly applauded his Majesty's
conduct in general, and was sanguine in the hope that
our troubles in America would be speedily terminated.
Under these favourable circumstances, Sir Robert
Gunning, who had succeeded Lord Cathcart as am-
bassador at St Petersburg, was directed, with the
utmost caution and delicacy to learn from the Empress
or her ministers whether, in case it should be found
expedient to employ foreign troops in America, his
Majesty might rely on her to furnish him with any
considerable body of infantry. Should the proposal
be favourably received, a subsidy was not to be refused,
but taken ad referandum. Sir Robert Gunning men-
tioned the matter to Panin, who, having consulted his
sovereign, with every appearance of cordiality, reported
her answer. " The Empress had ordered him to give
" the strongest assurances, and to express them in the
" strongest terms, of her entire readiness, on this and
" all other occasions, to give his Majesty every assist-
" ance he should desire, in whatever mode or manner
" he might think proper. She embraced with satis-
" faction this occasion of testifying her gratitude to
" the King and nation for the important services she
" had received in the late war ; favours she the more
" valued and should not forget, as they were sponta-
" neously bestowed, and not the result of any formal
" obligations or ties on our part. We were as fully
" intitled to every succour from her, as if the strongest
" treaties subsisted ; she was under no engagements
" that could clash with, or prevent her from giving us
" whatever aid circumstances might demand. She
" found in herself an innate affection for our nation
" which she should always cherish*."

Verbatim from Sir R. Gunning's Dispatch, 6th August.

GEORGE III. 327

To this most acceptable communication the King xxvni
returned a letter of acknowledgment in his own hand-

writing ; but the warm hopes it was calculated to me.

inspire soon cooled into doubt, and at last chilled into

total disappointment. When the ambassador obtained September 11.

an audience, the general language of the Empress was

no less cordial than he could have expected ; but on the

great point under consideration she was much changed.

She recommended a settlement of disputes with Ame-

rica ; there were various means, and all should be tried.

Sir Robert Gunning answered that the measures pur-

sued were consistent with the dignity of the nation :

resentment had not found its way into the cabinet, nor

would it. She only repeated her wishes for a speedy

termination.

It was evident that considerable difference of October i.
opinion prevailed in the Russian cabinet. Count
Panin received the application with satisfaction, and
answered it with cordiality. Neither the number of
troops, nor the place where it was intended to employ
them, furnished any topic of objection ; but the vice-
chancellor assumed a totally different aspect. He spoke
of the state of the empire, just emerged from a ruinous
war, the number of men required, the distance of their
destination, and many other points, always shewing a
diposition adverse to the proposal, although he declared,
that if it became matter of debate, we should be sure
of his vote. At a subsequent interview, Panin ex-
pressed the great repugnance of the Empress at the
employment of her troops at so great a distance, where
they could have no communication with home. She
did not think she could grant so great a number, con-
sidering the state of Poland and Sweden ; she had not
duly considered the matter when she gave her first
answer, and inquired whether other modes of assist-
ance could not be devised. The ambassador answered
that, under such circumstances, the strongest protesta-
tions must be regarded only as words without meaning,
and recapitulated, with becoming firmness, the conduct
by which Great Britain had entitled herself to a more
friendly consideration. He subsequently proposed to

328 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. reduce the required number of troops to fifteen thou-
sand, and to ten thousand ; but Catherine, still profess-

177G. ing her former sentiments, definitively refused any
succour whatever, adding, that as no power in Europe
had interfered in the American disputes, they might
view with an evil eye her sending such a force to that
country*.

Such an extraordinary vicissitude was no less
surprising than embarrassing ; but, in viewing it, the
personal character and circumstances of the Empress,
and the influences acting upon her, must be attentively
regarded. " In an absolute monarchy," writes a most
able diplomatistf, " every thing depends on the dis-
" position and character of the sovereign. Catherine
" has a masculine force of mind, obstinacy in adhering
" to a plan, and intrepidity in the execution of it ; but
" she wants the more manly virtues of deliberation,
" forbearance in prosperity, and accuracy of judgment;
" while she possesses in a high degree the weaknesses
" vulgarly attributed to her sex ; love of flattery and
" its inseparable companion, vanity ; an inattention to
" unpleasant though salutary advice, and a propensity
" to voluptuousness that would debase a female cha-
" racter in any sphere of life." In gratifying this
degrading propensity, the Empress disregarded alike
all the laws of honour, dignity, and morality ; she did
not even affect the sentiment which often is dishonoured
by the name of love, but surrendered herself without
shame or reserve to the mere gratification of appetite.
Favourite was a term used at her court not to denote
one who influences the councils and distributes the
patronage of the crown, but one who is selected merely
as the means of gratification ; and, contrary to all
modern precedent at least, this occupation was publicly
enjoyed and filled, by one man after another, as accident
or caprice might dictate. But it was not to be supposed
that a person in such a situation would not possess
considerable influence in the state. In 1773, Waschi-

* Dispatches of the dates referred to.

f Sir James Harris's Dispatch to Lord Suffolk, July 31, 1778.

GEORGE III. 329

liziew was discarded, and General Potemkin installed CHAP.
in his post. The rejected favourite was a man of calm

temper and tranquil disposition, and made no attempts
to direct the operations of the state ; but his successor
caused great alarm to Prince Orlow and Count Panin,
the established advisers of the crown. They knew him
to be a man of daring, enterprizing spirit, of a violent
temper, and of a grasping ambition ; they knew, too,
that he had long desired the distinction which was
now conferred on him, and it could not be doubted
that he was instigated by the hope of taking a dis-
tinguished lead in public affairs*.

Such were the materials with which the King of intrigues of
Prussia had to work in gratifying his malevolence
against Great Britain. The base and dishonourable
plans which the empress and he were urging to their
accomplishment with respect to Poland, gave him an
intimacy and influence which otherwise he might not
have possessed in the secrets of her councils and the
conduct of her government. He courted the empress's
pride by most fulsome flatteryf, gained some of her
venal ministers by means more obvious and substan-
tial, and insinuated his views to our disadvantage with
equal zeal, industry, and perseverance. From the first
moment that the English ambassador opened his pro-
posals for Russian assistance, he was apprized of it by
communications from Moscow; and to his efforts,
aided by his coadjutors, is to be attributed the change
in the mind, language, and conduct of the empress,
from her first effusion of honest feeling and princely
gratitude, to her last mean and disgraceful evasions of
all she had expressed, and retractations of all she had
promised^. His efforts were supported and aided by
French intrigue. M. Diderot, a philosophical poli-
tician of that nation, had established himself in Russia,

* Lord Stormont to Lord Rochford, 13th April, 1774.

t A specimen of his skill in this art will be found in the following extract from
a letter which he wrote to her on the publication of her code : " Les anciens
" grecs, qui etoient, de tous terns, appreciateurs du merite, divisoient les grands
" hommes, en reservant la premiere place aux legislateurs, qu'ils jugeaient les
" veritables bienfaiteurs du genre humain. Us auroient place votre Majeste Im-
" periale entre Lycurgue et Solon."

t Mr. Harris to Lord Suffolk, 8th July, 1775.

330 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

was * n confidential intercourse with the empress at
Zarsco Zelo, and had considerable influence in direct-
177T). ing her political views.

Severe indeed was the disappointment felt by mi-
nisters on the failure of their negotiation. In the
sanguine confidence inspired by Catherine's first pro-
mises, they communicated the intelligence to General
Howe, who, with the British force and Russian auxi-
liaries, expected to make a brilliant and effectual cam-
paign, and was proportionally embarrassed when the
secretary of state announced to him the probable
failure of his measures*.

Thus, at the commencement of this most awful
contest, was England unfavoured by any active ally
or cordial supporter. France and Spain, if for the
moment they were quiescent, could hardly be ex-
pected, if favourable circumstances should occur, to
abstain from giving open and avowed, instead of covert,
aid to those efforts which tended to reduce that power
toward which they always retained sentiments of
jealousy and hatred. The emperor maintained a lofty,
but sincere spirit of indifference. Of the vacillation
of Russia and the intrigues of Prussia enough has
already been said. Holland, which, by all the motives
of ancient connexion and all the obligations of treaties,
ought to have tendered ready and cordial assistance,
showed, by a gloomy reserve, that principles adverse
to British interests were making progress in her
councils. Other powers were too much engaged, in
attending to interests which will be hereafter noticed,
to act in or influence our dispute. From their con-
duct, many nations, apparently neutral, might be
deemed allies of the Americans ; but their most power-
ful and active allies were in England. The support
which was afforded to their cause in Parliament was
rendered effective by the means they took to publish
and circulate with profusion all speeches in their fa-
vour ; while the opposing arguments, and even the

* Letters from Lord Dartmouth to General Howe, 5th Sept. and 1st Oct.
1775. Gibbon's Miscellaneous Works, vol. i. p. 495, 497, 4to. CEuvres du
Roi de Prusse, tome iv. p. '294.

GEORGE III. 331

addresses which loyalty presented to the throne, were
suppressed with such tyrannical rigour, that no one
could venture to print them without incurring the cer- me.
tain ruin of his property and imminent danger to his
person. In England, on the contrary, the press teemed
with publications favourable to their cause; the dis- ^g^ 1110
senters generally declared in their favour ; and all the England.
zeal and artifice of faction were employed in aug-
menting the number of their adherents.

The most conspicuous publication in their interest p .
was from the pen of Dr. Richard Price, an eminent publication.
dissenting minister, called, " Observations on the Na-
" ture of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government,
" and the Justice and Policy of the War with America,
" and a State of the National Debt ; an Estimate of the
" Money drawn from the Public by Taxes, and an
" Account of the National Income and Expenditure
" since the last War." Proceeding to the full extent,
or rather exceeding the limits marked out in this
ample title, the author studiously endeavoured to depre-
ciate every part of the English government, and extol
the spirit which engendered the American revolt.
His means were simple and uniformly applied. In
speaking of England, he never assumed a grand or
expansive view of the constitution or government ; but
guided the attention of the reader to some isolated
part, some solitary proposition, which, being taken
separately from its intimate connexions and relations,
afforded subject of exaggerated censure, or unqualified
misrepresentation. In speaking of America, on the
contrary, he rarely descended to particulars, but took
an extensive range among abstract principles, and
treated government, liberty, and colonization, not as
practical topics, but as subjects of theoretical examina-
tion. His work is written with all the art of profound
premeditation, and all the heat of unextinguishable
animosity against the government of Great Britain.
Many publications appeared on the other side from
able pens* ; but Dr. Price's pamphlet was extolled by

* Among these may be enumerated, " Taxation no Tyranny," by Dr.
Johnson ; " the Administration of the British Colonies," by Governor Pownall ;

332

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXVIII.

1776.
Its effects.

1 4th of March
Re-establish-
ment of tran-
quillity in
the City.

24th June.

the clamour of party, as it afforded grounds for justify-
ing the Americans, not only in their present proceed-
ings, but as to their further intentions, whether directed
to independence or foreign alliance. The author
received the utmost homage which party could bestow ;
to him was attributed the praise of shewing that the
national credit was precarious, and exciting distrust by
the manner in which he treated of the loans made
from the bank to government. His essay was circu-
lated with profusion and industry, and, being transla-
ted into the Dutch language, was supposed to influence
the Hollanders in withholding their property from the
British funds*. It was often triumphantly quoted in
Parliament: the Duke of Cumberland complimented
the author in person^, and the common council of
London voted him thanks, and presented the freedom
of the city in a golden box.

Yet these effects were not of considerable duration ;
applause often repeated grew languid, and ceased to
gratify even the zeal of party; and any temporary
alarm which might have been excited, soon subsided
in the calm of experienced security. The city of
London was daily recovering from the disease of fac-
tiousness which had so long raged without controul ;
and all the efforts of two successive Lord Mayors,
Wilkes and Sawbridge, were insufficient to keep up,
to the desired height, the frenzy of party. Mr. Wilkes,
twice foiled in an attempt to be elected chamberlain,
vented his spleen in a severe invective against the
corporation. " By the late transactions," he said,
" the moment seems at length arrived, so ardently
" wished by every arbitrary administration, when a
" majority of the livery appear to have sold and sur-
" rendered the capital to the ministry. By the crea-

several excellent tracts by Dr. Tucker ; and " the Rights of Great Britain as-
serted," by an anonymous -writer.

* History of Lord North's Administration, p. 232.

t The Duke of Cumberland, seeing Dr. Price in an anti-chamber in the
House of Lords, expressed his approbation of the treatise which he had just then
published, adding, that he had sat up so late the night before to read it, that it
had almost blinded him. Mr. Dunning observed he was sorry his Royal High-
ness should be so affected by a work which had opened the eyes of the greatest
part of the nation.

GEORGE III. 333

" tion of so many unnecessary lucrative offices, the CHAP

" division and sub-division of contracts, the threats of 1

" the opulent and insolent to necessitous and dependent me.

" tradesmen, and all the captious promises of power,

" the greater number of the livery seem at present

" either lulled into supineness and a fatal security, or

" enrolled among the mercenaries of corruption and

" despotism : no longer worthy the name of freemen,

" they are sunk into tame, mean vassals, ignominiously

" courting and bowing their necks to the ministerial

" yoke. Such, it gives me pain to think, is the faith-

" ful, but melancholy picture of this once free and in-

" dependent city. All public spirit in the capital is

" visibly decaying, and that stern, manly virtue of our

" fathers, which drove from this land of freedom the

" last Stuart tyrant, is held in contempt by their

" abondoned offspring. A dissolution of the empire,

" ruin, and slavery, are, I fear, advancing with giant

" strides upon us. We are ripe for destruction. If

" we are saved, it w T ill be almost solely by the courage

" and noble spirit of our American brethren, whom

" neither the luxuries of a court, nor the sordid lust of

" avarice in a rapacious and venal metropolis, have

" hitherto corrupted."

334

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-NINTH.
177517761777.

Transactions in America. Efforts of General Howe. State
of the American army. Inactivity of the British army.
Washington takes possession of Dorchester Heights.
Evacuation of Boston. Severities against loyalists. Cam-
paign in Canada. Exertions of Congress and of Arnold.
Carleton makes a sally. Blockade of Quebec raised. Ac-
tion at Trois Rivieres. The Americans evacuate Canada.
Great exertions on both sides to prepare a naval force.
The American fleet defeated and destroyed. Proceedings
in North Carolina. Loyalists defeated. Expedition to
Brunswick. Unsuccessful attempt on Sullivan's Island.
Proceedings in Congress. Efforts to attain independence.
Publications. Common Sense. Congress recommend

to several colonies to new-model their governments.
Proceedings in Maryland Philadelphia Virginia.
Declaration of rights. Discussion of independency ; it is
carried. Declaration of independency. Its reception by
the people and the army. State of the American force.
Prudent conduct of Washington. --British plan of campaign.
Arrival of Lord Howe. Attempt to negotiate with
Washington. Resisted on a plea of form. Further efforts.
Letter to Franklin. Battle of Brooklyn. Retreat of the
Americans to New York. Renewed negotiation. Com-
mittee of Congress confer with the British commissioners.
Treaty terminated. Declaration of the commissioners.
Preparations for the attack of New York. Capture of the
city, which is set on fire by American incendiaries. Battle
of White Plains. Capture of Fort Washington. Success-
ful invasion of New Jersey. Disposition of the British
troops in winter quarters. Expedition to Rhode Island.

GEORGE III. 335

Capture of General Lee. Exertions of Congress.- -Articles CHAP.

XXIX

of confederation. Other measures. They retire to Balti-

more.- -Miserable state of the army. The Hessians sta- 1775.
tioned at Trenton surprised by "Washington. Lord Corn-
wallis returns to the British army. Washington surprises
Princeton and recovers the Jerseys. General observa-
tions on the campaign.

WHEN General Howe was invested with the chief Efforts of
command at Boston, he found himself involved in dif-
ficulties, surrounded by dangers, and opposed to an
enemy whose force and spirit had not been duly esti-
mated*. The general exerted himself in alleviating
the distresses felt by his troops from the want of neces-
saries ; but his efforts were not attended with success :
the vessels dispatched to the West Indies returned
with only scanty supplies ; the horrors of an American
winter were augmented by a want of fuel ; many of
the vessels sent from England with coals were lost or
captured, and the timber of buildings was used as a
substitute.

The Americans were in still greater distress ; un- state of the
used to subordination, divided in opinions respecting
the ultimate views of their leaders, loathing inactivity,
and regretting the loss of domestic enjoyment, they
looked forward with impatience to the period when
the termination of their agreement to serve should
enable them to revisit their own roofs. Large compa-
nies solicited leave of absence, which the commanders
dared not refuse, lest a total disregard of subordina-
tion should ensue. Dr. Franklin and two other mem-
bers, deputed by Congress to the camp at Cambridge,
as a committee to concert with Washington the means
of organizing a new force for the ensuing year, found
unexpected and discouraging difficulties. The expe-
rience of a year's service had cooled the ardour of en-
terprize, and abated the confident hope of speedy suc-
cess ; the recruiting was slowly effected, and the Con-

* On this subject, Dr. Franklin wrote to Dr. Price (Oct. 2, 177G). " You
despise us too much ; and you are insensible of the Italian adage, that there is
no I it tit- enemy." Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 220.

336

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

Dec.

1 7th and
18th Jan.
1776.

Their wants.

Inactivity of
the British
army.

necticut troops, whose term of service first expired,
quitted the army*. The accession of recruits was pre-
vented by fear of the small-pox : the whole force under
Washington did not, at the close of the year, amount
to ten thousand ; but was shortly afterward augmented
to about seventeen thousand, by drafts from the
militiaf.

Another cause of alarm and distress to the besiegers
of Boston was derived from the deficiency of military
stores, which no art could palliate, and no exertion
wholly relieve. The coast of Africa was deprived of
its stock of powder by a well-concerted purchase, and
a considerable quantity was seized on board a vessel
near the bar of St. Augustine. One Hopkins also, by
a bold and successful expedition to Providence, one of
the Bahama islands, procured some valuable artillery ;
but all these acquisitions were only partial and tempo-
rary resources: extensive supplies could not be ob-
tained, the manufacture of gunpowder directed by
Congress proceeded with discouraging tardiness, and,
even when individuals were obliged to give up their
arms for the public service, two thousand of the infan-
try still remained unsupplied.

While such was the relative situation of the op-
posed armies, it occasioned much surprise that General
Howe should remain pent up in Boston, and make
no military eifort to relieve the miseries of his own
troops, and crush the hopes of the Americans. He
was not altogether uninformed of General Washing-
ton's distresses, and this want of enterprize enabled
his opponent justly to speak of his own exertions and
situation as unparalleled in the annals of history ; he
had maintained his post for six months without pow-
der ; and at the same time had disbanded one army,
and recruited another, within musket shot of more
than twenty British regiments^. But, in justice to
the English commander, it should be observed, that

* On their way home, several were arrested by the country-people and com-
pelled to return.

f Ramsay, v. i. p. 258. Washington's Letters, v. i.

J Washington's Letters, v. i. p. 71. Sparks's Life of Washington, vol. i. c. 7.

GEORGE III. 337

his inaction was not without just and reasonable causes.
He was not so correctly apprized of the destitute state
of his opponent with respect to ammunition, as to found 1775.
on it any assured hope : he felt most painfully the in-
adequate number of his own forces to any effectual
enterprize ; his applications to government on this head
were frequent and urgent ; and it was considered that
if there were a certainty of driving the rebels from
their intrenchments, nothing but reputation would
be gained. Victory could not be improved, from the
want of every necessary for a march into the country.
Our loss would be great and irreparable, whilst the
number of the enemy might soon be rendered as great
as before their defeat*.

In this interval, the American general often felt Prudence of
the approaches of despondency]* ; but was never de- Wad " B 8 h *
serted by his courage, or by that more rare quality of
perseverance which presses forward with manly firm-
ness toward its ultimate object, not deterred by dan-
gers, nor goaded into injudicious exertion by peevish
clamours or petulant reproaches. Many of these as-
saults Washington endured with undisturbed serenity ;
it was alleged that vigorous efforts would succeed in
expelling the English from Boston, and he was accused
of delaying effectual exertion for the sake of prolong-
ing the period of his command. When his army was February,
sufficiently reinforced to justify the risk of a decisive He tak ? s

* J' possession of

measure, a council of war resolved, as the most enec- Dorchester
tual means of expelling the English before the arrival Hei s hts -
of succours, to obtain possession of Dorchester Heights^.
General Clinton had frequently remonstrated with
General Gage and his successor on the importance of
this post ; but, as Boston was to be evacuated, and a
more central position assumed, no attention was paid
to this object. Washington, for a feint, commenced a
bombardment of the town on other points, which, from
the unskilfulness of his engineers, and the deficiency

* General Howe's dispatches, and particularly one from General Gage to
Lord Dartmouth, 1st Oct. 1775.

t Washington's Letters, v. i. p. 84 91.
J Ramsay, v. i. p. 261 .

VOL. II. Z

338

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.
5th March.

4th March.

Evacuation
of Boston.

17th March.

Severities of
Washington.

Observations.

of powder, excited more derision than alarm ; but the
garrison was suddenly surprised by observing the
Heights of Dorchester fortified with lines of defence,
of which, on the preceding evening, not the smallest
indications had appeared. This masterly manoeuvre
was performed in one night, by a body of two thou-
sand men under General Thomas, who carried on their
operations with equal zeal and diligence, and with such
profound silence as to prevent suspicion and ensure
success.

A violent storm and flood prevented an intended
attack on the Heights, the ascent to which was almost
perpendicular ; and the enemy, as a means of defence,
had chained together hogsheads filled with stones, in-
tending to roll them down on the heads of the assail-
ants : these complicated difficulties, and a remonstrance
from the admiral that the ships could no longer re-
main secure in the road while the enemy retained the
Heights, accelerated the evacuation of Boston. Nearly
a fortnight was spent in preparing for the embarka-
tion, during which the enemy offered no molestation.
The British army, together with a great number of
refugees, speedily arrived at Halifax.

On taking possession of the town, General Wash-
ington confiscated the estates and effects of emigrants,
tried the royalists as public enemies and betrayers of
their country, and sequestered their effects for the
public service. His entry exhibited all the pomp of
victory. The provincial legislature complimented him
with an affectionate address ; and Congress accompa-
nied their vote of thanks with an honorary medal.

The retreat from the capital of Massachuset's Bay
had long been meditated and resolved upon, but was
prevented by the want of transports and other circum-
stances ; had it been voluntary, it would have been
viewed only as a manoeuvre of war; but when it
seemed compulsory, it was dishonourable and disad-
vantageous to the British arms. The credit of enter-
prize, and fame of achievement accruing to the enemy,
were of the highest importance to a people yet in the
rudiments of the military profession, doubtful of their

GEORGE III. 339,

own strength, rather daring than confident, qualified
only for sudden exertion, unimproved by practice, and

unrestrained by discipline. But acquisitions more 1770.
solid than these speculative advantages arose from the
precipitate evacuation of Boston : the barracks were
uninjured, the canon were only in part rendered unfit
for immediate service, immense stores were left un-
touched*, and not a dwelling was damaged, except
those which had been consumed for fuel. Thus was
Boston, the cradle of revolution, and the primary
object of parliamentary vengeance, left to the posses-
sion of the enemy, rather improved than injured by
the residence of a royal army, and thus the Americans
received the means as well as the earnest of further
success.

From the circumstances attending this event, it has
been asserted, that a compact was entered into be-
tween the opposing generals, granting a suspension of
hostilities during the embarkation, as the price of for-
bearing to injure the town. The existence of such a
convention, always denied by the British ministry, is
amply disproved by the testimony of General Wash-
ington himself, who assigns clear and satisfactory rea-
sons for not attacking the royal armyf. Many vessels,
which arrived after the evacuation, fell into the hands
of the enemy ; those laden with stores were a valu-
able acquisition; ships were stationed off Boston to
prevent such accidents ; but, from the peculiar situa-
tion of the harbour, the captains were not always able
to effect their orders.

Since the death of General Montgomery, the in- Campaign in
terests of the Americans had suffered a rapid declen- Canada -
sion in Canada. The intelligence of his success in- Exertions of
spired Congress with unbounded hopes ; and even Congress.
after his fall some measures were proposed, but feebly
pursued, for giving effect to his designs. Specie was 19th Jan -

* The ordnance and stores thus abandoned consisted in 250 pieces of camion,
half of which were serviceab'e ; 4 thirteen and a half inch mortars ; 2,500 chal-
drons of sea coal ; 25,000 bushels of barley ; 600 bushels of oats; 100 jars of
oil ; and 150 horses. This large supply was of the utmost importance to the
enemy, who were labouring under the greatest want both of stores and provisions.

t Washington's Letters, v. i. p. 106, 107, 108. And Sparks's Life of
Washington, chap. viii.

z 2

S40

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

Exertions of
Arnold,
llth April.

Carleton
makes a
sally.

6th May.

voted, and a small sum obtained ; reinforcements were
decreed, but the levies were sparingly filled ; an ad-
dress was framed by Congress ; printers and preachers
were dispatched to propagate the American system in
Canada ; and a deputation, headed by Dr. Franklin,
was appointed for the purpose of luring the people
into an association, by a promised participation in all
the advantages of the confederacy, the freedom of re-
ligion, and peaceable possession of ecclesiastical pro-
perty*.

Before the breaking up of the frost, Colonel Ar-
nold was joined by six companies of a new-raised
regiment under Arthur St. Clair; but although his
spirit and activity had enabled him, with the small
residue of the invading army, to keep Sir Guy Carle-
ton in continual alarm, his resources were inadequate
to the extent of his enterprize ; and the misconduct
and brutality both of officers and soldiers completed
the alienation of the natives. The small-pox spread
among the troops with such virulence, that when their
nominal muster amounted to three thousand, not above
nine hundred were fit for duty. Arnold, however,
erected batteries on the shores of St. Lawrence to fire
the shipping, made an irruption into the suburbs, and
burned a few houses ; but was repulsed, and the ves-
sels remained uninjured.

Reinforcements being daily expected from Eng-
land, and the impracticability of making an effectual
impression on the city being sufficiently proved, the
American generals became anxious to retire. They
were taking measures for this purpose, when the Isis
man of war and two frigates, the first which arrived
from England, with great labour, conduct, and resolu-
tion, forced their way through the ice, not yet deemed
passable, and cut off all communication between par-
ties on different sides of the river. Carleton, availing
himself of their consternation, made a sally. The
Americans were already retreating, the confusion soon
became general, and they fled, unresisting, on all sides,

* Ramsay, v. i. p. 265, et scq.

GEORGE III. 341

leaving their artillery, stores, scaling-ladders, and every
other incumbrance, and solicitous only for personal
safety. As the King's troops could not pursue, the me.
slaughter was inconsiderable ; a few sick fell into the
hands of the victors, and some small ships of war,
having worked their way up the river, took and re-
captured several vessels. The Americans, in a few
days, were collected at Sorrel.

Thus was the siege or blockade of Quebec raised, Blockade of
after a continuance of five months. To the excellent Quebec
military conduct of Sir Guy Carleton, great applause carieton'
is due for the preservation and deliverance of the humanity.
place: his humanity and prudence are equally ad-
mirable. Learning that several fugitives were concealed
in the woods, he issued a proclamation, assuring them
and his prisoners of relief, protection, and safe con-
duct to their places of residence. This conduct was
not imitated by the Americans, whose treatment of
the British captives was always harsh, and often wan-
tonly cruel*.

A small party of British and Indians, under the May.
command of Captain Foster, proceeded from the post
of Oswagatchie, and captured the Cedars, situate
about thirty miles from Montreal : in several subse-
quent skirmishes, many prisoners were made, whom
the Indians were with difficulty prevented from butch-
ering according to their custom ; but when a cartel
was arranged between Captain Foster and Colonel
Arnold, Congress refused to ratify it, on a false and
unfounded pretence that their prisoners had been
treated with inhumanity f.

Reinforcements from Ireland and England, a de- May.
tachment from General Howe, and another of foreign ^^ n at
troops, having augmented the army in Canada to Rivieres,
thirteen thousand men, Sir Guy Carleton pursued the
rout of the Americans to Trois Rivieres, a village mid-
way between Montreal and Quebec. The enemy, in
their retreat, had also met some succours sent by
Congress, and attempted to surprise the royal forces.

* Stedman, v. i. p. 169. Washington's Letters, v. i. p. 146.

t Stedman. v. i. p. 175. Washington's Letters, v. i. p. 2M, 285.

342

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

8th June.

Americans

evacuate

Canada.

1st July.
Great ex-
tTtions of

The project was at once rash and desperate ; but the
shame of failure in the invasion of Canada, the im-
portance of retaining it, and the necessity of employing
the troops in some decided action, influenced General
Thomson, now Commander-in-Chief, to essay the pe-
rilous enterprize. The divided state of the royal
forces alone presented a prospect of success. A con-
siderable body was stationed at Trois Rivieres, under
Brigadier-General Frazer: another portion commanded
by Brigadier-General Nesbit, lay near them on board
the transports, while a far greater number under Carle-
ton Burgoyne, Philips, and the German General Reide-
sel, were scattered on the land and water in the way from
Quebec. Thomson proceeded with the utmost caution,
coasting in the night, and concealing his forces by day.
On landing, however, his troops were discovered by a
peasant; and General Frazer was enabled to make
preparations for repelling the attack. The Americans,
notwithstanding their hopes of success by surprise were
frustrated, behaved with great spirit, and secured a
retreat, though not without considerable loss. Thom-
son himself, with about two hundred of his men, were
taken prisoners. Colonel St. Clair, who succeeded in
the command, with equal judgment and intrepidity
extricated the army from their perilous situation, and
in a few days, after experiencing many hardships, they
joined the main body at Sorrel; Carleton pursued, but
not with sufficient alertness ; for, two hours before his
first division arrived, the enemy had evactuated the
place.

General Sullivan, who conducted the retreat from
Canada, led his troops through a difficult and dan-
gerous tract of country, and, in the face of a superior
force, effected their safety, preserved their cannon,
baggage, and stores, and brought off a numerous body
of sick. The Canadians who had been seduced into
the interest of the invaders, pursued their retreat with
expostulations and reproaches ; but their complaints
met with little attention.

The American army crossed lake Champlain. and
reached Crown Point ; General Gates, who had been ap-

GEORGE III. 343

pointed to command them, on learning their ill success, CHAP.
remained within the province of New York. The _J_
Americans having effected their retreat, diligently em- 1770.
ployed themselves, under Arnold, in equipping sixteen ^ oih armies

J , . . - 1 -1 i ! & .to prepare

vessels, carrying ninety guns, constructed like those in a fleet.
the Mediterranean, either to row or sail, for the pur- 22nd Aug.
pose of commanding lake Champlain.

Sir Guy Carleton, assisted by the able and indefati-
gable exertions of General Philips, who commanded
the artillery, Commodore Douglas, Captain Pringle,
Lieutenants Schanks, Dacres, Pellew, Longcroft, and
Fawkener, of the navy, collected a flotilla of five armed
vessels, and twenty-two gun-boats, carrying eighty-
seven guns. The armed vessels were manned by
naval officers and seamen ; the gun-boats by the Bri-
tish and Hessian artillery under their own officers,
with merchant seamen to row them. Captain Pringle,
with the rank of Commodore, commanded, and on
board his vessel Carleton went as a passenger.

The enemy having advanced to Point-au-fer, the 5th Oct.
flotilla, by great exertions, was enabled to quit St.
John's. The army, under Lieutenant-General Bur-
goyne, followed as far as Cumberland Bay, having
been instructed to await the success of the naval
attack.

The gun-boats drove on shore, on Valcour island, llth
an American brig of fourteen guns ; the Indians, who
attended the fleet in canoes, landed and retained pos-
session of the island, between which and the eastern
shore of the lake the enemy's fleet was anchored.
The gun-boats,, with such vessels as could work into
the bay against the wind, assailed the enemy; the
firing continued till sunset, during which time three
American vessels were destroyed, with about seventy
men killed and wounded, while the British lost one
gun-boat and twenty men.

Anticipating a certain defeat when the armed
vessels and gun-boats could be enabled to act con-
jointly against his crippled fleet, Arnold dexterously
passed between the British armament and the shore
during the night, and at day-break, almost the whole 12th.

344

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1770.

13th and
Hth.

Close of
the cam-
paign in
Canada.

iGth No>

of his force was out of sight. A pursuit was com-
menced, and a gale of wind, which dispersed his
squadron, was so favourable to the English, that in
the two succeeding days, three vessels, with Brigadier-
General Waterbury, were captured ; six more Arnold
ran on shore and burned, and with only three he es-
caped to Ticonderoga.

In this exploit, several singular circumstances de-
serve to be particularly commemorated. Lake Cham-
plain is ninety miles in length, and at the widest part
twelve in breadth, situated upward of seven hundred
miles from the sea, at the mouth of the river St. Law-
rence. The vessels were constructed in England, and,
after crossing the Atlantic, taken to pieces and carried
by land sixteen miles, from Fort Chamblee to St.
John's, the river being impassable and too shallow
for their draught. The number of British naval
officers who afterwards acquired high renown, many
of whom began their active service in this expedition,
is also remarkable. The Americans laboured under
almost equal difficulties with the English in forming
their armament, and the gallantry of Arnold should
not be forgotten : when under the necessity of firing
six of his vessels, he remained on board his galley till
she was completely enveloped in flame, and left his
flag flying in a situation where it could not be struck.

No impediment now remaining, the English took
possession of Crown Point, where they found the
works, with barracks for a thousand men, in a state of
decay. Preparations were made for rendering them
capable of defence, and leaving a garrison ; but from
the advanced period of the season, it was deemed im-
practicable to secure supplies of provisions, while Lake
Champlain, neither entirely open, nor completely fro-
zen, would soon become impassable till after Christ-
mas. The garrison of Ticonderoga was considered
too numerous to afford hopes of a successful assault on
the works, and the army evacuated Crown Point and
returned to Canada, having destroyed a material ob-
struction to the operations of the next summer, and
strengthened the British fleet so as to preclude all

GEORGE III. 345

probability of the building and equipment of another
squadron by the enemy to dispute the command of the
lake in the ensuing spring*. 1776.

After his expulsion from the government of North Proceeding in
Carolina, Governor Martin used many efforts to regain J^ h
the colony, and expected considerable succours under
Sir Peter Parker and Lord Cornwallis. By means of
trusty emissaries, he embodied, under the command of
Colonels Macdonald and Macleod, the Scotch emi-
grants, and a number of resolute unruly men, called
regulators, who lived in a wandering state of inde-
pendence, chiefly occupied in hunting. The enemy
immediately collected a force under Colonel James
Moore, afterward a Major-general. The plans of the
loyalists were discovered and counteracted : for want
of unanimity they suffered an important period to
elapse in conferences, while Moore was joined by
five hundred men under Colonel Caswell. Both bodies
were stationed near Moore's Creek, and an attack of
the loyalists expected, when Moore, during the night, ^Lu'ofthe
retreated across the water to a place of ambush, taking loyalists.
the planks from the bridge, and greasing the sleepers,
so that only one man at a time could advance. De-
luded by fires left in the camp, Macleod considered it
evacuated through fear, and pressing unwarily forward
with a small number of men, was killed, together with 27th Feb.
most of his followers; some fled, and the residue, in-
cluding Macdonald, were taken prisoners.

Delays in Ireland, and bad weather, prevented the
arrival of the forces embarked with Sir Peter Parker to
till the season was considerably advanced^. General
Clinton, who quitted Boston in December, took com-
mand of these troops on their arrival at Cape Fear, and
invited the colonists to return to their allegiance ; his pro-
clamation, however, produced but inconsiderable effect.

* In this narrative I have been assisted by valuable private information,
t These consisted of the Bristol of 50 guns, Sir Peter Parker ; the Experi-
ment of 50 guns ; the Active, Solebay, Acteon, and Syren frigates of 28 guns
each ; the Sphynx of 20 guns ; a hired armed ship of 22 ; a small sloop of war,
and an armed schooner, and the Thunder bomb-ketch. The land forces under
Lord Cornwallis and Brigadier General Vaughan comprised six regiments and
even companies.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP
XXIX.

1776.

Unsuccessful
attempt on
Sullivan's
Island.
4th June.

18th June.

The general next ordered a small party to the town of
Brunswick, to try the loyalty of the southern pro-
vinces, and ascertain whether they would arm in favour
of Great Britain; but the lateness of the arrival at
Cape Fear did not afford time for the experiment.

Another expedition was undertaken by General
Clinton, in conjunction with Sir Peter Parker, against
Sullivan's Island, which principally protected the trade
of Charlestown, in South Carolina. After some delays,
the fleet reached the place of destination, and the ge-
neral took possession of Long Island, on the point of
which batteries of cannon and mortars were raised, and
which was represented as communicating with Sulli-
van's by a ford passable at low water, and with the
main by creeks navigable in boats of draught. On in-
vestigating the situation of the ford, Clinton found, to
his great mortification, the channel, which was reported
to be only eighteen inches, upwards of seven feet in
depth : his operations from Long Island consequently
became confined ; and although his situation occasioned
alarm to the enemy, yet as he had not boats for above
seven hundred men, he could not attempt any import-
ant operation. He informed the commodore that there
was no practicable ford, and the consequent impossi-
bility of co-operating ; but offered, when the attack
should be begun, to make a diversion in the admiral's
favour, or to send two battalions to act on his side, in
case he and the general officer appointed to command
them should be of opinion they could be protected in
landing, and employed to advantage ; a proposal to
which no answer was returned.

The defence of Sullivan's Island was conducted by
Colonels Moultrie and Thomson, under the direction
of General Lee, who had travelled from the main army
to a spot north of the Island, where he lay encamped,
and maintained a communication by a bridge of boats.
The streets near the water were strongly barricaded,
the stores on the wharfs pulled down, and lines of de-
fence continued to the water's edge. In a fews days,
by the labour of the inhabitants, in conjunction with
some negroes from the country, such obstructions were

GEORGE III. 347

raised as would greatly have embarrassed the royal x
army in an attempt to land. The Americans gained

this interval in consequence of delays to which the 1776.
fleet was subjected by the weather. When the assault
commenced, three frigates (the Acteon, Syren, and 28th.
Sphynx), proceeding to a point from which they could
have assailed the weakest part of the fort, ran aground ;
two were afterward floated ; but the Acteon was burnt,
to prevent her falling into the hands of the enemy.
This accident frustrated the intended co-operation of
the troops, who were embarked for the purpose. The
fort was built of palmetto, a soft porous wood, which
received the cannon balls with little damage, and, al- -
though a tremendous firing was maintained till night,
resisted its effect*. The Americans directed their
artillery with steady aim and tremendous execution ;
the ships were reduced to wrecks, and the quarter-
deck of the Bristol was at one time cleared of every
officer except the commodore. For about an hour and a
half, the fort was silenced and evacuated, but re-occu-
pied by the Americans when they found the British
army could not take possession. In the night the
ships slipped their cables, and in a few days the troops
re-embarked for New York, leaving the damaged ves-
sels near the scene of action to refit.

This failure in an attack on one of the weakest of the
colonies was extremely detrimental to the British cause ;
it gave additional animation to the hopes of the Ame-
ricans, and perhaps sanctioned the presumption of
some of their measures. Congress expressed warm
approbation of the conduct of its officers ; and the fort
so ably and prosperously defended received the name
of Moultrie. From some obscurities and adventitious
mistakes in Sir Peter Parker's letter and the extract
of General Clinton's dispatch, which were inserted in

* This circumstance is also attributed to the length of the merlons, and the
lowness of the fort, which diminished the effect expected from the weight of the
shot. The palmetto is a tree peculiar to the Southern states of America ; it
grows from 'M to 40 feet in height, without branches, and terminates in a head
resembling that of a cabbage. The wood is remarkably spongy ; a bullet enter-
ing makes no extended fracture, but buries itself without injuring the parts
adjacent. Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Carolina, vol. i. p. 144.

HISTOEY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

Proceedings
in Congress.

ElForts to
attain inde-
pendence.

the London Gazette, attempts were made to convey
censure on the conduct of the army, and fix on the
general the charge of negligence, in having omitted
to apprize himself of the state of the fort at a suffi-
ciently early period. General Clinton, however, had
communicated that circumstance to the commodore
ten days before the attack. If his offer of placing troops
on board the ships, or of making a diversion on the
side of MountPleasant,had been accepted, undoubtedly
the fort might have been secured when evacuated by
the enemy; an event supposed to have been occasioned
by the want of powder, which was afterward brought to
them from the main land. In fact, it appears that Sir
Peter Parker, from an excessive confidence in the
powers of the fleet, rather undervalued, and therefore
declined the co-operation of the army*.

However artfully the fact might be veiled, or how-
ever strenuously denied, it could not be reasonably
doubted, that, from the beginning of the contest with
America, a violent and active party had been unremit-
tingly employed in effecting a total separation between
the colonies and the mother-country. Every incident
which could favour this aim was assiduously cherished,
and every expression which could exasperate the colo-
nists studiously amplified. Early in the summer of
1775, Congress passed a vote that the assemblies of
the several colonies should instruct their deputies rela-
tive to the independence of America. The restraints
and increasing difficulties under which the advocates
for separation would find themselves in the event
of a protracted contest on the present terms, undoubt-
edly gave impulse to this premature vote. The success
which attended their efforts in that campaign, dimi-
nished the apparent presumption; the proceedings in
the ensuing session of Parliament were descanted on in
a manner calculated to forward the intended effect ;
and all the resources of faction were tried to render
this daring measure acceptable.

* In this account, beside the histories, Gazette, and periodical publications,
I have consulted the Memoirs of General Lee, Ramsay's History of the Revo-
lution in South Carolina, arid have been favoured with some unpublished do.
cuments.

GEORGE III. 349

The press was necessarily a principal instrument,
and teemed with numerous publications. Among the
most conspicuous was a pamphlet written by Thomas i?76.
Paine, called Common Sense. The author had lately Publications.

. J Common

emigrated from England ; he had no claim to the ad- sense.
vantages of education, but thought and reasoned with
force, and with a subtlety which was the more dan-
gerous, as it was disguised under the semblance of
unpremeditated candour. His pamphlet was replete
with rough sarcastic wit, and he took a correct aim at
the feelings and prejudices of those whom he intended
to influence. Writing to fanatics, he drew his argu-
ments and illustrations from the holy scriptures ; his
readers having no predilections for hereditary titles,
distinctions to them unknown, received with applause
his invectives and sneers at hereditary monarchy ; a
notion of increasing opulence and false calculations on
their population and means of prosperity had ren-
dered them arrogant and self-sufficient, and conse-
quently disposed them to relish the arguments he
employed to prove the absurdity of subjugating a
large continent to a small island on the other side of
the globe. To inflame the resentment of the Ameri-
cans, every act of the British government toward them
was represented in the most ungracious light; and
their confidence was augmented by arguments tending
to prove the necessity, advantage, and practicability
of independence. This well-timed and artful publi-
cation produced effects which a more laboured elo-
quence would have emulated or opposed in vain, and
procured numerous partisans to the cause, even among
those who, but a few months before, regarded the pro-
position with abhorrence. Minor arts were not Mobs
neglected : the mob of Philadelphia, the seat of Con-
gress, in particular, and the lower class in all parts of
the continent, were taught to clamour for this favour-
ite object, and to treat individuals as friends or ene-
mies, in proportion as they favoured or opposed it.

Many of the superior order were restrained by influence
fear, interest, habit, and conscience, from acceding to a u
plan of final separation ; but those whom such motives

350

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.
15th May.
Recommenda-
tion to the
colonies to
new model
their govern-
ments.

Proceedings :
In Maryland.

28th May.
Philadelphia.

could restrain were reserved, mild and patiently ex-
pectant of events, while their opponents were sanguine,
violent, and precipitate.

Pursuing the line of conduct adopted in the pre-
ceding year, Congress passed a resolution, recom-
mending the assemblies and conventions of the united
colonies, where no sufficient government had been
hitherto established, to adopt such as should best con-
duce to the happiness and safety of their constituents,
and of America in general. The reasons assigned for
this vote in its preamble, were the King's conduct, in
having, jointly with the two Houses of Parliament,
excluded the Americans from the protection of his
Crown, refused to answer their petitions, and engaged
mercenaries to destroy the good people of the colonies ;
and it was declared irreconcileable to reason and good
conscience, to take the oaths and affirmations neces-
sary for the support of any government, under the
crown of Great Britain*.

This resolution, in which the King's personal con-
duct and authority were first formally attacked, was
received with various sensations. In the convention
of Maryland, the proposition of independency was
rejected by seven counties against four; and instruc-
tions sent to the delegates in Congress to vote against
it; but the same convention passed a resolution for
omitting the King's name in the public prayersf. The
committee of inspection for the province of Philadel-
phia, in an address to the assembly, observed with the
deepest concern that the ground of opposition to the
measures of the British ministry was totally changed ;
instead of forwarding reconciliation, a system was
adopted tending immediately to subvert the constitu-
tion. Appealing to the declaration of Congress, that
they meant not to destroy but restore the union, the
committee advised the assembly religiously to observe
the instructions given to the delegates in Congress, and
oppose the minutest alteration of that valuable consti-
tution, under which the people had experienced every

* See the vote, Almon's Remembrancer, vol. iii. p. 136.
t Idem, p. 206.

GEORGE III. 351

happiness, and in support of which they were willing
to engage in any just and reasonable undertaking. The
assembly, declaring the question of independence too 1776.
important for their decision, sent their representations
on each side to all the towns and counties in the pro-
vince, and withdrew from their union with Congress.
The committee of Philadelphia, indignant at this
moderation, presented a memorial to Congress, de-
claring that the assembly did not possess the confidence
of the people, nor constitute a full and equal represen-
tation, the majority being composed of men who held
offices under the Crown, who were dragged into a
compliance with most of the resolutions of Congress
from the fear of a provincial convention, and who
were no less to be dreaded than that power which had
declared itself possessed of a right to tax the colonies
without their consent, and to bind them in all possible
cases. On a reference to the people, the majority were
reported to favour independence ; and a convention,
superseding the assembly, instructed the delegates in
Congress to vote accordingly*.

Virginia rather anticipated the views of Congress; Virginia.
for on the very day the resolution passed in that body,
recommending to the people to fix a form of govern-
ment, the convention of the province unanimously re- 15th Ma J
solved that their delegates should be instructed to pro-
pose a declaration that the united colonies were free
and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to
the Crown or Parliament of Great Britain, and to con-
cur in the necessary measures for contracting foreign
alliances^. A committee, appointed at the same time
to prepare a declaration of rights, presented, at a sub-
sequent sitting, the result of their labours, in eighteen
articles J.

* Almon's Remembrancer, vol. iii. p. 206, 208, 261.

t Idem, p. 22.

| Some of these merit notice, as well for their own importance, as on account
of the practical illustration they afterward received.

1. All men are born equally free and independent, and have certain inherent
natural rights, of which they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their
posterity ; among which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of
acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and
safety.

352

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

Declaration
of rights.
1st June.
Discussion
of the ques-
tion of inde-
pendency.

7th June.

It is carried.

In the interval preceding the discussion of the
impotant question of independence, intrigue was never
at rest : many members of Congress intractably adhered
to their first instructions, and could not be convinced
that a sound majority of the people would ever sanc-
tion the measure. The instructions procured to that
effect were not so numerous, or so positive, as had
been expected, and the determined opposition they
encountered, almost reduced the revolutionary party
to despair*. The period was, however, arrived, when
the experiment must be finally tried; the commissioners
were on their passage from England ; and unless the
people of America were precluded by some authentic
act from embracing their proposals, the labour so long
employed would be lost, and the prospect, now so near
and flattering, for a long time closed.

Pursuant to the instructions received from that
colony, the motion for declaring America independent,
was made by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia. The
debates were continued nearly a fortnight : John
Adams was the principal supporter of the affirmative,
and. John Dickinson his chief opponent^. After all
the efforts of intrigue, on putting the question, six

2. All power is vested in and consequently derived from the people ; magis-
trates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them.

3. Government is instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security
of the community. That government is best which is capable of producing the
greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against
the danger of mal-administration ; and whenever any government shall be found
inadequate or contrary to these purposes, the majority of the community hath an
undubitable, unalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it, as
shall be judged most conducive to the public weal.

4. No man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or separate emoluments
or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services ; which
not being descendible or hereditary, the idea of a man born a magistrate, a legis-
lator, or a judge, is unnatural and absurd.

16. The people have a right to uniform government, and therefore no govern-
ment separate from, or independent of, the government of Virginia, ought of right
to be erected or established in the province.

17. No free government, or the blessing of liberty, can be preserved to any
people, but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and
virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles.

The remaining articles relate to the election of representatives, the imposition
of taxes, to crime, trial, and punishment, to bail, the liberty of the press, the
militia, and religious toleration. See the Declaration of Rights at length ; Almon's
Remembrancer, vol. iii. p. 221.

* Galloway's Historical and Political Reflections on the Rise and Progress of
the American Rebellion, p. 108.

f Ramsay's History of the American Revolution, vol. i. p. 338.

GEORGE III. 353

colonies voted on each side, and the delegates for
Pennsylvania were equally divided. Contrary to the
established rule of their own proceeding, the debate 1776.
was resumed the ensuing day, when Mr. Dickinson, a
man naturally timid and variable, relinquished the
principle he had so strenuously maintained, and by his
vote decided the contest*.

A declaration, or act, of independence was soon 4th July.
promulgated ; and it may safely be averred, that at no JfSa^a
preceding period of history was so important a trans- dency.
action vindicated by so shallow and feeble a com-
position. It begins by recognizing the propriety of
explaining, with a decent respect to the opinions of
mankind, the causes which impelled the Congress to
dissolve their political connexion with England, and
to assume among the powers of the earth the separate
and equal station to which they were entitled by the
laws of nature and of nature's God. The leading
articles of the declaration of rights by the Convention
of Virginia are then affirmed ; and, while it is ad-
mitted that governments long established should not
be changed for light and transient causes, an assertion
is made that a long train of abuses and usurpations
evinced a design to establish absolute despotism, and
that the history of the King of Great Britain was
one of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in
direct object the establishment of absolute tyranny
over the United States. In support of this position,
several acts of the King were cited ; many of them
were merely constitutional, such as refusing to sanction
laws and dissolving assemblies ; some were vaguely
alleged as endeavouring to prevent the population of
the states, and affecting to render the military indepen-
dent of, and superior to, the civil power. By assenting
to the acts of parliament which gave immediate rise
to the contest, he was accused of combining with others
to subject America to a jurisdiction foreign to her con-
stitution, and unacknowledged by her laws: and he
was declared to have abdicated government by declaring

* Galloway's Historical and Political Reflections, p. 108. Galloway's Ex-
amination before the House of Commons, p. 5, note.

VOL. II. A A

354 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxrx ^ e A mer i cans ou t of his protection, and waging war
against them. Some passages are remarkable for low

1776. and intemperate scurrility ; and the whole accusation
of the King is summed up by averring, that a prince
so marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is
unfit to be the ruler of a free people ; and, in conse-
quence, the Congress, in the name and by the authority
of the good people of America, solemnly published and
declared that the colonies were free and independent
states, absolved from all allegiance to the British
Crown ; that all political connexion between them and
Great Britain was dissolved, and that they had full
power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances,
and establish commerce*.

That the court of Great Britain should not con-
descend to answer this intemperate and futile declara-
tion, could excite no surprise. The Americans were
not yet deemed by the world, as Congress aifected to
consider them, a people dissolving, in the natural course
of events, those political bands which formed the con-
nexion with another people ; they were subjects con-
tending, whether rightly or not, against the authority
of their legitimate sovereign. It was their intent to
obtain, by specious representations, the countenance
and assistance of other nations ; but Great Britain
had no appeal to make ; the question between her and
her colonies was not one of public right, but of domestic
regulation ; to answer the declaration of independence,
would have been to acknowledge a jurisdiction in other
powers to interfere in her concerns, and would, beside,
have produced declarations relative to principles, which,
in the existing state of the public mind in Europe and
America, could answer no beneficial purpose, but must

* See the Declaration in the Annual Register for 1776, p. 261 ; Almon's
Remembrancer, v. iii. p. 258 ; and Ramsay's History of the American Revolu-
tion, v. i. p. 339. Also Jefferson's Memoirs, &c. vol. i. p. 8 to 30, where -will be
found an ample account of the debates and proceedings on this most momentous
subject; it is also right to observe that, in the same volume, p. 102, the author
declares that the statement of Mr. Galloway, from which I deduced much of the
above narrative, does not contain one word of truth ; and where it bears some
resemblance to truth, it is an entire perversion of it. Of Mr. Jefferson's means
of information, less doubt can be entertained, than of the candour of his disclo-
sures, or the impartiality of his remarks.

GEORGE III. 355

give rise to endless discussions, in which the real
nature and ground of the dispute would have been
more and more obscured and deserted. Yet, although 1776.
this paper was not formally answered, the framers had
no reason to triumph in the success of unrefuted
calumny and undetected misrepresentation. The press
in England, not being subject to the tyranny which was
exercised over it by the revolutionists of America, sent
forth an answer, complete in all its parts, in which
every fallacy in argument, every false assumption in
principle, every mis-statement in fact, was exposed and
refuted with so much clearness, perspicuity, and irre-
fragable force, as to render it surprising that a public
body should found their defence of an important mea-
sure on pretences so fallacious, and so extremely open
to detection*.

Among foreign powers, this declaration could only Effect of
afford a pretext, to such as were already so disposed, P ublishin
to gratify their malice against England by active
hostilities, or pursue what they considered their own
interest, in forming commercial connexions with the
revolted colonists. In America, where the first and
most important effects were to be produced, the success
of such a paper was rendered almost certain : the press
was completely enslaved by the popular party ; and no
printer, on peril of his life, durst publish a sentence in
refutation of their assertions. The multitude would
not stedfastly examine or carefully separate the allega-
tions, which were falsely stated or fallaciously blended ;
but, taking the whole as the abstract of long meditation,
sanctioned by the highest authority, receive it with
implicit deference. The scurrility with which it
abounded was gratifying to the taste of the populace ;
and the direct attack on the person and authority of

* The work alluded to is intitled, " An Answer to the Declaration of the
American Congress," printed for Cadell, Walter, and Sewell, 1776. It is in the
highest degree worthy the perusal of those who wish to have the means of think-
ing rightly on the origin of the American dispute. Another answer, written by
Governor Hutchinson, intitled " Strictures on the late Declaration of Congress,"
was for some time privately circulated, and at length published ; it may be found
in Almon's Remembrancer, vol. iv. p. 25. It is not so detailed as the other, but
contains many valuable observations.

A A 2

356

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

Its reception
by the peo-
ple:

and army.

Exultation of
some mem-
bers of Con-
gress.

State of the

American

army.

the sovereign gave a new impulse to their spirits, and
furnished a more conspicuous topic of invective.

The declaration was therefore generally received
with marks of applause, accompanied with insults on
the King. At New York, an equestrian statue, erected
in 1770, was thrown down and melted; and in most
parts of the colonies, the word royal and the sign of
the crown were suppressed in the streets*. Washing-
ton's army received it with loud acclamations^.

America being thus divided from the mother-
country J, no reserve was maintained by those who had
so long laboured to attain that end in avowing the
course and object of their efforts. Samuel Adams,
a distinguished leader of the American councils, noted
for subtlety, perseverance, and inflexibility, boasted
in all companies that he had toiled upward of twenty
years to accomplish the measure ; during that time,
he had carried his art and industry so far, as to search
after every rising genius in the New England semina-
ries, employed his utmost abilities to fix in their minds
the principles of American independency, and now
triumphed in his success.

Independence was not, however, to be secured by
a vote of Congress, an insulting declaration, or shouts
of applause. A vigorous campaign was expected ; its
commencement was awaited with awful anxiety, and
the most sanguine hopes could not veil the disadvan-
tages under which the Americans were likely to la-
bour. Their army amounted nominally to twenty
thousand five hundred, but, deducting the sick and
the absent, could not be stated at more than eleven
thousand five hundred, of whom many were militia,
called suddenly from their homes, and unused to arms

* Almon's Remembrancer, vol. iii. pp. 286, 337.

t Washington's Letters, vol. i. p. 185. The sentiments of the general him-
self, in favour of the measure before it was decreed, appear in Sparks' s Life. vol.
i. pp. 171, 177.

J The separation of America from the British empire took place 294 years
after the discovery of that continent by Columbus ; 166 years from the first
established settlement in Virginia, and 156 years from the first settlement of Ply-
mouth in Massachuset's Bay, which were the earliest English settlements in
America. Morse's American Geography, p. 105.

J Galloway's Historical and Political Reflections, p. 109.

GEORGE III. 357

and the exposure and hardships of a camp*. Their
wants, though considerably relieved, were not effectu-
ally removed ; even gunpowder and flints were not 1776.
supplied in abundance f ; and the general drew de-
plorable pictures of his want of reinforcements, which
were slowly obtained J. Great alarms were entertained
respecting the German mercenaries ; and Washington
even proposed a decoying scheme to lure them from
the British into the American service, by the employ-
ment of a corps of their emigrant countrymen; a
project which was sanctioned by Congress, and at-
tended with considerable effect. The difference of
political opinions, in so interesting a crisis, could not
fail to create many apprehensions of plots and con-
spiracies ; and the jealousy of a revolutionary govern-
ment was exerted at New York, Albany, and other
places, in the detection, prevention, and punishment of
attempts which were depicted in terrifying, though
perhaps aggravated, colours] |.

In the midst of his difficulties and anxieties, the Prudent

i , /

personal virtue and pure sentiments of Washington c
were displayed, to his own immortal glory and the
great benefit of his country. His general orders
tended uniformly to implant and encourage morality,
religion, a courageous devotion to the public cause,
and a high-minded self-confidence, essential to the ac-
complishment of great and arduous undertakings.
He prohibited, most positively, playing at cards and
games of chance, either by officers or persons of lower
degree. Gaming was the foundation of evil, and the
Qause of ruin to many a brave officer ; but games of
exercise for amusement were not only to be permitted
but encouraged^. He gave strict orders, and promoted
all proper measures, for securing due attention to di-
vine service, whether on Sundays or on the days of

* Sparks's Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 187.

f Washington's Letters, vol. i. pp. 179, 193.

1 Idem, pp. 183, 222, et passim.

Idem, pp. 146, 176.

|| Idem, vol. i. pp. 173, 174, 181. Annual Register, 1776, p. 169.

H Happy had it been for the public service, and honourable to those who
were engaged in it, if the British commanders had taken the same view of this
matter.

358

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

British plan
of campaign.

fast and humiliation decreed by Congress ; discouraged
the habit of profane cursing and swearing ; forbad
the plunder of individuals under pretence that they
were tories ; reprobated the jealousies and expressions
of contumely used by men of different provinces
against each other ; and, exhorting them to recollect
how their courage and spirit had been traduced, stimu-
lated them to acts of valour, with a confidence in Pro-
vidence as to the final result, and announcing honour
or punishments proportioned to the observance or dis-
regard of these injunctions*.

The British plan of campaign embraced three ob-
jects : to recover Canada, and invade the back settle-
ments by way of the lakes ; to make a strong impres-
sion on the Southern provinces ; and to direct a grand
expedition against the city and province of New York.
The partial success of the first and the failure of the
second part of the project have been already detailed.
The expedition against New York was regarded by
General Washington with alarm, uncontaminated by
fear, and with a contemplative anxiety, which only
suggested maxims of caution commensurate to the
known extent of the dangerj-. But the British com-
mander had the discouragement of knowing that the
movements he was directed to make were disclosed to
the enemy by their friends in England, by letters con-
veyed in the same packet which brought his dispatches
from the Secretary of State; and, consequently, that
all his attempts would be anticipated and counteracted.
He sensibly felt the disadvantages of a defensive cam-
paign, and ardently longed for ample reinforcements.
With a proper army of twenty thousand men, judi-
ciously divided at New York, Rhode Island, and Hali-
fax, exclusive of the army for Quebec, the present
unfavourable appearances would be entirely changed.
With a smaller force, he observed, the success of an
offensive campaign must be very doubtful. The op-
posing army, he admitted, was not to be despised. It
contained many European soldiers, and all or most of

* Sparks's Life of Washington, vol. ii. p. 343, et seq.
t Washington's Letters, vol. i. passim from 174 to 223.

GEORGE III. 359

the young men of spirit in the country, who were ex- x'
ceedingly diligent and attentive to their military pro-

fession. Great indeed must have been his disappoint- 1775.
ment when the auxiliary troops arrived: those from
Brunswick did not make a fine body of men, but many
of them were small, ill-looking, and old ; their clothing
much worn and mended, and their shoes utterly unfit
for service. These defects were noticed before their
embarkation, and some improvements promised; but
delays in performance, and dishonesty in contractors,
counteracted, in a great degree, the intended equip-
ment. The Hessian troops were better supplied ; but
many differences arose concerning pay, and other minor
topics, which gave much trouble, and occasioned some
dissatisfaction. The general was also encumbered
with eleven hundred refugees from Boston, persons
entitled to liberal and grateful consideration, who had
quitted property and estates of considerable value, and
were now reduced to seek food from the King's stores.
The enemy exulted beyond measure at the evacuation
of Boston : but General Howe was not dismayed ;
and, notwithstanding all disappointments, felt sanguine
hopes from the health and high order of his army*.

In prosecution of his plan, Howe refreshed his nth June,
troops at Halifax, and proceeded to Sandy Hook : but, Arrival f

, . r . , , S -. J , ' Lord Howe.

being informed that the enemy were endeavouring, by
strong intrenchments at New York and Long Island, 29th.
and by chains of sunk vessels in different parts of the
channel, to obstruct the passage of the fleet up the
North and East Rivers, he repaired to Staten Island,
opposite Long Island, where he landed his men with- 3rd Ju i y
out opposition. Lord Howe, the joint commissioner
for treating on peace, who had long been expected, lst Jul y-
arrived in the interval at Sandy Hook, and, proceeding
immediately to Staten Island, landed the troops from
England, which augmented the British force to nearly
thirty thousand men, supported by a numerous and
powerful fleet.

* Correspondence with Ministry, from the 16th of January to the 25th of
April, 1776.

360

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.
20th June.
Lord Howe's
letter to
Franklin.

June 20th.

July 13th.

14th July.

Attempt to
negotiate
with Wash-
ington.

19th.

15th.

Circular

letter.

Lord Howe made the first effort as a pacificator,
by addressing a letter to Dr. Franklin, who, imme-
diately on his arrival in America, had been elected, by
the legislature of Pennsylvania, a delegate to Congress,
where, as in every other situation, public and private,
he had shewn a most determined, bitter, and contume-
lious spirit of hatred to England. . Lord Howe's letter
was brief, but in the most conciliatory terms. He
styled the doctor his worthy friend, and declared that,
retaining all the earnestness he had ever expressed to
see differences accommodated, he hoped, if he found
in the colonies the disposition he had been taught to
expect, he might still have the satisfaction of proving
serviceable to the objects of the King's paternal solici-
tude, by promoting the establishment of lasting peace
and union with the colonies. Calms, and other delays
to which communication between persons at sea and
those on shore are subject, prevented this letter from
being received until three weeks had elapsed*, and in
that period the Declaration of Independence had been
hastily urged to its completion.

His lordship, without loss of time, opened a direct
communication with Washington. The American
General, sagaciously foreseeing a deficiency of form in
addressing him, raised a cavil to prevent the effects of
a conference so critical in the newly-embraced state of
independency. Pursuant to the advice of a council of
officers, he declined receiving a letter, superscribed
to " George Washington, Esq." and Congress, express-
ing high approbation of his conduct, directed that it
should be his rule in future, and a model to other com-
manders.

The next day, Lord Howe sent on shore, by a flag
of truce, a circular letter and declaration to the late
governors of provinces, apprizing them of the civil
and military authorities vested by the late act of Par-
liament in his brother and himself; informing the
public of their powers to grant pardons to any num-
ber or descriptions of persons, to proclaim the restora-

* Memoirs of Franklin, vol. i. p. 296.

GEORGE III. 361

tion of any colony, district, or place, to the King's
peace ; from which time the King might discontinue
the effect of the restraining act, and declaring that me.
pardons should be granted, dutiful representations
received, and every suitable encouragement given for
promoting measures conducive to the establishment of
legal government and tranquillity.

These papers were forwarded by General Wash- 19Ul
ington to Congress, who immediately published them,
with a prefatory comment in the shape of a resolve,
that the good people of the United States might be
informed of what nature were the commissions, and
what the terms, with the expectation of which the in-
sidious court of Great Britain endeavoured to amuse
and disarm them, and that the few who still remained
suspended by a hope founded either on the justice or
moderation of their late King, might now at length be
convinced that the valour alone of their country was to
save its liberties.

Unwilling to abandon the hope of a negotiation, isth.
and yet unable perhaps to recognize the title of the f^^Jo
American commander, General Howe attempted to negotiate.
evade the point, by directing to George Washington,
Esq. &c. &c. &c. This letter was also declined ; and>
although a conference was afterward obtained by Colo- 21si<
nel Paterson, no impression could be made favourable
to the opening of a treaty, nor could the letter, on any
terms, or under any explanations, be received*.

If, from their antecedent communications, Lord j u i y 20th.
Howe had been induced to believe that Franklin Dr. Franklin's
cherished a wish to reunite the two countries on the
footing of parent state and colony, these proceedings,
in which it was known that the doctor took a leading
part, and the answer given to his letter, were sufficient
to dissipate the illusion. In its terms and sentiments,
it was most contumelious and irritating. It assumed,
as a principle, that the Americans had a right to govern
themselves independently, that all the claims of En-

* See Washington's Letters, vol. i. 195 to 204. Almon's Remembrancer, v.
ir. p. 18, 100. Sparks's Life of Washington, vol. i. p. lS3.

362

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

were unjust, and all the attempts to enforce
them, cruel and tyrannical. It began with a sneering
1776. expression, that as no terms were offered but those of
pardon on submission, it must give his lordship pain
to be sent so far on so hopeless a business. " Directing
" pardons," he proceeded, " to be offered to the colo-
" nies, who are the very parties injured, expresses in-
" deed that opinion of our ignorance, baseness, and
" insensibility, which your uninformed and proud na-
" tion has long been pleased to entertain of us ; but
" it can have no other effect than that of increasing
" our resentment. It is impossible we should think of
" submission to a government that has with the most
" wanton barbarity and cruelty burnt our defenceless
" towns in the midst of whiter, excited the savages to
" massacre our farmers, and our slaves to murder their
" masters, and is, even now, bringing foreign merce-
" naries to deluge our settlements with blood. These
" atrocious injuries have extinguished every remaining
" spark of affection for that parent country we once
" held so dear : but were it possible for us to forget and
" forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the
" British nation) to forgive the people you have so
" heavily injured; you can never confide again in those
" as fellow-subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal
" freedom, to whom you know you have given such
" just cause of lasting enmity. And this must impel
" you, were we again under your government, to en-
" deavour the breaking our spirit by the severest
" tyranny, and obstructing, by every means in your
" power, our growing strength and prosperity."

As to the King's paternal solicitude for establish-
ing peace, he observed that if by peace was meant a
peace to be entered into between Britain and America,
as distinct states now at war, and his Majesty has
given your lordship powers to treat with us of such a
peace, I may venture to say, though without authority,
that I think a treaty for that purpose not yet quite im-
practicable before we enter into foreign alliances.
But I am persuaded that you have no such powers.
Your nation, by punishing those American gover-

GEORGE III. 363

nors who have caused and fomented the discord, re-
building our burnt towns, and repairing as far as
possible the mischiefs done us, might yet recover 1775.
a great share of our regard, and the greatest part of
our growing commerce, with all the advantage of
that additional strength to be derived from a friend-
ship with us; but I know too well her abounding
pride and deficient wisdom, to believe she will ever
take such salutary measures. " Long did I endeavour,
" with unfeigned and unwearied zeal," he said, " to
" preserve from breaking that fine and noble china
" vase, the British empire : for I knew that, being once
" broken, the separate parts could not retain even
" their share of the strength or value that existed in
" the whole, and that a perfect reunion of those parts
" could scarce ever be hoped for. Your lordship may
" possibly remember the tears of joy that wet my
" cheek when, at your good sister's in London, you
" once gave me expectations that a reconciliation might
" soon take place. I had the misfortune to find those
" expectations disappointed, and to be treated as the
" cause of the mischief I was labouring to prevent.
" My consolation under that groundless and malevolent
" treatment was, that I retained the friendship of
" many wise and good men in that country, and among
" the rest, some share in the regard of Lord Howe.
" The well-founded esteem, and, permit me to say,
" affection, which I shall always have for your lord-
" ship, makes it painful to me to see you engaged in
" conducting a war, the great ground of which, as ex-
" pressed in your letter, is ' the necessity of preventing
" ' the American trade from passing into foreign chan-
" * nels.' To me it seems that neither the obtaining or
" retaining of any trade, how valuable soever, is an ob-
" ject for which men may justly spill each other's
" blood ; that the true and sure means of extending
" and securing commerce, is the goodness and cheap-
" ness of commodities ; and that the profit of no trade
" can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it,
" and of holding it by fleets and armies. I know your
" great motive in coming hither was the hope of being

364

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

Battle of
Brooklyn.
'22nd of Aug.

26th of Aug.

" instrumental in a reconciliation ; and I believe, when
" you find that impossible on any terms given you to
" propose, you will relinquish so odious a command,
" and return to a more honourable private station."

This artful compound of presumption, insolence,
and hypocrisy, joined with other proceedings, de-
monstrated the impossibility of amicable arrangement,
and should have indicated the necessity of strenuous,
and speedy, and effective exertion. Delay had been
carried to its utmost limits, the season for action
was already advanced to a late period, and General
Washington had received large augmentations of
force. The troops under General Clinton having
joined the main army, a disembarkation was effected
between Utrecht and Gravesend, on Long Island,
which was selected as the first object of attack, pre-
paratory to the reduction of New York. The ad-
vanced party of the enemy fled with precipitation on
the approach of the royal troops, and hastened to gain
the woody heights which commanded the line of pro-
gress, burning in their retreat the houses and grana-
ries. Fifteen thousand provincials wefe encamped
near Mill Creek, enclosed by a line of intrenchment,
strongly secured by abbatis, flanked by redoubts, and
lined with pikes. Another party lay at Brooklyn, on
the east river opposite New York, where they had con-
structed strong works. General Putnam was detached
from Mill Creek with ten thousand men, to occupy the
heights which obliquely intersected the island and de-
fend the defiles which led through the hills. In a plain,
opposite the centre of Putnam's line, stood the village
of Flat Bush, to which the Hessians under General
De Heister were advanced, occupying the attention of
the enemy, and frequently skirmishing with the pa-
troles.

General Clinton and Sir William Erskine having
reconnoitered, General Howe, in pursuance of their
advice, formed dispositions for turning the left flank of
the enemy. The right wing of the English army,
commanded by General Clinton, supported by brigades
under Lord Percy, and by the reserve under Lord Corn-

GEORGE III. 365

wallis, quitted the camp in the night, crossing the "

country by Flat-lands, to secure a pass over the heights

of Guiana on the road to Bedford. General Howe 1776.
accompanied this expedition, and had the pleasure of
witnessing its complete success. The pass in question,
though of the utmost importance, was distant, and the
enemy had neglected to secure it, relying for intelli-
gence of an attack on patroles of cavalry ; one of these
was fortunately intercepted ; an alarm being thus pre-
vented, the British passed the heights unimpeded, and
reached Bedford at nine o'clock in the morning. With- 27th of Aug.
out loss of time, they assailed the left of the Americans,
who were thrown back on their right, and, after a feeble
resistance, retired over Mill Creek, but in such irrepa-
rable confusion that few only got into the line. The
firing on the left of the enemy served as a signal to
De Heister, who with a column of Hessians attacked
their centre near Flat Bush, and after a warm engage-
ment drove them into the woods.

The left column, under the command of General
Grant, proceeded at midnight from the Narrows, by
the edge of the bay ; and in order to divert the atten-
tion of the enemy from the other principal points of
attack, engaged their advanced guard. The Ameri-
cans fought with firmness, and did not make a retro-
grade movement until they received intelligence of the
entire route of the other divisions of their army. They
then attempted to secure a retreat, which some of them
effected, with difficulty and in disorder, over a mill-
dam and through a morass.

The victory was complete, though not decisive : two
thousand of the enemy were killed in the field or drowned,
and near eleven hundred taken prisoners, among whom
were Generals Sullivan, Udell, and Lord Stirling. The
Maryland regiment suffered most severely, as upward
of two hundred and sixty men of the best families in
the province were cut to pieces. Our loss was between
sixty and seventy killed, and to hundred and thirty
wounded. The ardour and conduct of the troops
were highly extolled; both English and foreigners
displaying a zeal evidently stimulated by emulation.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

28th of Aug.

Retreat of
the Ameri-
cans to
New York.
29th.

Ill the impetuosity of their courage they were with
difficulty restrained from attacking the American lines ;
and, considering the difference between perfect disci-
pline and total inexperience, the flush of success and
the langour of defeat, would in all probability have
succeeded ; they were, however, restrained by General
Howe, who, considering it certain that he should ob-
tain easy possession by regular approaches, would not
risque the loss of blood in an assault, but ordered his
forces to retire out of the reach of musketry.

In the evening of the same day the British army
encamped in front of the American lines, and, on the
ensuing morning, broke ground about six hundred
yards from one of the redoubts on the left. General
Washington exerted himself with incredible assiduity
in repairing or palliating the effects of the late disas-
ter ; he afforded every facility in his power for those
who had been missing at the close of the engagement
to return, and many found their way from the woods to
head-quarters. During forty-eight hours, in sultry wea-
ther, he was almost constantly on horseback, and
never slept*.

His situation was, however, in every respect, unte-
nable ; his army was the last resource of America, and
the event of a second engagement, or of success in an
attempt to force the lines, must have occasioned its
total annihilation. He could not venture to weaken
the garrison of New York by sending supplies, and
feared, if the wind should change, that ships of war
would sail up the East river, and preclude every hope
of a retreat, which was now his only refuge. Even
this was an enterprize of the utmost hazard and diffi-
culty: it was to be performed close to an enemy,
provided with every means of annoyance, and elated
with victory, while his own troops were dispirited, and
almost despondent. He conducted this retreat with
great judgment and skill, and was favoured by the

* Washington's Letters, v. i. p. 242. See also General Howe's account, in
the papers presented to Parliament ; Parliamentary Register, yol. xi. p. 340.
The events are detailed in Sparks's Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 189. Memoirs
of General Greene, vol. i. p. 55.

GEORGE III. 367

extreme darkness of the night. In thirteen hours
nine thousand men, beside field artillery, ammunition,
provisions, cattle, horses, and carts, effected, without loss 1776.
or interruption, a retreat to New York, over East River,
the stream being a mile in width, and several embark-
ations necessary. At first the wind and tide were un-
favourable; but, an hour before midnight, the sea
became calm, and the breeze friendly; Long Island
was also enveloped in a thick fog, which prevented the
British troops from observing the motions of the Ame-
ricans ; while, on the coast of New York, to which
their course was directed, the sky was bright and
serene. The pickets of the English army arrived
only in time to fire on their rear guard, who were
already too far from shore to sustain injury*.

One of the first measures taken by Lord Howe after Renewed
the victory of Brooklyn, was to dispatch his prisoner, ne s otiatlon -
General Sullivan, to Congress, for the purpose of invit-
ing some members of that body to meet him, not as
deputies from an independent state, but as private
gentlemen, to facilitate pacification; and he stated, as
an inducement, that so favourable an opportunity

* In these transactions the conduct of both parties has been blamed with con-
siderable severity, and perhaps not without justice. The American commanders
are censured for having suffered themselves to be completely surrounded by the
British force at the battle of Brooklyn, a misconduct which exposed them to cer-
tain loss and imminent hazard. It is alleged, on their behalf, that they were not
apprized of the number of troops landed on Long Island ; and an insinuation of
treachery is advanced against those whose duty it was to secure the passes. After
the battle, their conduct was a masterly specimen of prudence and presence of
mind.

The British commanders are charged with many glaring instances of miscon-
duct. The attack was planned with consummate judgment, and executed with
equal promptitude and valour ; but in no respect were the means of success pushed
to their utmost possible results. After the right had defeated the left of the Ame-
ricans, and they were retreating in confusion, General Howe might have followed
his advantage, forced the enemy's works, and secured a decisive victory. He is
severely blamed for checking the ardour of his troops when eager for pursuit, and
for not taking possession of Brooklyn ferry, which would have rendered the escape
of the Americans almost impossible. He had, it is alleged, early intelligence of the
retreat of the enemy, but neglected to direct a pursuit till too late to be effectual.
Thus the results of a victory which redounded to the honour of the British arms,
were reduced to the unimportant possession of Long Island. Yet, for all these ap-
parent errors of conduct, it is said General Howe had good reasons, both military
and political. He gave his own military reason for forbidding the forcing of the
lines, and his political conduct was guided by the consideration of his duty as a
commissioner sent to treat for peace, and whose overtures would be most favour-
ably viewed in the moment of success, especially if no prejudice was excited by
the exertion of extreme violence or unnecessary rigour.

368 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxix' would not again occur, as neither party was reduced

. to a state of abject humiliation, nor to a situation that

1776. presented assent or ruin as the sole alternative. If
Congress were disposed to treat, he observed, many
things which had not yet been asked might and ought
to be granted ; and if a conference afforded a probable
ground of accommodation, their authority must after-
ward be acknowledged, to complete the compact.

The uncertainty and numerous disadvantages at-
tending the actual situation of aifairs, were strongly
felt by Congress. The people were clamorous for a
knowledge of the terms on which, without too great
sacrifices, they might obtain present ease, and avert
the dismal scenes of which they had a disheartening
prospect*; and the army, reduced by defeat and de-
sertion to less than twenty thousand, was in a state
of want and insubordination. General Washington,
in one of his letters, dated Long Island, 2nd Septem-
ber, 1776, gives a striking and interesting picture of
the consequences of the battle of Brooklyn. " Our si-
" tuation," he says, " is truly distressing. The check
" our detachment sustained, on the 27th ultimo, has
" dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and
" filled their minds with apprehension and despair.
" The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost
" efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to
" repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and im-
" patient to return. Great numbers of them have gone
" off, in some instances almost by whole regiments, by
" half ones, and by companies, at a time. This circum-
" stance of itself, independent of others, when fronted
" by a well-appointed enemy, superior in number to our
" whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagree-
" able : but when their example has infected another
k ' part of the army, when their want of discipline, and
" refusal of almost every kind of restraint and govern-
" ment, have produced a like conduct but too common
" to the whole, and an entire disregard of that order
" and subordination necessary to the well-doing of an

* Examination of Joseph Galloway, p. 9, note.

GEORGE III. 369

army, and which had been inculcated before, as well CHAP.
as the nature of our military establishment would

" admit of, our condition is still more alarming; and 1776.
" with the deepest concern I am obliged to confess
" my want of confidence in the generality of the
" troops."

The leading members of Congress were not, how-
ever, induced by the threatening appearances of the
moment to relax in their projects ; the independence
of America, which they had laboriously and insidiously
promoted, was not to be so easily resigned ; nor would
they forego the proud situation in which they stood as
directors of this important contest. To preserve an 7th Sept.
appearance of candour, and gratify the earnest wish of Committee

i -I i i of Congress

the people, without seeming to abandon the duties 01 sent to con-
their station, Congress returned for answer to Lord [j^ British
Howe's message, that, as the representatives of the free commis-
and independent states of America, they could not, s
with propriety, depute any of their members to confer
in their private characters ; but, ever desirous of esta-
blishing peace on reasonable terms, they would autho-
rize a committee to examine into the nature and extent
of his authority, and hear his propositions. This com-
mittee consisted of Dr. Franklin, John Adams, and ctii.
Edward Rutledge.

From this resolution, and the character of the indi-
viduals appointed to bear the inefficient function com-
mitted by Congress, Lord Howe might have anticipated
the failure of his eiforts. Three more strenuous repub-
licans could not have been selected; and they were not
enabled to treat, but merely to investigate and cavil at
the powers of the commissioners. His lordship, how-
ever, gave them a meeting on Staten Island, and, ac-
cording to their own report, from which alone the
circumstances could be learned, received and enter- i4th Sept.
tained them with the utmost politeness.

In opening the conversation, he protested against
conferring with them as a committee of Congress ; but .
being authorised to consult with private gentlemen of
influence on the means of restoring peace, he with
pleasure availed himself of the opportunity. The

VOL. II. B B

370 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxfx ' delegates answered, that, in whatever light he might
consider them, they could only view themselves in the

1776. character committed to them by Congress. Lord
Howe then, in a discourse of considerable length, re-
commended a return to allegiance and submission to
Great Britain, accompanying his argument with as-
surances of the good disposition of the King and his
ministers to make government easy, to revise the offen-
sive acts of Parliament, and amend the instructions
given to governors.

If these offers could have been tendered a few days
before the declaration of independence, the majority of
Congress might have felt themselves bound to accede
to them, as a secure and honourable basis of pacifica-
tion ; but now, the committee assigned their independ-
ence as a cause for rejecting, what they termed, the
only explicit proposition of peace. They descanted on
the contempt shewn to their repeated petitions, and
their unexampled patience under tyrannical govern-
ments. The last act of parliament, which denounced
war and put them out of the King's protection, com-
pelled them to comply with the wish of the people, by
framing the declaration of independence ; every co-
lony approved it ; all now considered themselves free
states, all were settling their governments under that
opinion, and Congress could not replace them in their
former condition. They were desirous of peace, and
willing to treat with Great Britain for the advantage of
both countries; and his lordship might, if the same
good disposition existed in Britain, receive fresh
powers, enabling him to negotiate on the basis of
independency, much sooner than authorities could be
obtained by Congress from the several colonies to con-
sent to submission.

Lord Howe, with sorrow, closed the conference,
declaring that on such terms no accommodation could
take place. The delegates, in their report to Congress,
declared it did not appear that his lordship's commis-
sion contained any other authority of importance than
was expressed in the act of parliament, that of granting
pardons with discretionary exceptions, and of declaring,

GEORGE III. 371

on submission, the whole or any part of the continent CHAP.
in the King's peace. As to the power of inquiring

into the state of America, and conferring, consulting, 1770.
and representing the result to the ministry, who, if
the colonies would subject themselves, might, or might
not, alter the former instructions to governors, or pro-
pose in Parliament amendments of the obnoxious
acts ; any expectation from the effect of such a power
would have been too uncertain and precarious, even
were America still dependent.

Thus terminated this famous effort, from which the
British commanders seemed to have formed such ex-
pectations, that in the career of victory they afforded
an interval for the experiment. The delegates of Con-
gress, with more policy than candour, diminished the
beneficial effects which might result from listening to
the proposals; but, on the whole, their conduct does
not stand obnoxious to censure. America, by their
means, was declared independent : the attempt was
new, vast in its immediate objects, immense in its ex-
pected results ; patience and perseverance might more
than repair the present deranged state of their affairs ;
but, in all events, a return to submission would procure
immunities and indulgences more than sufficient to
counterbalance temporary disadvantages. To have
shrunk from a project so mighty, upon the first failure
in arms, or to have been lured from it by the first offer
of ease, would have thrown indelible disgrace on the
character of Congress.

The British commissioners acted in the whole
transaction with dignity and prudence : they made no
captious objections, exhibited no contumelious supe-
riority, and descended to no low arts. They did not
publish a counter manifesto or narrative of the con-
ference to elucidate passages mistaken or misrepre-
sented by the committee ; but contented themselves 19t ,
with issuing a short declaration, that, although Con- Declaration
gress had disavowed every purpose of reconciliation
not consonant with their extravagant and inadmissible
claim of independency, the commissioners were equally
desirous to confer with his Majesty's well affected sub-

B B 2

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxfx' j ec ^ s on the means of restoring public tranquillity, and
establishing a permanent union with every colony, as

1776. a part of the British empire. And they positively
affirmed, that the King had already directed the com-
pletion of those revisions of powers, and other measures
of relief, respecting which the committee of Congress
had insinuated that his promise was not to be believed*.
Preparations Meanwhile the British army was reinforced by a

of New York, detachment convoyed by Sir George Collier. The
treaty occasioned no suspension of arms ; and the
expulsion of the enemy from New York was pressed
with unremitting assiduity. The possession of Long
Island, rendering Governor's Island no longer tenable
by the Americans, enabled the besiegers to command
the city, and the acquisition of three small islands,
Barren, Montresor, and Buchanan, cut oif all com-
munication by sea.

General Washington was anxious to maintain
possession of this city, but found his difficulties daily
increasing. Insubordination, desertion, distress, and
an evaporation of the original spirit of enterprize
which animated his troops, rendered his prospect
cheerless. The militia were ready to depart ; and if
they left the army without being paid, the effect of
their report would be no less injurious to the service
than the want of their numbers. The troops in
general were importunate and urgent in their demands
for moneyf ; winter already approached, and the army
was only equipped for a summer campaign ; their
clothes, shoes, and blankets, were insufficient ; their
tents worn out and inadequate to more than two-thirds
of their number; and the sick amounted, according to
the returns, to one-fourth of the armyj. The general,
reasoning from history, experience, the advice of
friends in Europe, the fears of the English, and the
declarations of Congress, wisely resolved to make the
war on his side purely defensive, a war of posts ; to
avoid a general action, and risk nothing, except on

* See the documents at length, in Almon's Remembrancer, vol. iv. p. 112.
et seq.

t Washington's Letters, vol. i. p. 249. J Idem, p. 252.

GEORGE III. 373

cogent and inevitable necessity. Persuaded of the
presumption of drawing out young troops into open
ground, against their superiors both in number and me.
discipline, he never (to use his own phrase) spared the
spade and pick-axe. He was, however, embarrassed
in the choice of difficulties : if he concentrated his
whole force for defence of New York, he must leave
the country open for an approach, and render the fate
of the army and its stores dependent on his success in
securing the city, or gaining a pitched battle ; on the
other hand, to abandon an important post which many
deemed defensible, and on the works of which much
labour had been bestowed, would dispirit the troops
and enfeeble the cause.

A council of general officers unanimously concurred 7th Se ^-
in adopting a middle course. The army, now amount-
ing to twenty-three thousand men, was arranged under
three divisions : five thousand to remain for protection
of the city : nine thousand to secure Kingsbridge and
its dependencies, as well as other strong posts, and
attack the British forces, should they attempt a landing
on that side ; the remainder to occupy the intermediate
space, and support either.

Judicious movements of the British ships straitened 13th and 15th
the operations of the enemy, and prevented the com- capture of
pletion of their project for removing the stores by sea. thecit y-
Several vessels were dispatched up the East river, and
three men of war proceeded up the North river to
Bloomingdale : those on the East river scouring the
grounds by a heavy cannonade. General Clinton,
heading the first division of four thousand men, landed
at Kipp's Bay, about three miles from the town, as-
sailed the heights where the enemy- were strongly
posted, and took possession of the high land called the
Inclenburg. The Americans had formed strong in-
trenchments, and were in possession of advantageous
ground : but they were lured from their hold by a
feint, and the incessant fire of round shot from the
ships prevented their return. The troops, as they
landed, posted themselves on the high grounds, which
stretch in an ascending direction from the shore, and

374

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

17776.

16th of Sept.

It is set on
fire by Ame-
rican incen-
daries.

the enemy fled with precipitation. A party of seventy
Hessians, advancing toward New York, fell in with a
body of fugitives retreating by the pass at Blooming-
dale, and defeated them after a short skirmish. Ge-
neral Washington, finding all his efforts to rally the
army ineffectual, expeditiously secured a retreat to
Morris's heights, where he established himself in so
strong a position as to render an immediate attack
imprudent. New York, with the heavy cannon of
the enemy, and great part of their stores, fell into the
possession of General Howe. Had he followed the
counsel of an able adviser, and instead of directing his
immediate attention to New York, thrown his army
round Kingsbridge, the whole American force would
have been inextricably hemmed in. Nor was this his
only error: after taking possession of the town, he
unprofitably lost time, while General Putnam, with
three thousand five hundred men, effected his retreat
to the main body. The ensuing day a skirmish took
place between some British troops and a party of
Americans, who were sent to take possession of a
wood ; from the vicinity of their intrenched camp, the
enemy were enabled to strengthen their party with
continued reinforcements; and, in the course of the
action, a great number became engaged on both sides ;
at length the Americans retreated*.

Before the surrender of New York, General Wash-
ington had propounded to Congress, in a manner
which shewed that he entertained a predilection for
the measure, the propriety of burning the city, rather
than suffering it to remain as winter-quarters for the
British army f. As a motive, it was alleged that a great
portion of the property in the town belonged to tones.
Congress gave a decided negative to this proposal;}:;
but whether in consequence of private instructions,
incompatible with their public orders ; whether some

* An account of this transaction maybe seen in Washington's Letters, vol. i.
p. 262. In the account of the taking of New York, I have also consulted his
Letters, vol. i. p. 258, et. seq. the papers laid before Parliament, Sparks and other
historians.

t Washington's Letters, vol. i. p. 246.

J Idem, p. 216.

GEORGE III. 375

individuals in the army or town thought proper to act CHAP
from their own judgment ; or whether from the mere

malice of lurking incendiaries, the city was set on 17:6
fire in several places ; and, notwithstanding the stre- lst of Se P l -
nuous exertions of the military, one-third of the build-
ings destroyed. The conflagration was tremendously
grand ; two churches were burnt, and the American
army at Paulus Hook testified their joy at the fall of
one of the steeples by three cheers. A few incendiaries,
seized with combustibles, were sacrificed to the rage of
the soldiers; nearly two hundred individuals were
arrested on suspicion; but, although many cart-loads
of pine sticks, daubed at each end with sulphur,
were found concealed in cellars, no circumstance led
to the effectual detection of the conspirators*.

The American army being in a situation which Unsuccess-
precluded every hope of success from an immediate b " in e g wash-
attack, the British General threw up a chain of re- mgto
doubts on Macgowan's Hill, to cover New York, and
render it capable of a vigorous defence, even after the
greater part of the army should be engaged in distant
operations. When this work was completed, three
brigades of British and one of Hessians were left,
under Lord Percy, to guard the town, and the rest of
the army proceeded in flat boats and batteaux, through
a dangerous passage called Hell-gate, to attack the
enemy's rear by the New England road. They landed
at Frog's-neck, an island connected with the main by
a bridge, which was, in the course of the day, broken
down by the enemy. A movement might easily have
been made, which would have reduced the Americans
to 'the necessity of defending the island, or forcing
their way through the British lines, to gain the ter-
ritory of New England ; but General Howe, by re-
jecting advice to this effect j*, enabled General Wash-
ington to profit by the counsel of General Lee, and,

* The very slight manner in which Washington mentions the affair (see his
Letters, vol. i. p. 267), leaves room for suspicion that there was some mystery in
the transaction to which he was privy, but which was not to be disclosed even to
all the members of Congress.

t It was proposed to Sir William Howe to pass by City Orchard, and thence
to Mill's Creek and Rochelle. Lord Howe objected to Mill's Creek, under the
notion of its being unsafe for ships.

376

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

177G.

18lh.

21st of Oct.
Battle of
White
Plains.

26th.
28th.

contrary to his original intention, abandon his perilous
situation*.

Without deriving any advantage from, their last
movement, the British forces reimbarked, and pro-
ceeded along the coast to Pell's Point, where they
ought originally to have landed. A skirmish took
place near East Chester, between a, division of the
American Colonel Glover's brigade and an advanced
party of the British, who succeeded in expelling them
from a strong position j\

The principal division of the British army, proceed-
ing to New Rochelle, were joined by a second body of
foreign troops, under General Knyphausen, who had
landed safely at Mill's Creek. The Americans were
stretched parallel to the British from Kingsbridge on
the right, to White Plains on the left. They were
separated by a deep river called the Brunx, on the
eastern side of which their whole army occupied a
fortified camp. The royal forces, the left commanded
by General Howe, the right by General Clinton, ap-
proached White Plains, driving before them several
detachments of the enemy, who created considerable
alarm in the camp.- The tents were standing : the
hurry of striking and loading them in waggons, toge-
ther with the movements of troops backward and for-
ward, in evident irresolution, presented an extraordi-
nary picture of confusion. The number of American
forces is calculated at about eighteen thousand, but
disheartened, insubordinate, and undisciplined ; the
British were thirteen thousand, in the utmost vigour,
spirits, and discipline. The centre of the enemy was
easily assailable, and success in that quarter must
have been fatal to them; but General Washington
having posted four thousand men in an advantageous
position on an eminence, General Howe, miscalcu-
lating the importance of the situation, directed his
principal efforts against it : the attack was hardly less
severe and hazardous than an assault on the lines ; but

* Stedman, vol. i. p. 211. See also Washington's Letters, vol. i. p. 224.
t Stedman. The Americans are said to have been victorious, in Washington's
Letters, vol. i. p. 296.

GEORGE III. 377

the victory gained by the intrepidity of the troops was xxrx'
of no effect, as the Americans, after the battle; re-

mained tranquil in their intrenchments*. 1776.

After this engagement, several days were passed
on both sides in strengthening their positions ; the
Americans, anxious to render an attack on their lines
hopeless; the British General, desirous to make the
event certain, by possessing himself of their rear, so as
to cut off retreat, waited for reinforcements. On their
arrival, a disposition was made for an attack ; but the
weather occasioned delay, and the Americans com-
pleted their fortifications. They did not, however,
feel confident in this advantage; for, having learned lstofN T -
from a deserter that General Howe intended to assail
them the next morning, they suddenly evacuated their
lines, and retired across the Croton to an impregnable
position, defended in the front by the river, and in the
rear by woods and heights. In their retreat, they
burned all the houses and forage on Whie Plains.

Wearied with an unavailing pursuit of an enemy Capture of
determined to avoid a direct encounter, the British
general engaged in the reduction of Fort Washington,
an important post, securing a communication with the
Jersey shore, and effectually commanding the naviga-
tion of the North river ; well fortified, and not to be
approached without exposing the besiegers to a heavy
fire. The defence was entrusted to Colonel Magaw,
a native of Pennsylvania, who had quitted the bar for
the military profession, and was eminently qualified for
his trust. The batteries being completed, the garrison
was summoned, but gallantly refused to surrender.
The fort was resolutely stormed by the British army
in four divisions, and, after a spirited contest, the
whole garrison surrendered prisoners of war. The
loss of the royal army in killed and wounded amounted 15th of NOT.
to eight hundred ; that of the enemy in killed, 16th-
wounded, and prisoners, to three thousand three hun-
dred. General Washington in person consulted with

* It is suggested that Washington probably posted this corps on the right of the
Brunx to cover the retreat of his army ; and if General Howe entertained the
same notion, it accounts for his attack.

378

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

18th.

Successful
invasion of
New Jersey.

17th Dec.
Disposition of
the British
troops in win-
ter quarters.

Expedition
to Rhode
Island.

Magaw, in the morning of the attack, on the means of
defence; and, during the action, sent instructions to
hold out, and he would detach reinforcements ; but the
messenger arrived too late. The American general
highly valued this fort, and deeply deplored the loss
of so many men, and so great a quantity of artillery
and stores which he despaired of seeing replaced*.

Immediately after this success, Lord Cornwallis
landed on the Jersey shore ; the garrison of Fort Lee,
on his approach, retreated in confusion, leaving their
tents standing, with all their provisions and military
stores ; the fort was of no consequence after the loss
of Fort Washington^. The American leader, con-
sidering his only chance of safety to consist in preci-
pitate retreat, gained, with great expedition, the fur-
ther shore of the Hakensack river, leaving on the road
large quantities of stores and artillery. In the space
of about three weeks, Lord Cornwallis overran the
whole province of New Jersey, the American general
constantly flying before himj.

The winter having now commenced, the British
troops were placed in winter quarters between the De-
laware and Hakensack, the latter of which runs near
New York. The enemy, in the mean time, retreated
across the Delaware.

During the progress of Lord Cornwallis, General
Clinton, in opposition to his own judgment, was enga-
ged in an expedition to Rhode Island, to which he was
dispatched after the battle of White Plains. He
strongly urged the superior advantage of being landed

* Washington's Letters, v. i. p 318. And for exact and interesting details,
Sketches of the Life of General Greene, vol. i. p. 60.

t Washington's Letters, v. i. p. 518.

J From some delays made in the course of this pursuit, censure has been in-
ferred, as if Lord Cornwallis was restrained, by want of proper activity, or withheld
by the commands of his superiors ; the chief proof in favour of these suppositions
is, that the pursuing army generally arrived at every place from which the enemy
retreated at the moment they had quitted the spot. It is to be observed, how-
ever, that the Americans had constantly such perfect intelligence of the prepara-
tions of the royal army, as enabled them to guess with certainty the intentions
of the general, and so change their position at the last moment. It appears,
too, from the testimony of General Washington himself, that the expeditious
progress of the British army was, toward the latter end of November, suspended
by bad weather. See Stedman, v. i. p. 219. Washington's Letters, v. i. p.
322, 323, et passim.

GEORGE III. 379

at Amboy for the purpose of co-operating with Lord
Cornwallis, or proceeding on board Lord Howe's fleet xxix
to the Delaware, to take possession of Philadelphia ;

but his propositions were over-ruled, principally be- 1776.
cause Lord Howe insisted on Rhode Island as neces-
sary for the fleet. On the approach of the British
force, the enemy abandoned the island ; and the Ame-
rican squadron, under Hopkins, retired up the river
Providence, where it remained blocked up and in-
active.

During the career of success, Lord Howe and the sothNov.

,., , ,. .. , .. ., . /> Proclamation

general issued a proclamation, recapitulating their tor- by the Howes,
mer offers, .and promising free pardons to all who
should, within sixty days, appear before governors of
provinces, or military or naval commanders, and enter
into engagements to remain peaceable and obedient
subjects*. The lenity of this measure, combined with
the progress of the army, induced great numbers to
accept the proffered benefits, and intire districts re-
nounced their arms. General Washington, during his
whole retreat, complained, that notwithstanding his
efforts and notices, he was never joined by the militia.
The governor, council and assembly, and magistracy
of New York, had deserted the province : repeated
attempts to embody the militia of Philadelphia had
failed ; and a disposition to meet General Howe with
a cheerful welcome became generally apparent. Had
the British army been able to proceed immediately to
Philadelphia, it was supposed the whole continent
would have followed the example of that city ; but
they could not, for want of boats, cross the Delaware,
and were obliged to wait till the ice should be suffi-
ciently formed to permit a passage.

The partizans of Congress were also disheartened 13th Dec.
by the capture of General Lee, whose experience and
talents were more relied on by the Americans, and
dreaded by the English, than those of the Commander-
in-chief. His timely discernment had already saved
the provincial army, and although General Washing-

* See the proclamation and form of pardon, Annual Register for 1777, p. 294.

380 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

XXLX ^ on ^ oes no ^ a PP ear t have entertained a sincere friend-
ship for him, still in the disastrous situation of the

1776. American cause, he was solicitous for his presence and
assistance. Lee, while advancing to join the Comman-
der- in-Chief, quitted his camp before Morristown on
a reconnoitering expedition, and stopped, almost unat-
tended, three miles from the main body of his troops,
for refreshment : in this situation he was surprised by
a detachment of light horse, under Colonel Harcourt,
and conveyed with great celerity, through a considera-
ble extent of country, to New York. This gallant
exploit caused no less exultation in the British, than re-
gret in the provincial army. No officer of equal rank
being in captivity among the Americans, General
Washington offered six field officers in exchange, but
received for reply, that General Lee, being a deserter
from the British service, could not be considered as a
prisoner of war. It was ineffectually alleged on the
other side, that he had resigned his commission before
the commencement of hostilities; no arguments or
offers could procure his release ; he was confined and
vigilantly guarded. General Washington declared
that he would not exchange the Hessian field officers
taken at Trenton, or Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell,
unless Lee were recognized as a prisoner of war ; and
Sir William Howe, apprehensive that if he were sent
to England, a close confinement of the Hessian officers
would ensue, and occasion much discontent, detained
him in America*. The proceedings of Congress war-
ranted these apprehensions. They rescinded an esta-
blished regulation, in the nature of a cartel, for the
exchange of captives, deprived of their parole several
British officers, and declared that the treatment expe-
rienced by General Lee should form the model of their
conduct toward prisoners. Still there were some who
suspected that this officer was treacherous to his new
allies, or that, in pursuit of some project of his own, he
counteracted and disobeyed the orders of his Com-
mander-in-Chieff.

* Sir W. Howe to Lord George Germaine, 8th July, 1 777.
t Sparks's Life of Washington, vol. i. p. 218.

GEORGE III. 381

In no period of this series of calamities does it ap-
pear that the firmness of Congress ever deserted them,
or that they lost sight of the great object of their prin- 1776.
cipal leaders, the establishment of independence,, and Exertions of
total separation from Great Britain. Some of their
measures were rash, some perhaps impolitic, and others
tyrannical ; but they seem on the whole to have pur-
sued a mode of conduct more dignified than could
have been expected in their circumstances, and suffi-
ciently wise to serve as the foundation of permanent
success, if they were unexpectedly favoured by fortune.

Soon after the declaration of independence, they 4th Oct.
voted articles of confederation and union, in which confederation.
they assumed the appellation of " the United States
" of America," and limited the general dependence of
each state upon the decisions of the delegates in Con-
gress, without depriving any of their full freedom of
action in the regulation of their own internal govern-
ment*. They passed resolutions for raising by loan, 3rd October
at four per cent., eighty thousand dollars, for which other mea-
certificates were to be given, and the faith of the sures>
United States pledged to the lenders for both princi- 27th Dec
pal and interest*]*. As these certificates were transfer-
able, and liable to be depreciated, Congress, by a sub-
sequent law, subjected persons, refusing to receive the
paper currency for goods or debts, or withholding their
property from sale, or raising the price, so as to make
a difference between cash and paper, to forfeiture of
their goods, loss of their debts, and a penalty propor-
tioned to the amount of their transgression J. Another
project for raising money was a lottery of four hun-

* See Almon's Remembrancer, vol. iv. p. 240. Jefferson, vol. i. p. 23. The
account given by this highly democratic senator of the proceedings in his own
colony, Virginia, and particularly of the measures introduced by himself, is
highly instructive. After re-establishing the Courts of Justice, which had long
been discontinued, a bill was introduced for abolishing entails, which, it was said,
created an aristocracy of wealth ; and the intent was to make an opening for
the aristocracy of virtue and talent. They also laid a foundation for suppressing
the slave trade ; for unlimited freedom in matters of religion, abrogating all dis-
tinctions derived from particular modes of faith, and placing the Jew, the Ma-
homedan, the Gentoo, and the absolute Infidel on the same footing whh the
Christian ; and measures were taken for creating a penal code, from which the
punishment of death was to be excluded, except in cases of treason and murder.
Same, p. 31, etseq.

f See Almon's Remembrancer, pp. 219, 283.

% Remembrancer, vol. v. p. 36.

382

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

18th Nov.

10th Dec.

20th Dec.
They retire
to Baltimore.

Miserable
state of the
army.

dred thousand tickets, divided into classes, and in
which five millions of dollars were distributed in
prizes*. To re-animate the declining spirit of the
people, Congress published an address, in their accus-
tomed style, recapitulating the topics of complaint
against Great Britain, and fabricating many new
charges arising out of the mode of conducting the
war ; vigour and unanimity, they said, would ensure
success. They boasted of essential services already
rendered by foreign states, of positive assurances of
further aid, and spoke in contemptuous terms of Bri-
tish valour. The army, during the whole campaign,
they said, had been checked in its progress, and had
not, till within the last two weeks, ventured above ten
miles from the fleet : their present advances were not
produced by any capital success, but a sudden diminu-
tion of the American force from the expiration of en-
listments. No terms could be obtained from Great
Britain but unconditional submission: but cordial
union would check the progress of the army, and re-
animate the declining cause of Americaf. Even when
Congress was compelled to abandon Philadelphia, and
take refuge in Baltimore J, no public act testified de-
spair, or a desire to procure immunity by a sacrifice
of public spirit. Some individuals joined the British
army, and others maintained a constant correspond-
ence with the generals for terms of safety ; but the
whole body, in all their public acts, maintained an un-
varied appearance of dignity and sovereignty.

The army, the sole effective basis of their hopes,
had been formed in a manner so unexpected, and on
a plan so bad, that it could now only be viewed with
sentiments of despair. The requisite interval for ef-
fecting a complete reform could not be expected ; to-
tally to disband the existing force was impossible,
without abandoning every hope of final success ; and
yet, every disaster produced such great defalcations,

* Remembrancer, p. 33.
f Remembrancer, vol. iv. p. 270.

J For this purpose they adjourned from the 12th to the 20th of December,
having in the mean time appointed a solemn fast.
From private information.

GEORGE III. 383

that it was reduced to a number not exceeding five
thousand, and even those were impatiently awaiting
the day which should set them free from their engage- 1770.
ment. In the beginning of hostilities, enthusiasm,
and a desire of assisting in a struggle for a supposed
limited object, brought great numbers to the field, who
exerted themselves with surprising ardour, in the hope
of abridging the contest. Yet even they were not
insensible of their disadvantageous situation ; they saw
with joy the expiration of their term of service ; and
General Washington, after forming his soldiers, felt
the mortification of being obliged to train a new army.
His second army differed, however, in many particu-
lars from the first ; the men were raised at the insti-
gation of others, rather than by their own impulse,
and brought with them many sordid views, and per-
sonal animosities, which threatened ruin to the cause.
The parsimony of Congress, animated in some mea-
sure by a jealousy of their own general, did not afford
sufficient bounty to recruits, or an adequate pay to
officers : consequently, men who held commissions
were known to practise the lowest arts to eke out their
beggarly subsistence ; they even pilfered the pay and
blankets from their own privates. The officers were
also elected by the troops, which produced a disgust-
ing equality, no less offensive to manners than subver-
sive of subordination : some corps would not vote for
officers unless they consented to join their pay in a
common stock, from which all should draw an equal
portion. This gave rise to many low practices on the
part of officers, and even subjected them to the neces-
sity of exercising their trades for subsistence ; so that,
in presence of several persons of consideration, one of
them was seen shaving his own corps. The local ani-
mosities which distinguish every country were violent
and rancorous in the American army* ; and the
militia were backward, undisciplined, and refractory.
The general constantly represented to Congress
the improvidence of raising a military force for so

* Stedman, vol.i. p. 206.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXIX.

1776.

IGth Sept.

18th Sept.
22nd Oct.

short a period as a year ; and shewed the necessity of
exercising a greater degree of vigour and generosity,
by augmenting the bounties, enforcing the levies, and
extending the period of service to three years, or the
termination of hostilities. In pursuance of these re-
presentations, Congress passed a vote for raising eighty-
eight battalions to serve during the war, and fixed the
proportion to be contributed by each state* ; a bounty,
at first of ten, but afterwards reluctantly increased to
twenty, dollars was offered to each private ; portions of
land were promised to both officers and privates, or
their widows or representatives, at the close of hostili-
ties-f ; and, to preserve the intended benefit to the ob-
jects of its original destination, all assignments were
declared void. Officers, except generals, were to be
appointed by the governments of the several states ;
the commissions to be issued by Congress. The charge
of clothing was, however, to be deducted from the pay
of the privates ; and where men had already received
a bounty of ten dollars, that sum, by a resolution no
less impolitic than mean, was to be deducted in case
they should re-enlist J. Orders were also issued for
preventing the monopoly of military necessaries, for
a more effectual supply of gunpowder, and for assuring
its quality. These measures were not adequate to
the increasing exigencies ; Washington remonstrated
against the parsimony of Congress, and advised that,
instead of eighty-eight battalions, a hundred and ten
should be raised : but even the smaller number could
not be procured ; the militia could not be stimulated

* It was as follows: Virginia and Massachuset's Bay, 15 battalions each;
Pennsylvania, 12; North Carolina, 9; South Carolina, 6; New Hampshire, 3;
Connecticut and Maryland, 8 each ; Rhode Island, 2 ; Delaware, 1 ; Georgia,
1 ; New York and Jersey, being partly in the possession of the British, only 4
each.

t The lands were promised in the following proportions :

To a colonel 500 acres.

Lieutenant-colonel 450

Major 400

Captain 300

Lieutenant 200

Ensign 150

Each non-commissioned officer and soldier. . 100
J See Almon's Remembrancer.

GEORGE 111. 385

into exertion ; and the General saw that ten days more
would terminate the existence of his army*.

General Howe, relying perhaps with too sanguine 17/6.
confidence on the terror which his successes would Heiskns
spread among the Americans, divided his army into stationed at
small detachments, far distant from each other, form- 1
ing a chain of communication from the Delaware to
the Hakensack, no less than eighty miles. Trenton
and Bordenton, the barriers to the Jerseys, and lying
nearest to the enemy, were defended by Hessian troops,
under Colonel Bhalle and Count Doiiop; these fo-
reigners were offensive to the inhabitants from their
inordinate rapacity in pursuit of plunder : they were
unacquainted with the language, and incapable of
obtaining proper intelligence. By a singular impro-
vidence, the posts of Trenton, Bordenton, White
Horse, and Burlington, were weakest in respect of
troops, and left unsecured from attack by any works
of art, not a single redoubt or intrenchment being
thrown up to prevent surprise ; the other posts, in de-
fiance of reason, were made stronger in proportion to
the increase of their distance from the enemy, and de-
crease of their probable danger.

General Washington, well apprized of these fa- Surprised by
vourable circumstances, strongly felt the necessity of Washm s ton -
making some brilliant effort before the expiration of
the year, but was at a loss for the means, particularly
boats, when General Arnold visited the camp, and
suggested a judicious and daring manoeuvre^. Wash-
ington readily adopted Arnold's plan, and that enter-
prising officer having in twenty-four hours collected a
sufficient number of boats, the Commander-in-chief, by
a judicious feint, drew Count Donop with his whole 26th Dec.
force from Bordenton, and, dividing his troops into
three parties, commanded them to meet on the
banks of the Delaware on the night of Christmas, a
season when customary festivity would add to the
effects of the relaxed discipline which prevailed among

* Washington's Letters, vol. i. p. 349.
f From private information.

VOL. II. C C

386 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. the Hessians. Although the passage was begun as
soon as it was dark, yet, from the quantity of ice, the

177G, artillery did not reach the opposite shore till three
o'clock, and did not take up their line of march till al-
most four. Notwithstanding these difficulties and
delays, Washington formed his detachment, consisting
of two thousand five hundred men, into two divisions,
and each took a different road. As the distances were
nearly equal, both were directed, immediately on
forcing the guards, to press into the town, that they
might charge before the Germans had time to form.
They marched in a violent storm of snow and hail ;
the first division arrived exactly at eight o'clock, the
other in three minutes after : the out-guards made
little opposition, being only few in number ; they kept
up, however, a constant retreating fire from behind the
houses : the main body formed ; but Colonel Rhalle,
and seven other officers, being wounded, and the Ame-
ricans surrounding them on all sides, twenty-three
officers, and eight hundred and eighty-six men, laid
down their arms. The enemy achieved this exploit
with no loss, having only two officers and one or two
privates wounded. The entire force in Trenton con-
sisted of fifteen hundred men, forming the regiments
of Lanspach, Knyphausen, and Rhalle, and a troop
of British light horse ; but, on the beginning of the at-
tack, the remainder effected their escape by the road to-
ward Bordenton. These would also have been captured,
had the other two divisions of the American army been
able to execute their instructions. General Ewing,
who commanded one party, was to have passed the
Delaware at Trenton ferry, and taken possession of the
great bridge ; General Cadwallader was instructed
to cross with the Pennsylvania militia from Bristol.
Ewing found it impossible to disembark any portion of
his force, from the great quantity of ice ; and Cad-
wallader, after landing part of his infantry, was ob-
liged to re-embark them, because he could not trans-
port his artillery. General Washington, apprehensive
of an attack from the post below Trenton, returned to

GEORGE III. 387

Morristown the same evening, with the prisoners and
artillery he had taken ; there were very few stores*.

Washington's chief object in this exploit was to en- 1776.
courage his partizans, by a successful attempt ; but he
never seriously thought the military consequences could
answer any further purpose than that of shewing that
the redoubted Hessians, the veterans so much dreaded
in America, were not invincible. The prisoners were
accordingly conveyed to Philadelphia, and paraded
through all the streets, serving at once as evidence of
the reality of the victory, and an excitement to military
ardour. The General, contrary to his expectations,
finding that the scene of his success was not immedi-
ately re-occupied by the British troops, ventured, in
spite of ice and difficulty, again to cross the Delaware,
with the same division of his armyf. At Trenton, he lstja ?-
made a muster of his force ; but the persuasions of
officers, and an advance of ten dollars to each, could
only prevail on about half of those whose term of ser-
vice was expired to engage for six weeks longer.

Meanwhile the re-appearance of Washington on LordCom-
that side of the Delaware had alarmed the British ^faelim*
commander ; and Lord Cornwallis, who had already
reached New York, on his way to England, was or-
dered back to the Jerseys: he speedily effected a junc-
tion with General Grant, and found Washington, who
had retired from Trenton, posted on some high
grounds : a cannonade was carried on till night, and 2nd Jan.
Lord Cornwallis expected to renew the attack in the
morning ; but the wary leader of the American troops,
perceiving his opponent to be much superior in num-
bers, and hoping to surprise Princeton, where he
rightly conjectured a small force only was left, quietly
dispatched his baggage to Burlington soon after dark,
renewed his fires at midnight, and leaving guards at
the bridge in Trenton, marched off silently by a cir-
cuitous and dangerous route. About sun-rise he 3rd Jan.
reached Princeton, where he found only three regi- surprises 101
ments, and three troops of light horse, under the com- Princeton.

* This account is principally taken from Washington's own Narrative ;
Letters, vol. i. p. 360.

f See Washington's Letters, vol. i. p. 363.

c c2

388 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxrx*' man d f Colonel Mawhood, who had just begun his
march to join Lord Cornwallis. The colonel at first

1776. mistook the advanced guard of the enemy for Hessians ;
but, soon recognizing his mistake, charged with great
impetuosity ; the van of the Americans was disordered ;
the seventeenth regiment, led by Captain Scott, pressed
forward with fixed bayonets, drove them into a ravine,
where, finding himself unable to contend against num-
bers so much superior, he cut his way through, and
pursued his march to Maidenhead, a village situated
between Princeton and Trenton. The other two re-
giments, unable to make a similar progress, retreated
to Brunswick with a loss of nearly half their force :
the Americans took possession of Princeton, where
they acquired some blankets, shoes, and a few other
trifling articles; burned the hay, and destroyed some
other effects: they captured also two brass field
pieces, but, for want of horses, could not carry them
away ; the number of prisoners was near eight hun-
dred, among whom were fourteen officers, all British.
At day-light, Lord Cornwallis discovered the retreat
of the American army ; and, entertaining apprehensions
for the safety of Brunswick, which was in a defenceless
situation, hastened to its relief. Had the American
General made this attempt, he would have destroyed
all the British stores and magazines, and taken the
military chest, containing seventy thousand pounds:
his original plan was to have pushed on to Brunswick ;
but the harassed state of his forces (many of whom
had not slept for thirty-six hours), and the danger of
losing the advantage already gained, by aiming at too
much, induced him, by the advice of his officers, to re-
linquish the attempt. This change of determination
may be principally imputed to the gallant resistance
made by Colonel Mawhood, which occasioned such
delay, that before the pursuit was finished, the rear of
the English was in sight. Washington, however,
having had the precaution to break down the bridge
over Stony brook, obtained sufficient time to retreat
unmolested to Pluckemin*.

* Washington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 3. Life by Sparks, vol. i. p. 213 to 264.

GEORGE III. 389

Lord Cornwallis with great difficulty pursued the xxix'
track of the Americans, and was obliged to halt at

Brunswick to refresh and repose his army. General 1777.
Washington, perceiving that the British had totally ^j/ 8
evacuated Trenton and Princeton, took the opportunity,
while Lord Cornwallis remained at Brunswick, to over-
run all East and West Jersey, spreading his army over
the Rariton, and penetrating into Essex county, where
he made himself master of the coast opposite to Staten
Island, by seizing Newark, Elizabeth Town, and Wood-
bridge. His head-quarters he fixed at Morristown,
situated amongst hills, extremely difficult of access.
A fine country was in his rear, whence he could draw
supplies, and through which he could at any time
secure an easy passage over the Delaware. These
judicious movements not only saved Philadelphia and
Pennsylvania, but recovered great part of the Jerseys,
in defiance of an army superior in discipline, resources,
and numbers. Of all their recent extensive possessions
in the Jerseys, the English now retained only the posts
of Brunswick and Amboy, situated at different points
on the banks of the Rariton.

Thus the campaign of 1776 concluded, and the observations
review affords few motives of satisfaction : the progress

of the British arms was arrested, and the result of pre-
vious successes ravished from their grasp by an enemy
in every respect inferior. The tardy commencement
of the campaign gave time for Congress to issue their
declaration of independency, which frustrated all
attempts at conciliation ; but had General Howe, who
possessed abundant means, begun his operations earlier,
and with vigour, the violent party would not have
obtained the sanction of the people in rejecting the
proffered terms of peace. The languid pursuit of the
Americans across the Jerseys had been perhaps more
blamed than it deserves : the progress of the British
troops was impeded at the close of November by bad
weather, and no delay took place afterwards which
could be avoided : the Americans possessed the ad-
vantage of moving a light unincumbered body of
troops over a territory with which they were perfectly

390 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

x*xix acquainted. The generals have been frequently ao
.' * cused of neglecting opportunities to gain the rear of

the American army, and thus completely overwhelm
them ; but such allegations were always to be received
with caution ; a movement of the kind appears per-
fectly easy to men who merely reason, and is easily
demonstrable on paper ; but, if attempted in the field,
might involve a victorious army in ruin, or at best be
frustrated by the most simple dictates of the momen-
tary exigency. No adequate vindication, however,
appears for the strange manner in which the troops
were posted in the Jerseys : General Howe adopted
the measure in contradiction to his better judgment* ;
but his error is in every point of view inexcusable.
Equally culpable was the shameful neglect of caution
and discipline which facilitated the surprise at Trenton,
and for which Colonel Rhalle paid with his life. But
Rhalle alone was not blameable : General Grant, his
superior in command, omitted the important duty of
visiting posts, giving orders, and personally inspecting
their execution. After the event at Trenton, the
British army seems to have been paralysed by alarm,
incapable of resolute measures for assailing a foe who
still held them in terror, or for prudent defence of a
province, which no force possessed by the Americans
could have wrested from them.

The pacificatory powers were not always used with
judgment : the proclamations and overtures for concilia-
tion were wise and sufficiently dignified ; but when
the most considerable persons in New York, Queen's
County, Long Island, and several towns, ports, and
inferior places, presented petitions to the commissioners,
professing an acknowledgment of the supremacy of
the King and the constitutional authority of Great
Britain; and when they followed these declarations
by raising a militia, and a considerable body of troops
for the royal service, no attention was paid to their

* He was remonstrated with on the subject, and, a few days before Washington's
attack, wrote to a general officer in these terms : " I have been prevailed upon to
" run a chain across Jersey ; the links are too far asunder." From private in-
formation.

GEORGE III. 391

request for a restoration of those rights which the law CHAP.
and the proclamation intitled them to claim. In such
a period, when the public faith was to be vindicated,
and a good example presented, verbal disquisitions
should not have been sought; and if declarations,
attended by such acts, were not so forcibly worded as
the friends of parliamentary authority might wish, it
was the interest, and the duty, of the commissioners to
present every facility to an accommodation, which was
of more importance than a long series of victories*.

But if this neglect was prejudicial to the British
cause, how much more fatal was the detestable licen-
tiousness in which the military were permitted to
indulge in the Jerseys. Plunder and wanton insult
disgusted and incensed the natives, and afforded op-
portunities of reproach, which were not neglected by
the partizans of Americaf ; details of each specific
wrong were taken on oath, and published in the news-
papers, to irritate the people against the King and the
British nation. Thus the minds of the loyal received
a contrary impulse, and many in desperation joined the
Americans^:. In vain will it be alleged, in palliation
of these undenied enormities, that it was impossible to
restrain the furtive and licentious disposition of the
foreign mercenaries. Were this allegation true, it
proves only the impolicy of taking up winter-quarters,
with such troops, in a place where it was desirable to
keep alive the spirit of loyalty : but, on the contrary,
Rhode Island, under the more discreet and correct
management of Lord Percy and General Clinton,
exhibits not a single instance of complaint.

* See Annual Register, 1777, p. 13.

t See Galloway's Letters to a Nobleman on the Conduct of the War in the
middle Colonies, p. 42. Washington's Letters, vol. ii. p. 2.
J Galloway's Letters to a Nobleman, p. 43.

392

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAl*.

xxx.

1776.
31st Oct.

Meeting of
Parliament.
King's
speech.

CHAPTER THE THIRTIETH.
17761777.

Meeting of Parliament. King's Speech. Debates on the
Address. Differences in Opinion among the Members of
Opposition. Debate on the Proclamation at New York.
Partial Secession of Opposition. Recess. Attempt to burn
the Royal Arsenals. Bill for suspending the Habeas Cor-
pus. Amended in the Committee. Act for issuing Letters
of Marque. Lord Chatham's Motion respecting America.
Debates on Taxes and Supplies. King's Message respect-
ing the Arrears of the Civil List. Supply granted. De-
bate and Protest in the Lords. Speech of Sir Fletcher
Norton on presenting the Bill to the King he is thanked
by the House Debate on the Subject his Conduct more
decisively approved. Close of the Session. King's
Speech. State of the Public Mind. State and Views of
Foreign Powers with respect to Great Britain.

A TEMPERATE speech from the throne opened the
session of Parliament. The King declared nothing
could have afforded him so much satisfaction as to
state, that the troubles hy which the American co-
lonies had been so long distracted were at an end ;
and that the unhappy people, recovered from their
delusion, had delivered themselves from the oppression
of their leaders, and returned to their duty: but so
daring and desperate was the spirit of those leaders,
whose objects had always been dominion and power,
that they had openly renounced all allegiance to the
Crown, and all political connexion with this coun-
try; rejected, with circumstances of indignity and
insult, the means of conciliation, and presumed to set
up their rebellious confederacies for independent

GEORGE III. 393

states. If their treason was suffered to take root,
much mischief must grow from it to the safety of the
loyal colonies, the commerce of the kingdom, and in- 1776.
deed to the present system of all Earope. The success
of the British arms gave the strongest hopes of deci-
sive good consequences ; but, notwithstanding this fair
prospect, it was necessary to prepare for another cam-
paign : he recapitulated the pacific assurances of the
European powers, and observed, he could have in this
arduous contest no other object but to promote the
true interest of his subjects. No people ever enjoyed
more happiness, or lived under a milder government,
than the revolted provinces; a fact proved by their
progress in the arts, their numbers, their wealth, and
strength by sea and land, which inspired an over-
weening confidence. He was desirous to restore to
them the blessings of law and liberty, equally enjoyed
by every British subject, which they had fatally and
desperately exchanged for the calamities of war, and
the arbitrary tyranny of their chiefs.

In the House of Lords, the Earl of Carlisle moved Address
the address ; and an amendment was proposed by the ^^61
Marquis of Rockingham, in which he was seconded by proposed.
the Duke of Manchester.

It began by affirming that the disaffection and
revolt of a whole people could not have taken
place without great errors in conduct toward them.
These errors were imputed to a want of sufficient
information in Parliament, and a too implicit con-
fidence in ministers. Hence, schemes for the reduc-
tion and chastisement of a supposed inconsiderable
party of factious men, had driven thirteen large
provinces to despair : a hearing had been refused to
their reiterated complaints ; and commissioners, no-
minated for the apparent purpose of making peace,
were furnished with no legal power but that of giving
or withholding pardons at pleasure. His Majesty,
instead of sending them out as speedily as possible,
according to the promise in his speech at the opening
of the last session, had not dispatched them till seven
months afterward ; consequently the inhabitants of the

394 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP. colonies, apprized that they were put out of the pro-
tection of government, and seeing no means pro-

1776. vided for their return, were furnished with reasons
but too plausible for renouncing dependence on the
Crown. " We understand," the amendment proceeded,
" that, amidst the many disasters and disgraces attend-
" ing his Majesty's arms in America, an advantage has
" been gained in the province of New York, which, if
" wisely, moderately, and providently used, may pro-
" duce happy effects. Nothing shall be wanting on
" our part to forward reconciliation, by laying down
" permanent grounds of connexion between Great Bri-
" tain and her colonies, on principles of liberty, and
" terms of mutual advantage. We should most heartily
' congratulate his Majesty on any event leading to
" the great desirable end of settling a durable peace
" by the restoration of the ancient affection which
" happily subsisted in former times. We should re-
" gard, with shame and horror, events tending to break
" the spirit of any large part of the British nation; to
" bow them in abject, unconditional submission to any
" power ; annihilate their liberties, and subdue them
" to servile principles and passive habits, by the mere
" force of foreign mercenary arms ; because, amidst
" the excesses and abuses which have happened, we
" must respect the spirit and principles operating in
" these commotions. Our wish is to regulate, not to
" destroy them ; for, though differing in some circum-
" stances, those very principles evidently bear so exact
" an analogy with those which support the most valuable
" part of our own constitution, that it is impossible,
" with any appearance of justice, to think of wholly
" extirpating them by the sword, in any part of his
" Majesty's dominions, and establishing precedents the
" most dangerous to the liberties of this kingdom."

The advocates for the amendment maintained
that the assertion of his Majesty, that the people of
America, before their revolt, were free and happy, was
a virtual censure on the present administration, and
pointed out the impolicy of forcing such a people into
rebellion. America owed her greatness to a system of

GEORGE III. 395

mild government; and the deviation from it caused
the present unnatural civil war. Through the medium
of the speech, ministers made a panegyric on their own me.
conduct ; but was it within their own experience, or
had they ever heard, that a whole people, so numerous,
living under so many forms of government, ever
unanimously confederated to join in a revolt under a
mild, wise, and equitable administration of public
affairs'? If they declared themselves independent, it
was long after they were declared enemies ; and it was
not possible to define what degree of obedience was
due where public protection was withdrawn. The
British empire was compared to that of Rome in its
decline. Imperial Rome oppressed her provinces and
dependencies like Britain ; and, as the distant subjects
of that overbearing mistress of the universe, by the
injustice and severity of her government, had been
forced to resist her lawless power, so this country had
alienated the obedience and affections of her American
subjects, which would bring on a dismemberment of
the empire, and probably terminate in a total dissolu-
tion of this government.

The friends of administration observed, that the Arguments
daring and open hostilities which preceded the decla- aga
ration of independency would never have happened, if
a disobedient, traitorous spirit had not been fomented,
nourished, and strengthened by a party in Great Bri-
tain, who, deserting her interests, shamefully sacri-
ficed them to personal views of faction and ambition.
The ground taken in the amendment became danger-
ous in proportion to its plausibility ; for it was, indeed,
hardly conceivable, that the people of America, who
owed so many obligations to the parent state, who
were at once bound to it by every tie of gratitude and
interest, and every bond of union which nature and
affection could render sacred, would break and cancel
them all without real provocation ; but the event had
proved the contrary ; and, as opposition was formerly
founded on the idea, that America never did aim at
independency, as the question had totally altered its
nature, the unanimity ought to be as complete as it

396

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1776.

Differences
of opinion
among the
opposition.

Lord Shel-
burne.

The Duke of
Richmond.

Lord Sand-
wich.

would be decisive in restoring peace to a distracted
and divided empire. Great Britain, deprived of the
wealth and strength acquired from the colonies, would
lose her importance in the system of Europe, and, in
the end, become a province of the first ambitious
power who might think proper to attack her. Great
Britain and Ireland, inferior in population, and divided
by seas, could not withstand the formidable power of
France, if divested of the sources of wealth and
strength derived from the colonies, which must be the
result of tamely permitting America to remain inde-
pendent.

The lords in opposition, although they agreed in
reprobating the King's speech and the conduct of
ministry, were not in unison in other respects. Lord
Shelburne called the speech a piece of metaphysical
refinement, framed for delusion ; the defence a con-
tinuance of the imposition ; a mere string of sophisms,
no less wretched in their texture than insolent in their
tenor ; a mixture of unqualified absurdity, treachery,
cruelty, hypocrisy, and deceit. He descanted on the
different paragraphs, pronouncing them all utterly
false, differing only in this, that some of the falsehoods
were fallacious, some specious, some gross and noto-
rious.

The Duke of Richmond declared himself morally
certain that all attempts to recover America would
be vain ; the moment was passed ; she was irretriev-
ably lost ; and it would be much better to have the
people friends than enemies, even at the price of ac-
knowledging their independence.

Lord Sandwich considered such doctrine deroga-
tory to the honour, disgraceful to the character, and
destructive to the interests of England. He would
hazard every drop of blood, and the last shilling of
the national treasure, rather than Britain should be
set at defiance, bullied, and dictated to by her un-
grateful and undutiful children, her disobedient and
rebellious subjects : and Lord Shelburne said, he never
meant that this country should relinquish its right of
commercial controul over America; on the contrary, the

GEORGE III. 397

power of regulating the colonial trade was the very
essence of the connexion between the countries ; even
were this regulatory power, in its most full and exten- me.
sive sense, acknowledged by the colonies, something
more was to be expected ; for the national debt was
truly and equitably the debt of every individual in
the whole empire, whether in Asia, America, or nearer
home.

After a long discussion respecting the hostile in-
tentions of France and Spain, and the state of the
navy, the amendment was negatived*, but entered on
the journals in a protest, signed by fourteen peers.

An amendment, in the same words with that of Amendment
the Marquis of Rockingham, was moved by Lord John House of
Cavendish, and seconded by the Marquis of Granby ; commons.
and if, in supporting it, members were at any time
deficient in argument, the void was amply filled up
with harsh, unmitigated invective.

The King's speech was termed an infamous libel, Arguments
fabricated by a tyrannical faction against some of the insil pp rtoflt -
most valuable members of the British community, who,
actuated by principles of justice and honour, were ably
contending for the dearest rights of mankind, and who
were falsely accused of having no other object in view
than anarchy and independence. Ministers were
described as a faction of despots, presiding over an
ostensible government, fitter for the cells of Bedlam
than the efficient cabinet of a limited monarch, whose
sole right to the diadem was that of election from the
people. To invoke the special interference of Provi-
dence in such an undertaking was the most profligate
excess of blasphemy.

The value of the conquests made by the British
arms was studiously depreciated. The victory at Long
Island was not a matter of triumph ; the island itself
was a mere outpost to New York, as New York was an
outpost to America, and it would have been the extreme
of folly and rashness in the provincials to attempt
maintaining it. The use of the word treason, in the

* 242 to 87.

398 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

King's speech, afforded much ground for reprehen-
sion, for strenuous vindication of the Americans, and
1776. prognostics of final failure. " Alas! Sir," Mr.
Wilkes exclaimed, " what we call treason and rebel-
" lion, and they just resistance and glorious revolu-
" tion, has taken root, a very deep root indeed, and
" has spread over almost all America. The loyal co-
" lonies are three, the free provinces thirteen." The
declaration of independence, he observed, was not
entirely unexceptionable ; but the Americans were
driven to -it by rigorous persecution. We had hired
foreign troops to fight against them, and they had no
resource but throwing off the yoke, and inviting fo-
reign aid. Ministers might safely predict that the
Americans would declare themselves independent,
when they knew that the unjust and sanguinary
measures they intended to pursue must occasion the
event. The Jesuits risqued nothing when, in 1610,
they prophesied the death of the best prince that ever
reigned in Europe, within that year ; they verified it
by employing Ravillac to assassinate their sovereign.
The colonists folio wed the example of England against
James II. When he quitted the kingdom, they de-
clared the throne abdicated, and chose another king.
When the late severe laws were passed against the
Americans, they were thrown into anarchy ; they de-
clared we had abdicated the government, and therefore
they were at liberty to choose a government for them-
selves. " The speech mentions a discovery of the
" original designs of the leaders of the Americans.
" In God's name w r ho made the leaders 1 How came
" they to be so 1 If you force men together by oppres-
" sion, they will form into bodies and choose leaders.
" Mr. Hancock was originally a merchant of credit
" and opulence : such men are not very prone to a
" change of government. A few old women have
" said that the civil war of last century was contrived
" by Cromwell; the first opposition to Charles I was
" begun in order to advance him to the protectorship.
" A similar sagacity and penetration have now happily

GEORGE III. 399

" discovered the original views of those who are leaders
of the Americans. We have been two years engaged
" in a savage and piratical as well as unjust war;
" every demand of government has been complied
" with, and not a single province has been hitherto
" recovered ; on the contrary, the evil grows more
" desperate ; last year only twelve colonies petitioned
" the throne ; this year, by the accession of Georgia,
" we have seen a federal union of thirteen free and
" powerful provinces asserting their independency as
" high and mighty states, and setting our power at
" defiance. This was done immediately after the safe
" landing of your whole force, with circumstances of
" spirit and courage to which posterity will do justice."
The line of conduct recommended by the amendment
was considered as not sufficiently extensive to save the
empire. To preserve, even for a short period, Canada
or the West India Islands, or to recover any part of
the immense territory lately lost, the fleets and armies
must be recalled, all the acts passed since 1763 be re-
pealed, and the charters restored. We might then, if
they could forgive and trust us, treat with the Ameri-
cans on fair and equal terms, without the idea of com-
pulsion, and a foundation might be laid for restoring
peace, internal tranquillity, and unity, to this convulsed
and dismembered empire. If conquest or abandon-
ment were the only alternatives left, America should
be abandoned. The benefits hitherto resulting from
the possession of America had been extent of trade,
increase of commercial advantages, and a numerous
people growing up in the same principles and senti-
ments with ourselves. All these must be lost if Ame-
rica was conquered ; possession must be secured by a
large standing army ; which army must be cut off from
the intercourse of social liberty in Great Britain, and
accustomed, in every instance, to bow down and break
the spirits, trample on the rights, and live on spoils
cruelly wrung from the sweat and labour of their fel-
low-subjects ; such an army, so employed and so paid
for supporting such principles, would be a proper
instrument to effect purposes of a greater, or, at least,

400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND

xxx* more favourite importance ; points more immediately

hostile to the liberties of the country.

1776. The interposition of the Bourbon family was pro-

nounced inevitable, no less speedy than certain ; Colo-
nel Barre peremptorily asserted, that a war of the
most serious kind was impending, a war with the
united powers of France and Spain. Mr. Wilkes
ridiculed the reliance on the pacific declarations of our
natural enemies. " Has fate ordained," he said, " that
" we shall neither possess capacity to profit by the ex-
" ample of others, nor even by our own experience"?
" In the very first year of the present reign, in Sep-
" tember 1761, the Gazette told us, ' the Catholic
" ' King had, at no time, been more intent on culti-
" ' vating a good correspondence with England, than
" ' in the present conjuncture ;' a declaration received
" seriously here, held out as part of the court creed,
" and laughed at by all the rest of Europe. In the
" beginning of the following January, without the oc-
" currence of new facts of any moment, war was de-
" clared by England against Spain. Will the plau-
" sible, smooth-tongued French, likewise be able to
" lull us into a fatal security against the evidence of
" all history V Mr. Fox denied the principle, that it
was repugnant to the interests of France and Spain
to permit the independence of America : such an as-
sertion was contrary to common sense. Is not the
division of an enemy's power advantageous ? Is not
a free country, engaged in trade, less formidable than
the ambition of an old corrupted government, their
only formi4able rival in Europe 1

In the course of the debate, several animadversions
were made on a large creation of peers during the
recess, and on the issuing press-warrants to man the
navy, which had occasioned some discussions between
the admiralty and the city. The King's, or, as it was
for form's sake termed, the minister's speech, was repro-
bated as an entire compound of hypocrisy, an infamous,
groundless libel, fabricated by a tyrannical faction
against some of the most valuable members of the
British community. An insidious, hypocritical speech,

GEORGE III.

401

that held out law and liberty at the point of the
sword, and, like a deceptions mirror, reflected a false
image of truth.

Government was defended by Lord North and
Lord George Germaine; but they did not traverse
the extensive field to which they were challenged by
the declamations of opposition. The minister denied
the charge of withholding information ; he always
communicated as much as he could, consistently with
safety. Lord George Germaine said, that even the
American statements of the propositions made by
General Howe, proved that he was eager for the means
of peace and conciliation, but Washington was ad-
verse. The forcible and satisfactory assurances of the
court of France afforded no reason to doubt their pa-
cific intentions ; should it, nevertheless, prove other-
wise (and the minister, not pretending to be a prophet,
would not answer for the events of the next six
months), Great Britain was prepared to cope with any
enemy. The notion that the house of Bourbon should
engage in war to assist America, was treated with
great disdain : " Would those countries," Lord George
Germaine asked, " blind to their own interests, wish
" the spirit of independence to cross the Atlantic ]
" Could they be exempt from fear that their own colo-
" nists would catch fire at the unlimited rights of man-
" kind ; and prefer that language to slavery and dig-
" ging gold \ And would not great danger arise from
" the vicinity of powerful independent states, freed
" from European controun"

Lord North repelled the charge of hypocrisy, so
freely advanced against that part of the speech which
stated the King's desire to restore to the Americans
law and liberty. Instead of being absurd or hypocri-
tical, it was supported by fact and sound logic ; law
and liberty were fled from America, but the debate of
the day had fully proved they had not quitted this
country. Those who had thrown so many reflections
on administration would have found a grievous differ-
ence had they dared to make so free with the Congress.
It had always been the wish of administration to bring

VOL. II. D D

CHAP.

XXX.

1776.

Arguments
against it.

40'2

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

177G.

6th of Nov.
Debate on
the procla-
mation at
New York.

matters to an early issue, and avoid bloodshed ; to use
success and victory with prudence and moderation,
rather as means of cementing lasting unity and amity,
than as objects of triumph, instruments for forging
the chains of slavery, or excuses for tyranny and op-
pression.

The amendment was negatived*.

Lord John Cavendish again solicited the attention
of the House, by producing a copy of the declaration
issued by Lord Howe and his brother, on taking pos-
session of New York, which had been recently pub-
lished in the newspapers. The authenticity of the
proclamation being avowed by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer and Secretary of State for America, Lord
John Cavendish, although astonished at the contents,
and the extraordinary manner in which they were
imparted to the public, congratulated the House on
the gleam of peace and conciliation. Parliament had
been treated with the most mortifying contempt ; com-
missioners were sent out with powers only to grant
pardons and receive submissions ; yet, wonderful to
relate, Parliament is informed, through the channel of
a newspaper, that those commissioners are authorized
to answer directly for the sovereign, and obliquely for
the concurrence of the two other branches of the legis-
lature in revising all acts by which the Americans are
aggrieved. Parliament were reduced to cyphers in the
whole conduct of the business ; they were called upon
to sanction acts which would render them abhorred by
their fellow subjects in every part of the empire ; but
when an appearance of lenity is shewn, all the merit
was attributed to the King and his ministers. Yet,
if the proposals were sincere, he would not, by objec-
tions founded on mere punctilios, deprive the negotia-
tion of its due weight and efficacy: Parliament ought,
as the first proof of a pacific disposition, to co-operate
in so desirable a work. He intended, therefore, to
move that " the House should resolve itself into a
" committee, to consider of the revisal of all acts of

* 242 to 87.

GEORGE III.

" Parliament by which his Majesty's subjects in
" America thought themselves aggrieved." This mo-
tion, if acceded to, would remove the strong impression 1770.
existing in the minds of the Americans, that under
every ministerial promise lurked treachery, deceit, im-
position, or an insidious intention to divide, in order
the more easily to break their strength and subdue
them.

Mr. Burke seconded the proposition, and, in the
debate, spoke with enthusiasm of the exalted heroism
of an old woman, found in a cellar at New York, be-
smeared and smutted all over, marked with rage,
despair, and resolution, who had buried herself in
combustibles to fire the city and perish in its ashes.
He called this conflagration an interposition of Provi-
dence, to arrest the progress of British arms in the
moment of success.

Although two Gazettes had been published, it
was said the ministers had not in either allotted a
place to the most important paper which had appeared
during the contest. Parliament was trifled with by
the concealment of such a dispatch, and the King
was either made to guide their proceedings, or give
insincere promises. The proclamation was, in fact, a
mere mockery; the departure of the commissioners
having been purposely delayed till the declaration of
independence frustrated their pacific proposals. The
only terms really intended were, " Lay down your
" arms, and then we will do just as we please :" the
most cruel conqueror, Mr. Burke observed, could not
say less ; and if a conquest had been gained over the
devil himself in hell, a smaller portion of liberality
could not have been shewn.

The ministry, declining to investigate critically,
literally, or philologically, the passage in the declara-
tion which gave rise to the present motion, defended
themselves on each of the points urged by opposition.
The proclamation was not, as had been supposed,
received with the dispatch from General Howe ; but
was left at Falmouth with papers of inferior import-
ance, and, being transmitted to the metropolis in the

DD2

404 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

way, did not arrive until the Extraordinary
Gazette was already published ; nor did the ministers
1767. consider it of importance enough to claim a place in
the Gazette ; but it was not concealed, many copies
having been affixed to the walls of New York, and
dispersed through America. The King, in promising
a revision of the obnoxious acts, spoke only as the
head and mouth of the nation and the legislature ; but
the declaration of independence rendered the parlia-
mentary interference, proposed by the motion, utterly
improper. Was it consistent with common sense to
aim at obliging those whose principal object was to
render themselves free from all connexion with Great
Britain, as their superior 1 The question of indepen-
dency must be settled as a preliminary ; if the Ame-
ricans adhered to that, it would be vain to think of
discussing any other. The right to tax could not be
agitated as the means of reconciliation ; nor would the
restitution of charters give satisfaction to the insur-
gents. They openly declared themselves as unwilling
to submit to the terms of their charters as to the
Boston acts : while the spirit of independency remained
unsubdued, resolutions or revisions would not be ef-
ficient means of conciliation. To treat, while they
avowed their sovereignty and independency, or form
legislative regulations for those who, both as subjects
and independent states, had ever disputed the power
and authority of parliamentary legislation, was im-
possible. Let them acknowledge the right, point out
the constitutional abuse of it, and the grievances flow-
ing from that abuse, no objection should be made to
the proposed committee, or to the adoption of effica-
cious and speedy measures, not only for remedy of real
grievances, but even, in some instances, for accom-
modating their prejudices. The Americans, it was
observed, had no reason to wish for a continuance of
their present government. The Congress tyrannized
over the people ; their power and practice of punish-
ment by imprisonment were utterly incompatible with
every idea of freedom. The liberty of the press was
annihilated ; a printer who dared to publish a senti-

GEORGE I1J. 405

ment or fact contrary to their system and interests,
would be instantly ruined; nor was the freedom of
private letters, or private conversation, tolerated. The 1776.
success of the royal army might, it was rationally hoped,
dissolve this horrible tyranny, and enable the op-
pressed Americans safely to avow their real opinions,
and, without danger, return to their duty.

The motion was complained of as a surprise, a
sudden and unexpected manoeuvre, no business of con-
sequence being expected before the recess ; and it was
rejected*.

From this time many members of opposition, par- Partia i seces .
ticularly the Buckingham party, withdrew whenever sion of oppo-

J , -, , A i- j- j sition.

any question relative to Amenca was to be discussed :
to make their conduct more conspicuous, they gene-
rally attended the private business, and then, in a
formal manner bowing to the chair, retired. Such
secessions were not new; nor have they ever been
known to produce any good effect ; the act of retain-
ing a seat in the senate, and yet ostentatiously refusing
to fulfil any of its duties, is in itself of a nature to
demand vindication or apology : the objections are
broad and easy of comprehension ; the justification, if
valid as to political circumstances, is subject to many
cavils, arising from the personal motives which may be
imputed to individuals. In the present case, the
measure wanted the respectability which results from
unanimity; and the reasons advanced in its defence
were not sufficient. " All opposition to the measures
" of government," it was said, " particularly with
" respect to American affairs, was not only vain and
" fruitless, but, from the overbearing force which sup-
" ported the ministers on every question, it became
" worse ; it became frivolous and contemptible. It was
" too degrading to be the continual instruments of op-
" posing the ineffective weapons of reason and argu-
" ment to the deaf insolence of an irresistible power
" which had long determined on its conduct, without

* 109 to 47.

406 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

sma llest regard to either. It was impossible to
save a people against their will ; and the minority
1776. " had for a succession of years repeatedly apprized and
" warned the nation of the dangers attending the
" ruinous measures then pursued, and of the fatal
" precipice that must terminate that mad career in
" which they were blindly and desperately driven.
" The people, deluded by various arts, and influenced
" by passion and prejudice, cordially acquiesced in the
" opinions of administration ; and it was not consistent
" for those who regarded their honest fame beyond all
" other considerations, excepting their principles and
" honour, to incur odium by ineffectual efforts. They
" would, therefore, preserving their principles still
" unshaken, reserve their activity for rational endea-
" vours, when the present delirium might be so far
" allayed, either with the people or the ministers, as
" to afford room for its operating with advantage*."
These pretences, however loftily sounded, bespeak only
the rage and mortification of a party disappointed in
a contest for power ; if the measures pursued by ad-
ministration were successful and popular, opposition
was needless ; but a formal secession marked neither
wisdom nor magnanimity. Removed from the senate,
the proper sphere of action and true source of honour-
able distinction, the most eloquent and discerning lose
their pre-eminence, and become confounded with the
ignorant ; the public rarely feel the want of individuals
so much as to demand exertions from those who are
reluctant ; and no great body can be expected to bend
to a mode of conduct, which seems the offspring of sul-
lenness, caprice, or vanity. In the present instance,
the seceders were extremely unfortunate : could they
have forseen the reverses attending the close of the
campaign, they would not probably have absented
themselves so early in the session ; they regarded only
the present aspect of affairs, had few adherents in
England, and, from the course of the war, despaired

* Annuaf Register for 1777, pp. 49, 50. See also Burke's Letter to the
Sheriffs of Bristol.

GEORGE III. 407

of long retaining an ostensible party in America.
When the prospect in this quarter brightened, they
returned. 1/76.

The resolutions on the navy and army estimates Recess,
were voted without much opposition, and on the day
appointed for a general fast*, both Houses adjourned 13th Dec
for the Christmas recess.

While Parliament was engaged in discussing the Attempt to
conduct of incendiaries in America, the prosperity of j.^^ '
England was imminently endangered by an individual arsenals.
of that detestable description. A gloomy, unsocial,
erratic adventurer, whose real name was James Aitken,
but his common appellative John the Painter, after a
long residence in America, went to Paris, and received
encouragement from Silas Deane to undertake the
destruction, by fire, of the dock-yards throughout
England. This man had been long habituated to
crime ; but his want of sociality prevented him from
being traced or betrayed, and thus secured him from
punishment. Neither suspicion nor ordinary vigilance
prevented the full execution of his plan, but his 7th De c.
ignorance in the preparation of combustibles, some of
which, after being safely deposited and lighted, failed
in their effect. The ropehouse at Portsmouth was
destroyed, and Government, alarmed and astonished,
pursued such measures that he was apprehended,
convicted, and hung in chains. His papers contained loth March.
instructions for a correspondence with some party in
Paris, through the medium of low persons ; his con-
fession proved his being employed by Silas Deane, and

* Of the proclamation for this act of national humiliation, Mr. Burke spoke
(Nov. 6) in these terms, " We are called upon to go to the altar of the Almighty,
" with war and vengeance in our hearts, instead of the peace of our blessed
" Saviour. He said, ' My peace I give you ;' but we are, on this fast, to have
" only war in our hearts and minds ; war against our brethren. Till our churches
" are purified from tliis abominable service, I shall consider them, not as the
" temples of the Almighty, but the synagogues of Satan. It is an act not more
" infamous respecting its political purposes, than blasphemous and profane as a
" pretended act of national devotion, when the people are called upon in the most
" solemn and awful manner to repair to church, to partake of a sacrament, and
" at the foot of the altar to commit sacrilege, to perjure themselves publicly, by
" charging their American brethren with the horrid crime of rebellion ; with pro-
" pagating specious falsehoods, when either the charge must be notoriously false,
" or those who make it, not knowing it to be true, call Almighty God to witness,
" not a specious, but a most audacious and blasphemous falsehood."

408

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1777.
6th Feb.
Bill for
suspending
the haheas
corpus.

Lord North.

10th Feb.
Mr. Dunning.

exposed the prevailing negligence relative to those
important arsenals*.

The first business which occasioned any debate after
the recess, was a bill brought in by the minister for
enabling the King to " detain and secure persons
" charged with, or suspected of, high treason, committed
" in North America, or on the high seas, or of piracy."
By this law, magistrates were empowered to commit
such persons to any place appointed by the King,
under his sign manual, and they were to be detained,
and not brought to trial, or admitted to bail, without
an order from the privy council. The progress of this
bill was contested with a warmth and pertinacity pro-
portioned to the magnitude of its objects and the
importance of the habeas corpus, that inestimable
privilege, which it was framed to suspend. Lord
North, on the motion for introducing it, observed, that,
during the war, many prisoners had been made, and many
might be taken in actual commission of high treason ;
but perhaps, for want of evidence, could not be legally
confined. It had been customary, on similar occasions
of rebellion, or danger of invasion, to enable the King
to seize suspicious individuals ; but ministers, at present,
did not demand a confidence so extensive ; there was
no domestic rebellion, nor any prospect of invasion ;
but, as the law stood, it was not possible, officially, to
apprehend any suspected person. As prisoners made
from the rebels, and in the act of piracy, could only
be legally committed to the common gaols, which their
numbers would render impracticable, it was necessary
the Crown should have a power of confining them like
other prisoners of war.

On the motion for a second reading, Mr. Dunning
insinuated that crown lawyers might extend the opera-
tion of the bill to persons who never saw America, nor
perhaps the high seas. The power it conferred was
dictatorial. It would generate innumerable spies,

* See Annual Register, 1777, page 245. And the trial at large of James
Aitken, taken in short-hand by Joseph Gurney. A bill was, in the course of the
session, brought into Parliament for protection of private dock-yarks from similar
attempts ; it occasioned a long debate on the nature of crime and punishment
(13th May), but was dropped. Also State Papers, 27th Feb. 1777.

GEORGE III. 409

informers, and false accusers ; and while it furnished
means of gratification, emolument and safety, to the
most profligate of the species, it would let loose with 1777.
impunity the most horrid vices. Justice would be
bound as well as blind ; and every revengeful minister
or mercenary villain might satiate his revenge, or
replenish his purse, at the expense of the best and
most virtuous of men.

Mr. Fox considered the bill as a sort of key or Mr. FOX.

index to the design which ministers had been some

years manifestly forming ; it was nothing less than

robbing America of her franchises, as a previous step

to the introduction of the same system of government

in this country, and, in fine, of spreading arbitrary

dominion over all the territories of the British crown.

" Who knows," he said, " but the ministers, in the

" fulness of their malice, may take into their heads

" that I have served on Long Island under General

" Washington ] What would it avail me, in such an

" event, to plead an alibi; to assure my old friends

" that I was, during the whole campaign, in England ;

" that I was never in America, or on any sea but

" between Dover and Calais ; and that all my acts of

" piracy were committed on the mute creation 1 All

" this may be very true, says a minister, or a minister's

" understrapper; you are for the present suspected, that

" is sufficient. I know you are fond of Scotland ; this

" is not the time for proofs ; you may be, and very

" probably are, innocent ; this bill cares not for that : I

" will send you, under the sign manual, to study the

" Erse language in the isle of Bute ; and as soon as

" the operation of the bill is spent, you will be at

" liberty to return, or go whither you please. You

" may then call on your accusers to prove their charge ;

" but they will laugh in your face, and tell you they

" never charged, they only suspected you ; and the act

" of Parliament will serve as a complete plea in bar ;

" it will answer a double end ; it will be at once your

" redress and our justification. Weakness, cruelty,

" suspicion, and credulity," he observed, " are almost

" always inseparable. Ministers were credulous in the

410

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1777.

Mr. Thurlow.

10th Feb.
Amended
in the com-
mittee.

14th.

17th.

24th.

" extreme, because fearful; and they are fearful, from
" a consciousness of their crimes. The bill includes
" not only confinement, but the power of temporary
" banishment, even to the most remote, unhealthy, and
" pestiferous climate within the wide circuit of his
" Majesty's dominions."

Mr. Thurlow treated as highly absurd and prepos-
terous the supposition that the bill was intended to
reach disaffected persons within this realm ; though, if
it did operate to that extent, he should hardly consider
it as a fault*.

As the supporters of the bill urged the propriety
of correcting different clauses, several amendments
were proposed in the committee. One, moved by Sir
Grey Cooper, secretary to the treasury, rendered the
place and extent of the crime subjecting persons to the
operation of the act more definite and certain. Mr.
Dempster also moved one for protection of the inha-
bitants of Great Britain ; but it was rejected, as un-
necessary }.

A petition was presented from the common-council
of London, praying that the bill might at least not be
extended to persons resident in Great Britain. A
clause was introduced, excluding all minor acts of
piracy^ ; and, on the third reading, Mr. Dunning ob-
tained one, restricting the operation of the act to per-
sons who were actually absent from the realm, or on the
high seas at the time of committing the offences.
These alterations were not adopted without violent de-
bates; the members of opposition, while they were
anxious to obtain every qualifying explanation, stre-
nuously resisted the whole principle of the bill ; and
the opinions of the crown lawyers were not in perfect
harmony as to the constitutional question, or the pre-
cise value of the clauses given up or amended .

In the House of Lords no opposition was made ; a

* The motion for committing the bill was carried, 195 to 43.
t 125 to 25.

J Such as trading and corresponding with pirates, furnishing them with stores,
and several other transactions affected by sundry acts of Parliament.
$ The question on the third reading was carried by 112 to 35.

GEORGE III. 411

protest, in four articles, signed by the Earl of Abing-
don only, was entered on the journals.

No other act of importance was passed in this 1777.
session relative to America, except one for enabling iith.Feb.
the lords of the admiralty to grant letters of marque ^Sen'of"
and reprisal against vessels of that country; it occa- marque,
sioned no remarkable debate in either house : an
amendment proposed by Lord Marchmont for substi-
tuting the phrase, letters of permission, for letters of
marque, was readily adopted, as it removed the ap-
pearance of placing the Americans on the footing of
alien enemies.

Toward the close of the session, Lord Chatham, soth May.
who had not before attended in his place, moved for Lor( ^ C ^J
an address, advising his Majesty to take speedy and respecting
effectual measures for putting a period to the unnatu- Amenca -
ral war with America, and terminating such hostilities
on the only just and solid foundation, the removal of
accumulated grievances. At the request of Lord
Camden, the House was summoned.

After some observations on the critical emergency
of the times, Lord Chatham prognosticated that, unless
an end was put to the war, there was an end to the
country. The Americans were called rebels ; he did
not mean to make their panegyric ; but there was a
time when they raised four regiments on their own ac-
count, and took Louisbourg from the veteran troops of
France ; their excesses had been great, but were ex-
tenuated by the erroneous and infatuated counsels which
had closed the door to mercy and justice. He decried
the efforts used to subdue them : " You have ran-
" sacked," he said, " every corner of Lower Saxony ;
" but forty thousand German boors never can conquer
" ten times the number of British freemen : they may
" ravage ; they cannot conquer. But what would you
" conquer 1 the map of America ? What will you do out
" of the protection of your fleet "? In the winter, if
" together, the troops are starving ; and if dispersed,
" cut off in detail. I am experienced in spring hopes
" and vernal promises ; I know the boastings of minis-
" tors ; but at last will come your equinoctial disappoint-

412 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

xxx P ' " men ^ They tell you that your army will be as strong

" as last year, when it was not strong enough ; you

1777. " have obtained nothing in America but stations, and
" have been three years teaching your opponents the
" art of war ; they are apt scholars, and I will venture
" to affirm that the American gentry will furnish offi-
" cers fit to command the troops of all the Euro-
" pean powers. You have employed forces, too nu-
" merous for peace, too limited for war.

" I have, at different times," he proceeded, " made
" different propositions, adapted to circumstances. The
" plan contained in my former bill is now impracti-
" cable ; but the motion I intended to propose may pro-
" duce a respectable division in America, and unani-
" mity at home. It will give America an option ; she
" has yet had no option. You have said, lay down your
" arms ; and she has given you the Spartan answer,
" c come and take.' He explained his plan to mean
" a redress of all grievances, and an acknowledgment
" of the rights of the Americans to dispose of their
" own money. This would be the herald of peace ;
" this would open the way to a treaty ; this would shew
" Parliament sincerely disposed. Yet much must be
" left to treaty. Should you conquer this people, you
" conquer under the cannon of France ; under a
" masked battery then ready to open. You are now
" at the mercy of every little German chancery : and
" the pretensions of France will increase daily, so as
" to become an avowed party in either peace or war.
" We have tried for unconditional submission ; try
" what can be gained by unconditional redress. Less
" dignity will be lost in the repeal, than in submitting
" to the demands of Germans. We are the aggres-
" sors ; we have invaded America, as much as the
" Spanish armada invaded England. Mercy cannot
" be injurious ; it will seat the King where he ought
" to be, throned in the hearts of his people ; and mil-
" lions at home and abroad, now employed in obloquy
" or revolt, will pray for him. The present moment
" was the crisis," he observed, " before France was
" party to the treaty ; before the fate of the country

GEORGE II T. 413

" was decided. The French court was too wise to lose

" the opportunity of effectually separating America

" from, the diminions of this kingdom ; and whenever 1777.

" France or Spain entered into a treaty with America,

" Great Britain must immediately declare war against

" them. He would be among the first to advise it,

" even if we had but five ships of the line in our ports ;

" and such a treaty must and would shortly take place

" if pacification was delayed. War between France

" and Great Britain was not less probable because it

" had not yet been declared ; it would be folly in France

" to declare it now, while America gave full employment

" to our arms, and was pouring in to the lap of France

" her wealth and produce ; the benefit of which she

" was enjoying in peace. Were it practicable, by a

" long-continued course of success, to conquer Ame-

" rica, no benefit could be derived but from the good-

" will and pure affection of the inhabitants, which

" were not to be gained by force of arms, but by con-

" ciliation and justice."

In a subsequent part of the debate, Lord Chatham
gave a more specific detail of his views. " I wish," he
said, " for a repeal of every oppressive act passed since
" 1763. I would put our brethren in America pre-
" cisely on the same footing they stood at that period.
" I would expect, that being left at liberty to tax them-
" selves, and dispose of their own property, they would,
" in return, contribute to the common burdens accord-
" ing to their means and abilities. I will move for a bill of
" repeal, as the only means left to avert that destruction
" which threatens to overwhelm us. I shall no doubt
" hear it objected, why should we concede 1 Has Ame-
" rica done any thing on her part to induce us to agree to
" so large a ground of concession 1 I think you should
" concede, having been the aggressors from the begin-
" ning. It is the business of this country to make the
" first overtures ; for I say again, this country has been
" the aggressor. You have made descents upon their
" coasts ; you have burnt their towns, plundered their
" country, made war upon the inhabitants, confiscated
" their property, proscribed and imprisoned their per-

414 , HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

" sons. I do therefore affirm, that, instead of exacting
" unconditional submission from the colonies, we should
1777. " grant them unconditional redress: we have injured,
" we have endeavoured to enslave and oppress them.
" Upon this clear ground, instead of chastisement,
" they are entitled to redress ; a first step toward which
" will be a repeal of those laws of which they complain.
" The people of America consider Parliament the au-
" thor of their miseries ; their affections are estranged
" from their sovereign : let, then, reparation come from
" the hands which inflicted the injuries : let concilia-
" tion succeed chastisement : and I maintain that Par-
" liament will again recover its authority ; that his
" Majesty will be once more enthroned in the hearts
" of his American subjects ; and that your lordships,
" as contributing to so great, glorious, salutary, and
" benignant a work, will receive the prayers and bene-
" dictions of every part of the British empire."

In debating Lord Chatham's proposition, the ac-
customed ground was repeatedly traversed by both
parties ; the Lords who supported administration insist-
ing that the original aim of America was indepen-
dence, which the adherents of Lord Chatham as strongly
denied; and the assertion advanced by them, that Great
Britain was the original aggressor, was no less vigour-
ously combated. Several collateral topics of discussion
protracted the debate, particularly a censure on a pas-
sage in a recent sermon of the Archbishop of York,
which was animadverted on and defended with great
heat.

Lord Gower observed that the motion held out
nothing new, and was a mere repetition of Lord Cha-
tham's former sentiments. Similar propositions had
been afterwards made by two noble dukes ; and unless
the House had changed its opinions, for which he
could see no reason, it must reject the present, as well
as all the preceding motions. The idea respecting the
conduct of France, taken in any of the various views
in which his Lordship had placed it, was most extra-
ordinary, or rather most extravagant. " If we con-
" quer America," he says, " we shall conquer it for

GEORGE III.

415

" France: if France should join America againt us,
" and get the better, America, though successful, will
" nevertheless be conquered and become a province 1777.
" or dependency of France : and though we neither
" conquer nor are conquered, still America will be
" lost to England, and fall to our enemies and rivals."
Such a motion, by exhibiting to foreign nations a pic-
ture of our pretended national imbecility, and the des-
perate situation of our affairs, would invite them to
avail themselves of our weakness, distress, and divisions,
as it would shew the great council of the nation alarmed
by the views of impending ruin, arising from the un-
successful, fatal hostilities of an unnatural civil war.

Lord Lyttelton was surprised at the timid, despon-
dent tone assumed by Lord Chatham, in relation to the
conduct and ultimate views of foreign powers; he
whose fire, spirit, and zeal for the honour and dignity
of his country, had carried terror and conquest among
surrounding nations. Could such sentiments be re-
conciled to his former conduct I He who, when young,
inspired himself and the nation at large with the
most exalted and heroic ideas ; called on the peo-
ple to assert their honour, and do themselves jus-
tice, in defiance of the conspiracies of every power
in Europe. " And how is the state of America cal-
" culated to make Great Britain despair of conquest ?
" Anarchy prevails ; horrible acts of violence, trea-
" chery, cruelty, and injustice, are daily committed by
" the rebels on their loyal and dutiful brethren, merely
" because they will not join in the diabolical scheme
" of overthrowing all just and legal government ; the
" laws trampled on, the course of justice interrupted
" or annihilated, government dissolved, magistrates
" imprisoned or banished, the faithful and obedient
" part of the people oppressed, despoiled of their pro-
" perty, suffering in dungeons, or obliged to fly their
" native land." To the horrors of war, the rebels had
added the brutality of savages, and the treachery of
cowards. "These were the persons, and this was the
cause, some of their lordships thought fit to espouse
and defend. The opponents of administration were re-

416

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1777.

Rejected.

Feb. 25.
Debates on
the navy.

Mar. 11.
Mr. Temple
Luttrell's
motion for
manning the
navy.

minded of their predictions respecting the conduct of
France; and their repeated assertions that America
had never thought of independence. Experience had
verified the language of administration on both points.
Lord Chatham had derided the absurdity of such ideas
as inteference on the part of France, and the Congress
declaring the united colonies independent states.
Other noble lords, on the same side, denied the least
probability of such an event, and pledged them-
selves, if it should ever happen, that they would be
the first and most zealous in endeavouring to compel
them to return to their duty. " The event has actu-
" ally taken place, and what is their conduct I Instead
" of recommending vigorous measures ; instead of
" supporting strenuous and decisive exertions of our
" whole strength, we are told that France does not
" mean to interfere ; but lest she should, it is now pro-
" posed to offer a treaty with declared and open rebels.
" Our rights are to be abandoned or conceded, lest
" France should go to war when our strength and re-
" sources are weakened and exhausted. This language
" is base, pusillanimous, and not worthy of attention."

The motion was negatived*.

In a debate res_pecting the seizure of a British ves-
sel on the Mosquito shore, by Spanish guarda-costas,
and on several other occasions, the inveterate hostility
of our natural enemies, France and Spain, the probabi-
lity, or even certainty, of an attack from them, sepa-
rately or conjointly, and the prostrate and inefficient
state of our navy, had been asserted and enforced with
all the vigour, wit, and eloquence of the opposition
members. Mr. Temple Luttrell, who had always been
conspicuous in these declamations, at length moved for
leave to bring in a bill for the more easy and effectual
manning of the navy. His speech was altogether a
pathetic description of the miseries attending the
system of impressment, its inefficiency in manning
fleets, and a panegyric on the French mode of registra-
tion; and he produced written testimonials from

* 99 to 28.

GEORGE III. 417

eminent merchants and other persons, both of public
and private character, in support of his opinions ; but
he did not disclose what were the proposed regulations 1777.
to be introduced by his bill. Several members spoke
in confirmation and denial of the supposed facts, and
his reasonings and deductions were vindicated and
repelled. Lord Mulgrave argued that institutions
which had been proved useful, by long, invariable
practice, should not be lightly changed upon the sug-
gestion of evils which either did not exist, or bore a
a very small proportion to the advantages arising from
the measures which produced them. Pressing had
always been practised by this country in times of war,
or appearance of war; and the flourishing state of our
commerce and the superiority which our navy had al-
ways maintained were the best proofs of the advan-
tages of that mode of manning. More than twenty
different statutes, from the Register Act in 1696, had
been passed, for the encouragement of seamen and
manning the navy ; and the fate of that act, which,
after a trial of fifteen years, and an expense exceeding
half a million, had been repealed, because it produced
no good effects, but occasioned much charge, vexation,
and trouble, proved how ineffectual such projects must
be, when future advantage was put into the balance
against the great present increase of wages to be ob-
tained from the merchants. The motion was ne-
gatived*.

The supplies and taxes did not pass the House of Debates on
Commons without strenuous and animated debates; all taxe s. and

.1 i r> 11 lit' supplies.

the members ot opposition attended, and the bargains
and conduct of the minister were vehemently ar-
raigned. The sum to be raised for the service of the
current year was 12,5 92,5 34/., of which five millions
and a half were to arise from a loan and a lottery.
For the interest of the loan the new taxes proposed
were, one of a guinea per annum on all male servants
kept for other purposes than those of trade and manu-
factures ; an additional stamp duty on deeds and simi-

* 106 to 52.
VOL. II. E E

418

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

9th April.

the arrears of

Debates in the

Lord John

^ ar W1 'itings; n glass, and on the sale of goods by
auction. These imposts were all carried ; but an at-
tempt was made to limit the tax on servants to those
whose ages exceeded sixteen years ; and, on the increase
of stamp duties, it was remarked, that a contest begun
in an attempt to impose a burthen of that kind on
America, had brought the same evil on ourselves.

The landgrave of Hesse, taking advantage of the
necessities of Great Britain, had revived, with success,
dormant and groundless claims for levy and hospital
monies during the last war. The minister was re-
proached with improvidence and profusion in his con-
tracts, particularly with having paid for putrid pork
and damaged flour a higher price than the same arti-
cles were worth in their best state ; and with having
been so egregiously duped in a contract for rum, as to
pay more than double its value.

While daily harassed by these objections, which
even occasioned a desertion of some of his most con-
stant supporters ; when the nation was depressed and
alarmed by intelligence of the disastrous events attend-
ing the close of the campaign; when he had not yet
entirely recovered from, a severe illness ; Lord North
was obliged to submit to the House a demand which
he foresaw must introduce most unpleasant discussions.
The increasing load of debt on the civil-list, greatly
augmented by numerous American refugees, had long
embarrassed the court ; but the circumstances of the
times had prevented an application to Parliament.
The poverty of the Crown was now become so dis-
graceful, that the minister could no longer decline pre-
senting a message, informing the House that the
arrears, to the fifth of January, amounted to upward
of six hundred thousand pounds, and appealing to
their loyalty and affection to discharge this debt, and
at the same time make further provision for supporting
the dignity of the Crown.

This message was referred to a committee of supply,
wno were furnished with explanatory papers. A long
debate occurred, on a motion by Lord John Cavendish
to discharge the order of reference. He objected to

GEORGE 111. 419

the accounts as defective, and to the expenditure as
excessive. The accounts, he said, came unaccompa-
nied by any voucher, or collateral or explanatory obser- 1 777.
vation that could give them an air of authenticity.
The manner of fabricating them, and of stating the
excess, helped to explain each other. The accounts
merely announced the disbursements, without infor-
mation to whom, or for what particular service; the
excess was a necessary consequence of such a state-
ment, and shewed that it arose, but not why it should
be provided for. His lordship attempted to prove, by
arithmetical estimates, that comparing sixteen years of
the present with the same period of the late reign; or
taking an average of the expenditure of both reigns,
making every allowance for increase of family, and
advanced price of necessaries, the fair expenditure of
his Majesty ought to be less by some thousand pounds
a year than that of his predecessor. The honour and
dignity of the Crown formed a common pretext for
such applications as the present, and would of course
pervade the ministerial language : but if the minister
really consulted the honour and dignity of the Crown,
he would have applied to Parliament earlier, or even
annually, as the debt was incurred. The House might
then have devised some mode of retrenching unneces-
sary expenses; inquired into the expenditure of the
revenue ; and, on discovering abuses, would have rec-
tified them, or totally removed the cause. Dangerous
consequences must arise from the augmentation of the
civil-list, and the consequent influence of the Crown,
already become much too powerful.

Similar arguments and statements were advanced Mr.wiikes.
by other members of opposition, with such variations
as marked the temper, character, or genius of each.
Mr. Wilkes said, the nation cheerfully gave eight hun-
dred thousand pounds for the trappings of royalty ; the
proposed augmentation was a violation of public faith ;
and it was cruel to fleece the people, when involved in
a most expensive, as well as unnatural and ruinous
civil war, and burthened with an enormous national
debt. He reviewed the expenses of all the kings since

E E2

420

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1777.

Mr. Burke.

Mr. Fox.

the revolution, extolling their magnificence, compared
with the want of splendour in the court of George III.
He alluded to his own sufferings, by mentioning an
article in the account of secret services, paid in 1763
to Samuel Martin, Esq. and said he was himself plun-
dered in one year of a thousand pounds in two fines.
He descanted with asperity on the literary pensions be-
stowed on two Jacobite doctors, Shebbeare and John-
son; on Hume for attacking, and on Beattie for
defending, the Christian faith. Thus was the public
treasure lavished. He spoke with acrimonious harsh-
ness of the disagreements in the royal family, contrast-
ing the kindness of Louis XVI to Monsieur and the
Comte d'Artois, with the conduct of the King toward
the Dukes of Gloucester and Cumberland : and, derid-
ing the notion of consulting the dignity of the diadem
and greatness of the sovereign, said, it reminded
him of the observation of Philip IV of Spain, when
Louis XIV was taking from the Emperor all the
towns in the Netherlands, " Sa grandeur est comme
" celle des fosses, qui demennent grands, a proportion
'" des terres quon leur ote"

Mr. Burke asserted that nothing but a confidence
in the servility of the House, and a knowledge of their
carelessness, could make the ministry advance the
desperate assertion that sufficient provision had not
been made for the splendour of the Crown. He ob-
jected to the argument drawn from the experience of
the whole reign, that eight hundred thousand pounds
was not sufficient for the civil-list expenses ; because,
if admitted, the propriety of every person's practice
would be judged by the practice itself; a man's extra-
vagance would become the measure -of supply, and
because he had actually dissipated a large revenue, he
ought to be furnished with a larger revenue to dis-
sipate. This would establish a principle of public
profusion ; would even make it the interest of minis-
ters to be prodigal, since their extravagance, instead of
lessening, would be the certain means of increasing
their estate.

Mr. Fox decried the accounts as a mere detail of

GEORGE III. 421

arbitrary sums, perhaps arbitrarily set down. Such an

account, even if truly stated, was of no use, unless to

add mockery to contempt, and blend insult with 1777.

derision.

The members of opposition did not all agree in
Lord John Cavendish's motion : Mr. Wilkes proposed,
and the opinion was sanctioned by others, that the
House should go into a committee, with instructions to
consider of the causes of the debts due on account
of the civil-list, and likewise what further provision
might be necessary to support the splendour and dig-
nity of the Crown.

In proposing an aid to the Crown, the minister de- Lord North.
clared himself aware that he should be less engaged
in reasoning than in diminishing the force of argu-
ments and assertions calculated to deprive him of po-
pularity, which was to be proportionately gained by his
opponents. He confessed the task disagreeable, taking
it in the most favourable light ; and when he last
came on a similar errand, he little thought it would
have fallen to his lot again; for several of his predeces-
sors, much his superiors in ability, had continued but
a very short time in administration : but at length, said
his lordship, such is the stability of government, that
an administration can even outlive eight years ! Dur-
ing the last four years, he said, the expenditure had
undergone a considerable decrease, to the amount of
nearly a hundred thousand pounds per annum. In the
last year it had increased, on account of numerous
American refugees, driven from their country or pro-
perty for their loyalty and attachment to the Crown
and Parliament of Great Britain, and left destitute of
resource, or even of sustenance : they had augmented
the civil-list expenses, he believed, to the amount of
twenty-seven thousand pounds. The influence of the
Crown was not enlarged since the King's accession ;
but government had been strengthened by the wis-
dom and rectitude of his Majesty's councils, and the
esteem and confidence of his subjects. The obligations
were mutual, and justly merited ; and if such an in-
fluence really existed, it would not be employed in

422

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1777.
Mr. Adam.

Supply
granted.

18th of April.

abridging the liberties of the subjects, or in acts of op-
pression, but in securing and augmenting the pros-
perity, virtues, and happiness of the people.

Mr. Adam, in a speech of considerable ability,
shewed the meanness, ignominy, and disgrace to which
Charles II had been obliged to descend; from all
which he might have been rescued, if Parliament
would have relaxed their too rigid system of parsi-
mony. The accounts were stated to be as perfect as
could be furnished, and to afford every light necessary
for judging of the subject: in former reigns, similar
requests had been granted without a requisition of
accounts.

The motion of Lord John Cavendish was rejected*,
and the committee resolved to grant the required sum
for discharging arrears, and to add to the civil-list one
hundred thousand pounds per annum.

On bringing up the report of the committee, the
debate was resumed with great animation ; but no
novelty in argument occurred, nor any remarkable
circumstance, except that the House was thrown into
a temporary confusion by the ribaldry of Alderman
Sawbridge, who said, the deficiency might be ac-
counted for, without having recourse to the increased
price of the necessaries of life. The civil-list had been
employed in corrupting both Houses; it had been
spent in private as well as public pensions ; in single
bribes and temporary gratuities. The civil-list had
been drained by as many different means as want sug-
gested, or corruption was capable of devising. Al-
though called to order, he refused to retract or qualify
his expressions; but added, that some of the very
debt which the minister applied to Parliament to dis-
charge, was squandered in hiring spies and informers
to ruin and distress innocent men ; men in every light
as loyal to the King and as faithful to their country as
their persecutors would persuade the world they them-
selves were. Mr. Burke interposed, and, by a happy
mixture of argument and irony, brought the House to

* 281 to 114.

GEORGE III. 423

a degree of forbearance which induced them to hear

these absurdities unmoved*. _ _

The House directed the amount of arrears to be 1777.
paid out of the sinking fund, and a bill was passed 21stof A prii.
comprising all these objects.

The King's message was discussed with no less Debate and
warmth in the House of Lords. The topics which had
been resorted to in the House of Commons ; the splen-
dour of former monarchs with a less supply ; the want
of economy in the royal establishment ; the use made
of the revenue to extend the influence of the Crown,
by bribery and corruption, were all displayed in vehe-
ment phrases. Lord Talbot described the pains he
had taken to reduce the expense of the domestic de-
partment. His efforts had been thwarted by some
who had voices loud enough to make themselves heard.
To shew the difficulty of reforming the menial servants
of the household, when the profits were enjoyed by
persons of a certain rank, and the services performed
by others, he stated that one of the turnspits in the
King's kitchen was a member of the House of Com-
mons, and that his duties were performed by a poor
man for five pounds a year. A reform effected by
himself, by which board-wages were suppressed and
servants obliged to attend to their duties, enabled them
to claim the allowance of tables. There were no less
than seventy-three kept, of which eleven were for
nurses. He described the great unhappiness felt by
his Majesty when he reflected on the difficulties to
which his tradesmen were reduced by the delays in
settling their accounts. As to influence, he thought
that whatever tended to make the sovereign easy in his
domestic situation, and independent of his ministers,
constituted so much power to be used for the benefit
of the people, and not against them. And Lord
Melbourne, although he did not support the grant, ob-
served that the influence of the Crown was not the
only influence which tended to bring the nation to
slavery, destruction, and ruin. The whole mass of the

* There was a division on the second resolution ; the numbers '231 to 103.

HISTORY ,OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1777.

7th of May
Speech of
Sir Fletcher
Norton, on
presenting
the bill to
the King.

He is

thanked by
the House.
Debate on
the subject.
18th April.

9th May.

people were corrupted or corruptible. The nation
was composed of buyers and sellers. Every man
wished to purchase or dispose; and when he pur-
chased, it was always with the intention to dispose.
The Marquis of Rockingham recommended an amend-
ment to the address ; which, being rejected, was
entered on the journals as a protest, and signed by
fourteen peers*.

On presenting the bill for assent, the Speaker ob-
served to the King, that in a time of public distress,
full of difficulty and danger, their constituents labour-
ing under burthens almost too heavy to be borne, his
faithful Commons postponed all other business, and,
with as much dispatch as the nature of their proceed-
ings would admit, had not only granted a large present
supply, but also a great additional revenue; great
beyond example ; great beyond his Majesty's highest
expense^. " But all this, Sire, they have done in a
" well-grounded confidence, that you will apply wisely
" what they have granted liberally ; and feeling, what
" every good subject must feel with the greatest satis-
" faction, that, under the direction of your Majesty's
" wisdom, the affluence and grandeur of the sovereign
" will reflect dignity and honour on his people."

For this speech the Speaker received the thanks
of the House of Commons, and was desired to print it.

In the course of the late debates, many allusions
had been made to the affairs of the King's brothers,
and an amendment was suggested by Sir James Low-
ther, by which part of the sum granted in augmenta-
tion of the civil-list would be applied to their use ; this
proposal was over-ruled as irregular, but, after the act
was passed, he again brought it forward. The de-
bate was not interesting, as the motion was opposed
chiefly on the ground of its being indelicate to inter-
fere in the transactions of the royal family, and it was

* There were three divisions ; one on the Marquis of Rockingham's amend-
ment, against which the numbers were 96 to 20 ; a second on a motion for the
previous question by the Duke of Grafton, 98 to 28 ; the third on the address,
90 to 20.

f Several members, who took notes of this speech, wrote wants instead of
expense.

GEORGE III.

disposed of by the previous question*; but, in the
course of debate, Mr. Rigby alluded with indignation
to the observations of the Speaker, who, he said, had 1777.
grossly misrepresented the situation of the country, in
a place and in a presence where nothing but truth
should be heard. The sentiments attributed to the
Commons were totally foreign from their thoughts ;
and he trusted that, before the House rose, it would
be proved whether they coincided with the chair or
with him, who utterly disclaimed the observations
delivered by the Speaker in their name.

Sir Fletcher Norton appealed to the House; the
speech and vote of thanks were read, and Mr. Fox
moved that " the Speaker did express, with just and
" proper energy, the zeal of the House for the support
" of the honour and dignity of the Crown in circum-
" stances of great public charge." In introducing the
motion, he observed, that if it were negatived, the
Speaker could not retain the chair with reputation to
himself, or be further serviceable in his station, after
being publicly deserted, bullied, and disgraced. Sir
Fletcher Norton himself adopted this opinion, assuring
the House that he meant to deliver nothing but their
sentiments, in which he thought himself justified by
the time, the occasion, and the various concurrent cir-
cumstances which combined to stamp his observations
with peculiar propriety. Conceiving, therefore, that
he discharged his duty, and that the House had sub-
sequently sanctioned his conduct by their approbation,
he could not, if the present motion was rejected,
remain in a situation where he could be no longer
serviceable.

Although the Attorney-General supported Mr. The Speaker's

TV. , , V . -. J f. rr . . conduct more

Kigby s opinion, the prosecution of the question, in decisively ap-
the direction it must necessarily take, was not desirable i' rovcd -
to the friends of administration ; a considerable portion
of discussion was employed on the supposed assertion
that the supply exceeded the King's wants, a phrase
which the Speaker disclaimed. Mr. Rigby, in the
course of debate, spoke in more moderate terms, claim-

* 15-' to 45.

426

HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

CHAP.
XXX.

1777.

6th June.
Close of the
session.

King's
speech.

State of the
public mind.

ing a right to utter his own sentiments freely, but
denying any intention to make personal reflections on
the chair. He attempted a compromise by means of
an adjournment ; but this he afterward withdrew. Mr.
Fox's motion was carried, and followed by one from
Serjeant Adair, renewing the thanks of the House to
their chief officer.

In presenting the bills to the King, at the close of
the session, the Speaker again addressed his Majesty,
stating the hope of the House, that speedy means
would be found to stop the ravages of war, which
would otherwise be attended with consequences ruinous
to the prosperity, perhaps dangerous to the safety, of
the country.

The King expressed his approbation of the con-
duct of Parliament, and thanked them for the un-
questionable proofs of their continued attachment to
his person and government, their clear discernment of
the true interests of the country, and steady perse-
verence in maintaining the rights of the legislature.
He trusted in Divine Providence, that, by a well-con-
certed and vigorous exertion of the great force put into
his hands, the operations of the campaign would be
blessed with such success as might most effectually
tend to the suppression of rebellion, and re-establish-
ment of the constitutional obedience which all the
subjects of a free state owe to the authority of law.

No effort to engage the attention of the public, or
procure an indication of popular sentiment, on the
subjects which engaged the attention of the legistature,
merits particular attention : all eyes seemed fixed on
the centre to which the great exertions of govern-
ment were directed, with an anxiety proportioned to the
magnitude of the contest ; the nation surveyed the
employment of those preparations which the ministry
had demanded, and the Parliament had granted, with
the cheerfulness of well-founded hope, and with a
confidence of ultimate success. Their apparent satis-
faction was frequently alluded to by speakers of the
opposition party, and ascribed to delusions practised
by ministers.

GEORGE III. 427

In the course of the session, predictions that foreign
powers would soon interfere in support of the Ameri-
cans were repeated with increased confidence, on 1777.
grounds derived, not from theory or general supposi- state and
tion alone, but from avowed facts, and probably from foreign
private communications, which the nature of the dis- P wers -
pute and the connexions of individuals rendered easy
and inevitable. Politicians in England had treated it
as an infatuation approaching to crime, in ministers, to
suppose that the House of Bourbon, however quiescent
and indifferent it might appear, would not avail itself
of our dissensions to the greatest possible extent* ; and
it was an acknowledged motive for urging the declara-
tion of independency, that, without it, France, the real
enemy of Great Britain, would not give effectual as-
sistance to the Americans j*. With the forebodings of
opposition were mingled assertions that the naval force
of the House of Bourbon was in a formidable state,
both as to number and equipment, while ours was
shamefully and disgracefully neglected. To these ac-
cusations a satisfactory answer had been given ; but the
arguments in support of hostile. intention could not so
easily be encountered.

In France, as in other countries, the prevailing feel- France.
ing in favour of the Americans was strengthened by
the opinion, that a struggle against a government which
was represented as tyrannical, augured well to a resist-
ance of their own, which were really soj. The coun-
cils of France were divided between two parties, termed
Austrian and an ti- Austrian, each powerfully supported,
and avowing principles diametrically opposite. They
had their origin at a period long anterior to the
present day ; but their principles entirely governed all
political proceedings. The King felt the necessity of
maintaining peace as the only means of repairing the
disordered finances, giving time for the operation of

* Anecdotes of Dr. Watson, Bishop of Llandaff, vol. i. p. 94 Letter to
the Marquis of Rockingham.

f- Memoirs of General Greene, vol. i. p. 12.

t Franklin's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 18.

For an account of these parties, their origin, members, proceedings, and
intrigues, see Coxe's Hi-story of the House of Austria, vol. iii, c. 41.

428 HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

prudential plans, and affording scope for the industry
and augmented commerce of his country. The Queen
1777. avowed opinions directly contrary. Whether her youth-
ful understanding was misled by pompous declama-
tions or specious theories, or whether her imagination
was deluded by notions of ambition and glory, she was
regarded as the leader of a party favourable to the
Americans, and anxious for a war with England. The
King's system was supported by M. de Maurepas, who,
without having the title, at the age of fourscore united
in himself the places and powers of prime minister. He
felt a proper apprehension of war, and, seeing rightly
the effect of American success on the affairs of Europe,
did not desire that their efforts should triumph ; but,
at the same time, that England should not prevail too
easily ; that she should be humbled, straightened, and
impoverished, was, in his view, much to be desired.
The Queen was anxious to regain an official situation
for M. de Choiseul, whose views exactly corresponded
with her own ; her exertions in his behalf were inces-
sant and indefatigable, and her influence was daily in-
creasing. M. de Maurepas retained his predominance ;
he was supported by Monsieur, and acquired a lofty
character by renouncing official emoluments ; but the
harsh treatment he received from the Queen rendered
his situation extremely painful, and made his resigna-
tion probable. M. De Vergennes, the minister for
foreign affairs, was animated by a cordial hatred of
England, and inflamed with indignation at the terms
of the last peace, which he considered injurious
and ignominious to his country*. But he was of
a character so insincere, that his words never disclosed
his mind, and his asseverations were calculated only to
deceive-f-.

* These opinions were not expressed sparingly, or on a single occasion, and
they were shared by the Due d' Anguillon. Dispatches from Colonel Blaquiere
to Lord Rochford, 3rd Nov. 1771. From Mr. T. Grenville to Mr. Fox, 10th
May, 20th June, 1782, and several others. Surely these opinions, so long re-
tained and so earnestly expressed, are a full answer to the misstatemeiits of the .
day, to the declamation of Chatham, the scurrillity of Wilkes, the censures of
the city, and the clamour of the crowd.

t On the State of the French Court and Ministry. See GEuvres de Frederic
II, tome. iv. p. 145.

GEORGE III. 429

The conduct of the French government was in
conformity with these views and characters. Allured
by the immediate profits of an illicit trade, the 1775.
merchants in their various ports opened a traffic with
the rebels, and, by every contrivance of contraband
ingenuity, furnished them with gunpowder, muskets,
and cannon, receiving in exchange such commodities,
principally tobacco, as America could supply. To
remonstrances on this point, M. de Vergennes varied
in his answers according to the aspect of affairs. At
first, when the disturbances might be considered as a
mere explosion of temporary discontent, while the
leaders of Congress were untried, their firmness un-
ascertained, and their ultimate views undefined, the
French ministers were cordial, and even flattering, in
their assurances and expressions. Our prohibition
to introduce illicit goods into the colonies, with
orders to seize vessels so employed, was received by
M. de Vergennes with perfect acquiescence ; all ob-
structions of the legal commerce of France with her
colonies, or of those colonies with each other, were
deprecated ; but the most pacific dispositions were
professed, and every assurance given that there was
no desire to gain advantage from our difficulties ; for
what was occurring to us presented a most pernicious
example. Yet, notwithstanding these professions, large
shipments of arms and gunpowder we