History of England under Henry the Fourth

HISTORY OF ENGLAND

UNDER

HENRY THE FOURTH

ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND

UNDER

HENRY THE FOURTH

BY

JAMES HAMILTON WYLIE, M.A.

One of Her Majesty's Inspectors of Schools

Vol.. III. 140

PRESERVATION

SERVICES

LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.

LONDON, NEW YORK, AND BOMBAY
1896

All rights reserved

0-55

PREFACE TO VOL. III.

I REGRET that I have not been able to complete this work in
three volumes, as I had hoped to do when publishing Vol. II.
last year. To have put in all the remaining material would have
made the book too bulky ; so that I have no alternative but to
publish this instalment separately, reserving the concluding
chapters, with the Index and Appendices, for a subsequent
volume, which I hope will not be long delayed.

HEREFORD, Nov. i8th, 1895.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER PAGE

LXV. The Schism i

LXVI. Orleans and Burgundy 38

LXVII. Calais 52

LXVIII. Guienne 68

LXIX. Rue Barbette 86

LXX. The Gloucester Parliament 106

LXXI. Bishoprics 123

LXXII. Bramham Moor 1^6

LXXIII. Ireland under Lord Thomas 160

LXXIV. Travel 172

LXXV. Gilds and Misteries 183

LXXVI. The Shadow of Death 231

LXXVII. The Beauforts 254

LXXVIII. Government by Council 265

LXXIX. Oldcastle's Parliament 282

LXXX. Prince Hal 317

LXXXI. Popes v. Cardinals 337

LXXXII. Pisa 372

LXXXIII. Pope John XXIII 390

LXXXIV. Oxford 404

LXXXV. Arundel's Constitutions 423

LXXXVI. Arundel's Visitation 442

LXXXVII. Prague 45o

SUPPLEMENT TO LIST OF PRINTED BOOKS OF
REFERENCE.

Baker, J. — A FORGOTTEN GREAT ENGLISHMAN, or THE LIFE AND
WORK OF PETER PAYNE, i vol. London, 1894.

Bale, J. — BREFE CHRONYCLE OF SIR JOHAN OLDCASTLE (written in
1544), in Harleian Miscellany, Vol. II., pp. 249-280.

Besant, W.— LONDON, i vol. London, 1892.

SIR RICHARD WHITTINGTON. i vol. London, 1894.

[Calais Chron.] CHRONICLE OF CALAIS IN THE REIGNS OF HENRY
VII. AND HENRY VIII. J. G. Nichols, i vol. Camden Society.
London, 1846.

Caro, J., and Roepell.— GESCHICHTE POLENS. 5 vols. Gotha, 1869,
1840-1886.

Chaucer [S.]. COMPLETE WORKS OF GEOFFREY CHAUCER. W. W.
Skeat. 6 vols. Oxford, 1894.

* Chroniques des Dues de Bourgogne. See BRANDO.

Compte Rendu des Stances de la Commission Royale d'His-
toire. Brussels, 1843, &c.

Cunningham, W. — THE GROWTH OF ENGLISH INDUSTK\ AND
COMMERCE. 2 vols. Cambridge, 1890.

* Denifle, H., and Chatele'lain, XE. — LIBER PROCURATORUM NATIONIS

ANGLICANS (ALEMANN^;) IN UNIVERSITATE PARISIENSI (1333-
1406). i vol. Paris, 1894.

* [Derby Accts.] EXPEDITIONS TO PRUSSIA AND THE HOLY LAND

MADE BY HENRY, EARL OF DERBY (1391-92). L. T. Smith, i vol.
Camden Society. London, 1894.

"* Fortescue, Sir John (b. circ. 1394, d. circ. 1484). — LIFE AND
WORKS. Thomas, Lord Claremont. 2 vols. London, 1869.

Gasquet, F. A.— THE GREAT PESTILENCE (1348-9). i vol. London,
1893.

* [Geste.] LA GESTE DES Dues PHELIPPE ET JEHAN DE BOURGONGNE

(1393-1411). A rhymed version of Trahisons de France, see
Brando, Vol. II., pp. 259-572.

b

x. REFERENCES.

Green, A. S.— TOWN LIFE IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 2 vols.
London, 1894.

Halliwell, J. O. — DICTIONARY OF ARCHAIC AND PROVINCIAL \\'ORDS.
2 vols. London, 1852.

Harleian Miscellany. W. OLDYS (b. 1696, d. 1761), and T. PARK*
10 vols. London, 1808-1813.

Heiss, A. — MONEDAS HISPANO-CRISTIANAS. 3 vols. Madrid, 1865-
1869.

Helmolt. — KONIG RUPRECHT'S ZUG NACH ITALIEN. i vol. Leipzig,
1892.

Hoffmann, H. — LES MONNAIES ROYALES DE FRANCE, i vol. Paris,
1878.

Holt, E. S. (d. 1893). — WHITE ROSE OF LANGLEY. i vol. London

[S.A.].

Lysons, D. — ENVIRONS OF LONDON.

Lysons, S. — THE MODEL MERCHANT OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.

Maurice, C. E. — LIVES OF ENGLISH POPULAR LEADERS IN THE
MIDDLE AGES, i vol. London, 1873.

* Maydeston, Clement (b. circ. 1390), TRACTS, WITH REMAINS OF

CAXTON'S ORDINALE. CHRISTOPHER WORDSWORTH. i vol.
Henry Bradshaw Society. London, 1895.

Neale, J. M.— MEDIAEVAL PREACHERS AND PREACHING. 1856.

Newman, G. — HISTORY OF THE DECLINE OF LEPROSY IN THE
BRITISH ISLANDS. London, 1895.

* Oresme, N.— TRACTATUS DE ORIGINE NATURA JURE ET MUTA-

TIONIBUS MONETARUM (written circ. 1373). In Cunningham,
Vol. I., pp. 556-579.

Pollard, A. W. — CHAUCER. In LITERATURE PRIMERS, i vol. Lon-
don, 1893.

* Prutz, H. — RECHNUNGEN UBER HEINRICH VON DERBY'S PREUSSEN-

FAHRTEN. i vol. Leipzig, 1893.

Romano, G. — GIAN GALEAZZO VISCONTI E GLI EREDI DI BERNABO.
In Archivio Storico Lombardo, Vol. XVIII. 1891.

* Sercambi, Giovanni (b. 1348, d. 1424). — LE CHRONICHE DI.

Istituto Storico Italiano. 3 vols. Salvatore Bonghi. Rome,
1892.

Sharpe, R. R. — LONDON AND THE KINGDOM. 3 vols. London, 1894.

REFERENCES. xi.

Ward, A, W. — CHAUCER. In ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS, i vol.
London, 1884.

Wenck, K. — EINE MAILANDISCH-THURINGISCHE HEIRATSGKSCHICHTE
AUS DER ZEIT KONIG WENZELS. i vol. Dresden, 1895.

Winkelmann. — DER ROMZUG RUPRECHTS v. D. PFALZ. 1892.
Wrong, G. M.— THE CRUSADE OF 1383. i vol. London, 1892.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND
UNDER HENRY THE FOURTH.

CHAPTER LXV.
THE SCHISM.

THE death of Henry Le Despenser, Bishop of Norwich, forms
one of the noteworthy events of the summer of 1406. He
was a passionate and impulsive man, of high lineage,1 always
wanting to fly before he had wings ; and his constant conflicts,
his military zeal, his campaigns and expeditions in Lombardy,
Flanders and England entitled him the "Church's champion,"2
or the " fighting priest." s His exploits have been often told,
and belong to earlier reigns. In his old age he settled down
to the quieter task of exterminating Lollards, and it was his
favourite boast that no heretic could live amongst his people.4
During his 36 years' tenure of the rich manufacturing see
of Norwich 5 he neglected his diocese ; his palace was dilapi-

1 FROIS., x., 213, 252. MEYER, 193 b. WRONG, 10. 2 WYCL. (A.),
n., 89, 255, 258. CHAUC., MAN OF LAW, 5051. 3 Pugil ecclesiae, Vol. I.,
p. 177. ROY. LET., i., 422. Antistes belliger.— WALS., n., 7, 84, 274;
cf. Episcopis guerrantibus. — WYCL., LAT. SERM., iv., no. It fallith in
this tyme that prestis fyzting is preised. — WYCL. (A.), i., 314. For
" fiztir " = pugnator, bellator, see ibid., in., 19, 28. The fyztyng Churche.
— Ibid., in., 102. "Batelous," — Ibid., in., 165. Batailous. — HALLIWELL,
i., 149. 4CAPGR., DE ILLUSTR. HENR., 172. WALS., n., 189. 5 For his
seal see NORF. ARCH^EOL., i., 317. COLL. TOP., vn., 341. A volume
now in the British Museum (CLAUD. E., vm.) was written for him and
bears his arms. It contains various versions of metrical prophecies, see
CATALOGUE OF ROMANCES, i., 317.

A

2 The Schism. [CHAP. i.xv.

dated, and his manors were tumbling to ruin.1 He died
peacefully in his bed at 69 years of age on August 23rd,
1406,- murmuring that the earth was the Lord's.

A snge tfelire was issued on September 3rd." The Nor-
wich Chapter met at daybreak on September i4th. and
chose their Prior, Alexander Totington, 4 to be Bishop in his
stead. Their choice was backed by the authorities of the city
of Norwich,5 but for some reason the King treated it as a
defiance. He sent for Totington, and locked him up for a
year in Windsor Castle. The temporalities were taken charge
of by Sir Thomas Beaufort/' and the diocese was administered
under the care of William Mitton (or Milton), Archdeacon of
Buckingham." At length, through the intervention of Arch-
bishop Arundel, the King's scruples were removed, and Prior
Totington was consecrated Bishop of Norwich at Gloucester.
October 23rd, 140

A memoir of Bishop Spenser y was written by John Cap-
grave,10 whose instincts as a Norfolk man prompt him to praise
the Bishop's dash and daring, though as a priest he cannot say
that his life was Christ-like. His excuse must be that he did
his fighting against schismatics and rioters and enemies of the
faith. Capgrave looks on with admiration at the spectacle of
this "good shepherd" mowing down his Ix>llards, or laying

1 ANGL., SACK., i., 416. - For his epitaph see CAPGR., DE ILLUSTR.
HEXR., 175. AXGL. SACR., n., 361. BROUGHAM, 362. WRONG, 13.
3 PAT. 7 H. IV., 2, 6. 4 ANGL. SACR., i., 415. •' BLOMEFIELD, n., 373.
6REc. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., May gth, 1407. ~ PAT. 8 H. IV.. 2, -.
July i8th, 1407. In ROY. LET.. Box 15, PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, is a
letter from Thomas Erpingham to the Chancellor, dated Norwich,
August 26th, while the temporalities were still in the hands of the King.
i.e., 1407. 8L,E NEVE, n., 465. GODWIN, n., 18. RYM., vin., 502.
9 For «« Spenser " see WYCL. (M.), 413. 10 CAPGR., DE ILLUSTR. HENR..
170. ANGL. SACR,, n., 359.

1406.] Bishop Spenser. 3

about him like a foaming boar l at the Listers 2 and Tranches
and others of the "pestilent mob":' of Norfolk Stoutherries 4
committed to his spiritual care.

But the " schismatics " against whom he warred were surely
deserving of more respect. For the last 30 years all western
Christendom had been divided. The Church's fair front was
decked with bright clothes,5 but behind she was rent and
fouled6 and wasted of worms." The head was sick, the
limbs ached;8 Peter's boat9 had lost his steer,10 and was
wagging n and wallowing in very troubly water.12 The pilot's
head was cleft in two ; 13 confusion reigned on board ; the
chiefs were hitting out blind blows in the murk,14 and every-
body was for pitching everybody else into the sea.15 To
Englishmen every Frenchman, Scot and Spaniard was a
schismatic,16 excommunicate, accursed and liable to be burned as
a heretic ; 1T while these in turn looked on the English as dogs 18
in their religion and beyond hope of salvation.19 If Popes
and Anti-popes had had their way, no Christian man would

1 STOW, 291. Plus fiers que senglers hericies. — PASTORALET, 669.
-PROMPT. PARV., 307. " Litestere."— CHAUCER (S.), i., 380. 3CAPGR.,
172. WRONG, 16. 4 ELMHAM, AUG., 140. 5 WYCL. (A.), m., 275. *Cf.
Foule the worthi suyt of Crist. Ibid., n., 226. 7Vidi dorsum vermibus
plenum putridum et fetosum. BOXET, 213,218. 8PoL. SONGS, n., u.

9 Ibid., n., 10. GOWER, CONF., 36, 239. WYCL. (M.), 307, 319; ibid.
(A.), n., 45. Cf. Al the boot of Peter flocced in uncerteyn. Ibid. (A.),
in., 252. Navicula Petri. — CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 215.

10 And with a wawe brosten was his stere. CHAUC. (S.), in., 164. For
i4 steresman " see CHAUC. (S.), m., 14. DERBY ACCTS., 104. PRUTZ, 97.
GOWER, CONF., 420. » P. PLO., XL, 35, 46. " WYCL. (A.), i., 14.
13 CLAMENGES, Ep. 3. LENFANT, i., 65. 14 P. PLO. xx., 206; cf.
"myrknes." — POLLARD, MIRACLES, 6. 15 GERSON, n., 83. SCHWAB,
160. RAYNALDI, XVIL, 287. Al cure west lond is with that oo pope or
that othir ; and he that is with that oon hateth the tothir with alle hise
WYCL. (A.), n , 401.

16 Ilz les prisent moins que neant
Car ilz les ont pour scysmatiques.

BONET, APPARITION, 20.
"RAYNALDI, xvii., 290. ^FROIS., x., 205. u GERSON, n.f 70.

4 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

have been allowed to supply his neighbour with food or fuel,1
the dead would have remained unburied, war would have been
sanctified in its fiercest frenzy," and trade and intercourse
between states and cities would have been swept away.3 In
August, 1 39 1,4 a priest refused to celebrate Mass in St. Mary's
Church at Danzig 5 because Sir William Douglas of Nithsdale
was present, and they had no Mass that was meet for a Scot/'
Douglas was therefore ejected, and the Mass was sung. But
his friends waited outside the church ; and when the service
was over, orthodox and schismatics cleared up their theology
by stabbing each other on the wharf known as the Long
Bridge, beside the Motlau.7

When Bishop Spenser reared his croisery8 with "great
foison of priests " ° against the " schismatics " 10 of Flanders, he
wrought atrocities which would have shocked n the whole
civilized world had they not been done against the "enemies
of the Cross " in the name of " the Lord Mighty in Battle." 12
Without a note of warning he assailed the most industrious
community in Europe, laid waste their lands, reft their goods,1H
and destroyed their cities.14 At Gravelines 15 he pillaged a
monastery, and spared10 not a soul in the town. At Dunkirk

1 WALS., n., 71-76. 2 BUDDENSIEG, n., 459. WYCL., LAT. SERM.'
IV-> 39. 59- WYCL. (A.), i., 243. 3 Cum quibus participate et tractare
non licet nisi super reducendo eos ad fidem ; quod nulla alia sit vestra
cum illis communio. — MALVERN, in HIGDEN, ix., 253. 4 HIRSCH, n., 644 ;
in., 172. 5 BOECE, 334. PRUTZ, xxvi., LXXIX. Called Konigsberg in
MALVERN, 258; BOUCICAUT, 232; DERBY ACCTS., xvi. 6 BUIK OF
CHRON., in., 57460, following SCOTICHRON., n., 416. 7 i.e., the Lange
Briicke. BAEDEKER, NORD-DEUTSCHLAND, 128. 8WYCL. (A.), i., 116,
367 ; ii., 115, 395, 401, 416; in., 140, 361. 9 FROIS., x., 209. J. MEYER,
193 b. 10 DEVON, 222. Cf. And soudeth them that sleeth such as he
sholde save. — P. PLO., xxn., 430. n And so men seyn in Engeland that
whanne preestis goon to bataile as princis or kyngis, thanne shal chivalrie
faile there. — WYCL. (A.), n., 103. 1<2WALS., n., 90. 13 WYCL. (A.), i.,
Ir5» 367- u ]• MEYER, 197 a. 15 FROIS., x., 214. 16 WALS., n., 89.
WRONG, 61.

14.06.] Urban v. Clement. 5

3000 of the schismatics were killed,1 and the murderous
business would have been much prolonged had not the heroic
defence of Ypres given time for the French to come up and
drive the fanatical Bishop back to England in disgrace. And
yet the Flemish people,'2 against whom all this religious zeal
was spent, so far as they heeded the papal quarrel at all, were
every bit as orthodox as the Bishop himself.

It was calculated that the Schism had already caused the
death of 200,000 Christians.8 But 28 years had rolled
away since it began, and the common sense of the world
was asserting itself against the madness of the Popes. Clement
might call Urban a " Mahound " 4 or a " cursed Anti-
Christ,"5 and Urban might call Clement a " viper " " or a
''child of everlasting damnation,"7 and his followers "foul
lying priests," but all this heated language made little impres-
sion on the ordinary flow of civic and commercial life in the
work-a-day world.8 Eastern cynics thought that the Christians
had improved ; !) once they had only one God on earth to for-
give sins, now they had two ; and if one would not forgive

1 KNIGHTON, 2671. This is the lowest estimate. WALS., n., 93, gives
12,000; others give 5000, 6000 or 9000. J. MEYER, 194 b. He (Spenser)
killed hem by many thousandis and made hem cure enemys. — WYCL.
(M.), 152. LEWIS, 99. Cf. WRONG, 63. 2 Pauci erant nobiles qui non
essent Clementini sed maxima pars multitiidinis LJrbanistae erant. — J.
MEYER, 210 a. Cf. WRONG, 45, 56, 57, 62, 90. 3HARL., 431, 86 (47
b.), 1408.

Par ce cisme est tout li mondes perdus
Guerre en descent entre foibles et fors.

DESCHAMPS, v., 177, 409.

Many thousend markes of rewmes ben dispended for Urbanus' cause,
and many thousend men slayne. — WYCL. (A.), u., 314, 319; in., 329.
DESCHAMPS, vi., 117, reckons that in 50 years the wars between
England and France caused the death of 100,000 men. Cent mille
homines sont mors pour vo pouoir. 4 HARDT, 11., 98. 5 RAYJ^ALDI, xvii.,
->). GERSON,I.,5. u WALS., n., 72. 7 RAYNALDI, xvir., 128. For other
specimens see SPONDE, i., 681. 8 WYCL., LAT. SERM., in., 161, 509.
IJ " Sich gebesrot." — JUSTINGEK, 210.

6 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

them they could go to the other. The general Christian
public looked upon the Popes as moles grubbing in the
ground,1 and considered them both wrong in the head.2 It
mattered not whether the one devil was more malignant than
the other.3 In England the question of union excited but a
very languid interest.4 Officially the country " damned
Clement with his fautours,"5 but when diplomacy required, the
English court sent envoys to Rome or Marseilles '' indifferently.
John of Gaunt 7 would have had both Popes deposed ;
WyclirTe8 thanked God for cleaving the Church's cursed head,
and making the two halves fight, and urged that Christians
should destroy the primacy of both, or at least that the secular
power should stand aside and leave them to confound each
other ; 9 and when the Whitsun plays came round, the holiday
folks were entertained with the sight of a papelard Pope10
flaming " hard and hot " amongst the damned in the swallow u
of hell, and then haled off by devils to be tortured for his
silver and his simony. No wonder that the offices and the

1 WYCL., LAT. SERM., iv., 156. Ibid. (A.), in., 315. a Malo capite
es. — POGGIO, 428, quoted in SHEPHERD. 3 BOUCICAUT, 310. Writing in
the summer of 1408 this author (p. 312) calls both Popes " les faulx
damnez," "ces deux maudits," &c., &c. 4 Modicum hucusque laborare
curavimus. — CONC., in., 307. RAMSAY, i., 115. -"'WYCL. (A.), i., n, 192.
0 MURATORI, in., 2, 800, shows English envoys at the court of Benedict
at Candlemas, 1407. 7BoNET, 201, 210. 8WYCL. (M.), 457, 461, 463;
ibid. (A.), ii., 423; in., 247; LAT. SERM., iv., 136, 164 ; BUDDENSIEG, n.,
604; VAUGHAN, n., 5; ibid., TRACTS, 64; CONC., in., 348 ; GRAES, i.,
273. 9 WYCL., DE BLASPH., 109. 10 CHESTER PLAYS, n., 184, 197;
CHAUCER (S.), I., 252; iv., 88. For " papelardy " or "popeholy" ( — hy-
pocrisy) see CHAUCER, ROM. OF ROSE, fol. 147 a; CHAUCER (S.), i., in,
419.

Cf. And God amende the Pope that pileth holichurche
Imparfit is the Pope that all the peuple sholde helpe.

P. PLO., xxii., 430, 444.

It is binethe bileve that thes popis ben in hevene. -— WYCL. (A.), 314.
11 CHAUC. (S.), in., 123; HIGDEN, n., 360; v., 139; WYCL. (M.), 24,
97, 149, 246 ; ibid. (A.), in., 390; HOCCL., DE REG., 161.

1406.] Boniface v. Benedict. j

censures of the Church had fallen into contempt, and that men
would rather trust a foot-pad than a clerk.1

The persons most damaged by the scandal were the Popes
themselves and all whose interest a lay in preserving a decent
external respect for the authority of the keys 3 in face of these
incitements by Christ's vicars to mutual hatred in the Christian
fold. The names of Urbanists4 and Clementins5 were by
this time happily forg'otten. Their successors, Boniface and
Benedict, bore names too tempting for mediaeval punsters,"
and they were dubbed Maleface and Maledict7 accordingly.
Yet pious souls did not cease to pray 8 that the universal
Church might some day be brought back to unity, and that
there might be again one herd and one flock.9 At one time
the secular arm had been raised very smartly to force both
Popes to resign, but all to no purpose. " You put down your
Pope first," said Wenzel to Charles VI. , " and then I'll put
down mine."10 The Avignon Pope had been barked at,11
preached at, threatened and cajoled, but he held his ground
by mere inertia, "solid as flint,"12 sheltered by the play of

1 MART., COLL., vii., 876. - MONTREUIL, 1332. :{MART., ANEC., n.,
1470. 4 MART., ANEC., n., 1158. 5 DESCHAMPS, in., 273. 6 Cf. Non
Clemens sed pene Demens. — WALS., i. 393. A paucis Gregorius a
multis Errorius appellaris. — MART., COLL., vii., 838, 850; NIEM, 139,
141, 152, and passim. HOFLER (433) takes Errorius as a play upon
Corrarius. Rectius Disgregorius a disgregando nomen assumsisses.
— MART., COLL., vii., 880. For Benefictus see ST. DENYS, iv., 212.
Cosmatus (i.e., INNOCENT VII.), mundanus sonat. — SALUTATO, n., 16.
Comes vitiorum (i.e., Gian Galeazzo). — PERRENS, vi., 52. Gallicantina
ecclesia.— MART., ANEC., n., 1505, 1511, 1520. Carnales (i.e., cardinales).
— RTA., vi., 688. Unum ex carpidinaribus (i.e., cardinalibus). — NIEM,
455. Puisque je voy vouloir regner la Inne (i.e., Peter de Luna = BENE-
nicT XIIL). — DESCHAMPS, v., 165. Regiminis lit nee. orbitatem. — Ibid., vi.,

28l. 7ZANTFLIET, 360; MART., COLL., VII., 849, 876; GOBELIN, 331;

WYCL., LAT. SERM., iv., 499. 8Excn. ROLLS, SCOT., in., 579, 607-640;

IV., 31, 63, &C. 9WYCL. (A.), I., 176. 10FROIS., XVI., Iig; WlNDECK,

1077. IIGERSON, n., 74, 101. 12 MONTREUIL, 1344, quoting /EN., vi.,
471. See also pectus saxeum in MART., ANEC., n., 1298.

8 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

political factions/ and proof against sermons, disputations and
embassies ; 2 while the Roman Pope, though pressed ;1> by the
Kings of France,4 England, and Castile, and all the Arch-
bishops, Bishops, and Electors of Germany, was too far from
the centre of squeeze to feel the weight of the attack. Mean-
time the churches were beggared,5 the mysteries mocked,6
the universities 7 starved in their bursaries and drained of
students ; indulgences 8 had to be sold to bring money to both
Papal Courts ; Christians held the faith " like dogs in a poke,"9
brother was regarded as a heathen man by brother, and friend
by friend,10 heresies11 were all abroad "like jangling pies,"12 and
the spirits13 of unbelief were roystering with peculiar malignity.
The "men and women of religion " 14 suffered like the rest.
The military 10 Order of St. John of Jerusalem was split under
divided allegiance to a Grand-Master and an Anti-Grand-

1 MART., COLL., i., 1560 ; GERSON, i., xiv. ; DESCHAMPS, vi., 198.
2 GERSON, u., 43, &c. 3MART., ANEC., n., 1253, 1258. 4 ST. DENYS, u.,
448. 5MART., ANEC., ii., 1228. 6WALS., n., 12. 7 ST. DENYS, 82, in
MILMAN, v., 422; BAYE, i., 102; MART., ANEC., iv., 1543; GERSON,
v., 636. 8MART., ANEC., n., 1303; SPONDE, i., 692; PLATINA, 277.

9 WYCL. (M.), 319; ibid. (A.), n., 358.

Mais comme chas et chiens
Tiennent aucun presentement la foy.

DESCHAMPS, i.. 206: vii.. 115.

10 RTA., vi., 682.

This braunche

Of scisme causeth for to bringe

This newe secte of Lollardie

And also many a heresie.

GOWER, CONF., 38.

12 GERSON, n., 86; CHAUCER (S.), i., 345; n., 56. Cf. une pie jan-
gleresse. — DESCHAMPS, vi., 154; janglant comme une pye. — Ibid., vi.,
210; pie janglant. — Ibid., vii., 5 ; thy mind is lorne, thou janglest as a
jay. -CHAUCER, MAN OF LAW, 5194; to blabre alle day with tonge and
grete criynge as pies and jaies.— WYCL. (M.), 194 ; (A.), in., 479 ; prestis
speken as pies.— Ibid. (A.), i., 165; CHAUCER (S.), iv., 21. 13MART.,
ANEC., ii., 1252; DESCHAMPS, v., 231. 14 YORK MANUAL, 123; WYCL.
(A.) i., 38 ; in., 351 ; LAT. SERM., n., 51 ; in., 275. 15 ECOLE DES CHARTES
(1879), XL., 525 ; VERTOT, i., 313 ; BAKANTE, n., 25.

1406.] Schismatics. 9

Master. The Dominicans1 had to choose between two
Masters General, one at Niirnberg and the other at Bergerac.
The Carthusians 2 kept neutral in the fray for two years ; but
so soon as the Prior of the Grande Chartreuse declared for the
Avignon Pope, those of the Roman obedience chose another
Prior General at Zeitz in Saxony. Then followed confisca-
tions, 8 excommunications, and ejectments, with the natural
result that the people, not knowing where the headship really
lay, began to "judaize "4 and mock at the Church altogether.
In the Benedictine abbey of St. Bertin at St. Omer some in-
convenience arose. Being on French soil the monks adhered
to the Avignon Pope ; but one of them, James Scotellar,5
looking upon the others as schismatics, ran off with what
property of theirs he could, sold all the rest for three lives to
the English, and lived in England on the proceeds.

Such singular divisions must have had a damaging effect
upon the claims of the Church on the obedience of the faith-
ful. The States of Beam,6 though under the suzerainty of the
King of England, had to regard their sovereign as accursed
because they still held to the Avignon Pope. In countries
such as France and Flanders, separated only by an arbitrary
line, it must have puzzled ordinary minds to find that the Pope,
whom they were taught to look to as the Vicar of Christ, was
held by their neighbours over the brook as a " profane alien," 7
arid their Bishops as " wallowing in a wretched mire of muck."
In Northern Italy the cities of Forli 8 and Bologna subtracted

1 MART., COLL., vi., 342, 386, 387, 417, 506. See apology for the
great Spanish Dominican preacher, St. Vincent Ferrer, in SPONDK, i.,
689, though Ranzani, who wrote his life about the time of his canoniza-
tion in 1455, conveniently treats Benedict as the orthodox Pope. — ACT.
SANCT., Apr. 5th, p. 491. 2MART., ANEC., n., 1439. 3 MART., COLL.,
vi., 619. *IbiiL, vi., 207; vii., 687, 730. 5Ibid., vi., 620. 6 FLOURAC,
200. 7 MART., ANEC., i., 1232. 8 RAYNALDI, xvn., 284, 285.

io The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

themselves from submission to the Church altogether. In
Liege l the people had decided for neutrality. Their Prince-
Bishop,2 John the Pitiless, had never 3 even been ordained a
priest, for he had an eye 4 to succeeding his brother some day
as Count of Holland, and when they pressed him to take full
orders he would not dance to their piping. Upon this the
townspeople had the "detestable and enormous presumption"
to elect a Bishop of their own (in 1406), a young man 23
years of age,5 without leave of Pope or Chapter. After this
" misruled election,"" they not only subtracted their obedience7
from both Popes, but broke into the Cathedral of St. Lambert
and the houses adjoining, plundered the relics,* subtracted
the Canons' property, and sold it in the market-place to the
highest bidder.

But even the Popes themselves were wearying of the pro-
fitless wrangle. The gale 9 of the schism-storm was lulling at
length, and those who had once barked 10 like Cerberus now
stood still as any stone.11 As each Pope was cut off by death,
a special effort was made to heal the "incurable cancer,1'13 and
extricate the Church from her desperate deadlock. Any sort
of Pope, "a Turk or a Tartar," 13 would be better than this

1 SPONDE, i., 698 ; LENFANT, :., 94, 157 ; UOUET D'ARCQ, i., 265 ;
ST. DENYS, iv., 54. - MONSTR., i., 371. In 1402, 2 knights brought
letters from him to King Henry at Kingston-on-Thames. — Q. R. Ward-
robe, -°T8-, App. B. 3 Leye und ungewihet. — TWINGER, n., 91 1 ; TRITHEIM,
ii., 324. 4JusTiNGER, 203, 453. He resigned May 28th, 1418, and
married Elizabeth of Luxemburg, widow of Anthony, Duke of Brabant
(POSILJE, 377), and died of poison, Jan. 1425. — L'ART DE VEK., in., 124.
5 MONSTR., (i., 141), says 18. G WY.MT., in., 3209. " CHRON. DES Dues DK

BOURGOYNE, 111., 337. sNlEM, 464. 9 M ART., ANEC., II., 1245 ; /&/</., COL! .. ,
VII., 700. 10 MONTREUIL, 1331. " GOVVEH, CoNF ., 107, 132 ; ClIAUC. (S.),

in., 20, 48, 89, 169. 12GERSON, ii., 86; ST. DENYS, iv., 26. 13 MART.,
ANEC., n., 1246. The phrase has a special significance, as the Tartars
were then expected to overrun Europe at any time. — RAYNALDJ, xvn.,
282 ; SI'ONUE, i., 687. They were believed to be " manic mo thou-

1406.] Innocent VII. n

constant scandal, where the Church was between the hammer
and the stithy.1 On the death 2 of Boniface IX., the new
Pope Innocent VII.3 set matters in train for calling a council,
and summoned the leading Archbishops of the countries
where his authority was recognized to assemble in Rome on
Nov. ist, 1 405.* His next step was to deal with the envoys5
who had come from Benedict. As they were attempting to
leave the city they had been seized and imprisoned (; in the
Castle of St. Angelo, and only obtained their release on pay-

sandis than Cristen, and ben richere and betere men of werre and
kunnen lyve hardere than we. Therfore thei myghten lightli ouir-
renne us Cristene if God made hem not peesible to us withouten oure
deservyage." — PURVEY, REMONSTR., 62. For an interesting description
of the Turks written in 1398 see MART., ANEC., n., 1159.

1 WYCL. (A.), i. 407. 2Oct. ist, 1404.— Vol. I., p. 484; RTA., vi.,
557; POSILJE, 275; WALS., n. 268; MARIANA, i., 332; PLATINA, 277;
MART., COLL., vn., 783; HARDT, in., 1240. Not Oct. 6th, as DELAYTO,
1003. " Par la maladie de gravalle." — STAVELOT, 77 ; " morbo petrae."-
SOZZOM., 1182; "morbo calculi." — NIEM, 106 ; "ex pleuritide." — TRIT-
HEIM, n., 321 ; " ex dolore iliorum." — ECCARD, i., 1531 ; MURATORI, III.,
n., 832 ; " febre et calculo." — ZANTFLIET, 365 ; MART., COLL., vn., 432,
762. NIEM, (80, 515), says that he was 45 years old when elected in 1389.
Others say 34, as H.^USSER, i., 208 ; or 30, as PLATINA, 273 ; MURATORI,
III., n., 832 ; or juvenis admodum, as NEUSS, 595. For miniature repre-
senting him blessing pilgrims from the balcony of St. Peter's in 1400, see
WEISSER, 99, 7, 8. 3 Earlier in his life he had been Provost of the Church
of St. Seurin at Bordeaux, and would thus be familiar with English life
and government. — LOPES, n., 281. His name is given as Cosimo di
Migliorati in CHRISTOFERI, XLVIII., 81,318. 4Vol. I., p. 486; MART.,
COLL., vii., 693 ; POSILJE, 275. Not May ist, as HOFLER, RUPR., 409.
r> One of them was Pedro Zagarriga, Bishop-elect of Lerida. — GERSON,
i., xvii.; MART., COLL., vn., 686; SURITA, 270. Another was Pierre
Ravat (called Ravaut, BAYE, i., 194 ; or Ravot, GALL. CHRIST., xni.,
47), Bishop of St. Pons de Tomieres in Languedoc — a see created by
John XXII. in 1317 (NIEM, LIB. CANC., 30). Ravat was a devoted
supporter of Benedict, who made him a Cardinal in 1408 (SURITA, 276 ;
not 1409, as CIACONIUS, n., 742), and would have made him Archbishop of
Toulouse if he could. MONTREUIL, 1344, 1382; A. THOMAS, 40 ; SPONDE,
i., 691 ; LENFANT, 114 ; FLEURY, XXL, 8. USK (85) calls him an Arch-
bishop. For the riots at Toulouse, Nov. 1406, see BAYE, i., 188, 194.
"D'ACHERY, vi., 170-174; ST. DENYS, HI., 248; MONTREUIL, 1381;
HEFELE, vi., 876; SCHWAB, 179; CREIGHTON, i., 162; CHRISTOPHE,
in., 197 ; REUMONT, n., 1111 ; J. C. ROBERTSON, vii., 240.

12

The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

ment of 5000 florins. Pope Innocent let it be known that he
"judged it superfluous to hear them further,"1 and all safe-
conducts were refused unless they were prepared to lower
their colours to the " new intruder." After staying for a while
at Florence, they reached Nice on April nth, 1405, and gave
an account of their mission, which Benedict forwarded to the
French King on June 27th.a This did not promise well for
success, and the subsequent flight of Innocent (Aug. 6th)3 and
the disturbed4 state of Rome made the proposed meeting
of the Archbishops impossible. The English reply to the
invitation was sent from Worcester,5 in October, 1405; but
as the Archbishop of Canterbury was ill, and the Archbishop
of York was dead, there was little chance of England being
fitly represented. When the day came, the Pope was still a
fugitive,6 and the meeting was postponed till May ist, 1406 ; 7
but, as the difficulties still increased, the proposal had to be
practically abandoned ; and the prospects of union again
vanished, to the immense disgust of the French, who railed
rancorously against " that Roman " 8 for his shiftiness and bad
faith. To keep him to his word was like trying to grip a
tiger without gloves.9 On June i6th, 1406, came the eclipse
of the sun. Following a fortnight after a lunar eclipse it
offered a rare chance for the prophets ; but as no subsequent

1 RAYNALDI, xvn.. 288. -MART., COLL., vn., 686; SCHWAB, 180.
For letter of Innocent VII., dated April 23rd, 1405, denying the truth
of their account, and charging them with " obvious evasions," see MART.,
COLL., vii., 702 ; RAYNALDI, xvn., 287 ; SPONDE, i., 694. :! CREIGHTON,
i., 167. *DELAYTO, 1003, 1034. Eyn gros krik was czu Rom. — POSILJE,
278. 5RvM., vin., 381; not Winchester, as Vol. I., p. 486. "He
returned to Rome Mar. i3th, 1406.— MURATORI, III., .11., 118; A. PETRI,
978 ; REUMONT, n., 1125 5 not tne beginning of May, as DELAYTO, 1037.
7 ST. DENVS, in., 360. 'MONTREUIL, 1333, 1336, 1342, 1346; MONSTR.,
i., 317, 318. 9 Cf. Nee tales catuli sine cyrotecis ferreis sum capiendi.—
ST. DENYS, i., 278 ; WRONG, 83.

1406.] Death of Innocent VII. 13

disasters fitted in, the clerical mind concluded that both the
sun and moon had been mourning ' over the Schism.

During his short term of office Pope Innocent VII. had
well-nigh lost his hold on England by excommunicating the
King for the execution of Scrope. But Archbishop Arundel
saw the danger with a nearer eye, and by his timely resistance
to the precipitate haste of Rome put off the reformation 2 of
the Church in England for another century. He was being
strongly urged by the University :! of Paris to preach "sub-
traction" or "neutrality" in England, i.e., to refuse recog-
nition to either Pope, and to withhold payment of aids, first-
fruits, tenths or fees to the Court of Rome, until the schism
was healed and " hell-fire died out for lack of fuel." 4 He
knew that Innocent was an easy-going,5 well-meaning, wrong-
headed oldr> man, just wanting to be left alone with his singing7

1 GOBELIN, 324, with a reference to REV., xn., i.

Cf. The sonne and mone eclipsen both
And ben with manne's sinne wroth.

GOWER, CONF., 45.

2 See the threats to Benedict XIII., in MONTREUIL, 1345, 1347;

LRNFANT, i., 64, 73, 84. 3 See letter dated Oct. 23rd, 1406, in CONG.,

in., 291 ; HARL. MS., 431, 56 ; also letter from Simon de Cramaud,

Patriarch of Alexandria, who visited England about 1401, in the interests

of Benedict. -MART., ANEC., n., 1230; ibid., COLL., n., 1371. 4GER-

SON, ii., 105 ; ZANTFLIET, 354, 360; ST. DENYS, iv., 24.

Cf. Plus ne seront come chien et chat,

Quant il ne sera plus d'argent.

DESCHAMPS, vn., 240.

r'"Cupidus otii, mitis et pacificus." — ARET., 254; EPIST., i., 9;
SOZZOM., 1184; NIEM, 133; RAYNALDI, xvii., 280, 301; ANTONINUS,
in., 124; " Placidum et valde affabilem." — ECCARD., i., 1532. 6 Ein
aldir herre.— POSILJE, 275. NIEM, (55), reports that he was 65
years old when elected (ut auJivi) ; followed by SPONDE, i., 692, and
PASTOR, i., 129. Vir senex et multum expertus. — TRITHEIM, n., 322.
He was in England in 1394, when he was called upon to decide a dis-
pute between the Bishop and the Convent of the Holy Trinity at
Norwich. — R. H. MASON, i., 213, quoting MS., DEAN OF CANTERBURY,
N. 28, dated St. Mary-in-the-Fields, KAL. AP., 5 Boniface IX.
' Canendi et scribendi peritus, bonarum literarum apprime doctus. —
NIEM, 133. For his bull in reference to the new University of Rome see
PASTOR, i., 129.

14 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

and his books, and not likely to be long for this world. He
was plagued 1 with gout and pleurisy, and while at Viterbo he
had had a stroke, which left him cross and irritable. He be-
came silly'2 in the tongue, and his mouth and face were all
awry. His end came 3 soon and sudden, on Nov. 6th, 1406,* as
he was working himself into a new quarrel about the bishopric
of Norwich ; and the Papacy was thus probably saved from a
series of disasters.

The news of Innocent's death reached Benedict on Nov.
1 4th, i4o6,5 at St. Honorat de Lerins, one of the islands off
Cannes, as he was returning from Nice to Marseilles. It was
nearly a month before it was known in England, and Pope
Innocent's name appears in official documents as late as Dec.
ist.c For a short interval there were hopes that the friends
of union might get the upper hand, and keep the vacancy open

1 Pedibus aeger et lateris dolore nonnunquam cruciabatur. — ARET.,
EPIST., i., 30. 2 Blaesus. — NIEM, 515 ; ARET., EPIST., i., 31 ; LENFANT, i.,
136 ; REUMONT, n., 1129. This was considered as a judgment for having
done nothing to heal the schism. — ANTONINUS, in., 126 ; SOZZOM., 1189.
Cf. the story of Wycliffe's tongue told by Gascoigne on the authority
of John Horn, who was parish priest at Lutterworth. — LEL., COLL., 11.,
709 ; also Archbishop Arundel's tongue. — GASC., 61. :1 Paralyticus. —
MURAT., xvi., 206; NIEM in RAYNALDI, xvn., 301. Ex apoplexia.
— ECCARD, i., 1533. Subita et improvise morte. — MART., COLL.,
vii., 756. Four days before he died Bruni introduced the envoys
from Florence to announce the capture of Pisa. He put out his naked
foot from under the coverlet for them to kiss, and showed himself per-
facilis et perkumanus. Various rumours were circulated as to the cause
of his death. — ARET., EP., i., 31. 4Ante unam horam pulsationis cam-
panarum Sancti Petri de urbe.— A. PETRI, 980; MART., COLL., vii.,
721, 727; ibid., ANEC., n., 1280, 1286; CONC., in., 285, 291 ; GRIFFONI,
215 ; MURAT., xvm., 592 ; RTA., vi., 175 ; ZANTFLIET, 380 ; MONSTR.,
i., 147; CIACON., n., 714; JANSSEN, 133; POSILJE, 283; SAUERLAND,
80 ; CREIGHTON. i., 173. The date is given as Nov. 5th in DELAYTO,
1040; SOZZOM., 1182; CHRISTOPHE, in., 226; ALZOG, IL, 851. Nov.
7th in GOBELIN, 324; INFESSURA, in MURAT., III., n., 1118. Nov. i3th
in MILMAN, v., 443, and Nov. 24th in ST. DENYS, in., 488. The
official account at the Council of Constance wrongly gives Dec. — HARDT,
in., 1241. 5 MURAT., III., n., 794. « PAT., 8 H. IV., i., 19.

1406.] Conclave. 15

till a conference had been arranged. All were anxious1 for
the schism to end ; books and tracts had been written about
it which would load more than 100 camels,2 but it seemed to
be nobody's business to begin.3 Schism " pestiferous and
damnable"'1 there certainly was, but who should say which
were the schismatics ? All went on cawing " Peace ! peace ! "
like a flock of crows ;5 but the most alarming symptom for the
zealous churchman was the indolent torpor and indifference °
that was gathering round the question. From 1398 to 1403"
the French had got on with the sweet Jesus for their Pope,
and Mary the sweet Virgin as acting Popess ; 8 and they were
now on the point of trying the experiment again ; while the
notion of salvation without 9 any Pope at all was shaping per-
manently in many earnest minds among the borel10 folk. A
few enthusiasts were sanguine enough to hope that Benedict
would go through some " door of repentance," n and be ac-
cepted by all as the one Pope of an undivided Church. But

1 MURAT., xvi., 1044; Mw. SYL., EP. xvm. ; MONTREUIL, 1314, 1319.
2 NIEM, 159, 3SozzoM., 1183. 4 ST. DENYS, in., 488. 5 Comment
osent-ils croasser, Paix ! paix ! comme des corbeaux en public. — JEAN
DE VARENNES in MOLAND, 202. 6 Negligens torpor, inertia querendi
pacem. — GERSON, n., 71, 84. 7 Pendente neutralitate. — D'ACHERY, vi.,
168. For letters of subtraction dated July 2yth, 1398, recalled May
28th, 1403, see ORDONNANCES, VIII., xvm., 431, 593 ; D'ACHERY, vi.,
155; MART., COLL., vn.,599; ibid., ANEC., n., 1263; DUPIN, xn., 40;
ZANTFLIET, 364. When a Frenchman taunted an Englishman with
having deposed his King, the Englishman retorted that the French had
deposed their Pope, which was far worse. — LENFANT, i., ,147 ; MOLAND,
227. 8 Le doulx Jhesus est notre vray Pape et chief de 1'Eglise, et la tres
doulce Vierge Marie fait le metier de Papesse. — JEAN DE VARENNES in
GERSON, i., 914; n., 224; AUBERTIN, n., 360-362; MOLAND, 200-204.
9 Potest absque Papa mortali stare salus. — GERSON, n., 72, 224, 435 ;
RAYNALDI, xvu., 304 ; WYCL., LAT. SERM., n., 352 ; POLEMICAL
WORKS, n., 676 ; DE BLASPH., 8; PASTOR, i., 141. For the Defensor
Pacis of Marsiglio, see CREIGHTON, i., 36. 10 CHAUCER, WIF OF BATH,

5938; SOMPNOUR, 7254, 7256; HOCCLEVE, DE REG., 49; SHARPE, II.,

141. " I which am a borel clerke." — GOWER, CONF., 34. For " drap ne
burel," see DESCHAMPS, vi., 159. "GERSON, n., 79, 95.

1 6 The Schism. [CHAP. i.xv.

such hopes were soon dashed. When the customary interval
of nine days had elapsed after the death of Innocent, 14 l car-
dinals entered the conclave2 (or, as the other side put it,
"went into their den "3) in the Vatican (Nov. i8th), and after
1 2 days' 4 deliberation elected one of their number to be Pope
(Nov. 3oth, I4o6).5

Their choice fell upon a Venetian,6 Angelo Corraro,7 lately
appointed8 Cardinal-Priest, of the title of St. Mark, and
Patriarch of Constantinople.9 He took the usual 10 oath that
he would abdicate if the other Pope would do the same, in
order to make way for a regular election upon which all could
agree ; and he promised that he would use every effort to
bring this about within three months from the date of his

1 Not 7, as WALS., n., 275 ; nor 12, as ST. DENYS, in., 488 ; nor
15, as MILMAN, v., 444. For their names see CONC., in., 286 ; A.
PETRI, 980; RAYNALDI, xvn., 302; ST. DENYS, m., 496; REUMONT,
n., 1130. -Apud Basilica S. Petri uti moris est. — NIEM, 141; MART.,
COLL., vii., 722. 3 MART., COLL., vn., 690; ibid., ANEC., 11., 1476; cf.
" reclusorium," TRITHEIM, n., 328. 4 MART., ANEC., n., 1289. 5 CONC.,
in., 288; HARL. MS., 431, 8, 9, 89; SURITA, 272; CORNER, 1189;
MART., ANEC., n., 1281; ibid., COLL., vn., 722; ECCARD, i., 1535;
RTA., vi., 175; SAUERLAND, 86; HEFELE, vi., 886; CHRISTOPHE,
in., 252. Nov. i4th is given in ECCARD, n., 1870 ; Dec. 2nd in SCHWAB,
190. The Frankfort envoys arrived in Rome, Nov. 15, 1406. They
reported that the Cardinals entered the conclave on Nov. i8th, and
came out in the morning of Dec. ist. — JANSSEN, i., 133. In HARDT,
m., 1241, the election, coronation, and enthronement are placed between
Nov. 24th and Dec. 24th. The news reached Venice on Dec. 6th. —
BEMBO, 522. 6MART., COLL., vn., 877; RTA., vi., 680. 7 CONC., m.,
288; MART., ANEC., n., 1386; CHRISTOFERI, 115, 319; not Cornaro, as
PERRENS, vi., 170. SMART., COLL., vn., 722; ECCARD, i., 1532;
MURATORI, III., n., 835, 837; PLATINA, 279; CIACON., 11., 714; RAY-
NALDI, xvii., 285, 292. Not Cardinal of Aquileia, as SERCAMBI in
MURAT., xvni., 878; DELPHINUS GENTILIS, ibid., III., n., 845;
TRITHEIM, n., 325. RAMSAY, (i., 114), thinks that he had " long figured
as the Cardinal of St. Mark." The Cardinals took their titles from
some church in Rome.— HIST. TASCH., iv., 68. 9Not "a Constantino-
politan," as J. COLLIER, i., 624. 10 ZABARELLA, 562; MART., COLL.,
vii., 1199. For similar oaths of Innocent and Benedict before election,
see GERSON, I., xi. ; MART., ANEC., n., 1274.

1406.] Gregory XII. 17

appointment. On Dec. ist, I406,1 he was enthroned, and took
the title of Gregory XII. ; and on the same day2 a packet was
despatched to the collector 3 in England, in which was enclosed
a letter to King Henry, announcing the election. Gregory
was crowned on the steps of St. Peter's, at sunrise on Dec.
1 9th,4 and those who were near him saw the tears5 rolling
down his cheeks. He was a long6 lean man, more than 70 7
years old, and was chosen rather for his good intentions than
for his ability. He was looked upon not so much as a Pope,8
but rather as a commissioner elected to bring about the with-
drawal of the rival Pope by means of a "cession,"9 or double
resignation. Those who knew him dwelt lovingly on the
strictness of his life, and a kind of old-world 10 goodness that

1 CONC., in., 291; HARL. MS., 431, 9 (7 b) ; not Dec. 5th, as
CREIGHTON, i., 176; nor Dec. loth, as CHRON. GILES., 53. WALS., n.,
275, says Nov. 30th, i.e., the day on which he took the oath as above ;
so also PETRI SUFFR., 78. 2RvM., viii., 488, 495; EUL., m., 409.
3 Called Peto in CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 2. Two Papal envoys were already
in England, viz., a knight, Nicholas Caraffa, and a Doctor of Laws,
Marcellus di Strozzi. See their passport to return with cups, lids, &c.,
dated Nov. 22nd, 1406, in CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 30. 4A. PETRI, 981;
MURAT., xvii., 304; RAYNALDI, xvn., 304; GOBELIN, 325; HEFELE,
vi., 888 ; not Nov. 3oth, as POSILJE, 283 ; nor Dec. 6th, as CORNER,
1189; PETRI SUFFR., 78. 5 NIEM, 160. 6 MURATORI, III., n., 837.
Multum extenuatus in facie et lividi coloris. — NIEM in SAUERLAND,
87; LABBE, XL, Pt. II., 3003 (=2103); P. PLO., XL, 115. 7 NIEM,
304, 515; SOZZOM., 1189; EUL., in., 409; ANTONINUS, m., 126;
ARETINUS in LENFANT, i., 193; HEFELE, vi., 888; J. C. ROBERT-
SON, vii., 243. Circiter septuagenarius.— ST. DENYS, in., 716. In
matura etate immo in senectute constitutum. — RTA., vi., 175. Senex
et doctus. — RATISBON, 2126. yEtate maturum. — CONC., in., 303. Valde
senex, state octogenarius vel circa. — NIEM, 142, 151. Eyn aldir man
unde eyn grosir theologus. — POSILJE, 283. Gar eyn selig man was und
alt. — Ibid., 290. Circiter octoginta. — WALS., n., 275, followed by MIL-
MAN, v., 444; SCHWAB, 190; REUMONT, n., 1132. 8 Summo pontificatu
sic utimur quasi eum protinus dimissuri. — MART., COLL., vii., 733,
1077; ARET., EPIST., i., 33; CHRISTOPHE, in., 229. 9 For cessio, com-
promissio, determinatio, &c., see GERSON, I., vni. ; MART., ANEC., n.,
1162 ; ibid., COLL., 11., 1377; REPORT ON F.^D., D., 75. 10 Prisca qusedam
bonitas. — ARETINUS, 257 ; Recta et simplex natura. — Ibid., EPIST., i., 55 ;

B

1 8 The Schism. [CiiAP. LXV.

there was about him. He is said to have spent a great deal
of money on sugar,1 though he gave nothing away in alms.2
His reputation for courage 3 was not high, and some that had
dealings with him direct describe him as stiff-necked 4 and
unyielding. He knew nothing of law, yet he would insist5 on
managing all Papal business himself, and was always suspect-
ing that he was being over-reached. Cases would come in
for settlement at the rate of 2000 a week, but he would stuff
the papers away in a bag, and attend to about 10 of them
taken at random ; and, as a consequence, questions that were
before settled in a few days, now took two or three months. He
proved himself a born Venetian, who must be flattered and
fe|>d ; but the pious victims would put up with any fleecing, if
only God would grant that he might bring unity to the Church.
He was lauded as an Angel0 of God, a Jeremiah, a Paul, a
Morning Star,7 and everything that was promising. God, it
was said, had rubbed the rust 8 from the silver, and the vase
had come out in fullest purity. Henceforth the stars would
take their true light from the One True Sun.9

The Roman10 party were in high hopes that victory was
already at hand, and that the golden age had come at last,

ein gotlicher biederber man.- JANSSEN, i., 133; gratus hominibus et
tranquillus nauta. — NIEM, 407.

^lus in zucaro consumebat quam sui praedecessores in victu et
vestitu.— MURATORI, III., ii., 838 ; SCHWAB, 190; which is not to be con-
sidered as a " childish luxury," as CREIGHTON, i., 182. For kinds and
prices of sugar see DERBY ACCTS., 354. 2 guod est signum damnations.

-NIEM, 515. -* ANTONINUS, in., 126. 4 Vir dura cervicis et inflexibilis.

-NIEM, 205. * HISTOR. TASCH., 129, 151. e NlEM> l62 . « Thei chosen
on cleped Aungel," CAPGR., 294. For the story of the friars dancing
before him and crying, " Angele ! Angele!" see MART., COLL., vn , 832
Afterwards they called him an Angel of Satan. —Ibid., 851. " RTA vi '

76, 178. «WYCL. (A.), n., 39 ; m., 255; CHAUCER, PROL., =502.

CONC., m., 303. ">MART., ANEC., n., 1282, 1291; ibid., COLL., VIL,

725 ; NIEM m RAYNALDI, xvn., 303 ; erecti sunt cunctorum animi et qui

e mussabant nunc palam unitatem efflagitant.— ARET., EPIST., i., 35.

1406.] Zeal. ig

while in Paris 1 there was joy in many hearts that had striven
for well-nigh 30 years to bring about the wished-for cession ;
though it must have been in all minds that the very same-
exaggerated phrases had been used on the accession of Inno-
cent VII., only two years before. On Dec. roth, i4o6,3 the
Roman Cardinals wrote off, announcing their proposals to
King Rupert, to the Count of Cleves, and to those "shining
stars of infinite learning,"4 the Universities of Paris and
Cologne; and the latter, as one of the smallest and the
youngest5 of the Church's sheep, answered with a "bleat of
devout exhortation " to proceed. They likewise wrote to
Benedict and the Cardinals of his obedience, urging them to
seize the accepted time and the day of salvation. On Dec.
uth,° Gregory himself wrote letters to his rival and to the
French King, offering to lay down his office if Benedict would
do the like, and proposing that neither of them should appoint
new Cardinals for the next 15 months, in the hope that some
agreement might be arrived at in the meantime. He wrote in
all friendliness, urging that it was no time for standing upon
strict rights. The moments which delayed the settlement
seemed as years 7 to his fevered zeal ; and he vowed that, if

1 ST. DENYS, in., 526 ; GERSON, v., 567, where his expression suits
better with 1407 than 1394 or 1395. LENFANT, 81. -MART., ANEC., n.,
1277; see also GERSON, n., 100, for Benedict XIII. aMART., COLL.,
VIL, 719-723; RAYNALDI, xvn., 304; RTA., vi., 177, 179. 4MART.,
ANEC., n., 1280, 1282, 1286-1291. 3 Its charter was granted by Urban
V., May 2ist, 1388. — DYNTER, in., 143 ; ENCYCL. BRIT., xxm., 840.
" CONC. , in., 285; RAYNALDI, xvn., 353; RTA., vi., 178, 276; ante
coronationis solemnia.— MART., COLL., vn., 726 ; not xii. Kal. Nov.,
as Juv., 444, wrongly copying from ST. DENYS, in., 502, where the
date is xii. Kal. Dec. (i.e. , Dec. i2th). For letter from Gregory to
Archbishop Arundel dated "the 1 2th day from our Assumption" (i.e.,
Dec. nth), enclosing copy of his letter to Benedict, see HARL. MS., 431,
10, (8). 7S'r. DENYS, in., 568; fervidus ultra modum. — MART., ANEC.,
ii., 1429.

20 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

all else failed, he would himself go anywhere in an open boat,1
or take a staff'2 and wallet, and trudge afoot to Ghent or
Avignon to ensure the restoration of unity. The letter reached
Benedict on Jan. 1501, 1407,* at Marseilles,4 whither he had
just returned after two years' absence in Genoa5 and the
Riviera. He replied on Jan. 3ist,6 accepting the proposal
gladly ; and his College of Cardinals embraced the Roman
offer " with clasped hands." 7

At Paris the arrival of the Roman messengers was welcome
indeed. Before the news of the death of Innocent could
reach France, a great National Council of nobles, Archbishops,
Bishops, Abbots, and representatives of the Universities of
Paris, Orleans, Angers, and Montpellier had been summoned
to take some definite steps in regard to the question of the
hour. They met in the high 8 hall of the royal palace over-
looking the Seine (Nov. nth, 1406) ;!) and the substance of

1 NIEM, 151; ARET., 256; EPIST., i., 34; RAYNALDI, xvn., 303,
326; CONG., in., 296; MART., ANEC., n., 1353; ST. DENYS, in., 532,
664, 688; RTA., vi., 676; SAUERLAND, 90; PALACKY, in., i, 219;
NEANDER, ix., 97. 2WYCL. (A.), in., 495. 3 CONC., in., 288; ST.
DENYS, in., 504; MART., COLL., vn., 734, 735 ; not nth, as ibid., 733.
4DELAYTO, 1040; ST. DENYS, in., 586; GAMEZ (144), gives an
interesting account of his attack on the corsairs who were in the Pope's
pay at Marseilles. 5From Dec. 2nd, 1404, to Dec. 8th, 1406. — MURAT.,
III., n., 796; FOGLIETA, 528 ; RAYNALDI, xvn.,28g; BOUCICAUT, 295;
SURITA, 271, 275; REUMONT, 11., 1117; ORDONNANCES, ix., 60 (Apr.
6th, 1405), refers to Benedict as going to Italy. 6 MART., COLL., vn.,
757-783 ; RAYNALDI, xvn., 305 ; ST. DENYS, in., 504, 538 ; HARL.
MS., 431, 93; NIEM, 148; Juv., 444; SPONDE, i., 700, who suggests
that the letter was written by Clamenges, who was present as a Papal
secretary for Benedict at Marseilles. 7 MART., COLL., vn., 736. 8 ST.
DENYS, in., 474; but " aula parva," ibid., p. 466; AUBERTIN, 11., 355.
9 Juv., 439; or i8th, as St. DENYS, in., 464, followed by HEFELE,
vi., 882; CREIGHTON, i., 173; CHRISTOPHE, in., 220. Jean Juvenel,
the father, was present as a King's Advocate (Juv., 441), and Gerson as
Chancellor of Notre Dame (SPONDE, i., 697; LENFANT, i., 134; GERSON,
i., xvin.; LEROUX DE LINCY, 398).

1406.] National Council in Paris. 21

their speeches may be still read in the actual ] words in which
they were delivered, forming a mine of racy anecdote and
smart repartee. It is one of the greatest curiosities of mediae-
val reporting, and should long ago have been printed in extenso.
One or two of the speakers complain that they have a cold-
in the head, or that they are not so much at home in French
as in Latin. For three weeks the talk flowed without any
signs of progress. It was like the man3 in the well. They
were asking a hundred questions as to how he got in, without
doing anything to get him out ; one speaker suggesting that the
two Popes should be pitted 4 against one another, the loser to
be drowned and the winner burnt. But in the end some halting
resolutions5 were passed by majorities6 of 10 to i, asserting
the independence of the French Church, refusing to pay any
more annates," or tenths, or other such "exactions," and
threatening to regard Benedict as a schismatic if he did not
at once agree to meet the new Pope prepared for the cession.
This, it was thought, would soon bring him to his senses, for
he would find that it was no fun 8 when the water was cut off
from his mill.

But the forward party in the University of Paris, which had
already borne the burden and heat of the day,9 struck a
bolder course, in spite of the caution of Master Jean Gerson,10
the Chancellor of Notre Dame. Remembering their old

1 BIBL. NAT., MS., ST. VICTOR, 266; MOLAND, 216-239; AUBERTIN,
"•» 355» 359- -MOLAND, 224, 411. 3 MOLAND, 230. 4 CRAMAUD, in
MOLAND, 234. 5 Dated Jan. 4th, i2th, 2ist, 1407. See the pleadings
in LENFANT, i., 137-159 ; Juv., 440 ; GODEFROY, 612-629 ; MART., ANEC.,
ii., 1307,1312, 1383; SAUERLAND, 101 ; SCHWAB, 185-189. For royal
decree dated March 23rd, 1407, in the Church of Notre Dame, condemn-
ing all who spoke against the cession, see GERSON, i., xx. ; n., 74.
0 BAYE, i., 182. 7 MONSTR., i., 132. 8 MOLAND, 219. 9 WOOD, i., 201 ;
HUBER, i., 326. 10 GERSON, n., 3 ; ST. DENYS, in., 346 ; iv., 416. For
his portrait see LEROUX DE LINCY, 402.

22

The Schism. [CHAP. i.xv.

grudge1 against Benedict, they were for no more going round
the pot,'-' but for repudiating him outright as an obstinate
schismatic •'< and appealing to some future Council4 against
his expected censures. The Cardinals of the Roman obedience
were therefore specially bland in approaching them, and
Gregory's envoys were received in Paris with great respect. r>
A solemn procession was officially arranged to thank God for
the prospect of peace— "at least in word and writing";0 for
sensible folks knew that there was about as much chance of
the two courts agreeing as for a mud castle to stand in the
middle of the sea.7 The French king had greater joy 8 in his
heart than he could put in writing. He bade the rival claim-
ants not to waste their ink in logomachies or tricky cavilla-
tions 9 about their rights, but to go straight to the holy work at
once.

On Feb. 6th, I407,10 a sermon was preached, partly in
Latin and partly in French, before a vast congregation in the
Church of the Franciscans at Marseilles, in which it was

1 LENFANT, 89. 2jEAN PETIT, in MOLAND, 219. 3 MART., ANEC.,
ii., 1295, 1312. See the violent letter of Jean Mollet, dated Jan., 1407,
but it is doubtful whether it was ever published.— BAYE, i., 172.
4 Faictes un vray pappe apparoir,
Et par concile declarer.

DESCHAMPS, v., 277.

•"' MONSTK., i., 149. 6 Au moins par parole et par escrips. — GERSON, iv.,
567, where the date should be 1407, not 1394. — SCHWAB, 194 ; PASTOR,
i., 136.

7 Quant les deux cours seront d'acort
Pour 1'union de Saincte Eglise,
Je fonder ay de terre glise
En my la mer un chastel fort.

DESCHAMPS, vn., 216.

8 MART., COLL., vn., 739; ST. DENYS, HI., 496, 640 ; D'ACHE^Y, vi., 175.
1 " Frauduleuses cavillations ; " cf. doli, fraudes, simulationes, veritatis
offuscationes, falsi palliationes, paralogismi, elenchi, sophisticationes,
atque illusiones, &c.— NIEM, 251. For " cavyllacions," see WYCL. (A.),
in., 198, 302, 484. 1(1 MURAT., III., ii., 801.

1407.] Marseilles. 23

officially announced in presence of Benedict XIII. that he
agreed to the "cession," if the Roman Pope would do the
same ; and a bull in this sense was read, which he was about
to despatch to his rival at Rome. Envoys T passed between
Rome and Marseilles ; and after much heated 2 discussion it
was arranged on April 2ist, 1407, that both Popes with their
respective advisers should meet at Savona as a central 3 acces-
sible spot on the Gulf of Genoa, by Michaelmas following, or
Nov. ist at the latest. Each was to be accompanied by eight
armed galleys, manned with 200 men-at-arms and 100 cross-
bowmen, and elaborate precautions were to be taken to
guard against treachery at the meeting ; while, in order to
prevent such a fiasco as had occurred at Rome three years
before, it was agreed4 that no one should make use of irri-
tating and offensive expressions, such as "Anti-Pope," or
"Anti-Cardinal," or "Anti-Archbishop," or "Anti-Bishop," or
anti-anything else.

As soon as the new Pope was elected, two English envoys
had started to make their compliments at Rome. Arriving in
Venice about the end of Jan., 1 407,5 they presented them-
selves before the Signory, and obtained further recommends
to secure for them a good reception. On June ist, 1407,''
Antonio e Pireto, Minister General of the Franciscans, was
despatched from Rome with a letter to King Henry in Eng-

1 Three envoys left Rome on Feb. 27th, 1407. — RAYNALDI, xvn.,
306; ST. DENYS, in., 540, 542; arriving in Marseilles Mar. 3 ist, 1407.
MURAT., III., ii., 803 ; cf. MART., ANEC., 11., 1314 (Apr. aist, 1407), and
ibid., COLL. , vn., 757 (June 3oth, 1407). - ST. DENYS, in., 530. 3 ARET.,
EPIST., i., 40. 4 ST. DENYS, in., 560; MART., ANEC., n., 1319, 1322-
1328 ; SERCAMBI in MURATORI, xvin., 880 ; RTA., vi., 676 ; SCHWAB,
196; HEFELE, vi., 891. r>VEN. STATE PP., i., 43. 6 RAYNALDI, xvn.,
308 ; EUL., in., 409. His safe-conduct is dated June 24th, 1407 (RYM.,
viii., 488), and he arrived in London before July 28th (ibid., 495).

24 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

land, begging for subscriptions to enable Gregory to carry out
his part of the plan ; and things remained in this friendly
train so late as the middle1 of June, when it was believed that
if the Popes could once be got up to the meeting, pressure -
could then be brought to bear so stiffly that they would be
forced to yield.

But all too soon the word-fighting had begun. Soon after
Easter :{ a great force of negotiators started from Paris to visit
both Popes in the name of the French King. Their coming had
been intimated by letters dated Feb. i8th, 1407.* The party5
included an Archbishop, five Bishops, five Abbots, and a
troop of knights and representatives of the University of
Paris, amongst them being Jean Gerson,0 Pierre d'Ailly,7
Bishop of Cambrai, the second8 founder of the College de
Navarre, Simon de Cramau.d,0 Patriarch of Alexandria, Jean

1 MART., COLL., vn., 755, June 13, 1407. - Rigidissime prosequi
contra Papam.— MART., ANEC., n., 1329 ; ST. DENYS, in., 580. 3 ST.
DENYS, in., 528. 4 RAYNALDI, xvn., 306 ; ST. DENYS, HI., 473 ; GERSON,
i., xxi. ; NIEM, 280. 5 See their instructions dated Mar. i3th, 1407, in
ST. DENYS, in., 514; MART., ANEC., H., 1358-1363; SCHWAB, 193;
HEFELE, vi., 890. 6 MURAT., III., n., 804 ; RAYNALDI, xvn., 310. For
five unpublished letters addressed to him by Jean de Montreuil, see A.
THOMAS, 38. 7For his writings, see TRITHEIM, 102 a. For his portrait
from the College de Navarre, see LEROUX DE LINCY, 402. For his poor
birth and sudden advancement, see MART., ANEC., 11., 1464- GALLIA
CHRIST m 48 ; CLAMENGES, EP., 10 ; SCHWAB, 87 ; L. SALEMBIER,
1886 In 1887, I found his tombstone lying neglected in a yard behind
the library buildings at Cambrai. 8 He was Grand Master of the College
m 1384, and built twelve new rooms (the Domus Alliaci), leaving his
books to the College at his death in 1420. Gerson and Nicholas de
Clamenges were also students there.— FRANKLIN, 392 9 HARDT 111
1247 ; not Gramaud, as RTA., vi., 307. For his epitaph at Poitiers see
GALLIA CHRIST., n 1196. For a curious attack upon him by Boni-
face Ferrer, who calls him lucernam sulfuream ardentem et fumiWntem
in medio nebula, and laughs at his Commentary on Job, see MART
ANEC., n., 1451, 1453.

1407.] French Negotiators. 25

Petit,1 Pierre Plaoul,2 Guillaume Fillastre,3 Jean Courtecuisse,4
and others of the most learned 5 disputants and theologians of
France. They set out by different routes, but all met at
Villeneuve on the Rhone, opposite to Avignon, on April 30th,
1 407. 6 Here they stayed three days to arrange their plans,
and then moved forward together on May 2nd.7 On May 4th
they reached Aix, where they fell in with three envoys 8 who
were on their way to Paris from Gregory. Continuing their
journey they arrived at Marseilles on May Qth," and at once
had an interview with Benedict in the Abbey of St.
Victor.

1 He is said to have predicted the great frost of 1407-8 ; see extract
from SIMON DE PHARES in Nouv. BIOG., s. v. PETIT. For a volume of
his poems in MS. (20,000 lines) see BIBL. NAT. SUPPLEMENT FRAN9AIS,
540, 3; ACAD. DE BELGIQUE, II., xi., 561. 2 Called "Plout" in Juv.,
439, 441; "Plo," ST. DENYS, in., 360; " Plou," DENIFLE, PROC., LXXVI. ;
"Plaoul," MONTREUIL, 1363; MOLAND, 229 ; " Playes," FROIS., xvi., 69;
" Plaoux," BRANDO, 135. He was made Bishop of Senlis Oct. 2nd, 1409
(MAS-LATRIE, 1488), and died April nth, 1415 (not 1409, as MONSTR.,
ii., 37). 3MART., ANEC., ii., 1357. For his journal at the Council of
Constance see FINKE, 69. For letters addressed to him by Jean de
Montreuil see A. THOMAS, 37, 82. 4 RYM., vni., 554 ; called Cortohosam
in J. MEYER, 229 a. For his treatise DE FIDE see GERSON, i., 805.
In MONTREUIL, 1427 ; A. THOMAS, 83, he and Gerson are eloquentiae
sidera. He was sent as ambassador to England in 1395. — ST. DENYS,
ii., 326. For his translation of Seneca into French for the Duke of
Berri in 1403 see CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 395 ; TRAISON, xxiv. ; DE-
LISLE, i., 60. He became Bishop of Geneva in 1422, and died March,
1423. — BESSON, 43. For account of him see J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 248.
5 ST. DENYS, in., 608. 6 ST. DENYS, HI., 562 ; JARRY, 348. 7 ST. DENYS,
in., 570. 8MuRAT., III., ii., 803. One of them was Antonio della Butrio,
the veteran jurist of Bologna, then in his 7oth year. — ST. DENYS, in., 522,
528, 566, 576; SPONDE, i., 702; SURITA, 275; RAYNALDI, xvn., 331 ;
NIEM, 162, 178, 292; SAUERLAND, 113; SCHWAB, 194; HEFELE, vi.,
890; CREIGHTON, i., 178; CHRISTOPHE, in., 238. He reported the
result of his mission to Gregory at Siena, but was harshly received. He
then returned to Bologna, and died before March, 1409. — RAYNALDI,
xvii., 355 ; ERLER, 158 (not 1417, as TRITHEIM, 104); BONIFACE FERRER
(in 1411) in MART., ANEC., ii., 1469, puts the fees of jurists at 20, 30, or
100 florins. 9MuRAT., III., n., 804; MART., ANEC., ii., 1363; ST.
DENYS, in., 584; CHRISTOPHE, m., 244; REUMONT, n., 1134; not 1406,
as HARDT, in., 124.

26 The Schism. [CiiAP. LXV.

They found the old man with his lithe little figure l always
attended2 by an armed guard even at the altar. He gave
them all the kiss of peace,;! called each by his name, and asked
personally of their welfare, reproaching4 them so sweetly and
gently for having called him names, that he sometimes had
them all in tears and rolling at his feet. But, compliments
apart, they could get nothing but his usual5 round-about
replies. He would commit 6 himself to nothing in writing, so
they returned to Aix on May 2ist,7 and went on their way to
the other Pope, leaving two of their number, the Archbishop 8
of Tours and the Abbot of St. Michel, behind at Marseilles,
to try and get something more definite out of Benedict after
he had had time to reflect. These had a long interview with
the Cardinals on June 3rd, but the Cardinals were in a great
hurry to pack up and be off to Avignon. The next day (June
4th), the Frenchmen were invited to drink a voidy,9 and had
another audience with the Pope at a dessert or banquet 10 of
wine n and spice.12 Then there was a question whether "depriva-

1 Brevis staturae et gracilis homo. — NIEM, 120; CREIGHTON, i., 130.
'2 ST. DENYS, m., 84, 626 ; LENFANT, 174. In palatio et alibi. —
SURITA, 266 ; cf. Tu gladio temporal! hoc est machinis et armis sine
rubore procedis. — MART., COLL., vn., 850. Suae profession! male con-
venientibus. — Ibid., n., 1376 ; SCHWAB, 183. 3 LENFANT, 170, 172 ; USK,
73; WYCL., DE BLASPH., 4. 4 ST. DENYS, in., 602; CREIGHTON, i., 181.
5 Per multa verba more suo. — ST. DENYS, in., 530, 592 ; CREIGHTON,
i., 181. Ingeniosus et ad inveniendum res novas valde subtilis. — NIEM,
120. 6 SCHWAB, 198 ; HEFELE, vi., 894. 7 MART., ANEC., n., 1363 ; ST.
DENYS, in., 624 ; not May 29th, as GERSON, i., xxi. 8 ST. DENYS, in.,
636. 9 CHAUCER (S.), n., 265, 478, 576; HOLT, in, 167. 10As You
LIKE IT, II., v., 64. UANN., 191; G. OLIVER, 280; FROIS., xvi., 115,
148 ; WHARTON, n., 89. Boniface Ferrer notes as a reason for the un-
popularity of Benedict with the French that he put too much water in
the wine and did not give them enough to drink when they came to his
court. — MART., ANEC., n., 1524. 12 For spicery, including pepper, see
ROT. PARL., in., 662; WYCL. (A.), i., 89; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 80.
And spyces parted and the wyn agoon.— CHAUCER (S.), n., 384; in., 123.

1407.] Word -fighting. 27

tion '' would be the proper word to use when they came to
actual business ; and on June 6th they were told that the Pope
was suffering from a frightful toothache,1 "which was really
true,"'2 as they slyly remark. And so they were kept waiting
for eight days, the gibe of doorwards :! and ushers,4 who were
offensively polite and drew 3 all eyes upon them, because they
gave nothing in largess/' In the end they returned to Paris,
and soon found that Benedict had fooled them again. For
while their tears were flowing he had been drawing up " con-
stitutions," 7 unknown even to his Cardinals,8 in which he
threatened to excommunicate any one, King, Emperor, Arch-
bishop, Patriarch, Cardinal, or whoever he might be, who
should dare to subtract obedience from himself or his succes-
sors.

HOLT, 103. For des epices et de boire, see P. MEYER, 392. Species
et vina. — BRANDO, 25.

And many a spyce delitable

To eten whan men ryse fro table.

CHAUCER (S.), i., 150.

For King's confectioner of spicery see Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH., Nov.
1 2th, 1406. In the Coventry Play, when Adam is created he is allowed
" pepyr, pyan, and swete lycorys." — MONAST., vi., 1538.

1 II n'est doleur fors que le mal des dens. — DESCHAMPS, v., 4, 197.
Couhes and cardiacles crampes and tothaches. — P. PLO., xxin., 82. Of
palasye and of toothake. — CHAUCER (S.), i., 139. For Charles the Bald
miraculously cured of toothache, circ. 843, see D'ACHERY, xn., 619.
For charms against toothache by writing texts upon the leads or on the
walls, condemned in Council of Arboga, Sept., 1412, see SILFVERSTOLPE,
ii., 544. 2 Prout erat revera. — MART., ANEC., IL, 1322. 3 For " gate-
warde," see P. PLO., vm., 243 ; xiv., 92 ; " porter," DERBY ACCTS., 268,
350. 4 PROMPT. PARV., 512; CATHOL., 405; APOLOGY, 35,36; WYCL.
(A.), ii., 162. 5Cf. GESTA ABB. S. ALBANI, i., 309. 6 CHAUC. (S.), iv.,
39, 274. For beveragium see DERBY ACCTS., no; PRUTZ, 102; in potu,
ad potandum. — DERBY ACCTS., 26, 203. 7 Dated Marseilles, xiv. Kal. Jun.,
i.e., either May igth or June I4th, 1407, in D'ACHERY, vi., 187 ; GERSON,
i., xxn. ; HARDT, in., 1242, 1247 ; SPONDE, i., 701 ; LENFANT, i., 177 ;
HEFELE, vi., 895 ; SCHWAB, 209; called March 23rd in MONSTR., i., 150,
255- 8 Quis ad illud arctissimum secretum nos admissos esse crediderit
quae intra cellulas, clausis diligenter ostiis, ne aliqua posset ratione ad
nos usque pervenire, &c.— CLAMENGES, EP., 130; HEFELE, vi., 909.

28 The Schism. [CHAP. i.xv.

By this time the main body of the envoys were well on
their road to Rome. They set out from Aix on May 2gth ;
and as the heat J was frightful and the plague was raging all
along the coast, they took ship and sailed together to Genoa.
Here they grouped into two companies. The land party tra-
velled by Lucca 2 to Florence, where they had a " reception
and a good welcome." Moving on they reached Viterbo on
July ist, and arrived in Rome on July 4th, ?> where the Patri-
arch, Simon de Cramaud, was lodged with one of the Roman
Cardinals in the Apollinaris Palace. Those who had been
left behind at Genoa started in three galleys gay with bunt-
ing, and called in at Leghorn (July 9th),4 where the citadel
was in the hands of their countryman, Boucicaut. Coasting
along they sailed up the Tiber, and were in Rome by Satur-
day, July 1 6th.5 But there was a snake6 in the grass. The
Unionists were going to sleep,7 and such energies as were
awake in Rome were already devising means how not to do it.

Even before their actual arrival the Frenchmen had learnt,
by the experience of one 8 of their number who had gone on
direct, that the language of the Roman Court was becoming
"very double and captious." They soon found9 that both
Popes had a secret understanding to resist all interference
from without, whether of Kings or Universities. They would

JMART., ANEC., ii., 1359; ST. DENYS, in., 672, 694, 706. 2 ST.
DENVS, in., 644. 3 MART., ANEC., n., 1349 ; or July 5th, as ST. DENYS,
in., 648 ; followed by SCHWAB, 201, 202 ; CREIGHTON, i., 183 ; CHRISTO-
PHE, in., 254. 4 BOUCICAUT, 300; FOGLIETA, 529. 6 A. PETRI, 983;
ST. DENYS, in., 650. 6 NIEM, 251.

Cf. Avise au venimeux serpent,
Qui en la douce herbe se trait.

DESCHAMPS, vn., 85.

Hie plane dormimus.— ARET., EP., i., 41 ; written at Rome April
7th, 1407. «MART., ANEC., n., 1331, 1348 ; REUMONT, n., 1136.
a MART., COLL., vn., 769 ; BOUCICAUT, 310.

1407.] Rome. 29

settle their differences (if at all) entirely by themselves, hold-
ing on by the teeth1 during their lifetime, and feeling that the
Church had better remain divided than that Popes should act
on compulsion.'2 Of course they kept it up in public like two
buckler-players,8 just to show what they could do, but they
took care not to smite too smartly. They understood 4 each
other's thrusts. "Don't you yield, and then I can refuse;
and what you do won't bind me, and what I do won't bind
you." It was quite true that Gregory had a great name for
sanctity and for keeping his word ; but the Prothonotary 5 at
Mayence had seen how the new Pope's relatives were getting
all the good things at Rome, and he very soon bet his Arch-
bishop a pair of boots that nothing would ever make Gregory
resign.

By the time they reached Rome the number of the French
envoys had been thinned0 down to 14. They were of course
received with all respect ; but after a short while they found
that " incredible difficulties " were being raised, and they had
to contemplate the possibility of a lengthened stay. On their
first formal interview with Gregory he said decidedly that
Savona would not do. The place had gone 7 over with Genoa
to the French, and was no longer in his obedience, and he
was the true Pope.8 "That is what we do not admit,"9
answered the envoys. He was tetchy 10 and peevish ; and after

1 Ipsa mordicus tenere. — NIEM, 158. 2 PLATINA, 281. 3 NIEM, 418;
A. S. GREEN, i., 340 ; from SHILLINGFORD'S LETTERS (CAMD. Soc.), p.
68. 4 RTA., vi., 677, 688; LENFANT, 341, 345. L'un de nous ira
et 1'autre s'excusera. — COCHON, 138; WYCL. (M.), 334. 5 Evici vadiando
a domino meo Maguntinensi unum par bonarum caligarum. — RTA.,
vi., 677, 678, 689; LENFANT, 340. 6 Gerson not now being among them.
— MART., ANEC., n., 1335, 1350. 7 ANTONINUS, in., 124 ; ST. DENYS, in.,
572, 630, 662. SMART., ANEC., n., 1384. * Ibid., 1349. 10 Difficilem et
morosum. — ARETINUS, 256; SOZZOMENO, 1191.

3o The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

repeated interviews, in which they laboured1 most elegantly,
and continually, and instantly, urging him morning and even-
ing, they found him growing every day more unmanageable.
But though 2 he had few words, yet he had got up his lesson
well. At times he would cry s out that they were all against
him, waymenting4 and sobbing out: "Don't leave me! Be
kind ! Be careful ! Let us come to the point, I will give
peace to the Church; but Savona must be changed."5 Why
were there so many precautions about the meeting if it was all
above board ? The King of France might guarantee his safety,
but he was out of his mind,6 and could not be depended upon.
What about the French nobles? He suspected Boucicaut.7
He had had hints that he meant to seize him and spirit him
away, as he had tried to do before with Benedict. He could
not trust himself out of Rome, or Ladislas 8 would seize the
States of the Church. He could not get galleys ;;) he was too
poor. The envoys offered him galleys, and money to pay for
crews selected by himself to man them. They were ready to
pay half the wages of troops to defend Rome while he was
away. But he kept on "singing the same song," till their
patience was nearly done. They did not hide their contempt,10
and at one of the conferences with the Cardinals in the

1 NIEM, 164, 287, who was often present (me vidcnte plurics ctprmsentc).
- LENFANT, 179, quoting ST. DENYS, xxvu., ch. xiv., but the refer-
ence seems to be wrong. 3 Quicquid sibi placeret illud eis displiceret,
sibique in omnibus contrarii forent. — NIEM, 205. 4 PROMPT. PARV., s. v. ;
HOCCL., MIN. Po., 3; CHAUCER (S.), i., 114, n., 191 ; KNIGHT'S
TALE, 997, 1922. For " waymentacioun " see HOCCL., DE REG., 128.
5 NIEM, 162 (me pnesente); RAYNALDI, xvn., 308; MART., COLL., VH.,
765. 'MART., ANEC., n., 1350, 1353, 1379; MART., COLL., vn., 877.

7 ST. DENYS, in., 678 ; MART., ANKC., n., 1383; RAYNALDI, xvn., 313.

8 Called "Lanzilas" in DELPHINUS GENTILIS, in MURATORI, III.,
n., 845; or "Lancelot," BOUCICAUT, 301. !» See NIEM'S argument
against this excuse (p. 291), written July ist, 1407 (p. 304). 10 Continue
dedignanter et fastuose.— RAYNALDI, xvn., 311.

1407.] A Dirt -sack. 31

Vatican Chapel an irreverent knight1 among them said
bluntly that both Popes ought to be pitched into the fire.

Finding that they were making no way, some of the French-
men tried to bring pressure to bear by negotiating '2 with the
magistrates and the populace of Rome, with whom they had
been in communication since their arrival ; and they even
sent a messenger 3 to Paris, announcing that the Romans were
willing to put the city into the hands of the King of France,
and accept a Governor appointed by him, as the Genoese had
done with Boucicaut. But before long they got a significant
warning that things were going too far. On July 3ist,4 a sack
was left at the Patriarch's lodgings filled with garbage and the
sweepings of the streets, — a pleasantry which boded extreme
political excitement in a mediaeval populace.5 The man who
left the filthy stuff was caught, but neither torture nor im-
prisonment could make him give up the name of the sender.
Hearing that there was a prospect of their being arrested, the
envoys left Rome on Friday, Aug. 5th,° and sailed to Genoa.7
Thence they passed to Villa Franca 8 and Nice, and in com-
pany with Boucicaut reported their impressions of Rome to
Benedict at St. Honorat. Some of them afterwards went with
him to Savona, where they were arranging with messengers
from Rome as late as Nov. loth, 1407."

IMART., ANEC., ii., 1353. * Ibid., 1351, 1383; RTA., vi., 375;
SCHWAB, 203. 3 ST. DENYS, in., 670 (an eye-witness) ; MART., ANEC.,
ii., 1345 ; LENFANT, 182. For previous intrigues (1391 and 1394) to
establish a French kingdom in N. E. Italy with the Duke of Orleans
as King, see CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 6-51, 105. 4 A. PETRI, 983; MART.,
ANEC., ii., 1354. 5 Cf. BOUCICAUT, 289, for the Pisans in their hatred of
the French ; also ZANTFLIET, 388 ; FOULLON, i., 468, for the Liegois
and their Bishop; cf. a " sak of drit." — WYCL. (M.), 206; (A.), in., 125,
387; "a foul sac and stynkyng." — Ibid. (M.), 156. (i A. PETRI, 983.
' For their letter to Gregory written at Genoa, Aug. 2ist, 1407, see
ST. DENYS, in., 700. 8 ECOLE DES CHARTES, L., 27. 9 MART., ANEC., n.,

I357-

32 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

Five days after the departure of the French envoys, Pope
Gregory set out from Rome in the early morning of Aug. loth.1
He was accompanied by eight2 of his Cardinals, and rode
beneath a silken baldachin,3 the people thronging round with
palm branches. But disagreement 4 was already rife amongst
the party. All the "efforts of the utmost diligence"5 had
not succeeded in getting proper galleys for the voyage, so they
started by land for Savona, or some other place to be after-
wards decided upon. They reached Viterbo on Aug. i5th,
and halted0 for 20 days. On Sept. 5th,7 Pope Gregory reached
Siena, "a fugitive and a wanderer in a foreign land;"8 — that is to
say, he was resting comfortably some 20 miles south of Florence,
protesting that he had bated not a " wrinkle nor a rush-knot " 9
of his good intentions, and wanted still to keep his promise if
only he could get the place of meeting changed ; and when
Nov. ist came, he was still at Siena,10 asking what he ought to
have done that he had not.

1MuRAT., III., ii., 839; MART., COLL., vn., 769; RAYNALDI, xvn.,
310; NIEM, 172, 417, says the vigil of St. Lawrence, i.e., Aug. gth ;
ERLER, 161 ; HEFELE, vi., 902; CREIGHTON, i., 186. 2SozzoMENo, ngi.
3 NIEM, 172. 4 MART., ANEC., n., 1373, 1383 ; RAYNALDI, xvn., 319 ; ST.
DENYS, in., 698, 708. 5 MART., COLL., vii., 761 ; ANEC., n., 1355 • RAY-
NALDI, xvn., 309 ; BOUCICAUT, 294. For the real value of this excuse,
see the letter of Boucicaut in MART., ANEC., n., 1332, 1348 6 NIEM
172. They were certainly there on Aug. 25th, MART., COLL., vn 759'
though not so long as two months, as supposed by MILMAN, v., 446.

DELAYTO, 1042; MART., COLL., vn., 767; ANEC., n., 1339- RAY-
NALDI xvn 316; NIEM, 176, 417 ; or Sept. 4th, as ERLER, 162, quoting
MS., Bencht uber Gregor's Aufenthalt in Siena.— ROME, BIBLIOTH

DRSINI, COLL. 38B. i3f. i53ff. For a letter written from Siena Sept.

i3th 1407, see ARETINUS, EP., i., 43 ; and for bull dated Siena, Oct.

3rd 1407 see SILFVERSTOLPE, i., 679. « MART., COLL., vn., 760, 763.

that counteth not a ruysshe."— P. PLO., XIIL, 196; xiv., 239-

GOWER, CONK 96 208, 273; « al dere y-nough a risshe."-CHAUCER

Ton ' Q r ART" ANEC'' "•» I385- He remained at Siena till

Jan., 1408.— LENFANT, 193.

1407.] Saro tin. 33

The plague1 being bad at Marseilles, Pope Benedict set
out for Nice with his Cardinals on Aug. 4th, 1407. 2 He
stayed awhile (Aug. 23rd to Sept. 2nd) 3 at St. Honorat de
Lerins, to recruit his health with the sea breeze, and reached
Nice on Sept. 5th,4 in company with Boucicaut, who had come
up from Genoa. At Nice he gave an audience to the saintly
Picard girl, Colette Boilet,5 who had just spent four years of
austere seclusion in a cell near the church of Corbie, and
came to ask his sanction to her projected reform of the Order
of St. Clare. On Sept. 24th, ° he arrived at Savona " with
great risk and a heap of expense," only to find "to his immense
surprise," that the other side had not appeared ; though he
might have spared his amazement, seeing that letters7 had been
passing between them for the last two months, in which all
the difficulties had been made the most of. He at once de-
spatched a succession of messengers to Gregory, urging him
" in all sweetness and charity" not to break his word. But
when Nov. ist arrived, and still Gregory did not come, he
lost all patience; and being a "hard man,"8 he wrote an
angry letter to the Duke of Berri, letting out violently against

1 MART., COLL., vn., 755. Cf. the plague of 1450, when the Pope
retired to Castel Fabrian, and no one who had been at Rome was to
come within seven miles of him. — HISTOR. TASCH., iv., 70 ; also ibid.,
74, for 1429, at Ferentino. -CiAC., n., 729; SURITA, 275. 3 MART.,
ANEC., ii., 1377, 1378; ST. DENYS, in., 712, 718. On Aug. 29th,
1407, at an interview with Pierre Salmon or Le Fruitier, who had
come over from Grasse, he expressed an earnest desire to end the schism.
EC. DBS CH., L., 27. 4 MART., ANEC., n., 1380; SURITA, 275. 5AcT.
SANCT., 6th March, 538, 549; CHRISTOPHE, in., 211, assigns the
visit to the year 1406. For the story of how she flew in the air over
the rough roads on her journey, and how Benedict fell ofif his chair as
soon as she came into his presence, see BUTLER, i., 299 ; WADDING, ix.,
279-3I5- B SPONDE, i., 701 ; D'ACHERY, vi., 234. 7 For Gregory's letters
of July i3th and 2gth (received Sept. 2nd), and his own of Aug. ist, see
MART., ANEC., n., 1349, 1367, 1380; RAYNALDI, xvii., 310; HARDT, in.,
1248. 8 Durum hominem. — ST. DENYS, in., 582; LENFANT, 167.

C

34 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

the "duplicity and downright tomfoolery"1 of " that
man."

Gregory in the meantime had suggested Pietra Santa -
near Carrara as the meeting-place, or Leghorn, or Pisa, or 30
other places, including Rome itself, provided they were not
in Benedict's obedience; and as the French King had given
instructions 3 not to be over-nice about the point, a last effort
was made at compromise. On Nov. loth, 1407," Benedict
put out his final offer. He would move up to Porto Venere
or Sarzana5 on the Gulf of Spezia, which were the most
easterly places in his obedience, if Gregory would come to
Pietra Santa within a month. There would then be only a
few miles of country between them, and they might perhaps
arrange a personal meeting after all. This was his ultimatum,
and like a true son of Aragon i; he was as stubborn as a mule.7
He went with his College 8 of Cardinals to Spezia 9 and Porto
Venere10 (Jan. 4th, 1408), where he could keep one foot11 in
the water and the other on shore, but nothing would induce
him to move away from his galleys ; while the sea was the
very thing that Gregory most dreaded, for fear that he should

1 Apertam buffariam. — MART., COLL., vn., 756. The panegyrist of
Boucicaut (295) calls Gregory a " false hypocrite." In TRITHEIM, n.,
325, it is represented that Gregory went to Savonalike an innocent lamb,
but that Benedict like a wily fox frightened him away again. 2 ST.
DENYS, in., 686, 696 ; MART., COLL., vn., 761 ; ANEC., n., 1355,
1369, 1385, 1387 ; RAYNALDI, xvn., 319. 3MART., ANEC., n., 1338, 1344,
I353> I359- 4MART., COLL., vn., 763; ANEC., n., 1388. 5 DELAYTO,
1043. ^MART., ANEC., n., 1455; BRANDO, 138. II est du pays des
bonnes mulles. — MOLAND, 223 ; SCHWAB, 186. ' LENFANT, 146. 8 MART.,
ANEC., n., 1535. 9 ARETINUS, 256; MART., ANEC., n., 1390. 10 SURITA,
275; MONSTR., i., 250; GERSON, n., 106, shows that he was at Porto
Venere on Jan. 26th, 1408. n Cum valeret classe. — RAYNALDI, xvn.,
306, 309 ; D'ACHERY, vi., 208. Tu enim ut oratores tui in mea prse-
sentia publice affirmaverunt nullum locum acceptare intendis nisi sit
maritimus.-— Gregory to Benedict, Kal. Maii, 1408, HARL. MS., 431, 90
(S3)- Quod ipse volebat unum pedem tenere in aqua et alterum in
terra. — ibid., 103 (83), ART., 18.

1408.] Ricochet. 35

be kidnapped and conveyed away. And so these two sep-
tuagenarian l priests played duck-and-drake 2 like schoolboys ::
for months at a safe distance ; one like a land-beast * afraid of
the sea, and the other like a sea-beast5 afraid of the land;
while orthodox religionists were praying" fervently that (iod
would hasten the time when they should both be carried off to
the company of Cain and Judas in the deep pit of hell.7

On Dec. 5th, 1407, a messenger left Paris with an intima-
tion to Benedict that the French obedience would soon be
withdrawn. The envoy arrived at Porto Venere early in Jan.,
1408, and was received with " great stiffness." 8 On Jan. 1 2th,"
the French King wrote a letter to both Popes, telling them
plainly that they were prevaricating because they would not
part with their profits and pleasures, and warning them that
if union were not restored before Ascension Day (May 24th),
the French would withdraw10 from recognition of either of
them, and do without a Pope till the quarrel was healed. On

1 RAYNALDI, xvn., 325 ; MART., COLL., vn., 842. It is a little over-
doing it to say that "both Popes were scandalous promise-breakers,
treacherous, deceitful, and malicious," as CHURCH QUARTERLY REV.,
xix., 75. 2 La table de ricochet. — BOUCICAUT, 310; le chanson de
ricochet. — MOLAND, 222. 3 More parvulorum. — MART., COLL., vn., 852.
4 MART., ANEC., n., 1394; ARETINUS, 256; EPIST., i., 62; Sozzo-
MENO, IIQI; LENFANT, 193; PERRENS, vi., 171 ; CREIGHTON, i., 187;
HEFELE, vi., 903 ; PALACKY, III., i., 219; NEANDER, ix., 102; ALZOG,
ii., 851 ; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 245. A much more unsavoury com-
parison was made to Poggio by the Cardinal of Bordeaux. — SHEPHERD,
34. 5 MART., COLL., vn., 1001. ° Dieu advance 1'oeuvre ! — BOUCICAUT,
309, 310; MART., COLL., vn., 881. 7 GOWER, CONF., 230; cf. right in
the devil's ers of helle (=ou puis d'enfer). — CHAUCER (S.), i., 257; "helle
pit." — Ibid., 283 ; the putte of helle. — Ibid., n., 92, 351 ; iv., 49. 8 Me
monstra grant rigueur. — PIERRE SALMON in EC. DES CHARTES, L., 29.
He had started with Boucicaut from Genoa on Jan. 4th, 1408. 9 MART.,
COLL., vii., 770; ANEC., n., 1408. 1443; ORDONNANCES, ix., 290, 294 ;
D'ACHERY, vi., 177, 198; ST. DENYS, iv., 4, 19-27; PASTOR, i., 138;
ASCHBACH, i., 273 ; CHRISTOPHE, in., 269. 10 For advice not to act on
this, see MART., ANEC., n., 1329.

3 6 The Schism. [CHAP. LXV.

the same day he notified ' this determination to the various
Kings, Princes, Bishops, and Barons whom it might concern.
But Benedict on his side had been making the best use of
time. He had been heard to threaten- that if the French
King dared to subtract obedience he would throw his king-
dom into such confusion as would take a century to cure ; and
in view of past experience his palace at Avignon 3 was being
castellated and mounted with the largest arblasts and bombards
and other " ornaments." For two years 4 he had had no con-
tributions from France, though in the good old days before
the Schism, that country used to send the Pope 1,800,000
florins every year.5 He resolved therefore to try conclusions
in earnest. The letter from the French Council reached him
at Porto Venere. Without a hint of his intention he wrote to
the French King on April i8th, i4o8,6 enclosing a copy of
the "constitutions" drawn up at Marseilles 12 months before.
On May i4th,7 as King Charles VI. was at Mass in the chapel
of the hostel of St. Pol, two Papal messengers (both of them
Aragonese) 8 delivered the Bull and decamped for their lives.
When Mass was done the letter was read, and it was found
that the King of France and the University of Paris were
excommunicated, and the French land and people under inter-
dict. On May 2ist,° the King, Dukes, nobles, Archbishops,
Bishops, and every one who claimed to be anybody in Paris met
and listened to a long harangue from Master Jean Courtecuisse,

1 GERSON, n., 103. * ST. DENYS, iv., 10. :i MART., ANEC., n., 1383 •
ST. DENYS, in., 218. 4 MONSTR., i., 247. 5 MART., COLL., vn., 1122;'
SCHWAB, 247. 6 ST. DENYS, iv., 8 ; GODEFROY, 404 ; D'ACHERY, vi
178-182; Du BOULAY, v., 152, 153; SCHWAB, 209; not Mar. 24th, as
MONSTR., i., 250: nor May i4th, as REUMONT, n., 1137. "BAYE i
230 231, 238; n., 205; ST. DENYS, iv., 4; GERSON, i., xxn. ; not June
i4th, as Juv., 447. § MONSTR., i., 264, 267. 9 BAYE, i., 232 ; Tuv
447 ; MOLAND, 250. For the French King's letter, dated May 22nd
1408, see RAYNALDI, xvn., 331.

1408.] Neutrality* 37

after which the Bull was publicly torn and burnt, and the
final struggle began. On May 25th,1 the French threw off
obedience to their Pope, and " neutrality " was officially pro-
claimed. Before long both the messengers were caught ; one
of them, Sancho Lopez,- in the Abbey of Clairvaux in Cham-
pagne, and the other near Lyons. Both were brought to Paris
and locked up in the Louvre. :! On August 20th, they were
put on a tumbril and paraded through the streets of Paris with
paper mitres 4 on their heads, and dressed in black linen shirts,
on which was painted a picture of them presenting the Bull,
together with the arms of Benedict upside-down, and "other
things." ° They were then trundled along to the courtyard
of the Palace, where they were fixed in the pillory, " with plenty
of shouting and blaring from the crowd. But before matters
had gone thus far another " big wound " " had been opened in
Paris, which fretted the political forces of France and stirred
endless disputations in the University and the Galilean
Church.

1 OKDONNANCES, ix., 342 ; ST. DENYS, iv., 18. Not May i5th, as
COCHON, 139. -Called Sance Loup in BAYE, i., 235; Cansien or Sansion
Leleu, MONSTR., i., 257, 258, 264; Sanccio Lupi, ST. DENYS, iv., 16, 58;
Sanche Lopez, MOLAND, 247 ; Sancius Lupi, MART., COLL., vn., 860.
:: Pierre Salmon was arrested on suspicion on June 2nd, and kept a
prisoner till the end of September. — EC. DES CHARTES, L., 31. 4 Cf.
DuCANGE, s. v. MITRATUS ; GRiFFONi in MURAT., xviii., 217. 5 For a
specimen of the language used by educated theologians under irritation,
see ST. DENYS, iv., 60. r> Escharfaudex, mitre/ et presche/ publique-
ment. — Juv., 447 ; ST. DENYS, iv., 58 ; multis irrisionibus et ludibriis et
injuriis affectis. - MART., ANEC., n., 1450. " Qui est ouverture d'une tres
grande plaie.-— MONSTR., n., 141.

CHAPTER LXVI.
ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY.

AT the very time (1405) when expeditions had been leaving
the shores of France for the great attacks1 on Wales and
Yorkshire, Paris was in a state of siege, and the heart of France
was rent with civil war. Duke Philip the Bold of Burgundy
on his deathbed2 in 1404 had urged his sons to keep up their

1 Vol. II., pp. 297, 315. 2 Vol. I., p. 440; MONSTR., i., 115, 180 ; TKA-
HISONS DE FRANCE, 13 ; GESTE, 294. The date of his death is proved to
be April 2yth, 1404, from his epitaph in OUDEGHERST, n., 615 ; see also
ITIN., 338, 574; COCHON, 208; CHRON. DES DUCSDE BOURGOGNE, in., 233 ;
VARENBERGH, 489 ; BARANTE, n., 158 ; JARRY, 309. Not i7th, as BRANDO,
91 ; nor 26th, as CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 265 ; J. MEYER,
219. For the Stag at Hal, where he died, see GRUEL, 6, 186 ; nunc
quoque (i.e., in 1604) domus ibi et insigne. — LIPSE, n., 809. For his
four daughters, Margaret, Catherine, Mary, and Bona, see J. MEYER,
221. According to some he died at Ruysbroek between Brussels and
Hal. — Ibid., 219. For Christine de Pisan's lament at his death see PISAN,
i., 255; BAECKER, 193; THOMASSY, 132; ST. DENYS, in., 146. See
also anonymous poem in Sir Thos. Phillipps' library. En tous lieux
florist sa renommee.— FROIS., xx., 400. For ballad addressed to him in
1403, see PISAN, i., 251. For halting-places of his body on the way to
Dijon, viz., Grammont (May 2nd), Audenarde, Courtrai (May 4th), Lille,
Douai (ten days' halt), St. Quentin, Neuchatel-sur-Aisne, Troyes, Bar-
sur-Seine, Chatillon, Saint Seine, Dijon (June I5th), see ITIN., 344, 578 ;
PLANCHER, in., 573. The block of black marble for his tomb had been
deposited in the Church at Dijon by Nov.. 1402. — DEHAISNES, n., 797 ;
ST. DENYS, in., 144. The tomb is figured in PLANCHER, m., 204. For
particulars as to working it dated July nth, 1 404, see EC. DES CHARTES,
XLVIII., 302. It was taken to pieces in 1793, to be destroyed, but put
together again in 1818, and is now in the Museum at Dijon. Akcii.to-
LOGIA, XLVII., 145. In 1413 the furniture of the Hotel d'Artois in Paris
was sei/ed for debt under the eyes of his son John, comme monseigneur
le comte avoit besoin d'argent pour les frais de cet enterrement.— ITIN.,
579- 594? FROIS., xx., 401. For his attempts to tax Arras, see He. ni-.s
CHARTES, XLI., 518-536. He never recovered from the losses incurred at
Nicopohs in 1396. -OUDEGIIERST, n., 68.

1405.] yum Gerson. 39

loyalty to the King of France ; and this they scrupulously did.
The new Uuke John had already (1403) betrothed his only
son, Philip, Count of Charolais,1 as soon as he was seven
years old,'2 to Michelle,3 one of the King's little girls ; and a
few months after his father's death he contracted4 his eldest
daughter Margaret-3 to the King's son, Louis the Dauphin,
now nearly nine years of age,0 and heir to the French crown.
Backed by the populace,7 the University, and the preachers
of Paris, the Duke of Burgundy and his two brothers drew up
a plan for excluding the Duke of Orleans from the govern-
ment, and securing a reform in their own hands. They pre-
sented a letter 8 to the King, in which they formulated their
demands under four heads, and gained for the moment com-
plete ascendancy in the Court. As to war with England, they
noted the great poverty of the country and the misery caused
by the constant ravage on the Flemish, Picard, Norman, and
Breton coasts. They cried out against the shameful mis-
appropriation of the taxes, and the loss of the golden moment
for striking a blow when England was torn with dissensions
from within and threatened by the Scots from without.

It was in this year that Gerson, then cure of the Church of
St. Jean-en-Greve, preached1' before the King, the Dauphin,

1 LA MARCHE, i., 86. '^He was born June joth, 1396. — L'ART DE
VER., ii., 518. The marriage took place in 1409. — MONSTR., i., 180; vi.,
197 ; Juv., 466. 3 For contract dated May 5th, 1403, see PLANCHER, III.,
ccxi.; ORDONNANCES, VIII., XH. 4 Aug. 3oth, 1404.— Juv., 428; MONSTR.,
i., 400. For previous promise of marriage between them, dated April 28th,
1403, see PLANCHER, III., ccxi. 3 For her monument (d. 1442) in the
Carmelite Church in Paris, see LENOIR, 11., s. v., plate iv. ''HAVE, i.,
137. On Jan. a8th, 1410, it is noted that he has entered on his i4th year.

()u DON NANCES, IX., xiii., 490, 491. "Sr. DKNYS, iv., 342 ; TRAHISONS
DE FRANCE, 45 ; GESTE, 348. 8 PLANCHER, III., CCXLV. "Nov. 7, 1405.

GERSON, iv., 609; LEROUX DE LINCY, 404; PAULIN PARIS, vn., 263 ;

Ari-.ERTIN, II., 366; BOUKKET, 115; Juv., j |o, 443; ST. DttNYS, III.,

.p Orleans and Burgundy. [CHAP. LXVI.

the Dukes, and a mixed multitude in the Palace of the Louvre,
and pictured the state of France with a master-hand ; — the
taxgatherer stressing1 the people's pots and dishes and the
very straw off their beds, and seizing the last hen - or the four
chickens to pay for the King's spurs and the Queen's girdle :
lands lying idle, rents unpaid, old men feebly handling the
plough, and strong men leaving the country in despair, and
when the cash was gathered up, " the Dukes took all."

On July 26th, 1405, 8 the Duke of Orleans and the Queen
left Paris for the royal castle of Pouilly-le-Fort4 near Melun,
after arranging to have the Dauphin sent on to them there
with all despatch. Word of their movements was brought to
the Duke of Burgundy at Arras, 5 who arrived in Paris on
August i8th, 6 only to find that the Dauphin had started the
day before in a litter 7 drawn by two mules. But a violent
storm brought the retinue to a halt for the night at Villejuif. 8
The Duke of Burgundy with his two brothers and 800 armed
men pressed on and overtook them at Juvisy, 9 before they
could reach Corbeil, where the Queen and the Duke of
Orleans were awaiting them. Big words10 passed, but the
Duke of Burgundy cut the gearings n with his sword, brought
the runaways to a halt, and rode them back to the Louvre for
their dinner "with very great distroubling " (August ^th,
1405). 12 The Queen and the Duke of Orleans came up with
troops from Melun, prepared to force their way into the city ;

1 Cf. Here beestis ben stressid.— WYCL. (M.), 234. -For rents in
capons and hens, see ARCH/EOLOGIA, LIII., 344. :!Juv., 431. 4 MONSTR.,
in., 329. r> Or Senlis, according to TRAHISONS DK FR\NCF 16 • GBSTE'
297. '• ITIN., 350 ; not August 8th, as HOFLEK, RUPK., 317. ? COCHOM'
2^13. <BAYE, i., 138; ST. DENYS, m., 294. » DOUET D'ARCO, i. 273-
IJODEFROY, 414 ; COUSINOT, in ; JARRY, 325. ™ » Grosses paroles.''—

GODBFROY, 414. " AUNGIER, 360. 12 MoNSTR., I., XXV. ; BAYE I i ,8 •

n, 2bg ; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 270; " y at tres grand desroy."-lTiN 350 \
PROMPT. PARV., 123 ; JAMIESON, n., 67.

I-J.O5-] Reconciliation. 41

but the resolute attitude of the Parisians daunted them,
and they had to pause and parley. The lances of the Duke
of Orleans bore a knotty stick * or ragged-staff, - with the
motto, "Je I'enuie"" (I noie4 him). The Burgundians hoisted
a plane5 with the Flemish words, " Ik houd" ci (I hold). The
Duke of Orleans drew off, and the leaders agreed to a hollow
reconciliation ; but the King, the Council, and the capital re-
mained with the Duke of Burgundy. Troops kept pouring
into Paris from the North and East. The Bishop of Liege's "
company alone took two hours to file in, and by the end of
August there were 20,000 mounted foreigners in the city.
Stakes were driven into the river bed. Chains were stretched
from the island of Notre Dame to either bank, to bar s the
passage of boats, and across the streets and squares,9 to
break the fury of gathering mobs. Springalds 10 and ar blasts, n
with hauspees 12 for the strings, were mounted on roofs over-

1 CHAUCER (S.), i., 132, 135. '-' LOND. AND MIDD. ARCH^OL. Soc.,
iv., 324 ; TEST. EBOR., in., 41. :{ NOUVELLE BIOGR., s. v. ORLEANS, 803.
Not " envie," as BARANTE, n., 199 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, Louis ET
CHARLES, 283, PLATE v., No. 15 ; SCOTT, TALES OF A GRANDFATHER,
in., 339 (edition 1831). 4 CAPGR., CHRON., 300; P. PLO., in., 19; WYCL.
(A.), i., 26, 94, 112, 139, 161, 166, 360, 374, 380, 402, &c. ; IL, 21, 31,
297>327» m-> 7> 88, 230, 324, 361, 432; CHAUCER (S.), i., 207; POLLARD,
MIRACLES, , 34. — For "nuy" see HALLIWELL, IL, 584; " anoy," PAS-
TORALET, 584, 627 : GESTE, 337. 5 ITIN., 377, 581, 585, 596. — Moult y
avait de beaux raboys (i.e., at the battle of Othee).— POEM, 248, 253;
TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 25, 95, 119; GESTE, 312, 440. 6 Not " Hich
ond," as MONSTR., i., 123; nor "hie hac mit," as CHRON. DES Dues

DE BOURGOGNE, III., 233. "' PETRI SUFFR., 75; ITIN., 350, 581.. 8 ST.

DENYS, in., 332 ; iv., 442. •> Ibid., in., 308; COCHON, 213; TRAHISONS
DE FRANCE, no; GESTE, 502. 10 DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 272 ; CHAUCER (S.),
i., 204. ]1 For rough sketch of an arblast, see KAL. AND INV., 11., 79 ;
also ZIMMERN in ACADEMY, 7/3/91, p. 229 ; PI.ANCHE, i., 10. For arblas-
ter or balister, see Vol. II., p. 268 ; SHARPE, i., 125. For arcubalisters,
see HOLINS., n., 538. In CHAUCER (S.), i., 204; " arblaster " =: arblast.
For account of construction of a crossbow in 1460, see ARCH^OLOGIA,
LIII., 445-464. 1JI)uc. LANC. REC., xxvni., 4, 3, App. A. For haucepez,
see NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 480; de haucepiez qui sont ysneaulx. — DES-
CHAMPS, vii., 35.

42 Orleans and Burgundy. [CHAP. LXVI.

looking the walls, and gates1 were closed which had stood
open since the beginning of the reign, a quarter of a century
before. The Duke of Orleans was at Charenton '2 with a vast
force from central France ; while Flemish, Dutch, and German
musters were massing round to hold the fords and bridges over
the Seine and Oise, ready to rush in as soon as a chance spark
should kindle the blaze of civil war.

For two months both parties stood eye to eye, and the
rich lands round Paris were a prey3 to foragers, who " ate up
the poor, after the custom of the time."4 At length, on
October i6th, 5 an arrangement was patched up. The Queen
entered Paris in state on the following day. Oaths, pageants,
thanksgivings, and religious ceremonies skinned over the
bitter feud. The rival dukes reclined on the same couch, "
ate and drank at the same table, 7 sat side by side in church
and in council, and " many fine ordinances"8 were issued for
reducing the expenses of the court ; but " Broken before read ! ""
is the pithy side-note of the clerk who enrolled them in the
official books.

When the revolution was complete, it was found that in

1 BOURGEOIS UE PARIS, 631. DARESTE (in., 3), must surely be wrong
in describing Paris as " toute ouverte sans murailles." On p. 10 he says
" Jean sans Peur pour rassurer la ville de Paris en releva les murailles.''
- ST. DENYS, in., 334 ; CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 234.
y ST. DENYS, m., 336, 338 : GESTE, 300 ; TRAHISONS DE FRANCE,
17 ; where the year is wrongly given as 1406. 4 MONSTR., n., 48. 5 ST.
DENYS, in., 344; or October 22nd, as COCHON, 213; not November,
as BRANDO, 103. For letter of Christine de Pisan to Queen Isabel dated
October 5th, 1405, see THOMASSY, xxi., 133-140; PAULIN PARIS, v., 72;
LEROUX DE LINCY, 418. For a copy of it at All Souls, Oxford, MS.
CLXXXII., see PECKHAM, I., XLVIH. 6 ST. DENYS, in., 344 ; burent, man-
gerent ct couchereut ensemble.-— COUSINOT, 112; not "les fit coucher
dans le meme lit," as BARANTE, 11., 202. 7 ITIN., 354, 385 ; MONSTR., i.,
306. 8 Juv., 433 ; ST. DENYS, in., 350. •» '; Prius rupte quam lecte."-
liAVK, i., 144; n., 290. See also the searching retrenchments set out
in the ordinance of July 28th, 1406, in DOUET n' ARCO_, i., 288-^98, with
the footnote, " quia non fuerunt publicata non registrantur."

1405^] The Most Christian King. 43

spite of prayers l and pious wishes, the " well-beloved and most
Christian " - king was still " smit with the wrath of Heaven," y
and " not in such good point as you would wish.'' 4 He was biting
his nails,5 plucking at his scant brown hair,0 and slobbering "
his food with a wolfish greed. His stark gaunt body s was
eaten with sores and filthy with vermin, for he would not be
washed and they could only remove his clothes by sending 10
or 12 men in various disguises to frighten him and strip him
by force. On November yth, 1405,° the little Dauphin Louis
was declared Regent, marking for the moment the triumph 10
of his future father-in-law, the Uuke of Burgundy.

At this stage in the crisis an embassy arrived from
England consisting of Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Win-
chester, Thomas Lord Camoys,11 John Norbury, Captain
of Guines (a very old diplomatic handrj), and John

1 See the ballad by Christine de Pisan with the refrain : " Nostre bon
roy qui est en maladie," in PISAN, i., 95 ; ECOLE DES CHARTES, B. v.,
375. 2MoNSTR., i., 155 ; FENIN, 191 ; LEFEVRE, i., 6; Juv., 453; GALIT-
ZIN, 27 ; cf. " Charle bien ame." — PASTORALET, 845. Charles VI. was
born on Advent Sunday, December, 3rd, 1368. — CHRISTINE, I., xv. ;
DESCHAMPS, n., 49. For his debauchery, see ST. DENYS, i., 566 ;
CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, Louis ET CHARLES, 71. For his autograph, see
J. G. NICHOLS, 4, B. :! " Frappe par la colere celeste," said Fillastre in
November, i4o6.--AuBERTiN, 358; EC. DES CHARTES, i., 374 ; " a Deo
plagatus." — CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 236. For his " grave
maladie,11 " la maladie de 1'alienation de son entendement laquelle a
dure des 1'an 1393 hors aucuns intervalles de resipiscence telle quelle,"
see BAYE, i. , 24, 112, 137, August igth, 1405. 4 DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 269;
cf. " in lusty point," GOWER, CONF., 396; DESCHAMPS, vm., 25, 26, 31.
3 ST. DENYS, in., 348; MONSTR., i., 227. (i Fusca czesaries. — ST. DENYS,
i., 564. 7 PROMPT. PARV., 459. s Grant de corps, plus que les communs
honmes.— CHRISTINE, I., xv. ; proceritate corporis eximia. -ST. DSNYS,
i., 564. 9Juv., 437 ; BAYE, i., 181. lu BARANTE, n. , 206. u Vol. II., p.
•I ID. !'•; RVM., vn., 421, 709. In 1385 he went to Lisbon and took ser-
vice as an adventurer with the King of Portugal in his war with Castile
(FROIS., in., 40), and was present at the battle of Aljubarrota. In 1390
he accompanied Henry as Earl of Derby in his expedition to Prussia.—
DKRISY ACCTS., XLIII., 298. In 1391 he was receiving £20 per annum
as a squire in Henry's service as Earl of Derby. -Due. LANC. REC.,

44 Orleans and Burgundy. [CHAP. LXVI.

Caterick,1 who had returned from Rome and been made
Treasurer of Lincoln Cathedral.2 Their credentials were
signed on March 22nd, i4o6,:i when the Merchants4 and
the Commons were using strong language against the in-
competence of the Government at Westminster; and they
were empowered to cross to Picardy and negotiate for a
truce or a peace or whatever else they could get, in view
of the prevailing discontent at home. Bishop Beaufort was
to take advantage of his visit to report upon the condition of
Calais and the neighbouring fortresses, and he was specially
charged to arrange a marriage 5 between the Prince of Wales
and any of the French Princesses whom he might consider
suitable. The matter had been previously discussed amongst

xxvin., 3, 4, APP. A. In 1399 Henry as Duke of Lancaster grants to
him as " our dear squire" the forfeiture of all lands belonging to John
Leedwyk. — ADD. CH., 5829 (Lymster, July 3ist, 1399, with fine seal of
Henry). He is called "John Norbri."— ibid., 5830. In 1399 he and his
wife Pernel have an allowance of 40 marks per annum from Henry as
Duke of Lancaster. — Due. LANC. REC., xxvni., 4, i, APP. A., though in
PRIV. SEAL, 648/6554, Apr. 28th, 1410, his wife is called Elizabeth. In
PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 18, June ist, 1412, he has custody of the alien priory
of Greenwich and Lewisham.

1 Vol. II., p. 344. For payments to him for embassies to France,
anno vii. and ix., see Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. i8th, 1412.

2 Vacant through the death of Peter Dalton, Nov. i6th, 1405.
Caterick was installed Mar. 25th, 1406.— LE NEVE, IL, 89; PAT., 7 H.
IV., 2, 40 (Mar. i4th, 1406), shows that he had the prebend of Hey-
worth (Sarum) by papal provision. In RYM., vin., 659, he is Arch-
deacon of Surrey ; see also LE NEVE, in., 29 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 5.
He was* made Bishop of St. David's, June, 1414. MONSTR., i. 126, pro-
bably refers to Chichele, who was not Bishop of St. David's till 1408.
The only other envoy that he names he calls Le Comte de Pennebruch,
whom he had previously (p. 107) supposed to have been killed at Sluys
(Vol. II., p. 103). Caterick was made Bishop of Lichfield in May, 1415,
while attending the Council at Constance. In Nov. r 1419, he was made
Bishop of Exeter, but he died at Florence, Dec. a8th, 1419. — GODWIN, i.,
321, 412; IL, 162. For his effigy, see RELIQUARY, Jan., 1887, p. 54.

3 RYM., vin., 432. Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., Mar. 26th, 1406, has
payment to messenger sent to Master Richard Holme (Vol. I., p. 126) at
Durham to come to the King and confer as to truce with France.

4 Vol. II., p. 4I6. 5 RYM., vin., 435 ; FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 9.

1406.] BtsJiop Beaufort's Embassy. 45

the Lords spiritual and temporal ; and a proposal l was put in
writing and forwarded to the French King, asking for the
hand of his daughter Madame Marie,2 who had been for the
last nine years an inmate of the Dominican Convent at Poissy,3
a few miles out of Paris.

The French expressed a general willingness to treat. The
Bishop of Chartres, the Lord of Hugueville, and two lawyers
were appointed to meet the English in Picardy, and safe-
conducts were issued for them, with a suite of 300 attendants,
on April i3th.4 Bishop Beaufort and John Norbury left
London on March 26th,5 and Caterick followed three days
later. Arrangements were made for their possible absence
for a year ; but the business was more speedily got through,
and all were back in England by May 22nd. They had long
and repeated audiences in Paris, where they represented that
King Henry was about to abdicate, and that the Prince of
Wales would in a short time be virtually the ruler of England.1'1
But their matrimonial proposals met with no success. The
French were too shrewd " to make terms just yet. They were
winning all along the line in Quercy and Perigord, and their
recent recognition of Owen as Prince of Wales 8 was a further
barrier to negotiations. In one respect, however, their
mission prospered, for 12 armed ships that were on the point
of sailing from Harfleur under the new Admiral Pierre Clignet

1 Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., PASCH., May i8th, 1406. '- Juv., 431 ; REPORT
ON FCED., D., 75 ; TILLET, GUERRES, 122. See also Vol. II., p. 95. 3 ST.
DENYS, n., 554 ; DOUET D'ARCQ, L, 320. 4 FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 10 ; RYM.,
viii., 438. 5FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 10, n (March 24th, 1406), shows that
Beaufort is about to start with two balingers. Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV.,
MICH., Dec. loth, 1406, has payment to him of £222. There is no ac-
count for Camoys in FOR. ACCTS., 7 H. IV. 6 MONSTR., i., 126 ; WAURIX,
i., 101, (followed by JARRY, 344,) must be wrong in saying that they
pressed for the hand of Isabel ; see Vol. I., p. 424. 7 Car los Frances sen
trop cauthelos. — JURADE, 49. 8 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 302.

46 Orleans and Burgundy. [CHAP. LXVI.

to plunder English shipping were stopped by order of the
French King.1

Nevertheless, the English coasts were in constant apprehen-
sion of attack, and on May 22nd'2 orders were sent to array
forces in Kent, Hampshire, and Suffolk ready to meet an
expected invasion. In the middle of June, Nino and Savoisi !!
were again afloat with their galleys, the wages of the crews
being paid by the French Government. As they sailed from
the Seine at six o'clock in the morning of Wednesday, June
1 6th, the sun was totally eclipsed,4 and for a quarter of an
hour they could scarcely see each other in the darkness. Nino
had to reason his men out of their fears, for they thought that
the sun was dying. He told them that there was nothing so
very wonderful if the sun and moon should now and again
meet on their journeys, like two travellers coming from oppo-
site parts of the world, say Prussia and China.5 It was be-
lieved that an English fleet of 200 sail had been waiting for
them at Plymouth 6 since before Christmas. Nino, therefore,
resolved not to approach the Cornish shore again. He coasted
along to Le Crotoy at the mouth of the Somme, slipped

1 MONSTR., i., 127. a PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 31 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC,
LETTRES, n., 317. 3 Vol. II., Chap. LVII. 4 Cf. Vol. III., p. 12;
LANGEBEK, i., 320; GAMEZ, 364; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 287; BAYE,
i., 159; n., 291; ANN., 419; GOBELIN, 324; ARCHIVES HIST. DE LA
GIRONDE, in., 181 ; BOUILLONS, 558; MURAT., xvni., 590. DELAYTO,
1041, says ten o'clock; i.e., the totality, which he says lasted almost
an hour. Not June i5th, as CORNER, 1188, who says that the great
darkness lasted a quarter of an hour, and that the men in the marsh-
land about Liibeck thought that the end of the world had come ; cf.
TRITHEIM, IL, 324. The date is given as June i7th in ST. DENYS,
in., 390 ; and June 26th in MS. CORDELIER, in MONSTR., vi., 194.
In Paris, the people flocked to the churches. — -Juv., 438. For Bavaria,
see RATISBON, 2126. In China the eclipse was obscured by clouds. — A.
WYLIE, ECLIPSES RECORDED IN CHINESE WORKS, 119. 5 For a good
explanation of a lunar eclipse see CHAUC. (S.), i., 222. (i GAMEZ, 398 ;
OKD. PRIV. Co., i., 280.

1406.] Nino. 47

cautiously out between Dover and Calais, came up with a
shoal of flying fish on the Flemish coast, and then stood
across for Orwell. But the wind drove him back again ; and
as there was no nearer shelter, he entered the harbour of Sluys.
After paying a short visit to Bruges he led out his galleys and
ran close under Calais, thereby drawing upon himself a harm-
less fire from some "very strong bombards"1 in the Lancas-
ter Tower. As he lay off Gravelines he spied an English squad-
ron, which he thought might be the convoy accompanying the
Lady Philippa to Denmark.2 The sea was calm ; a little wine
was handed out to the men to warm their courage/5 and away
they went into the teeth of the English craft. Arrows,
quarrels, and casting-darts4 were showered from the decks.
There was ramming, and howking, and grappling, and hurtling5
of fire-boats ablaze with resin, tallow, and tar.G But the wind
had the last say as usual ; and when the big English slugs " got
into action the nimble galleys sheered off into shallow water,
where the enemy with his heavier draught could not get at
them.

At Le Crotoy Savoisi retired,8 and Nino finished up with
an attack on Jersey. Aided by the crews of some Norman
and Breton vessels that were making for the Bay of Bourgneuf °

1 GAMEZ, 373. >2Vol. II., p. 449. :! " He bryngeth the cuppe and
biddeth hem be blithe." — CHAUC., LEG. OF GOOD WOMEN, vm., 69.
4 FOR. ACCTS., 13 H. IV. 5 LAST AGE OF THE CHURCH, xxxn. ; PROMPT.
PARV., 253; CHAUC. (S.), n., 24, 142; KNIGHT'S TALE, 2618; MAN OF
LAW, 4717; WYCL. (A.), i., 186; in., 65, 66. fi For a specimen of sea-
fights of the period see the Genoese and Venetians at Modon, near
Navarino, in 1403, Boucic., 281 ; also CLEOPATRA (56) in LEGEND OF
GOOD WOMEN, vin., 69. 7 HOLINS., n., 533. 8 He was back in Paris
in September, 1406. — ST. DENYS, in., 388 ; and went with the Duke of
Orleans to Guienne. — GAMEZ, 562. In 1409 he became Chancellor of
France.— F. DUCHESNE, 417. » For the salt marshes at "the Bay," see
HIRSCH, DANZIG, 91, 258. Cf. " nere into Britonuse Bay for salt so fine."
— POL. SONGS, n., 162, 171. For scarcity of salt at Bordeaux and
Libourne in 1404, see EC. DBS CH., XLVII., 64, also Vol. II., p. 415.

48 Orleans and Burgundy. [CHAP. I.XVT.

for salt, he got together as many as 1000 men, and effected a
landing near St. Helier's.

Since the arrest of the Duke of York in 1405,' the
Channel Islands had been in suspended allegiance; but Sir
John Lisle, the Sheriff of Wiltshire,2 was sent to " recover and
govern " the island of Guernsey3 with Castle Cornet, and Sir
Thomas Pickworth4 had crossed from Calais to take the
command in Jersey. But though the Duke of York had
lately been restored to all his former rights, 5 yet the islands
were still in the hands of a Receiver. They were reckoned
as five in number, 6 viz., Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, Sark, and
Erme, of which Alderney was "desolated and destroyed " by
enemies. 7 They were specially valued by the English as
victualling stations for supplying vessels on their way to
Bordeaux, 8 and preparations were just making to forward fresh
troops to them from the ports of Wey mouth and Poole. 9

As soon as Nino had landed his party, he withdrew his
galleys, and the invaders found themselves between the
Jerseymen and the deep sea. They therefore fought for dear
life, and carried all before them. The Receiver was killed,
and a large tribute was exacted ; but the interest of the

1 Vol. II., p. 43. 2 For payment to him for his services, see Iss. ROLL,
7 H. IV., MICH., February gth, 1406. 3 On January 2yth, 1411, William
Pomeray esquire is appointed Bailiff of Guernsey, vice Gervoys Cler-
mont deceased.— PRIV. SEAL, 650/6756. 4 RYM., vin., 387, (March
22nd, 1405). ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 106 ; CALIG., D. iv., 74, 75.
5 Vol. II., p. 48; FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 7, n, March i8th, 1406.
He is still custos in PAT., n H. IV., 2, 7, (July 17, 1410); RYM.,
VIIL, 677, 698, (March 2nd, July i4th, 1411). In ROT. VIAG., i, (Dec.
29th, 1409), Richard of York is Lieutenant of Jersey for his brother
the Duke. In PRIV. SEAL, 651/6896, (June 5th, 1411), and FR. ROLL,
13 H. IV., 18, (February i2th, 1412), he is occupator of the Channel
Islands. For confirmation of privileges of the Islands, see PRIV. SEAL,
652/6922, (June 22nd, 1411). « FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 17. 'Ibid., 7, where
" Aurenny " is granted to John Sherston ; see also RYM., VIIL, 387. The
name is still pronounced " Ourgni."— EC. DBS CHARTES, xxxix., 63 ; Vol.
I., p. 379. «GAMEZ, 403. 9PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 6, August 4th, 1406.

1406,] ersey. 49

narrative centres more in the bannerer's clever description of
the island, than in the dismal round of constant fighting. He
gathered from the prisoners that there were in Jersey 4000 or
5000 people of Breton origin, 1 all fishers, farmers or traders,
peaceable enough folk if left alone, but desperate if forced to
fight for their families and homes, which they boasted had
never been subdued, either by French or English conquerors.
They had one large town, enclosed with a stockade and
ditches. Outside of this were the woods, the smiling gardens,
the leafy lanes and the herds and harvests, that have been
the pride of the island from that day to this ; and there were
five strong castles with English garrisons under an English
governor. After these exploits, we lose sight of Nino. He
returned to La Rochelle, and thence to Santander and his
home near Valladolid ; and we know that he was at Madrid '2
before the death of Henry III., on Christmas Day,
1406. :{

By the fall of the year 1406, there were signs of a better
understanding with France. Negotiations were renewed
through Casin, Lord of Sereinviller, 4 Chamberlain to the
Duke of Berry. The truce with Flanders was prolonged, and
agreements were entered into for securing the safety of French,
Flemish, and Breton fishing boats in the strait between Dover
and Wissant, and freedom of traffic between Calais and
Gravelines. On Oct. 5th, 1406, 5 Sir John Cheyne and Henry

1 GAMEZ, 404. For an account of the Channel Islands see EC. DES
CHARTES, xxxvm., 49-96, 274-332 ; xxxix., 4-80. 2 GAMEZ, 424. 3 Vol.
II., p. 330. 4 COMPTES DE L'HOTEL, 298, 302, 312 ; called Casyne de
Seremuller (RYM., vm., 509, 515) ; Casin Seigneur de Sereamiller (Ibid.,
513), or Sereinvillier (Ibid,, 521). For his safe-conduct dated Sept. 3rd,
1406, see FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., i. 5 RYM., vm., 452, 453. In Iss. ROLL,
8 H. IV., MICH., Cheyne receives £66 135. 4<i. for going to France on
secret business.

50 Orleans and Burgundy. [CHAP. Lxvl.

Chichele were empowered to arrange a lasting peace with
France, Hugh Mortimer, l chamberlain to the Prince of Wales,
being attached to their mission, to bring about, if possible,
the projected marriage. At first all seemed to promise well ;
and matters were carried so far that the Prince nominated
Erpingham, Caterick, and Mortimer as his proxies for the
coming espousals, in the presence of Gilbert Lord Talbot,
Master John Macworth 2 (his chancellor), and Sir Roger
Leche3 (the steward of his household), in the Palace at
Hertford, on July 3rd, 1407. A notary 4 was also present, who
vouched the appointments in a house in the Rue Neuve Ste.
Marie in Paris on Aug. 2ist, 1407, and the document was pre-
sented to the French court on Aug. 28th. But all these good
intentions were thwarted by the exigencies of French policy;
and the marriage scheme fell through. Madame Marie had been
entered as a novice at Poissy from the time that she was four
years old, 5 where no man ° was allowed to serve her, and no one
but relations might speak to her. The Duke of Orleans 7 had
tried to get her out by force, but failed. She was now nearly
14 years of age,8 and the King, her father, had visited her in
the convent, trying to persuade her to marry, but all to no

1 Q. R. Wardrobe, ff (3), App. F. For pardon to him for marrying
Isabel, widow of Bernard Mussinden, without leave, see PRIV. SEAL,
647/6417, Feb. 2nd, 1410. 2 He succeeded Bubwith as Archdeacon of
Dorset, Sept. 24th, 1406 ; became Archdeacon of Norfolk, Aug. 3oth,
1408; Dean of Lincoln, 1412; died in 1457, and is buried in Lincoln
Cathedral.— LE NEVE, n., 33, 484, 639. * See Vol. II., p. 229. 4 Viz.,
Reginald Wolstru, clerk of the diocese of Hereford.— TRANSCR. FOR. REG.,
135- »I.c., Sept. 8th, 1397.— ST. DENYS, n., 555 ; m., 349. 6 Christine
de Pisan, whose daughter was in the same convent, visited Poissy in
April, 1400, and saw the "young and tender" Madame Marie, voillee et
vestue.— PISAN, n., 161, 167, 311; EC. DES CH., 4th SER., m., 539.
Lnnstme herself became a recluse at Poissy after the invasion by the
English.— LEROUX DE LINCY, xiv. ' Juv., 431. » She was born Aug
24th, 130.3.— ST. DENYS, n., 95 ; EC. DES CH., 4th SER., iv., 478 ; not
1392, as LUSSAN, in., 238 ; PISAN, n., 3n

1407.] Madame Marit* 51

purpose.1 On Oct. 25th, 1407, 2 she was finally "placed"
at Poissy, where she made her profession, took the vow of
perpetual maidenhood, and was veiled3 on Trinity Sunday,
June loth, 1408. 4

1 A j seigneur estranger.— -COCHON, 216. a ITIN., 587 ; for " mise,"
cf. " nulles n'y sont mises fors par congiu du roy."— PISAN, n., 169.
* GOWER, CONF., 422. 4S'r. DENYS, iv., 8; vi., 118; MONSTR., i., 10,
152. She afterwards became Prioress of Poissy, and died in 1438. —
STRICKLAND, i., 501. On Oct. yth, 1413, the Duke of Berry gave her
a breviary in two volumes, tres bien et richement histories et enlumines,
the second volume having two gold clasps enamelled with the arms of
France. These two volumes had been originally given by Charles VI.
to Richard II., and so had come into the possession of Henry IV., who
sent them to the Duke of Berry. They are now in the Bibliotheque
Nationale in Paris (Nos. 10483-4, Fonds Latin), and are known as the
Breviaire de Belleville. — DELISLE, i., 63 ; in., 175 ; REVUE ARCHEOLO-
GIQUE, vii., 225.

CHAPTER LXVII.

CALAIS.

THE reconciliation between the French Dukes needed fre-
quent cement, and indeed six weeks had not elapsed before
the Queen l and the Dukes of Orleans and Berry were again
combining against their common enemy. On June 29th, 1406,-
the French King's fourth son, John, Duke of Touraine, * then
seven years of age, was betrothed to the Duke of Burgundy's
niece, Jacqueline. The child was only five years old ; but she
was heiress4 to the rich counties of Holland and Hainault,
which might round off the lands of Artois, Flanders, and
Brabant to the dimensions of a European kingdom. So after
the betrothal, little John was removed to Le Quesnoy,5 to be

1 See the paper dated Dec. i, 1405. in DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 283. The
letter of the Archbishop of Bordeaux, dated April nth, 1406, shows
that the tidings of renewed quarrels in Paris were welcome in Bordeaux.
— JURADE, 87. -ST. DENYS, in., 394; Juv., 438; HOFLER, RUPR., 309.
Not June 22nd, as LETTENHOVE, in., 64; nor June i6th, 1407, as JARRY,
335. 3Born Aug. 3151, 1398.— ART DE VER., n., 859; EC. DES CH., 4th
SER., iv., 480; not the third son, as CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE,
in., 237. For figure of him on the Bastille, see MILLIN, i., 34. For
grant to him of Duchy of Touraine dated July i2th, 1401, see ORDON-
NANCES, viii., 450. For previous plan for marrying him with one of the
Duke of Burgundy's own daughters, dated May 5th, 1403, see PLAN-
CHER, III., ccxv. ; ORDONNANCES, VIII., xn. 4 TRITHEIM, n., 329;
TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 42; GESTE, 339. 3 MONSTR., i., 130. In MKS-

SAGER DES SCIENCES HlSTORIQUES DE BEIXHQUE (l886), p. 456, are

extracts from accounts of Aubert Loison, maistre d'escolle a Monsgr.

L Madame de Touraine (Sept. i, 1408, to Sept. i, 1409), including

books, heures de nostre Dame pour uns, Principes dont auteurs Caton-

net, quares, regimes et regies de metresyer, Doctrinal (textes et sentences

1406.] Charles, Count of Angouttmt. 53

reared by his future mother-in law, the Duke of Burgundy's
sister, Margaret. The Queen objected, and there was a
" wordy controversy ; " ] but victory remained with the Duke.

On the same - day the Duke of Orleans' eldest son Charles, :i
Count of Angouleme, the future poet, then n years of age,
was married to the King's eldest daughter, Isabel, the widow4

magistraux), Cathenot (in scarlet leather covers), Theodolet, Guide
Thobie bien glose et historyes bien couvert et relyes, together with a
wooden box for their books, a desk, a psalter, &c.

1 ,ST. DENVS, in., 394. 2 Not " a few months after the contract of June
5th, 1404 " (see Vol. I., p. 424), as LINGARD, in., 449. LABORDE, in., 222,
Aug. 4th, 1406, refers to the marriage as completed (nagnires faictes).
'•' He was born Nov. 24th, 1394. — JARRY, 75. 129. Not 1391, as ST.
DENYS, i., 702 (who in in., 394, makes him only nine years old in 1406) ;
LABORDE, III., i.-vii. ; DARESTE, in., 25; HOFLER, RUPR., 311 ; ANNA,
142 ; ACAD. DES INSCR., xni., 580, 583 ; xvii., 526 ; FENIN, 7 ; CHAM-

POLLION-FlGEAC, 5, 62, 260 ; LEROUX DE LlNCY, 517; MAULDE LA

CLAVIERE ; NOUVELLE BIOGR., s. v. LABORDE, in., 211, refers to Master
Nicholas Gerbet as secretary to the Duke, and Maistre d'Escolle to
Charles and Philip, with a salary of 100 livres tournois per annum.
For an entry dated Feb. 2oth, 1401, of two little books given to him to
be tied entrc deux aiz covered with scarlet Cordovan leather, see ibid.,
199. For his books at Blois in 1427, chiefly inherited from his father,
see EC. DES CH., A., v., 59. For his portrait and signature, see CHAM-
FOLLioN-FiGEAC, Plate xxxi. ; BONET, APPARITION, xvi.; P. PARIS, vi.,
274 (from MS. 7203, in BIBL. NAT.) ; LEROUX DE LINCY, 517 (from
MS. 966); BASTARD, Plate Ixxxiv. ; DELISLE, in., 315, Plate xlix.
4 For document dated Jan. 2gth, 1400, in which Charles VI. has
heard that Richard est ale de vie a trespassement, see TRANSCR. FOR.
REC., 135, 3, i.e., PARIS ARCHIVES, J. 644, 31 ; FROIS., xvin., 587 ; TEULET,
5, A ; LAYETTES DU TRESOR DES CHARTRES, ARCHIVES DE L'EMPIRE,
PARIS, 1863. On April i2th, 1400, Richard is officially referred to in
France as " nuper defunctum." — EC. DES CH., XLIX., 417. See also
REPORT ON FCED., APP. D., 67 ; TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 3, July 22nd,
1400. To the other proofs that the French knew Richard to be dead,
add the manifesto of the Duke of Orleans, dated Sept. 2nd, 1405, in
DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 282. For picture of Isabel on horseback, see CHAM-
POLLioN-FiGEAC, Plate xxxix. DESCHAMPS (vi., 42) says that she was
only seven years old at her marriage with Richard in 1396. In her
passage through London, June 28th, 1401 (Vol. I., p. 208), she was
dressed in black like a nun (vestue de noir comme une religieuse,
COCHON, 200. Cf. Je suis vesve seulete et noir vestue.— PISAN, i., 148.
Jamais ne vestiray que noir. — Ibid., 161. Vestez vous noir. — DESCHAMPS,
in., 321; iv., 311. "Clad in blake." — DIGBY MYST., 86; STRUTT,
DRESS, n., 320, Plate xcix., cxxxv. In nigro panno.— GIBBONS, 118.

54

Calais. [CHAP. LXVII.

of King Richard II. The young count received a dower of
500,000 l gold francs from the King, three-fifths - of which he
was to get out of "Henry of Lancaster": — if he could. The
marriage took place at Compiegne,8 and the festivities were
"grand and notable."4 The Queen of France was there with
the two rival Dukes, each wearing the other's device,5 in token
of eternal friendship. The Duke of Burgundy donned the
porcupine," and the Duke of Orleans the plane ;7 but with all

" Blacke clothes."— GOWER, CONF., 285, 401, 422, 425. " Under the wede
of fethers blacke."— Ibid., 291. " In mourning blak." — CHAUCER (S.), i.,
213, 292. " In widewes habite blak." — Ibid., n., 158, 163, 327. For
" blak weed," see Cov. MYST., 289 ; CHESTER PLAYS, n., 42, 182 ;
though HOLT, LANGLEY, 267, thinks that "at that period the weeds of
widowhood were pure white.") All her retinue were in black ; the
palfreys, bastards, and coursers all had black leather saddles with
housings of black cloth and black reins ; the whirls, chairs, and litters
were fitted with black velvet and black satin cushions. — Q. R. WARD-
ROBE, 4/ APP. B. For her passage through Abbeville, Thursday, Aug.
4th, 1401, see ITIN., 316. She always protested that she did not re-
cognize Henry as King of England. — ADD. MS., 30,664, 234. For her
precociousness (moult bien introduite et endoctrine'e), see FROIS., xv.,
185.

1 KEPT. ON FCED., D. 146; GODEFROY, 609. In the reign of Edward
I. four livres Tournois = £i sterling. — RYM., n., 854. - ADD. MS.,
30,664, 246. From contract dated June 5th, 1404. — DOUET D'ARCQ,
i., 260; TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 3; REPT. ON FCED., D., 299. For
documents dated by Benedict XIII. at Tarascon, Jan. 8th, 1404 (not 1406),
see RECEUIL, i., 368, 369. The Duke of Orleans had just visited him
there. — MART., COLL., vn., 681. 3 MONSTR., i., 129; ITIN., 355, 584; J.
MEYER, 223 b. ; CHRONIQUE DU MONT ST. MICHEL, 18 ; CHAMPOLLION-
FIGEAC, 263; JARRY, 310. Not Senlis, as Juv., 438; nor Chateau
Thierry, as COCHON, 210; nor Amboise, as ANSELME, i., 208. 4 For de-
scription of a May festivity, see PISAN, n., 51. 5 ST. DENYS, iv., 420 ;
MONSTR., n., 127 ; HOLT, 140. 6 GAMEX, 361 ; ACAD. DES INSCR., xxi.,
523. ADD. CH., B. M., 2588, Mar. loth, 1400, has payment for a gilt
shield powdered with painted figures of the porcupine, for the Duke of
Orleans. See also ibid., 2271, 3094. The order of the Porcupine had
been ^instituted at the birth of the bridegroom. — CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC,
64. 7 ARCHIVES DE LILLE, Mar. 24th, 1406, shows 4 fr. 10 s. t., paid to
a goldsmith for making a rabot for Mons. de Charrolois, garnished with an
emerald, two diamonds, and a pearl, hanging in a ring with a ruby and
two diamonds.— LABORDE, i., 20; also 226 planes for the gentlemen of
the hostel (p. 28), and 2000 pennons (pannonceaux) painted with planes
(p. 29). On p. 22, Monseigneur (i.e., the Duke of Burgundy) ot un autre

1406." Isabel of France. 55

the eating, and drinking, and jousting,1 and dancing,2 the
tender bride was again in tears.3 Three years afterwards she
died in childbirth at Blois (Sept. i3th, 1409).* She was
buried there in the Abbey Church of St. Lomer, and some of
her old dresses 5 were given away to the clergy to be cut down
into chasubles and dalmatics for use at Mass. Two hundred
years later her body was removed G to the Church of the
Celestins in Paris.

Within a week " after the festivities the Duke of Burgundy
was back in the capital ; but the air was charged with tumult,
in spite of the happy reconciliation. The whole population
of Paris was armed8 for emergencies. Swords, daggers, and
knives were worn 9 in the streets, and outrages were per-
petrated with impunity. The great clerical council was due
to meet in the Louvre in the following November, to discuss
the burning question of subtraction ; and it was thought ad-
visable that both Dukes should find occupation 10 against the

harnis de drap noir de la devise de Mons. d'Orleans ; also payment to
the painter for un nyt d'oiseaulx a la devise de Mons. d'Orleans, ung
rabot et une male qu'il porta derriere lui. For rabot d'or with pearl and
ring belonging to Valentine, Duchess of Orleans, see ibid., in., 219.

1 40 gold crowns were paid to Jean Malouel, painter, who spent
five months at Paris and Compiegne from April, 1406, painting harness
for the jousts. — LABORDE, i., 17. - For 100 francs paid by the Duke of
Burgundy to the minstrels of the Count of Holland, see ibid., i., 17. 3 Par
pluiseurs fois elle le refusast et en feist grand dangier et contredit car
c'estoit son cousin germain. — TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 50 ; GESTE, 351;
44 wounded to the quick by her marriage with a child." — MAULDE LA
CLAVIERE, in ATHENAEUM, 25/10/90, p. 541. 4 ST. DENYS, iv., 252;
COCHON, 244; COUSINOT, 124; EC. DES CH., 4th SER., iv., 477; BRANDO,
85 ; TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 49; en enfantant. — Juv., 451 ; gisant d'une
fille. — MONSTR., ii., 37 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 284 ; not 1410, as HOFLER,
143. For mourning-cloak for her brother, the Duke ol Touraine, see MES-
SAGER (1886), p. 461. 5 Cf. CUNNINGHAM, i., 287. For modern instances,
see SHARPE, HUSTINGS WILLS, II., x. 6 In 1624. — ART DE VER., n., 712.
For her husband's lament over her, see TRAISON, 168. 7 BAYE, i., 163,
July 6th, 1406. On July loth he was at Dijon. — ITIN., 355. 8 MONSTR.,
i., 127; GODEFUOY, 403; ST. DKNYS, in., 232. 9 BAYE, i., 170. 10GoDE-
FROY, 415 ; Vol. II., p. 462,

56 Calais. [CiiAP. LXVII.

English and leave Paris for a time in peace. Accord-
ingly, in spite of the pleasant fiction of negotiations,1 a fresh
flood of fiery philippics '' was loosed against the " vile and
miserable beast " who " called himself King of England " and
dared to claim the crown of France, and all French patriots
were urged to rise and wipe out the stain from their country's
honour. The Duke of Burgundy as Lieutenant of Picardy,:1
was told off. to attack Calais while the Duke of Orleans went
against Guienne. The Duke of Burgundy proceeded first to-
Lille (Oct. 6th, 1406) 4 to confront the opposition of his
Flemish subjects, who were settling down to the belief that
their quarrels with England were at an end. Bruges was all
in uproar, and special pressure had to be brought to bear upon
the men of Bethune5 before they would submit to be taxed
for such a purpose. Forces were collected 6 from all parts of
France, each contingent trying to outvie its neighbour in the
splendour of its trappings ; and we have an account from an
eye-witness who watched the departure of a company from
Rouen, where the leader" had 100 gold crowns fastened to
each of his sleeves, a string of 50 English gold nobles hanging
in threes like shamrocks from the band of his hat, 50 crowns
on the left side of his horse's housings, and another 100 on
his standard. The muster was at St. Omer, 8 where the Duke
of Burgundy arrived on Oct. 3oth,9 accompanied by his

1 VARENBERGH, 497. - MONTREUIL, 1350, 1362. 3MoNSTR. i., 125 •
VARENBERGH 569. For his appointment as Lieutenant or Captain
General for War in Picardy and West Flanders, dated April 2ist, 1406
see PLANCHER, III CCLII. * ITIN., 356 ; Juv., 439. 'J. MEYER, 223 b
'. For order dated Sept. 2ist, 1406, see BARANTE, n., 215. 'I.e., Jean
Malet, Lord of Granville.-CocHON, 219. * ST< D^ „? 6 £ ^

.-, . < „

T°rV15 k°EHTE' 3°4' RYM" Vm" 456. He stayed till Nov. i6th.

for I™3t5h T™ ^^ " 6°°° francs allowance, pour son estat,
lor a month. — TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135.

1406.1 St. Omer. 57

brother Anthony, Duke of Limburg, and the Lord of Hugue-
ville. 6000 men-at-arms 1 had been collected, together with
3000 archers, 1500 cross-bowmen (including many Genoese)^
and foot soldiers from Cassel and other parts of Flanders ;
600 carpenters had been constantly at work felling trees since
Oct. ist; and the adjoining forest2 of Belo, which used to
yield a yearly income of 2000 gold crowns, was spoiled for 40
years to come. The timber was forwarded by water and by
land to St. Omer, where 100 men were busy shaping it into
planks and pegs which were stacked in sheds near St. Bertin's '•'
Church, and carefully watched by runners and billeters 4 night
and day to guard against an outbreak of fire. Two huge
bastilles, supplied with engines, coullards and mantlets, were
constructed for wheeling up to the walls of Calais. Guns,
bombards, rams, stonebows 5 and ladders ° were bought in
Holland, Limburg, Bruges, Utrecht, Diest, Brussels and
Louvain, one of the guns weighing 2000 Ibs. of iron, and
throwing stones of 120 Ibs. The arblasts were fitted with
triple strings. " backstays, straps, windlasses, nightingales,
(cignoles*), and all the most modern mechanism. 7200 Ibs. of
gunpowder were bought at Bruges and St. Omer, together
with 5000 Ibs. of saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal for future
mixing. There were 125,000 quarrels, 10,000 caltraps, vast

1 COCHON (218) says 3000. -ST. DENYS, in., 448. 3 Called St.
Martin in TRANSCR. FOR. REG. 4 Coureurs et boquillons; cf. COTGRAVE,
s. v. BOSQUILLONS. s LIB. ALB., i., 278. 6 Foudreffles, bricoles (see
COTGRAVE, s. v.), et escheles. — MONSTR., i., 135. 7 For " alblastes
strynges," see DERBY ACCTS., 74. 8 In COTGRAVE, s. v. " Rossignol "
is translated by " picklock." For fauconettes and robinettes (/.*-. guns
temp. H. VIII.), see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 301.

58 Calais. [CHAP. LXVII.

stores l of picks, pavises,'2 dondaines, 3 axes and arrows,
and great supplies of biscuit and other provisions.

The besieged depended strictly upon their communication
with the sea, which they had lately assured still further by
a new outpost called the Lancaster Tower,4 built on the
Rushbank, 5 to command the entrance to the harbour. Yet
even this did not protect them ; and in October, 1405, ° the
Earl of Somerset had reported that the ale-ships from the
Suffolk havens " could not approach for fear of the French

1 In TRANSCR. FOR. REC., Vol. 153, 4 (TRES. DES CHARTRES, J.,
922), is a list of the expenses of the Duke of Burgundy for the new army
in Picardy, thus : — bought in Paris, 400 pavises and pikes, 100,000
viretons, 10000 dondaines et gros viretons, 10,000 chaussetrappes, 200
arbalestres a pic, 30 arbalestres de Romanic a tendre a tour, 400 haches,
500 doz., flecnes toutes ferrees et pristes, 6000 Ibs. of gunpowder (6s. per
lb., Vol. II., p. 270), 50 baudrez pour tendre arbalestres, 4 tours de bois
a tendre arbalestres ( = 46 frs.). Bought at Bruges, i large canon de fer
weighing 2000 Ibs., throwing stones of 120 Ibs., 6 smaller ones, 25,000
viretons ferrez et emponnez, 150 grosses pierres de canon, 100 arcs a
main garnis chacun de 3 cordes, 55 cignoles a tendre arbalestres, 2568
Ibs. of saltpetre, 1114 Ibs. of sulphur, 520 Ibs. of charbon de tilleul a faire
poudre de canon, 8 pieds de bois pour canons, 16 entaillements pour
mectre et a faire canons, 277 Ibs. of fil d' Amiens pour faire cordes
d'arbalestres comme pour dossiers, 27 tonneaux et barrilz a enfoncier
haches, arcs, signoles, saltpetre, sulphur, charbon, &c., all sent by water
from Bruges to St. Omer. 1200 Ibs. of poudre de canon, bought at St.
Omer. Guns from Utrecht, 500 pelles a faire fossez, 450 esquipars, 52
pieds de chievre de fer, 200 faloz (?), 400 pelles de fer, 2000 notes, 3
forges, 600 raismes de ble, bought en biscuit, making 2 molins a cheux
tous parfaits et garnis de moles. The total cost for 3502 hommes
d'armes, 495 arblasters, and 339 pikemen (picquenaires) for about five
weeks, amounts to 64,314 livres tournois. 2 For " paueys," see DERBY
ACCTS., 23, 90. 3 See COTGRAVE, s. v. 4 ROT. PARL., in., 627 ; RYM.,
vni., 631; ix., 218; in Iss. ROLL, u H. IV., PASCH. (July 24, 1410),
John Gerard is captain of the new Tower super portum Gales ; see
also FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 13 (April i3th, 1410); ibid., 13 H. IV., 15
(April i8th, 1412) ; Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., Dec. 9, 1412 ; GLAUS.,
14 H. IV., 18, Oct. 24, 1412. 5 HOLT, 181 ; DERBY ACCTS., 297. For
turris de Rysbank, see ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 177. For its position, see plan
from COTTON MS., AUG. I., n., 70 in CALAIS CHRON., xxvi. ; ARCH/EO-
LOGIA, LIII., 302, 307. 6 PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 36 ; FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 12.
' I.e., Bawdsey, Falkenham, and Alderton, since the capture in 1316.
— ROT. PARL., m., 568, 648.

1406.]

The March. 59

and Flemish, while special inducements, in the form of freedom
from dues, were offered to any enterprising traders who would
run the blockade and get provisions in. Their weakness lay
in the dead-level of the surrounding lands, which not only
caused a lack of fresh water, l but laid the whole of their
border open to ready attack. To protect their outlying
marches, - they had planted a ring of fortresses at Sangatte, 3
Wissant, 4 Hammes, :> Oye, (i and Marck, " extending in a semi-
circle at a distance of from four to six miles from their walls,
while further to the south they held the strong castle of
Guines on the hilly ground facing towards Ardres.

1 For the watergangs from the hills in the south-west, the conduit in the
market-place and the river of Guines, see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 297, 322,
367. The Great Tank or Royal Cistern adjoining St. Mary's church, with a
capacity for 300,000 gallons of water, was not built till 1691. The
London conduit in West Cheap, to which water was brought in leaden
pipes from Tyburn, was built in 1285. It was lined with lead and
castellated with stone. — STRYPE, LONDON, i., 24; see also BESANT,
LONDON, 69, 149 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 52, 54, 56, 163. For lead
pipes laid underground, see BURTON CHARTULARY, SALT ARCH^OL. Soc.,
V., i., 101. For conduit or " condys " (conduis), see CHAUCER (S.), i.,
152; in., 115. For water supply of Southampton, see S. A. GREEN, i.,
19. For cistern and conduit at Westminster Abbey, see ARCH^OLOGIA,
LIII., 161-170. - For boundaries as settled by the treaty of Bretigny,
Art. iv., v., see BOUILLONS, 41. 3DESCHAMPs, in., 93 ; v., 67 ; ARCH^O-
LOGIA, LIII., 362. On Oct. igth, 1405, John Orwell was captain of
Sangatte. — Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. ; Fr. ROLL, 7 H. IV., 5, 7, 15, 17.
On March 2nd, 1407, Sir John Blount was appointed custos. — FR. ROLL,
8 H. IV., i ; 9 H. IV., 3. He is still captain in Iss. ROLL, n H. IV.,
MICH., Nov. 29th, 1409 ; PRIV. SEAL, 648/6533, April 16, 1410 ; FR.
ROLL, 12 H. IV., 25, March i5th, 1411. 4 DERBY ACCTS., xxvi., 7, 8, 12.
3 Vol. II., p. 56, note 3. For plan of Hammes see ARCH.EOLOGIA, LIII.,
301, 343, 344. H On March 2nd, 1407, the captain of Oye was John
Lardner, a London mercer (Vol. II., p. 92, note i).— FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV.,
n, 12, 15 ; 9 H. IV., 5, 14, 17 ; 10 H. IV., 4 (Aug. 5th, 1409); PAT., n
H. IV., i, 33, Oct. 10, 1409. His Lieutenant was Edmund Wyse. — RYM.,
via., 542, July 3rd, 1408. In Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH., April I7th,
1410, Lardner is called captain of Marck, but this is probably a mistake
(see Vol. II., p. 89, note 6), for in FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 7 (July 3rd,
1410), and 12 H. IV., i (Sept. i6th, 1411), he is still captain of Oye.
7 Vol. II., p. 89.

60 Calais. CHAP. IAVII.

When first the news of the approach of the French was
known, the situation at Calais seemed desperate indeed. The
Parliament, it is true, had before decided that large sums1
were to be devoted to victualling and wages, and the War-
Treasurers had been deputed to spend half the subsidy for
this purpose. But it made little difference to the actual con-
dition of the garrison, which was scandalous and deplorable.
Scarcity was everywhere, and provisions2 were up to famine
price. From time to time dummy troops had been turned
out to parade — men of straw, such as sailors from the ships
in harbour, or strangers staying in the town. These were
counted in to swell the muster roll, and wages were claimed
and certified for them as if they had been genuine efficients.
The prospect of actual danger, however, wrought a rapid change.
On July ist, 1406,^ it was ordered that 5000 marks were to
be paid from the subsidy for wages in Calais, provided that
the claims of "the Merchants"4 were first satisfied. But
before very long the merchants were forgotten, and Calais
received the first attention from all. Early in Sept., 1406, the
English laid siege to the castle of Balinghen,5 between Guines
and Ardres. They plundered the suburbs of St. Omer, and
on Nov. roth6 broke into a Dominican convent. The Prior
entertained them, and broached two casks of his new wine for

1 FR. ROLL, 7 H. IV., n, 5; i.e., £24,600 in war time and £15,200 in
times of peace. 2 ROT. PARL., in., 573. Et le vitaille osi eurent pou
li auquant. -GESTE, 304. 3 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2,20. 4 Vol. II., p. 416.
3 Also called Bavelingham.— ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 177, 363 ; or Bave-
linghen.— KEPT. ON FOJD., D., 77. The Duke of Burgundy had been
granted an allowance of 6000 francs per month, to date from Sept. ist,
1406, to raise the siege of " Valingham," see document dated Sept. 23rd,
1406, in PLANCHER, III., CCLII. For position, see map in CALAIS CHRON.,
xxix. It may be the " castrum de Pouile " of WALS., n., 276; see
BOUILLONS, 41, 65, 83 ; ARCHJSOLOGIA, LIU., 292. fi J. MEYER, 225.

1406.] The Attack. 61

their Martlemas.1 Not to be outdone in compliments they
sent him 12 gold nobles for belechere,2 and spared the district
of Bossenarde about Ardres, in recognition of his civility.
Some 600 Frenchmen and Genoese who were established near
(iuines seized* a storehouse belonging to the English at Oye,
and it was expected that the great siege of Calais would begin
by Oct. 25th.4 But the rain and the approach of winter
made serious operations there impossible. Nothing was
effected beyond trifling outpost collisions, and after a stay of
15 days' the Duke of Burgundy gave up the attempt. He
left St. Omer on Nov. i6th,(1 spent five days at Hesdin near
St. Pol, where he gave orders" for three large standards and
3000 scarlet pennons worked with planes and planks in gold,
and then withdrew to Arras. By Dec. i5th he was back in
Paris,8 vowing that he would return in the spring and drive
the English out of Calais. The troops were housed for the
winter in the forts at Ardres, Bourbourg, Gravelines, Audruicq,
and Planques,9 and the stores were stacked at the castle of
Renty,10 near the sources of the Aa. But when the spring-time
came the Duke found that he was not "properly supported with

1 BRAND, i., 315. This was the feasting time when the beasts were
slaughtered for the winter's larder. — DENTON, 209, 230; A. S. GREEN,
i., 60; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 99. For larder or larderhouse, see
DERBY ACCTS., 22, 24, 60, 207.

Cf. He (i.e., Sagittarius) torneth must into the wine

Than is the larder of the swine,

That is Novembre which I mene,

Whan that the leef hath lost his grene.

GOWER, CONE., 354.

- DERHY ACCTS., 41, 44, 46; PRUTZ, 40 and passim ; HALLIWELL, i., 161.
:5 MONSTR., i., 126. 4 RYM., vin., 456. 5 COCHON, 218; COUSINOT, 112;
MONSTR., i., 136. Subito et inopinate. — BRANDO, 106 ; ne s(,-ot-on pour
quelle raison. — TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 20. ° ITIN., 356. "Ibid., 584.
8 BAYE, i., 181, shows that he attended a council in Paris, Dec. 2oth,
1406. — LETTENHOVE, in., 65. y DESCHAMPS, i., 88. ln MONSTR., n.,
212-234 ; FENIN, 24.

62 Calais. [CHAP. LXvii.

funds,"1 and his vast army melted away; or, as another
chronicler- thinks, Satan found means to interfere and stop
the progress of the expedition. During the winter the Duke
had been laid up at Bruges with a weakness in the legs ; and
though his doctors plied him with laxatives, letuaries,8 diges-
tives, salves, ointments, plasters, special solutions, syrups,
rose-oil, rose-water, litharge, and what-not, he was still dis-
abled as late as the end of March, 1407^ This may have
been one cause of the fiasco before Calais. A second reason
is perhaps to be found in the death of the old Duchess of
Brabant, which happened on Dec. ist, i4o6.5 By this event
the Duke's brother Anthony0 became Duke of Brabant, and

1 ST. DENYS, m., 450; Juv., 443. - WAURIN, 166. a CHAUCER,
TROILUS, v., 106. 4 ITIN., 586. 5 DYNTER, in., 157; ZANTFLIET, 383
(not November, as BRANDO, 98, 106) ; ASCHBACH, i., 271. ITIN., 584,
shows that the Duke of Burgundy went into mourning on Dec. 8th, 1406.
6 Vol. I., 440. His first wife was Jeanne, daughter of the Count of
St. Pol, to whom he was betrothed, Nov. loth, 1401. — ITIN., x., 319 ;
J. MEYER, 218. He was married at Arras, Apr. 25th, 1402 (not 1403, as
Vol. I., 327). — ITIN., 324, 566; PONTANUS, 357; OUDEGHERST, i., 614.
His eldest son (born Jan. i8th, 1403) was baptized at Arras, Jan. 2gth,
1403.— ITIN., 333, 568; MART., COLL., i., 1566. For lords present at
the marriage dressed in green velvet and white satin, see PLANCHER,
ni-> 573- The ballad in DESCHAMPS, vii., 24, seems too familiar to
have been addressed to so high a personage. In 1406, the. Count of St.
Pol appears as a pensioner of the Duke of Burgundy. — PLANCHER, m.,
579. For Anthony's second marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of John,
Duke of Gb'rlitz, niece of Wenzel and Sigismund, by which he obtained
the Duchy of Luxemburg, see contract dated Prague, Ap. 27th, 1409,
in RECEUIL DES TRAITEZ, 373 ; DYNTER, in., 178. The marriage took
place at Brussels, July i6th, 1409.— DYNTER, in., 186 ; ITIN., 371 (not
July ist, as ASCHBACH, i., 272; PALACKY, III., i., 226). On Aug. 3rd,
1411, Wenzel confirmed his rights as Duke of Brabant. — RECEUIL, 383.
On April 3oth, 1405, the new Duke of Gueldres (called Reinhart in
WINDECK, 1083; Reinald, RTA., v., 318; Reginald, HOFLER, 266;
Renaud, JARRY, 251), did homage to the French King, and agreed to
fight against the English.— TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 3. For his brother
William's will dated Arnheim, Jan. nth, 1402, see PONTANUS, 350-
ROUSSET, SUPPLEMENT TO DUMONT, i., 303 ; ZANTFLIET, 361 ; POSILJE,
252 ; HOFLER, 312.

1406.] Withdrawal. 63

was enthroned at Louvain,1 Dec. i8th, 1406. But Rupert'2
was already endeavouring to recover Brabant for the Empire
in accordance with an oath 3 that he had made at his corona-
tion ; and at such a time the head of the House of Burgundy
no doubt thought it better that he and his brother should
be free from risky entanglements before Calais. Stronger
than these two causes combined was the growing feud with
his rival, the Duke of Orleans, with whom he was about to
close in death-grips, and thereby open an era of bloodshed
which devastated his country for a generation to come.

The winter months had not been lost by the English. The
command at Calais was in the hands of Sir Thomas Pick-
worth,4 though the Earl of Somerset 5 was occasionally there
himself. As early as Aug. i4th, 1406,'^ the King had de-
termined to accompany an expedition in person, under Admiral
Clitherowe ; and on Oct. iQth7 orders were sent to impound
all vessels of over 20 tons burden, at all ports from Weymouth
round to Lynn. Proclamations8 were sent out calling for
troops for the rescue of Calais and other threatened places,
and the departure from London was fixed for Nov. gth.1' But
the altered purpose of the Duke of Burgundy caused a cor-

1 DYNTER, in., 157. - J. MEYER, 229 b. ; not Stephen, as BRANDO,
109 ; see his letters dated Heidelberg, Dec. 22nd, 1406, and Alzey,
Nov. 26th, 1407, in MART., ANEC., i., 1718, 1722; RTA., v., 562;
HOKLER, 360, 366. 3 Jan. 7th, 1401.— CHMEL, 5. 4 Vol. II., p. 54 ; FR.
ROLL, 12 H. IV., mm. 5, 17, shows that he was still Lieutenant for the
Captain of the town of Calais on June 2ist, 1411. 5 Vol. II., p. 91. He
appears as Lieutenant of the town of Calais, May i2th, 1405 (RYM.,
vni., 391) ; also June 8th, 1407 (FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 8) ; May 3oth and
Nov. i8th, 1409 (RYM., vm., 590; PAT., n H. IV., i, 13 d. ; SOLLY-
FLOOD, 123). 6 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 6, with order to charter 160 sailors for
the " Bernard " of London. 7 Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH. » Ibid., Oct.
24th, 1406. Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 85'" has proclamation dated Oct.
26th, 1406, calling up retinue from the Duchy of Lancaster. 9RvM.,
vni., 456.

64 Calais. [CHAP. Lxvil,

responding change in the King's plans. Nevertheless, on Nov.
1 3th l orders were given that 400 men-at-arms and 600 archers
should cross, with pay for 40 days. Guns and gunpowder
were brought down from Pontefract.- Gunners,3 arblasters,
masons and carpenters were sent over to repair the fortifica-
tions, and 24 vessels4 of between 10 and 40 tons burden were
chartered to convey them from London, Sandwich, and
Dover. On Feb. yth, 1407^ it was ordered that no foreigners
were to enter or leave the country. On Feb. i6th,6 a great
muster for Calais and Aquitaine was ordered to be ready at
Southampton by Mar. i5th, and on Feb. iQth,7 2000 quarters
of wheat, 100 quarters of barley, 100 quarters of oats, and 100
barrels of wine were bought and forwarded across. Requests
were also made to King Rupert and his son Louis at Heidel-
berg for assistance ; but they had enough to do with their own
difficulties, and could only send a polite refusal.8

The wages of the men at Calais were to have been paid by
allotting half of the subsidy raised in English ports after Feb.
1 6th, 1407 ; but before three months had passed, the sorry tale
had to be returned that this yield amounted to just »//,9 and
other means must be tried. Exasperated at the non-payment,
the troops had seized wool belonging to the Merchants of the
Staple at Calais,10 to recoup themselves for back-pay. The
merchants complained to the King, who only said : "You have

1 PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 22 d. * Ibid., 28 d., Oct. agth, 1406. For order
dated Nov. gth, 1406, to Gerard Spronk, our gunner, to bring six large
cannons and gunpowder from Pontefract, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16,
83'. :?ROT. PARL., in., 627. 4 PAT., H. IV., i, 18 d., 23, 30 d., Nov.
loth and i6th, 1406. 5 GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 16. (i PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 15 d.
7 FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 8. 8 Dated May iyth and 28th, 1407.— MART.,
ANEC., i., 1719-1722; CHMEL, 142; BEKYNTON, n., 375. 9 FR. ROLL, 8
H. IV., 15. " Vacat quia nichil inde, &c." — PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 7, May
nth, 1407; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 108. 10 For the Staple see GROSS, i.,
140; H. HALL, CUSTOMS, i., 29-39; CUNNINGHAM, i., 287-292.

1407.] Loans. 65

the money. I want the money. Where is it ? " ] After long
remonstrance and delay the merchants 2 were ready with a
loan of ^4000 (May Qth, 1407). The Albertis 3 lent ,£1000,
so did the Mayor (Richard Whittington) 4 and the rich drapers5
of St. Swithin's Lane, while John Hende (the ex-Mayor) and
John Norbury ° lent ^"2000 a-piece, and 40 others made up
;£n,ooo7 between them ; — a strong evidence that the King's
government had not suffered in the eyes of the London

1 EUL., in., 411. - Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., May 24th and July
i5th, 1407; RYM., viii., 488. For other lenders, see PAT., 8 H. IV., 2,
10, June i8th, 1407. 3 REC. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June i2th, 1407.
4 He was the third son of a Gloucestershire knight, and was born
circ. 1358, at Pauntley, near Newent. — BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 30, 32.
He was elected alderman for Broad St. Ward, and sheriff in 1393, mayor,
1397, 1406, 1419. — STOW, 558, &c. ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 161-164.
For his will, dated Sept. 5th, 1421, see SHARPE, n., 432 ; GENEALOGIST,
vi., 226; T. BREWER, LIFE OF J. CARPENTER; BESANT, WHITTINGTON,
187. For his portrait and college, 1409, adjoining his house at Tower
Royal, see ANTIQUARIAN REPERTORY, H., 343; BESANT, WHITTINGTON,
135, 189 : and Whittington Life Assurance Co., 58 Moorgate St. For
pedigree among MS Collection of Rodney Fane of Colchester, see
BIOGR. BRIT. ,ni., 2140 (OLDYS). For his life, see S. LYSONS, MODEL
MERCHANT OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY ; ANTIQUARY, xvn., 8. For
ii ways of spelling the name, see BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 26. In POL.
SONGS, ii., 178 ; A. S. GREEN, IL, 72, he is " the sonne of Marchaundy
that lode-sterre and chefe chosen floure."— PERCY Soc., Vol. I. ; WAL-
FORD'S ANTIQUARIAN, Jan., 1887, p. 63 ; ANTIQUARY, xv., 173; N. and
Q., 7th Ser., i., 237; cf. Flos mercatorum. — BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 26,
194. For his cat (" acat "), see LIB. ALB., I., xvin., 385 ; HERBERT, i.,
312 ; BESANT, LONDON, 118, 145, 156, 192; WHITTINGTON, 130-142. In
Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., Nov. gth, 1405, he is civis London. In
1406 his name occurs third on a list of 18 aldermen. — PRICE, 158. " Look
upon this, ye aldermen, for it is a glorious glass." — GRAFTON, 434. In
FR. ROLL, ii H. IV., 20, Oct. 23rd, 1409, Master Sampson, a Jew doctor
from Mierbe Mierbeawe (sic) has permission to come to England to cure
his wife of a malady, i.e., Alice, daughter of Sir John Fitzwarren.
— BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 174. 5 HERBERT, i., 421 ; Iss. ROLL, 9 H.
IV., PASCH., Apr. 25th, 1408. c He had previously lent ^1000 on March
27th, 1406, for payment of the garrison at Guines. — Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV.,
MICH., Dec. i3th, 1406; ibid., 8 H. IV., PASCH., July i5th, 1407; REC.
ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June i2th, 1407 ; PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, n ; KAL.
AND INV., n., 76, refers to a debt to him of £3000 in 1407. 7 RAMSAY (i.,
158) estimates that Calais cost the country on an average £29,000 per
annum.

66 Calais. [CiiAP. LXVII.

traders by the recent failure of the Merchants and their
abortive "Treaty." Of course, in all these cases, ample
security for repayment was required. Whittington was Mayor
of the Staple1 at Calais, and both he and Hende were
collectors 2 of the customs and subsidy in the port of London
and in the town and marches of Calais, and as such they held
the cocket '•'> or customs stamp as a guarantee that their claims
should have precedence4 over all others. The bulk of the
money was, in fact, repaid before many weeks were out. The
Staple Merchants 5 bargained that they should not be pressed
for payment of dues which had fallen into arrears owing to
their losses during the past year. Their claim was secured as
a first charge on the subsidy collected in the ports of Boston/'
Ipswich, and Hull, but 12 months afterwards they were still
urging 7 the repayment of their loan.

The Council was thus enabled to work wonders in clearing
off its debts. On March Qth, 1407, Richard Merlaw,8 who had

1 PAT., 9 H. IV., i. On Aug. i3th, 1408, he over-ruled an order of
the society, that no new wool should be sold in the Staple of Calais till
the old was sold off. — GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 4 d. On Oct. 3Oth, 1408, he
was Mayor of the Staple of the city of London. — CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 22,
also Mayor of the Staple of Calais, but keeping the seal in London, Apr.
2gth, 1409. — COMPTE RENDU, 3rd Ser., in., 182; and Oct. 4th, 1420, H.
HALL, CUSTOMS, i., 36. For the Staple with prison, &c., on the south-
west of the market-place at Calais, see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIU., 320. For
the seal of the Staple, see ibid., 328. '2 REC. ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH.
(Mar. 8th, 1407); 9 H. IV., PASCH. (Apr. 25th, 1408); 10 H. IV., MICH.
(Nov. 8th, 1408); KAL. AND INV., n., 78 (Mar. 8th, 1409). Hende was
still collector on Oct. 3rd, 1409. — REC. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., and June
i6th, 1410.— ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 334. 3 EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., 108,
has 175. 4d. for engraving new " cokete " seal of the old burgh of Crail,
on the coast of Fife; see H. HALL, CUSTOMS, n., 125 ; RYM., vni., 573 ;
LIB. ALB., i., 121, 569; VEN. STATE PP., i., 53; FROST, APP., p. 94.
4 PAT., i H. IV., 2, n, June 2oth, 1407. 5 FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 9, Apr.
29th, 1407. 6PAT.,8 H. IV., 2, 18; ibid., 9 H. IV., i., i. ? ORD. PRIV.
Co., i., 305, March and, 1408. 8 Vol. II., no, 114 ; FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV.,
12 ; Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 3rd, 1407 ; ibid., PASCH., July 7th,
1408 ; 10 H. IV., MICH., Oct. i3th, 24th, 27th, 1408 ; REC. ROLL, 10 H.

1407.] Richard Merlaw. 67

been one of the original War Treasurers, was appointed to
succeed Robert Thorley as Treasurer of Calais, and during the
months of May and June he received ^18,803 gs. l to satisfy
claims, together with ^500 for wages to the garrison at Guines,2
so that they were more than ready to beat off any attack
that might be threatened. Nevertheless, precautions were by
no means slackened ; a regular look-out was kept over the
landing-places on Romney Marsh,8 and beacon fires 4 were
ready on the Kentish hills in apprehension of a possible inva-
sion.

IV., MICH., Mar. gth, 1409. For his account from Mar. gth, 1407, to Dec.
28th, 1409, see FOR. ACCTS., 13 H. IV. During this time he received
,£87,873 8s. 2d., and spent ^88,487 175. g£d., chiefly on the freitage, car-
riage, boatage (batellagium, cf. RYM., ix., 542), portage, carcage, discar-
cage, mensurage, and cellarage of victuals, &c. Merlaw is still treasurer
in Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Oct. loth and 22nd, 1409, but " late
treasurer," ibid., Nov. 4th, I3th, 1409, and Feb. i5th, 1410.

1 Viz., ,£3000 (May ist, 1407), ,£4000 (May 9th), and ,£11,803 9s-
(June i2th and 23rd).— Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH. ; FR. ROLL, 8 H.
IV., 6, 29. - Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June 2nd, 1407 ; also 100
marks, July i5th, 1407. REC. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., shows that he had
already advanced 200 marks. :< GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 8 d., Apr. i8th, 1407.
— " Brodehill-by-the-sea " in Romney Marsh (i.e., the Broadhill of Dym-
church, A. S. GREEN, i., 395) was to be watched by the men of the
hundreds of Larkfield, Felborough, Street and Worth, see BURROWS,
CINQ PORTS, 179, 252. 4 PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 31, d., June nth, 1407.

CHAPTER LXVIII.

GUIENNE.

OF the two expeditions arranged against the English in 1406
more had been expected from the Duke of Burgundy in the
north than from the Duke of Orleans in the south. The
French set far more store on the recovery of Calais 1 than on
guerilla attacks upon Guienne. Both were outlying posts or
barbicans 2 of England, from which she could at any time de-
velop an attack. At Calais the English had a mere foothold,
as aliens in a patch of conquered country, every yard of which
must be gripped by naked force ; but so long as they held
their ground, they had the keys 3 of France in their belt.
Accordingly it was here that race-hatred had its fiercest play.
If a Frenchman rode into Calais from outside, he was shouted
at as a " French dog ! " 4 to which he would retort when at a
safe distance : " Lift your tail ! " "I see your tail ! " or other
such banality. The town was divided into wards5 after the
English model, and was governed by an English Mayor 6 and

1 " Paix n'arez ja s'ilz ne rendent Calays." — DESCHAMPS, in., 62,
93; cf. POL. SONGS, i., 300; n., 158, 192; FROIS., xiv., 315; HOFLER,
ANNA, 133. 2 ROT. PARL., m., 36. 3 FROIS., v., 141; xiv., 383; xvi.,
157; CALAIS CHRON., xxv. 4 DESCHAMPS, iv., 130; v., 48, 80; cf. "A
la Keuwe ! " MONSTR., v., 221. For Anglici caudati, see ACADEMY, Vol.
XLIII. (1893), PP- 83, 175. s CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, LETTRES, n., 243,
275 ; ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 304. « CLAUS., 14 H. IV., 3 (March 4th,
1413), shows Wm. Orwell to be Mayor of Calais. For seal of the Mayor
ot Calais with the aper commercii (Vol. I., 19 ; II., 376, 377), see ARCH^O-

1406.] The English Connection. 69

12 English aldermen.1 It had an English mint,'2 an imported
English population, y and the outlying forts had wholly English
garrisons, planted amongst a French peasantry which was
bound to the English connection by no ties but fear.

In Guienne, on the other hand, the semi-Basque people
owed but a very indirect loyalty to the French King. They
had a separate history and separate traditions, with distinctive
names,4 manners, laws and customs of their own. Their
language,5 a "soft bastard Latin,"0 was a patois of Provencal
Romance, which Frenchmen did not understand, and they
minted" a coinage 's which Frenchmen did not use. Above

1 ROT. PARL., n., 359; PAT., 2 H. IV., 2,21; DEP. KEEP., 48th
KEPT., 217; CALAIS CHRON., xxiv. -NUM. CHRON., N. S., XL, 98.
;! RYM., v., 575; DERBY ACCTS., xxvi. ; CALAIS CHRON., xxm., xxv.
The first Englishman born in Calais was said to have been John
Only, who was Mayor of Coventry in 1396 and 1418. — FORDUN
(HEARNE), v., 1443, 1445 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., i. , 355. For Calais
during the English occupation, see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 302-327.
4 E.g., Amaniu, Arramon, Galhar, Pons, Bos, Peyroat, Monot, Jaci-
not, Pastalot (on May 8th, 1410, Pastalot or Jacinot du Vintian is ap-
pointed serjeant-at-arms for all Guienne. — PRIV. SEAL, 648/6571, 6574) ;
Joanot, Menant, Guassio (CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, LETTRES, n., 313) ;
Ysarn, Borbonnet, Salvat (RoT. VASC., 13 H. IV., 10, Dec. 28th, 1411,
where Salvat Duvos has permission to put up one or two clibana sive
furna in a house in Bayonne); Naudin (i.e., Arnaud, cf. Naudini de Rons-
tank in CLAUS., 14 H. IV., 28, with JURADE, 519) ; Gaucelin (FR.
ROLL, 14 H. IV., 3) ; Garsio (or Garssie. — JURADE, 3). Among women's
names are Assulhita or Assalhida (ARCHIVES GIRONDE, in., 15, 131 ;
iv., 61, 131 ; FLOURAC, 4, and JURADE passim. For Asselota in London
wills, see SHARPE, n., 230 ; NOTES AND QUERIES, 7th Ser., XL, 324) ;
Comtor (RoT. VASC., 10 H. IV., &c.) ; Treugna (CLAUS., 14 H. IV.,
28). 5 For specimens, see RYM., vni., 597. The municipal records of
Bordeaux are written in Gascon, see JURADE passim. 6 BURROWS,
BROCAS, 27. 7 For mints at Bordeaux, Bergerac, and Bayonne, see
BOUILLONS, 151, 224, 370, 471 ; BRISSAUD, 24. 8 For the Ardit or
Hardi, the Leopard, the Guiennois or Guian d'aur (20 sols. — ARCHIVES
GIRONDE, iv., 137; JURADE, 13, 112), see E. HAWKINS, ANGLO-GALLIC
COINS, 13, 15, 19, 24; RYM., vm., 576, 580; DuCANGE s. v. ARDICUS.
For gold, silver, and black (i.e., billon) money coined by the English in
Bordeaux, see RYM., VIIL, 759 ; RUDING, i., 494; NUM. CIIKON., N. S.,

III., 22.

70 Guienne. [C\\M>. LXVIII.

all, their nobles were habituated by 250 years of feudal attach-
ment to the suzerainty of a long series of English kings l and
princes beyond sea, who claimed their homage as heredi-
tary Dukes of Aquitaine.

But all these forces would have been powerless to preserve
their separate and anomalous position had not the interests of
the great trading towns2 all tended in the same direction.
During the reign of Edward III. 3 the Duchy had risen to un-
exampled prosperity. Great privileges had been granted to
the towns ; rocks and shoals had been lighted 4 with beacons,
and the channel of the Gironde kept open ; the wine-trade
supported and employed vast numbers of workers,5 and it is
calculated that under the government of the Black Prince 6 the
population of the district under English rule must have num-
bered 6,000,000 souls.7 Moreover, many Gascons had settled 8
in England and married English wives, though as a class they
were not popular, and were looked upon as aliens ; — a name
which they resented as offensive. The head of the government
was the Viceroy or Lieutenant of Aquitaine, who received a
stipend amounting at times to 25,000 marks0 (£16,666 135. 4d.)
per annum. He exercised royal power in every respect, ex-
cept10 that he could not appoint or remove either the Mayor
or Constable u of Bordeaux without the King's express consent.
In his absence he was represented by a Steward or Seneschal,12

1 Cf. Lorey Richart Guascon (i.e., Richard II.).— ECOLE DES CHARTES,
xi.vn., 64. Cf. "Your Duchie of Guienne is oon th' oldest lordship
longing to your coroune of England."-— BEKYNTON, n., 186; see BOUIL-
LONS, 322. *BRissAUD,67, 153; BARKER, 348. 3 BRISSAUD, 119. 4RvM.,
vni., 592. r> CUNNINGHAM, i., 248. « BRISSAUD, 198. ~ FROIS., xxiv.,
355 5 or 1,200,000 households.— HUME, n., 227. 8 ROT. PARL., in., 657 ;
RYM., vni., 719. 9 DEVON, 297. 10 RYM., vni., 759. n BRISSAUD, 10.
- BOUILLONS, 293 ; BRISSAUD, 2 ; BURROWS, BROCAS, 95.

1406.] Government. 71

who governed in his name, assisted by a council l with a
Chancellor,2 a Chief Justice,3 a Procurator Fiscal,4 and a full
executive of officials both English and Gascon. Side by side
with these were the " three estates " f) of Aquitaine, — prelates,
nobles, and commons, — who met from time to time in different
cities, and whose position corresponds with that of an English
Parliament or Great Council. ° For administrative purposes
the country was governed by prefects, bailiffs, stewards, cas-
tellans or constables, each in command of a district round
some central fortress. These strongholds were usually posted
on the banks of the main rivers, to keep open the waterway and
secure communication with the sea.

The Lieutenant or his Seneschal claimed authority over the
whole of the Duchies of Gascony and Guienne, which would
include all the lands between the Auvergne Mountains and
the Pyrenees ; but vast portions of this had long ago passed
hopelessly out of the English power. The whole of Poitou,
Angouleme, Limousin, Rouergue and Armagnac, together
with nearly 1500 fortified places, " had shaken off all shadow
of dependence, and the French had just run another wedge
into the northern portion by the capture of Courbefy, s thus
laying open the whole of Perigord to be driven in in detail.
The boundaries were indeed much shrunk since the Bretigny

1RvM., viii., 597; ROT. VASC., 12 H. IV., 11, has a reference to
" one of the councillors of our Duchy of Aquitaine." - ORD. PRIV. Co.,
i., 319 ; ROT. VASC., 10 H. IV., 4. :!RYM., vm., 7; ROT. VASC., 12 H.
IV., 14, refers to a judex Vasconia:. For Bertrand d'Asta, jutge de
Gasconha, temp. H. IV., V., VI., see JURADE, 394. 4 ROT. VASC., 811.
IV., 2; JURADE, 118 ; RYM., vm., 774. 5 BOUILLONS, 173; JUKADI,
291 ; Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., July i5th, 1407. Each separatr.
district had also its estates, as the Bordelais, the Landes, &c. — JURADK.
265, 297, 320. 6In 1368, prelates and subjects met in "our great council"
at Angouleme, and granted the hearth tax to the Black Prince. -BOUIL-
LONS, 176. 7 RVM., VIH. , 739. s Vol. II., p. 316.

72 Guienne. [CHAP. LXVIII.

settlement, l and the English had now sore work to hold their
own even along the courses of the great rivers. North-east
from Bordeaux stood the town of Libotirne, which had been
built by Edward 1. 2 at the junction of the Isle and the
Dordogne. Near it were the fortified towns of St. Emilion ;{
and Blaye, the castle and port of Cubzac, 4 and the fortress of
Fronsac. Southward lay the territory of the Landes with the
castles of Latrau 5 on the Ciron, and Dax (i on the Adour, and
further south again the small districts of Labourd and Soule
were still dominated by the fortresses of Bayonne, Guissen, ~
and Mauleon. The latter had been in the possession of the
English for the last 150 years, s and was regarded as the key '•'
to the kingdoms of France, Aragon and Navarre ; yet the
command of it had been left to a foreigner,10 and the castle and
garrison soon passed over to Charles III., King of Navarre,
whose daughter Beatrice had just married n James of Bourbon,
Count of La Marche. Other isolated strongholds such as

1 BOUILLONS, 39. "2 BRISSAUD, 247 ; BURROWS, BROCAS, 28. For
account of it, see DROUYN, IL, 410, 411 ; BARKER, 371-374. For com-
parison with Hull, see CUNNINGHAM, L, 258. For Edward I.'s bastides
or Villes Franches, see ibid., i., 247. 3 DROUYN, n., 390-396, Plates
143, 144; BARKER, 361-371. 4 ROT. VASC., 9 H. IV., 16 ; 12 H. IV.,
12 ; called Cuczac, ibid., 8 H. IV., 3 ; though entered as Cubzac in
CARTE, i., 191. 5 DROUYN, L, 95, Plate 32. On Aug. 2ist, 1409, the
captain was Wm. Bruer.— ROT. VASC., 10 H. IV., 4. 6 On Feb. 8th,
1408, Sir John Tiptot is Seneschal Landarum and Constable of the
Castle of Ax.— Ibid., g H. IV., 15 ; 10 H. IV., 8. 7 jt was five miles
from Peire Hurade, one league from Hastingues, and one and a half
league from Sordes.— RYM., vm., 512. In ROT. VASC., 10 H. IV., 2,
Riparia called le Don, runs near the Castle of Guissen. 8 It was ceded
Aug. 24th, 1257.— ARCHIVES GIRONDE, m., 8. 9 ROT. PARL., in., 579;
ROT. VASC., 8 H. IV., 4 (Dec. i8th, 1406); ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 289.
» In ROT. VASC., 9 H. IV., n, Aug. loth, 1408, Charles Beaumont, stan-
dard bearer of Navarre, castellanus noster de Mauleon, is to have
bailhage and jurisdiction of La Bort ; see also RYM., vm., 576, 580, 707 •
FR ROLL, 14 H. IV., 5, Nov. 3rd, 1412. "/.^., Sept. i4th, 1406,— ART

DEVER., I., 759; II., 388.

1406.] Bordeaux. 73

Lourdes,1 in the county of Bigorre, under the shadow of the
Pyrenees, held out with a precarious loyalty so long as it
suited the lords of the surrounding domains to tolerate the
English connection. The fishermen of Bayonne and Anglet
secured something of a livelihood from whaling 2 with the
new harpoon in the Basque Seas and the Gulf of Gascony,
and showed no fresh disposition to revolt. 3 But the number
of English troops actually stationed in Guienne was altogether
insignificant. Indeed, in 141 1,4 their whole force did not
exceed 60 men-at-arms and 120 archers, though large sums
were allowed to the Gascon barons to enable them to defend
their own castles ; and any lands that they could recapture
from the French were often allowed 5 them as their own.

But the heart and head0 of the English strength lay in
the city of Bordeaux, where the burgesses had wrung many
privileges " from the necessities of their English sovereigns
in the past. Every churl from outside who settled 8 without
challenge for a month in the city, was ipso facto free from
servitude, and on becoming a citizen was exempt from the
jurisdiction9 of the Gascon Barons and their Courts. The
burgesses of Bordeaux could trade10 freely in any part of
Aquitaine, and claim protection from the exactions11 of the

1 In 1398, Johan de Beam is capitayne de Lorde ; also 1407. — JURADE,

263. '2 ARCHIVES GIRONDE, in., 9, 15 ; JOANNE, LES PYRENEES. The Irish
Records contain a pardon dated Dublin, Nov. 26th, 1400, granted to
Thomas Gernon of Darghanestown, who found on the shore at
Salthouse in Co. Uriel, a large fish called ballone and killed it contr.
Statut'. For 8 whales stranded on the coast of Flanders in Oct. 1403,
see BRANDO, 88. 3 Vol. I., p. 122. 4 ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 8. 5 FROIS.,
xvi., 365. c Caps et detfenssors de las bilas et pais deu Rey. — JURADE,

264. " CUNNINGHAM, i., 293. * BOUILLONS, 240; BRISSAUD, 68. For
the case of Nottingham since 1189, see NOTT. REG., i., 8; also Welsh-
pool, MONTGOM. COLL., i., 303 ; and generally, GROSS, i., 8; DENTON,
36; GLANVIL, 37; A. S. GREEN, i., 174, 179, 194. 9 BOUILLONS, 194.
"Ibid., 175. n/6/W., 188.

74

Guienne. [CHAP. LXVIII.

nobles for goods passing through their districts. They could
not be called upon for military service l outside the diocese of
their Archbishop. They had their fairs 2 twice every year, at
which all goods sold paid a duty of 8d. in the £ to the
English King, charged in equal halves to the buyer and the
seller. In theory they had the right of electing their own
Mayor, :J though as a fact he was usually nominated 4 by the
King. The administration of the town was vested in the
Mayor (or Governor5) and a council of 24 jurats,0 12 of them
selected each year from the burgesses of the different city
districts, subject to certain qualifications" as to age, resi-
dence, and property; but they took an oath never to
elect a "gentleman"8 among their number. They had
authority over all residents, though a portion of the profits
arising from the putery 9 of the common queans 10 or wenches
of the stews 11 had to be paid over to the King's Exchequer.12

1Ibid., 243; BRISSAUD, 71; cf. Preston, in A. S. GREEN, i., 198.

2 BOUILLONS, 140. 3 BOUILLONS, 241. 4 Ibid., 378, 401 ; JURADE, v.

3 BOUILLONS, 304, 311; JURADE, 179. ROT. VASC., 12 H. IV., 13,
refers to Mayor, Constable, Provost, and judices of the town of Bor-
deaux. JURADE, pp. v., 164, 166, shows that the Mayor was paid 2000
livres per annum by the city. 6 BOUILLONS, 495, 524. Ibid., 507, 515,
refers to the sub-Mayor, Provost, 30 councillors, and 300 prudhommes
chosen by the Mayor and jurats. See also JURADE, 144; BRISSAUD, 94.
7 JURADE, i., 431. 8 Nul gentil ne qui se repute pour gentil. — BOUIL-
LONS, 496, 498. This proviso was cancelled in 1392 by John of Gaunt
as Lieutenant of Guienne. — Ibid., 291. 9 CHAUCER, PARSON'S TALE, p.
567; P. PLO., vii., 186; HALLIWELL, 654; cf. " putrie," WYCL. (M.),
10 ; " foule putis," ibid. (A.), i., 293; "puteyns," ibid., 11., 27. 10 Cf.
"no comon quenes ne strompettes. " — HIST. MSS., i2th KEPT., ix.,
433. For " misguided women," or "common women," see ibid., nth
KEPT., in., 9, 17, 168; STAT., n., 278 ; LIB. ALB., 277; P. PLO., xix.,
143; xxii., 370; WYCL. (M.), 231; ibid. (A.), in., 191; " comun
wenche." — GOWER, CONF., 137. n For "a wenche atte stuwes," see P.
PLO., xvii., 93; xxii., 437; xxin., 160. For the Bordells (GovvKR,
CONF., 424), "hoorehows" (WYCL. (A.), in., 488), or Stews in South-
wark, and the regulations for "Winchester geese," see STOW, LONDON,
448 ; MAITLAND, 798 ; HOCCLEVE, 39. For ruins of the Bishop of Win-
chester's palace (1814), see GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, LXXXIV., 529.
For the Belstewe, King's Stews, and Middle Stew at Calais, see ARCHJEO-
LOGIA, LIII., 319. is BOUILLONS, 270, 307, 314. In Rome the prosti-

1406.] The y tirade. 75

We are fortunate in still possessing a minute-book record-
ing the official proceedings of the Jurade at Bordeaux from
week to week, during the three eventful years from July 25th,
1406, to April ist, 1409. The city, with its great Castle of
the Ombriere 1 shaded in the trees on the river bank, lay land-
locked up the Garonne, and was in grave danger as soon as
the enemy were united in a steady attack. The French held
the coast on the eastern side of the Gironde, where they had
posted two strongholds, Royon '2 and Talmont, to command
the estuary, while the rival port of La Rochelle3 was kept
carefully on a war-footing outside, well stocked with every
kind of tackle for immediate use. For a long time distress
had prevailed in Bordeaux, owing to the constant attacks
of the French, and large supplies of English wheat4 had
been shipped at Bristol and Southampton for the relief of the
burgesses.

Early in the spring of 1406, the Counts of Alenc.cn and Cler-
mont 5 and the Constable, Charles d'Albret,0 had moved
across the hills into Perigord, and laid siege to Brantome 7

tutes paid a gold florin a month for permission to ply their trade. —
PALACKY, Doc., 729. In 1411 it was ordered at Bordeaux, que les
putaines et macquerelles seroient marquees d'habit differant a celuy des
honnestes bourgeoises. — LURBE, 34. It was a disputed point with
clerics whether " hooris shulden tithe ther wynnyng." — WYCL. (M.),
433 ; see Vol. II., p. 465. For Ireland see Vol. II., p. 159, note 8.

1 Or "Ombreyra." — RYM., vm., 774; LURBE, 31. It stood at the
south-eastern angle of the old Roman walls. — DROUYN, 18, 422.
For fortifications see DROUYN, GUIENNE, n., 445 ; Plates 150, 151.
2 GAMEZ, 266. 3 Vol. II., p. 319; BRISSAUD, 190. 4 E.g., 5000 qrs. in
1-104. — ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 223. 500 qrs. of Worcester wheat from Bristol,
Oct. 6th, 1405. ROT. VASC., 7 H. IV., n. 1140 qrs., May 6th, 1406,
in three vessels from Southampton. — CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 13. 5 For his
marriage see Vol. II., p. 315; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 179; ST. DENYS, n.,
758 ; in., 354. ° He received 500 livres tournois for his services from the
Treasurer of the Duke of Orleans on Feb. 26th, 1411. — ARCHIVES GIRONDE,
in., 64. 7 Juv., 439; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 301; LUSSAN, iv., 250, 291.
For description see BARKER, 218.

76 Gnienne. [CHAP. LXVIII.

and Bordes.1 In both places the garrisons, which were com-
posed of English and Gascons, " made good and honourable
war with fire and blood ; " but before Easter they were almost
reduced to despair. An attempt at rescue proved fruitless.
Brantome surrendered3 after an eight weeks' siege, and the
French withdrew for a time to Limoges.

A detachment swept down the valleys of the Isle and the
Vezere, captured La Chapelle,3 Floyrac, Comarque,4 Male-
mort,5 Marusclas,15 Faunae, Limeuil,7 and Mussidan. Place
after place " turned French." On the south bank of the
Upper Dordogne the commanders of the castles of Castelnau,8
Fayrac, Berbignieres, and Lavaur abandoned their charge and
came to terms with the enemy. By the end of July, 1406,
Libourne, Fronsac, and St. Emilion were threatened, and the
English were taunted with being valiant men behind their
walls, taking their pleasure daintily, but useless in a losing
game. 30 armed vessels and 10 galleys were ready at La
Rochelle, and a large force was collected at Saintes, the whole
being now reckoned at 50,000 men,9 armed with all appli-
ances 10 for a great siege. Early in September the Constable
was at St. Jean d'Angely,11 whence he crossed the Charente to
Pons, and by Sept. i ith l'2 he had established himself at Mont-

1 It lies south of the Isle near Mussidan. — JURADE, 87. - ST. DENYS,
in., 366, 407. A letter from the Archbishop of Bordeaux to Henry IV.,
dated Apr. nth, 1406, shows that it had even then agreed to capitulate
if not relieved before Whitsuntide, i.e., May 3oth. — JURADE, 87. It was
still holding out on May i8th, 1406. — BAYE, i., 157. ;! ST. DENYS, m.,
418; Juv., 443. 4 Captured April 23rd, 1406.— JURADE, 88. 5 Ibid., 89.
l> Ibiti., 63, 91. 7Ibid.,g2. For description see BARKER, 149. s BAYE,
ii., n (May 27th, 1411), where the people of Auvergne refuse to be
bound to pay the money stipulated for the evacuation, on the ground
that the places are nothing to them " neither hot nor cold," and that
they do not care kt a button " for the terms of surrender. !) OTTERHOURNE,
260. WMONSTR., i., 133. "JURADE, 46, 52, 54, 105. 12 See letters of
the Mayor of Libourne in JURADE, 43, 48.

1406.] Louis the Conqueror. 77

lieu, where he could threaten Fronsac, Libourne, St. Emilion,
Bourg, and Blaye. At the same time it was rumoured that a
force of 2000 l basnets and balisters would cross the Gironde
at Royon, and advance by Soulac on Lesparre,2 ravage Medoc,
reach a hand to their comrades in the Landes, and thus sur-
round Bordeaux on every side. The Archbishop of Bordeaux
had sent letter after letter8 to England, crying till his voice
was hoarse ; 4 but no help came, and as it took nearly two
months5 for news to pass from London to Bordeaux, and
the French were already in the 'Twixt-Seas ° before the end of
August, it is no wonder that negotiations were soon opened at
Rions 7 for accommodation on any terms.

On Sept. 1 6th, i4o6,s the Uuke of Orleans set out from
Paris to put himself at the head of the attacking force. He
was accompanied by a brilliant retinue,9 and he rode beneath
an awning of cloth of gold.10 " Louis the Conqueror"11 had
now come indeed, whom God had fore-ordained to crush the
English out of France. Travelling by Tours l- and Poitiers he
reached St. Jean d'Angely on Oct. Qth,1-'5 and joined the
Constable at Barbezieux. On Oct. i5th u the Duke issued a

1JURADE, 57, 6l, 64, 66, 78. - CHAMPOLLION-FlGEAC, LfiTTRES, II.,

322. ;>- Multiplies litteras.— Ibid., ii., 320. HARL. MS., 431, 116 (103),
which appears to be from the Archbishop, clearly belongs to 1406. 4 Ay
tant crie que ma voiz en est faicte rauque. — JURADE, 89. 5 JURADE, 49,
has a letter written in London, July igth, 1406, and considered at Bor-
deaux Sept. i5th. Ibid., 117, 155, shows that a messenger for England
left Bordeaux Oct. 26th, 1406, and returned with letters from the King
by Jan. 29th, 1407. ° Vol. II., p. 284 ; JURADE, 37. 7 JURADE, 34, 35, 36.
8 " Le sessisme September." — Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 85'" ; RYM.,
viii., 456 ; GAMEZ, 562 ; LETTENHOVE, m., 64. According to ST. DENYS,
in., 436, it must have been after Sept. i7th. LUSSAN, iv., 298, gives
Sept. i7th; JARRY, 345, Sept. igth. 9 JURADE, 162. IO\VALS., n., 275.
11 Si qu'on die Loys le Conquerant des histoiris. — DESCHAMPS, n., 151.
Qu'Engleterre yert destructe par 1'un d'eulx, i.e., Charles VI. or the
Duke of Orleans. — Ibid.,u., 48, 49. 12 JARRY, 345. 13 JURADE, 94, 99 ;
CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, LETTRES, n., 322. 14 JURADE, no.

7$ Guieiine. [CHAP. LXVIII.

summons to the men of Libourne, calling upon them to with-
draw their allegiance from the usurper, Henry of Lancaster ;
but the main attack was levelled first at the fortresses of Bourg
and Blaye.

The town of Blaye1 had had a chequered history. It was
regarded as an outpost of Bordeaux, and had been previously
captured by the Genoese. Like Bourg, Libourne, and St.
Emilion, it had special privileges,- and its burgesses :! could
sell their wines in any tavern in Bordeaux. It had been
granted by Edward III. to Auger de Montaud,4 Lord of Mus-
sidan, in recompense for his losses at Genissac. He was a
stout supporter of the English connection, and had resolved
that his daughter and heiress, Mademeyzela Mariota,5 should
marry none but a "good and true English"6 loyalist. But
the old man died at Blaye on July 6th, 1406 ;" and straight-
way his wife, Dona Margaret, entered into negotiations with
the French, who were under the command of her nephews,s
the Constable Charles, and his brother, Louis d'Albret. As
early as Aug. iQth9 dissensions had broken out, and arrange-
ments10 were soon afoot for surrendering the place, the
French party being headed by Bertrand du Chastel, Abbot of
St. Romain.11 On Sept. ipth12 news arrived that the Duke
of Orleans had left Paris. The advance guard of his army

1 For account of Blaye see DROUYN, GUIENNE, IT., 297-306, Plates
123, 124. Called " Blaves " in TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 19 ; GESTE, 302.

2 ROT. VASC., 8 H. IV., 2, May 2nd, 1407, has order for castle, town,
and district of Blaye to be governed like these other three towns.

3 ROT. VASC., 8 H. IV., 4. BOUILLONS, 146, from CARTE, GASCON
ROLLS, i., 142, May 26th, 1358. He was chosen Seneschal by the dis-
attected m Bordeaux in 1403. — ST. DENYS, in., 202. 5 JURADE, 46, 50,
5i, 54, 56. *Ibid., 43. T Ibid., go. For his will see ibid., 42, 43, 323.

bee their letters dated from Perigueux, July 3151, 1406, in JURADE, 10.
Ib'd., 25. 10 Ibid., 40; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, LETTRES, n., 322.
11 GALL. CHRIST., n., 884. 12 JURADE, 54.

1406.] Blaye. 79

was at Mirambeau on Oct. iQth,1 and appeared before Blaye on
Oct. 2ist ;2 and the Duke himself arrived 3 on the last day of
the month. Abbot du Chastel 4 had been already secured in
the French interest by a promise of 3000 crowns for the re-
pair of his Abbey, with a prospect of either being retained as
Castle Chaplain under the King of France, or transferred
to some safer abbacy if the siege did not prosper. The
defence of Blaye was entrusted to Bernard de Lesparre,5 Lord
of La Barde, and Joanot de Grailli, a kinsman (i of Archam-
baud,7 Count of Foix, who was with the besieging army out-
side. After 15 days the garrison came to terms. The heir-
ess Mariota was to marry s one of the sons of the Count
of Foix ; operations were to be suspended, and provisions
supplied to the French, and the town was to be considered as
neutral ground, neither Englishmen nor Frenchmen being ad-
mitted till the fate of Bourg was sealed. If ultimately the
men of Bourg should yield, then Blaye should be forthwith
surrendered.

At Bordeaux it was felt that a supreme crisis had arrived.

1 JURADE, 108. 2 ARCHIVES GIRONDE, in., 179 ; JARRY, 347.
:J BOUILLONS, 558. 4 JURADE, 149; BRISSAUD, 197. 5 JURADE, 19, 25;
EC. DBS CHARTES, XLVII., 75. 6 JUUADE, 62, 113, 114, 122, 124, 133, 147.
He was a natural son of Jean de Grailli III., Captal de Buch (or " Captan
de Bug," VERMS, 589, 590), who died in 1377. — JURADE, 33 ; DROUYN,
GUIENNE, ii., 301. 7 He became Count of Foix by marriage with
Madona Ysabel de Noalhas (i.e., Navailles), heiress and successor to her
brother, Matthew, Count of Foix. — Vol. II., p. 316; VERMS, 589. Arch-
ambaud died in 1412 (ART DE VER., n., 313 ; MAS-LATRIE, 1603), and
is buried in the Church of the Cistertians at Bolbone near Pamiers,
which was the burial place of the Counts of Foix. — GALL. CHRIST., xin.,
288 ; VERMS, 591, where he is called : —

Lo bon Comte Archambaud
Gran personatge ay ! et ben haul.

He was succeeded by his eldest son, John, Viscount of Castelbon. 8 I.e.,
his third son Archambaud. — JURADE, 33, 70, 124, 147. She afterwards
became the wife of John, Lord of Gramont. — RYM., vm., 569; ix.,
430-

8o Gnieime. [CHAP. LXVIII.

Headed by Sir Thomas Swinburn,1 their English Mayor, the
Jurade prepared to face the last emergency. The Courts 2 of
Justice were closed, and all business was at a stand. Debtors
who were in arrears owing to the failure of the vintage were
secured3 against pressure from their creditors. Money was
raised by forced loans,4 taxes were put on salt 5 and cider,0
walls and trenches were repaired and towers manned," coal
and iron were supplied to the cannoners, and large and small
guns 8 were cast in all haste. Processions were organized to
the Church of St. Seurin,0 and Masses 10 were said in the name
of the public. Prisoners n were released, defences strengthened,
galiots and balingers12 mended up, and letters13 of distress sent
over to England, not only to the King and Council, but to
the Mayor and Aldermen of London, Bristol, Hull, Southamp-
ton, and Lynn, where the power of England was supposed to
lie during the King's temporary eclipse. It was all very well,
they said, to count on the deep antipathy to the French, and to
boast that the old city of Bordeaux was "plan and ben " u for
the English connection ; but there was a point at which loyalty
would snap, and when folks got bold enough to talk they soon
got bold enough to act also. If the King of England was so
busy that he forgot all about them, why did not his councillors
wake him up? By Sept. nth, i4o6,15 a report had come in
that Prince Thomas had collected a squadron at Sandwich,
and was only waiting for a favourable wind to bring the much-
prayed-for relief. But the rumour proved a blank ; while the

lVo\. II., p. 55; JURADE, 106, 112, 134, 204, 237, 289, 300, 442.
2 Ibid., 205. slbid., 69, 185. * Ibid., 12. s Ibid., 23. * Ibid., 26. For
" wyn and sidir," see WYCL. (A.), i., 363. 7 JURADE, 63, 68, 71. 8 Ibid.,
127. 9 Ibid., 103. 10 Ibid., 225. » Ibid., 39. * 12 Ibid., 20, 24, 38. 13 Ibid.,
118, 120, 136; HARL. MS., 431, 116; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, LETTRES,
n., 321. u JURADE, 302. 15/6/U,45.

1406.] Bourg. 8i

nearness of the French was a fact that would stand no delay.
On Oct. 21st,1 ii men-at-arms, 4 archers, and 10 balisters
were sent from Bordeaux to strengthen the garrison at Bourg,
and within 10 days2 the siege had begun.

Bourg was one of Bordeaux's eight " gossips," :{ with
whom she was bound by a convention 4 for mutual support,
and the wealth of the English settlers-^ was freely used to aid
her. The defence was conducted by a Gascon, Peyroat de
Puchs,0 assisted by Bertrand de Montferrand 7 with five men-
at-arms from Bordeaux. The French guns made breaches in
the walls and gates, but the garrison beat off all attacks. For
eight weeks there was an incessant downpour 8 of rain, snow,
and hail, and the besiegers 9 were up to their knees in mud,
dying off helplessly in the swamps of the Gironde. Stores
had to be brought round from La Rochelle by sea in the
teeth of the English, the garrison, on their side, being readily
supplied from Bordeaux lu with bread, meat, white and red
herrings, gunpowder, saltpetre, ropes, salt, cider, and candles.
A fleet of English ships was off the coast, under the command11

1 JURADE, no. - I.e., Oct. 3ist, 1406. — GODEFROY, 415. La Bespra
de Totz Santz. — BOUILLONS, 558 ; BRISSAUD, 197 ; PETITE CHRONIQUE
in EC. DES CHARTES, XLVII., 64. For account of Bourg see DROUYN,
GUIENNE, 67-80, Plates 22-25. 3 " Filleules. " — BRISSAUD, 132, 242 ; BUR-
ROWS, BROCAS, 29 ; CATHOL., s. v. God-daughter. The others were Blaye,
St. Emilion, Castillon, St. Macaire, Libourne, Rions, and Cadilhac. —
DROUYN, GUIENNE, I., vn., 18. 4 Dated 1379. — BOUILLONS, 440. 5 E.g.,
John Carvell, an esquire, helped Bourg at his own cost. — ROT. VASC., 9
H. IV., 13; also William Savage.— JURADE, 178; Robert Mynor. — ibid.,
183 ; John Arnold. — ibid., 192 ; Thomas Croston. — ibid., 229. Cf.
Geoffrey Barger of Exeter. — ibid., 161, 162, 167. On June 25th, 1415,
he or his son became Rector of Alphington. — -STAFF. REG., 4-13. 6 EC.
DES CHARTES, XLVII., 74; ST. DENYS, in., 452 ; JURADE, 94. He seems
to have defended Chalais in 1401.— ROY. LET., i., 448. In FR. ROLL,
13 H. IV., 22, Oct. 2nd, 1411, is a safe-conduct for Pey de Puche de
Mussac for wine within Aquitaine. " JURADE, 116, 142. 8 WALS., n., 275.
Per forsa de pluyes et de mal temps. — VERMS, 591. 9 Juv., 439 ; BOUIL-
LONS, 558. 10 JURADE, 138, 140, 157, 162, 183, 210, 221. n WAURIN, 105.

F

82 Giuenne. [CHAP. Lxviii.

of the Earls of Arundel and Warwick ; Henry Pay l was
afloat with 15 vessels, watching to pounce in the open; Sir
Thomas Swinburn was ready at Bee d'Ambes '2 with a force of
50 men-at-arms and 100 archers :! to defend whatever points
might be attacked ; and stores of resin, pitch, and other com-
bustibles were collected to fire the French fleet, which lay off
Camilhac.4 As late as Martinmas (Nov. nth) another
squadron from England was making for the Gironde ; but the
ships got out of their course in one of the races 5 off the coast
of Brittany, where four of them from Lynn went down in sight
of the rest, though the others reached Bordeaux in safety.

As the winter advanced, the chances of the besiegers at Bourg
became more hopeless. In the afternoon of Dec. 23rd11 a
French squadron bringing stores under a strong convoy from
the newly-appointed Admiral Pierre Clignet de Breban 7 was
smartly attacked off St. Julien8 by Arnold Makanhan,'1 a
Bordeaux merchant, acting under orders from Bernard de
Lesparre.10 Both fleets were wrapped in fog, but the fight was

1 WALS., ii., 275. 2 JURADE, 227, 329, 333. s PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 16.
4JuRADE, 202, 226. 5 WALS., ii., 275. Possibly the Passage du Four;
see GAMEZ, 272. 6 ST. DENYS, in., 454. 7 Called " Olibet " in JURADE,
162, or Clignet de Berban in PISAN, n., 100 ; Clugnet de Breubant,
PASTORALET, 845 ; Clinget de Brabant, BRANDO, 155 ; Clingnes de
Breubant, GESTE, 421. His appointment is dated April ist, 1405.—

MONSTR., I., 127; EC. DES CHARTES, A. I., 379, 387. In BAYE, I., 258,

Feb. i3th, 1409, he is nagnercs Admiral of France. See also GAMEZ,
562; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 307; ii., 39; FENIN, 5. He was a knight
attached to the household of the Duke of Orleans. — GAME/, 358 ; PAS-
TORALET, 581, 618, &c. ; and one of the seven French champions who
fought at Montendre in 1402.— Vol. I., p. 324 ; II., p. 325 ; ST. DENYS,
m-> 30) 362; PISAN, i., 241-243, 306; n., 305; COCHON, 205; JARRY,
285 ; BULLETIN Soc. HIST. DE FRANCE, i., 2, 109. In ART DE VER., ii.,
629, he is called Lord of Landreville. 8 ECOLE DES CHARTES, XLVII., 75.
ROT. VASC., 10 H. IV., i (June i4th, 1409), refers to Richard Mackenan,
a burgess of Bordeaux. Both he and Arnold were members of the Coun-
cil ol 300 m 1407.— JURADE, 271. ]« PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 5 ; ROT. VASC., 8
Jrl. 1 V . j I •

1406.] St. Jullen. 83

toughly maintained, with guns firing, trumpets l braying,
shrouds, racks, scuttles,- and top-castles :; alive with men
pouring peas 4 on the slippery hatches, or flinging quicklime 5
at the archers on the decks below. Some of the Bordeaux
craft did not venture into action ; (i but after two hours' hard
fighting night came on, several of the ships went aground,
and one of the English galleys fell into the hands of the
enemy. Next morning the fight began again ; the English
rescued their captured galley, and the French convoy was
broken up. Two of the French vessels were burnt, and their
losses amounted to 367 men," including 20 knights. The
English, who had lost but 32 men,8 towed the French stores,
together with 120 prisoners, in triumph to Bordeaux.

After this defeat the end was not far off. The attack on
Bourg was proving a "naughty business."11 100,000 francs10
were wanted per month to pay the troops. Enginers were
expected from Venice,11 but they did not come; and after 12
weeks 12 of fruitless effort, the siege was raised on Jan. i4th,
1407. The Duke of Orleans made all speed to get away.

(S.)» H-, 41; in., 108. -See JAL, s. v. " Gabie " and
" Hune." 3 For a contemporary picture of a galley see KAL. AND INV.,
78. It has 12 long oars on each side, a high poop, and one mast with
a topcastle. — NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 170, 475 ; CHESTER PLAYS, 48. For
picture of a i5th century sea-fight, see FROIS. (JOHNES), n., 100. 4 Or
possibly pitch ; cf. pois raisine (i.e., resinous pitch). — ARCH.EOLOGIA,
LIII., 447.

;> He poureth pesen upon the hacches slider,
With pottes ful of lym they goon togider.

CHAUC. (S.), HI., 108.

"ROT. VASC., 8 H. IV., 3. "ARCHIVES GIRONDE, in., 181. 8 COUSINOT
(112) thinks that the Mayor of Bordeaux was captured. " BAYE, i., 182.
10 COCHON (218) says that the siege cost the country 800,000 livres, of
which the troops only got 120,000. n JARRY, 347, quoting VENICE
ARCHIVES, SKNATO SECRETA, in., 53, Feb. 4th, 1407. 12 ST. DENYS, in.,
453 ; He. DKS CHARTES, XLVII., 64. On Jan. 3rd, 1407, it was rumoured
at Bordeaux that the Duke of Orleans was about to retire to the Abbey
oi St. Romain at Blaye. — JURADE, 149.

84 Gnienne. [CHAP. LXVIII.

On Jan. 22nd1 he was at Cognac. On Feb. yth and 8th he
was ill at Montargis. Thence he removed to Beaute-sur-
Marne, where he was visited by the Uukes of Bourbon, Berry,
and Burgundy ; and on Feb. i8th- he entered Paris, to be
decorated with the empty title of Duke of Aquitaine,:! " with-
out increase of his honour." 4

A portion of his army under Robert de Chalus,5 Seneschal
of Carcassonne, passed down to the foot of the Pyrenees, and
beset the Castle of Lourdes. It had been threatened ° by the
French in the previous summer, and the inhabitants were
brought to great straits. All provisions were seized for
common distribution, and when these were nearly done, it was
decided to send four messengers to Bordeaux for help. If
this was not forthcoming they might send for the keys. They
would find the place deserted, and its defenders transferred to
Dax or Bayonne. These threats, however, had not yet been
carried out, and Lourdes was still garrisoned with 300 archers
under the command of Jean de Beam.' 500 marks8 were
sent from England to help the defence, and occasional supplies
of wine were received from Bordeaux.9 Aided by the snows
and the rain the garrison still held out for many months ; but
the besiegers were resolute and would not be shaken off. In
Sept., 1407, Jean de Beam left Lourdes to make a last de-
spairing appeal at Bordeaux. At Sordes he met the Three
Estates of the Landes, and got a vague promise of support ;

I]ARRY, 347; i.e., before Feb. 2nd, as MAGASIN DE LIBRAIRE, vn.,
257. JURADE, 162-167, shows that he had left Guienne before Feb. i2th.
- Not Feb. 2nd, as COCHON, 218. :! MONSTR., I., 152. 4 Sanz encres de
son honur.— Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 94'". 5 ST. DHNVS, in., 460;
Juv., 443 ; DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 165. Lo dit seti ( = Lorda) tenia Mossen
Robert de Chalus per lo rey de Fransa.— VERMS, 591. 6 JURADE, 92.
7 ROY. LET., i., 438. s Iss< RoLL) 8 H IV PASCH May 2nd
"JURADE, 196.

1407.] Lourdes. 85

but at Hontaux near Villeneuve he received a letter from his
lieutenant Garcin, written at Lourdes on Sept. 13th,1 stating
that the place could not hold out three weeks longer. Still he
made his way on to Bordeaux, where he stayed at the hostelry
of the Crown,- and on Oct. 26th received a promise of 50
men-at-arms, with wages paid for 15 days. But the help
came too late ; the garrison was starved out, and Lourdes
surrendered to the French in Nov., 1407.* During all this
time great scarcity prevailed at Bayonne,4 which was only
partially relieved by freights of corn, herrings, and other neces-
saries of life, sent over in the wine ships after they had un-
loaded at Yarmouth, Bristol, and Southampton.

264. -Ibid., 266. :{Ec. DES CHARTES, XLVII., 64, 74,
where the PETITE CHRONIQUE DE GUYENNE says that it was captured
by the Count of Clermont in 1405. 4 ROT. VASC., 8 H. IV., 4, Apr.
22nd, 1407.

CHAPTER LXIX.
RUE BARBETTE.

KING HENRY'S resolution to proceed to the seat of war had
been changed before the winter arrived, owing to the disap-
pearance of the Duke of Burgundy's army from the Marches
of Calais. His purpose, however, was not yet definitely
abandoned. On Oct. 24th, 1406,* orders were sent to
the sheriffs to collect their forces in London by Feb. 2oth
following, thence to proceed with the King on an ex-
pedition to Aquitaine. A great muster was to be at South-
ampton ready to sail for Calais and Aquitaine, by March i5th,2
and on Feb. 23rd :i Admiral Janico Dartas had orders to send
all vessels of over 30 tons burden then in Irish waters to
Southampton for service beyond sea, he himself having sub-
sequently4 permission to be absent for a year from his com-
mand as Constable of Dublin Castle. Messengers were also
to be despatched to the King of Portugal,5 asking for the
assistance of some of his galleys against emergencies. On
Feb. 26th 6 the knights and others who should have joined
the expedition were summoned to meet Bishops Beaufort and

1 RYM., viii., 466. -' PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 15 d., Feb. i6th, 1407. 3 PAT.,
8 H. IV., i, 6. 4 PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 4o, May sth, 1407 ; Vol. II., p. 134.
= ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 281 ; if, as I believe, 1406-7 be the true date there.

1407.] Nor. 23nl, 1407. 87

Langley and the rest of the members of the Council at Black-
friars on March 5th, and on March 8th l a fresh mandate was
put out that they must positively be ready in London by the
loth of April at the latest. But by this time it must have
been apparent that the need for a distant expedition had
passed away. The French had disappeared from the Gironde ;
negotiations were opened at Marennes, near Rochefort, and on
May 1 3th2 an understanding was established with Saintonge.
This was soon followed by separate truces with the inhabitants
of Labrit (Oct. iQth)-'5 and the Biscayan towns;4 and by the
spring of 1408 5 an amicable settlement had been arrived at
with the Count of Armagnac.

The Duke of Orleans had been invalided at the royal
Castle of Beaute,0 in the Bois de Vincennes ; but on Oct. 6th,
1407," he returned to Paris to spend the winter. His im-
moralities8 were the common talk of the capital, and the

1 GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 18. a JURADE, 188, 266. 3 Ibld.t 263. 4 Ibid.,
302,322. r' Ibid., 275, 289; FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 14; RYM., vnr., 512,
Mar. i8th, 1408, shows that a messenger, Jean de Lupiac, was coming
to England from the Count of Armagnac. 6 ST. DENYS, i., 454 ; iv.,
420; MONSTR., ii., 127; DESCHAMPS, v., 302. BARANTE (n., 220) says
that it belonged to him ; but from ITIN. (passim) it had evidently been
one of the chief residences of Duke Philip of Burgundy till his death
in 1404. 7 ST. DENYS, in., 740 ; MAGASIN DE LIBRAIRE, vn., 252.
8 COCHON, 217 ; WALS., u., 279. Nimis in carnalibus lubricus. —
BAYE, IL, 294; BASIN, i., 6. Hatte vil bosheit ergangin an frouwin
unde juncfrouwin. — POSILJE, 288. Matronarum nobilium et virginum
etiam et sanctimonialium violator. — BRANDO, no, in, 116; PASTORA-
LET, 579, 596, 604, 606. In 1403 it was suspected that he had attempted
to poison his brother.--]. MEYER, 219. It was held by his friends that
he died in a state of grace, because he had confessed five days before
his death. — ST. DENYS, iv., 112, 116; MONSTR., i., 307, 314; others
argued that he had prayed God to punish him in this world and to spare
him in the next. — GERSON, v., 635. For a defence of him see JARRY,
xvi. For his accounts see APP. O,

88 Rue Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

Queen 1 had been publicly denounced '2 for their scandalous
intimacy. On Wednesday, Nov. 23rd, 1407, :j he paid her a
ceremonial visit as a nouvelle accoiichee 4 at her hostel 5 by the

1 For her extravagance in dress see MONTFAUCON, in., 108 ; BRAN-
TOME, vni., 31. She was called La Grande Gaure. — LUSSAN, iv., 159.
Cf. COTGRAVE, s. v. " Gorre."

Cf. Ysabel qui fu bien encline
A chose qui la tourmenta.

PASTORALET, 845.

For her portrait see PLANCHE, n., 127; SHAW, DRESSES, Vol. II., from
MS. HARL., 6431 ; MONTFAUCON, in., 108. For her monument at St.
Denys see MONTFAUCON, n., 180. For her library see BULLETIN DU
BIBLIOPHILE (1858), xm., pp. 663-687 ; BECKER, 296 ; EDWARDS, 102.
For New Year's ballads addressed to her by Christine de Pisan, who
compares her to Lucrece for purity, see PISAN, i., 227, 248, if she is the
same as the Princess, ibid., p. 219. For the Cour d'Amour established
at the Hostel of St. Pol in 1410, see LEROUX DE LINCY, 437, quoting
ACAD. DES INSCR., vn., 287. In 1401 when the German students in
Paris wanted 500 crowns to build new schools they asked her as a com-
patriot to give them 200. She promised the money ; but when they
applied to her Treasurer for it in the following year they could only get
20 crowns, which they declined to accept. — DENIFLE, PROC., I., LIII.,
822, 829, 830, 842. 2 For Jacques Legrand the Austin Friar, May 28th,
1405, see ST. DENYS, in., 266-274; Juv., 434; LEROUX DE LINCY, 233,
391, 405 ; EC. DES CHARTES, XXXIIL, p. 95 ; ACAD. DES INSCR., xv., 795,
803; BARANTE, 11., 180; BRANTOME, n., 357 ; ix., 243; MILLIN, I., in.,
77. For his sermons still in MS. see AUBERTIN, n., 371 ; MERAY, i., 67.
For letters addressed to him by Jean de Montreuil see A. THOMAS, 37, 82.
* MONSTR., n., 125; ST. DENYS, iv., 420; PITTI, 79; JUSTINGER, 202,
452; CABARET, 271 ; TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 21; GESTE, 306; PASTOR-
ALET. 651 ; CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 266; JARRY, 355. Not
Nov. 22nd, as BOUVIER, 416; ST. DENYS, in., 730; PETRI SUFFR., 80 ;
SPONDE, 702 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 265 ; nor Nov. 2gth, as LABORDE,
i., 34 ; not 1409, as CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 237.
4 CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 62. The queen was now 37 years old, and
this was her i2th child. It was born Nov. loth, 1407, and only lived
one day. They called it Philip, and buried it at St. Denys.— ST. DENYS,
in., 730 ; EC. DES CHARTES, 4th Ser., iv., 482. For births of the 12
children of Charles VI. see MONSTR., i., n. For expenses at the lying-
in (gesine) of the wife of Antoine, Count of Rethel, at Arras, Jan. i8th,
1403, see ITIN., 568, including silver pap-boats (cf. papelotes, P. PLO.,
x., 75), a basin to wash the infant before the fire, a gold spoon poui
donner le papin au dit enfant, and 50 francs to the mid-wife pour re-
cevpir 1'enfant. For similar charges at the accouchement of the Duchess
of Orleans in 1391, see CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 64. Cf. Paellette a faire le
papin. -DESCHAMPS, vni., 138. 5 Juv., 444 ; COMPTES DE L'HOTEL, 130 ;
LUSSAN, iv., 349, 358, 365. For turret of the Hotel Barbette see LENOIR,

. Assassination. 89

Barbette Gate in the old Rue du Temple. She was " plunged
in grief"1 at the recent death of her baby; nevertheless, a
merry supper2 was prepared, where the Duke sported amongst
the cavaliers and dames, with quips of love and diversions of
courtesy.3 In the midst of the cheer and jollity 4 a messenger
arrived with a sham summons requiring his immediate pre-
sence with the King at the Hostel of St. Pol,5 and he sallied
out straightway about eight in the evening,1' with five attend-
ants and two linkmen. It was the beginning of the " great
winter,"7 and the night was dark;8 but he ambled0 along
bareheaded, with his black furred cloak 10 flung loosely about
him, singing snatches of a song and flapping his glove against
his open palm. He had ridden but a few paces down the
street when he was set upon by seven or eight n visored and
muffled1- men, who sprang out from an empty house called

Vol. II. For exact description of the ground see ACAD. DBS INSCR., xxi.,
518, and MILLIN, I., vi.

1 ST. DENYS, in., 730, 734. 2 For supper at the Duke's hostel in Jan.,
1402, see PISAN, i., xxxiv.; n., 30, 305. :} For specimens of roundels see
PISAN, Vol. I., passim, and DESCHAMPS, vn., 266. For jeux a vendre
see ibid., vi., 180. For " crambo," or capping verses, see HOLT, 56.
4 HOCCL., DE REG., 52; WYCL. (M.), 91, 206; (A.), in., 41, 480, 494;
CHAUC. (S.), i., 147, 273, 343 ; n., 66, 171 ; in., 21 ; LIB. CUST., i., 216;
Cov. MYST., 362 ; MARRIOTT, 73. •"' It was close to the new Bastille at
the Gate of St. Antoine. — FROIS., xxi., 338 ; BAYE, i., 97 ; EC. DES
CHARTES (1879), XL., 132 ; CHRISTINE, n., xi.; MILLIN, i., 1-35 ; GESTE,
335- Qui cousta mainte maille et mite. — PASTORALET, 849. 6 COCHON,
221 ; or " apres cuevrefeu." — COUSINOT, 113. r " Le grant yver." — BAYE,
i., 206; ST. DENYS, in., 744; MONSTR., i., 165; vi., 199; Juv., 445;
ZANTFLIET, 386; " annus algoris." — SPONDE, 703 ; CHAMPION, i., 41-46.
8 11 faisoit bien obscur. — EC. DES CHARTES, F. i., 230. 9 For the evidence
of the two witnesses who saw him from the window of the Hostel de
Rieux, and the woman who peeped at the assassins in the room half an
hour before they began their work, see ACAD. DES INSCR., xxi., 526 ; and
EC. DES CHARTES, F. i., 227,232. 10 CHAUCER (S.), i., no; n., 267.

11 In 1417 the number had risen to 16. A satellitibus vilissimis par-
ricidis numero xvi. sicut fertur, &c. — MONTREUIL, in A. THOMAS, 33.

12 " Embronches." — MAG. DE LIBR., vn., 242. One of them was a
Breton, Olivier Bourgaut, who was convicted in 1412. — JARRY, 355.

go Rue Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

the Image of Our Lady,1 where they had been skulking'2
on the watch for him for the last six days. They dragged him
from his mule,3 hacked off his left hand,4 with which he clung
to the saddle-how, felled him to the ground, cleft his skull
down to the teeth 5 at one blow, stabbed their daggers into
his face and body, and fled foot-hot0 into the misty night,
dropping iron caltraps 7 to check pursuit, and shouting, "All
shut, varlets ! Blow out your candles ! " 8 like sergeants of
the watch at curfew.9 The gashed and bleeding body 10 was
lifted from the street, and after due examination was laid out
in the neighbouring Church n of the Guillemite Priory, in the
Rue des Blancs Manteaux. On the following day, Nov. 24th,12

For an order forbidding muffling the face, dated Mar. gth, 1400, see
ORDONNANCES, viii., 364. For "viserid deuelis," see WYCL. (M.), 99;
(A.), in., 421.

1 MONSTR., i., 155. For a Domus ad Imaginem Nostrae Dominae
belonging to the Swedish students in Paris, see DENIFLE, PROC., I., LI.,
LIX., LXV. - En laquelle ils furent mnssez pour certain temps.— MONSTR.,
!•» 343 '> I!M I27 ! semi-mensem.- MONTREUIL, 1439. 3 GODEFROY, 416.
In BAYE, i., 206, it is a horse. For a vivid picture of the scene see
FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW, Apr., 1887, pp. 576-582. 4 ST. DENYS, iv., 98;
MONSTR., i., 285 ; n., 128. 5 Et fu fendue jusqu' aus denz tout d'un

COUp. — COCHON, 221. 6 CHAUCER (S.), I., 198, 289; MAN OF LAW, 4858 ;

GOWER, CONF., 212. 7 Cauquetrappes ou chaussetrappes de ier. See
the precis of the inquest drawn up Nov. 25th, 1407, in EC. DES CHARTES,
F. i., 218, 230, 235, 237 ; " chaudes treppes." — TRAHISONS DE FRANCE,
21 ; caudestreppes. — GESTE, 306. PROMPT. PARV., 590, has caltrap of
yryn fote hurtynge. Spelt Galtrap in ANTIQ. REPERT., m., 357 ; or
Kalktrappe, P. PLO., xxi., 296. FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV., shows 4500 of
them in stock in London. For Bannockburn see RELIQUARY, iv., 167.

8 Soufflez les chandelles ! esteignez les chandelles ! Fermez tout !

9 Cf. quando communiter pulsat' ad ignitegium in ecclesiis civitatis
London. — DUCAREL, APP., 40 ; OLIVER, 268, 271 ; aps Coeverfu psone a
Seint Martyn le Gant.— STAT., 13 Ed. I., 102 (1285). For the curfew
see NORTH, 98. For Oxford see OXFORD CITY Doc., 151. For Cam-
bridge see RYM., vn., 242 ; for Salisbury, SARUM STAT., 65. 10 ACAD.
DES INSCR., xxi., 533 ; ST. DENYS, m., 736. « LIB. PLUSCARD., i., 348 ;
CHOISY, 232; FRANKLIN, n., 357-364, with cutting from the plan of
Jouvin de Rochefort, made in 1690. 12 BAYE, i., 208.

Burial, 91

they dressed it ] in the habit of the Celestin Monks, whose
vigils and other Lenten discipline the murdered man had
often shared,2 and for whom he had felt a " singular devotion
and affection," 3 and buried it in their new4 Church beside
the Arsenal at the Porte St. Antoine. The Duke of Burgundy
followed it to the grave with every outward mark of mourning '"'
and grief; but the corpse sweat ° " forced drops of blood " : 7—
or should have, if ever body did.8

Outside the church the day was spent in examining bowl-
wives, barbers, brokers, water-carriers, tallow-chandlers, and
strangers !l lodging in Paris. Men who were blind of an eye,
or lame of a leg, fell under suspicion. The bloody deed was
at first believed 10 to have been the work of a jealous husband,

1 BEURRIER, 286. Cf. who ever die in ther abite shal nevere more
come to helle.— WYCL. (A.), n., 62; m., 350, 382. - CHAMPOLLION-
FIGEAC, 87 ; BEURRIER, 285 ; CONTEMP. REV., Jan., 1893, P- I07 '•> " Par
faintise," says LE PASTORALET, 637. The Bible (containing his auto-
graph and that of his brother, Charles VI.) which he borrowed from the
Louvre library and presented to the Celestins is now in the Bibliotheque
de r Arsenal in Paris. —FRANKLIN, 11., 90 ; DELISLE, i., 19, 99 ; n., 249.
For his library at his hostel in Paris near the postern of St. Pol, see
LABORDE, in., 202. :!GODEFROY, 633, 641; MART., COLL., vi., 611 ;
EC. DES CHARTES, B. in., 59. For extracts from his will (Vol. I., p.
388), in which he had directed that he should be buried in the white
habit of the order, see MILLIN, I., in., 83; ST. DENYS, iv., 116; MON-
STR., i., 315; JARRY, 297 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 253. For a previous
will dated Aug. 7th, 1399, see JARRY, 229. For his gifts to the Celestin
Church, Aug. i6th, 1401, see THORPE'S CATALOGUE, 1835, P- I56-
4 See his epitaph in GODEFROY, 630; CHRIST., I., xvi. ; II., xi. ; BEUR-
KIER, 289 ; LANGE, i., 248 ; MONTFAUCON, in., 180. For the chapel that
he built in this church in 1394 see JARRY, 102 ; LEROUX DE LINCY, 538 ;
FRANKLIN, n., 89. For the portrait in THEVET see EC. DES CHARTES,
xi. vi., 721 ; XLVII., 198. For the monument erected in 1504, see MILLIN,
I., in., 77 ; LENOIR, ATLAS, Vol. II., CELESTINS, PLANCHE, vi., xv. ;
Vol. III., p. 177 ; LABORDE, III., ix., with reference to COLLECTION,
GAIGNIERES, BODL. OXFORD. 5 ITIN., 586; MONSTR., i., 308 ; n., 129;
ST. DENYS, iv., 422. 6 FENIN, 3; Juv., 445; ACAD. ROY. DE BELGIQUE,
Ser. II., xi., 559. ~ MYROURE, 14; HENRY V., Act 4, sc. i, 314. 8 For
reasons for this belief see WYCL., DE COMPOSITIONS HOMINIS (BEER), 71.
^ORDONNANCES, ix., 261 (Nov. 29th, 1407). 10 This continued to be the
favourite view in England. — OTT., 264. In 1411 the Duke's son named
Jean de Nieles and the Sire de Helly as accomplices. — MONSTR., n., 119.

g2 Rue Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

Aubert Ic Flamenc,1 Lord of Cany, whose wife - the Duke had
debauched ; but it was soon known that, though the fatal blow
had been struck by a Norman squire, Raoul of Ancloville,:i yet
the planner and instigator was Duke John of Burgundy.

The truth was fast oozing out; and on Saturday, Nov. 26th,1
the Duke of Burgundy judged it best to mount his horse and
escape to safer quarters. Accompanied by his chamberlain,
Regnier Pot,0 and eight others,0 he posted on and never
quitted saddle till he reached Bapaume," in his own county of
Artois, at daybreak on Nov. 27th. Here a chaplain was
ready, and he "heard mass with devotion," giving orders that
the town bells 8 should ring an Angelus l) at one o'clock each

1 LUSSAN, iv., 26 ; PISAN, ii., 306. He was at the battle at Othee,
Sept. 23rd, 1408. — MONSTR., vi., 200. " La fut Sire Aubert de Canny."-
POEM ON BATTLE, 252. For drinking-bout of the Duke with the Lord
of Cany and Jehan Monsieur Lebreth, see DESCHAMPS, vn., 121 ;
CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 80, 82. ~ I.e., Yolande d'Enghien, who became
the mother of Jean, Count of Dunois, known as the Bastard of Orleans.
— CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 80. For the Duke's other amours, see FROIS.,
xiv., 318. 3 Near Granville. — NOUVELLE BIOGR. GENERALE, xxxvin.,
462 ; usually called Octonville or Auquetonville. — DOUET D'ARCQ, i., 165 ;
FENIN, 5, 334; COCHON, 221; COUSINOT, 113; EC. DES CHARTES, F. i.,
216; RYM.. viii., 25 ; BAYE, i., 8; CABARET, 271; HOFLER, RUPRECHT,
318; or Acketonville. — ZANTFLIET, 386; ST. DENYS, in., 732; Ocque-
tonville. — LUSSAN, iv., 355; Raulet d'Octovile. — BRANDO, no; Raulet
d'Actonville.— -PASTORALET, 847; D'Auctonville Raulet scelus hoc fecit
prope Barbet. — BIBLIOTHEQUE DE BERN, MS. 211, fol. 161, quoted in
JARRY, 84, 355, 356 ; Rodulpho Anctovillae.— POL. VERG., 437; Rolletto
Antoneville. — BIONDI, 90 ; D'Oitonville qu'on doit nommer. — POEM ON
BATTLE, 250 ; Anquetonville or d'Octonville. — DARESTE, in., 12. The
Duke of Berry gave him a Bible, see BULLETIN DU BIBLIOPHILE, where
he is called Monseigneur Raoulet d'Octonville. — DELISLE, in., 172 ;
HIVER DE BEAUVOIR, TRESOR, 109. 4 BAYE, i., 208. 3 ITIN., 586 ; DES-
CHAMPS, v., 134 ; called " Reynepot" in DERBY ACCTS., 114, 306, where
he presents a courser to Henry at Konigsberg in 1390. fi Lui disieme. —
TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 22. Sachies qu'il avoit mout petite masnie. —
GESTE, 309. 7 TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 24 ; GESTE, 310; after riding 42
leagues in 24 hours.— MONSTR., i., 164; MAG. DE LIB., vn., 261. 8 LET-
TENHOVE, in., 70; BARANTE, n., 227 ; LUSSAN, in., 380, quoting REGISTRES
DE L'HOTEL DE VILLE DE BAPAUME, says that in her time it was still
rung at one P.M. 9 For the angelus or mid-day bell, see ROCK, in., 339 ;
NORTH, 107 ; BARKER, 289. WALCOTT (ARCH^OL., 31) thinks that it
was instituted in France in 1472 ; see N. and Q., 8th SER., HI., 450.

1408.] "Noel!" 93

day, to commemorate his safety and escape. His enemies
followed in pursuit, but they found the bridge over the Oise
broken at Pont Ste Maxence.1 The murderer was safe among
his own people. In Lille, 'J Ghent, Bruges, and Arras, he
boasted of what he had done; and the powers in Paris had
nothing better to devise than to soothe and flatter him, in the
hope that he might not " go English.'' 3 To educated French-
men he was the Devil's own Attorney 4 let loose from hell to
strangle Christendom and out-Turk the Turk. But the Paris
mob was with him.5 The plane ° had rasped the truncheon,7
and they threw up their caps for the plane. Before three
months had passed he re-entered the capital at Shrovetide
(Feb. 28th, 1408), >s at the head of ioooy armed men. The
windows were thronged with small and great, and the children
shouted " Noel ! " 10 as if it had been the King himself. He

1 BOUVIER, 417; BRANDO, in. - ITIN., 362; TRAHISONS DE FRANCE,
24; GESTE, 311. :1J. MEYER, 227; cf. "s'estoit rendu Engles."-
TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 64. " II devint Anglois."— GESTE, 374. Ac-
cording to EUL., in., 410, he applied to the English King for help, but
was refused. 4ANNUAiRE BULLETIN, xxiv., 203. 5 BRANDO, 117, 150.
B Le baston noueux est plane. — MONSTR., i., 165, 175. ~ CHAUCER,
KNIGHT'S TALE, 2617. 8Jour de Caresme pregnant. — COCHON, 223;
Juv., 445. ITIN., 363, 588, shows that he was to start from Arras on
Feb. i6th, and was in Paris before Mar. ist. 9 MONSTR., i., 290, has "de
six cens hommes d'armes et de plus ; " cf. ST. DENYS, iv., 102 ; cum
ccctis fere loricatis militibus. — BRANDO, 113. 10 MONSTR., i., 176, 267,
392, 401 ; ii., 199, 302 ; in., 330. Laudes solo regi debitas. — ST.
DENYS, iv., 186, 190; MAG. DE LIB., vn., 273; TRAHISONS DE
FRANCE, 44, 109; GESTE, 341, 342, 501, 545; PASTORALET, 652.
On the birth of Charles VI., Dec. 3rd, 1368, the people shouted:
"Noe et que bien arrive!" — CHRISTINE, I., xv. ; cf. DESCHAMPS, i.,
166 ; v., 249, 398; vi., 66. " Tant que chascuns devra crier, Noe
heust-il estre venus ! " — BOURGEOIS, 630; BAYE, i., 261; COCHON, 213,
244,258, 263; COUSINOT, 124, 138; FOURNEL, 103, 104; see also COT-
GRAVK, s. v. NOUKL; LITTRK, s. v. II., i., 732, derives it from natalc.
GKUSON, iv., 632, refers it to the multitude of the heavenly knighthood
heriyng God in LUKE n., 14. The cry was "Noel, noel ! " which he
translates " Paix, paix qu'elle viegne ! " — GKRSOX, n., 153; not " nocl
uvel ! " as GALITZIN, 53.

0,4 Rue Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

gloried1 in his share in the murder, and held that trickery
and lying- were God's appointed means for trapping such
vermin into the assassin's net. On Thursday, March 8th,;5 the
royal Dukes, the Council, and a vast number of distinguished
members of the Parliament, the University, and other notable
bodies in Paris, met in the great hall of the royal hostel of
St. Pol, between six and seven in the morning, and listened
for four hours to a rambling academic disquisition 4 on this
infamous theme from a Franciscan friar, Master Jean Petit, :>
during the whole of which time 6 the learned apologist droned
on, without once varying his tone, though thrice he fell upon
his knees. On the following day 7 the King's seal was affixed
to a formal warrant of pardon, and the Duke of Burgundy was
again the ruling power in France.8

1MoNSTR., ii., 112, 154; vi., 209; ST. DENYS, iv., 438; Juv., 465;
BRANDO, 152 ; RECEUIL DES TRAITEZ, 375. 2 C'est la plus propre mort
de quoy tirans doivent mourir que de les occire vilainement par bonne
cautelle aguetz et espiemens. — MONSTR., i., 217 ; ST. DENYS, in., 754.
Cf. soit de nuyt ou de jour en agait ou autrement. — TRAHISONS DE
FRANCE, 26; GESTE, 313. For text of speech sent to the King in BIBL.

DE BOURGOGNE, 10419, SCC ACAD. DE BELG., II., XI., 568; GfiRSON, IV.,

15 ; MERAY, i., 67. ;!COCHON, 223 ; COSNEAU, n ; JARRY, v. ; not 1409,
as LABORDE, i., 34. LANNOY (6), who was present, wrongly gives the
year as 1405. He says that the King was there, but his account was
written many years afterwards. 4 Four copies of it were afterwards
written out, illuminated in blue and gold, bound in parchment, and
presented to the Duke at Audenarde, July 27th, 1408, for which Petit
received 36 livres. — ITIN., 587 ; MONSTR., n., 123. In LABORDE, i., 34,
is an entry, dated Paris, May loth, 1409, of payment to Guillaume de la
Charite, escripvain, touching the matter of Jean Petit. •"' COSNEAU, n ;
COUSINOT, 119; TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 28; GESTE, 318. He was a
native of Caux in Normandy. — COCHON, iv., 223. 6 ACAD. DE BELG., II.,
XI-> 567, from report of eye-witness made to Duchess of Burgundy, written
March i4th, 1408 ; BAYE, i.,222; MOLAND, 245, 417. Yet he could speak
smartly enough when he chose ; cf. quant est de moy je 'suis rude et
parle hastivement et chaudement si iratus essem. AUBKKTIN, n., 357 ;
MOLAND, 217-219; SCHWAB, 185. ~ MONSTR., vi., 198; BRANDO, 117.
1 ROT. PARL., m., 622, 627 ; ST. DENYS, iv., 326, 430 ; MONSTK., n.,
142; vi., 204.

1408.] ycnn Petit. 95

For England the effect of this crisis was all in the direction
of peace. Negotiations had begun some time before the death
of the Duke of Orleans. On June nth, 1407, l Sir Thomas
Erpingham, Hugh Mortimer, and John Caterick,- were ap-
pointed to cross to Picardy and treat with the French. Erping-
ham started on July 25th,:{ and on July 28th 4 an armistice
was agreed upon, to last till Sept. 8th. Hostilities were to be
suspended all along the line from the Somme to Nieuport.
On Sept. 1 3th,5 four French representatives were appointed to
cross to England, with passports available from Sept. 2;th till
the following Christmas. These were Gerard Puy,6 Bishop of
St. Flour, Guillaume de Montreuil, Chevalier de L'Hermite,
Lord of \J3i Fay, Casin, Lord of Sereinviller,7 and Master Jean
Hue, Secretary to the French King. They landed at Dover, <s
and were conducted to the King's presence at Gloucester,
where beds, sheets, arras, and napery <J had been purchased 10 for
their housing while the Parliament sat. On Dec. ist,11 Bishop
Langley and the three previous negotiators, viz., Erpingham,
Mortimer, and Caterick, were instructed to treat with them, the
King's son, Thomas,12 being also specially accredited in order

1 RYM., viii., 484. - Vol. II., p. 344. :{ FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 7, shows
that Rishton was with him. 4 REPORT ON FCED., D., 75 ; TILLET,

GUERRES, 122 ; RECEUIL, 315. 5 RYM., VIII., 523. H CLAUS., Q H. IV.,

6. 7 In FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 20 (Dec. 2oth, 1407), he is leaving England
to return again. 8 DEVON, 317. » WYCL. (M.), 434 ; EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT.,
iv., 512. 10 Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., Nov. i6th, 1407, has ,£40 on this
account and 6s. 8d. for washing the sheets. L. T. R. ENROLLED WARD-
ROHE ACCTS., 12, 2, APP. C. For lintheamina (sheets), see Vol. II., p.
400; GIBBONS, 124; ROGERS, i., 13, 574; in., 548; OLIVER, 270;
MON. FRAN., n., 89 ; MURAT., in., 2, 816 ; DERBY ACCTS., 77, 184, 192.
Cf. no doun of fetheres ne no bleched shete. — CHAUC. (S.), L, 381.
The price was about 2s. a pair. — ROT. PARL., iv., 237. In PAT., n H.
IV., 2, 27, the value of half a sheet and a pillow stolen is i2d. u RYM.,
vin., 504. For their instructions, see ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 302, where
Hugh, Lord of Burnell, is one of them. 12 RYM., vm., 506.

96 Rue Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

to give dignity to the proceedings. On Dec. yth,1 a truce was
arranged for Guienne, to last for three months from Jan. i5th,
1408. Subsequent negotiations renewed it for a further term,
viz., to Sept. 3oth,2 and on June loth, I4o8,3 it was finally
extended for three years.

But though all immediate danger to Guienne had, for the
moment, passed away through the removal of the Duke of
Orleans, it took years to efface the damage wrought by the
late invasion.

In the winter of Hoy,4 the district of Puynormant, outside
of Libourne, was still occupied by the French. One fourth of
the inhabitants of Libourne 5 had no means of support, their
lands and vines being all in the hands of the enemy ; and it
became necessary to give up charging billets ° on their goods
entering Bordeaux. Further up the Dordogne, the town and
castle of Bergerac,7 which had passed into the hands of the
French, petitioned (Sept. i8th, i4o8)8 to be taken under
English protection again for a year. The request was granted,
and under a judicious leniency the population, together with that
of the district of Maureux,9 was weaned back to their old
allegiance. This may, perhaps, be the date at which the Eng-

1 TILLET, GUERRES, 122. The terms had been arranged by Nov. i6th,
1407. Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., has payments for messengers to
Calais ; cf. FR. ROLL., g H. IV., 19, Dec. loth, 1307. 2 RYM., vm., 513,
516,546, Apr. 8th, Aug. 3rd, 1408; Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., May
24th, 1408. « TILLET, GUERRES, 122 b. 4 ROT. VASC., 9 H. IV., 15,
Feb. 28th, 1408. 5 Ibid., 7 H. IV., 5. « Cf. ibid., 7 H. IV., 10, where
every cask of wine from Bourg pays Sd. at Bordeaux for war expenses.
7 Called "Bergerart" in DESCHAMPS, iv., 324. 8 ROT. VASC., 9 H. IV.,
12. Halle (24) has an account of a siege of " Vergy " (? Bergerac),
which was defended by an Englishman, Sir Robert Antelfelde. !l ROT.
VASC., 10 H. IV., 2 (Sept. roth, 1409) ; PRIV. SEAL, 645/6248-9, grants
four years' protection to Bergerac and the potestas (pouvoir) of Maureux
(possibly Montravel on the Dordogne, between Bergerac and Libourne),
though the town of Bergerac was still in the obedience of the Kincr of
France.

1408-] Fro n sac. 97

lish took the Castle of Cazilhac,1 in Quercy. Its baron after-
wards bought it back; but it was such a centre for robbing that
an order was made by the French Seneschal of Limousin for
its demolition (Sept. 27th, 141 i).2 At St. Emilion,3 there was
ill blood between the citizens and the English Mayor. The
town and fortifications were reported as " destroyed." No
customs could be paid, and 20 pitchers 4 were charged on every
cask of wine and id. upon every measure of corn sold in the
town to make good the damage. In March, i4o8,r> the great
fortress on the Pap ° of Fronsac " was all but lost. The garrison
consisted of mercenaries,8 gallantly held together by the con-
stable. Robert Grosvenor,9 and his lieutenant, Henry Skirowe.
The burgesses of Libourne,10 in spite of their own distress,
raised 1000 francs for victualling the besieged, provisions were
got in through the enterprise of John Arnold,11 a London
merchant, and the place was at length relieved. In the spring
of I409,1- Sir Thomas S win burn was appointed captain and

1 For its position on the Tourmente, near Martel, see BLAEU, vm.,
472. - TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, i. 3 ROT. VASC., 8 H. IV., i, June
23rd, 1407, has appointment of Peter Clifford, Esquire, as Prefect of
"St. Milion." Cf. JURADE, 48; PRIV. SEAL, 645/6288; 646/6314 (Oct.
i8th and 28th, 1409) refers to grant (dated June ist, 1409) to Bos de
la Barde of goods belonging to La Dame de Montelar and La Dame de
Corbaix and all other rebels in the town and honour of the bailliage of
St. Milion. 4 " Picherios." — ROT. VASC., 9 H. IV., 12, Aug. 26th, 1408 ;
MURAT., III., 2, 815 ; cf. "pichers. " — JURADE, 26. 5 ROT. VASC., 9 H.
IV., 12, 15, March 7th, 1408, has order for revictualling it in via perdi-
tionis. Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., June nth, 1408, refers to envoys
coming from Gascony to report condition of Fronsac. 6 For tertre = hill,
see PASTORALET, 614, 622, 645, 716. 7 For account of it see DROUYN, i.,
LXXVII. ; BARKER, 375. 8 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Dec. 4th, 1408,
has payment of ^10 to Henry van Emeryk and Adam Urcewyk Soldar
(cf. Vol. II., p. 130, note 13; WYCL. (A.), n.,335; CHAUCER (S.), i., 204);
cf. " Saudoyer." — TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 63. 9 ROT. VASC., 10 H. IV.,
5, 6. 10 RYM., VIIT., 613, 624 ; PRIV. SEAL, 646/6374, Dec. nth, 1409.

E, passim. 12 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH.,
payment of ^"1833 6s. 8d. for garrison of Fronsac. See also ROT. VASC.,

11 JURADE, passim. 12 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Mar. gth, 1409, has

OT

G

98 Rue Barbette. [CiiAi>. LXIX.

constable of Fronsac for five years, taking with him from Eng-
land ,£1000 in cash for distribution among the garrison, which
then consisted of 30 men-at-arms and 60 archers ; and in the
council that met at Lambeth on March iQth, 141 i,1 proposals
were made for allotting ^1630 for the defence of the place.
Swinburn had left Bordeaux for England on April 25th, 1408,-
his duties being performed in his absence by the sub-Mayor,
Borbonnet Arriquard,:J as his deputy. He landed again in
Bordeaux on Aug. ist, 1409, and five days afterwards 4 paraded
his troops in presence of John Mitford in the Ombriere. On
Feb. 1 2th, 141 2,5 he was at his post at Fronsac, but soon
afterwards he returned to England. On July i3th, 1412,° he
was intending to sail again for Guienne, having secured ^£2300
to pay his men at Fronsac ; but he died at Little Horksley,

10 H. IV., 6, May 2nd, 1409; Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH., June 3rd,
1410.

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 8 ; ibid., pp. 16, 18, has two payments to him
of £816 135. 4d. for two half-years. He also received ,£666 133. 4d. and
£33365. 8d., July i5th and 23rd, 1411. — Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., PASCH.; and
^2300, July 8th, 1412. — ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 30. 2 JURADE, 315. He was
still in England in Jan., 1409 (ibid., 401), and had not returned to Bor-
deaux by April ist, 1409, when the Register of the Jurade ends. :! JUR-
ADE, 240, 380, 387 ; BRISSAUD, 200. 4 Aug. 6th, 1409. — Q. R. ARMY, ff,
-\7-. JURADE, 444, shows that he was in Bordeaux before Dec. iyth, 1409.
5 ROT. VASC., 13 H. IV., 10. On Apr. ist, 1411, he has a grant of
Condac or Condat, near Libourne (BOUILLONS, 144, 168), and Barbane in
Perigord (RvM., iv., 43, Editn. 1869); see ROT. VASC., 12 H. IV., 13.
Q. R. ARMY, \7-, contains his account (dated May 23rd, 1409) of receipts
from tolls and other revenues collected at Fronsac, totalling up to
£14 os. iod., viz., from parishes of Brys, Carat, and Pullinac, 16^ fr.
( = 553.), from do. of Rue Martyn St Marsall, 7$ fr. ( = 255.), from do. of
St. Marie de Sabruchales de Chales and St Martin d'Yvern, 22^ fr.
( = 75S-). In this account 2 fr. 36 blancorum = js. 8d., 9 fr. = 308.,
18 fr. 45 blanc. = 6as. 6d. In LURBE, 34, he is called Solymbourg.
1 ROT. VASC., 13 H. IV., 4 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 122. In PRIV. SEAL,
651/6826, Apr. ist, 1411, and 655/7276, July i4th, 1412, he is called
Captain of Frounsak. In CLAUS., 14 H. IV., 29, Oct. i6th, 1412, one of
his executors, Thomas Benton (or Barton.— Q. R. Army, £f) alias Thomas
Hamme, takes 1000 marks for arrears of wages to Fronsac.

I4-O.S.] ,SV/' Thomas Swinburn. 99

near Colchester, on Aug. 9th, 141 2, l and on Aug. i4th,'2
Richard, Lord Grey of Codnor, was appointed captain and
constable of Fronsac Castle, and warden of the adjoining
Patrie de Froitnsadoys. Before his death Swinburn had been
succeeded as Mayor of Bordeaux by Sir Peter Buckton,3 who
held the office for rather more than a year ; 4 and on December
4th, 1412,^ the custody of Bordeaux was also taken over by
I ,ord Grey of Codnor.

As we have seen, the truce with Flanders was prolonged for
three years from June i5th, 1408,° whereby security was
guaranteed for French shipping in the strait,7 eastward of an
imaginary line drawn from \Vinchelsea to St. Valery, in the
mouth of the Somme. An understanding as to Picardy was
signed on March lyth, 1408,^ to last till the end of April.
Before this date arrived two French representatives, viz.,
Casin de Sereinviller '•' and the humanist, Gontier Col,10 were

1 GENEAL., vi., 223 ; MORANT, n., 238; not 1415,35 ORIENT LATIN,
n., 378. For his brass with SS. collar, see BOUTELL BRASSES, 55 ;
ARCH^EOLOGIA CANTIANA, i., 83 ; MACKLIN, 129. In ROT. VASC., 13 H.
IV., Aug. igth, 1412, he is referred to as dead. In Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV.,
MICH., Feb. 28th, 1413, is a reference to the executors of his will.
* ROT. VASC., 13 H. IV., 3 ; PRIV. SEAL, 656/7309. :! He appears as
Mayor of Bordeaux, Nov. 3rd, 1411. — RYM. viu., 707; also Aug. igth,
1412.— ROT. VASC., 13 H. IV., 4 ; PRIV. SEAL, 656/7311, 7319, and Nov.
8th, 1412. — FR. ROLL, 14 H. IV., 5. 4 For Buckton's will, dated Feb.
28th (proved Mar. 4th), 1413, see TEST. EBOR., i., 360. He was buried
in the Abbey of Swine, near Hull. 5 Q. R. ARMY, ff , V, Y-, giving the
names of the garrison. (i Vol. II., p. 108 ; VARENBERGH, 563, dated Paris,
April 27th, 1408 ; RYM., vm., 614. 7 RYM., vin., 492. For question
between Winchelsea and Shoreham, see TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 143, 5-99,
dated St. Valery, Feb. 8th, 1407. 8 RYM., vm., 518, 520. 9 For safe-
conduct dated Feb. 26th, 1408, see FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 16. Iss. ROLL,
9 H. IV., PASCH., July nth, 1408, has payment for carriage of beds
towards the North against their arrival. Q. R. WARDROBE, -°g8, APP. B.,
has expenses for John Casyn, Squire to the Duke of Berry in London
before Feb. nth, 1408; cf. ST. DENYS, iv., 252, 610. 10 Called "Gontier"
in ECOLE DES CHARTES, XLVIII., 420; DESCHAMPS, in., 94; or "Gonter"
in DUCKETT, i., 185; ST. DENYS, iv., 342. MONTREUIL (1398, 1404),
addresses him as his instructor, and calls him "Gontherus;" see A.
THOMAS, 5, 31, 37, 62, 80. For account of him see PISAN, n., p. v.

loo Rue Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

again in England; but they found that the King had gone
north. On April 8th, 1408^ Robert Waterton and Master
Richard Holme were authorized to meet them at Pontefract ; L>
and by April i5th they had settled that the truce should be
extended till Sept. 3oth.:i In Aug., i4o8,4 Hugh Mortimer
and John Caterick were sent across to Paris, where a truce
was arranged, to date from Sept. iyth5 following, in which it
was provided that a Bishop, a Baron, a Clerk, a Knight, and a
Squire from the English side should meet with five French-
men of similar rank in Paris on Feb. i3th, 1409,° and try to
arrange a peace, with a hint that a marriage might be ac-
ceptable between the Prince of Wales and Catharine,7 the
youngest daughter of the French King. On Jan. i2th, 1409,
Bishop Beaufort and Henry Lord Scrope8 of Masham left
London and travelled by Canterbury across to France, where
they remained till Feb. 27th, and several messengers11 passed
between London and Paris. Instructions were finally drawn
up on May i5th, I4O9,10 authorizing Bishop Beaufort, Lord

1 ROT. VIAG., 9 H. IV., 6. - DEVON, 309 ; KAL. AND INV., n., 77 ;
PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 16, June igth, 1408, refers to truce with France ultimo
cfiptff. FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 13, June i2th, 1408, refers to Jean Bopine,
Chamberlain to the Duke of Berry, coming to England. 3 RYM., vni.,
507 ; FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 12. 4 FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 2, Aug. 3rd, 1408 ;
GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 30 ; Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., Aug. 2nd, 1408, has
£50 to each for passage to France ; KAL. AND INV., n., 77; Iss. ROLL, 13
H. IV., MICH., Feb. i8th, 1412. On their return by Amiens and Boulogne
to Calais they heard of the defeat of the Liegois by the Duke of Bur-
gundy, Sept. 23rd, 1408.— MONSTR., i., 389. 5 Q. R. ARMY, 5/. 6 RYM.,
via., 571 ; Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Feb. i3th, 1409. ' " She was
born Oct. 27th, 1401. — MORERI, in., 344; LUSSAN, HI., 455 ; or 1400.—
WILLS OF KINGS, 214. In DEVON, 312, she is called the second daughter.
8 FOR. ACCTS., ii H. IV., shows that he travelled from Faxflete to
London, and that he was again in France from March 22nd to June gth,
1409. 9 RYM., VIIL, 579. 10 RYM., vin., 585. FR. ROLL, 10 H. IV., 7,
shows Caterick going to France, May i2th, 1409. Iss. ROLL, 10 H.
IV., PASCH., May 23rd, 1409, has payment of £200 to Bishop of Win-
chester, £120 to Scrope, and £60 each to Mortimer and Caterick. FR.

1408.] Brittany. lot

Scrope, Sir Arnold Savage, Hugh Mortimer, and John Caterick
to treat. In the latter part of August a French embassy,1
headed by the Archbishop of Sens, and attended by 300
persons, was appointed to negotiate with them in Picardy.
Scrope, Mortimer, and Caterick had already been in Paris ;
and in a letter written there on Sept. i2th, 1409, '2 reference
is made to a common rumour that the ambassadors were
about to arrange a final peace. But the result of these efforts
will be better considered in a subsequent chapter.

Queen Joan had now been separated from her sons for four
years, but messages had been constantly passing between them.
The eldest, John, Duke of Brittany, who still claimed the title
of Earl of Richmond, :>> was married to a daughter4 of the King
of France, and was now nearly 18 years of age.0 He had
developed a love of finery and dress,0 and costly collars " set
with pearls and sapphires had been sent across from time to
time to him and his brothers and sisters. Piracy 8 had never

ROLL, 10 H. IV., 6, shows Hugh Mortimer going to France, May i6th,

1409, also Sept. i3th, 1409 (ibid., 2). For their safe-conducts dated Sept.
3rd, 1409, see RYM., vin., 599.

1 For their safe-conducts dated Aug. i5th, 1409, see RYM., vni., 593.
- DUCKETT, ii., 158. :< Vol I., p. 27 ; RYM., vni., 490 ; COSNEAU, 477.
4 I.e., Jeanne. The marriage took place in 1404, in accordance with
a long-standing engagement, both of the children being then 13 years
old. — GRUEL, 5 ; MEYER, 220. •' He was born Dec. 24th, 1389. — ART
DE VER., ii., 907. 6 II portait habillements de draps d'or et riches et
grands colliers a grosses pierres est estoit un prince bien magnifique. —
ST. PAUL, 52. On visiting the Duke of Orleans at Blois, April 24th,

1410, he was presented with an illuminated Book of Hours, written in
blue and gold, bound in black velvet set with a sapphire and pearls, and
embroidered at the edges with gold thread. — LAHOKDK, in., 246. For
his letters, see ECOLK DES CHARTES (1890), LI., 355. " Q. R. ARMY, &£,
mm. 24, 56, has £192 paid for them to Christopher Tilderley, the King's
goldsmith, dated Nov. 131)1, 140-1. s On Nov. 2nd, 1402, a ship crossing
from Spain with several London apprentices on board was seized by the
Bretons. The cargo valued at 1000 marks was sold, and the apprentices
were kept in close prison till they should pay a ransom of ^250. — PAT., 7
H. IV., i., 35. On Dec. 2gth, 1406, an order was issued for the restora-

102 Rue Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

ceased between the English and Bretons, though the Queen 1
had often used her influence to secure a better feeling. At
length, in the spring of 1407,^ a truce was arranged, to last for
one year, from July nth, 1407 ;:{ and before the expiration of
this time, it was prolonged for another year at least. During
the winter of 1407 it was believed that a Breton fleet was
collecting to plunder the English tin ships; and on Feb. roth,
i4o8,4 an order was issued warning vessels not to put out
from any port along the south coast from Winchelsea to
Southampton, until further notice. In the spring5 of the
same year men-at-arms, archers and balisters were called
out, and ships were collected (i at Orwell, Sandwich and
Winchelsea, nominally to keep 7 the sea, but really destined
for quite another purpose.

When the truce had been concluded with Brittany, a special
exception had been made in the case of the small island of
Brehat8 at the entrance of the Rade de la Frenan, off the
mouth of the Trieux on the north coast of Brittany. The
island belonged9 to the Duke of Burgundy's son-in-law,10

tion of a salt ship from Brittany, which had been seized by a balinger
belonging to the Mayor of Poole.— GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 2. ADD. MS.,
24062 f., 147 b., has an undated letter from Henry IV. to the Duke of
Brittany, complaining that a vessel containing lampreys and other goods
to the value of £200, had been seized, and the master and the crew held
to ransom at Cherbourg.

1 See also Vol. II., p. 287. '2 " Penes presentiam nostram " (RvM.,
viii., 483), would look as though the Duke came across to England in
person. :J Not 1406, as COSNEAU, 9 ; see RYM., vm., 490, 499, 503 ;
KAL. AND INV., u., 76 ; GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 35 (Sept. 3<>th, 1407); ROT.
VASC 9 H. IV., 17 (Nov. i7th, Ho7). ^ PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 5. •' PAT., 9
H. IV., 2, 30, April 4th, 1408. 6Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., May 24th,
1408 ; PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 24 d. • POL. SONGS, u., if,^. * GOSNEAU, 12 ;
not " St. Brieux," as EUL., in., 413 ; SOUTHKV, 11., 48 ; nor " Brydoke,"
as GREY FRIARS GHRON., n. LEL. COL., i., 486, has " the isle of Briake
yn Bretagne ; " also CHRON. GODSTOWE, 240; HOLT, LANGLEY, 275, 335.
ST. DENYS iv., 316. "ST. DENYS, m., 376 ; MONSTR., i., 131, 396 ;
ii., 2, 88; BAYE, i.-, 331. He married the Duke's daughter Isabel.--

i.foS. BreJiat. 103

Olivier de Blois, Count of Penthievre, who was now in re-
bellion1 against his suzerain, the Duke of Brittany, and the
islanders had refused to pay their share of Queen Joan's
dowry. An English fleet2 was therefore to be despatched to
the spot to do the work of coercion. The ships were under
the command of Edmund, Earl of Kent, who had just been
appointed :j Admiral for the North and West, in place of the
Earl of Somerset. He was young and newly married,4 but
he was pressed with debt and had hard work to raise ^200
from the changers at Southampton. For this he had to
pledge 5 his spoons, forks, spiceplates, goblets, and potellers,1'
his silver-gilt basins with the arms of Kent and Milan on the
bottom, his salt-cellars inlaid with the lodged hart, his cups
dotted with pearls (perulis] and balusters " or pounced with
ivy, and the lids enamelled s with falcons and mounted with
fretlets9 of roses, apples, eagles, green- flowers, and doves. The
money, however, was at length obtained, the fleet set sail
from Southampton early in June, I4o8,10 and in the following
September the Castle of Brehat was stormed and demolished.
The island was burned, the islanders were slaughtered,11 and
the stones of the castle were shipped to England. But the

BRANDO, 40, 96, 144; GESTE, 536. She died at Rouvres, near Dijon,
Sept. i8th, 1412.— ITIN., 357, 358, 387, 393, 599. She is called Joan in
CHRON. DBS Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 266.

1 RYM., vin., 543. '2 MONSTR., n., 35. :{ I.e., May 8th, 1407. — PAT., 8
H. IV., 2, 17; NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 459, 533. 4 Vol. II., p. 40. For a
fanciful theory that he had been lawfully married to Lady Constance
le Despenser, see HOLT, LANGLEY, 185, 214, 321. 5 PAT., n H. IV., i,
16, Nov. i8th, 1409 ; KAL. AND INV., in., 366. PRIV. SEAL. 646/6328,
Nov. 8th, 1409, gives June 26th, 1408, as the date of the pledging.
K For galoners and potellers made of leather, or as " potts," see DKRBY
ACCTS., 18, 154. " DERBY ACCTS., 94 ; ARCHJEOLOGIA, LIII., 129, 133.
* CHAUCER (S.), i., 138. 9 ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 122. 10 In PAT., 9 H.
IV., 2, 16 (June 2nd, 1408), he is about to sail ; in PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 8,
10, 12, 17 (June nth, i6th, and i7th), he is "beyond sea." n ST.
DENYS, iv., 316,

I04 Kite Barbette. [CHAP. LXIX.

victory cost the English dear. For as their Admiral rode
recklessly without his basinet,1 he was struck on the head
with a quarrel from the walls, and died of his wound Sept. i5th,
I4o8.2 His body was brought to England and buried by
the side of his father in the Abbey Church at Bourne,3 in the
Fens of Lincolnshire. He was to have had 70,000 florins
(^ io, 500) 4 from Milan as a dowry with his wife Lucy; but
he never received a penny of it, and died deep in debt. He
left no will, and his effects were so valueless that no one
would undertake to administer his estate. An allowance5
was made to his widow, who had been naturalized 6 as an

1 For the basinet or conical iron skull-cap lined with white or red
cloth, and finished with a topinet, see DERBY ACCTS., 49, 91 ; PRUTZ,
47, 85 ; STRUTT, DRESS, n., 180 ; GROSE, ARMOUR, 10 ; MEYRICK, i.,
188 ; ii., 101 ; in., s. v.; PLANCHE, i., 36 ; MACKLIN, 56, 59, 63 ; GIBBONS,
62; WYNT., in., 3066; BLOXAM, 153; DESCHAMPS, iv., 314; v., 7.
The kettle-hat was similar in shape, but made of leather. — FOR. ACCTS.,
10 H. IV., passim; FIFTY WILLS, 19; PROMPT. PARV., 273 : "catelhat,"
SHARPE, n., 298. Cf. " Till the bloode owt off thear basnetes sprent."-
CHEVY CHASE. For bascinets, bacines or bachines ( = men-at-arms),
see MONSTR., i., 350, 355 ; HI., 83, 93, &c. ; GESTE, 413, 415. 2 CHRON.
LOND., 91 ; EUL., in., 413 ; WALS., n., 279; CHRON. GILES, 54; OTT.,
264 ; NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 396, 459, 478 ; HIST. MSS., ist KEPT., APP.,
in., 10 ; DUGD., n., 75; DOYLE, n., 278. 3 CAXTON, 219 ; TEST. VET.,
139, 205 ; PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 32. 4 ROT. PARL., iv., 29; RYM., ix., 121 ;
x., 140. The florin was then = 35. See also DERBY ACCTS., ci., en.
5 RYM., VIIL, 561, Dec. ist, 1408. On Dec. ist, 1412, she was granted an
annuity of ^"333 6s. 8d. from manors in Lancashire. — Due. LANC. REC., XL,
16,78'. 6/.f.f May 4th, 1408. — RYM., vni.,526; PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 6. ROT.
VIAG., 9 H. IV., 6, March 26th, 1408, refers to John de Alyprandis (RYM.,
x., 142) of Milan, as coming to England. For her next marriage and
connection with Halle, the chronicler, see HALLE, 29; GRAFTON, 435. By
her will in Chichele's Register at Lambeth (f. 371), GENEAL., vi., 32, she
left 1000 crowns to the Provost and Canons of S. Maria della Scala at
Milan, and a similar sum to the Church of S. Giovanni in Conca (called
Conquet in DUGD., n., 78), where her father had been buried with great
pomp after his murder (Dec. i8th, 1385).— MURATORI, xvi., 800, 854;
MALVERN in HIGDEN, ix., 60. She died Apr. 4th, 1424 (HOLT, LANGLEY,
356, gives i4th), and was buried in the Church of the Austin Friars
in Broad St., London. — TEST. VET., 205. HOLT, LANGLEY, 191, 323, 327,
supposes that she was the sister of Gian Galeazzo, though correctly given
as " youngest child of Barnabo," /6/W., 336; cf. Wenck, 4, 5, 39.

1408.] Edmund, Earl of Kent. 105

English subject before he sailed. The fleet returned to
England without delay, and on Sept. 2ist, I408,1 Sir Thomas
Beaufort was made Admiral in his stead. The truce between
England and Brittany was extended for another year from
July nth, 1408; and as late as September, 1411, 2 the two
countries were still at peace, a truce having been concluded on
Feb. 2ist, 141 1,8 which would not expire till July 6th, 1413.
But before that date arrangements were completed for a final
truce, to last for 10 years from Jan. ist, 141 2. 4

1 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 4 ; ibid., 10 H. IV., 2, 9 ; BLACK BOOK OF AD-
MIRALTY, i., 369, 373 ; NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 396. For ^80 paid to Sir
Thomas Beaufort, Admiral, see Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., July i6th,
1409. - For safe-conduct for Jean de Penhouet, the Breton Admiral,
dated Sept. 23rd, 1411, see RYM., vin., 702. 3 KAL. AND INV., n., 83 ;
RYM., vin., 710; PRIV. SEAL, 651/6873. 4 RYM., viu., 712, 732.

CHAPTER LXX.
THE GLOUCESTER PARLIAMENT.

TWICE had the King declared his intention to go abroad at
the head of expeditions for the relief of Calais and Guienne ;
but each time something had prevented him, and the occasions
passed away. On June ist, 1407, it was again announced
that he had taken a "fixed resolve " l to go soon into Wales.
By the end of May he had removed from Windsor to Rother-
hithe.2 On June ist he was at Waltham Abbey,8 and on the
following day he had arrived at Leicester,4 whither a messenger
was despatched to him from the Council in London reporting
preparations for the campaign. Stores had been just forwarded
to Sir Francis Court5 for the defence of Pembroke, and a
force of 600 men-at-arms and 1800 archers was prepared to
act under the Prince of Wales in recovering the Castle of
Aberystwith. ^6825 had been provided to pay their wages
for six months from May 29th, 1407,*' but it was calculated7

1 Firmum propositum.— Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH. s For docu-
ments dated at Rotherhithe May 28th and June ist, 1407, see Due.
LANC. REC.. XL, 16, pt. 3, mm. 93, 94. 3 Ibid., XL, 16, pt. 3, 77. 4 Iss.
ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June 2nd, 1407. r> Viz., 16 balistas, 3000
quarrels, 4 haussepees, 4 baudrics, and 50 Ibs. of gunpowder, May 23rd
and 28th, 1407.— FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. In PAT., n H. IV., i, iS d,
Nov. zoth, 1409, he is Captain of Pembroke Castle. In REC. ROLL, n
H. IV., PASCH., May 2nd and 27th, 1410, he still pays £10 per annum
for the alien Priory of Pembroke, see Vol. II., p. 309. 6 Iss. ROLL, 8 H.
IV., PASCH., June ist, 1407. ~ ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 108.

1407*] Counter-orders. 107

that after three months the services of one-third of them would
not be required. Six large guns 1 were forwarded from Ponte-
fract to Nottingham in June - to be shipped at Bristol for use
in the siege. Bows, arrows, and bowstrings were packed in
casks and coffers, and great stores 3 of arblasts,4 quarrels, stone-
shot, sulphur, and saltpetre were to be ready at Hereford/3
Berkleywood ° was to be felled on the banks of the Severn,
and timber in the Forest of Dean, and 20 carpenters were to
be sent round with it by sea from Bristol 7 in two barges, to
make scaffolds and towers and siege-engines on the spot.
The muster8 was to be gathered at Hereford by June roth,9
and proclamations were sent out calling upon Dukes, Earls,
Barons and others to join the King there. The Council as-
signed ^4000 for the expenses of his retinue from the taxation
as it fell due, and the royal pavilioner10 had forwarded his
tents ; but before June iQth n the plans were changed.

By July yth11' Henry was at Nottingham, where he bor-

1 The line in ROMAUNT OF ROSE, 4176 (" Of ginne gunne nor
skaffaut"), CHAUCER (S.), i., 203, seems to derive "gun " from " engine."
Cf. The engynour than deliverly

Gart bend the gyne in full gret hy.

BARBOUR'S BRUCE, xvn., 681, quoted in
CHAUCER (S.), in., 284.

2 FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. ;< ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 339; Iss. ROLL, 8 H.
IV., PASCH., June 23rd, 1407; ibid., 9 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 3rd, 1407, and
g H. IV., PASCH., Sept. roth, 1408. 4 For "alblast" or " arblast " see
DERBY ACCTS., 74, 93, 283. 5 ROT. VIAG., 12. 6 RICART, 83. 7 ROT.
VIAG., ii. 8 For " mustre," see WYCL. (A.), n., 360. 9 The Lancaster
retinue was to be there by June igth, 1407. — Due. LANC. REC., xi., 16,
94'", 98'", dated June ist and 8th, 1407. 10 Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH.,
June i2th, 1407, has payment of £10 for carrying tents to the north.
See also L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, i d, AFF. C.
11 CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 5 d. K For entries dated Nottingham Castle, July
7th, i3th, Aug. i3th, 1407, see Due. LANC. REC., Cl. XL, 16, pt. 3, mm.
78, 96, 106 ; ROT. VIAG., 9 ; RYM., vm., 404. For payment to a mes-
senger sent to the King at Nottingham from the Council, see Iss. ROLL,
8 H. IV., PASCH., July i8th, 1407. For Nottingham Castle as part of the
Queen's dower, see Vol. II., p. 284; A. S. GREEN, n., 330. For Win-
chester as her morning gift see ibid., i., 323 ; KITCHIN ; also Southampton,
DAVIES, 35 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 300.

ioS Tin- (ilonn'^tci I'liiliiuiifitL CII.M'. i \v

rowed' mo marks from the lungesses to he'|> to pa\ hi
Here lie was present on An-, i.-lh, logethei with his :,..n , and

the captive King of Scots, .it .1 vragei l»v kittle ion:>ht m the hi.

Let ween John III 1 1 m. -i, ; a poor I'.oidcanx M M in-.l . -| , and I '.ei I land
I'sana,1 a squire, merchant, and executed 01 keepei o| the
King's seal''' at Bordeaux, whom Culmei had charged "ilh
inciting him to treason1' seven \e.ns before. I'linl-ei.' and
barriers s had been erected, and a scaffold lor the royal pait\
to judge the cause die combatants do then d.\.»n."

Both of them were old '" men. At lir,t they lan a lew COUfiCI
and then went together" on loot. The seam-. lei MI-. lied lull
butt1' ii|)on his antagonist, and alter l>n kei in;- ' ; .lulnle with
Staves and s< otching " with swoids, they closed and itTUCV

right fast u with daggen nil the King took the quarrel into Ins
1 iss. ROLL, Q H. iv., PAICH., jui\ mi,, ,.,o,s. '\,,i. n ., ,, ,,,•

\ \s< ., i| II. IV., i |, Jinn- ,lli, i |(..'S, ••!. ml-, him .1 h.. |)ic( 111 the

Rue Peytabine, oppoaite to the caitle wall .n Bordeaux, DI--MCYN, 270.

Ill JUKADK, .<Sl, he I . i .ill. d |oh.in UolliK \ . ' I le had heen .in < n\o\ to

l'.n;d. md in i{().|. BOUILLON!, ISO. In (UHADK, jHo, lie is nostre .nm

• lu.i. 'in ROT, VAK.I n N. iv., \i>, .md i i, (.(S/o^Ko,

May iHtli, i|io, he ICMJMI;, ollu nun c\< i nl. .1 K ol tin I u\ »\ lloide.mv

(Me JURADE, 439), " KVM., \ in., ( ),,, , vs . DEVON) )Og [•• I' i

II. IV., I'.v.. n., July yth, i.joh; HI-T. ; -. , , NlILBO

7 NOTT. KKC., n., 45. H N KM. SON, ^5«. " l-'or " dcvci •'" Me HOCCL., Dl

REO, [07; i1 i'i ii., xvn., 5 ; xvin., 92, 122; "devoir," CHAUCI

n., 276; MAN 01 LAW, 44381 WYCL, (A.), n., 109; m., >x8, lo Proptej

.'•tiilein i|U.e,i dr( ic|i|l.ini " I \i;', \ ,, <:-, , ' ' I I " /( ucn I id I ill I t ome t d

acenal the |H.IN gott.' WYCL, (M,), 113 WCMAUC< is.), m., 17^.
" ii"« < i ., i'i REG,, i M. IS Wvr. i • . i • • \\ nh .1 , and

and daggej upon lot.- • 1 1 i ,„ IM.,I \,\ . ombai

ARCH. AND TOP,, m,, 270; STRUTI I'M. .1 \ rig., 113 VEAR BOOKB, 32,
,<^ id). [., xv., xxxix, i' 01 order* ol KH kmi n. to HK DukeofOlouceatei

U i on -.lid.lr- set- ANTKK REPER1 H liO \t ih, du< I between l"hn

Huberdand |oi,n Bokenham a) < olcheetei m i {/«• tin- i..nhii lupplied iin-
' Dinbatants \\nii ii-.,iii< rn • oal tavi n|.|u d with horn. .«n<i tai
1 •" i in ••' '• i i-' i • ',<• i 01 ihr i >nei oi i au .md iiu- i >u, -i oi ( hivali
NEIHON.XOO PorLeici tei e< in«. MI-SON, .-s. In the poinU-of-arm i«

fween the Earl ol Warww i. and Sh I'an.inii M..I, i (? Malati itajai \ e a

'"••.' d« • MI, \ , ,,n, , ni, arming •• < id. and lai i
''•"i"- daggeri, ' Rousi , \*\ , STRUI r, A UBI • u n

i.|(>7.| Wdgtf l>y Hitlllt'. 109

hand, :ui(l criod "Hoi"3 l.ulh were then declared'-' good
IIH-II ;ind leal, and llie claims ol honour were <|iiit ; hut on his
i. •him l«» I'.nideaux wilh Ins son IVter, Usana re(|inred a special
pinto iinji to ensure him against imprisonment.

We i rare the King at Nottingham as late as Aug. i(>th,
1407.' On Aug. iyth he was at New.siead,' on the i8th at
\\ oiksop," and on the njth he reached INmtefrai't, wlicrc he
received letters' Horn his son the 1'rince in Wales. He was
eeitamlv at I'onlelia.t till Aug. 22iul.s IMOID Aug. 241)1 to
Sept. ist he halted at his park ol Kothwcllhaigh,'' a few miles
to tlu- south of Leeds. Here he received news that danger
\\.i, threatening in tin- northern counties, and orders10 were
sent to Prince John and the Mail of Westmoreland to disperse
any hostile hands, their duties as (!onstal>le and Marshal being
performed in their ahsence hy Lord drey of Codnor and Sir
Thomas lieauloil " as deputies pro tctn. The King reached
York on Sept. sth,1 ' and on Sept. Sth '•" he was at Kaxtleet on

\\iio., i i ,. At \Yinehesterin i js<> the pai ties light with their
h.mds, lists, ii. ills, teet. le;;s, ami teeth. (iui',. OIKON.. .:«>o; Nrn.soN,
Tin-, in. i\ i-\|>l.iiu tlu- L'liiious n-.isDii :;i\i-n in l.K'u ION, n., 469,
\\lu tin- lots Of • I'lont tooth (not a ja\\ -toot !i or a :M iiulc-r) is .1 sufficient
maun (loi •• mailu in MT Yi \K HOOK, i H. I\'., Mien., 10, and 7 H.
1\ ! MiCH., ;•' 1" t ' di-.ahlc a man from inilitai\ service — quia inultinn
.ul|ii\ant (/., •., thr liont tri-thl ail ilrviiu-i'iuluiu.

1 Sni\\. »'iiuit\.. .M i \M,M\. \.. ^7 ; NBILSON, 183, 187 ; Oowut,

COM., I,)), • | ;. ; | , |..d . CHAUCER (S.), u.. n\, Jv>, U-- - H'K \ni\
l8l, 'Koi. \ \s>., „ II. IV.. ,.,, M.ud. ud, ,,c,S. 'Kor. VlAG., 9;
KYM., VIII., |oS , (). K. \\' \KPKOIU-, Y-, Aug. ist, i (07, AIM-. 15. •' Ko i .
\'i \c... S. ii. Mi-v . 1 \\r. Ki CM XI., .<. i 17. " ROT. \'i u.., S. ' Iss.
Koi i , .) 11. 1\ .. Mu n. v(Vt. ;ul, i }07), has pa\ incnt to the messenger.
•ROT. V1AO., to, i i . K\ M., \ in., |io. " Koi . \'i M... 10, la; Pi-.r. Ki-i r..
jslh K'lfi . ,. \OKKS. Aui'ii. \\n Tor., \., jo.-. DUC, I INC, Kii..
KI., [3, [58, rdfen to tin- park; \.-l. Hoi i, t^, oS. l\>r entries dated
Kothuellhaur, An:;. .' (th, .-tli, i (07, see lh v . I \\i. Kre., XI., 16,98'".
'" Km . Yi M.., i ';h. i (07- "Vol. 11., p. .;;<>; KVM., vui., 408.

I'oi docunu-nts dated York. Sept. sth ami tuh, i jo -.
ROT, VIM;., S, i- |:1\\M., N'tn.. \\.\. l;or eiTOffl in l\VMi'usee

\ ol u.. p jo6, note .

no The Gloucester Parliament. ("CiiAp. LXX.

the Humber, opposite to the outfall of the Trent. Here he
issued a summons to the Sheriffs of Nottingham, Lincoln, Lan-
cashire, and Yorkshire to have all their able-bodied men between
the ages of 16 and 60 ready at two days' notice to meet him at
any centre that he should name, and march with him to resist
an expected invasion of the Scots. We then trace him at
Beverley (Sept. nth and 13th),1 at Bridlington -' and Kilham
(Sept. 1 4th),3 at Bishopthorpe (Sept. i6th, igth, and 2ist),4
and at Cawood (Sept. 22nd).5

The reason for this digression is doubtless to be found in
the alarming reports that reached him of the threatening con-
dition of the north ; but the recent return of the Earl of
Douglas ° was working a change in the policy of the Duke of
Albany ; the alarm passed away, and arrangements " were
being pressed forward for a truce with the Scots. Neverthe-
less, the vacillation that had marked the King's plans for 12
months past, and the labouring drag of his snail-pace move-
ments, point surely to the gathering grip of his disease, the
steady sinking of his strength, and the nearness of his approach-
ing end. His failing health brought on a nervous dread of
infection, and constant change of place was deemed the only
safeguard8 when the air was charged with pestilence. The
unhealthy summer had proved disastrous to all England. The
west 9 suffered most severely, but the plague raged fiercely also
in the eastern counties and the midlands, especially in Lincoln-
shire,10 Nottingham,11 and Derby. In London u as many as

1 ROT. VIAG., 9, 10 ; RYM., vm., 415. * For his hostel at Bridlington
see Q. R. WARDROBE, ^, APP. B. 3 ROT. VIAG., 12. 4 Ibid., 10, n.
» RYM., vm., 419. e vol. II., p. 398. ^ RYM., vm., 418. 8 Vol. II., p.
409. 9 EUL., in., 410. 10Rov. LET., i., 300. n PAT., 10 H. IV., 1,2.
12WALS., ii., 276 ; PRICE, 48; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 168. The
sanitary condition of London was such that it sometimes happened that
all the higher city officials were cut off.— LIB. ALB., i, 2; BESANT,

1407.] Pestilence. in

30,000 people had died, the courts were closed, all legal
business was postponed,1 and processions were as usual -
officially prescribed to " soften the rage of the Redeemer." :

At Aberystwith the siege was taken up with vigour. Crowds
of English Knights and Barons were present with the Prince's
force. Amongst them were the Duke of York, the Earl of
Warwick, Thomas Lord Carew, Sir Roger Leche,4 Sir John
Greindor,6 then Sheriff of Gloucester, Sir John Oldcastle,'1
Sheriff of Hereford, and John Talbot. The latter was now in
his 23rd year." He had held the Castle of Montgomery8 with

LONDON, 99, 174, 188. For London with its 140 parish churches and a
population estimated at 45,000 in 1348, see GASQUET, PEST., 95, 174 ;
or 35,000 in 1377, the whole population of England being calculated at
-2.\ millions, see ibid., 194 ; CUNNINGHAM, i., 304, 344 ; A. W. WARD, 6 ;
BESANT, LONDON, 70. At Bommel in Gelderland 4000 persons died of
the plague in 1400. — PONTANUS, 340. In 1411, 14,000 died of cholera at
Bordeaux. — WALS., n., 285. For Hythe in 1412, see A. S. GREEN, n., 30.
1 CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 36, has an order dated Oct 24th, 1407, post-
poning all suits in the King's Bench and Common Pleas on this account
till Jan. 2ist, 1408. For similar delays in 1349, see GASQUET, PEST., 150.
'2 Vol. I., p. 195; GASQUET, PEST., 108, 151. 3" Furorem redemptoris."
— CONC., in., 304, dated Hegeston, July 2oth, 1407 (i.e., Headstone near
Harrow, LYSONS, n., 565). The whereabouts of Archbishop Arundel
during the summer of 1407 may be traced from PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, mm. 2,
3, 20 ; CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 2, mm. 3, 4, 30 ; FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 3 ; CONC.,
in., 305; where there are documents dated Cranbrook (Aug. 4th, nth),
Saltwood (Aug. 5th), Tonbridge (Aug. i5th, i6th, i7th, i8th, 20th, and
Sept. 4th), Mailing (Aug. 2gth, 3oth, Sept. 2nd), Maidstone (Sept. 6th,
i2th, i3th, 24th, 25th). The Chancellor was probably moving from
place to place to escape the pestilence. 4 Vol. II., p. 229, note 8.
CLAUS., 8 H. IV., 10 d (June 3rd, 1407), shows that he was going to
Wales with the King and Prince. 5 Vol. II., pp. 14, 19, 304; REC.
ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH., Nov., 1406; ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 3rd,
26th, 1412 ; NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, i.. 194. The letter in ROY. LET.,
i., 17, and CLARK, CHARTS, iv., 307, shows that he was Sheriff of Gla-
morgan, Feb. 6th, 1400. 6 REC. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., Apr. 22nd,
1407 ; ibid., g H. IV., MICH., Oct. 27th, 1407 ; Due. LANC. REC.,
xxvni., 4, No. 5 b, APP. A. In FOR. ACCTS., 8 H. IV., and REC. ROLL,
9 H. IV., PASCH. (May i6th, 1408), he is late Sheriff of Hereford. In
DUNCUMB, i., 143, he is Sheriff in 7 H. IV. (i.e., 1405-6). 7 J. HUNTER,
HALLAMSHIRE, 62 ; or i7th, according to DOYLE, in., 309. 8 As repre-
sentative of his father-in-law. — PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 22, Apr. 25th, 1407 ;

H2 TJie Gloucester Parliament. [CHAP. LXX.

a garrison of 45 men-at-arms and 140 archers since Dec. i8th,
1404, and had just succeeded his father-in-law as Lord Fur-
nival : of Hallamshire. The operations against Aberystwith
were directed by the Admiral, Thomas Lord Berkeley,- as
"General Commander and Enginer in the timber works. ";{
The King's own 4j-ton gun4 was sent down from Notting-
ham5 via Hereford, together with 538 Ibs. of powder, 971 Ibs.
of saltpetre, and 303 Ibs. of sulphur, and we know of a 2 -ton
gun called the Messenger 6 that burst during the siege. Unable
to make way against the walls of the great rock-fortress, the
English settled down to the slower process of a blockade.
The Welsh garrison under Rhys ap Griffith ap Llewellyn ap
Jenkin held out manfully in the hope of relief from Owen out-
side ; but they were soon reduced to the extremes of famine,
and when at length all heart was out of them they sent in an
offer to submit. On Sept. i2th, 1407," they invited 17 of the
English leaders to enter the castle. The Welsh commanders
were present, and Mass was said by Master Richard Courtenay,8

Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June ist, 1407 ; ibid., n H. IV., MICH.,
Nov. 2gth, 1409; DOYLE, in., 309. For names of the garrison see Q. R.
ARMY, fT, f £, f£, APP. G.

1 Vol. II., p. 113. In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., March 2nd, 1408,
John Lord Furnival lends £200, repaid Feb. i3th, 1409, where Iss.
ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., has ^250. See also PAT., n H. IV., i, 4. In
PAT., 14 H. IV., 18 d, Nov. 2gth, 1412, John Talbot of Halomshire is on
the commission of the peace for county Salop. '2 Vol. II., p. 33. He had
commanded the fleet which brought Queen Joan from Brittany, Vol. I.,
p. 306 ; II., p. 287. See payment to him from Nov. 2nd, 1402, to Feb.
2nd, 1403, in Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., Nov. gth, 1405. In YEAR
BOOK, ii H. IV., MICH., n a, is a reference to Le Seigniour de Berkl'
adonqs Admiral. 3 SMYTH, n., n. For " engynours," see DERBY
ACCTS., 106; PRUTZ, LXV., 98. 4 Vol. II., p. 267. For the King's
gunner see PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 2. 5 Q. R. WARDROBE, fi, APP. E. 6ORD.
PRIV. Co., ii., 339; Vol. II., pp. 267, 268. 7 RYM., vm., 497. 8 ANGL.
SACR., i., 416; LE NEVE, m., 466; CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 22, May 24th,
1408. In CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 5 d, July 24th, 1409, William Clynt is
Chancellor. ROT. VIAG., 12 (Sept. ist, 1407), has order for horses to

1407-]

the handsome and accomplished young Chancellor of Oxford
University. When all had communicated, an indenture was
signed wherein the Welsh agreed to deliver up the castle with
its guns and artillery, if Owen had not appeared and driven
off the besiegers by the week ending Nov. ist following. For
the interval an armistice was arranged. The Abbot of Ystrad-
flur and three Welsh squires l gave themselves up as hostages.
The more desperate of the garrison, who had refused to be
bound by the agreement, were to be turned out and fare as
they could, and the rest were to be fully pardoned when the
capitulation had taken final effect. The Prince returned to
Hereford,2 leaving i 20 men-at-arms and 360 archers 3 quartered
in the Abbey at Ystradflur in the heart of the Cardigan hills,
where traces 4 of their presence are being even now brought to
light in finds of rusty spears and broken shackles.

News of this transaction reached the King in the Arch-
bishop of York's castle at Cawood on Sept. 22nd, Hoy/'
Believing that the fall of Aberystwith would be the crowning
scene of the tedious war in Wales, he at once decided that he

take Courtenay to Wales, "on divers our necessary business." He
was a son of Philip Courtenay of Powderham, and had been a scholar
at Stapledon Hall or Exeter College, Oxford. From 1402 to 1404 he
was Dean of St. Asaph.— LE NEVE, i., 82 ; MONAST., vi., 1303 ; but the
office was probably not worth the holding. — Vol. II., p. n. In 1406 he
had accompanied the Lady Philippa to Denmark. — Vol. II., p. 447. In
May, 1410, he was made Dean of Wells. — LE NEVE, i., 152 ; MONAST.,
n., 283. In Feb., 1412, his name occurs as a member of the King's
Council. — RYM., vui., 721. He became Bishop of Norwich on the death
of Totington in 1413, and died at Harfleur Sept. i5th, 1415. For an
account of him see PRINCE, 162; CLEAVELAND, 271; GODWIN, n., 18;
BOASE, EXON., LXVIII., quoting OLIVER, ECCL. ANT., i., 75 ; WALCOTT,
FASTI CICESTRENSES.

1 For " sqwyers," see WYCL. (M.), 148, 362, 377 ; PROMPT. PARV.,
471 ; CATHOL., 357. '2 He was at Hereford from Oct. ist to 2gth, 1407,
-ExcH. TREAS. OF REC. Misc., f|, APP. D. 3 DEVON, 306. 4 PROCEED-
INGS OF Soc. OF ANTIQUARIES, 2nd Ser., xn., i, 21 ; ARCH^OL. CAMBR.,
5th Ser., vi., 24-48. 5 RYM., vui., 419 ; not 1405, as SOLLY-FLOOD, 78.

H

iI4 The Gloucester Parliament. ["CHAP. LXX.

would himself be present in person at the surrender. Orders
were sent out for the county musters to meet him at Evesham
on Oct. loth. With this purpose he left Yorkshire, and by
the end of September1 he was again at Nottingham.

On Aug. 26th, 1407," writs had been issued summoning a
Parliament to meet at Gloucester on Oct. 2oth. Accordingly
the King left Nottingham in the beginning of October, reached
Repton3 on the 4th, stayed at Evesham Abbey4 from the loth
to the 1 5th, and was in his place at Gloucester before the
Parliament opened. Here he was joined by the Queen,5
who had travelled from Havering-at-Bovver, and the royal
party was lodged in Gloucester Castle.0 The King's beds 7 of
velvet and gold cloth, with their testers broidered with helms,
their celers s of blue and green silk, and their costers of white
worsted worked with the initial " M," 9 or the word Reposez,
each with its cadas,10 mattress,11 sheets, blankets, canvasses,
quilts, cushions, and coverlets, together with all necessary
rings,12 crotchets, ly cords, thread, and so forth, had been already

1 ROT. VIAG., 7, has Sept. 315* (sic). 2 KEPT. DIGN. PEER, in., 801 ;
COTTON, 463. For payment to messengers see Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV.,
MICH., Oct. 3rd, 1407. a RYM., vni., 501 ; SYLLABUS, m., 20. 4 PAT., 9
H. IV., i. For entries dated Evesham Abbey, Oct. loth, i2th, i3th,
i4th, 1407, see Due. LANG. REC., XL, 16, pt. 3, mm. 104, 105, 116.
REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH. (Jan. i6th, 1408), shows receipt of £333
6s. 8d. from the King at Evesham, de mutuo. :> She soon removed to
Malmesbury with her retinue. — DEVON, 306. Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV.,
MICH., shows that she received £2.0 at Cheltenham on Nov. i6th, 1407.
8 RYM., vni., 502. For documents dated at Gloucester Castle Nov. 5th,
6th, i4th, 2gth, 1407, see Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., 4, 6 (a), APP. A.,
and XL, 16, pt. 3, 107. 7 Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., Nov. i6th, 1407 ;
Q. R. GREAT WARDROBE, ^f , APP. B. Each bed had a carde mattress,
two testers (i.e., bolsters), two coverlets, two pair of blankets, two pair of
sheets, and two canvasses. — Q. R. WARDROBE, ±f. 8HoLT, 63. For
sileure, coissyn, and keulte, see P. MEYER, 382. 9 Possibly for " Maria."
— LOND. AND MID. ARCH. Soc., iv., 333. 10 PROMPT. PARV., 57 ; LOND.
AND MID. ARCH. Soc., iv., 326, 333, 345. For " paillet,'1 see CHAUCER
(S.)., ii., 251 ; BESANT, 73. n For "materas" see DERBY ACCTS., 281.
2 For hooks and hangings, see CONTEMPORARY REVIEW, Jan., 1893, p. 89.
13 DERBY ACCTS., 25, 75, 173, 195, 281.

1407.] "Honour tJie King." 115

sent beforehand on sumpters1 from Windsor and the Tower,
together with 1500 marks in cash, and the Florentine banker,
Philip di Albert!,2 was at hand, ready to advance further sums
to meet immediate needs.

Many of the members of all grades had not arrived for the
opening of the Parliament, and the business was consequently,
postponed for a few days. The only new name appearing on
the Lords' writs is that of Richard,-1 the son of Aubrey de
Vere, who now took his place as Earl of Oxford. In the
Commons4 there was a full muster of 74 county members,

1 For somarius see DERBY ACCTS., 5, 6 ; PRUTZ, LIII. For Joseph
atte Hay, the King's sumpterman, see Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., Nov.
23rd, 1412; JUSSERAND, in; HOLT, 165, 171; DERBY ACCTS., 100, 106.
- See Vol. I., p. 164. REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., has repayment to
him of £g2 138. 40!. on Dec. i4th, 1407, borrowed Nov. i6th, 1407. He
had previously forwarded £1000 to the King in the north, June i2th,
1407. — Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 5th, 1407. Cf. Philippo de Albertis
et sociis suis de comitiva Florentinorum. — REC. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH.,
June gth, i6th, 1410; also DERBY ACCTS., LIV., 150; PRUTZ, LXXVII.
For permission for Phelipp' Albert de la compagnie des Albertins to load
a vessel, &c., see PRIV. SEAL, 650/6711, Nov. 8th, 1410. See also A.
S. GREEN, i., 79; n., 290; CUNNINGHAM, i., 271. For the Lombards cf.

For they ben the sliest of alle

So as men sain in towne about

To feigne and shewe thing without

Whiche is revers to that withinne,

Whereof that they full ofte vvinne

Whan they by reson shulde lese.

GOWER, CONF., 124.

Also P. PLO., VIL, 241 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 67. :! In CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 5 ;
PAT., 8 H. IV., 21, he is under the charge of Philippa, wife of the Duke
of Ireland. Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., Feb. gth, 1406, has payment to
Joan, Countess of Hereford, for his " table." In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV.,
MICH., Feb. ist, 1408, she has custody of the lands of Albert de Veer,
late Earl of Oxford, and of Ingelram Brome. In PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 6,
Aug. 2nd, 1408, Richard Veer, Earl of Oxford, has permission to hunt
Hatfield Forest in Essex. His father Aubrey had been paralyzed (qu1
langure en palasie. — ROT. PARL., in., 441), and had died April 23rd,
1400 (DOYLE, n., 731; MORANT, ii., 293), at Hadley Castle, which had
been granted to him for life in 1381. — ANTIQUARY, xix., 205 (or Feb. ist,
i378."-l)oYLE, n., 730). In PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV. (Essex) is a refer-
ence to Alesia qua; fuit uxor Allredi de Veer, i.e., Alice, daughter of
John Lord Fitzwalter. — RALPH BROOKE, CATALOGUE, 173 ; DUGD., i.,
195. 4 RETURN PARL., i., 271.

Ii6 The Gloucester Parliament. [CHAP. Lxx.

together with 160 representatives from 79 boroughs and
cities, London sending four members, the rest two each. The
sittings were held in St. Peter's Abbey, the Lords meeting in
the Council Chamber,1 and the Commons in the Freitour - or
Refectory. The session opened on Monday, Oct. 24th, 1407.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, as Chancellor, preached from
the text, " Honour the King," claiming special honour for
Henry in that he had not spared himself, but had worked in
his own person for his country's good ; that he was humane
and forgiving towards his enemies ; and that he must be
supported if the country was to stand against attack, whether
in Wales, Calais, Guienne, Ireland, or the north. On Tuesday,
Oct. 25th,3 the Commons chose as their Speaker Thomas
Chaucer,4 a son of the poet Geoffrey. He had married a
daughter of Sir John Burghersh,5 thereby becoming Lord of
the Manor of Ewelme in Oxfordshire, and had amassed great
wealth rt from his office of Chief Butler " to the King. Like his
father he had been in the service of Henry when Earl of

1 ROT. PARL., m., 611. -Ibid., 608, 609; PARKER, GLOSSARY, 56;
BRITTOX, DICT. s. v. REFECTORY; P. PLO., vi., 174; HODGES, HEXHAM
ABBEY, p. 38; AUNGIER, 268. 3 PRYNNE, n., 486. 4 See Appendix X.
5 INQ. P. MORT., in., 133; SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 410; MANNING,
45; N. AND Q., jth Ser., xn., no, 338. On May 8th, 1407, he is
escheator for the county of Bucks. — CLAUS., 8 H. IV., n ; also for Oxon
and Berks.— REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., M., Oct. 2ist, 1407. 6L,EL. ITIN., n.,
6. "Appointed Nov. 5th, 1402. — CHAUCER (S.), i., XLVIII. (fr. PAT., 4 H.
IV., 19 ; ROT. PARL., iv., 178 b). He appears as Chief Butler Jan. i5th,
1403, in Q. R. WARDROBE, fi/, APP. B. For his account dated Jan. 27th,
1405, see Q. R. WARDROBE, &£, APP. B; see also CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 21:9
H. IV., 31 (Jan. 2oth, 1408); Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., passim : REC. ROLL,
10 H. IV., MICH. (Oct. igth, 1408); PAT., 11 H. IV., i, 20 (Nov. nth,
1409); Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. 24th, 1411); REC. ROLL, 13
H. IV., MICH. (Feb. 4th, 1412); PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 14 (July 8th, 1412).
During 1407 the office was held by Sir John Tiptot.— Vol. II., p. 476.
PAT., 6 H. IV., 4. i, gives Thomas Chaucer power to appoint deputies
at Sandwich, Dover, Winchelsea, Rye, Hull, Scarborough, Hartlepool
(ibid., 2, 22), and Bristol (CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 28). On Oct. loth, 1404, he

1407.] Speaker Chaucer. 117

Derby, and had drawn an allowance l of ,£20 per annum from
the revenues of the Duchy of Lancaster. A few days after the
coronation of Henry IV. he had been appointed Constable of
the royal Castle of Wallingford.'2 He went with the Lady
Blanche to Cologne in 1402," and had sat as one of the
Knights who represented Oxfordshire in the Parliaments of
1401, 1402, and 1406. 4

The business of the Parliament did not seriously begin for
some days after the appointment of the Speaker ; but the
King does not appear to have gone into Wales to receive the
submission of Aberystwith. There is some probability that he
was at Evesham on Nov. i6th,5 though, on the other hand,
official papers are extant dated from Gloucester1'1 every day
from Oct. 2oth to Dec. 6th (both inclusive), with the exception
of Oct. 25th and 29th, and Nov. 25th, while none are known
to have been dated during this time from any place in Wales.
Aberystwith, in fact, had not fallen. Before the stipulated date
arrived Owen " had entered the castle secretly, disclaimed all
responsibility for the proposed surrender, and branded those

was one of a commission appointed to take charge of the temporalities
of the vacant Bishopric of Winchester (Vol. I., p. 483). — PAT., 6 H.
IV., i, 31, 35. For his custody of other estates see ibid., 33, Dec. yth,
1404.

1 For order for payment of his arrears see Due. LANC. KEC., XL, 15,
6l> 5'' 5X'» 53' (June 5th» 1400). '-PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 29; NOTES AND
QUERIES, yth Ser., v., 290; CHAUCER (S.), i., XLVIII. For his account
dated Wallingford, Oct. 4th, 1399, see Q. R. WARDROBE, ff, APP. F.
The latest historian of Berkshire (CooPER-Kixo, p. 95), thinks that
" Henry IV. did no more remarkable deed throughout his reign " than
make this appointment. :! DEVON, 285. 4 Vol. II., p. 413; PRYNXE, n.,
458, 462, 479. 3 Iss. ROLL. 9 H. IV., MICH., shows that on that day
Lord Grey of Codnor was at Evesham, and received payment for keep-
ing the King of Scots (Vol. II., p. 402). On the same date is an entry
showing payment to Robert Shore sent from Evesham to London on
secret business of the King. fi PAT., 9 H. IV., i, mm. 6, n, 14, 15, 16,
17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35. " OTT., 261 ; WALS.,
n., 277 ; CAPGR., 295.

n8 The Gloucester Parliament. [CHAP. LXX.

who had concerned themselves with it as traitors. Many of
the English troops had deserted, and hints of treason were
thrown out against the Duke of York. On Oct. 3oth l the
Prince of Wales arrived at Gloucester from Hereford, and
took up quarters with his minstrels 2 and his suite in Llanthony
Priory, where the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of
York, the Earl of Arundel, and a large number of the Lords
spiritual and temporal paid him a visit of ceremony on Nov.
28th, possibly in recognition of his recent coming of age. On
Dec. 2nd •' he was thanked by the Parliament for his great
services and the " dis-ease " 4 that he had undergone for his
country in resisting the great rebellion in Wales. Kneeling to
the King he spoke some generous words of praise on behalf of
the Duke of York, whose good advice and counsel, he said, had
rescued the whole expedition from great peril and desolation.
The Prince left Gloucester on Dec. i2th, spent two days at
Tewkesbury, and reached Pershore on Dec. i4th, where he
stayed three months, removing to Kenilworth before Easter,
1408 ; though there is evidence that he had visited London
and Yorkshire in the interval. On Dec. 28th, 1407^ his
commission as Lieutenant for North and South Wales had

TREAS. OF REC. Misc., f|, APP. D. MONSTR. (i., 153),
records that the Scots, led by the Earls of Buchan and Douglas, had
broken the truce and overrun Lancashire and the district about Roxburgh,
that the Prince of Wales, the Duke of York, and others led an army of
6000 men at-arms and 6000 archers into Scotland about Nov. ist, 1407,
and that the Scots made very little resistance. But there must be some-
thing wrong with the date, though it is accepted without question by
TYLER, i., 232, and DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxvi., 44. - The bailiffs1 accounts
for the year include allowance for gifts to the minstrels (395. yd.), to the
Prince's herberger (us. 6d.), expenses for the Duke of York (twice) (73.
6d.), and his brother " Thurston " (4s. 3d.).— HIST. MSS., i2th REPT.,
ix., 421. •» ROT. PARL., m., 611. For document dated Gloucester, Dec.
3rd, 1407, see Q. R. WARDROBE, 2» (4), APP. F. 4 Cf. Vol. II., p. 424-
WYCL. (A.), ir., 2ii ; CHAUCER (S.), 11., 193. For " mesaise," see PAS-
TORALET, 624. a PAT ( Q H IV june 6th g

1407-] Altercation. ng

been extended for another year. Leaving Kenilworth on May
25th, 1408, he was at Alcester on May 25th and 26th, Worces-
ter, May 26th, 28th, Bradfield Court,1 near Bodenham, May
2Qth to June 9th, and arrived at Hereford'2 on June toth,
where he stayed till the 29th, completing his preparations for
renewing the attack on Aberystwith.

The grants voted in the Long Parliament :{ would expire at
Michaelmas, 1408, and it was necessary to be beforehand in
securing supplies for the future. The members of the Council
who hid undertaken to govern the country instead of the
King represented that they had entered upon a thankless task.
They found themselves advancing money and working to no
purpose, and they declined to be responsible any longer. In
Northumberland and Cumberland no taxes could be raised of
any kind ; and, as they could not flay the flint,4 they were
forced lo grant complete exemption again.5 The Commons
objected that the seas were not secure, that the Lords
Marchers, who alone were interested, ought to bear the cost
of operations against the Welsh ; and the Archbishop of Can-
terbury, Bishops Beaufort and Langley, the Duke of York, the
Earl of Somerset, and Lords Roos and Burnell were appointed
to confer with them on the subject of their complaints. On
Nov. 2ist a deputation of 12 members of the Commons was

1 DUNCUMB, ii., 47. - PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 12, June nth, 1408. 3 Vol.
II., p. 476. 4GowER, CONK., 273. r> PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 24, Nov. 30th,
1407 ; PRIV. SEAL, 648/6508, Mar. 24th, 1410, records exemptions from
taxation for counties of Northumberland and Westmoreland, together
with castles of Alnwick, Berwick, and Warkworth, lately destroyed and
robbed by invasions and grandes mortalites. Ibid., 648/6587, Mar.
27th, 1410, has exemption of Newcastle from taxation on account of
desolation of the country, la chiertie des blees, la grande multitude des
inhabitanz de nre diet' ville, mortz de pestilence en 1'an darrein passes
et aussi la guerre ore semblable a commencer illoeques par nos ennemys
d'Kscose.

120

The Gloucester Parliament. [CHAP. LXX.

informed that, if the country was to have peace, the money
grants must be half as large again, i.e., the boroughs and
cities must raise 1 their tenth to three-twentieths, and the
counties their fifteenth to a tenth, and that they must be pre-
pared to vote the subsidy as before for two years from Michael-
mas, 1408. This message caused them to be "hugely dis-
turbed,"2 and an "altercation" occurred. They cried out
nbout their liberties, and objected to these repeated "tasks,"''
and no wonder, when even the poor baxter's 4 little stock of
bread, worth is. 3d., had to pay its share of the " King's
silver."5 But there was no help for it. The Council had
chosen 6 their own ground at Gloucester ; and, as Henry told
the Hanse envoy,7 he had the Parliament at his will. On
Nov. 26th, i407,s arrangements had been made for breaking
up the meeting ; the Chancery Rolls were to be sent back to
London, and the King's bedding and stuff to Eltham. On
Dec. 2nd the Commons voted all that was asked, the grants
from boroughs and counties to be all paid in before Candle
mas (Feb. 2nd), 1409. They requested that a better " sub-
stance " and a larger share of the windfalls (casualtees] should
be secured for the Lords Thomas, John, and Humphrey.1'

1 DEP. KEEP., and KEPT., n., 184. REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH.
(June nth, 1408), refers to payment of 3rd moiety (tertia mcdietas) voted
anno 9.— PAT., 9 H. IV., i, i ; GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 20, 32; HR., v., 406.
In LAPPENBERG, u., 29, Feb. 26th, 1408, the Hansers in London are ex-
cused payment of ij tenths. 2 " Grandement destourbez." — ROT. PARL.,
in., 6n; GNEIST, CONST., n., 29; PARL., 172, 194. •"• ROT. PARL., in.,
619. 4 See the case of Agnes le Regrater in ROT. PARL., i., 252. In 1300
the Colchester men are taxed on a total value of 48. 8d., 45. 6d., 35.,
and even 2s. 4d.— ROT. PARL., i., 148; MORANT, i., 46, though the 55.
limit had appeared as early as 1297.— ROT. PARL., i., 55, 239. When
-Jth was claimed the exemption limit was raised to gs. — Ibid., 63. For
Lynn see NORFOLK ARCH.^OL., i., 338. •' SMYTH, 104, 152, 176, and
passim. 6 WALS., i., 380. ' HR., v., 394. 8 PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 25, 26,
has orders for horses and carts. 9 In Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 19' (Jan.
i5th, 1411), Humphrey has profits of the castle and town of Donington
in Leicestershire,

1407. Dismissal. 121

The King thanked them for the "great kindness and whole
affection " 1 that they had shown towards him and his house,
and then dismissed them to their homes. The sittings had
lasted 44 days ; '2 and each of the members as he left was
supplied with a writ 3 promising that no extra taxation should
be called for till after March 25th, 1410. So the Parliament
broke up on Dec. 2nd, 1407, 4 and nought remained of its
results save money-getting from the whole kingdom.5

Doubtless the monks were glad to see the last of it. They
had had a similar experience of these perendinations 6 30 years
before, when their monastery had been made into a kind of
fair ; wrestlers " and ball-players s had tramped the greensward
and set butts about their trim new cloisters, while meal-tides y
and devotions had been turned clean up-so-down.10 The King
remained in Gloucester for the transaction of business till after
Dec. i ith.11 He had already granted a charter 12 for improving
the endowments of the hospital of St. Bartholomew between
the bridges, where sad bedemen 18 and bedewomen in burnet 14
coats and griset 15 hoods were to pray for the souls of his father
and his wife with fastings and constant intercessions night

1 " La grande naturesse et entiere affection." — ROT. PARL., in., 612'.
Cf. P. PLO., A., in., 280 ; B., xm., 390. Cf. "whom I love so entirely."
— CHAUC. (S.), i., 208; ROM. OF ROSE, 4490. - PRYNNE, in., 488.
:$GOWER, CONF., 239. Cf. "scrit." — CHAUCER (S.), n., 224. 4 For pay-
ment of members see CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 8, Dec. 6th, 1407. 3 OTT., 261,
where "London" should be "Gloucester." 6 WILLIS AND CLARK, i.,
LXXXVIII. 7 HIST. ET CART. MON. GLOUCESTR., i., 53 ; W. H. HART
in HIST. MSS., i2th REPT., ix., 397; BRITTON, v., 24. 8 PROMPT.
PARV., 22. 9 CHAUC. (S.), n., 237. 10 CHAUCER, KNIGHT'S TALE, 1379;
CHAN. YEM., 16,093; CHAUCER (S.), i., 394; n., 39, 132. » RYM., vm.,
509, though in Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, there is an entry dated Eves-
ham, Dec. roth, 1407. 12 PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 22, Nov. igth, 1407 ; ATKYNS,
193; MONAST., vi., 689; HIST. MSS., i2th REPT., ix., 406. 13 WYCL.
(A.), in., 306; GIBBONS, LINC., 140; ROCK, in., 131. 14 ARCH.T.OLOGIA,
LII., 299. A burnet cote ( = brunete). — CHAUCER (S.), i., 102, 213.

lf> DUCAREL, APP., 40.

122 The Gloucester Parliament. [CHAP. LXX.

and day. On leaving Gloucester he returned to Eltham J to
spend Christmas, and on Feb. 2oth, 1408, he was in London
with " his body in health and real convalescence." -

The Convocation of the Province of Canterbury met on
Nov. 28th, 1407, 3 at Oxford,4 and agreed to increase 5 their usual
grant from one-tenth to three-twentieths, to be paid in three
instalments, viz., Easter, 1408, Nov. ist., 1408, and Easter,
1409. But resistance was developed in the various dioceses0
even before the first claim fell due. The Northern Convoca-
tion was summoned to meet at York on March 25th, 1408 ; ~
but, owing doubtless to the rising of the Earl of Northumber-
land, the meeting was delayed ; and a fresh mandate was issued
on May 8th 8 to the new Archbishop to summon his clergy to
meet in the Minster before June 29th.0 But no amount of
pressure could make them grant any subsidy, and the sittings
were adjourned till Dec. loth, when the arguments of Arch-
bishop Bowet were more effectual, and they voted a tenth
" under certain conditions."

1 L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, 2, APP. C ; Q. R.
GREAT WARDROBE, -£f, APP. B. For documents dated Eltham, Jan. 6th,
nth, 1408, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, pt. 3, mm. 124, 135, 138.
- " Le corps en sante et vraye convalescence." — BELTZ, 406. :5 CONG. ,
in., 306. 4 EUL., in., 412. For documents dated at Oxford, Dec. 4th,
5th, 8th, loth, nth, 1407, see CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 35, and PAT., 9 H. IV.,
i., 14, 32, showing that the Chancellor, Archbishop Arundel, was there
on these days. 5 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 314 ; REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH.,
April 2oth, 1409, refers to 3rd half. For constant overtime at Ex-
chequer receiving 3rd half of i5th and toth from clergy and laity, see
ibid., July i6th, 1409. tiE.g., Chichester, Feb. 24th, 1408. — PAT., 9 H.
IV., i, 5. " The writs dated Feb. i8th, 1408 (CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 26 d),
were made out to the custos spiritualitatis. On Marcli i6th, 1408, the
diocese is still under a custos. — RYM., vm., 512. 8 REPT. DIGN. PEER,
in., 804 ; WAKE, 347, 9 CONC., in., 319.

CHAPTER LXXI.
BISHOPRICS.

THE refusal of Pope Innocent VII. to recognize the King's
nominees had caused delay in filling up vacancies as they
occurred in English bishoprics ; but his successor had proved
more pliable, and several of these difficulties had found their
solution while the Parliament was sitting at Gloucester. Early
in 1406 the see of London had become vacant owing to the
death of Roger Walden after a very short tenure of power.
The story of his later years marks once again most emphatically
the utter extinction of the party which was supposed to cling
to the memory of Richard II., if any such had ever had a
coherent existence. Walden was another example of a poor
man's1 son finding a path for his ambition through the
channels of a wealthy Church. Born in the turbulent district
of Essex, he seems at first to have tried his fortune in some
other career ; but he was afterwards ordained a priest, and the
records of Church patronage are dotted over with his con-
tinued run of promotions. In 1374 he was instituted through
the Percy influence to the church of Kirkby Overblow2 in
Yorkshire. In 1382 ;! he was parson of Dray ton, near Market

1 De pauperculo. — ANN., 417 ; WALS., n., 272. Carnificis filio. — Vol.
I., p. 20 ; USK, 38, who gives a curious derivation : Walden quod est
ereccio lapidum. - HOOK, iv., 529; called " Kirkeby Orblowers, " in
CLAUS., ii H. IV., 23 d. ;{ RYM., vn., 349.

124 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

Harborough. In 1387! he appears as Archdeacon of Win-
chester and Dean and Rector of the island of Jersey. In
1391 - he became Rector of Fordham, near Colchester, which
he soon exchanged for the rectory of St. Andrew's in Holborrv1
He is thus rightly called a " considerable pluralist," 4 and he
held canonries and prebends in connection with the Cathe-
drals of Exeter, Lincoln, Salisbury, London, and York.5 But
this does not mean that he was attending Cathedral duties or
meekly meditating over Scripture texts, as imagined by a
modern writer.0 A canon in those days loved dalliance " and
fine clothes, and did no work but pricking on his hackney
with a pack of dogs at his tail.8 So Walden had the world to
serve, and lived constantly in garrison both at home and over-

1 LE NEVE, n., 23, 26. * NEWCOURT, n., 270 ; DUGDALE, ST.
PAUL'S, 219. 3 NEWCOURT, i., 274. 4 HOOK, iv., 530. GASQVET,
PEST., 214, attributes pluralities to the dearth of clergy caused by the
Black Death, 1349 ; but this does not apply to 1400, and the practice
was then universal all over Christendom.

Cf. O Churche to o man may not suffice
But algate he mote have pluralitee.

HOCCL., DE REG., 51.
But from his cure he him absentethe
And what there-of cometh he greedily hantethe.

Ibid., 52.

5 WHARTON, 145; LE NEVE, i., 618 ; n., 126, 220, 451; in., 196;
DUGD., ST. PAUL'S, 281; MILMAN, 84; W. H. JONES, 364; STAFF.
REG., 168, 363. 6HooK, iv., 530. 7 DESCHAMPS., vn., 141; P. PLO.,
vi., 158 ; CHAUCER, CHAN. YEM., 16,060. Every resident canon on
taking up his appointment was expected to spend from 800 to 1000
marks during the first year in "eatables and drinkables and other ex-
cessive and superfluous expenses." — CLAUS., 22 R. II., i, 4, in MONAST.,
in., 345 (1673). The value of canonries varied with the state of the
funds in each Cathedral ; e.g., in Wells each canon received £13 igs. 8d.
in 1395, £24 2s. gd. in 1410, and £20 os. 6£d. in 1408. — HIST. MSS.,
loth REPT., WELLS, 276. For Salisbury see SARUM STAT., 81. In 1413
a prebend at Ottery St. Mary's Collegiate Church was worth 405. per
annum, the sum originally fixed by the founder, Bishop Grandison, in
1337- — G. OLIVER, 265, 280. 8 Cf. Qui (i.e., episcopi) totos in aucupio
et venatu in ludis et palaestra dies agunt, qui noctes in conviviis accu-
ratissimis in plausibus et choraeis cum puellis etiam effaeminati insomnes
transeunt. — CLAMENGES, 18.

1406.] Roger Wai den. 125

sea. On Oct. 6th, 1387^ he was made Captain of Marck,
near Calais, and held the post till Oct. loth, 1391. He then
became High Bailiff of Guines, and on Feb. ist, 1397, 2 he was
appointed Keeper of the Castle of Porchester. From 1388 to
1392 he was Treasurer of Calais.3 He became Secretary to
King Richard II., Treasurer of England (i395),4 and Dean of
York,-3 and two years later, on the exile of Arundel, he " stied up
his father's couch," (i and was made, for a time, Archbishop of
Canterbury. In this capacity he appears as one of the surveyors
of the will7 of John of Gaunt, in Feb., 1398. On the fall of
Richard II. he was ignominiously deprived of the Archbishopric,
his jewels were seized at Rochester s as he was removing
them from Canterbury, and though he was not allowed to
want,11 yet, for the first five years of Henry's reign, he had to
live in comparative obscurity. He was fond of display and
sumptuous fare,10 but now he was " in the dust and under feet
of men." n It was probably during this time that he wrote his
General History, " from the creation of the world, chronologi-
cally arranged," which still sleeps in manuscript on the shelves
of the British Museum.1'2 When the bishopric of London fell
vacant through the death of Robert Braybrooke la in August,

1 FROIS., xxv., 72. a HIST. MSS., gth KEPT., 57. 3 RYM., vn., 581,
607, 648; USK, 37. 4 HOOK, iv., 531 ; ROT. PARL., in., 344; KAL. AND
TNV., n., 52, 53. 5 LE NEVE, in., 124. 6 GEN., XLIX., 4; ANN., 213;
WALS., n., 224 ; M. PARKER, 273. 7 WILLS OF KINGS, 165. 8 EUL.,
in., 382. !) In 1403 he received two barrels of wine from the King. —
Q. R. WARDROBE, 6?s, APP. B. GODWIN (i., 187) imagines that he was
living during these years in absolute poverty (snnimd inopid}. See also
FULLER, WORTHIES, i., 345 ; GOUGH, in., 19 ; HOOK, iv., 534.
10 CONG., in., 378, 380. " From his will in GOUGH, in., 19. 12 JUL.
B., xni., i. EUL., in., 377, calls him laicum literatum, though Bale
has no notice of him. In ANN., 213, he is " viro penitus illiterate. "
13 Vol. I., p. 482. For an order dated Dec. loth, 1399, for restitution
to him of articles forcibly taken from him in passing through Brecon,
Yskenyn, and Carreg Kennen (for description, see ARCH/EOL. CAMBR.,
1858, p. 10 ; LiiL. ITIN., vm., 119) on his way to Ireland, see Due. LANC.

126 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

-1404, Archbishop Arundel urged the claims of Walden, and
Pope Innocent VII. issued a bull in his favour (Dec. loth,
I404).1 The King, however, pressed for the appointment
first of Guy Mone, Bishop of St. David's, and next, of Thomas
Langle>v Dean of York, while others were working in the
interest of Doctor Robert Hallum,8 then Chancellor of the
University of Oxford. For six months there was a complete
dead-lock. On Feb. i8th, 1405^ the see of London is still
spoken of as vacant, and it was not till the outbreak in the
North that the dispute was ended by the King giving way to
the Archbishop and consenting to recognize his nominee. On
June 24th, 1405,^ Walden made a decent declaration to cover
the King's retreat. On June 29th,(i he was consecrated by Arch-

REC., XL, 15, 32, 144. He built the south porch and the tower of the
church at Much Hadham. — CUSSANS, EDWINSTREE, 176. He tried to stop
the traffickers and idlers from desecrating St. Paul's (Vol. II., p. 185, note
2), and he took steps to remove abuses amongst the chapter. For account
of him see LOND. AND MIDD. ARCH^OL. Soc., in., 528. For his privy
seal, see PROCEEDINGS OF Soc. OF ANTIQUARIES, iv., 394. For inscrip-
tion on his tombstone recording his death on Aug. 2yth, 1404 (not 28th,
as WHARTON, 143, quoting ARUNDEL'S REGISTER), see DUGD., ST.
PAUL'S, 57. When the roof of St. Paul's fell in during the fire in 1666,
his leaden coffin got smashed and his body was disclosed, " the flesh and
sinews and skin cleaving to the bones, so that, being set upon the feet,
it stood as stiff as a plank, the skin being tough like leather and not at
all inclined to putrefaction, which some attributed to the sanctity of the
person, offeringmuch money for it." — DUGD., ST. PAUL'S, 124. It fell down
into St. Faith's, below the great church (PEPYS, iv., 155), was picked
out of the rubbish by some labourers after the lire, and for some years
formed one of the sights of London. PEPYS (iv., 156) saw it and
reported it to be like " spongy dry leather." Nine years later (1675;
another distinguished visitor who " pryed very narrowly about it,"
pronounced it to be " rather like singed bacon." — Lord Coleraine in N.
AND Q., SER. II., 3, 186 ; ANTIQ. REP., i., 75, where may be read how the
Duchess of Cleveland indulged in a very " odd piece of devotion." It
was seen by DINGLEY (n., 441) and NEWCOURT (i.. 20) and James II.,
when Duke of York.

1 WHARTON, 149. 2 Vol. II., p. 344) note 9. :! Vol. II., p. 345, note
5. 4 PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 8. 5 WEEVER, 435. G WHARTON, 150. Not
Jan. 25111, as HIST. MSS., gth REPT., p. 127.

1406. j Roger Wahhn, 127

bishop Arundel at Lambeth, and on the following day he was
installed Bishop of London in St. Paul's Cathedral by Thomas
Chillenden,1 Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, the canons'-'
processioning along the church with garlands of red roses. On
July 28th,3 the King granted him the temporalities, to date
from the day on which he made his declaration. But Walden
did not long survive his restoration to favour. He died at his
palace at Much Hadham, in Hertfordshire, on Jan. 6th, i4o6.4
His body lay for a day or two in a new chapel that he had
built in the Priory Church of St. Bartholomew, in Smithfield,
near his grandmother's0 home, but on Jan. i4th,° it was re-
moved, and found its final resting-place in St. Paul's.7 Bishop
Clifford of Worcester was present at the funeral, together with
John Prophet, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and many others, and,

1 Probably acting for Thomas Hallum, Archdeacon of Canterbury, to
whom belonged the right and the fees by ancient custom.— BLOMEFIELD,
ii., 373. In ELMHAM, HIST. MON. AUG., 89, the Prior is called Cheling-
dene. He built the cloister and Chapter House at Canterbury, besides
the Conduit, the Checkers Inn, the Great Dormitory, the Freitour, the
Bakehouse, Brewhouse, and enclosing walls. — LEL. ITIN., vi., 2. 2 As
noted by an eye-witness. — WHARTON, 150; ROCK, n., 422. 3 PAT., 6
H. IV., 2, 15. 4CoNC., in., 282, dated Maidstone, Jan. nth, 1406 (Hisr.
MSS., gth KEPT., in); WHARTON, 150. WEEVER, who copied his
epitaph, is certainly wrong in giving Nov. 2nd, 1406. His will, dated
at Hadham, Dec. 3ist, 1405 (Goucn, in., 19) was proved at Lambeth. —
GENEALOGIST, vi., 225, from REG. ARUNDEL, P. i, 257 a. He witnessed
a charter at Westminster on Dec. i2th, 1405.— GEST. ABB., in., 499.
•5 TRAIS., 75, 227 ; "avia." — BRANDO, 63. For Belsire = grandfather see
WEEVER, 473, unless "belle mere" means mother-in-law. FULLER
(WORTHIES, i., 345) was puzzled as to why he was buried at Smithfield,
and found the riddle " too hard to resolve." The will of his brother and
executor John Walden (for his interest in the Manor of Tottenham, see
HARDY and PAGE, 167, 168) of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield, dated 1417,
proved at Lambeth (GENEAL., vi., 225, from REG. CHICHELE, P. i, 310 b)
shows that he had large property in Essex.— INQ. p. MORT., iv. , 30, 40. Iss.
ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., Sept. loth, 1408, has repayment to John Walden,
Esquire, £10, lent May gth, 1405. fi For Prophet's account of the burial
see HARL. MS., 431, 108 (97 b). 7 NEWCOURT, i., 754, from will of John
Drayton, goldsmith, of London, dated Sept. 27th, 1456, where reference
is made to his brother, John Walden, and Idonee, his wife.

128 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

as the corpse lay clad in pontificals, Prophet lifted the veil and
they gazed on the face, which was fairer than wont and looked like
a man in a sleep. To his contemporaries Walden was a by-word1
for the sport of fickle fortune ; and Archbishop Arundel '2 praised
him as of honest life, devoted to the priestly office, not puffed
up with prosperity, but ever patient in adversity.

He was succeeded by Nicholas Bubwith/ a Yorkshire
lawyer, whose name likewise appears in the clerical lists 4 in a
rich setting of chaplaincies, chantries, vicarages, rectories, pre-
bends, canonries, archdeaconries and other such preferment.
In 1397 5 he had parliamentary duties as a clerk in the Chan-
cery. On Sept. 24th, 1402,° he became Keeper of the Chan-
cery Rolls, and in the following year 7 he was chaplain to the
King. He succeeded Langley as Keeper of the Privy Seal in
March, I4O5,8 and held his post till Oct. 4th, 1406, when he
was succeeded by John Prophet.11 Bubwith's bull of appoint-
ment as Bishop of London is dated May i4th, 1406, and
he was consecrated at Mortlake on Sept. 26th following.10 On

J ANN., 417 ; WALS., n., 272 ; TRUSSELL (86) calls him " the tennis
ball of Fortune ; " cf. BAKER, CHRON., 240 ; KENNET, i., 295. 2CoNC.,
in., 282. Non obierat praelatus devocior in adversis paciencior in pros-
peris temperancior aut hominibus amabilior seu ampliori suffultus
gracia et virtute. — HARL. MS., 431, 108 (97 b). 3 He signs himself
Bubbewyth in ROY. LET., I., 135. 4 LE NEVE, passim; W. H. JONES,
96, 372; RIPON MEM., ii., 202; NEWCOURT, i., 21; STAFF. REG., 42,
168, 177, 210 ; PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 2, 30 (Archdeacon of Dorset) ; ibid., 10
H. IV., 2, 9. 5 Foss, iv., 154. 6 T. D. HARDY, 47; TRANSCR. FOR.
REC., 135, 3 (April 27th, 1403). Succeeding Sir Thomas Stanley (Vol.
I., p. 32), who is called " Clerc de Rolles " in the will of the Duchess of
Gloucester, dated Aug. gth, 1399. — WILLS OF KINGS, 184. 7Duon.,
WARWICKSHIRE, 695, June 8th, 1403. 8Vol. II., pp. 344, 428; GEST.
ABB., in., 499; KAL. AND INV., n., 73; PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 15, Jan. 29th,
1406. "Vol. II., p. 484. "GODWIN, r., 187 ; GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 30; LE
NEVE, n., 294; RYM., vin., 443; W. H. JONES, 96. The conge d'clirc
was dated Jan. i6th, 1406 (PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 17) ; temporalities granted
Sept. 27th, 1406 (RYM., vin., 451; Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 24th,
1406).

1407.] XicJiolns Bubwith. 129

the death of Lord Furnival l he became Treasurer of England.
His account begins on April i6th, 1407, '2 and ends July i4th,
1408, when he was succeeded by Sir John Tiptot,3 and before
this date he had been twice translated as a Bishop.

Early in May, 1407, a vacancy occurred in the see of
Salisbury by the death of Bishop Richard Mitford,4 and
Bubwith was transferred5 from London to succeed him. He
received the temporalities on Aug. i3th, 1407,° and took
actual possession of the see of Salisbury on Aug. 3ist.7 But
by this time the new Pope was beginning to see the folly of
keeping up a quarrel about the vacancy at York. The King
would not acknowledge Hallum s as Archbishop, and a com-
promise was arranged. English envoys went to Siena9 and
pressed for the withdrawal of Hallum's name. The cardinals
objected, but the envoys brought money to bear, and Gregory
had in fact already given way. For on the very day (June

1 March, 1407, Vol. II., p. 113. 2 PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 24; REC. ROLL,
8 H. IV., PASCH. ; not 1406, as DUGD., CHRON. SER., 56. In ROY. LET.,
Box 15, in Public Record Office, is an account of his as Treasurer of
England, dated Gloucester, Oct. 23rd, 1407, with Thomas Wotton, a
London draper, for sanguin, scarlet, murrey and mustredevylers (al.
Monstreviller or Moustierviller. — LABORDE, i., 70, 73). 3Vol. II., 414,
475 ; PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 10. Tiptot's account begins Aug. 2nd, 1408. —
Iss. and REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH. See also KAL. AND INV., n., 78
(March, 1409, and May 2oth. 1409) ; WILLS OF KINGS, 205 ; RYM., vin.,
683 (where he is called votre Tresorer major). In HARL. MS., 431,
134, he is Treasurer of England and Seneschal of the Landes and Dax,
Sept. 1 2th, 1408. A vessel of his with horses, artillery, woollen and linen
garments, jewels, wheat, beans, &c., to the value of ^2500, had been
seized by Castilian pirates (Vol. II., p. 54), and sold at Bilbao. The
crew were hurried to Harfleur and held to ransom. " Bilbilitani "
cannot be Calatayud on the Jalon, for this is in Aragon. — GRAESSE, 32.
4 His will, dated April 27th, 1407, was proved May nth, 1407. — LE
NEVE, n., 601. 5 The bull for his translation is dated June 22nd, 1407.
— LE NEVE, n., 294, 601 ; GODWIN, i., 349; YEAR BOOK, u H. IV.,
MICH., p. 37. 6 PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 20; or i4th, as RYM., VIIL, 496;
GODWIN, i., 349. In PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 2, July 3oth, 1407, Salisbury is
referred to as vacant. Also REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., Maygth, 1408.
7 GODWIN, i., 187 ; CASSAN, 207. 8Vol. II., p. 345. 9NiEM, 178.

I

130

Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

22nd, 1407) l on which he sanctioned the translation of
Bubwith from London to Salisbury, he had signed a bull
granting the bishopric of Salisbury to Hallum.2 To rectify
this confusion Bubwith was transferred to the see of Bath and
Wells by bull dated Oct. yih, 1407,-'' to fill the vacancy caused
by the promotion of Bowet4 to the archbishopric of York.
Bubwith is still called Bishop of Salisbury on March 2nd,
1408 ;5 but he received the temporalities of his new see on
April ist, i4o8,6 and remained Bishop of Bath and Wells till
his death in 1424. T Like Walden and Hallum8 he was a man
of literary tastes; and when at Constance attending the Council
in 1414, he and Hallum induced Giovanni Bartholdi da Serra-
valle,9 Bishop of Fermo, to make a translation of the " Divina
Commedia" into Latin verse, with a Latin commentary attached.
Bubwith is called "a prudent man, discreet and circumspect,"10
and the wealth that he amassed is proof enough of the correct-
ness of the description. He had paid 13,000 gold florins
(^"2166 133. 4d.) n to the Pope for his preferment from Salis-

1 LE NEVE, n., 602; YEAR BOOK, n H. IV., MICH., p. 37. '2 In
CIAC., n., 803, Hallum is called Bishop of Lisieux in Normandy, but
there is no authority for this in GALLIA CHRIST., XL, or CASSAN, 243.
3 LE NEVE, i., 140. 4 Vol. II., p. 350. 5 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 308. 6 RYM.,
viii., 512. 7 For his funeral feast, Nov. 4th, 1424, see HARL. MS., 279.
8 CASSAN, 246. 9 UGHELLI, n., 786 ; TIRABOSCHI, v., 496 (1805), who states
that there was only one copy known to him then in the Vatican. A copy
from the WOODHULL MSS. is now in the British Museum, and contains
400 pages of Latin commentary. The verse translation was begun Jan.,
1416, and finished in May of the same year. The whole work was com-
pleted in little more than a year, and the Bishop apologizes for the bald-
ness of the translation on account of want of time. — ACADEMY, 20/2/86,
p. 132. SKEAT (CHAUCER, i., 76) thinks that " Chaucer was the only
English writer who had a real acquaintance with Dante.1' For an early
translation of Dante into French verse now in the University Library at
Turin see ECOLE DES CHARTES, E., v., 304. 10 ANGL. SACR., i., 571.
11 W. H. JONES, 96. The English gold florin of Edward III. was
worth 6s. (KENYON, 16), or two little florins of Florence, each of which
was valued at 38. of English money (RYM., x., 140), or 35. 4d. (DUCKETT,

1407.] Nicholas Biibwith. 131

bury to Bath and Wells. But he was no hoarder of money
for its own sake, and the rolls l contain several entries showing
that he often returned to the Exchequer sums that he might
have legitimately claimed, whether as Keeper of the Privy
Seal, where his allowance 2 was 205. per day, or as a member of
the Council, in which capacity he was entitled to a remunera-
tion amounting to ^"200 per annum/3 He gave ^266 4 for
building the western tower and altering the walls of the church
at Bubwith on the Derwent, opposite to his native village of
Menthorpe, allowing for larger windows according to the-
architectural taste of the time.5 At Wells, besides helping6
neighbouring churches which were burdened with debt, he
built the northern tower " of the west front of the Cathedral,

i., 196), i.e., the half-noble (see KENYON, 40, and Plate iii.). In a docu-
ment dated 1393 the gold florin of Florence = the gold franc of France
(worth i6s. in 1362, EC. DES CH., XLIX., 369), or gold penny. — DUCKETT,
i., 139, 146, 151, 162. See also the table, ibid., n., 159, thus —

English. French,

id. sterling = yd. paris.

i solidus sterling = 6 sol. gd. tournois.
£i sterling = 6 scuta or 3 nobles.

In 1392 the Italian ducat was worth 38. 2d. English, and the French
franc 35. 4d. — DERBY ACCTS., LV., en., cv.

1 £.£-., Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., PASCH., May i8th, June 26th, 1406, &c. ;
ibid., 8 H. IV., PASCH., June ist, 1407. 2 Vol. II., p. 344; Iss. ROLL, 7
H. IV., MICH., Oct. 3rd and Nov. i3th, 1405 ; ibid., n H. IV., PASCH.,
June 23rd, 1410. 3 Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June ist, 1407 ; ibid.,
g H. IV., PASCH., July nth, 1408; ibid., n H. IV., Micni, Nov. 22nd,
1409, has 200 marks since Oct. 4th, 1406, Similarly ibid., 13 H. IV.,
MICH. (Feb. 23rd, 1412); 14 H. IV., MICH. (Mar. 2nd, 1413). 4 NOTES
AND QUERIES, 3rd Ser., in., 406. 5 Similar alterations may be seen at
Cartmel, Lanercost, and St. Andrews. — WALCOTT, 90. See also S. A.
GREEN, i., 18, 56. For Wycliffe's protest see Vol. II., p. 244, note.
Cf. Thou shouldest knely bifore Christ in compas of gold,
In the wyde window westward wel neigh in the mydel
And Saint Francis hymselfe shal folden the in his cope
And present the to the Trinite and praye for thy synnes.

P. PLO., CREDE, 123; LEWIS, 307.

6 E.g., Muchelney. — HIST. MSS., loth REPT., APP. II., 200. 7 For de-
scription of figures in the tower, see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIV., 84, 86.

132 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

and the library above the east cloister, while the Bishop Nichol
Hostel 1 or Almshouse long remained a witness to his public
spirit and munificence.

The see of London vacated by Bubwith was filled by
the promotion of King Richard's boon-companion, Richard
Clifford,2 Bishop of Worcester, on Oct. i3th, 1407^ and we
still have the menu of the feast at his stalling.4 His place at
Worcester was taken by Doctor Thomas Peverel/' a learned

1 HIST. MSS., loth KEPT., Pt. II., 203; LEL. ITIN., 2, 33, f. 40;
OTT., 679. For Bubvvith's muniment chest see ibid., 8th KEPT., 639.
For his funeral feast, Dec. 4th, 1424, six weeks after his death, see Two
COOKERY BOOKS, 61. For his great barn still standing at Wells see
ANTIQUARY, Aug., 1894, p. 70. For stone-barns (i4th century) at
Bredon (Worcestershire), and Bradford (Wilts), see CUNNINGHAM, i., 273.
2 Vol. I., pp. 2, 28. For his arms in the Chapter House at Canter-
bury see WILLEMENT, 66, 155. For a letter written by him when Bishop
of Worcester, excusing his absence from Convocation, pridie graviter
infirmante nee hactenus pristinae sanitati undique restitute, see HARL.
MS., 431, 52 (25). Also a letter written from his manor of B — addressed
to the Council, explaining that while riding to Parliament he was
suddenly struck with illness which in the course of one night disfigured
his face, and made the whites of his eyes and his whole body from head
to foot as if they had been smeared with saffron. It took away all his
appetite, and he could ride no further. He looked at his face in the
glass, and was ashamed that any one should see him. He begs there-
fore that the members of the Council will excuse him to the King. — Ibid.,
138 (114). For a letter written by him as Bishop of Worcester at his
manor of Hillyndon (? Hillingdon), April yth, 1404, to a relation con-
doling with him on the death of John Trevenant, Bishop of Hereford ;
also letter dated Nov. loth, to the Abbot of St. Augustine's at Bristol to
pray for Bishop Trevenant's soul, see H. O. COXE, n., C. C. C., 26;
CONC., in., 278. For long private letters written by him when Bishop
of London see HARL. MS. ,431, 126 (108 b), 127 (109). In PAT., 14 H.
IV., 2, he is distinctly called late Keeper of the Great Wardrobe to
Richard II., and had journeyed to Cologne, pro solemnizatione matri-
monii Blanchae, see Vol. I., p. 254. 3 LE NEVE, n., 294 ; DUGD., ST.
PAUL'S, 219 , GODWIN, i., 187. The temporalities were granted Oct.
2oth, 1407. — PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 31 ; CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 30. His will is
dated Aug. iSth, 1416. — GENEALOGIST, v., 327. He died Aug. 2oth,
1421. 4 COOKRY, 7. 5 He received the temporalities at Gloucester, Nov.
2oth, 1407.— PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 26; LE NEVE, in., 60. For a letter
written by him to Henry IV. from Alvechurch near Redditch, June I4th,
1410, see ROYAL LETTERS, Box 15, in Public Record Office. For his
seal in Brit. Mus. (xxxv., 367), see ARCH/EOL. CAMBR., 5th Ser., vi., 290.

1407.] Guy Mone. 133

and high-born Carmelite,1 who had studied at Oxford, had
crossed with King Richard into Ireland, had been made
Bishop of Ossory,2 and had written some sermons and theo-
logical tracts/'1 For the last eight years he had been Bishop of
Llandaff, but the condition of the country had probably made
it quite impossible for him to visit his diocese. His castle or
palace at Llandaff4 had been burnt and sacked after the fall
of Cardiff;5 and the only glimpse that we get of him is in
Sept., 1405," when he was at Hereford with the King's army,
preparing to enter South Wales. He was succeeded at
Llandaff by John Zouche," a Franciscan whose name and
blazon 8 proclaim him akin to a great baronial house. He had
been Provincial Minister of his Order in England, and had
attempted some drastic reforms ; but the friars proved too
strong for him, and secured his deposition at a Chapter held
at Oxford, May 3rd, 1406, y during his absence in Rome. The
Pope reinstated him ; but the Order refused obedience, and
his elevation to a bishopric was probably a golden bridge for
a serious difficulty.

On Aug. 3ist, 1407, lu Bishop Guy Mone11 of St. David's

1 HOLINS., ii., 542; A. WOOD, i., 104; MONAST., vi., 1579 ; GODWIN,
ii., 496 ; though in n., 189, he calls him a Carthusian. 2 H. COTTON, n.,
273. :i BALE, 541. 4 JOHNS, iv., 28. 5 Vol. I., p. 445; Vol. II., p. 13.
6 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 15; Vol. II., p. 304. " RYM., vin., 530, June 7th,
1408. 8 GODWIN, n., 189. 9EuL., m., 405; LITTLE, 70, 253. 10 For
his will at Lambeth see GENEALOGIST, vi., 130. For order to cele-
brate masses for him, dated Sept. izth, 1407, see CONC., in., 305.
11 So spelt in PRIV. SEAL, 7059; not Mohun, as STUBBS, REG., 61,
and HOOK, v., n, following GODWIN, n., 162. See ARCH^EOL. JOURN.,
xxxvii., 57; W. H. JONES, 383, 386, 436; BERMONDSEY, 482 ; MONAST.,
v., go, 99 ; HIST. MSS., gth KEPT., i., 138 ; HARDY AND PAGE, 167,
168, where he is a clerk in 1385, and a chaplain in 1386. For Master
Ludovicus Mone at Aberystwith, Sept., 1407, see RYM., vin., 497. John
Mone of Havant was entered as a poor scholar at Winchester in 1397. —
KIRBY, 24. In 1399 Simon Mone is referred to as dead. -Due. LANG.
REC., XXVIIL, 4, i, API-. A.

134 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

died at Charlton in his native county of Kent. He was buried
in the Priory Church at Leeds, near to his old rectory of
Maidstone.1 A contemporary writer says that " while he lived
he caused much mischief " ; * but in what way does not
appear :— most probably by treasonable communications with
the Welsh. His death, however, paved the way for the
promotion of a man to whom the saying might with far
more truth apply.

Henry Chichele was one of that respectable class of official
priests whom the French satirist lashed for filling their bellies
with the goods of the Crucified.-'1 He had spent much of his
life as a "Rome-runner,"4 and had now been absent from
England for more than a year 5 on an embassy to Pope Gregory
XII., where he could "yawn and gape for a rich benefice."0
Long before 7 the death of Bishop Mone the Pope had pro-
mised him the next opening at St. Taffy V and on Oct." 14
,y a bull was issued appointing him to the vacancy.

1 INQ. p. MORT., in., 219; HASTED, n., 122. For his previous
appointments in connection with Lincoln, St. Paul's, and elsewhere, see
WILLIS, CATH., ii., 243; DUGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 231, 237; NEWCOURT,
i., 105. - Dum vixit magnorum malorum causa fuit. — WALS., n., 277.
:{ Cures aussi pour emplir voz boyaux
Rendre vous fault les biens du crucifis.

DESCHAMPS, vn., 75.

4 WYCL. (M.), 23, 66, 245, 495; P. PLO., v., 125; PURVEY, REM.,
cS8; WYCL., LAT. SERM., n., 341; m., 298; DE OFF. REG., 74; BUD-
DENSIEG, i., 217. For " Romipeta," see GERSON, v., 654, and DUCANGE,
s. v. Cf. "Wendinge to Rome to gete a fattere benefice," WYCL. (A.),
i., 284; " rennen to Rome for dignites," ibid., n., 167; m., 407, 459;
" Popes loven men that thei clepen their frendis to fatte dignitees,"'
ibid., ii., 152. 5 RYM., vm., 479, 513.

i; Full many men know I that yan and gape
After some fatte and riche benefice.

HOCCL., DE REG., 51.

Longe temps devant son creation notre saint pier Tappost de son
™otion et volunte, &c.— YEAR BOOK, u H. IV., MICH., 38 a. 8 HIST.
MSS., gth REPT., Pt. I., 145 ; A. S. GREEN, i., 215. » LE NEVE, i.,
290; BEKYNTON, i., 145; DUCK, 5.

i4°7-- Chichele the Draper. 135

His family probably had its origin in the parish of Chi-
cheley, near Newport- Pagnell, and his father Thomas was a
prosperous " draper " T or "clother"2 at Higham Ferrers in
Northamptonshire, a manor with its conigree,3 furnace and
fishery belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster.4 Here he died,
and his body was buried in the chancel of the parish church.5
Two of his sons, William and Robert Chichele, traded in
London as grocers. In those days the grocers0 held the Tron
or Great Beam, and had the weighing7 and garbelling8 of
every bale of merchandise that entered the city, and by means
of their far-reaching combinations were able to command9 the

1 HEATH, 188 ; A. CLARK, 208. For the story of the rag-pie see
HOOK, v., 4 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 68. '2P. PLO., xn., 15. 3 "Coninger." —
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 14, 53 ; xi., 15, n'. For "conigries," or "coney-
garth," see STAT., 13 R. II., cap. xm. ; DENTON, 164; CUNNINGHAM, i.,
364; ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 331, 337. 4 Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 4
(b), APP. A. ; DEP. KEEP., 3oth REPT., p. 10; WILLS OF KINGS, 236;
ANTIQ. REPERT., i., 77. 5 For inscription dated Feb. 25th, 1400, see
BRIDGES, n., 175 ; STEMMATA, Plate II., p. i ; GOUGH, in.,' 3 ; SHARPE,
ii., 422; HAINES, LXXIX., 175; also p. clxxv. (edition 1861); BOUTELL,
BRASSES, 26. "Vol. II., p. no; ROT. PARL., u., 280; PROMPT. PARV.,
s. v. "groson; " Du CANGE, s. v. " Ingrossator." For "en gros" as op-
posed to "a retaille," see ROT. PARL., in., 598; STAT., n. , 153 ; HEATH,
42; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 71; CUNNINGHAM, i., 341. KINGDON in
GROG. ARCH., xin., xv., xxxi., derives the name from the Great Beam,
but this seems fanciful in face of the above evidence. For specimens of
their wares see GROCERS' ARCHIVES, 12, extract x., 55 ; HERBERT, i.,
310. A. S. GREEN, i., 77 (from PASTON LETTERS, in., 55, 56), speaks
of the grocers as " dealers in foreign fruits." 7 For the King's Beam in
Cornhill see BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 52. For the Weigh House (le
meason le poyes le Roy) at Chichester see YEAR BOOK, 13 H. IV., i ; also
A. S. GREEN, n., 27. 8 For the duty of the garbeller see LIB. CUST., 757.
"Thei conspiren wickidly togidre that noon of them schal bie over a
certeyn pris thouz the thing that thei bien be moche more worthi, and
thei knowen wel this, and that non of them schal sille better chepe than
another thouz he may wel forth it so and it be not so moche worth as
another mannis chaffer. — WYCL. (A.), in., 334. In 1411 the Parliament
prayed that the grocers might be compelled to sell their bales of pepper
at 2od. a lb., until the arrival of the new pepper. — ROT. PARL., in., 662 ;
COTTON, 482. In 1349 pepper cost is. per lb. — GASC^UET, PEST., 138.

136 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

markets. So the Chichele brothers1 amassed great wealth,
and became Aldermen of wards in London. William appears
on the earliest extant list - as a member of the Mistery of
Grocers in 1373. He was a Master of the Fraternity in 1385,
1396, and 1406, and one of its first Companions in 1386. He
represented the city of London in 'the Parliament that met at
Shrewsbury in January, 1398. :j On May 25th, 1406, 4 the
grocers had a supper at his house, which cost them £2 195. 2d. ;
and he served as Sheriff of London in i409-io.5 He pur-
chased the manor of Woolwich,0 died a rich landowner at
Stanwell, near Staines, in 1425, 7 and was buried with his wife
Beatrice in the church at Higham Ferrers.8 His brother
Robert, a big,0 powerful man, became Sheriff of London in i402,1()

In 1399 the price was 8d. — WALCOTT, WYK., 284. In 1402 and 1433 it
was is. — OXF. CITY Doc., 239 ; NOTT. REC., n., 134 ; in 1412 it had
risen to 45. — WALS., n., 288 ; and in 1413 to 8s. — BERMONDSEY, 484. In
1425 9^ Ibs. eost 35. (i.e., 3^ d. per Ib.) — HERBERT, i., 79. In 1436 it was
2s. 4d. per Ib. ; in 1438 it varied from 2s. to 2s. 8d. — NOTT. REC., n.,
156, 166.

1 In Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., i, 5, APP. A, they are called John and
Thomas. 2 GROCERS' ARCHIVES, 47, 58, 66, 76, and passim ; HEATH, 58.
:< RETURN PARL., i., 256 ; GROCERS' ARCHIVES, 81. 4 Ibid., 99. r> CHRON.
LOND., 92; FABYAN, 386; LAPPENBERG, n., 35 (Feb. 5th, 1410); BESANT,
WHITTINGTON, 183 ; PAT., n H. IV., 2, 13, June 2oth, 1410. In REC.
ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 27th, 1410, he is late Sheriff. In GROCERS'
ARCHIVES, 103, the editor has wrongly entered him among the Mayors.
6 HASTED, i., 44, 54. One of his sons, William Chichele, afterwards
Archdeacon of Canterbury, got a prebend from Pope Innocent VII. in
1406, while still a scholar at Oxford. — PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 18, Nov. 2gth,
1406. In PAT., n H. IV., 2, 19, May 2oth, 1410, he is Chancellor of
Salisbury; see also PRIV. SEAL 649/6680 (Sept., 1410); LE NEVE, i.,
42 ; n., 650; W. H. JONES, 338. 7 GENEALOGIST, v., 326. For his will
dated London, July 2oth, 1425, see SHARPE, IL, 442. 8 See his fine brass
in STEMMATA, Plate I.; GOUGH, in., 80: BOUTELL, BRASSES, 49. 9Cor-
pore procerus bis major et arte grocerus. — WEEVER, 409. His name first
appears on the grocers' books in 1397, where it comes after that of his
brother William.— GROCERS' ARCHIVES, 76. 10 CHKON. LOND., 88. His
name appears i2th on a list of aldermen, Oct. i3th, 1406. PRICE, 158;
BRIDGES, n., 179.

1407.] Chii'liele Brothers. 137

and Mayor in 1411 and 1421. 1 He was thrice married,-
and spent his time either at his London home in the Vintry or
at Romford:1 in .Essex, where he helped forward the rebuild-
ing of the parish church in 1410. He had a princely fortune,4
and a heart sitting to his wealth. He gave land, money,
timber, and lead to rebuild5 the old Church of St. Stephen on
the Wall brook, where his brother Henry had been for a short
time Rector.0 In 1437 he gave a staith, a crane, and a stable
in the Vintry to his parish church of St. James, Garlickhithe.7
In meditating over death he commissioned Hoccleve s to write
him a religious ballad ; and when he made his will Dec. iyth,
1438,-' he left money to give a dinner on his birthday to 2400

1 CHRON. LOND., 94 ; ARCH*:OL. JOURN., XLIV., 57 ; HEATH, 190 ;
PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 33 d, Nov. 6th, 1411; CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 9; REC.
ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 26th, 1412 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 183,
198; SHARPE, LONDON, i., 251. In PAT., 14 H. IV., 16 d, Oct. 2gth,
1412, he is late Mayor of London. In CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 35, Dec. 7th,
1411, the Mayor is called William by mistake. 2 His first wife Elizabeth
was the widow of William More, the vintner (for "vyntyner," see WYCL.
(A.), in., 405), who had been Sheriff in 1387 and Mayor in 1396. — CHRON.
LOND. ,'77, 80; CLAUS., 9 H. IV.; Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH. (Oct. 27th,
1405). For articles pledged with More by King Henry in 1400 for loan
of £500, see Q. R. WARDROBE ACCTS.,' -«T8-» APP. B. R. Chichele's
second and third wives were both called Agnes. — STRYPE, in., u. :J His
name and that of his wife were in the chancel window, see inscription
in MORANT, i., 75, where the date should evidently be 1410 (not 1407) ;
see indenture with Warden and Fellows, dated Mar. 28th, 1410, in NEW-
COURT, u., 338. 4 In 1412 his property in the city of London is returned
as producing a rental of £42 igs. 2d. — SHARPE, LONDON, i., 252 ;
ARCHAEOLOGICAL JOURNAL, XLIV., 62. 3 He laid the first stone May
nth, 1429. The new church was finished and consecrated April 3oth,
1439. -— NEWCOURT, i., 537; LOND. AND MIDDLX. ARCH/EOL. Soc., v.,
330; STRYPE, I., Bk. u., 196. For the 118 parish churches in London
in addition to 36 minsters, abbeys, colleges, chapels, and other places of
religion, see ARNOLD, 75. "NEWCOURT, i., 539; WALCOTT, WYK., 363.
7 LOND. AND MIDDLX. ARCHJEOL. Soc., m., 399. Garlick was imported
in large quantities from Amiens and other places in the valley of the
Somme, see LIB. ALB., i., 418 ; LIB. CUST., 64, 229, 234. For "garlick-
monger," see OXF. CITY Doc., 33. Cf. Wei loved he garlicke, onions
and lekes. — CHAUC., PROL., 636; ARCH^EOLOGIA, Liv.,i6o; BESANT, 71;
DERBY ACCTS., 69, 216, 221. 8 HOCCLEVE, POEMS, 16; MIN. Po., 67.
"GENEALOGIST, v., 326; SHARPE, n., 490, 492; STEMMATA, vin.

138 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

poor householders, together with 2d. for each of them in cash.1
His body was buried in the church at Garlickhithe,2 according
to the orthodox conception of the time that " where he was
parisshene, right there should he be graven." *

Henry, the third4 son of Thomas Chichele, was born at
Higham Ferrers 5 about j 362. tf When about ten years of age he
was entered as one of the earliest of Bishop Wickham's poor
scholars " at Winchester, even before the building of St. Mary
College.8 Here he would wear the long cloth gown and hood,
sup his daily portion of beef-broth or beer, sweep out the chamber
by day, and lie on the clay floor littered with straw at night.
From Winchester he was sped to Oxford, where he was one of
the first to share a chamber as a scholar 9 at Wickham's New
College. He determined Bachelor of Laws in I389,10 and
in I39611 his name appears as an advocate for Peterhouse at
Cambridge in the Court of Arches, in a dispute between that
college and the Bishop of Ely. He was ordained deacon in
London by Bishop Stafford, May 26th, i^6,u though he had
held livings 1;i for some time before his ordination. Business

1 CHKON. LOND. , 124; STOW, LOND., 88; WEEVER, 409; NEW-
COURT, i., 446 ; BESANT, LONDON, 154 ; WHITTINGTON, 184 ; but there
is no mention of this either in the copy in All Souls' Library (STEMMATA,
viii.; HEATH, 189), or in STRYPE, HI., u; SHARPE, n., 492. 2STow,
261 ; not St. Mary Bothaw, as WEEVER, 409. 3 P. PLO., B. XL, 67. 4 I
assume that he was the youngest son as he outlived his two brothers,
who were both well established in London while he was yet a student.
For a i5th century picture of him see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 233, where
the name is spelt Chycheley. For supposed picture of him in a window
in Battle Church see ANTIQ. REPERT., n., 338. 5 Ubi nativitatis traxit
originem. -Mo.NAST., vi., 1425 ; PARKER, 276. '• In 1442 he calls himself
octogenarius aut circiter. ---BEKYNTON, I., 145. WALCOTT, 363, seems
to mistake his brother Robert for his father. 7 The earliest list of the
children dates from 1393. — KIRBY, xiv. For picture of them see
ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 229. 8 INQ. AD QUOD DAMN., 348, 349 ; BEKYNTON,
i., 272. !) HIST. MSS., 2nd REPT., 133 ; BURROWS, WORTHIES, 12.
°HooK, v., 8. "HIST. MSS., ist REPT., 78. 12 STAFF. REG.. 452.
13 Including St. Stephen's, Wallbrook (page 137). HOOK (v., 8) assumes

1407.] He my Chichele. 139

and preferment l poured in upon him. He was Archdeacon
of Dorset (1397), Archdeacon of Salisbury (1402), Chancellor
of Salisbury (1404),^ and he held prebends3 in connection
with that Cathedral, besides a canonry and a prebend at
Lincoln,4 and various other sinecures and "fat dignities," as
well as the livings of Brington 5 in Northamptonshire, Odiham
in Hampshire, and Sherston in Wilts. He was consecrated
Bishop of St. David's at Siena (i in the spring of 1408, while
still an envoy " on secret business " ; 7 but nearly four years
elapsed ere he could find time to visit his distant diocese,
which served him merely as a stepping-stone whence he could
spring at a bound to the highest place then open to an English
commoner.

Three more episcopal uncertainties were likewise set at
rest about this time. Prior Totington was released from
Windsor, and consecrated Bishop of Norwich in the Abbey at
Gloucester, Oct. 23rd, 1407^ the day before the meeting of
the Parliament. The temporalities were granted to him on
the same day.9 In the Welsh diocese of Bangor "a great
part of the possessions of the Church " had been destroyed
as far back as i402,1(l and the Bishop, Richard Vonge, had had

that he settled and made hi* home at Wallbrook, but he only held the
living from Mar. 3Oth, 1396, to Sept. roth, 1397. — NEWCOURT, i., 539.
For similar instances from Winchester Episcopal Registers, 1346-1363,
see GASQUET, PEST., 306.

1 W. H. JONES, 140, 160, and passim : WALCOTT, WYK., 363. In
PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 25, Apr. 28th, 1410, he resigns canonries, prebends,
parsonries, parishes, and benefices wholesale. - W. H. JONES, 338, 361,
382, 413, 434; not Bishop of Salisbury, as KENNET, i., 296. 3 YEAR
HOOK, ii H. IV., MICH., p. 37. ' PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 21. 5 BAKER, HIS-
TORY 01 NORTHAMPTON, i., 91. "GODWIN, n., 162; STUBBS, REGISTER,
63, gives Lucca, June i7th, 1408, but the temporalities were granted on
April 3rd. 1408. -PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 23, 29. ~ Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV.,
PASCH., Apr. Sth, 1408. Cf. RVM., vm., 632, Apr. 28th, 1410. 8 Vol.
III., p. 2. " PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 30. 10 Vol. I., p. 249 ; DEVON, 290.

140 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

to maintain himself on royal gifts and the proceeds arising
from embassies l to Scotland, France, or Sweden. In Feb.,
1404, he was imprisoned by the Welsh, and Lewis (or Llewel-
lyn) Bifort,2 a partisan of Owen's, was appointed in his place.
But the Archbishop of Canterbury refused to recognize Bifort
or to admit that any vacancy had occurred, and straightway
appointed an administrator for the diocese, on Feb. 26th,
1404. Like Bishop Trevor and others, Yonge had worked his
way to his bishopric by serving as a Palace Auditor at Rome.:;
He was a learned 4 man and a fluent speaker, and was known
as Archbishop Arundel's Mercury.5 He was soon again at
liberty, and was away on a mission to Scotland in Sept., 1404.°
In the month following he lent his ready tongue to defend
the property of the Church in the Coventry Parliament.7 His
interests were not likely to be long overlooked. On July 28th,
1404^ he was translated to the Bishopric of Rochester, vacant
by the death of John Bottlesham,y though he still remained

1 Vol. I., pp. 203, 258. Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Dec. 4th, 1409,
has payment to him of £60 for expenses abroad in 2 H. IV., also £105
for expenses in Picardy. '2Vol. II., pp. 177, 314; PENNANT, i., 367, from
WILLIS, BANGOR, 84 ; LEWIS, s. v. BANGOR. In SCOTICHRON., IL, 441,
he is called Griffin, i.e., Griffith; see also ECOLE DES CHARTES, XLIX. ,
420. On his seal, which is said to be "somewhat rude and probably
foreign," he is Ludovicus. — PROCEEDINGS OF Soc. OF ANTIQUARIES, 2nd
Ser., xi., 300 ; or Lewis. — ROWLAND WILLIAMS, 166. In HADDAN AND
STUBBS (i., 668), his appointment is dated Nov. nth, 1404; ROGERS
(in GASC., 235), gives 1403 ; see also STUBBS, REG., 178. RAMSAY (i.,
38), thinks that the diocese was vacant in 1400. :! Capellano nostro et
Auditori causarum palatii. — ERLER, 103, and APP. xvn., from LATERAN
ARCHIVES, BONIFACE IX. (1395). He was consecrated Bishop of Bangor
at Rome, May aoth, 1400. — STUBBS, REG., 62. 4 See his letter dated
London, 1407, in MART., COLL., vn., 748. 5 ANN. ,393. "Due. LANC.
REC., XL, 15, 71' (dated Tutbury, Sept. 26th, 1404), refers to the Bishop
of Bangor as then absent in Scotland. 7 Vol. L, pp. 476, 482, where the
Bishop of Rochester is Yonge, not Bottlesham. s LE NEVE, i., 101 ; but
GODWIN, ii., 114, gives Nov. iith, 1405 or 1406. Both quote REG.
ARUNDEL, IL, 35. 9 He died April i7th, 1404. GODWIN, n., 113. From
1397 to 14°° he had been Master of Peterhouse at Cambridge, and left
all his law books to the college, as well as £20 to the University Chest.
— LE NEVE, in., 668; C. H. COOPER, MEM., i., 9; BAKER, L, 40.

1407 Richard Yoiigc. 141

officially T Bishop of Bangor, to prevent Owen's nominee from
coming in. He went to Denmark to negotiate the marriage
of Philippa in the winter of 1404,- and was an envoy to France
in the following year. Early in 1407 3 he was seized by the
French, while travelling with two clerks under safe-conduct
in Picardy, for which he subsequently entered an action
against the Duke of P>urgundy. He took formal charge of
his new diocese of Rochester on May 2nd, i4oy.4 In Feb.,
1408, Bifort was captured at Bramham Moor, and a permanent
successor to Yonge was found by the promotion of Benedict
Nicole, a Bachelor of Laws, who had held the Rectory of
Stal bridge 5 near Sherborne in Dorsetshire, since Oct., 1398.
He was appointed Bishop of Bangor by bull dated April i8th,
1408,° and was consecrated on Aug. i2th" in the same year.

The vacant diocese of St. Asaph was at length filled by the
appointment of Robert Lancaster,8 Abbot of the Cistertian
Abbey of Valle Crucis at Llanegwest, in Denbighshire. On
Oct. 1 9th, T409,9 he is referred to as Bishop-elect of St. Asaph;
but he was not actually consecrated till June 28th, 141 1.10

1 In KAL. AND INV., n., 67 (Mar. 6th, 1405), he is Epo [Bangoren]
Roffen. ; see RYM., vin., 391, Mar. i2th, 1405; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 257,
April 7th, 1405 ; GALBA, B. I., 96, 9, May 4th, loth, 1405. In writs
for Parliament, dated Dec. 2ist, 1405, the see of Rochester is still vacant.
— REPT. DIGN. PEER, in., 793 ; also Jan. igth, May 25th, Dec. 22nd, 1406
(PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 18 ; ibid., 2, 30; ROT. PARL., in., 582 ; RYM., vm.,
463). On Feb. 26th and May 8th, 1407, Yonge is called Bishop of
Rochester.— PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 6; RYM., vm., 480, 627. On April i8th,
1407, the Archbishop of Canterbury still had jurisdiction over the sees
of Bangor and St. Asaph. — CONC., in., 304. 2Vol. II., p. 440. 3 RYM.,
vm., 480, 627, May 8th, 1407. 4 LE NEVE, i., 101 ; HASTED, n., 39.
His will is dated 1418.— GENEAL., vi., 228. 5 GODWIN, n., 203 ; HUT-
CHINS, in., 245 ; HADDAN AND STUBBS, i., 668. 6 LE NEVE, i., 101 ;
RYM., vm., 544. 7 STUBBS, REG., 63; HADDAN AND STUBBS, i., 668.
8 For his seal in the British Museum see ARCH^OL. CAMBR., 5th Ser.,
vi., 276,290. 9 DEP. KEEP., 36th REPT., II., 10. 10 GODWIN, n., 220 ;
WILLIS, i., 78. The see was formally declared vacant on Oct. 8th, 1410.
— HADDAN AND STUBBS, i., 669.

142 Bishoprics. [CHAP. LXXI.

He continued to reside at Valle Crucis during the whole of
his 22 years' tenure of the see; and for 50 years after his
death the cathedral and palace at St. Asaph still stood in
ruins.1

The arrangements for filling the vacant bishoprics were
scarcely completed when a Great Council 2 was held at West-
minster, which decreed (Feb. 2ist, 1408)-°' that the property of
alien priories or cells belonging to foreign4 monasteries, as
well as all the income from vacant bishoprics, should in future
be appropriated to supply funds for the expenses of the Royal
Household. Very little appears to have resulted from the
commissions issued in I405.5 In some cases of proved mis-
management an Abbey6 may have become so poor that the
inmates called in the secular arm to administer their estates
and save them from further loss ; but on the whole the in-
fluence of Archbishop Arundel was paramount, and the
religious of the English houses still held their own without
serious molestation. But the case of the alien priories was dif-
ferent. For more th#n a century past they had been the constant
hunting-ground for confiscators ; 7 and in many cases had be-
come a burden 8 rather than a profit to their foreign superiors.
Their number at this time amounted to nearly 150,° and

1 The Cathedral was rebuilt by Bishop Redman (1471-1495), and the
palace by Bishop David ap Owen (1503-1512). — WILLIS, i., 87, go.
'2 WALS., ii., 277. 3 RYM., vin., 510; ROT. PARL., m., 654. 4 Usually
French or Flemish.— Vol. I., p. 79; HASTED, i., 76; DUCKETT, i.,
32. 5 Vol. II., p. 121. 6 For the case of Combermere in Cheshire see
ORMEROD? in., 404. 7 WVCLIFFE, DE ECCLESIA, 332 ; DE EUCHARISTIA,
320; DE BLASPHEMIA, 156; STAT., 35 Ed. I., cap. m. ; OLIVER, 242;
GASQUET, i., 48 ; ibid., PESTILENCE, 76, 176, 187; DENTON, 20 ; CUN-
NINGHAM, i., 254. DIXON, i., 321, carries the confiscations back to the
time of John. For proposed confiscations in 1402 see ROT. PARL., in.,
491, 499; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 190-199. 8 DUCKETT, i., 31, 36, 124.
s 126 are named in MONAST., vi., 987-1057 ; 146 in WARBURTON AND
DUCAREL, i., vi. ; IL, 172, 208, followed by GASQUET, i., 42. For other

1407.] Alien Priories. 143

special permission 1 had to be asked and paid for before any
foreigner could come from the parent-house abroad to reside
in them. The favourable treatment that they had received at
Henry's accession - was partly due to a desire on the part of
the new King to conciliate the French ; 3 but when experience
had proved that this was hopeless, the old policy was revived ;
and "pensions," which should have been sent every year to
the great religious houses at Tours, Cluni, Fecamp, Rheims,
St. Omer, and elsewhere in France,4 were seized to help to pay
the King's expenses in England. At Monks Kirby,5 near
Rugby, after repeated impositions the aliens had put them-
selves under the protection of the Duke of Norfolk, who had
attached them to the new Carthusian house that he was
building at Epworth in Lincolnshire ; but when the Earl
Marshal was beheaded6 for treason at York, the Prior of

lists see Vol. I., p. 79 (with Corrigenda) ; Vol. II., p. 285, note 8 ; RYM.,
iv., 246 ; viii., 101 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 192, where about half of them
(Jan., 1403), are in the hands of occupatorcs. For Brimpsfield (Glouces-
tershire) see REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. 26th, 1412 ; MONAST.,
vi., 1408. For Beggar or Begare near Richmond see REC. ROLL, 14 H.
IV., MICH., Oct. nth, 1412; MONAST., vi., 1055.

1 E.g., Nicholas Champene, Prior of Ware, has permission for one
monk from the Abbey of St. Evroult in the Pays d'Ouche, Feb. 5th,
1410. — PAT., ii H. IV., i, 10 ; and Thomas Mancien, Prior of Tutbury, for
six monks from St. Pierre-sur-Dive in Normandy, July i8th, 1410. — PAT.,
n H. IV., 2, 8 ; PRIV. SEAL, 649/6647. ~ Vol. I., p. 79. 3 DUCKETT, i.,
1 88. For letter on behalf of the Abbot of Cluni addressed by Charles
VI. to Henry as " Conte d'Arbile," see ibid., i., 143. 4E.g., Angers,
Evreux, Seez, Caen, Bee, Dives, Cherbourg, Fontevrault, St. Valery,
Fontenay, Tiron, £c., &c. For a letter written by the Abbot of Cluni
to King Henry VI. in 1458 (WHETHAMSTEDE, 433 ; MONAST., v., p. ix.),
protesting against certain nobles for seizing his manors at Letcombe
Regis (near Wantage), Offord Cluny (near Huntingdon), Tixover and
Manton (near Uppingham), see DUCKETT, i., 178, who supposes it to
have been addressed to Henry IV. But the expression "jamdiu sit pax
reddita ecclesiae et unitas procurata '' shows that it was written long
after the close of the Council of Constance (1418). 3 DUGDALE, WAR-
WICKSHIRE, i., 76. 6Vol. II., p. 240.

I44 Bishoprics. CHAP, i.xxi.

Monks Kirby did not wait for further confiscation, hut took1
what property he could with him and fled right away. Some
of the aliens, as at Bermondsey,L> paid a heavy fine to the
Exchequer, and became naturalized for ever; others, as at
Llangenith 8 on the east shore of Carmarthen Bay, saw their
property bestowed upon monasteries which had suffered for
their loyalty to the English King ; others, as at Totnes 4 and
Cowick5 (near Exeter), paid contributions to the King, and
remained undisturbed for a while longer. But in most cases
the priories were taken over by " farmers," (1 who paid a fixed
sum to the Exchequer, and dealt with the property as they
liked.

This treatment of the alien priories would be justified in
the eyes of the English nation on the score of patriotism.
For would it not be treason 7 to allow English money s to be

1 PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 13, July i3th, 1405. 2 BERMONDSEY, 480. 3 Vol.
II., p. 305, note i. It belonged to Evreux in Normandy. — MONAST. ,
Vi., 1047. 4REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., Feb. lyth, 1408, where the
Prior is Thomas Swynford. He had resigned before June nth, 1407. —
G. OLIVER, 239. 5 REC. ROLL,, 9 H. IV., MICH., Feb. i7th, 1408,
shows £13 6s. 6d. paid by Prior John Burgoill (or Bourgeauvyll, STAFF.
REG., 33, 72, 159; MONAST., vi., 1043), RYM., vm , 721. In G. OLIVER,
154, he is called Peter. In PAT., n H. IV., 2, 20 (Apr. 28th, 1410),
the Prior (John Fermer) has permission for seven or eight monks to
come from Bee. For a suit brought by the Prior in 1410 see YEAR
BOOK, ii H. IV., HIL., p. 49 a. 6 REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., is full
of returns to the Exchequer from this source. For possessor, detentor,
and fermer see DUCKETT, i., 192. In ROT. PARL., in., 653, Sir John
Cheyne pays a farm of £6j 6s. 8d. to the King for custody of the lands
of the alien priory of Newent, in the Forest of Dean. For Hinckley
(RoT. PARL., in., 610) where £40 was found to be beyond the value of
the priory lands, see J. NICHOLS, iv., 2, 681. For Pembroke see Vol.
II., p. 309, note 3, and REC. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH., May 2nd and
27th, 1410, where Sir F. Court pays £10 to the Exchequer. " DUCKETT,
i., 174. For agreement between Sir Gilbert Talbot of Richard's Castle
and the Provost of Cluni, evading the law, propter inhibitionem super
haec factam per regem Anglice, see ibid., i., 147. 8 6000 gold crowns
went from England each year to the Cluniacs abroad.— DUCKETT, i.,
199. In 1346 the amount was £2000. — ROT. PARL., n., 163. In 1377
it is stated that the aliens possessed benefices in England to the value of
£10,000 a year.— ROT. PARL., in., 19.

1407-] Confiscation. 145

sent abroad to enrich the enemies of the country, and to keep
high-born nuns in France from scarceness?1 Besides, the
religious houses over-sea on which their Norman forefathers
had bestowed these lands were now in schism,'2 and as such
unfit to receive the dues of the English faithful. But that the
funds of English bishoprics should be stolen and secularized
was flat sacrilege, and the fact that such a startling stroke was
borne without a murmur marks at once the success of the new
appointments and the subservience of the packed bench. The
yield, however, of the new policy was all that could be wished,
for, in spite of the exemptions still allowed to impoverished
towns on the marches, such as Shrewsbury 3 and Newcastle,
the total revenue for the year ending Sept. 29th, 1408, reached
the unprecedented total of ,£139,760 143. n|d.4

1 DUCKETT, i., 179; GOWER, CONK. AM., 273, 274, 310 ; WYCL. (M.),
316; "scantness," HOCCL., DE REG., 170, 192. a DUCKETT, i., 150, 152,
178, 189, ^PAT., 9 H. IV., i, i, 4. 4 ANTIQUARY, vi., 104. In PAT., ip
H. IV., i, 16 (Nov. 22nd, 1408), £2000 was allowed from alien priories
for the King's expenses, yet two years later the estimated yield from
alien priories (from Sept. 2gth, 1410, to June 24th, 1411) amounts to only
£100. — ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 10; Iss. ROLL, g H. IV., PASCH. (Sept. roth,
1408), has payment to messengers calling controllers to Westminster
with all that they have or can get in.

CHAPTER LXXII.
BRAMHAM MOOR.

" ' JIILE the Council 1 was deliberating at Westminster, the last
act of the drama of Shrewsbury was being played out in the
North. Failing in their efforts to procure help in Paris,'2 the
Earl of Northumberland and Lord Bardolph passed into
Flanders,3 whence they crossed back to Scotland. Nothing
had come of their constant wanderings and piteous entreaties,
and they were forced in mere desperation to make their for-
ward move alone. They had intelligence with Flemings,
French, Welsh, and Scots, and had long and carefully sounded
the chances of success. Civil words abounded, but they had
not the prudence to gauge their hollowness ; and in their
chivalrous infatuation they " led their powers to death, and
winking leaped into destruction."4 Some reckless Welshmen5
were ready with counsels of despair ; but what effective aid
could come from Owen, hemmed in with a declining cause
round the steeps of Aberystwith ? How could they look for
help from Scotland with the Earl of Douglas just back on
parole with plans afoot for the release of Murdach, and Albany
all eager for a truce? The King of Scots and the son of

1 It was still sitting Mar. 2nd, 1408, the Prince of Wales being then
present.— ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 305-308. -Vol. II., p. 381. ;! HARD., 364 ;
riot Holland, as RAMSAY, i., 112. 4 HENRY IV., Pt. II., i, 3, 32. 5 PAT.,
9 H. IV., 2, 25, names Thomas ap Madoc ap Prene.

1407-] Sheriff Rokeby. 147

Owen were prisoners in King Henry's hand ; the Flemings
were sick of the stoppage of their trade, and the fateful deed
in the Rue Barbette had put a muzzle on French aggression
which no platonic friendliness towards ambitious traitors
could unloose. They trusted, however, that they could still
play upon English discontent.1 In London some lesing-
mongers - were posting notices that King Richard was coming
to claim his kingdom ; but the man that started the rumour
was only laughed at for a " stupid liar," :i though the French l
were led to believe that the Earl of Northumberland and
James Douglas had had a great success, that King Henry had
been defeated with a loss of 8000 men, and that his son John
was amongst the prisoners.

There is no doubt, however, that encouragement was re-
ceived in some quarters. Early in July, 1407, 5 a servant of
Lord Bardolph was caught in the act of carrying letters and
sent to prison in Nottingham Castle. Sir Thomas Rokeby,0
the Sheriff of Yorkshire, wrote hopefully of the chances in
that county. Sir John Skelton 7 of Armathwaite in Cumber-
land, the captor 8 of Murdach Stewart on the field of Humble-
don, sent one of his servants into Scotland. The man passed

] CHRON. GILES, 53. - WYCL. (M.), n, 125, 268, 270. 3 " Stultus
commentor." — WALS.J n., 276; OTT., 261. For " lyere " see CHAUCER
(S.), ii., 253. 4 ST. DENYS, in., 430. "' ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 304. 6 SCOTI-
CHRON., n., 441, followed by G. BUCHANAN, 106, who is not the first to
give the story, as supposed by LINGARD, in., 442. Rokeby had been one
of the Knights of the Shire for Yorkshire in the Long Parliament, 1406.
— RETURN PARL., i., 270. He is Sheriff of Yorkshire in REC. ROLL,
10 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 2gth, 1408 ; RYM., vni., 640; REC. ROLL, 14 H.
IV., MICH., Nov. 3rd and 26th, 1412. 7 See Vol. II., p. 258. 8 ROT.
PARL., in., 597; PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 7. In 1406 he received an annuity
of 100 marks for this service.— PAT., 14 H. IV., 16, Dec. ist, 1412;
DEVON, 303. In PAT., 14 H. IV., 13, Richard Skelton is forester of
Ingle wood (HIGDEN, 11., 66; HUTCHINSON, CUMBERLAND, n.. 464), in
which year (1412-13) it was granted to Richard Morerson.

148 Bnimham Moor, [CHAP. Lxxif.

under several aliases,1 and at last succeeded in communicating
with the Earl of Northumberland in person, leading him to
believe that the train was ready to be fired. Terror was
rampant in the midlands, and constant attacks were made
upon the King's estates in Stafford and Derby.'-' His tenants'
houses were broken into, their glass windows smashed, and
their basins, lavers, pots, pans, and other necessaries all
tumbled into the fields. The roads about Lichfield, Stafford,
and Newcastle-under-Lyme were infested with marauders who
threatened to behead peaceful people, or cut their children's
legs off, if they resisted. At Uttoxeter a milner,:] who paid a
rent of ;£io a year to King Henry as Duke of Lancaster,4
was beaten and forbidden to work his mill till he had paid
black-mail to the robbers. Women and old men were way-
laid and beaten. Carts were stopped, the beasts unspanned,
and the owners forbidden to allow their use henceforward.
One of the King's officers was set upon while collecting the
tax-silver, and stabbed three times to the heart.

A modern writer states that the Earl of Northumberland
"recovered many of his old castles and lordships";-3 but in
the absence of his authority we can only treat the statement as
a guess. We know, however, that the English garrisons that
still occupied his strongholds were by no means steady in
their loyalty. At Alnwick (j there was a party ripe for rebellion.

1 He is called William Cok, or William of Kethyne, or Carlisle, or
Holme. — RYM., vin., 527. PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 29, May 6th, 1408, records
his pardon at the request of the son and heir of the Earl of Douglas.
2 ROT. PARL., in., 630. 3 For milnere, mylner, see DERBY ACCTS., 32,
157. 4 DEP. KEEP., 45th KEPT., 149. -5 COLLINS, n., 264. fi PAT., 9 H.
IV., 2, 27 (May 3rd, 1408), records pardon to William Ashburne, lately
one of the rebels in the service of the Earl of Northumberland, infra
castrum de Alnewyke. I can find no evidence for the statement in
GARDINER, p. 296, that King Henry "demolished the fortifications of
Alnwick, Warkworth, and Prudhoe."

1407-] Warkworth. 149

At \\rarkworth John Hardyng had been superseded as Con-
stable by John Middleham, who had previously held Alnwick l
for the Karl. In August, 1407, the Earl sent a letter to
Middleham, who read it and passed it on to William Alnwick,
vicar of Chatton, near Wooler, one of the canons of Alnwick
Abbey. But the plot broke down, and the castles were soon
scared back into submission. Middleham was tried and con-
demned to death, confessing his treason ; while Canon
William 2 escaped into Scotland to report the failure to Lord
Bardolph and the Earl.

But they had ventured too far on dangerous seas ; 3 their
resolve was taken and could not now be changed. The Duke
of Albany 4 was by no means sanguine, and tried to dissuade
them from their purpose ; but a few devoted followers urged
them to persevere, and many of the Scottish lords amused
and cheered them on. "Go forth ! " said they, " for England
is with you : " 5 — and so they bowed them across the Tweed.

No doubt the blow should have been struck while the
King was away in Gloucester, but this chance had been
missed. It was a settled maxim with strategists0 of that age

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 211, 215. -For his pardon dated April 24th,
1408, see PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 28; BATES, 107, where the third line from
the bottom has been misplaced. In 1415 Alnwick was appointed the
first confessor in the new convent of Sion, (MONAST., vi., 542,) and
afterwards rose to be Bishop of Norwich (1426-1436) and Lincoln (1436-
1449). — GODWIN, ii., 19; BLOMEFIELD, n. , 377; BATES, 108, from TATE,
HIST. OF ALNWICK, i., 274. For a silvergilt cross and blue velvet cope
given by him to Lincoln Cathedral see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII., 19, 30, 54.
:i HENRY IV., Pt. II., i, i, 180. 4 WYNT., m., 2577. 5 EUL., m., 411 ;
HKNRY IV., Pt. II., i, i, 175. In HALLE, 28 a (GRAFTON, 434, followed
by HOLINS., ii., 534), it is represented that a large number of Scots
accompanied them to England.

tf On doit aller gerroier en este

Les chevaulx ont lors tous leurs biens a plente,

Et le logeis de mal en bien se mue,

Arme toy lors, tien toy 1'iver en mue.
DESCHAMPS, n., 58; cf. PALMIERI, 175 ; MONSTR., n., 183.

150 Bramliam Moor. [CHAP. LXXII.

never to try a campaign in winter, when the fields were
bare and the roads blocked; but, in defiance of all caution, the
Earl took the field in the depth of the wildest winter that any
man then living had ever known.1 For years after it was
known as the " big winter," 2 and records of its severity
abound in the annals of every country in Europe. In the
broad entrance to the Baltic :i one vast sheet of ice stretched
from Rostock across to Giedser in Falster, and carts were run
from Oeland right away to Gothland in the centre of the sea.
The Garonne was frozen over at Bordeaux, " with great loss of
shipping."4 The Danube"' was ice-bound, and with the
melting of the snow the uplands of Bavaria were drowned in
floods. The Rhine0 was frozen at Cologne, and when the
frost gave on Jan. 25th, 1408, mills and shipping were crashed
into splinters by the moving floes. At Liege the stone Pont-
des-Arches7 was shaken to its foundations by the flooded
Meuse, and the wooden bridges at Jemeppe s and Vise were
swept clean away. Higher up in Switzerland 9 the frost lasted
from Martinmas to Candlemas. Then came a rapid thaw,
with rain and warm winds. All the bridges on the Rhine and
the Aar were swept away except at Bern and Basle, and on
the latter 1000 men worked for two days and a night with
four windlasses hauling up big trees and wreckage that gathered
about the piers. The Vistula 10 rose in its lower course and
flooded the delta between Elbing and Danzig. At Rome n
there was a three months' rainpour, from November to January,

BRANDO, no, 125. -Vol. III., p. 89. :!LANGEBEK, i., 262; COR-
NER, 1191. Many dolphins were caught at Wisby. — FANT, i., 31, 36, 96.
* LURBE, 32. r> KATISBON, 2126. 6 NEUSS, 596; TRITHEIM, n., 328.
7 DYNTER, in., 174 ; PETRI SUFFR., 83. It fell in the following winter.
-ZANTFLIET, 397. 8 FOULLON, i., 467; DEWEZ, i., 2951. "JUSTINCER,
203) 443) 453- 10 Als der winter abegink wart gros wassir. — POSILJE, 200.
11 A. PETRI, 985.

140?-] The Great Frost. 151

and about Este and Ferrara,1 where snow fell thick, small birds
and woodland animals perished in countless numbers, and
nut-trees, vines, figs, and pomegranates were utterly destroyed.
In Paris the frost began on the night that the Duke of Orleans
was murdered; and when it broke on Feb. ist, I4o8,2 the
wooden bridge of St. Michel 3 and the new stone bridge known
as the Petit Pont,4 in the narrows of the Seine, fell in with the
booths built on them for writers, barbers, spurriers, chasublers,
and harpmakers, and the stalls for eggs, venison, poultry, and
other market stuff.5 Many women and children were drowned,
and 14 of the goldsmiths' and changers' shops0 on the Grand
Pont, the centre of the wealth " and traffic s of Paris, tumbled
with their gold and gems into the swollen river below, the
bridge itself being only saved by the mills that clustered about
the piers, and broke the force of the flood. During the whole

1 DELAYTO, 1044. 2 BOUVIER, 417; COUSINOT, 117. 3 GODEFROY,
417; BAYE, I., 216, 250, 255 ; n., 295. It was begun in 1378 and finished
in 1387.— CHAMPION, i., 42. " Pont neuf (i.e., Pont St. Michel, LEROUX
DE LINCY, 161) est bien maisonne."— G. METZ, 55. 4 Petit Pont est
moult fort. II est dis le fondement de grands lames attacies ensemble a
fer et a plont (i.e., plomb). La est le petit chastelet. — G. METZ, 55.
For pictures of it see LEROUX DE LINCY, 14, 44, 156. A Petit Pont ne
font faucons leur vol, &c. — DESCHAMPS, v., 123 (written in 1389). It had
fallen in 1280, 1296, 1325, 1376, and 1393, and was rebuilt in 1394. —
LEROUX DE LINCY, 160; BAYE, i., 216; CHOISY, 239. 5G. METZ, 59.
For gastrimargii see ROGERS, i., 122. 6 ST. DENYS, m., 747; BAYE, i.,
315, 325 ; G. METZ, XL, xxxvin., 55 ; DESCHAMPS, v., 51 ; LENOIR, 268,
with Plate in ATLAS, Vol. II. ; CHAMPION, i., 43. For picture of the
Grand Pont with the mills see LEROUX DE LINCY, 55. Cf. From Grand
Pont (ou est 1'horloge) jusqu' au pont neuf (i.e., St. Michel). — G. METZ,

7 Tu as moult d'or, d'argent, de pierrerie,
Et de joyaulx sur Grant Pont.

DESCHAMPS, i., 301.
Vous n'estes pas sur Grant Pont a Paris.

Ibid., i., 150, 156 ; v., 140; vi., 92.

Cf. GESTE, 375, where TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 64, has sur le Petit Pont.
8 It was said that you could always see a black monk and a black
horse on it.— G. METZ in LEROUX DE LINCY, 122.

152 Dramham Moor. [CHAP. LXXII.

of the month of January, 1408, the official scribe1 could make
no entries in his register, for the ink2 froze on his pointel :: at
every second word, though he kept his penner4 close to the
little copper chafer5 beside his chair. In England the like
had not been known for 100 years, and men dubbed it the
"strong winter,"" or the "great frost and ice."" From
December to March the country was covered with snow, and
the merles, mavises, fieldfares,8 quails,0 cushats,10 plovers, and
other small birds,11 which formed a staple article of food at the
pullers,12 died off in thousands.

1 For representations see CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, Plate XLV., 285;
BARROIS, 158, 258: LEROUX DE LINCY, 316; LACROIX, 21, 42, 51;
BASTARD, Plate XXV. (from MS. LAT., 667, BIBL. NAT.). CHEVALIER
EN CYGNE in MOM. POUR SERVIR A L'HISTOIRE DE NAMUR, &c., Vol. 4 ;
KNIGHT, HIST., n., 205; SHAW, DRESSES, Vol. I., from HARL. MS.,
2897. - BAYE, i., 211-216; n., vn., 294; CHAMPION, n., 5. For recipe
for making ink from pounded galls or blackthorn bark boiled in wine or
vinegar with plum tree or apple tree gum to prevent running, see MS.,
6741, in BIBL. NAT., from ERACLIUS, copied by Jehan de Begue, 1431 ;
MERRIFIELD, i., 61-69, I5I> 2&9 ; DEHAISNES, n., 825; HAUTES ETUDES,
xxxv., 209-227 ; M. STOKES, 8. For ancre cire pappier et parchemin,
see DESCHAMPS, v., 19 ; cf. " ynke," WYCL. (A.), i. , 332 ; " enke," ibid.,
ii., 2, 225 ; in., 187 ; " inke," CHAUCER (S.I, n., 297 ; in., 167. In 1390
a bottle of ink costs lod. and is. id. — DERBY ACCTS., 5, 155 ; PRUTZ,
LVI., 7. In 1414 a bottle and a pint of ink cost is. 8d. in Ireland. —
GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, N. S., XLIII., 39 ; cf. WATTENBACH, 193-203.
:! WYCL. (A.), i., 364; CHAUCER (S.), n., 2, 141; WATTENBACH, 67.
In DERBY ACCTS., 5, three pointels cost id. (1390). 4 PROMPT. PARV.,
392 ; CATHOL., 196, 274. In 1402 a leaden standard to hold ink cost is.
— Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 2 ; APP. A. Cf. pro j. pennario cum
corner, 7d. (1392). — DERBY ACCTS., 159. 5 PROMPT. PARV., 68; cf.
Calefactorium nullus ingrediatur nisi ad calefaciandum incaustum. —
MONAST., vi., Pt. II., LV.* For one chafour de cupro, see L. T. R.
ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., XL, 12, APP. C. For "chawfre," see
HIST. MSS., nth REPT., APP. 3, 76; A. S. GREEN, n., 62; "chawfour,"
DERBY ACCTS., 87. 6 CHRON. LOND., 91. 7 GREY FRIARS CHRON., n;
magnum gelu. — CHRON. GODSTOWE, 240. 8 CHAUCER (S.), n., 271, 479 ;
Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 3, 6, APP. A. 9 Vol. II., 476 ; Two COOKERY
BOOKS, 61, 68. 10 Ibid., 8. » WALS., n., 277. POL. VERG., 436, has
oyium for avium, and HALLK, 29 (GRAFTON, 435), gives "sheep and
birds." For parva volatilia, see DERBY ACCTS., 212, 214, 218, 227.
12CLAUs., 12 H. IV., 10 ; LIB. ALB., i., 716; DERBY ACCTS., 130, 140;
CHAUCER (S.), iv., 74, 294. In the London markets larks sold at four a

1408." Thirsk. 153

In such a winter the Earl of Northumberland l and Lord
Bardolph crossed the Tweed- for their last fatal venture,
accompanied by a few faithful Yorkshiremen, such as Robert
Mauger:: of Easingwold, and John Wath 4 of Assenby, who
had been with them in all their wanderings. Before the end
of Jan., 1408, the Earl displayed his banner at Thirsk,5 pro-
claiming himself to be England's consolation and help under
her oppression, and calling valiantly on all who loved liberty
to take up arms and follow him. The clergy vindicated their
right to rebel. Bishop Bifort was with him in arms, together
with the Abbot of the Premonstrants of Halesowen near
Dudley, the Prior of Hexham fi with his monks, several of the
monks of Fountains," and chaplains from Helmsley, Os-
motherly, and Topcliffe. Their following was not large ; the
leaders 8 were insignificant, and the rank and file were drawn
from the barkers9 of Silton, Ellerbeck, and Sowerby, together

id., thrushes 50!. per dozen, finches id. per dozen. — LIB. ALB., i., LXXXIV. ;
HERBERT, i.f 79; ROGERS, n., 645; WYCL., LAT. SERM., iv., 445;

MONTREUIL, 1400; TWO COOKERY BOOKS, Q, 58. In P. MEYER (389)

three fat madlardes (i.e., mallards) de rivere cost gd. For destruction
wrought by them to crops see P. PLO. , A., vn., 35.

1 One is tempted to attribute to the Earl the letter dated Semar, Jan.
yth (no year), printed in FACSIMILES, Pt. I., xxxv.; DEP. KEEP., 26th
KEPT., 60. It is signed " H," and is addressed to " my dearest cousin,"
Master Richard de Clifford. For a facsimile of the Earl's undoubted
signature " H," see FONBLANQUE, i., 210. The letter is supposed by the
editor to be written by the Prince of Wales ; but he seems to have had
no kinship with the Cliffords. On the other hand John, yth Baron
Clifford, had married Hotspur's daughter Elizabeth. — WHITAKER, CRAVEN,
316; AD QUOD DAMN., 351. - GARDINER (296), seems to think that he
marched from Wales to Bramham Moor. 3 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 25.
4 Ibid., 29. 5 WALS., n., 278 ; OTT., 262. 6 Called John Hexham in
PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 6; RYM., vni., 545. For scandals at Hexham see
HEXHAM PRIORY, xci., 167. The community was much demoralized.
7 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 2. 8 For a list see RYM., vni., 394, 520, 545. There
is no name of any note amongst them, except Nicholas Tempest, who,
however, is not in WHITAKER, CRAVEN, 96, 106. He is wrongly called
a Knight in LINGARD, in., 442; PAULI, v., 45, and RAMSAY, i., 113.
"PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 3, 6, 9, n, 13, 14, 17, 25; ibid., 10 H. IV., i, 3,
26, 34 ; ibid., 2, 21,

154 Bramham Moor. [CHAP. LXXII.

with smiths, tailors, mercers, souters, palisars, horse-leeches,
and falconers from York and Ripon, and a mixed throng of
countryfolks from Assenhy, Camberwell, Catton, Crakehall,
Dalton, Easingwold, Elyngeham, Gristhwaite,1 Newby, North-
allerton, Sand Hutton, Sessay, \Vath, Snyleswath, and West-
harlsey, most of them dwellers within a ring-fence round Thirsk
and Topcliffe and the uplands about the Hambledon Hills.
Moving forward they found that Sheriff Rokeby, in spite of
his encouraging invitation,- had collected a small force, and
held the passage of the Nidd against them at Grimbaldsbridge :i
near Knaresborough.4 The river was swollen with the melt-
ing snows, and the Earl's troops were too weak to force a
passage ; so he turned aside to the left, skirted Hay Park,5
crossed the Nidd lower down, and reached Wetherby in the
night of Saturday, Feb. i8th, 1408. The next day he passed
through Tadcaster, and posted his force on a bit of rising
ground on Bramham Moor.11 The spot is marked by the
fields now called Spen Farm," at the south-eastern corner of
Bramham Park, a little to the north of the cross roads, and on
the east side of the great north road running from Aberford to
Wetherby. Behind him lay dense slopes of hazelwood,8 and

1 In parochia de Topclyf. — FABR. ROLLS, 62 ; KIRKBY, 323. - Page
147. :! HOLINS., ii., 534 ; GRAINGE, BATTLEFIELDS, 43 ; HARROGATE AND
KNARESBOROUGH FOREST, 283 ; not " the pass of Knaresborough," as
GUTHRIE, ii., 429. 4 For plan of Knaresborough Castle as it stood in
1648 see SURTEES Soc., Vol. 37. For Richard II. 's imprisonment there
and at Pickering before Pontefract see HARD., 356 ; BEAMONT, 62.
b OTT., 262. It is marked on SAXTON'S MAP, 1577. tt The earliest official
document describes it as " Bramham juxta Tadcastre." — RYM., vui.,
545, Aug. 2nd, 1408. Cf. " Bramyng More prope Hasylwode." — CHRON.
GODSTOWE, 240. In SCOTICHRON., ii., 441, 448, the battle is fought
"apud Wedderbymore." Cf. "TylTadecastyre in Yorkisschire." — WYNT.,
in., 2587 ; "juxta Hesehvode.'1 — WALS., n., 278. 7 1 was assured on the
spot by one who had farmed the land that spears are sometimes turned
out by the plough, and that portions of the soil are still surprisingly fertile.
s For proverbs on the " haselwode," see CHAUCER (S.), ii., 271, 373, 394.

1408.1 Hazlewoori. 155

in front a great stretch of rolling limestone country, swelling
northward to the Wharfe. He threw up a hasty entrenchment
on his northern face, and posted scouts to warn him lest the
Sheriff should escape. But at two o'clock in the afternoon of
the same day (Sunday, Feb. i9th, I408)1 Rokeby with his
little band fell upon him with fury." No kings or royal dukes
were present. Sheriff Rokeby, Peter of the Hay,3 Robert
Ellis of Kiddal,4 William Wauton of Cliffe,5 Sir Alexander (i
and Squire Henry Lound, and a few more Yorkshire stalwarts "
and their tenants drove the blow home, and quelled the Percies
in their own ground, within call of Plumpton, Spofforth,
Healaugh, and Tadcaster. The snow was still deep on the
ground, and the skirmish8 was sharp, swift, and decisive.
The Earl1' fell fighting. Eord Bardolph turned to fly, but was
captured 10 with his servants John Lesingham n and John
Smethies l'2 from Suffolk. He died of his wounds the same
night ; and the rebels were scattered, leaving the Bishop, the

1 Not Monday, 2oth, as STUBBS, in., 62 ; nor 2Qth, as HOLT, vn. ;
LANGLEY, 274. HARDYNG (364), says, " In Feveryer afore the fastyn-
gange." In 1408 Ash Wednesday fell on Feb. 28. In CHRON. GOD-
STOWE, 240, " Matthaei" should be " Matthiae," i.e., Feb. 24th. CARTE,
n., 669, followed by DOYLE, n., 646, places the battle on Feb. 28th, 1407.
FONBLANQUE, i., 97, 238, says Feb. ijth, 1408, but in his pedigree the
date is March 2nd, 1407. - " Rukby bolnyt in gret ire." — WYNT., in.,
2588. :{ CAPGR., 295. 4 TEST. EBOR., i., 249. 5 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 16;
TEST. EBOR., i., 381 ; FOSTER, VISITATIONS, 260. 6 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2,
23, 25 ; RYM., ix., 244. He was escheator of Yorkshire Nov. 26th, 1408,
REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH.; ROT. PARL., in., 586 b; RYM., VIIL, 640.
He represented Yorkshire in the Parliaments of 1407, 1413, 1414. — RE-
TURN PARL., i., 273, 280, 282. In PAT., n H. IV., 2, 24 d, May i4th,
1410, he is one of the commissioners to array the forces of the East
Riding. For will of his daughter Margaret, wife of Sir John Dawnay,
see TEST. EBOR., IL. 193 ; FOSTER, VISITATIONS, 80. 7 WYCL. (A.), n.,
367; in., 14,60, 118. 8 CHAUCER (S.), IL, 208, 218, 405. 9 Neither he
nor Lord Bardolph was sent to York for trial, as stated in POL. VERG.,
436; MIR. F. MAG., 306; HALLE, 28 a ; GRAFTON, 434. 10 CAPGR., 295.
11 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 4, records his pardon, Sept. ist, 1408. v- ROT, VIAG.,
9 H. IV., 7, April I2th, 1408.

156 Bramham Moor. [CHAP. LXXII.

Abbot, and the Prior prisoners in the Sheriffs hands. The
old Earl's head, with its fringe of silver hair,1 was sent to
London, where it was pitched 'J on a pike, paraded through
the streets,8 and huddled up l with insult on the tower in the
middle5 of London Bridge. His body was cut into quarters,
which were parboiled0 in a pickle of cloves, cumin, and anise,
then tied in sacks, sealed, and distributed," to be exposed at
Berwick, Lincoln, Newcastle, and York. On July 2nd, 1408,*
they were collected for burial in York Minster, beside the
remains of Hotspur, "at the right hand of the high altar."1'
Lord Bardolph's head was sent to Lincoln, his unjointed limbs 10

1 Veneranda decoratum canitie. — WALS., n., 278. In HARL. MS.,
1319, he is represented with grey hair and grey beard. — ARCH^EOL., xx.,
148; DOYLE, n., 645 ; ANTIQ. REPERT., iv., i, 8; FONBLANQUE, Vol. I. ;
STRUTT, REG. ANTIQ., 57. He was born Nov. ioth, 1341. — SCROPE
AND GROSV., i., 215 ; MONAST., v., 516 ; or July 4th, according to Little
Pedigree of Percy and Vesey in Alnwick Castle. — BATES, 101 ; not
1342 as DOYLE, n., 644 ; FONBLANQUE, i., 97. He was made Earl of
Northumberland at the coronation of Richard II., July isth, 1377. — RYM.,
VIL, 160 ; DOYLE, n., 645 ; FONBLANQUE, i., 505 ; HIST. MSS., 3rd
REPORT, p. 45. A contemporary record in Alnwick Abbey, which he
"tenderly loved," describes him as "well-lettered"; he "waited well,
and his answers were wise, ripe, and eloquent." Before his father's
death he had travelled abroad and made his name feared by the Scots. —
ARCH. ^EL., in., I., 42. For a letter from him to John Bradshaw of
Bradshaw, near Bolton (Lanes), asking for help against the Scots, see
St. George's visitation of Lancashire, CHET. Soc., Vol. 82, p. 58. This
letter was carefully preserved, and produced to the herald in 1613. The
Earl was named a surveyor of King Richard II. 's will, dated April i6th,
I399- — WILLS OF KINGS, 201. -FABYAN, 384; WYCL. (A.), n., 125, 127,
130, 132, &c. 3 CAPGR., 295. 4 Confusibiliter. — WALS., n., 278 ; see
Du CANGE, s. v. CONFUSIBILIS. 5 HARRISON, i., LVI. ; JUSSERAND, 53 ;
BESANT, 63, 214, 302. (i EUL., in., LXV., quoting FOR. ACCTS., 1-6 H.
IV., for Hotspur. 7 A. S. GREEN, i., 213. 8 CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 10; FON-
BLANQUE, i., 536; not May, as DUGDALE, i., 278; BRAND, n., 421.

9 In Yorke minster this honurable knight (/.*•., Hotspur),

By the Earl, his father, lieth openly in sight.

PEERIS in ANTIQ. REPERT., iv., 382 ; ARCH. JEi.., 15, 183. Peeris was
Chaplain to the fifth Earl (1489-1537) ; FONBLANQUE (i., 140) considers
him to be contemporary with the first Earl, misled apparently by the
heading in ANTIQ. REPERT., iv., 381. in GOWER, CONF., 179.

1408.] Rewards. 157

going to London, Lynn, Shrewsbury, and York,1 where they
were shown on the gates till April i3th.2

On receiving news of the rising the King deemed it his
duty to repair again to the north. Four days before the
battle he had issued a summons 3 to his forces to join him
without delay. On March i2th4 he was at Leicester, and on
the 1 6th5 of the same month at Nottingham, whence he
moved by Pontefract and Rothwellhaigh to Bishopthorpe and
York. From March 26th to April 6th, he took up his
quarters in the Bishop of Durham's ° manor at Wheelhall 7 on
the Ouse below Cawood. Informers were ready in crops to
swear away the lives and properties of suspects. Confiscations,
executions, pardons, and rewards followed in business-like
order. The Abbot of Halesowen was hanged ; but Bishop
Bifort was spared,8 after undergoing five months' y imprison-
ment in Windsor Castle. The Prior of Hexham was tried for
treason;10 but he was pardoned Aug. 2nd, i4o8.n He gave
up all Bifort's jewels and valuables 12 that had been placed in

1 STAPLE-TON, CXLVI. ; CLAUS., 9 H. TV., 19, March loth, 1408.
- CLAUS., 9 H. IV., n; ROT. VIAG., 5; STAPLETON, CXLVIII. 3 Due.
LANC. REC., XL, 16, no"', dated Feb. isth, 1408. 4 Due. LANC. REC.,
xi., 16, 114"'; Q. R. GREAT WARDROBE, £f, APP. B. 5 RYM., vni., 512;
Q. R. GREAT WARDROBE, £f, APP. B. 6 TEST. EBOR., i., 314, 315;
CHAMBRE, 97, cxxvi., cxxvn., ccccxiv. 7 ROT. VIAG., 9 H. IV., 6, 7,
has documents dated here Mar. 26th, 3oth, April 4th and 6th, 1408.
He was also at Bishopthorpe and Cawood. — Q. R. GREAT WARDROBE,
t ~\, APP. B. 8 CAPGR., 295. 9I.e., from May 23rd to Oct. i3th.— ROGERS,
in., 675 ; STUBBS, REG., 178, where the year should probably be 1408
(not 1405). From Dec. 3rd, 1414, to Feb. 22nd, 1415, he was again in
Paris as an ambassador from Owen. — ECOLE DES CHARTES, XLIX., 420,
where he is called Griffin, see p. 140, note 2. His name occurs at the
Council of Constance. — HADDAN AND STUBBS, i., 668. 10 See commis-
sion issued by Archbishop Bowet, April 3oth, 1408, with the seal of
the see of Bath and Wells, quod nunc ad manus habemus, in HEXHAM
PRIORY, i., APP., xciv. n RYM., vni., 545. 12 PAT., n H. IV., i, 8;
PRIV. SEAL, 647/6406, 6408 (Jan. 25th, 1410), shows that he handed
them by the King's order to Thomas Bewyke, one of the Canons of
Guisborough.

158 Bnunhtnu Moor. fCnAP. LXXII.

his charge, and before the year closed l he was made Chan-
cellor of the Liberty of Hexham. Sir Thomas Rokeby was
rewarded with the Earl of Northumberland's manor of Spof-
forth, together with Linton and Leathley- for life, and Peter
of the Hay was made Controller of the Customs and Subsidy
at Hull.:! The King then made his way back south. On
April 8th, i4o8,4 he was at Selby, and on the same day
he reached Pontefract,5 where he authorized his son John and
the Earl of Westmoreland to negotiate a year's truce with the
Scots. At the same time a commission'5 was issued to the
Earl of Westmoreland, Judge Gascoigne, Sir Ralph Ewere,
Richard Redman, Robert Waterton, and John Conyers, em-
powering them to accept submissions and levy fines upon
those adherents of the late Earl who would yield of their own
accord. The King spent his Easter at Pontefracl,7 and was
there till after April 3oth.s On May 3rd he was at Newstead
Priory;9 from the 8th to the i2th of May he was at Leicester,10
and he moved southward as his health allowed. We find him
at Windsor Park11 on May 24th, at his manor of Sutton1- (May
26th); on May 2gth and 3ist he was at the Tower, and pieces

1 Dec. i5th, 1408. — HEXHAM PRIORY, i., CLXXI. '2 RYM., vin., 529,
May 3oth, 1408. The value of the three was estimated at £80 per
annum. — PAT., n H. IV., 2, 25. For Rokeby's account for surplus of
Spofforth from May 3oth, 1408, to Michaelmas, 1411, see FOR. ACCTS.,
12 H. IV. 3PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 17, 30 (June i3th, 1408); Iss. ROLL, 10
H. IV., PASCH. (May lyth, 1409); RYM., VIIL, 640. In PAT., n H. IV.,
2, 24 d, he is a commissioner to array the forces of the East Riding.
4 ROT. VIAG., 9 H. IV., 6. 5RYM., VIIL, 514. « PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 8
(April 25th, 1408) ; ibid., 2, 11 (July loth, 1408). The documents in
RYM., VIIL, 394, 520, are evidently identical. " DEP. KEEP., 45th REPT.,
315. 8 RYM., VIIL, 525. For documents dated at Pontefract, April 8th,
loth, nth, i2th, i3th, i5th, 2oth, 22nd, 24th, 25th, 2yth, 28th, 3oth,
1408, see ROT. VIAG., 5, 6, 7 ; PAT. ,9 H. IV., i, 8; GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 11 ;
FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 10 ; Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, pt. 3, mm. in, 112,
115, 123. 9 Due. LANC. REe., XL, 16, 129"'. 10 RYM.^ VIIL, 527, 528 ;
ROT. VIAG., 9 H. IV., 5, 7. » Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16; PRIV. SEAL,
7193 ; L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, 3, APP. C. j- Due.
LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 4, 6 (a), APP. A.

1408.] Itinerary. 159

of velvet, silk, and other stuffs for garments were submitted to
him for his approval at Easthampstead, Chertsey, Hertford,
and Waltham Abbey, on various days during the same summer.
From June iQth to July 12th,1 he was at Archbishop Arundel's -'
manor at Mortlake. Here his weakness had so much increased
that for a time he lay unconscious, and was believed to be
dying. :! Nevertheless, he revived, and under pressure from
the Archbishop gave thanks to God for his restoration to life,
and promised amendment for all his past misdeeds. By July
i yth, 1408, he was able to return to Hertford,4 where he
remained till July 22nd."1 On July 29th (i he attended a meet-
ing in the Chapter House at St. Paul's, to consider the grave
developments of the Schism that were taking place in Italy.
On Aug. 1 6th" he was at Waltham Abbey, and on Sept. yth8
at Sir Hugh Waterton's9 hostel in London. On Nov. ist,
1408, he was at Bishop Beaufort's Inn in Southwark,10 and in
the same month he received the Cardinal Archbishop of
Bordeaux in state at Westminster.11 On Nov. i5th and Dec.
i yth he was at Hugh WTaterton's hostel again.12 Dec. 8th
found him at Langley,la Dec. 24th at Lambeth,14 and he spent
the rest of the winter at Eltham. 1:>

1 RYM., viii., 539. For documents dated Mortlake, July 6th and i2th,
1408, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 113"'. " Not a royal manor, as PAULI,
v., 66. a O XT., 263. 4 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 8. * Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16,
129'". H CONC., in., 310. " Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 6 (a), APP. A.
8 PRIV. SEAL, 7193. 9 See Vol. II., p. 292, note 4; 428, note 3. On
Nov. yth, 1379, he acknowledges receipt of money assigned for expenses
of Henry when Earl of Derby. — Due. LANC. REC., XL, 14, 17. In 1390
and 1392 he accompanied him as his chamberlain to Prussia and the Holy
Land. — DERBY ACCTS., XLIII., XLVII., LI., xcii., 293. For his signature
" Hue de Waterton," see LANC. REC. CHANCERY Misc., 1-4, H. IV., 27.

10 Q. R. WARDROBE, f-£, APP. B. For view see BESANT, LOND., 120.

11 EUL., in., 413. l2 PRIV. SEAL., 7193. 13 L. T. R. ENROLLED WARD-
ROBE ACCTS., 12, 3, APP. C ; Q. R. WARDROBE, {[:, APP. B. u Due.
LANC. REC., XL, 16. 15 RYM., vm., 569 (Jan. i2th, 1409) ; Due. LANC.
REC., XL, 16 (Jan. 4th, 1409).

CHAPTER LXXIII.

IRELAND UNDER LORD THOMAS.

THUS every stirring home trouble was sinking into a moment-
ary calm, and even in the seething pot of distant Ireland sotne
hope of quiet seemed at length at hand. After the death of the
Earl of Ormonde (Sept. yth, 1405) l the Irish had pressed sore
on the settlers. County Wexford2 was laid waste, West
Meath was overrun by the O'Connors of Offaly, Carbury was
plundered by the O'Donnells, Carlow and Castledermot were
burnt by MacMorough, and Newcastle Mackinnegan by the
O'Byrnes. The citizens of Dublin, stung by their insults,
gathered themselves together and struck a handsome blow.
On June loth, 1406, they attacked the Irish, and brought in
a few heads and banners as trophies. At Great Connell,-1
near Newbridge on the upper Liffey, the Prior, with 20
Englishmen, withstood a force of 200 armed Irish, and drove
them off with loss. By such small means the Irish were
occasionally held in check, until some forces could be sent
from England to stem them.

On March ist, I4o6,4 Lord Thomas' commission as

1Vol. II., p. 132. - LOCH CE, ii., in, 113, 117; FOUR MASTERS, n.,
787> 793- SWARE, 65. 4Vol. II., p. 124; PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 3 ; 10 H.
IV., 2, 17; ii H. IV., 2, 9 d; CAL. ROT. HIB., 192, 195; RYM., vin.,
431 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 313. He was still Steward of England (Vol. I.,
p. 29), PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 3 (Mar. ist, 1408); RYM., vin., 626, 745 (Feb.
28th, 1410, June 8th, 1412); PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 31 d. (1412). For his
will proved at Lambeth in 1423 see GENEAL., v., 326.

1406.] Archbishop Cranley. 161

Lieutenant of Ireland was re -affirmed for 1 2 years ; but the
chance of his actual return was becoming more and more
remote, for, after disbanding his fleet on his return from the
attack on the Cotentin in 1405^ he took service as Captain of
Guines 2 on the March of Calais, in place of John Norbury.3
He had special permission 4 to absent himself from his com-
mand in Ireland, though he continued to receive5 large sums
of money in lieu of bills and tallies/' issued when he had been
in actual residence. In May, 1406, Archbishop Cranley7
resigned the seals as Chancellor of Ireland. He had been
for some time in broken health,8 and had twice been com-
pelled to appoint a deputy. He had now permission to travel
to Rome;1' and in 1412 he settled in England,10 where he died
in 1417, and was buried in the chapel of Wickham's New

1 Vol. II., p. 105. '-' Iss. ROLL., 7 H. IV., PASCH. (May i3th, 1406) ;
PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 9 (July ist, 1407) ; FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., n (Feb. igth,
1407) ; Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH. (Oct. 3rd, 1407). 3 Pages 43, 65 ; FR.
ROLL, 7 H. IV. (Mar. i8th, 1406). See also Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH.
(Jan. 2ist, 1406) ; ibid., 6 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. i8th, 1405). In PAT.,
8 H. IV., i, 12 (Feb. 8th, 1407), he is still called Captain of Guines,
though he gave up the command Dec. 8th, 1406 (FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 19),
having held it since June 28th, 1401 (Vol. I., p. 28) with the revenues of
Fretun, Coquelles (called Calkwell by the English, ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII.,
335), Galymot, Ostrewyk, and Bolington.— Q. R. WARDROBE, f ^, APP. E.
His appointment as Constable of Leeds Castle (Vol. I., p. 28) dates from
June 28th, 1401. — PAT., 14 H. IV., 18 ; PRIV. SEAL, 657/9405. For his
account as Keeper of the King's Privy Wardrobe in the Tower from Nov.
5th, 1399, to Feb. i3th, 1405, when he was succeeded by Henry Somer,
see Q. R. WARDROBE, |£, APP. E. 4 ROT. PARL., in., 625. 5 E.g., £600
(May i8th, 1406), £433 6s. 8d. (Aug. i4th, 1406).— Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV.,
PASCH. 6Vol. II., p. 123. For " tayles and billes," see AUNGIER, 397;
cf. " taylyhe," WYNT., IX., XL, 22; " taile," GOWER, CONF., 239; P.
PLO., v., 61. For specimen of a tally temp. Ed. III., see RAMSAY, i.,
160. For a tally in 1819 see CUNNINGHAM, i., 152. " Vol. II., p. 132.
8 In CAL. ROT. HIB., 172 (Nov. gth, 1402), Thomas de Evdm, Keeper of
the Chancery Rolls, is to fill the office of Chancellor of Ireland during
the absence of Cranley, qui gravi infirmitate detentus est. 9 FR. ROLL, 7
H. IV., 2, July i6th, 1406. 10 For his permit dated Feb. nth, 1412, see
CAL. ROT. HIB., 198.

L

162 Ireland under Lord Thomas. [CHAP. LXXIII.

College at Oxford, of which he had once been Warden.1 He
was succeeded as Chancellor of Ireland on June i2th, 1406,
by the Treasurer, Sir Lawrence Merbury,2 whose appointment
was to last for 10 years, with an allowance of 6s. 8d. per day.
The vacant post of Treasurer was then filled by William
Alington,8 who had held the office previously in i4c>3.4 In
May, I4o6,5 preparations were making for the return of Sir
Stephen Scrope 6 as Deputy for the Lord Thomas, with very
limited powers as to granting lands." He was to be accom-
panied by 50 men-at-arms and 300 archers,8 who would
embark at Chester, Liverpool, and Bristol ; and on Aug. T4th,
1406, he received .£2120 to pay them. On Oct. 8th,9 he

1 For his monument see GOUGH, in., 50; GARDINER, 292. For a
i5th century representation of him see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 232. He
had been a prebendary of Knaresborough and a Fellow of Merton. — A.
WOOD., ii., 152 ; BRODRICK, 204. He was the first Warden of Win-
chester, 1382 (LowTH, 190), Chancellor of Oxford University, 1390, and
Warden of New College, Oxford, 1393-1396 (WALCOTT, WYKEHAM, 345,
363; LOWTH, 366 ; KIRBY, i. ; HIST. MSS., 2nd REPT., 133). 2Vol. II.,
P- J33 ; CAL. ROT. HIB., 184, 185. The great seal was committed to
him in St. Patrick's Close in Dublin, and handed to the keeping of
Robert Sutton, see Vol. II., p. 137; CAL. ROT. HIB., 187 (9 H. IV.);
PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 10, 15, 16 d, and CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 4, July i4th, 1406,
where he is to draw an additional £30 per annum even when in England,
in spite of the statutes against absentees. PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 5 (June
28th, 1407), has Button's appointment as Keeper of the Rolls. Both
Cranley and Merbury were present in the Council Chamber in Trinity
Church, Dublin (see Vol. II., p. 141), on Jan. nth, 1406.— CAL. ROT.
HIB., 181. 3 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 10, July i4th, 1406; IRISH RECORDS, 336.
4 Vol. I., p. 233. 5Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., PASCH., May i8th, 1406. Ibid.,
Aug. i4th, 1406, has payment of £100 for wages of men in Ireland. See
also PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 2 (Sept. 27th, 1406). Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., MICH.
(Dec. i3th, 1406), has further payment of ^347 for troops. For payment
to William Eirmyte, sent from Sheffield to Liverpool for passage of troops
to Ireland, see ibid., Dec. i3th, 1406. 6 His letter dated at Chester April
27th (SCROPE AND GROsv., ii., 49, quoting HOWARD'S COLLECTION OF
LETTERS, 1756, i., 65), probably refers to this year. In it he asks for a
grant of the Isle of Man, as the heir of his brother William, Vol. II., pp.
194, 294. 1 1.e., restricted to lands under £10 per annum. — CAL. ROT.
HIB., 195. s PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 6, Aug. i7th, Sept. 4th, 1406. 9 DEP.
KEEP., 36th REPT., p. 425.

i4°7-] Deputy Stephen Scrope. 163

was still at Chester, waiting for means of transport for his
retinue ; but he crossed the sea soon afterwards, and held a
Parliament in Dublin on Jan. i3th, 1407. But Dublin was
unsafe, and the castle was in danger of capture,1 so the
sittings were transferred to Trim,- where the meetings ended
during the following Lent. A sum of money was probably
voted, and on the strength of this the new Deputy marched
valiantly out into the country. He set out from Dublin on
Sept. 1 4th, 1407," accompanied by the young Earl of Ormonde,
the Earl of Desmond, and the Prior of Kilmainham. In a
brush with MacMorough they had all to do to hold their own ;
but encountering a force of the Carrols and Burkes from
Munster at Callan, on the western side of County Kilkenny,
Scrope smote 4 them hip and thigh. 800 Irishmen were killed,
amongst them being Tighe O'Carrol, King of Eile, and the
bards worked up again their old Joshua song, how the sun 5
stood still in heaven while the English rode six miles. Scrope
was back in Dublin by Oct. ist, 1407,° but soon afterwards he
seems to have returned to England. The young Earl of
Ormonde was appointed Lord Justice," the task of governing
Ireland was entrusted to Sir Edward Ferrers,8 as Deputy-
Lieutenant during the King's pleasure, and another Parliament

1 GLAUS., 8 H. IV., 22. 2PAT., n H. IV., 2, 22, shows that Scrope
was at Trim on April ist, 1407. 3 WAKE, 66. 4 LOCH CE, n., 123 ; FOUR
MASTERS, m., 791. 5 HOLINS., 74. Yong refers to a similar miracle
when James, second Earl of Ormonde, slaughtered the Irish on the Red
Moor of Athy. — GILBERT, FACSIMILES, 118. 6 PAT., n H. IV., 2, 22.
7 WARE, 66. Yet on his letters of general-attorney, dated Mar. ist, 1409,
he is not so styled. — CAL. ROT. HIB., 190. 8 Appointed Sept. 29th, 1407.
— PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 10 (June 28th, 1407). For previous grants to him
see GRAVES, 158, &c. Yong calls him the good knight.— GILBERT, FAC-
SIMILES, 118. On Jan. 25th, 1410, he and his wife Joan were allowed
a market every Tuesday at their town of Newcastle MacCormekian. —
CAL. ROT. HIB., 194.

164 Ireland under Lord Thomas. [CHAP. LXXIII.

was held in Dublin. On March 8th, 1408,* Prince Thomas,
being then in London, though still Captain of Guines,- put his
hand to an indenture agreeing to accept 7000 marks (^4666
135. 4d.) per annum for the government of Ireland for the next
three years, in place of the ^6000 ;{ per annum which had been
previously stipulated. But it mattered little what they stipu-
lated, for the payments were always in arrear. His claim
against the Exchequer had now risen to ^2o,ooo,4 and he
urged feelingly that he had just had to borrow ;£6oo from
the Genoese merchants to meet his Christmas bills.

About this time it was decided that as the land was being
depleted of labourers ° who were passing across to work in
England, every English parish ° should send over a man and
his wife to occupy the waste lands on the Irish Marches, though
they would need to have been a very hardy couple indeed to
volunteer for such a risky exchange. Arrangements were like-
wise to be made for protecting traders on the eastern coasts of
Ireland against plunderers who were always at work from the
Western Isles of Scotland. For this purpose negotiations were
taken up with Donald, Lord of the Isles, and his brother
John of Islay. We have already "seen them in 1400 and 1401
treating with the King of England on equal terms, and in
subsequent documents 8 the Lord of the Isles is recognized as

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 313 ; PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 26 ; REC. ROLL, 10 H.
IV., PASCH. (May i8th, 1409) ; Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH. (May2oth,
1409). >2FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 18 (Feb. i2th, 1408); Iss. ROLL, n H.
IV., MICH. (Nov. 3oth, 1409) ; PAT., n H. IV., 2, 13 (June 2oth, 1410).
3 RYM., viii., 431. * PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 18, Jan. 26th, 1408. He was still
petitioning for payment of arrears in 1410.— ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 339.
5 In ii H. IV. a Statute of Labourers was passed in an Irish Parlia-
ment forbidding shippers to carry husbandmen from Ireland without
leave.— KILKENNY ARCH^EOL. Soc. PROCEEDINGS, in., 44. 6 CAREW
MSS., 387. 7 Vol. I., pp. 129, 170. For MacDonnell of the Isles see
SAVAGES OF THE ARDS, 79. »RYM., ix., 93, 401.

1407.] The Lord of the Isles. 165

perfectly independent of the Crown of Scotland, making
separate alliances as suited his own interests and policy. He
ruled over Mull, Skye, Rathlin and the Out-Isles,1 as well as
Kintire, Knapdale, Argyle and Lochaber, with the coasts of
Ayr and Galloway, and far up into the Clyde at Paisley,
while by marriage- he claimed the great earldom of Ross with
the town of Inverness. He made his attacks upon the
" foreigners in Alba " :{ (i.e., the Scots) with as much impar-
tiality as upon the English in Cumberland or Ulster. Early
in Henry's reign Lord Donald had made descents upon the
coasts of Ulster, where his family had long claimed * rights as
High Constables. In the summer of 1400 the Constable of
Dublin Castle with an English fleet came down upon the
plunderers at Strangford ; 5 but the English were worsted, and
lost many men in the encounter. The negotiations of 1400
and 1401 were probably hastened by this disaster. But what-
ever understanding may have been come to at the time, the
rovers did not cease their attacks. In 1403 it was reported
that the town of Carrickfergus (5 was totally burned ; and we
have already " seen that the warfare was continued in the two
following years. In Sept., 1407^ attempts were made to
secure a more friendly understanding, the negotiators on the

1 " De forinsecis insulis."- — CAL. ROT. HIB., 178. 2 DOUGLAS, 360.
For a document dated Inverness, Feb. i8th, 1406, sanctioning the build-
ing of Kilravock Castle, and signed by "John of Yle (i.e., Islay), Earl of
Ross, and Lord of the Isles," see G. T. CLARK, MIL. ARCH., i., 171,
quoting INNIS, SKETCHES, 444. 3 LOCH CE, n., 137. 4 FOUR MASTERS,
in., 629. 5 HOLINS., 73. c CAL. ROT. HIB., July 2nd, 1403, allows
burgesses loos, from their customs to rebuild the town. On Oct. i2th,
1406, the castle was still in great danger, when Geoffrey Bentley was
appointed Constable during the minority of the Earl of March. — Ibid.,
185. On Jan. aoth and March ist, 1409, Nicholas Orell is Constable. —
Ibid., 190, 193. 7 Vol. II., pp. 66, 136. 8 RYM., vni., 418, where the
year should be 1407 (not 1405).— CHRON. OF MAN, n., 415.

1 66

Ireland under Lord Thomas, [CHAP. LXXIII.

English side being the Admiral Janico Dartas1 and John
Dongan,2 Bishop of Down;H and on May 8th, i4o8,4 Dartas
and Sir Christopher Preston5 were authorized to conclude a
peace and alliance with the Lord of the Isles. But precautions
were by no means relaxed; for in 1410 we have a note that
cementers were hired to build a warship at Drogheda to
operate against the Scots, and two Deputy-Admirals were
appointed to guard the south and west coasts, from Wicklow
Head to Slepe's Island.0

On May 3oth, I4o8,7 it was known that Prince Thomas
would soon cross again to take up the command in Ireland;
and a week before this, orders8 were sent out for barges,
balingers and other vessels to be ready at Liverpool and
Chester. News of his coming and of the great preparations

1 Vol. I., pp. 83, 227 ; Vol. II., p. 134. He was steward to Henry
when Earl of Derby in 1392. — DERBY ACCTS., LV., 108, where he is called
Jenico or Janico Dartache. On Oct. 2jth, 1399, he gave up some com-
promising state documents then in his possession (KAL. AND INV., n.,
81), and was granted a pension of 100 marks per annum on Nov. zoth,
1399. — Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH., Nov. aoth, 1405 ( — £100, ibid., Feb.
27th, 1406), but GLAUS., 13 H. IV., 8, July i3th, 1412, shows that it was
in arrear since Easter, 1405, and has order to the Sheriff of London to
pay it. PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 7, Aug. 26th, 1412, has grant to him of i2d.
per day. In 1408, 1413, and 1422 he is Steward of Ulster ; cf. GAL. ROT.
HIB., 172, 174. He was still in Ireland in 1422 (IRISH ACAD., xix., 52),
and he died in 1426. — SAVAGES OF THE ARDS, 139. He had a son called
Janico. — GAL. ROT. HIB., 190; PAT., n H. IV., 2, 28 (Apr. i4th, 1410).
For grants to him of manor of Ardmulgan, Go. Meath, Apr. 7th, 1407,
see GAL. ROT. HIB., 186 ; also Holt Gastle in Denbighshire, i H. V.,
HARRIS, HIBERNIA, n., 155. For an order to him dated Nov. ist, 1405,
to ship horses to Ireland from Liverpool, Ghester, and Denwall near
Neston on the Dee, see ORMEROD, n. , 582. For Jeannicot ( = Jean)
see CABARET, 222, -238, 248. 2 In 1401 and 1405 he was Steward of the
Gross and Liberty of Ulster, with power to treat with certain Scots, Irish,
and rebel English.- GAL. ROT. HIB., 160, 179. :l Not Deny, as T.
MOORE, in., 145. He had been translated to Down in 1395, and died
in 1412. — H. COTTON, in., 200. 4 RYM., vni., 527. 5 Vol. II., p. 137.
(i Slepesyland.— GAL. ROT. HIB., 193, 194. ' PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 22.
- Ibid., m. 28, May 22nd, 1408.

1408.] Carlingford, 167

of the English Government were forwarded1 over by some
wide-awake Irishmen who were studying at Oxford. On July
nth'2 the Exchequer allotted ,£140 to pay for the passage of
the troops ; and on Aug. 2nd8 the Prince set sail, accompanied
by Sir Stephen Scrope, Gilbert Lord Talbot,4 and others, in-
cluding Sir John Dabridgecourt,5 or Dabrycoat, a member of
a Hainault family, who had just been naturalized ° for his long
services to King Henry and his house. The party landed at
Carlingford,7 and reached Dublin in the week following. The
first official act of the Lieutenant was to seize the Earl of
Kildare and his three sons, and imprison them in Dublin
Castle for attempting to dispute the royal prerogative. It is
not known in what their offence consisted, but there is an
entry in the English Chancery Rolls, dated Jan. 26th, I4o6,s

1 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, m. 8, July 26th, !4o8. - Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV.,
PASCH. 3 LOCH CE, n., 125 ; FOUR MASTERS, n., 795 ; HOLINS., 75 ; WARE,
66. 4 PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 26 (Nov. 28th, 1407) has permission for him to be in
Ireland for one year. 5 PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 1 1. For grant to him of manors
of Eskyr, Newcastle near I/yons, and Tassagard (or Saggart, Vol. II., p.
136), with 100 marks per annum for nine years from Sept. 23rd, 1408, see
CAL. ROT. HIB., 187. 6 He was born in England, and had stayed in
England since his youth. He was naturalized (March 3rd, 1407) for his
services to Edward III. and John of Gaunt, and to the Lord Thomas be-
yond the sea (i.e., in 1405). — PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 5 ; WOODWARD, m., 275.
He was an executor of the will of John of Gaunt. — WILLS OF KINGS, 163 ;
TEST. EBOR., i., 234; GIBBONS, 100. He joined Henry as soon as he
landed at Ravenser. — Due. LANC. REG., xxvni., 4, 2, APP. A. On March
23rd, 1390, he fought in the lists at St. Inglevert. — PICHON, 71 ; FROIS.,
xiv., 106, 136. For his will dated Wimborne, April 2oth, 1415, see
GIBBONS, LINC., 117; GENEALOGIST, v., 329; see also FROIS., xx., 199.
7 For the tradition of the King's Seat from which the Lord Thomas
is said to have enjoyed the view over Carlingford Lough, see MURRAY'S
IRELAND, 39. The entrance to the Lough was secured by the two
castles of Carlingford-in-Cooley and Greencastle. For appointment of
Stephen Gernon as Constable of both castles, April 28th, 1400, see CAI..
ROT. HIB., 156, 160. On Dec. i2th, 1401, 40 crannocks of wheat and
oats were granted to victual both castles. — Ibid., 161. On June 3rd, 1407,
John More is Constable of both castles during the minority of the Earl
of March. — Ibid., 186. For position of Carlingford in a valley surrounded
by wooded mountains divided by an arm of the sea, see ibid., 196.
s PAT., 7 H. IV., 12. Bray was ultimately appointed Feb. 6th, i joy.
—PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 13.

168 Ireland under Lord Thomas. [CHAP. LXXIII.

cancelling the appointment of Stephen Bray as Chief Justice
of Ireland made when the Earl of Kildare was in power,1 on
the ground that the nomination rested with the King's Lieu-
tenant and his Deputy. Prince Thomas then led a hosting a
little way into Leinster ; but he was wounded at Kilmainham,
and had a narrow escape for his life.

The pestilence was devastating Ireland, and Sir Stephen
Scrope 2 fell a victim at Castledermot on Sept. 4th, 1408.^
Four months afterwards (Jan. i3th, 1409) 4 his widow Milicent 5
married John Fastolf,6 a Norfolk man, 30 years of age,7 who
was then serving as a squire8 in Ireland. The Earl of Kildare

1 Vol. II., p. 133. 2 LOCH C£, ii., 125 ; WARE, 66. 3 His will, dated
Jan. 6th, 1406 (proved at Lambeth, Dec. 2nd, 1409, GENEALOGIST, vi.,
127), is printed in SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 50, and TEST. EBOR., in.,
38 ; see also TEST. VET., i., 157. One editor places his death on Feb.
loth, 1408, the other on Feb. loth, 1409 ; but the day is fixed as St.
Marcel the Martyr (i.e., Sept. 4th) in WARE, 66, and HOLINS., 75.
The only reference to Ireland in the will seems to be a legacy of £20
to Magister de Rosse, qui fuit arestatus apud Watreforth, i.e., Water-
ford, though the editor supposes it to be Water Fulford, near York.
For Scrope's claim for expenses for three-quarters of a year as
Deputy for Thomas of Lancaster see ADD. CH., 18225. He had with
him 49 men-at-arms and 251 archers (reading xijxx, not xijcc as in
HISTORY OF CASTLECOMBE, 138). His claim amounts to £3254 125. 6d.,
including £66 135. 4d., expenses of the Earls of Ormonde and Desmond,
then in hospitio suo existentes (i.e., in 1407, according to NICHOLAS in
SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 50). Against this he has only received ,£1966
6s. 8d., the remainder he hopes to get from subsidies and customs.
4ANSTis., i., 141; BLOMEFIELD, v., 1550; not 1408, as DICT. NAT.
BIOG., xviii., 235. 5 HOLINS., 74 ; SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 47. For
" Mylisand " see MON. FRAN., 260. 6 For notice of him see PASTON
LETTERS, i., LXXXVII., cxii. ; JAMES, 137; HUNTER, NEW ILLUSTRA-
TIONS, ii., 41; FULLER, WORTHIES, ii., 131; BIOGR. BRIT., in., 1899;
HALLIWELL, ON CHARACTER OF SIR JOHN FALSTAFFE ; FORTNIGHTLY
REV., 2nd Ser., XIIL, 334; NOTES AND QUERIES, 7th Ser., XL, 269; GENT.
MAG., May, 1887, pp. 428-446; MORLEY, vi., 155. ~ ANSTIS, i., 133, 136.
8 In PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 12, he has letters of protection in Ireland
dated Nov. i7th, 1408 ; see WORCESTER, 452 ; WARS OF ENGLISH IN
FRANCE, IL, 759. In GENT. MAG., May, 1887, p. 430, is a document
dated London, April i4th, 1406, in which Thomas of Lancaster, as
Lieutenant of Ireland, grants the office of Chief Butler of Ireland to John
Fastolf and John Radclef, esquires, from Jan. ist, 1406, during the

1409.] Deputy Thomas Butler. 169

was released on paying a fine of 300 marks, and Stephen Bray
remained Chief Justice of Ireland. MacMorough l and
O'Connor returned to their trade, and plundered on to their
hearts' content. The walls of Waterford, Kilmallock and Gort
were destroyed, and large allowances 2 had to be made from the
customs for their repair. The Lord Thomas held a Parliament
at Kilkenny on Jan. i3th, 1409,* and was back in Dublin by
March ist,4 but on March 9th 5 he was recalled to England on
account of his father's illness, leaving Thomas Butler,6 Prior of
the Order of St. John of Jerusalem at Kilmainham,7 to be his
deputy for three months, on the understanding that no land
should be granted away by him of the value of more than ^40.
When a year had elapsed since Lord Thomas had accepted
the new conditions of payment he received (May 20th, 1409) 8
his first annual stipend of 7000 marks, together with .£3000 in
part payment of his arrears ; and on Aug. i8th, 1409^ it was

minority of the young Earl of Ormonde; N. AND Q., 7th Ser., XL, 335,
432. In a document dated Kilmainham, Sept. yth, 1402 (3 H. IV.), Lord
Thomas grants him two forfeited horses. — CAL. ROT. HIB., 165. For a
letter of Thomas dated Kilmainham, Sep. 5th (no year, but possibly 1402)
see ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 71. Several documents are dated from Kilmain-
ham in Sept., Oct., and Nov., 1402, and Ardee in Dec., 1402. The Lord
Thomas witnessed a document at Dublin, Oct 2ist, 1402. — CAL. ROT.
HIB., 172 ; see Vol. I., p. 232.

1 FOUR MASTERS, n., 797. -CAL. ROT. HIB., 190, 192; GRAVES, 266.
•"WARE, 66; GUTCH, i., 38. For reference to a letter addressed to
him in Hibernia existenti, see Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Dec. 4th,

1408. 4PAT., II H. IV.. 2, 22. 5CAL. ROT. HlB., IQI, 192; GILBERT,

VICEROYS, 300; DEVON, 310; LOCH CK, n., 127 ; PRIV. SEAL, 650/6774,
Jan. 7th, 1411. John Hertilpoole, his chancellor, gets the prebend of
Lusk, in St. Patrick's, Dublin, in succession to Thomas Bache, who was
Archdeacon of Meath in 1403, (CAL. ROT. HIB., 176, 177,) and Precen-
tor of St. Patrick's in 1408, (H. COTTON, n., no.) 6 For indenture dated
June ist, 1409, see PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 17 ; PRIV. SEAL, 650/6702, dated
Nov. ist, 1410, refers to Butler as still deputy for the Lord Thomas.
7 Vol. II., p. 129; BLACK BOOK OF ADMIRALTY, i., 387; KUNZE, 198.
8REc. AND Iss. ROLLS, 10 H. IV., PASCH. ; Iss. ROLL, 11 H. IV.,
PASCH., June i6th, 1410, has payment to him of £3983 6s. 8d. assigned
May 2oth, 1409. ^ORD. PRIV. Co., i.,32o; TYLER, i., 254.

ijo Ireland under Lord Thomas. [CHAP, i.xxin.

proposed in the Council at Westminster that Sir John Stanley
should take his place, handing over to him 2000 marks yearly
from the revenues of Ireland, to be supplemented by another
1000 marks from the King. But this arrangement fell through,
and the Lord Thomas remained nominally Lieutenant of
Ireland with Prior Butler as his deputy. On March i8th,
1410, Lawrence Merbury1 ceased to be Chancellor of Ireland,
and his place was taken by Patrick Barrett,'2 Bishop of Ferns.
But the new Chancellor's hands were already too full elsewhere.
He was busy building a castle at Mountgarret :{ on the Barrow,
near New Ross, and he found himself so much occupied with
the government of County Wexford that on May 4th, 141 2, 4
he had to appoint Robert Sutton to act as his deputy. He
died on Nov. loth, 1415, 5 and was buried in the Abbey of
Kells.

One of the first acts of the new Deputy- Lieutenant, Thomas
Butler, was to endeavour to enforce the Statute of Dublin,0
which forbade the keeping of kernes, coigns, hoblers and
idlemen in time of peace except on the marches, and so to
reduce unruly subjects in the neighbourhood of Dublin. On
Sept. 6th, I4O9,7 he appointed Sir Edward Ferrers to be his
chief lieutenant, with the title of Overseer of all the guardians
of the peace. On May i8th, 14 io,8 a Parliament met in
Dublin, and again enacted that no Irishman should leave the
country without permission, and that all masters of ships would

1 On April 28th, 1409, he has letters of general-attorney. -C.\L. ROT.
HIB., 191. 2PAT., ii H. IV., i, i ; though in PAT., 12 H. IV., 18, the
appointment seems to be dated March igth, 1411. He is still chancellor,
May 20th, 1411. — Ibid., m. 13. 3CAL. ROT. HIB., 193, May gth, 1409.
On Aug. 28th, 1409, he has leave of absence for two years. — Ibid., 192 ;
cf. Vol. II., p. 146. 4CAL. ROT. HIB., 199. 5 H. COTTON, n., 334.
"Vol. II., p. 142; CAL. ROT. HIB., 193. "GAL. ROT. HIB., 194. 8 /.<-.,
Wednesday before Trinity Sunday.

1412.] Butler's Arrest. 171

be liable to a penalty if they carried labourers or servants with-
out special leave. In the same year the English in Westmeath,
led by the Justiciar, captured the castle of Moybreckrie l from
the O'Farrells ; but the success was only momentary, and in
April, 141 2, 2 the Sheriff of Meath was taken prisoner by the
O'Connors, and only released on payment of a heavy ransom.
In the same year also the O'Farrells burnt the town of Fore :!
in Westmeath. The City of Dublin was so impoverished by
sickness and attacks of the Irish that an abatement of ^20 from
its annual due of 200 marks had been allowed for 10 years
since 1403, and the remission was now extended4 for 12 years
further. The loyalists of County Wexford met at Ross, and
voted 300 marks for defence at Kilkenny ; 6s. 8d. was levied
on each hide of cultivated land, and arrangements were made
for strengthening the walls of Dundalk.5 On May 4th, 1412,"
the Deputy was at Naas, and on May i4th 7 it was announced
that he was about to start to attack the rebels in County
Dublin, Meath, Louth, Kildare, and Carlow. But these great
plans had no result; for on Aug. ist8 he was cited to appear
in London before Michaelmas, and on the same day an order"
was made out for his arrest. This summons he appears not to
have obeyed, and a further order was issued, on Nov. 2oth,
141 2, 10 requiring him peremptorily to be in London by Candle-
mas next (Feb. 2nd, 1413), and calling upon Chief Justice
Bray to see that his place as Deputy-Lieutenant was
adequately filled in the meantime.

1 FOUR MASTERS, m., 803; LOCH CE, n., 604. - FOUR MASTERS,
in., 807; LOCH CE, ii., 137 ; WARE, 67. :: LOCH C£, n., 141. 4 Vol. I.,
p. 226; CAL. ROT. HIB., 197, Feb. i2th, 1411. 5Ibid., 200. The country
between Carlingford and Dundalk was all laid waste by the O'Neills,
Magennises and O'Hanlans. — Ibid., 174. 6 PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 12. 7 CAL.
ROT. HIB., 199. «CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 5. 9 PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 26; the
order is addressed to Sir John Barry, Janico Dartas, Stephen Drax, Chris-
topher Holiwood, and others. 10 CLAUS., 14 H. IV., 25 d.

CHAPTER LXXIV.
TRAVEL.

THE general calm that was settling over English affairs
is indicated by the number of knights and nobles who
started about this time to travel beyond sea. Two centuries
before, it was reckoned that about forty miles1 of ground
would be covered in a day's journey ; but the almost incredible
speed'2 with which express journeys could be now made is
illustrated by the case of Thomas de la Croix,:i who was in
London on March i9th, 1406, and six days afterwards presented
himself in Milan,4 having travelled a distance of 600 miles as

1 GlRALD., V., 24; DUCKETT, CLUNIAC VISITATIONS, p. 1O. In P.

MEYER, 394, the knight starts at 10 a.m., and travels 30 miles before
night. Members of Parliament were supposed to travel at the rate of 20
miles a day. — Vol. II., p. 477, note 6. In 1447 Mayor Shillingford left
Exeter on Wednesday morning at six, and reached London on Saturday
morning at seven, travelling 150 miles in three days.— SHILLINGFORD'S
LETTERS, 67 ; A. S. GREEN, i., 346. In BRACTON, in., 584, a day's
journey is 20 miles. "2 For speed of 100 miles a day on Roman roads see
GIBBON (editn. 1797), i., 83, quoting LIBANIUS, ORAT., xxn. For a jour-
ney from Lyons to York in 10 days in 1316 see JUSSERAND, 228. Cf.
" For that he bereth but a boxe a brevet therynne." — P. PLO., C., xiv.,
33 ; JUSSERAND, 230. Anglure left Paris July i6th, 1395, crossed Mont
Cenis, and arrived in Asti on July 2gth. — ANGLURE, 2. In 1421 Henry
V. travelled from Rouen to Dover in one day, and on the next day he
arrived at Westminster, having covered about 200 miles in two days.-
TYLER, n., 287; see also Vol. I., p. 95. yHe fought at Shrewsbury and
received compensation for his losses. — Due. LANC. REG., XXVIIL, 4, 3,
APP. A. He is one of the few specially named in the King's will as one
that had served him well and truly. — WILLS OF KINGS, 204. For refer-
ence to him, Thomaxinus de Cruce, as a squire of the Duke of Milan in
1405, see HARL. MS., 431, 15 (10 b). 4 RYM., x., 138. Adam of Usk
left Billingsgate on Feb. igth, 1402, crossed in one day to Bergen-op-

1408.] Pilgrims. 173

the crow flies, or an average of 100 miles a day, including the
Channel and the Alps, which to the mediaeval traveller were a
very hell upon earth,1 in the storms of the opening spring.

Through the enterprise of the hackneyman 'J the means of
posting along the trunk roads leading to Italy3 had been
brought to high perfection for all who could pay for speed and
comfort ; while every day bands of poorer wanderers begged
their way barefoot by divers paths to Rome 4 for their souls'
health.5 Every year many cog-loads 6 of English pilgrims were

Zoom in the Scheldt, arrived at Bellinzona at the head of Lago Maggiore
on March i8th, and in Rome on April 5th. But he had bitterly cold
weather in crossing the St. Gothard, and stayed two days to rest his
horses wherever he found a first class inn (in omni notabili hospitio). —
USK, 72. In 1363 a journey from Avignon to Calais takes 18 days. — HIST.
MSS., 2nd KEPT., 140; ROGERS, i., 137; u., 632. The journey across
France from the Alps to Calais was usually reckoned at 17 days (CHALCO.,
91), though couriers could get from Avignon to Paris in five days. —
FAUCON, i., x. In ITIN., p. v., the Duke of Burgundy travels from
Dijon to Paris (about 170 miles) in three days. Henry IV., when Earl
of Derby, left Milan on May i7th, 1393, and reached London on July
5th, travelling very leisurely. — DERBY ACCTS., LXVIII., LXXI., LXXVIII.,
LXXIX.

1 Un enfer en ce monde. — DESCHAMPS, vu., 66. Many kunnynge
men and able ben dede by the weie, what with traveile and cold and
other myschefes and enemyes and efte raunsonyd. — WYCL. (M.), 66.
2 A. S. GREEN, i., 209; CUNNINGHAM, i., 278. For "hakenay," see
DERBY ACCTS., 31, 163 ; PRUTZ, LIII., 30. 3For stations and distances
between Rome and Calais see ARNOLD, 241 ; CUNNINGHAM, i., 185.
4 SHARPE, n., xxvm., 107; CHAUCER (S.), iv., 176. In 1411 Gregory,
an extern brother of the Brigittines at Wadstena, had begged 150 nobles
in Norway and elsewhere in crossing to Rome. — FANT.. i., 130. 5 GIB-
BONS, LINC., 29, 62, 66, 114; ANGLIA, v., 34; P. PLO., xvn., 39; xx., 218.
6FR. ROLL, 13 H. IV., 17, Feb. i4th, 1412, refers to St. Saviourcogg
of Dartmouth, carrying 60 pilgrims to Galicia. In Feb., 1413, a barge,
the Mary of Kingswear, carries 40. — RYM., vm., 775. In FR. ROLL, 14
H. IV., i, 2, Feb. 24th, 1413, the James of Plymouth carries 50. For
larger vessels for 200 pilgrims temp. Hy. VI., see CUNNINGHAM, i., 370.
For prohibition to Venetian merchant galleys against carrying pilgrims,
see VEN. STATE PP., i., 46. In CLAUS., 14 H. IV., 7 d, 9 d ; PRIV. SEAL,
656/7336, the Kok Johan of Bristol is called a navis, i.e., a large ship. For
" cog-jon," see DEP. KEEP., 3&th REPT., 105; " cogship," PRIV. SEAL,
655/7299; " cogge," CHAUC. (S.), HI., 134, 327. In HIRSCH, DANZIG,
263, a " kogge " is a sea-vessel as opposed to a river-craft.

174 Travel. [CHAP. LXXIV.

shipped from Dartmouth or Plymouth to Corunna, to visit the
shrine of St. James at Compostella.1 The wonders of Jeru-
salem, Constantinople, and Egypt were also open to all who
could face the cost and unease of a passage over the Great
Sea,- and for these the starting-point was usually Venice,
whence six weeks' 8 voyage would bring them to Alexandria,
and three or four days more to Cairo. This route was taken
in 1392 by Sir Thomas Swinburn,4 who records his wonder at
the sight of an elephant, a giraffe, and " cocodrills " as long as
a man. He crossed the desert, where he saw the fig-tree5
beneath which the Virgin Mother rested on her way down to
Egypt. He was shown her head and two large arm bones at
Sinai, where the monks swarmed 6 with fleas which never bit
them. Or the pious pilgrim might pass to the Holy Land and
see the cave at Hebron where God made Adam, the place
where Cain killed Abel, and the stone where Jacob dreamed
his ladder. At Bethlehem he could look at the crache " where
the infant Jesus lay, with His tub and His swaddling clothes.
At Jerusalem he would find the same in duplicate, or he
could peep into the house where the rich man lived when he
refused the crumbs to Lazarus, and the chapel where David
wrote the Psalms.8 He could then see Adam's head 9 and the
table 10 which was used at the Last Supper ; the post at which
the Lord was scourged ; the Calvary where St. Helen found
the stump of the Cross ; the stone that was rolled away from

1 Called St. James in Gales in MYROURE, LI. ; or Galys, P. PLO., i.,
48; v., 124; viii., 166; RYM., x., 567; cf. "In Galice at Seint James,"
CHAUCER, PROL., 468 ; " la voye en Galice," DESCHAMPS, vin., 330.
2 GOWER, CONF., 129, 171, 193, 347. 3Anglure sailed from Venice on
Aug. 2gth, 1395, and landed at Beyrout Sep. 24th.— ANGLURE, 10.

4 Vol. II., p. 55, note 7; ORIENT LATIN, n. , 378; ROEHRICHT, 113.

5 ANGLURE, 58. &Ibid., 49. 7 CHESTER PLAYS, i., in. 8 ANGLURE, 23.
9 Ibid,, 26. 10For a fragment of it in Lincoln Cathedral, see ARCH^.O-

LOGIA, LIII., 7, l8.

1408.] Holy Places. 175

the Sepulchre, and another one with Jesus' footprints left on it as
He ascended into Heaven ; and the countless Holy Places *
where they took backsheesh from the credulous Christian at
every step of his road.2 He could go on to Jericho or the
Jordan or Damascus, to see the hole in the wall where Paul
was let down by a rope (per spartum), and when he had made
his way to Beyrout to take ship for his return he could take a
look at the spot where Noah built the Ark and St. George
killed the Dragon.

A modern writer has laboriously collected the evidence
supplied by mediaeval travellers of their experience in those
distant lands, and the picture -' is a mixed one. The galleys
usually carried a barber-surgeon,4 and Mass was sung at
starting. On the calmer days the pilgrims, who were often
criminals convicted of rape 5 or other desperate offences, played
cards or dice,fi or listened to the sailors' yarns about the sea-
serpent and the fish a mile long ; but before they reached their
port of landing they had much to tell of sea-sickness,"
fleas,8 rats, filthiness, hair-breadth scapes from storms and
pirates, lurching and rolling of the ship with the passengers
lying on the top of each other,9 or packed in a close dark

1 ANGLURE, 13; JUSSERAND, 400. '2 PRUTZ, xciv. ; ROHRICHT, 8;
JUSSERAND, 399 ; though Miss L. T. Smith thinks that the " religious
dues " in Jerusalem were very light. — DERBY ACCTS., LXIV. 3 ROHRICHT,
passim ; BESANT (LoND., 48 ; WHITTINGTON, 102) looks upon pilgrimages
as " delightful expeditions in which every kind of pleasure was found."
4 ROHRICHT, 15. 5 Quiconque enlevera une femme ou aidera a 1'enlever
ne pourra rentrer en ville apres avoir fait un pelerinage en Galice. —
COMPTE RENDU, yth Ser., in., 256. 6 For games with dice on board
ship see DERBY ACCTS., 115 ; PRUTZ, XLIII., LVIII., 35, 107. " Cf. Vol.
II., p. 387, note 5 ; P. PLO., i., 50. PILGRIM'S SEA VOYAGE AND SEA-
SICKNESS (circ. 1370), quoted in H. M. PERCIVAL, NOTES TO FAERIE
QUEENE, p. 324. 8 ANGLURE, 112.

9 L'un mettre a bort 1'autre desgosiller
L'un dessus 1'autre et venir et aler.
Et soy bouter en soulte u fons aval
Pour le tempest. — DESCHAMPS, iv., 309.

176 Travel. [CiiAP. LXXIV.

cabin * approached by a ladder, shifting sails, foul water, bad
biscuit,'2 warm flat wine, and bread :! breeding worms and as hard
as a stone. After landing at Jaffa and paying their gifts to the
sandjak, they made their way on donkeys4 to Ramleh, and
thence to the Holy City afoot. Fourteen days was the usual
stay,5 including the journey from Jaffa to Jerusalem and back,
during all which time they were supposed to be under strict
regulations. They must always take a Turkish guide,6 never
run over Turkish graves or laugh aloud, and not be seen
drinking wine.7 But however excellent these rules look on
paper, their practical effect was little. Pilgrimages were often
scenes of the grossest immorality even in the holiest of the
Holy Places ; and the Jerusalem-farer,8 with his " scrip bretful of
lies,''" !) was a caution to all decent folks in the mediaeval world.
So long as the Christian visitors acted discreetly there
was no risk of unpleasant conflicts with the Infidels, who

1 Vol. II., p. 449 ; GOWER, CONF., 419 ; PRUTZ, xci. ; DERBY ACCTS.,
xxxiv., 20, 21, 26, 76, 157, 281. 2 II me convient aux et becuit riffler. —
DESCHAMPS, iv., 309. Pro vi mattes ad cooperiendum le biscwhit in
galeia. — DERBY ACCTS., 222. a Adieu, pain fres! — DESCHAMPS, iv., 309.

4JUSSERAND, 398; ROHRICHT, 22, 65 ; DERBY ACCTS., 225, 226 ; PRUTZ,

xcin. 5 ROHRICHT, 28. For St. Brigit's journey to Jerusalem in 1372,
see ACT. SANCT., Oct. 8th, p. 454. fi ROHRICHT, 22 ; PRUTZ, xcin.

7 For contrast between the luxury of the Christians and the abstemious-
ness of the Saracens, cf. : —

L'eaue clere et un pou de pain
Est grand diner d'un Sarrazin,
Sy ne cure de noble vin
Ni de char qui soit de saison. —

BONET, APPARITION, 23.

8 " Hike dich vor jedem Jerusalemfahrer " ; " Wahlfahrt bringt keyn
wolfahrt," &c., &c. — ROHRICHT, 22 ; " renne thow nevere forther to Rome
ne to Rochemadore." — P. PLO., B.. xn., 37 ; JUSSERAND, 364; " pilgrim-
age is mene for to do lecherie. "—\VYCL. (A.), i., 83 ; cf. Vol. I., p. 195.

Car le voyage d'oultremer

A fait en amours maint dommage. —

PISAN, i., 56.

9 CHAUC. (S.), iv., 63 ; JUSSERAND, 223 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 119.

1408.] jferusateiui ijj

made large profits out of them. But there was a limit even to
Mussulman patience ; and when four Grey Friars made it their
business to provoke the Cadi at Jerusalem by telling him that
the Koran was all lies, and the Prophet a glutton and a
murderer, it is not surprising to hear that they were beaten to
death, and their bodies cut up and thrown into a fire, the logs
being heaped on by the exasperated mob all day, and the
ashes kicked and scattered about at night.1

But the mere love of travel 2 for its own sake was keenly
astir in all active minds, and those who could afford it made
journeys of real hazard and adventure. On Oct. 3rd, 1407,'
Geoffrey Scrope, brother to the Lord of Masham, was start-
ing for "distant parts." On Dec. 2oth,4 Eudo de Welle
was going to travel abroad; and about Aug. 3rd, 1408, Sir
Henry Fitzhugh'' set out for Prussia, taking spears, arrows, and

1 ORIENT LATIN, i., 546. '* For books of travel see JEAN LELONG in

CHAMPOLLION-FlGEAC, 138; BROCQUIERE, BREYDENBACH, RUYSBROEK,

&c. For Iceland (said to have been discovered by Robert Bacon of
Cromer), see HERALD AND GENEAL., vn., 71. For China see BRET-
SCHNEIDER, MEDIEVAL RESEARCHES FROM EASTERN SOURCES. 3 FR.
ROLL, 9 H. IV., 22. 4 Ibid., m. 20. 5 CLAUS., 9 H. IV., i. In PAT., n
H. IV., i, 14 d, 20 d, Nov. 28th, 1409, he is on a commission to inquire
as to offenders who drove off 112 cattle from Nunwick and Norton Conyers,
near Ripon, to Hartlington in Craven, where they killed some and sold
others. In CLAUS., n H. IV., 38, Oct. 24th, 1409, he has permission to
ship 12 bows, 20 sheaf of arrows, 6 dozen bowstrings, and a stained cloth
to Rhodes (cf. RYM., vin., 605), to stock the new castle of St. Pierre,
which the Grand Master had just built at Budrum, on the site of the
ancient Halicarnassus, to protect the island against the Turks. — VERTOT,
i. , 306. For his arms still on the castle, see PROCEEDINGS OF Soc. OF
ANTIQUARIES, 2nd Ser., xiv., 286. Cf. Apud Rhodes redeundo per manus
Mowbray Herald, pro viii. tabulis per ipsum emptis ibidem pro scochons
domini (i.e., Henry) militum et scutiferorum suorum faciendis in castello.
Item pro pictura dictarum tabularum. Item ad pendendum dictas tabu-
las in castello et pro cheynes clavis hokes. — DERBY ACCTS., LXVI., 227 ;
PRUTZ, xcvn., Feb., 1393. Item per manus Mowbray le Herald, pro viii.
scochons armorum domini factis ibidem per eundem, viii. due. — DERBY
ACCTS., 283.

M

I78 Travel. [CHAP. LXXIV.

other artillery for a raid on the Letts.^In May'2 of the
same year the Earl of Warwick (Richard Beauchamp) had
started to perform vows and pilgrimages to which he had
pledged himself some time before. Taking with him "good
provision of English cloth,'' " both scarlet :{ and other cloth of
colour," and furred gowns of black puke,4 as suitable presents
to be dispensed by the way, he crossed the Channel with a

1 For popularity of this sport see GILBERT, 553 ; PRUTZ, ix.-xix., xxxiv.
Cf. "en Pruce vint pluseurs ceste saison." — DESCHAMPS, iv. , 145 ; P. PLO.,
vii., 279. 3 FR. ROLL, 9 H. IV., 13 (May 2nd, 1408) ; CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 17
(April 5th, 1408) ; DUGD., WARW., I., 325. He was in the Chancery at
Westminster on May gth, 1408. — CLAUS., 9 H. IV. From RYM., vin.,
588, we might infer that he was in Wales in May, 1409. On May 2nd,
1410, he was appointed a member of the Council with an allow-
ance of £200 per annum.— Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., Feb. i7th,
1413 ; ROT. PARL., m., 634. His father Thomas died April 8th, 1401.—
Rows ROLL, 48; ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XLV., 247; DEVON, 271. For his
brass at Warwick see GOUGH, in., 5 ; WALLER quoted in ARCH^EOL.
INST., 1846 ; CATALOGUE OF ANTIQUITIES, p. 22. In his will dated
April ist, 1401 (administered May 27th, 1401, ARCH.'EOLOGIA, xxiv., 54;
GENEALOGIST, v., 214 ; vn., 205), he left to his son Richard a silk bed
embroidered with bears, also something wrought with the arms and story
of Guy of Warwick, and the sword and coat of mail " which was that
worthy knight's." — TEST. VET., i., 154. For inventory of his satin
mattresses and beds of Racamat and black velvet see Q. R. WARDROBE,
*f-. The son Richard was born at Salwarp near Droitwich, Jan. 28th, j
1382. — ARCH^EOL. JOURN., xxix., 355. For summary of his life by i
DUGDALE (from Rows) see HEARNE, VIT. R. II., p. 359.*' For his
knighting see STRUTT, ANGEL-CYNNAN, IL, fol. xiv. For his will dated
Aug. 8th, 1437, proved Oct. 26th, 1439, see HEARNE, 240. For his
monument in the Beauchamp Chapel at Warwick see BLORE, STOTHARD,
and ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XLV., 248. The office of Sheriff of Worcester-
shire was hereditary in his family. — PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV. In REC. ROLL,
8 H. IV., PASCH., April 22nd, 1407, Sir John Beauchamp of Holt is sub-
sheriff, also ibid., g H. IV., MICH., Oct. 27th, 1407 ; PASCH., May i5th,
1408. 3Cf. Vol. I., p. 253, note 6. In Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., i, 3, APP.
A., 26^ ells of scarlet cost £7 igs. od. ; for xxbras scarleti Anglici (1393)
see DERBY ACCTS., 284. DEHAISNES, n., 901, has une pieche d'escarlatte
vermeille d'Engleterre en xvi. aulnes <T Arras, £21 i6s. 5d. ; see also
CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 114. In 1397 some pieces of scarlet cloth from
Brussels were specially sent to Bajazet as a present from the Duke of
Burgundy when opening negotiations for the ransom of his son. — BARANTE,
n., 62 : LETTENHOVE, FLANDRE, in., 48. For English cloth dyed scarlet
in Italy see A. S. GREEN, n., 326, from BEKYNTON, i., 230. 4 Not
"peak," as DUGD., i., 243.

1408.] Richard Benuchainp, Ear! of Warwick. 179

chaplain and a suite of attendants. He rode into Paris before
May 21st,1 and was met by the Scottish Earl of Mar,2 with
whom he spent eight days of pleasuring. The two Earls were
present at the mangery at the Louvre on Whitsunday, June
3rd, and the Earl of Warwick then went on with a French
herald to Lombardy. He visited Rome, fought in a tourna-
ment at Verona, :) and reached Venice in the beginning of
August, 1408. Here he took passage on a Beyrout galley,
where the whole of the armoury, the cook-room, and the poop-
scandler 4 had been cleared and chartered to accommodate his
party. They landed at Jaffa, and went up to Jerusalem, where
the Earl was received by the Patriarch's Deputy. He made his
offering at the Holy Sepulchre, and having been licensed to
commune with "the heathen people," was asked to dine with
Balderdain,5 the Lieutenant of Pharadge, the Saracen Sultan °
of Egypt. Balderdain, who was " cunning in many languages,"
took a special interest in a live descendant of the great Sir
Guy7 of romance, "whose life they had there in books of
their language." After 10 days the Earl re-embarked at Jaffa,
sailed back to Venice,8 made his way overland through " Russy
and Lettowe and Poleyn and Spruce,'' and returned by West-
phalia to his own country in the spring of 1409. (j

Other adventures, meanwhile, had befallen his comrade the
Scottish Earl of Mar.9 This royal ruffian was one of the
many bastard10 sons of the ferocious "Wolf of Badenoch," and a

1 MONSTR., i., 256, where " Wilbich " should be "Warwick."
2WvNT., in., 2925. This is probably the same as the "Duke, of Bar"
in Rows, 361. 3 Page 108, note 15 ; not Mantua, as Rows ROLL (No. 50).
For picture of these lists see GARDINER, 297. 4 Amarolus comiti, barcha,
scandolarium pupis.— Cf. YEN. STATE PP., i., 46. 5 Vol. I., p. 316;
" Baltredam." — DUGD., i., 243. 6 For " Soudon," see WYCL. (M.), 98.
7 WARTON, i., 142-145. 8 For his arms on the castle at Budrum see PRO-
CEEDINGS Soc. OF ANTIQUARIES, xiv., 284. 9Vol. II., p. 276. 10 SCOTI-
CHRON., ii., 500.

Travel. [CHAP. LXXIV.

nephew, therefore, of King Robert III. and the Duke of Albany.1
In 1405 he had established himself in the affections of Isabel
Douglas,2 Countess of Mar and the Garioch, by murdering her
husband and forcing her to accept him on his own terms at
Kildrummy on Donside. In 1406 3 he met his match tilting
with the Earl of Kent in Smithfield, and now he had crossed
to Paris with 60 Scottish squires and knights, "all great gentle-
men " according to the chronicler.4 They were inned 5 at the
Tin Plate,0 where they kept open house for 12 weeks, swagger-
ing and singing and dancing and flirting in the favour of the
Duke of Burgundy." After the Whitsun feasts they moved on
to Bruges, intending to cross thence to the Forth. But the
weather was not to their mind, so they joined the Duke of
Burgundy's expedition to punish the " hate-rights" 8 of Liege,
who were besieging their Bishop at Maestricht. The Earl of

1 Vol. II., p. 392. He witnessed a document dated Perth, Oct. 24th,
1407, in which the Duke of Albany calls him " consanguineus noster."-
ERASER, n., 21. 2 See extracts from documents dated Aug. i2th, Sep.
igth, and Dec. gth, 1404, and Jan. 2ist, 1405, in DOUGLAS, PEERAGE,
461; GENEALOGIST, Jan., 1886, pp. 6, 22; REG. MAG. SIG., n., 1239;
DOUGLAS BOOK, i., 288 ; in., 37. :{ Vol. II., p. 461. 4 WYNT. , in., 2900.
Cil de maine ( ? Mar) et maint Ecossays
Y fut en moult nobles envoys. —

POEM ON BATTLE, 246.
Des nobles Ecossois y fu
En cestuy jour que bien le scay
Lors messire Guillaume Hay. —

Ibid., 249-250.

Other names in the list are Sir Alexander de Commach, Andrieu Stewart,
de Huy, Sire Gillebert, Sire Jehan de Sudrelant, Sire Alexandre Diernin,
Jean de Mimez (= cil qui porta labanniere du Comte), Monsieur Jacques
Seveigour, Sire Helis de Guemmont and Jean de Bouteville. 5 Rows in
HEARNE, VIT. Ric. II., 362; STRUTT, ANGEL-CYNNAN, u., 123. 6 For
the names of 40 inns in Paris, e.g., The Bald Head, the Cock and Hen,
the Salmon, the Turbot, the Hartshorn, &c., see DENIFLE, PROC., I., LVIII.
7 WYNT., in., 3100. 8 Du CANGE, s. v. HEIDEOTI ; ST. DENYS, iv., 162.
" Hedrois." — POEM, 252, 254, 255, 256, 257, 262, 268. Heydroit id est
osores justitiae. — HUFLER, RUPR., 363. Exlegum seu Haedrotorum or
Haydrois. — DEWEZ, i., 282. " Heydroets." — CHRON. DES Dues DE

BOURGOGNE, III., 343.

1408.]

Othee. 181

Mar started with the muster from Tournai on Sep. nth,1 and
took part in the merciless carnage at Othee near Tongres,
on Sunday, Sep. 23rd, 1408,- where the Duke of Burgundy,
after making his confession,1' gave the word "Let them
all die together ! " and 25,000 4 half-armed and half-

1 MONSTRELET, i., 351 ; ST. DENYS, iv., 152; SCOTICHRON., n., 441.

2 Vol. II., p. 83; MONSTR., i., 379; DYNTER, m., 175; BRANDO, 123;
CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 345 ; Juv., 448 ; BOUVIER, 417 ;
ZANTFLIET, 390 ; MEYER, 230 ; not 20th, as TRITHEIM, n., 327 ; nor
2ist, as COCHON, 241 ; nor Oct. 25th, as COUSINOT, 123 ; nor Sep. 23rd,
1468 (sic), as POEM, 245, 267. " Juxta villam de Othey." — ZANTFLIET
(390), who is the first to name the exact site. STAVELOT (118), has vers
Othee en Hesbain. DEWEZ, i., 300. The French authorities call it the
battle near Tongres, or in the country of Hasbain, i.e., the province of
Hesbaie. Cf. Tongor in climate bassae Alemannias in conterminis Galliae
ubi tandem idiomate Gallico homines utuntur. — DELAYTO, 1052. In pago
Eichtensi. — PETRI SUFFR., 81, see BARANTE, n., 296, The Duke's letter
(dated Sep. 25th, 1408), is written " en mon host " (not " Montost," as
BARANTE, u., 302), " sur les champs devant Tongres," PLANCHER, in.,
cclxi. ; ITIN., 366; GACHARD, 2; cf. "• au camp de Courbe en Haze-
bain." — LEROUX DE LINCY, CHANTS HISTORIQUES, 13. Champ du Comble.
— MONSTR., i., i, 131. " Au mont de la Tombielle." — GESTE, 331, 516.

3 ITIN., 587. 4 The Duke's letter, written two days after the battle, says
from 24,000 to 26,000, on the authority of those who had seen the names.
— BARANTE, n.; GACHARD, 5. LANNOY (5), who was present in the battle,
says 28,000, though his memory of course played him false in dating it
in August, 1404, cf. p. 94, note 3. He had been also present in the
preliminary attacks on Fosse and Florenne, when 500 or 600 villages
were destroyed. Here he was wounded in the foot and arm, and had to
be carried in a cart to Nivelles. The same figures (28,000) are given in
POSILJE, 293 ; COCHON, 241 ; FENIN, 12 ; LEFEVRE, i., 12; THE BALLAD,
15 ; and MONSTR., i., 364, 365. The latter includes 120 English archers
(= 300. according to ST. DENYS, iv., 160; see also ZANTFLIET, 387;
called 200 in FABERT, 41). ST. DENYS, iv., 172 says 24,000; so also
Juv., 448. In England it was believed to be 30,000. — WALS., n., 280;
HARL. MS., 431, 86 (47 b) ; ADD. MS., 24062 f. 192, and WYNT., in.,
3248, who was told that the Earl of Mar slew the Maimbour (see MET/,
CHRON., 127) with his own hand (cf., et ei data fuit magna laus victoria?.
PLUSCARD., i., 349), though ST. DENYS (iv. , 172), who had his account
from eye-witnesses expressly says that no one knew who killed him.
See also MONSTR. , i., 368 ; LA MARCHE, i., 84, 200, gives both 15,000
and 30,000 ; COUSINOT, 123 ; GESTE, 268.

Cf. Que trente mille de leurs gens
Ou plus demoura en la place. —

POEM, 260.
Et maint Liegeois mort abaty.— PASTORALET, 851.

182 Travel. [CHAP. LXXIV.

clad * craftsmen from Liege and the neighbouring towns were
butchered in an hour and a half,- most of them without striking
a blow ; ° and the dead lay piled so high that a man could not
reach the topmost corpse standing on the ground and stretching
up his arm. The incidents of the day, showing the heads that
the Duke had cut off and the folks that he had drowned, were
at once worked in tapestry to adorn the walls of his castle at
Arras.4 The Earl of Mar returned to Paris and recrossed to
Scotland in the winter of the same year.5

BENSHEIM, writing within a year of the battle, gives 35,000 killed in one
day. — RTA., vi., 675. For various estimates cf. 13,000 (ZANTFLIET,
391, but this does not include the prisoners who were slaughtered after
the fight was done) ; 16,000 (DYNTER, in., 176 ; BOUVIER, 418) ; 20,000
(BRANDO, 119); 30,000 (GESTE, 331, 333); 32,000 (JUSTINGER, 203,
453; DELAYTO, 1052); 34,000 (TWINGER, u., 911); 35,000 (SERCAMBI,
895; RATISBON, 2129) ; 36,000 (GOBELIN, 327; CORNER, 1194); 38,000

(LlGNAMINE, 1303); 40,000 (EUL., I., 288; TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 38;

BRANDO, 112; ROLEWINCK, sub anno 1408; J. MEYER, 231 ; FOULLON,
i., 471). The loss on the Duke's side was at the highest computation
from 1500 to 1600, 120 of them being " men," and the rest " varlets." —

MONSTR., I., 366 ; VI., 202.

1 ZANTFLIET, 387, 391. Fere inermes vel leviter armati. — BRANDO,
1 19; meschamment estoient armes. — TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 38, though
according to the Duke's letter (in PLANCHER, in., CCLXI.; BARANTE, n.,
301), there were 30,000 Liegois " all or the greater part armed," includ-
ing 500 mounted men and 500 English archers. In the BALLAD, p. 12,
their number is 40,000. 2 Car la bataille dura pres d'une heure et demie
et il y eut bien une demi-heure ou Ton ne savait pas qui avail le meilleur.
— DUKE'S LETTER in BARANTE, n., 301.

Que la crueuse bataille
Ne dura une ferme et seure
Pleinement la valeur d'un heure. —

POEM, 260.

:! Sans coup ferir. — Juv., 448. 4 TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 114. Des tiestes
c'on copa des gens c'on fist noyer. -GESTE, 516. r> For his safe conduct,
dated Dec. 2gth, 1408, see J. ROBERTSON, iv., 177; ROT. SCOT., n., 190;
MONSTR., i., 259; J. MEYER, 230.

CHAPTER LXXV.
GILDS AND MISTERIES.

THE institution of a notable religious gild at York, in 1408,
may serve to draw a moment's attention to one or two for-
gotten phases of the common life of mediaeval England. In
1388 l the advisers of Richard II. had called for a return from
all gilds throughout England, with a detailed statement from
each as to its origin, privileges, possessions, and forms of
government. This order was probably intended to open a new
field for royal extortion 2 by exposing the gilds to be plundered
and suppressed unless they could raise money enough to pur-
chase the King's protection by the issue of a fresh authority in
his name. In response to this pressure returns came in in
plenty, mostly from newly-formed fraternities l>> who owned
to having very little or no property. More than 500 of
these returns remain to the present day, and have been lately
perused by a zealous antiquary, thanks to whose industry it is
now possible to gather a tolerably vivid picture of old-English
municipal life.

In every important town an association of traders had long
ago been established and sanctioned by charter as a privileged
body. Men engaged in conducting every kind of chapman-

1 A. S. GREEN, n., 145. - BRENTANO cannot be right in attributing
it to a desire to reform internal abuses in the craft-gilds. — T. SMITH, CXL.
3 £.#"., Norwich, Lincoln, Oxburgh. - T. SMITH, 32, 44, 112, 121, 122, 184.

184 Gilds and Mtsteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

hood l in the town would agree together to pay the whole or a
part of the fee-farm,2 i.e., the sum due annually to the King
or the lord, and in return they secured immunity from tolls
and other restrictions upon their trade. These formed the
Merchants' Gild/' variously known as the " gilde markande,"4
"gilde chaffare,"5 or ''chapman's gild."(i None but
" gildein," " or members of the gild, could sell anything in the
town.8 They held fairs or markets free of toll, met regularly
in their Gildhall, elected their aldermen or provosts,-1 and made
ordinances, each according to the circumstances of its
locality. In course of time their commanding influence
secured for them the lead in the government of the town ; and
though no doubt the administration of the borough and the
gild were originally distinct, there soon set in " a general drift
towards identity."10 The gildhall, chapmanshall,11 hanse,1-
or hanshouse,13 became the centre of municipal life, where

1 GOWER, CONF. , 203. a Propositum suum facere qui de firma mea
pro ipsis respondeat. — NOTT. REC., i., 8. Par ceo qu'ils sont chargeez
a paier a notre seigneur le Roi une grande ferme pur la dite vile (i.e.,
Oxford). — MUN. ACAD. , 161 : RELIQUARY, iv., 148 ; A. S. GREEN, i.,
231. :i Gilda Mercatorum. — NOTT. REC., i., 8, 12, 188. Gilda mercandi-
zandi (of Welshpool). — MONTGOM. COLL., i., 303. For various forms
of the name see GROSS, i., 6. 4 GROSS, n., 256; CUNNINGHAM, i., 206;
BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 68 ; cf. yeld marchaunt, gilda mercatoria. — T.
SMITH, 376. " Gillemercatura." — GILBERT, MUN. Doc., 82, 136.
5 ARCH^EOL. JOURN., ix., 73; T. SMITH, 357. For "chaftare" see
GOWER, CONF., 271; WYCL. (A.), i., 74, 102. 6"Cepmanne gilde." —
STUBBS, i., 416; THOMPSON, MUN. HIST., 14; CUNNINGHAM, i., 124.
7 ARCH^OL. JOURN.. xvi., 284. 8 GROSS, i., 43; A. S. GREEN, n., 40,
51 ; CUNNINGHAM, i., 206. For Southampton see DAVIES, 141. For
Oxford, BOASE, 33 ; STUBBS, in., 563 ; LIB. CUST., 672 ; PRICE, 29 ;
Preston, A. S. GREEN, i., 181 ; Drogheda, GILBERT, MUN. Doc., 94,
108. 9 NOTT. REC., i., 8, 12; GILBERT, MUN. Doc., 82, 136. 10 GROSS,
i., 76; A. S. GREEN, n., 201; CUNNINGHAM, i., 207, 211. n MADOX,
EXCHEQ., 234; " Koepmanshalle." — LAPPENBERG, n., 119. ^MONT-
GOM. COLL., i., 303 ; ARCH^OL. JOURN., XLVL, 325, for Norwich, 13 Vol.
II., p. 72; RAINE, YORK, 193.

1408.] Me reliant -Gild. 185

pleas * were held, weights and measures tested,2 and Mayors,3
Sheriffs,4 and Members of Parliament5 elected. The Mayor0
or Alderman 7 of the gild became the head of the town ; 8 the
brethren of the gild became the franchisemen,9 who alone
had the right of choosing the Mayor, Jurats, Chamberlains,
Clerks, Auditors, Beadles, and all officers that took part in
the management of town affairs. In Preston 10 and Newcastle-
under-Lyme11 the gild met at uncertain intervals and con-
trolled the list of burgesses, no man being eligible as Mayor,
Bailiff, or Sergeant of the town who had not been formally
entered on the roll at the last meeting of the gild. In some

1 WELFORD, 226. In PROMPT. PARV., 193, "gydehalle" is translated
Domehouse, Pretorium. - MUN. ACAD., 162. <0> For a notification of the
election of a Mayor of Norwich (May 5th, 1411), script, in le Gyldhalle
and addressed to the Chancellor, see ROY. LET., Box 15 (P. R. O.).
For London see SHARPE, LONDON, i., 206. 4 For a document dated in
Gildhald de Bristol, Thursday before Michaelmas, 1402, notifying to
the Chancellor the names of three persons selected, one of whom shall be
appointed Sheriff by the King and his council, see ROY. LET., Box 15
(P. R. O.). 5For Lynn temp. Ed. II., where the bederoll contained 867
names, see HIST. MSS., nth REPT., APP. in., 152, 157, 162, 186, 193,
210, 240; ARCH^EOLOGIA, xxiv., 320; A. S. GREEN, in., 420. In
London the election was left to a few members of the misteries. — HER-
BERT, i., 32 ; PRICE, 29. For the 12 and the 24 at York, see YORK
MAN., 123. At Worcester the Members of Parliament were elected
"by the most voice openly not privily," and were to be "of freehold
yearly at least 405." — T. SMITH, 393. Each member was guaranteed
by two mainpernors or sureties, whose names were endorsed on the writ
returned. — YEAR BOOK, 2 H. IV., 6; P. PLO., v., 107. 6 THOMPSON,
MUN. HIST., 50, 54. 7 For " Gildalderneman " at Ludlow, see SHROPSH.
ARCH/EOL. Soc., i., 362. 8 " Chevetyn de la vill." — ARCH^JOL. JOURN.,
xvi., 292. 9 ANTIQUARY, XL, 109 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 70 ; CUN-
NINGHAM, i., 341. 10 ABRAM, x., xvn. ; ibid., MEMORIALS, 8; THOMPSON,
MUN. HIST., 96. The roll was revised every 20 years. The earliest list
preserved is dated 1397, and is now in the possession of the corporation
of Preston. There were then 207 members, including 18 "foreigners"
(i.e., neighbouring knights and gentry), and 106 new craftsmen were
admitted on payment of sums varying from 2s. to 405., such as websters,
flesh-hewers, drapers, tailors, spicers, masons, mercers, souters, coallers,
sadlers, fletchers, &c. 18 names of women appear on the back of the
roll. These were daughters or widows of members. H DOBSON, 7.

1 86 Gilds and Mister ies. [CiiAP. LXXV.

places, such as Oxford,1 Reading,2 and Southampton,-'' the gild
met twice in the year, and dominated the Commonalty,4 which
might be called together as often as required. In others,
such as Bristol,5 Chichester,6 Gloucester,7 Worcester,* and
Winchester,9 the gild became identical 10 with the Commune.
At Lynn n the gildsmen advanced money for town purposes,
and made grants for repairing the town ditches, having at the
same time a monopoly1'2 of the sale of grindstones, paving-
stones, gravestones, and marble ; and there are abundant
evidences of the leading place taken by the Merchant-Gild in
towns 13 of such various positions as Andover,14 Bath,15 Bever-
ley,1(> Cambridge,17 Cardiff,18 Carlisle,19 Chester, Drogheda,20
Dublin,21 Dunwich,22 Flint,23 Guildford,24 Helston, Hereford,25

1 BOASE, 35, 42. '2 LIB. CUST., 671 ; MONAST., iv., 47; T. SMITH,
298; RELIQUARY, iv., 144; A. S. GREEN, i., 299. 3 DAVIES, 136; A. S.
GREEN, n., 119; CUNNINGHAM, i., 203. 4 Cf. " commynaltie," communi-
tas. — NOTT. REC. n., 424; in., 425, 427; comonte. — WYCL. (M.), 363;
comunte, comynte, comountee. — WYCL. (A.), n., 173, 247, 350. Cf. A. S.
GREEN, n., 232, 368, 409, 423 ; SHARPE, LONDON, 49, 64 ; CUNNINGHAM,
i., 208. 5 HUNT, 57; NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, i., 152; n., 255. 6 DALLA-
WAY, i., 153 ; CLAUS., 9 H. IV., 9 (Sep. 27th, 1408), shows that the mob
interfered with the election of the Mayor at the Gildhall on the Monday
before Michaelmas, 1408. 7 MADOX, EXCHEQ., 234; HIST. MSS., i2th
REPT., ix., 421, 422. 8 T. SMITH, 239, 376. y STUBBS, i., 416 ; HI., 565 ;
ARCH^OL. JOURN., ix. , 87; KITCHIN, 164. 10 Ita quod in eorum com-
munem Gydam tanquam civis receptus fuerit. — GLANVIL, 37. n HIST.
MSS., nth REPT., APP., in., 211, 221, 222, 226, 228; A. S. GREEN, i.,
286-294; n-j410; called "Lenne," T. SMITH, 45, 51, 52; " Bisshopes
Lenne," ibid., 74; or " Lenn Bushopp," GENEAL. , vi., 224. 12 GROSS,
i., 49; A. S. GREEN, n., 406. 13 For list of towns with Merchant Gilds
( = 102 in England, 30 in Wales, and 38 in Ireland), see GROSS, i., 9-20 ;
A. S. GREEN, i., n ; CUNNINGHAM, i., 209. 14 HIST. MSS., nth REPT.,
APP., in., 10 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 199. 15 N. AND Q., 7th Ser., vin., 364.
16 STUBBS, in., 564; CUNNINGHAM, i., 310. ir FULLER, UNIV. CAMB., 17.
18 G. T. CLARK, CART*-, n., 106. 19A. S. GREEN, n., 185. >2° GILBERT,
MUN. Doc., 93, 108. a Ibid., 82, 136. -2 MADOX, FIRMA, 27 ; CUNNING-
HAM, i., 206. '-3 ARCH^EOL. CAMBR., 5th Ser., vn., 39 ; TAYLOR, 31 ;
CAMBRIAN ARCH/EOL. Assoc., p. 6 (Aug., 1890). 24 MANNING AND BRAY,
!•» 334- * MADOX, EXCHEQ., 284.

1408.] Crafts. 187

Ipswich,1 Kingston,2 Leicester, ! Lincoln*4 Liverpool,5 Mont-
gomery,'5 Nottingham,7 Totnes,s Welshpool,0 Yarmouth, and
York.1"

But with the growth of population the towns were becom-
ing incorporated under municipal government. One gild
was insufficient to deal with all the complications of increas-
ing trade ; and the members of each separate craft n had
learned to form themselves into fraternities for mutual defence
and the protection of their separate trade interests. At the
beginning of the i5th century the city of York1'2 contained at
least 96 organized trades ; and though the position of such
crafts as the boilers,115 broggers, dubbers, homers, and hair-
sters u was probably neither numerically nor financially strong,
yet several of the trades were rich and powerful enough to
arouse the apprehensions of the civic authorities and attract
the cupidity of the advisers of the King. Each craft wore
its own distinctive livery,15 had its regular times and places
for meeting, elected its own wardens, masters, rulers,10
bailiffs,17 or overlookers,18 assessed contributions for its ex-
penses, and managed all its own internal affairs. When the

1 A. S. GREEN, i., 225 ; CUNNINGHAM, i., 211. - MANNING AND BRAY,
i., 334. 3 THOMPSON, 29; ibid., MUN. HIST., 49; A. S. GREEN, i., 167,
356; CUNNINGHAM, i., 211. 4 RYM., i., 40 (editn. 1816). 5 A. S. GREEN,
i., 270. 6 EYTON, XL, 137. 7 NOTT. REG., iv., x. ; A. S. GREEN, i., 356.
8 A. S. GREEN, i., 176, 251; n., 33, 220, 332. 9 MONTGOM. COLL., i., 303.
10 DRAKE, 203, 211 ; FROST, APP., p. 95; RAINE, 192, 206. n GROSS (i.,
109) proves the supposed struggle between the craft-gilds and the
merchant-gild to be a "myth"; see also A. S. GREEN, n., 197; CUN-
NINGHAM, i., 310, 315, 340. For list of crafts, see APP. K. 12 DRAKE,
APP. 30; SHARPE, 135; HIST. MSS., ist REPT., 109; POLLARD, xxxi.,
gives 83. For a list of 58 crafts (not 57, as GROSS, i., 129 ; A. S. GREEN,
i., 150), see R. DAVIES, REC., 233. RAINE (YORK, 207) gives the number
of trades temp. Ed. III., at 180. 13 POLLARD (xxxi.) suggests " bowl-
makers." u I.e., makers of hair-cloth.- PROMPT. PARV., 221 ; CATHOL.,
170. 15RoT. PARL., in., 662 b; STAT., n., 167; Vol. I., p. 69. 16 LIB.
ALB., i., 666. 17 LIB. CUST., 416. 18 T. SMITH, 130; LIB. ALB., i., 589.

i88 Gilds and Misteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

members were thus organized or incorporated they were said
to be gilded,1 and were known as the Gild,a or Fraternity,8 or
Fellowship,4 or Brotherhood •' of that particular craft or rnis-
tery.6 In London,7 York,8 Nottingham,11 Lincoln, Beverley,
Marlborough, Oxford,10 Huntingdon, and Winchester, the
teliers n or weavers had long ago secured charters of incorpora-
tion, for which they paid a fixed sum every year to the King's
Exchequer ; 12 and the same is true of the London bakers,
saddlers,13 tailors, pellipars 14 and linen-armourers 15 who quilted
jacks. Various other trades soon banded together without
the requisite authority, such as the goldsmiths, the butchers,
the drapers,16 and the pepperers, though these were before long

1 MADOX, FIRMA, i., 29, 206.

- Cf. Let mellerys and bakerys gadre hem a gilde
And alle of assent make a fraternite. —

CHRON. LOND., 274.

3 T. SMITH, 28, 54, 229, 305, 310; ROT. PARL., in., 662 b; WYCL.
(A.), in., 332; CHAUCER, PROL., 366. 4 Cov. MYST., 242, 365, 381;
HERBERT, 54, 421; WYCL. (A.), n., 350. "Company" is rare.— HER-
BERT, n., 130. In 1345 the Pepperers are " compaignons." — GROCERS'
ARCH., 8. For "compagnie" see ibid., 10, 13, 18, 19, 43, 49, 54, &c.
" Craft-gild " is altogether a modern term, invented to distinguish them
from the gild-merchant. 5 WYCL. (A.), n., 326 ; HONE, 79 ; MADOX,
EXCH., 25. 6 Cf. " craftes and mestiers." — GOWER, CONF., 360; MADOX,
FIRMA BURGI, 32, 284; A. S. GREEN, n., 117; " eny maner myster."— P.
PLO., x., 7; A. S. GREEN, n., 302; HIST. MSS., nth KEPT., APP. in.,
112; CUNNINGHAM, i., 310. Not "mystery," as VAUGHAN, i., 205. In
MONSTR., n., 72, the whole proceedings at the coronation of Pope John
XXIII., are called a "mistere." 7 SHARPE, LONDON, 154, 200; CUNNING-
HAM, i., 313. 8In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH. (Oct. 2ist, 1407) ; 10 H.
IV., MICH. (Oct. gth, 1408), the Telarii of York pay iocs, per annum
pro firma Gildae suae. 9 REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. 26th, 1412.
10 BOASE, 36. n MADOX, FIRMA, 26, 189, 191 ; LIB. CUST., 33, 131 ;
LOFTIE, 49; DENTON, 34; CUNNINGHAM, i., 179, 282. In CHESTER
PLAY, 6, "teler," means tailor. 12 In 1394 the mercers of London paid
^"87 8s. 8|d. for their charter.— LOND. AND MID. ARCH^OL. Soc., iv., 136.
18 MADOX, FIRMA, 27. 14 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 2, May, i, 1409. 15 LIB.
ALB., i., 727 ; PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 5, Aug. 3rd, 1408; SHARPE, LONDON,
200. For Fraternitas Cissorum et liniarum armaturarum Armurariorum,
see DUGD., ST. PAUL'S, 355 ; lynge armurer, PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 22 ; linei
armatoris nostri, PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 5. I6 Pararii (or ? Pannarii).—
MADOX, FIRMA, 204.

1408.] Brotherhoods. 189

detected and fined 1 as spurious gilds. But the i4th century
saw the rise of immense numbers of new gilds, and they were
still multiplying fast. In Bristol 2 there were at least 26 crafts
ingilded. In Exeter :! strong jealousies existed between the
crafts and the city authorities, resulting sometimes in open
rioting. In Norwich 4 the extension of trade-gilds had been
stopped as early as 1256, as hurtful to the King and a detri-
ment to the city. In Coventry an order was issued from the
Council, dated Nov. i8th, i4o6,5 on the petition of the Mayor
that no more gilds should be allowed there for the sake of
the peace of the town. In London the Mayor and citizens
had often petitioned ° in former days against the excessive
privileges vested in the chartered gilds ; but long before the
time that we are now considering, the trades had resigned them-
selves to a position of complete subordination.7 The institu-
tion of new gilds was checked ; the Wardens or Headsmen s
of the misteries took an oath 9 of fidelity to the city as well as
to the King ; and henceforward in every charter granted the
authority of the Mayor or Bailiff was secured by a special
clause. When the craftsmen held their law-hallmotes 10 the
Sheriff was present ; u no officers could be appointed without
taking an oath before him ; 12 and every order 1S and statute for

1 MADOX, EXCHEQ. , 390; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 15, 68. -HUNT,
52. HT. SMITH, 303, 334; A. S. GREEN, n., chap. vii. In THORPE'S
TESTAMENT the Brotherhoods are the " cause of mickle dissension. "-
ENGL. GARNER, vi., 115. 4 ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XLVI., 327; A. S. GREEN,
i., 242; ENG. HIST. REV., Oct., 1894. 5 PAT., 8 H. IV., 1-21; DUGD.,
WARWICKSHIRE, 196 ; not 1407, as A. S. GREEN, n., 208. 6 MADOX,
FIRMA, 192; LIB. ALB., i., 134; A. S. GREEN, n., 142; CUNNINGHAM,
i., 313. 7 GROSS, i., 113 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 149, 175, 182; CUNNINGHAM,
i., 181, 309. 8 HIST. MSS., nth KEPT., APP. m., p. 165. 9 HERBERT,
i., 35; n., 14; T. SMITH, 232, 309. 10 LIB. CUST., i., 104, 397, 402,
For " lagahalimotz," see LIB. ALB., i., 373, 379. For " lyhalmode," see
HERBERT, n. , 23. n LIB. ALB., i., 379, 383; LIB. CUST., 403; ANTI-
QUARY, XL, 106. 12 LIB. CUST., 422 ; HERBERT, i., 481 ; n., 19 ; HUNT,
80. 13LiB. ALB., i., 528; CUNNINGHAM, i., 312.

I go Gilds and Miseries. [CHAP. LXXV.

the regulation of their trade had to be approved in his court
before it could be carried into effect.

In such necessaries1 as ale, wine,2 bread, meat, coals, tale-
wood 3 and faggots,4 the Mayor undertook to test the stuff and
check dearthing 5 as a part of his ordinary duties. He took
heed 6 to the victuals of the people, and stopped the sale of
'fective fish or festered flesh ; 7 punished the taverner who
meddled his wine,8 and the inn-holder who kept " any bawdry
within him." Every loaf of bread had to be cocketted with
the baker's name or mark,9 as required by the statute.10 The
baker11 had to take out a licence,1"' for which he paid two shil-
lings every year to the King, and if he did not sell " wholesome
bread of lawful bolter " 13 in full weight he would be drawn on
a hurdle14 with the light loaf tied about his neck, for stealing
paste.15 The pasteler™ must sell his pies by half-pennies. The
brew-wife's 17 ale must not be red or ropy,18 but well sod and
scummed,10 and certified on the ale-konner's-° assay as "good,

XT. SMITH, 342, 343, 381, 424; RICART, 82; RELIQUARY, iv., 146;
A. S. GREEN, n., 35. '2 CUNNINGHAM, i., 294. 3 ROT. PARL., i., 228,
230; LIB. ALB., i., 730. " Talwode for our halle." — GROC. ARCH.,
226 ; WILLIS AND CLARK, i., 389 ; MYROURE, xxx. For " talshides " see
WILLIS AND CLARK, i., 388, 391 ; in., 621. 4 DERBY ACCTS., 29, 30, 155,
156. 5 NORTHAMPTONSHIRE NOTES AND QUERIES, v., 29, 31, from LIB.
CUST. VILL^ NORTHAMPTON!^. 6 CHAUCER (S.), n., 61. For the
provost and visitors at Bordeaux see BOUILLONS, 512, 529 ; JURADE, 247,
253> 295- 7 COLCHESTER REC., 36-39. 8 A. S. GREEN, i., 359. "For
specimens see KUNZE, 241-255, 282, 324. 10 I.e., 51 H. III. ; T. SMITH,
355) 365 I LIB. ALB., i., 264,356; LIB. CUST., 106; DAVIES, 149 ; ARNOLD,
49; MUN. ACAD., 182. n For "baker" see HOCCL., DE REG., 126; P.
PLO., i., 221 ; v., 120 ; DERBY ACCTS., 315. 12 T. SMITH, 354 ; ARCH^EOL.
JOURN., ix., 72. 13HiST. MSS., i2th REPT., ix., 433. For bulter, bult-
ing-cloth, bulting-tonne, &c., see DERBY ACCTS., 24, 80, 336. u See the
picture in LIB. ALB., i., LXVI., ci. ; in., 425. 15 ARNOLD, 9. lfi LIB.
ALB., i., 680, 717. i? P. PLO., vn., 354. 18HisT. MSS., i2th REPT., ix.,
433- 19For "ladelsand scomers,"or "skemours" (1390), see DERBY ACCTS.,
24» *53> J54- '^LiB. ALB., i., 316; DENTON, 202. For good ale v. small
ale or feeble ale see AUNGIER, 384; WYCL. (M.), 61. In COLCHESTER

1408.] Regulations. Igi

able,1 and sety for man's body." The timber-monger'2 could
only sell his boards,3 billets,4 shides,5 kids,6 and astells,7 at the
fixed price, length and quantity ; and the sack of coals8 must be

REC., 37, a pot of the best ale (three pints) costs id. For peny ale, podyng
ale, half-peny ale, thick ale and thin ale see P. PLO., vn., 226; ix., 329 ;
x., 92 ; xxii., 402 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 38. " Joan Gode-ale-house " occurs
as a proper name in a will dated July 8th, 1481, in TEST. EBOR., m.,
269 ; cf. also Goddaile, Gudale, Goydhale, ibid., in., i, 3, 5, 8, 37, 96 ;
MUN. ACAD., 751 ; Vol. I., p. 100, note 5 ; Vol. II., p. 98, note 6 ; p. 321,
notes- For adulterations of ale

Cf. For many a heavy and droncken head

Cause of thy ale were brought to bed,

Farre worse than anye beeste. —

CHESTER PLAYS, n., 82.

For the " immoderate drinking of fools " in London see FITZSTEPHEN in
BESANT, LONDON, 43. Cf. Mony pore laboreres ben blemyschid in
dronkenesse for uneven norisching. Ffor now thei hungren and thristen
and thervvith travelen fast, and now thei come to meete and drinke and
taken to myche therof as swyne eten hor meete. Soche men schulden
warly etc and drinke and take sum drinke on werk day and not spend al
on holy day, for this thing makes horn to feght as wode men ye more
then beestes don. — WYCL. (A.), in., 160. Bot if thou sey that hit spedes
a mon to be dronken ones in a moneth for myche gode comes therof thou
fallyng in dronkenesse ryses sone therof and better is disposed for to do
his werk, &c. — Ibid., 161. Cf. Cantat Normannus, bibit Anglicus, est
Alemannus. — DENIFLE, PROC., L, LVI. ; yet cf. Et buvez com fait un
Normant. — DESCHAMPS, viu., 25.

JT. SMITH, 397. For abilis cerevisie see SHROPSH. ARCH^EOL. Soc.,
ii., 202. 2PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 28; CLAUS., IT H. IV., 7. 3 For " Es-
trychbordes " see WILLIS AND CLARK, in., 610. 4 ARNOLD, 97; STAT.,
34, 35 H. VIII. , cap. 3. For billets at 6s. 8d. or gs. the 1000 in 1390566
DERBY ACCTS., 7, 9, 12, 153. 5 PROMPT. PARV., 16, 274, 446; CATHOL.,
202, 336 ; GOWER, CONF., 153 J BURTON, MELSA, 388 ; FABR. ROLLS,
34) 37> J36 ; P. PLO., xi., 222; xn. ,239; ROT. PARL., in., 665, where
' ' staffes-hides " should be " staffe-shides." 6 For " kyddes " sive
" fagettes " see ATHENAEUM, 20/12/90, p. 847. 7 For " aschelers " see
DERBY ACCTS., 181, 182. 8 LIB. ALB., i., 602, 731. For coal at 6d. or
8d. the sack in 1390 see DERBY ACCTS., 9, 14, 338. Cf. " Sitten at even
by the hote coles." — P. PLO., x., 142; xvi., 143; RICH. REDELES, n.,
52 ; A. S. GREEN, i., 373. For the coal trade between London and
Newcastle see JUSSERAND, 235 ; DENTON, 33. In 1392 the Receiver
General for the Bishop of Durham paid £312 to the Mayor and Com-
monalty of Newcastle-on-Tyne for " 13 score kells of coal." — DEP. KEEP.,
33rd REPT., 85. For coal at Cossal, near Nottingham, in 1348, see NOTT.
REC., i., 145 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 325. In EXCH. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., 600,
is an account dated 1434, showing £33 i8s. paid for 838 loads of coal
from the colliery at Tranent, near Prestonpans, i.e., about gd. per load,

192 Gilds and Misteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

full-top for the coal-meter,1 or the collier2 would have to
" show out his visage " in the pillory.3 But in the other trades
each gild appointed its own searchers,4 who had power to enter
any workhouses 5 where their craft was plied, and watch the
honesty of the work.6 If any stuff was " deceitously wrought,"
or " wasted for lack of cunning ; " if a goldsmith wrought gold
baser than the Paris touch;7 if a grocer dubbed8 his saffron
(i.e., put the best at the top of the bale), or damped his ginger,
or coloured his mace,0 or beat false sanders,10 or melled his
spice n with dust and dirt,12 or gave short weight with his
comfits, powders, plasters or ointments, or if his currants 13 were
wet or old, the offender was haled before the Mayor or Bailiff
or other authorities of the town, or fined at the next assembly u
of the mistery for the benefit of the common box.

The strength of each gild lay in its monopoly. In London,15
which was reckoned the wealthiest 16 city in Western Europe, a
man must be a member of one of the misteries before he could
be a freeman or hold shop 1T within the franchise. In Lincoln 18
no one could be a tiler or a pointer who was not a member of

also £12 for making a new trench (fossa) in the same colliery for winning
the coal (pro carbonibus cxtrahendis], see COCHRAN-PATRICK, MINING,
XLIV.

1 SHARPE, i., 410. 2 Cf. RAUF COILYEAR in E. E. T. S., Extra Ser.,
xxxix. 3 STAT., i., 201 ; cf. Publice denunciatus et proclamatus. — MUN.
ACAD., 517, 566 ; CHRON. LOND., 273 ; LYDGATE, 207 ; P. PLO., iv. , 79 ;
BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 115. 4 ANTIQUARY, xi., 107. •"' SHARPE, i., 196.
6 T. SMITH, 321, 332 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 74. " CUNNINGHAM, i.,
263, 394- 8 GROCERS' ARCH., 73, 129, 151. !) DERBY ACCTS., 22, 153,
159, 221. 10 Cf. Caundres. — DERBY ACCTS., 22, 353 ; i.e., Sandal wood.
— GROCERS' ARCH., 224; CATHOL., 319; GOWER, CONF., 122; HOLT,
105, 115 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 78. ll In ROT. PARL., in., 662, pepper
is " the most usual spicery in the kingdom.11 See page 135. 12 " Poudre
et ordure.'1 Cf. "meddle venym with his seed.'1 — WYCL. (M.), 442.
13 GROCERS' ARCH., 190. For racemi, or "reysyngs" de Corenc or
Coraunt, see DERBY ACCTS., n, 79, 154. 14"Oure asemble." — GROCERS'
ARCH., 157, 159; HERBERT, i., 84. 15PAT., n H. IV., i, 9; SHARPE, n.,
LI.; HERBERT, i., 27, 32; ARNOLD, 4. 16 CHALCO., n., 49. 17GROC.
ARCH., 117. i»T. SMITH, 185, 398.

1408.] Monopolies. 193

the Helliers' Gild. The same is known to have been true of
the joiners and carpenters at Worcester,1 and the cordwainers
at Oxford/2 whose gild was certainly as old as the reign of
Henry I.8 At Shrewsbury 4 no barber could open a shop or
shave a man in private unless he belonged to the Barbers'
Gild ; in London 5 no tailor could have a table unless he had
been approved by the goodmen of the mistery ; and at Os-
westryfi and elsewhere, wherever the records have been ex-
amined, the proof abounds that no man was allowed to ply any
sort of trade unless he were " franchised of the Fellowship.'' 7
Having this power, the gilds were able to regulate wages,8 fix
the hours of work, and enforce many curious restrictions in
the supposed narrow interest of the craftsmen, forgetful of
those of the public, upon whose favour the whole craft de-
pended. No gildsman must slock9 another's prentice,10 or
" steure " n or tice 12 away his customers, or hance 13 his rent, if
he were of the same fraternity. No fuller in Bristol 14 might
pay his men more than 4d. per day, and cloth which should
be walked within the town must not be sent to the fulling-
mills outside. No fuster 15 was allowed to work at his saddle-
bows after dark, and no bridlesmith 16 at his bits and lorimery.

1 T. SMITH., 209. 2 BOASE, 36; MUN. ACAD., 786. 3 ARCH^OL.
JOURN., vi., 146. 4 SHROPSH. ARCH^OL. Soc., v., 266. 5 PAT., 9 H.
IV., 2, 5. t5 Quod nullus qui non sit de gilda ilia mercandisam aliquam
faciat in burgo predicto. — SHROPSH. ARCH^EOL. Soc., n., 192; vin., 278;
OWEN AND BLAKEWAY, i., 100, 102 ; RELIQUARY, in., 62. 7 GROCERS'
ARCH., 124; A. S. GREEN, n., 113. 8 That no man of here craft schal
take lesse on a day than thei setten though he schulde bi good conscience
-take moche lesse.— WYCL. (A.), in., 333; DENTON, 241. 9 T. SMITH,
317; CUNNINGHAM, i., 310, 314; cf. " locken," in LAPPENBERG, 27.
10 P. PLO., vii., 208, 279. n CHESTER PLAYS, n. , 197. 12 SHROPSH.
ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 267. 13 GROC. ARCH., 121; cf. " enhaunsen."—
WYCL. (A.), in., 396; CHAUC. (S.), in., 132; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 76.
14 T. SMITH, 285; LIB. CUST., 128. 15 LIB. CUST., 50, 78, 81. For fray
between saddlers and fusters in Cripplegate in 1327, see ibid., i., LX.
i« NOTT. REC., n., 124.

N

ig4 Gilds and Misterics. [CHAP. LXXV.

In London the weaverscraft : had ordered that no weaver
should work by candlelight/2 and at one time they insisted
that work should absolutely cease8 for six weeks in mid-winter,
from Christmas to Candlemas. They required that a piece of
cloth of a certain quality should take at least four days in the
making, long after it had become notorious that it could be
well made with ease in half the time. They ruled that if any
man mixed Spanish wool with English, the cloth should be
confiscated and burnt.4 The Plantagenet kings had endeavoured
to revive the declining trade of England by encouraging the
settlement of Flemish weavers ; but the London craftsmen
did their best to strangle the experiment by insisting 5 that the
number of looms in the city of London should be limited to
80, and that no " foreign " c should be allowed to trade there
unless he was enrolled in their gild. They hugged their
obsolete rules, and claimed the right to settle such questions 7
without the interference of the sheriff's court. But the King's

1 MADOX, FIRMA, 286. - For four candlesticks and one ladle for the
wax bought for tailors and furriers working in winter time, see L. T. R.
ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., XL, 12 (1400), APP. C. Cf. That serveth
these swynkeres to sew by a nyghtes. — P. PLO., xx., 173.

As glowynge gledes gladeth nat these workemen
That worchen and waken in wynteres nyghtes
As doth a kyx other a candele. —

P. PLO., xx., 183.

What proferestow thy light here for to selle,
Go selle it hem that smale seles graven. —

CHAUCER (S.), n., 290.

Also the Lollard protest that the wax burnt before " rotten stocks " (i.e.,
images of saints) might profit " for to lizt pore men and creaturis at
ther werke." — WYCL. (A.) m., 463. Cf A. S. GREEN, n., 147, 161.
3 LIB. CUST., 124, 417. 4 Ibid., 125, 417, 420; MADOX, FIRMA, 199.
Cf. " A man schulde not were wollen and lynnen togedur. " — WYCL. (A.),
m., 178. 5 MADOX, FIRMA, 200; ROT. PARL., in., 600; LIB. CUST., 424.
See also the tailors of Southampton in DAVIES, 276; HIST. MSS., nth
REPT.,APP. m., ii. 6T. SMITH, 384,391; SHROPSH. ARCH^OL. Soc.,
viii., 270; HIST. MSS., nth REPT., APP. in., 9. 7 LIB. CUST., 123.

Cordcners v. Cobblers. 195

judges x over-ruled them when their claims were proved to be in-
jurious to the public good. The marshal2 who pared the horse's
hoof must himself put on the shoe ; and if a horse was brought
to him to tend by a man who owed money to a brother of
the same craft, he was bound to refuse the job. The
butcher 3 was not to deal in hides or occupy cookscraft,4 unless
he "abjured his axe." The meggacer5 or lawyer6 might not
tan, nor the tanner taw.7 The silversmith 8 might not meddle
with gold, nor the goldsmith with white metal. The corvyser °
or cordwainer might not mend old shoes, nor the cobbler10
lift his whittle11 or shaping-knife1'2 to make new ones ; and in
London 13 great disputes raged round this point. The cor-
deners or workers in new u leather were bound not to sell old
boots or shoes or goloches, but on the other hand they objected
to the cobblers using new leather to clout 15 old ware, whether
for the sole, the forefoot, the heel or the overleather. So the
fact of the disagreement was registered before the Mayor in
the Gildhall and proclaimed at a husting.16 An inquiry was

1 SHROPSH. ARCH. Soc., vin., 282. 2 ANTIQUARY, xi., 107 ; MURAT.,
III., 2, 823. 3T. SMITH, 343; DAVIES, 149. 4 T. SMITH, 405. 5 SHARPE,
i., u, 41 ; LIB. ALB., i., 737; m., 394. Cf. Pour leurs megis et peaulx
courrer. — DESCHAMPS, vm., 293. 6 AD QUOD DAMN., 359. 7Duc. LANC.
REG., xxvni., i 2, has entries for tawing 500 hisses (35. 4d.) and three
timmer of ermines. For soft leather for feather pillows see APP. A.
8RuoiNG, i., 446. 9T. SMITH, 384; CHESTER PLAYS, u., i; LIB. GUST.,
LXX. = "corsour," CLAUS., n H. IV., 34 d ; or "coresour," ibid., 12 H.
IV., 21 d. 10 In PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 31, cobblers still learn the mistery of
tanners and vice versa, in spite of Statute 13 R. II. " Cultell' appele
Thwetill.— PRIV. SEAL, 648/6564. 12 Un instrument appele shapyng-
knyfe. — Ibid., 650/6714. 13PAT., n H. IV., i, 9, Feb. i2th, 1410; cf.
A. S. GREEN, i., 72 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 121 ; CUNNINGHAM, i., 395.
14 ARCH^OL. JOURN., vi., 147, 149. Calceamenta nova conficientes.—
CONC. in., 218 ; RELIQUARY, iv., 147 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 166. 15 " Thei
may cloute hem of sacchis." — WYCL. (M.), 41, 193 ; also (A.), i., 84, 353,
400; IL, 127, 147, 280; m., 406. 16Cf. "In hustengo nostro." — PAT.,
13 H. IV., 2, 29 ; ibid., 14 H. IV., 8. " De hustengo in hustengum."—
CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 5 d; ibid., 14 H. IV., 10 d; ARNOLD, 2, 4, 17.

196 Gilds and Mistcries. [CHAP. LXXV.

then held before 12 cordeners and 12 cobblers to see if a
modus vivendi could be found ; and on June i5th, 1409, they
solemnly decided that if an old boot is burst, the cobbler may
vamp it with "a little piece of new leather, which is more
profitable for the common profit." No skinner1 might deal
both in old and new peltry, and no girdler- might work lead
among other metal except in solder. A dyer of wool 3 was not
to dye caps, and the Fleet Street cappers 4 ordered caps to be
made only of grey, black, or white wool, and that no old ones
should be dyed black and sold a second time, because the
colours would run in the rain. But it was all to no purpose;
the caps got scoured with chalk '' or charcoal 6 according to
demand ; and London was flooded with pokes and barrels of
shoddy felt hats 7 made of flocks s brought over from Germany
in spite of them. The prices9 that tailors might charge for
shaping, cutting, sewing, furring, purfling and lining10 coats,
hoods, dresses and sleeves, were all minutely fixed. The
furrier u must not take more than a fixed price per thousand
for dressing his stranling,12 polan, pople, bisses,13 grisever14 or
other peltry. The oldclothes-man 15 was not allowed to do

1 LOND. AND MID. ARCH^OL. Soc., v., 104. 2 ENGL. MISCEL., i.
3LiB. ALB., i.,724. 4 LIB. CUST., 102, 428. 5 LOND. AND MID. ARCH^OL.
Soc., v., 105. Cf. " Pro chalking furruris." — DERBY ACCTS., 93. 6Cf.
" Some paint with coles and chalke." — CHAUC., TEST. OF LOVE, PROL.
"Cole-black." — GOWER, CONF., 150, 291. " Pilleorum que vulgo dicuntur
vilcinhiide. — KUNZE, XLV., 8, 274, 292, 338. Among the imports at Hull
in 1401 are 31 pokes of black hats. — ROT. PARL., in., 466. In LONDON
LICKPENNY the Flemings outside Westminster Hall sell fine felt hats.
— CHRON. LOND., 262; SKEAT, 25. For a " Flaundrish bever hat," see
CHAUCER, PROL., 274. 8 For " flokkys," see Cov. MYST., 241. 9 LIB.
ALB., i., 727. 10 P. PLO., vi., 17. n LIB. CUST., 94. l'2 I.e., Squirrel.—
LIB. CUST., 829; L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., n, m. 12,
APP. C; not " stanling," as ROGERS, i., 582. 13 LIB. CUST., 98. 14 Ib'uL,
806. For furrura de grys see DERBY ACCTS., 92, 93, 342. 15 LIB. ALB.,
i., 718. For the fripperer at Norwich see ENGL. HIST. REV., Oct.,
1894.

i-j.08.] Holidays. 197

down his cast clouts, or redub x his fur.2 He must sell his
slops :5 and frippery 4 just as he bought them, or not at all.
The widow 3 of a master weaver could only carry on her dead
husband's business by marrying another weaver for her second
husband. The mason was only to hew stone ; he might not do
the cementer's ° work and lay on a wall, "though it might profit
his master twenty pound in one day's work without harm or pain-
ing himself." ' A saddle was made partly of wood and partly of
leather. The wooden frame or saddle-bow was to be done by
the faster,6 the saddler might only do the rest. Swords and
knives were wrought by the cutler,9 but the ornaments on the
hilt and handle were the peculiar of the goldsmith. In drap-
ing a piece of cloth there was work for the kember,10 carder,
spinster, tister, tenterer,11 and walker,12 and each of these
misteries must keep to its own special ground, 1;J without
trenching on that of the others. Sundays 14 and the principal
feasts 15 were dies non for work, every one being expected to

1 LIB. GUST., 78, 751 ; DENTON, 165. For the dubbeour des veils
draps see P. MEYER, 398. 2 The value of fur on a gown is £20 in
HOCCLEVE, DE REG.; MORLEY, vi., 126; A. S. GREEN, i., 256, from
RICH. REDELES, C. in., 177. 3 PROMPT. PARV., 460; SHARPE, n., 252;
SHARP, 28; N. AND Q., 7th Ser., vn., 450; Hy. IV., Pt. II., i., 2, 28;
HOLT, 93; CHAUCER, CHAN. YEM., 16101; APP. A, passitn. 4 SHARPE,
i., 241. 5 LIB. CUST., 125, 131. In Preston the widow of a member of
the Merchant Gild took her husband's place on the roll, and paid her
dues until the next revision. — ABRAM, xvn. 6 In DERBY ACCTS., 169, a
cementer is paid for making a hearth in a kitchen (1390). 7 WYCL. (A.),
"!•> 333- 8 Vol. II., p. 342, note 5; LIB. CUST., i., 80, 81 ; CHESTER
PLAYS, 6 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 163. 9 ROT. PARL., in., 536. 10 STAT., n.,
345; P. PLO., x., 80; xii., 15; CHAUC. (S.), iv., 5. u " Rakkyng,
streynyng and tenturyng."- -STAT. , n., 403; SHARPE, i., 75 ; n., 234;
not to be confused with " teynturere," i.e., dyer, GROC. ARCH., 78.
For tozer or toseler see N. AND Q., 7th Ser., vn., 454. 12 T. SMITH, 383 ;
RIPON CHAP. ACTS., 84; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 67; CUNNINGHAM,!.,
391. 13 HERBERT, i., 480. 14 LIB. CUST., 78; STAT., 4 H. IV., c. 14;
Vol. I., p. 300 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 94. 15 For protest against
"this multitude of festis" see WYCL. (A.), i., 330.

1 98 Gilds and Mist-erics. [CHAP. LXXV.

attend Mass l in his parish church. On these days no farrier *
might shoe a horse except in great emergency, and no barber
could shave a customer (except in harvest-time or Lammas),
unless he were about to preach or do some religious act 3 re-
quired by the day. Other general holidays were Lady Day
and all the Apostles' days, as well as half of each preceding
day,4 when the parish church bell sounded noon. By the time
of Edward I. 5 it had become the custom in London to work
on Saturdays and vigils until the evening, though as late as
1429 the London grocers had a rule that they should "sell no
ware on Sunday or holiday that vigil is, but that great high
need may excuse." ° The trades took a week's holiday at
Christmas, Easter and Whitsuntide, besides playing all the
special days of obligation enjoined in the calendar.

No doubt there were abuses in all this overlawing, but
when they became unbearable, the courts could interfere and
set the gild ordinances aside. It must be admitted, however,
that on every hand the benefits were great. The public were
guaranteed,7 or were supposed 8 to be guaranteed, against dis-
honest or faulty workmanship ;9 the workman was certain of his
holidays and his wage ; while the regulations against night-work
secured fair-play for the poorest who could not afford to pay
for candlelight.10 The honest master was protected against

1 CONC., in., 218. -ANTIQUARY, XL, 106, 107. For "ferour"' or
ferrour see WYCL. (A.), i., 407 ; DERBY ACCTS., 94, 201, 237.
Cf. Adviser se doit mareschal,
Qui ferre d'autruy le cheval. —

DESCHAMPS, vin., 143.

'-' BOASE, 36; LYTE, 171; SHROPSH. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 267; BLOME-
FIELD, ii., 376 ; RELIQUARY, iv., 145. 4 Haly day othir haly eve. — P.
PLO., xiv., 86 ; DENTON, 219, 221. •' LIB. ALB., i., 728. 6GROC. ARCH.,
190; A. S. GREEN, n., 133. Cf. Temporibus a jure prohibitis.— GEST.
ABB. S. ALBANI, in., 449. " T. SMITH, 321; CUNNINGHAM, i., 314.
8 STAT. 4 Ed. IV., c. i. 9 Fauxime fauxse oueraigne ne desceite. — GROG.
ARCH., 66. 10 LIB. CUST., 101.

1408.] Grocers and Mercers. 199

underselling or touting on the part of his less scrupulous
fellows, and every "goodman of the craft"1 was able without
loss of self-respect to look to the "common hutch " * or alms-
box,3 to which he had all his life contributed, for help4 for
himself in sickness or old age, or a marriage portion 5 for his
daughter if he should die in poverty. Thus was each trade
knit together as a family ; and the common spirit of a wider
brotherhood spread to all the industries when bladesmiths,
bottlemakers, girdlers, piebakers, merchant-leeches, and men
of every craft arrayed 6 in arms together to watch the gates 7
at night, or marched abreast at Mayors' and Sheriffs' ridings,8
or carried cressets9 in rank with banners spread and clarions
ringing at the great St. John's Watch 10 on Midsummer Eve.

As the population increased and trade operations became
more complex, new combinations arose. Two or more allied
misteries would combine together for common action, and

1 " Des prodeshomes du master. " — LIB. Cusr., 79 ; cf. " gode folke,"
RICART, 78 ; " bones gents," HIST. MSS., nth KEPT., APP. in., p. 7;
"discretes," ibid., pp. 11, 19; " wisemen," DAVIES, 272. 2 LIB. CUST.,
222; ENG. HIST. REV., iv., 306; "en la Huche de la Guydhale," FROST,
APP. 40. Cf. comyn-box, SHROPSH. ARCHJEOL. Soc., vm., 271 ; " comun
boiste," GROC. ARCH., 10, 12, 20, 25, &c. ; SHARPE, n., 398; Vol. II., p.
73. For a specimen of such a coffer see ARCHJEOL. JOURN., vi., 278.
:! " La boiste d'aumoine." — LIB. CUST., 79. For "buist," see GOWER,
CONF., 412, 441 ; "boyste," busta. — DERBY ACCTS., 225. 4 In WycliftVs
attack upon the gilds his only argument against their charitable side is
that they undertake in a narrow way what ought to be done on the broad
ground of a common Christianity, "by comyn fraternyte of Cristendom."
— WYCL, (A.), in., 333. 5 T. SMITH, 194, 340. 6 LIB. ALB., i., 646. In
the reign of Stephen London could equip 20,000 horsemen and 60,000
foot. — FITZSTEPHEN in BECKET, HI., 4. 7 STAT., i., 97. 8" As comun
cours is at Christemas and other tymes." — GROC. ARCH., 120. For a
great riding in 1377 from Newgate to Kennington, see BESANT, WHIT-
TINGTON, 146, 165. "SHARP, 51, 184; GOWER, CONF., 387; DERBY
ACCTS., 199; "torches le velle de S. John Bapt." — GROC. ARCH., 67.
IUT. SMITH 408; RICART, xix. ; STRUTT, xxvm., 269; UIGBY MYST.,
xxin. ; STOW, LONDON, 84 : BOASE, 40 ; SHARP, 22, 160, 174 ; SHARPE,
n., XLIII. ; A. S. GREEN, i., 148: BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 98, 100. In
Canterbury it was held on July 6th. — ARCH/EOL. CANT., xn., 33.

200 Gilds (ind Misteries. CHAP. LXXV.

dealers began to spring up with interests distinct from those
of the manufacturers. In London a society of traders arose
who dealt wholesale in every sort of saleable goods. They
were known as the Fraternity and Merchant-Gild of Grocers,1
and their operations soon became a cause of scarcity and high
prices. Several enactments were passed to counteract them ;
but they would not be suppressed. Together with the Mercers
or retail dealers 2 they took the lead in trade ; and at the close
of Edward III.'s reign 3 the grocers and "folk of the mercery "4
were the wealthiest and most powerful bodies in London.

By the beginning of the i5th century most of the London
trades had bought their charters5 of incorporation, whereby
they became entitled to a common seal and a livery of suit (i
in spite of the statute ; " their right of trade search was con-
firmed, and other unwritten claims were allowed. But, above
all, they were permitted to purchase and hold rents 8 and tene-
ments, regardless of the Statute of Mortmain, for the purpose
of supporting their infirm brethren, and for the maintenance
of chantries and altars in their parish churches, to sing for the
gildan 9 and gildsistern, that God would assoil the dead and
keep the quick in good estate.10

Every trade gild professed to be formed in order to abate

1 Page 135; ROT. PARL., n., 280; T. SMITH, 343. - LIB. Cusr., 206;
GROSS, i., 128; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 81. a HERBERT, i., 34; ROT.
PARL., in., 519. 4RoT. PARL., in., 225; ANTIQ. REPERT., in., 392 : cf.
]' grocerys, mercerys, with ther greet habundaunce."— LYDGATE, 211.
5 By this time the term " community " takes the place of gild. —
HERBERT, i., 294, 298, 320, 366. (i T. SMITH, 43. " In 1406 an express
exemption from the provisions of the Statute against Liveries was re-
corded in favour of Gilds, Fraternities and Craftsmen (gent/ del mestere;.
— ROT. PARL., m., 600; STAT., n., 156. 8 LIB. Ct ST., ^4; T. SMITH,
212. For rent roll of the Palmers' Gild, at Ludlow, temp. Ed. II., see
SHROPSH. ARCH^EOL. Soc., i., 387. 9 LAY FOLKS' MASS BOOK, 62.
10 LIB. CUST., i., 218; HERBERT, i., 446; n., 129 ; MASTERS, AIT., 3.

1408.] Religious Gilds. 201

rancour i and to nurse - charity and wellwilling ; :: and large
numbers of gilds sprang up towards the end of the i4th
century 4 whose objects were in no way connected with any
mistery or trade. They started both in town and upland 5 to
further common neighbourship ° and brotherly kindness ; to
deal forth alms " to the crooked,8 blind or needful ; 9 to lend 10
aid to brothers who fell into poverty, whether of godsend n by
the will of Christ, or by adventure u of the world or the sea,
by borrowhood,13 or stress of trade, or any other mischief14 or
malease ; 15 and to bid a bede 16 for each other's souls, for the
health of the king, the peace of the land, and the unity of the
Church. Such associations are usually termed by modern
writers Religious Gilds. But the name is misleading, as there

1 HERBERT, i., 421; T. SMITH, 23. 2 LOND. AND MID. ARCH^EOL.
Soc., v., 115. 3 GOWER, CONF., 168, 181. 4 GASQUET (PEST., xvin.,
214), appears to attribute them to a new devotion caused by the Black
Death. 5 There were 8 such gilds in the little parish of Oxburgh, in
West Norfolk (T. SMITH, 121); at least 4 in Wymondham ^NORFOLK
ARCHJEOL., ix., 121-152) ; 2 at Brisingham (BLOMEFIELD, i., 44) ; 6 at
Bridport (A. S. GREEN, i., i6)(; and 42 in Bodmin, Cornwall (ENCYCL. BRIT.,
XL, 261). For gilds at Tilton, near Oakham, see GIBBONS, LING., 116;
Thoresby (ibid., 121) ; Bourne (129) ; Moulton (144) ; Stamford
(146); Belmesthorpe (146); Spilsby (154); Newark (158); Coningsby
(176); Sleaford (181) ; Boston (175); PAT., u H. IV., i, 7, Nov. 2oth,
1410, refers to the foundation of Trinity Gild, Boston. G WYCL. (A.), i.,
32. 7T. SMITH, 31, 35, 38, 451. 8 P. PLO., x., 97; xni., 103; CHAUCER,
MAN OF LAW, 4980; WYCL. (M.), 27,73, 231 ; (A.), i., 71, 401; n., 56, 183;
in., 305, 332. 9 For he nought helpeth needful in hir nede. — CHAUCER,
MAN OF LAW, 4532. 10 WYCL. (A.), i., 67. n P. PLO., vin., in ; x.,
178; Ric. REDELES, PROL., 35; GOWER, CONF., 100, 117, 134, 176, 293,
365, 376, 426; CHAUCER, MAN OF LAW, 4943, 5180, 5246, 5321. '-GROC.
ARCH., 12, 122; WYCL. (M.), 147. l3 For " borw," i.e., surety, see
CHAUCER (S.), n., 186. u P. PLO., ix, 233; xiv., 71; xvi., 84, 159;
LOND. AND MID. ARCH/EOL. Soc., v., 114; WYCL. (A.), i., 32 ; GOWER,
CONF., 284, 286. For " myschif and disese " see WYCL. (M.), 214, 231.
Mischef and misaventure, CHAUCER (S.), i., 104. Unhappe and disese,
/'/>/'</., iv., 4. 18 P. PLO., xx., 157. Jfi T. SMITH, 22, 37, 71, 76, no, in,
217, 448; P. PLO., B., xii., 29; C., vin., 16; XIIL, 84; xxn., 377;
GOWER, CONF., 300, 309; WYCL. (A.), 11., 43, 78, 270, 420; CHAUCER
(S.), i., 243, 254; YORK MAN., i., 220; C. C. GILD, 7.

202 Gilds and Misteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

were some of them from which the parson was expressly ex-
cluded.1 But such cases are very rare. The bulk of the non-
trade gilds were directly connected with some saint 2 or chapel
or shrine linked with the services of the Church, and often
instituted expressly to provide funds for the maintenance of
the fabric. Thus at Norwich the Poor Men's Gild was begun
in 1380, " in help and amendment of their poor parish church
of St. Austin." 3 In Colchester there was a Hospital of the
Holy Cross4 beyond the walls on the south-west side of
the town, founded in I244,5 for the sustentation of poor needy
men, but owing to the " smallness and scarceness of lands and
rents," the buildings needed " much reparation and amend-
ment," and the poor men could not "congruly be sustained."
In 1402 ° all the Bishops and Archbishops offered 40 days of
pardon to any one who would visit the place, say a Paternoster
and an Ave in the chapel, and leave a trifle to keep it up.
But the yield from this would be but slight, as every almshouse 7
in England had recourse to the same device when funds were
low, to say nothing of the multitudes of parish churches,8
bridges,9 noisome roads,10 cledgy u lanes, foul causeways and
broken fortifications, whenever they needed repair. An effort
on the new lines, however, proved much more successful. In
1407 1:J the King granted a charter for founding a gild under

1 T. SMITH, 271; A. S. GREEN, n., 138. '2 ROCK, n., 445. 3 T.
SMITH, 40. 4 For the True Cross see GIBBONS, LINC., 5, 30, 91. For
several portions of it in Lincoln Cathedral, one being four inches square,
see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII., 4, 5, 8, 19. 5 MORANT, i., 149 ; CUTTS, 95.
6 MORANT, i., APP. xv.; ANTIQ. REPERT., in., 345. 7 E.g., STAFF. REG.,
2I> 37i 65» 241, 245, 311, 317. For leperhouses or lazarhouses see ibi<L,
25.293,346; C. H. COOPER, ANN., i., 140. "STAFF. REG., 35,38,.^,
62, 74, 86, 95, 134, 295, 320, 322. 9Vol. II., p. 322; STAFF. REG., 13,
!35, 336, 338, 371- 10Vol. II., p. 472; STAFF. REG., 294, 295; C. H.
COOPER, ANN., i., 146; GIBBONS, ELY, 401, 403. 404. " DENTON, 178,
from LAMBARDE, PERAMBULATION. 12 PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 14; MORANT
(i., 150, APP. xvi.), thinks it was only the revival of an older gild, but the
words dc novo fundare are not to be pressed ; see page 239, note 7.

1407. Chap eh. 203

the patronage of Colchester's empress-saint Helena, in con-
nection with the chapel, and the tide of prosperity at once
began to flow.1 At the close of Richard II. 's reign Walter
Cook, a canon of Lincoln, built a chapel in the little hamlet
of Knowle 2 in Warwickshire, that the people might be spared
from journeying 3 for their baptisms and burials to their parish
church at Hampton in Arden, a good mile away. He there-
fore founded a chantry for two chaplains, took three saints as
patrons of his chapel, and secured special indulgence for all
who should contribute to the funds for the first seven years.
But when the chapel was built, he could devise no better plan
for securing perpetual support for the fabric than by founding
a Fraternity of brethren and sistern, to be called the Gild of
St. Ann of Knowle.4

The gilds were thus not only an insurance against old age
or mischance 5 by fire, water, and robbery, but they formed a
buttress for the tottering Church against the onslaught of free-
thinking innovators. They flourished best where the air was
thick with Lollardry. In London 6 there were at least 90 of
them connected with parish churches. There were 55 at
Lynn,7 where Sawtre8 had preached, some of them in con-

1 MORANT, i., 156, 157. In COLCHESTER REC., 23, is a reference to
" a solitary roll of Masters of the Gild," 20 H. VI. 2 DUGD., WARW., 702 ;
MONAST., vi., 1471. 3 For " reasonable lettings, e.g., farness of the long
way, great abundance of waters and perilous passages at small bridges for
people in age and unwieldy," see HAXBY in FABR. ROLLS, 254. 4 For
charter of foundation dated Feb. i8th, 1413, see PAT., 14 H. IV., 5.
5 CHAUCER (S.), i., 104; T. SMITH, 156, 185, 193. Par fieu, euwe,
roborie. — DUGD., WARW., 191. 6 SHARPE, i., 750; u., 827. 7 RYE,
NORF. TOPOGR., 193; HIST. MSS., nth REPT., APP. in., 151, 160, 165,
190, 191, 203, 211, 235 ; RICHARDS, i., 410. 8 PAULI, v., 52 (followed by
RAMSAY, i., 33) connects him with the rising of the Earls of Kent and
Huntingdon, quoting PLACITA REGIS IN CASTRO OXON., ROT. MISCEL.,
319, in TOWER. The articles charged against him are given in HEFELE,
vi., 981. In ARBER, ENG. GARNER, vi., 58, he is called Sautre. His
name is probably derived either from Chatteris in the Fens of Cam-

204 Gilds and Misteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

nection with his own church of St. Margaret's,1 and 5 in the
neighbouring town of Wiggenhall.2 They embraced poormen,
shipmen, children,3 pious and timid burgesses, mean people
and small folk.4 They were in fact the average work-a-day
Englishman's answer to profanity and sacrilege, and for every
impious misbeliever who ate the consecrated bread with onions
and oysters for supper,5 or cropped off the nose ° of a Blessed
Virgin in a church, or hacked up an old St. Catherine T for
fuel to seethe his worts,8 thousands of honest souls, not
specially devout or pious, joined the gilds in practical protest
against the misty '•' and unsavoury cobwebs 10 of the Wycliffists
and Lollers. To them to believe amiss was a foul sin.11
Their fathers meddled nothing with such gear,12 and
it should be enough for them to hold the straight way,

bridgeshire, variously called Chateriz, Chatriz, Ceateriz, Cetriz, Cietriz,
Chateres, Chatteras (MONAST., n., 619) ; Chatrys (PAT., 14 H. IV., 24) ;
or from Savvtry or Saltry, near Peterborough (MONAST., v., 21). In
Due. LANC. REC., xi., 14, 65, Nov. aoth, 1382, William Sawtre is late
Provost of Glatton. In 1402 John de Sawtre resigns his office as Prior
of Thorney, near Peterborough. — GIBBONS, ELY, 401. In 1342 Master
John Sawtry is a fellow of the King's Hall at Cambridge. — HIST. MSS.,
ist REPT., 84; WILLIS AND CLARK, n., 681. CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 17 d,
refers to John Sautre of London, draper. In 1405 William Sautre is
one of the coroners for Essex. — CLAUS., 6 H. IV., 19.

1 T. SMITH, 45-110. 2 Ibid., 110-118. 3 Ibid., 53. 4 T. SMITH, cxi.,
129 ; HIST. MSS., nth REPT., APP. III., xv., 191, 240. For the iiu-diu-
crcs as opposed to the potcntiores and supcriurcs at Lynn, see ibid., 146.
For Dover and Cinq Ports, see RYM., R., iv., 24. 5 WALS., i., 451.
15 GENEALOGIST, N. S., iv., 224. " KNIGHTON, 2662. Cf. "these ymagis
myztten warme a manne's body in colde if thai were sette upon a fire."
— WYCL. (A.), in., 463. - CHAUCER, CLERK, 8102 ; NUN'S PRIEST,
15227; GOWEK, CONF., 367, 368; PROMPT. PARV., 532 ; ARCH/EOLOGIA,
LIV., 163. 9ENGL. GAR.N., vi., y8 ; WYCL. (M.), 309,343,3.44; (A.), I.,
107, 148, 156, 179; n., 112, 243, 286. 343, 398; in., 26, 66. " The- more
ich muse theron the mystiloker hit semeth." — P. PLO., xn., 130. "' Yit-
andai sunt et explodendae arane^e, &c. — GERSON, in., 1029 ; SCHWAU, 8<S ;
ct. P. PLO., XXIIL, 125; WYCL. (A.), i., 124. n CHESTER PLAYS, 118.
GANGLIA, v., 28; VAYNES, n., 479.

1408.] Member slil p. 205

eschew the new lore, and believe what the Church had
bid them.1

The terms of gild membership were of the openest. The
brethren and sistern need not be of good condition,2 though
they must not come barefoot or barelegs 3 to the drinking. It
was enough if they were of honest conversation and good
report, if they paid their entries,4 quarterages,5 fees, house-
rights, dues,6 and offerings into the common box, and did
not rebel against the law of Holy Church.7 They must

1 As holy chirche bitte us lete us believe
For our olde fathers alle han followed it. —

HOCCL., DE REG., 13, 14.
But see how that the worthy prelacye,
And under hem the sufficient clergye,
Endowed of profounde intelligence,

Of all this lande werreyen thy (i.e., Oldcastle's) sentence. —

ANGLIA, v.

It were better dike and delve
And stonde upon the righte feith,
Than knowe all that the Bible saith
And erre as some clerkes do. —

GOWER, CONF., 38.
The saints that weren us tofore,
By whom the feith was first up bore,
That holy chirche stood releved,
Thei oughten better be beleved
Than these whiche that men knowe
Nought holy, though thei feigne and blowe
Her Lollardy in mennes ere.
But if thou wolt live out of fere
Such newe lore I rede eschewe,
And holde forth right the wey and sue
As thin auncestres did er this,
So shalt thou nought beleve amis. —

Ibid., 238.

Cf. The comonte the whiche owith true love and obedyente wille to the
statis of lordis and prestis. — WYCL. (M.), 363. 2 GROC. ARCH., g. 3 T.
SMITH, 81, 95, 98 ; Cov. MYST., 256. 4 T. SMITH, 8, 54, 58, 63, 101 ;
NORF. ARCH.EOL., ix., 124. 5 LOND. AND MID. ARCH.BOL. Soc., v., 116.
6 Ibid., ii2. 7 T. SMITH, 50, 52.

206 Gilds and Mister ics. [CHAP. LXXV.

not be common hazarders,1 contekours,'2 scolders,3 chiders,
unbuxom or rebel of the tongue,4 but submit their disputes to
the decision of the Wardens of the brotherhood, attend the
dirge5 and burying-mass t; of dead members, and offer their
farthing 7 or their half-penny at the mass-saying 8 when sum-
moned by the bidman ° with bell 10 and bugle.11 Not only were
the living admitted to the fellowship, but the souls of the dead l-
were also enrolled to share the benefits of the Mass. The
entrance was often paid in kind, e.g., a quarter of barley,13 four
bushels of corn,14 a pound of pepper, three quarters of salt, a
hogshead of red wine, a brass pot,15 a silver spoon,10 a great
pot for pulment 1T or frumenty, a boar, eight brace of rabbits,
two ewes with lamb, a black cow, a load of plaster of Paris, an
alabaster image, a vestment, a chalice or a laver 1S with four
cocks for the chaplains.

1 HONE, 76 ; cf. " usen chesse and tablis and hasarde." — WYCL. (A.),
in., 145. For "the dees," see CHAUCER (S.), n., 337. "The deceitfull
games of hazzard were the dice, the guck, the kayelles (see Vol. II., p.
329), the kloysh." — STOW, LOND., 329. 2 T. SMITH, 4, n ; DUGD.,
WARW., 191. For " contek," or strife, see YORK MAN., 120; GOWER,
CONF., 154, 174, 346, 444; WYCL. (M.), 232, 234; (A.), i., 49, 218;
CHAUCER (S.), n., in, 404. 3 T. SMITH, 385. 4Ibid., 80. 5 For le
dourge, dirige, deregee, dyrgee, see GROC. ARCH., 150, 152, 153 ; LOND.
AND MID. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 112. 6 T. SMITH, 26, 38. 7 Ibid., 15, 18,
20, 446. For the mass-penny see Vol. II., p. 118. " Messe-pens."-
WYCL. (A.), in., 374, 473. 8 T. SMITH, 34. 9 Ibid., 395. 10 Ibid., 31,
35, 51, 163, 190; GUILD OF CORP. CHR., 7; THOMPSON, MUN. HIST., 57.
11 T. SMITH, 341. 12 GENT. MAG. (1835), 377 ; HIST. MSS., nth KEPT.,
APP. in., 230. 13 T. SMITH, 182. 14 GENT. MAG. (1835), 377-379. 15 In
PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 13, the price of a patella and olla aenea is 45. In
1402 two tin pots (ollas stanni) are valued at 2s. each. — OXF. CITY Doc.,
240 ; cf. PARL. HIST., n., 126. For pewter chargers see PAT., 13 H.
IV., 2, 31. 16 A. S. GREEN, n., 172. In REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH.
(Feb. 26th, 1412), six silver spoons are worth 8s. ; cf. DERBY ACCTS., 100.
In ARCH^OLOGIA, XLIII., 189, one silver spoon is worth 55. (1396) ; see
also Vol. II., p. 357, note 4. For mediaeval spoons see ARCH^EOLOGIA,
LIII., 118. For a silver powderbox see SHARPE, n., 205, 398. 17 WYCL.
(A.), i., 299. In BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 81, furmenty is " wheat
boiled in milk." 18 For lavacrum see DERBY ACCTS., 153. For "lavars"
see Q. R. WARDROBE, -6g8-> APP. B.

1408.] Fusion. 207

Many of the gilds were necessarily small in scope and
membership, and the great multiplication of them often led to
weakness. Here and there we meet with a tendency to roll
two or more weak gilds into one strong one. Thus at
Coventry,1 in 1392, four gilds combined to form the Great
Gild '2 or Gild of the Trinity, which was incorporated on Feb.
1 6th, 1409,^ and took a commanding position in the town. The
outgoing Mayor was always the gild master ; and King Henry
IV.4 and his sons, being neighbours at Kenilworth, were
enrolled amongst the brethren, together with Archbishop
Arundel, Bishop Beaufort, and others of the highest in the
land. A similar fusion of gilds took place at Chesterfield,5 in
1387, and at Stratford-on-Avon 6 the Gilds of Our Lady and
St. John the Baptist were amalgamated with the older Gild
of the Holy Cross in 1403, of which King Henry IV. was
afterwards reputed the original founder. But, as a rule, local
feeling was against this course, and each gild retained its
separate existence to the last. Admission to the larger ones
was often the beginning of the high road to success, and was
valued at a corresponding price. Priests paid large sums for
the chaplaincies, and the Master, in his capacity of arbitrator 7
of disputes to "bring them to one-head and accord,"8 was not
always proof against the temptation to " rule the matter otherwise
than by conscience,"9 and decide "by private affection."10
Thus the gilds increased incessantly, and "exercised them-

1 DUGD., WARW., 192; ENGL. HIST. REV., ix., 634. 2 GIBBONS,
LINC., 116; A. S. GREEN, n., 15, 19, 205, speaks of the Trinity Gild as
identical with the Corporation. But this is inconsistent with her subse-
quent explanation, ibid., n., 212. 3PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 8. 4DuGD.,
WARW., 192. 5T. SMITH, 168. « Ibid., 220; GENT. MAG. (1835), P-
162; DUGD., WARW., 696. 7 ANTIQUARY, xi., 108. 8T. SMITH, 451.
9 HIST. MSS., nth REPT., APP., in., 166. 10 GENT. MAG. (1835),
167.

208 Gilds and Misteries. [CriAp. LXXV.

selves in lusty eating and drinking unmeasurably and out of
time." 1

For England was then "Merry England," :- and sad and
sober 3 pleasure was not the people's creed. The brethren did
not put in their weekly shot 4 merely to dole groats 5 to
pittancers,0 or help the bedrid " and brokelegged,8 or find
poor scholars to school,9 or dower poor girls, or burn their
soul-candles 10 around the corpse of a dead brother, or follow
at his forthbringing n and 'terment.12 Such duties were soon
relegated to chaplains, who were paid 13 and lodged at the cost of
the gild. The gildsmen lived for mirth, joy, sweetness, courtesy,
and merry disports. Once every year came the Gild-Day,14 usually
on a Sunday 15 or one of the greater feasts, when the brethren,
fairly and honestly arrayed 16 in their new hoods, gowns,

1 ENG. GARN., vi., 115. 2 CURSOR MUNDI, 231. 3 Cov. MYST., 102,
352. 4Vol. II., p. 73; HR., vi., i. " Escot." — DESCHAMPS, vii., 325.
5 ROCK, ii., 510; in., 33, quoting LEL., COLL., v., 380, 381. 6 SHARPE,
n., 250 ; Vol. II., pp. 26, 486. 7 P. PLO., x., 34, 177 ; SHARPE, 11., 364,
377 ; WYCL. (M.), 7, n, 13, 16, 186, 211 ; (A.), m., 201, 293, 372. 8 P.
PLO., ix., 188. 9 Ibid., A., vin., 34; C., vi., 36; XXIIL, 295 ; GIBBONS,
LING., 108 ; WYCL. (M.), 116, 176; NOTES AND QUERIES, vm., i, 390;
ROCK, m., 49, quoting LEL., COL., n., 2. 10 T. SMITH, 166, 169, 177,
178, 185. For the "light," see ibid., 7, 18, 26, 54; cf. Vol. II., p. 73.
11 WILLS AND INV., i., 78. 12 FIFTY WILLS, n, 15 ; LOND. AND MID. ARCH-
^EOL. Soc., v., 112. Cf. "a riche enterement." — GOWER, CONF., 285, 425.
13 In 1345 the pepperers of Soper's Lane, London, paid their chantry
priest isd. a week, or £3 55. per annum (HERBERT, i., 44; GROC.
ARCH., i., 8, 26 n), and for this they claimed to retain his whole services
(GENT. MAG., 1835, p. 165 ; HERBERT, i., 69; ROCK, n., 451). In 1376
his salary was 10 marks (£6 135. 4d.). — GROC. ARCH., i., 18. The Fra-
ternity of SS. Fabian and Sebastian of St. Botolph without Aldersgate,
London (founded in 1377), paid their priest 10 marks per annum. He
had to say mass every morning, often by five o'clock (HONE, 79 ; STOW,
LOND., 330; GIBBONS, LINC., 80 ; RIPON MEM., i., 156, 159, 163, &c.).
The Fraternity of St. Antonin allowed their priest ^5 per annum, besides
135. 4d. for chamber and £3 " plus avant." — GROC. ARCH. , i., 42. Cf. Vol.
II., p. 119. 14T. SMITH, 21, 30. 15LoND. AND MID. ARCH. Soc., iv.,
139; v., 114; NORF. ARCH^EOL., ix., 124; GLOUGH, FLESHY, APP., nS.
16 T. SMITH, 47, 408.

1408.] Gild-Day.

and cloaks,1 in livery suit - of murrey,3 crimson, white or green,4
would assemble at day-break, and form up in the house 5 or
hall of their craft. In front rode the beadle0 or crier,7 in
scarlet tabard s or demigown.9 Next came the pipers,
trumpers,10 corners,11 clarioners, cornemusers,12 shalmusers, and
other minstrelsy,13 clad in verdulet,14 rayed plunket,15 or russet
motley ; 10 and then the craftsmen, mounted or afoot, moving
in procession 1T through the streets to the church 1S where their
chantry was appointed. They carried with them a huge wax
serge,19 sometimes weighing 50 Ibs., to burn 20 before the shrine

1 SHROPSH. ARCHJEOL. Soc., vm., 279. 2 T. SMITH, 21, 76, 446.
Seute en robes. — GROG. ARCH., 12, 20; in una secta. — ANN., 191. As
I that am clad of his suite. — GOWER, CONF., 176, 191. 3 GROC. ARCH.,
249 ; = "tawny," in A. S. GREEN, n., 326; but see Vol. II., p. 183, note
4. 4 Red or green clothing was considered as tending to dissoluteness. —
DUCAREL, APP., 39. 5 Entreparler en une meson. — GROC. ARCH., 9.
Before the building of their hall in 1425 the grocers met in different hostels,
such as the Ringed Hall, a place in St. Thomas the Apostle (HEATH,
53) ; en la meson Benoit de Fulsham appelle le Ryngedhalle. — GROC.
ARCH., 2, 14, 33, 38. B HERBERT, i., 152 ; SHROPSH. ARCH^EOL. Soc.,
vm., 271 ; SHARPE, n., 349 ; Cov. MYST., 240; BESANT, WHITTINGTON,
76. For "bidel," see YEAR BOOK, 14 H. IV., 2 ; " bydell," MUN. ACAD.,
698. " Who evere cometh to prestod takith the office of a bedele or criere
to goo before the dredful doom of god.— WYCL. (M.), 58, 189 ; (A.), n. ,
100 ; cf. " cryour," DERBY ACCTS., 105. 8 MUNIM. ACAD., 382. 9 GROC.
ARCH., 83, 131. 10 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 50'. n Les corneours et
clariours se comencent a corner et clarioner tres fixt. — P. MEYER, 392.
1-2 CHAUCER (S.), iv., 36 ; GOWER, CONF., 437. 13 P. PLO., iv., 12; LIB.
ALB., 458, 459 ; WYCL. (A.), n., 70. For minstrels and jongleurs see
JUSSERAND, 118-211 ; P. PLO., vm., 97 ; xvi., 235 ; GOWER, CONF., 369;
ENGEL, 112 : MORLEY, vi., 228, 229. Cf. flahutes, tambourins, challemies,
harpes, vielles, et bedons. — TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 61. 14 LOVENEY'S
COMPOTUS, 1395 ; DEP. KEEP., 3oth REPT., 36, APP. A ; PROMPT. PARV.,
406, 422; GROC. ARCH., 90, 91. 15I.c., sky-blue, ARCH^OL., xxxix., 368;
BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 77. For rayed (i.e., striped) gowns, see ARCH-
.KOL., xxxix., 358 ; DERBY ACCTS., xcvu. 13Vol. II., p. 183; cf. pro j
duodena de stragulis pro ministrallis. — DERBY ACCTS., 89. 17 ROCK, n.,
414. l*Ibid., 446; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 77. 19 APOLOGY, 48, 149;
HIGDEN, v., 225; JAMIESON, iv., 180; LIB. CUST. , 219; T. SMITH, 214;
HERBERT, i., 68. For sirger, cirger, cierger, see SHARPE, r., 120, 156,
261, 372, 428, &c. In RAINES' MSS., xxvm., 380, Alice, widow of John
Doncaster, merchant of York, by will dated Aug. 7th, 1406, leaves 20 Ibs.
of wax to be made into five candles. For " coke-lyght," see MUN. ACAD.,
701. -° Either constantly or " at due times." — HERBERT, i., 447 ; n., 163.

O

2io Gil<h and Misteries. [CHAP. Lxxv.

of their saint. Then began the mornspeech,1 communion,'-' or
speaking-together,3 which was usually held in the church }
while the Mass was proceeding,5 where the year's accounts
were squared, the gild chattels ° were laid on the checker,
points " were promulgated, defaulters announced, new members
enrolled, and the Master, Skevins,8 Proctors,'1 Dean,10 Clerk,

Cf. "Zif a pore man have longe founden moche wex brennynge bifore a
rotyn stok," &c.— WYCL. (A.), in., 293.

1 T. SMITH, 275. For morghespeche, maneloquium, or morning
talk, see A. S. GREEN, i., 303, and GROSS, i., 32 ; u., passim. 2GEM.
MAG. (1835), 163, 376. :i T. SMITH, 52. 4 LIB. CUST., 122, 416; T.
SMITH, 335 ; GROC. ARCH., 41 ; A. S. GREEN, u., 227 ; not after dinner
in the hall, as BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 78. In Oct., 1400, the French
envoys transact their business with the council in the Church of the Black
Friars in London. — FROIS., xvi., 369. At Oxford much of the University
business was done in St. Mary's Church. — MUN. ACAD., XL., en., 50, 114,
201, 245, 507, 580, 731, 745 ; HUBER, i., 346 ; J. R. GREEN, 132 ; BOASE,
OXFORD, 99; LYTE, 41, 98, 101, 214; CH. QUARTERLY REV., 23,451;
ARCH^COL. JOURN., vin., 128; RYM., iv., 455. In Paris the Congregation
of the English nation was often held in the Church of SS. Cosmas and
Damian. — DENIFLE, PROC., I., LIV. For compurgation in Merton College
Chapel, then a parish church, see MUN. ACAD., 500. At New College the
nave of the chapel (now the antechapel) was to be used once a week for
disputations in civil and canon law. — WILLIS AND CLARK, m., 259.
Similarly, for Great St. Mary's Church at Cambridge, see FULLER, 46,
and the new chapel above the Divinity School, WILLIS AND CLARK, in.,
19; MULLINGER, i., 299, 355; Ibid., HIST., 28; COOPER, MEM., in., 295.
For poem written by Eustache Morel on his knees in the chapel of the
Hostel of St. Pol, on Whitsunday,

Au coing de 1'autel en grant presse
Que que Ten chantoit le grant messe,

see DESCHAMPS, vin., 26. 5 LIB. CUST., 225; A. S. GREEN, i., 139, 155,
401, 405, 410. For the brotherhoods of St. George and the Trinity in
St. Nicholas Church, Calais, see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII., 310, 313, 314, and
those of the Trinity and the Virgin Mary in St. Mary's Church at Calais,
ibid., 321. For "glutton masses" in London, where the people took
their meat and ale to church with them, see BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 125.
6T. SMITH, 83, 119; ENG. HIST. REV., 14, 308: P. PLO., XL, 168, 193,
249; GOWER, CONF., 379 ; WYCL. (M.), n, 217, 230, 233, 234; (A.), i., 16,
20; CHAUCER (S.), i., 225; chatel. — DESCHAMPS. vin., 176. "HERBERT,
I., 45. 8 For skyveyn, skevin, skiven, eskiven, eskevin, see Vol. II., p. 55 ;
T. SMITH, 46, 75, 81 ; DAVIES, 137 ; PROMPT. PARV., s. v. ; GROSS, i., 26 ;
u., 403, 418; BRANDO, 121; CUNNINGHAM, i., 175. Called " scavin " in
A. S. GREEN, n., 218, 306. For the scummage, scabinage, or eschevinage
at Calais, see ARCHJEOLOGIA, LIII., 329, 376. For "scepene" at Louvain,
see ENG. HIST. REV., ix., 560, 562. 9 GENT. MAG. (1835), 165. 10 For
" guldekenen " at Louvain, see ENG. HIST. REV., ix., 560.

1408.] The Mornspeech* 21 i

Summoner, and other officers elected for the coming year.
Thence they returned to the hall for the general feast,1 other-
wise known as the drink,2 the meat,3 or the mangery.4 The
walls would be hung with ballings5 of stained worsted, and
dight with birch boughs,0 and the floor over-strawed 7 with
mats,8 or a litter v of sedge and rushes,10 that swarmed with
the quick beasts that tickle men o' nights.11 The benches
were fit with gay bankers,12 before tables set on trestle-

1 HERBERT, i., 467. -T. SMITH, 54, 66, 216; ARCH^OL. JOURN., ix.,
73,87. Cf. " the drinking.'1 — NORF. ARCH.*OL., ix., 125; HIST. MSS.,
i2th KEPT., ix., 431 ; A. S. GREEN, i., 316 ; "beurages." — HERBERT, n.,
130. 3 ANTIQUARY, XL, 107, 108 ; LOND. AND MID. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v.,
116; WYCL. (A.), i., 6, 49; n., 196; CHAUCER (S.), n., 234. Cf.
PROMPT. PARV., s. v., Eating; " etingis togidere as eerly diners and late
sopers for thes fallen to siche felowshipis." — WYCL. (A.), IL, 350.
4GROC. ARCH., 8, 18, 39, 117, &c. ; WYCL. (A.), L, 4; LIB. CUST.,
226; HERBERT, L, 44; P. PLO., XIIL, 46. Cf. " un grant mangerie." —
P. MEYER, 384; "ye have manged over muche." — P. PLO., ix., 272.
5 SHARPE, n., 250 ; FIFTY WILLS, 35, 133 ; CATHOL., 172 ; HOLT,
68. Cf. "Curiouste stondith in hallis," WYCL. (M.), 434. Cf. steynata,
DERBY ACCTS., 18, 19, 25, 75, 154. 6 SHARP, 179. 7 CHAUCER (S.), i., 298.
8 Pro cirpis et mattis. — Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Dec. 4th, 1409;
pro mattes et stramine. — DERBY ACCTS., 74, 164; WALCOTT, WYKEHAM,
250, 284; BOASE, EXON., x.; OLIVER, 280. 9 For " litura," see DERBY
ACCTS., 156, 346. lo HIST. MSS., i., 80, 85 ; DERBY ACCTS., 16, 63, 67 ;
DENTON, 49, 151; JUSSERAND, 124; BESANT, 71, 146. For complaint in
Paris, 1371, that the doors of the Schools would not shut, sic quod
deferrentur omnia ejus stramina, see DENIFLE, PROC., L, XXVIIL, 405.
11 Cov. MYST., 242. For the dust and fleas " soubz les junx," see
PECKHAM, i., 2 ; PHILOBIBLON in ACAD., 27/4/89, p. 281 ; ERASMUS in
BOASE, 60; JUSSERAND, 131 ; G. METZ, xin. ; DESCHAMPS, iv., 55; VL,
132, 189 ; VIL, 88, 90. For six rules for catching them in bedrooms see
MENAGIER, i., 181. Cf. " Je pense qu'il n'y a point des puces ne des
poils ne d'autre vermyn." — P. MEYER, 388. "II y a grant cop de puces
gisans en le poudre soubz les Junes," "les puces me mordent fort," &c.,
ibid., 403. Pore men couchen in muk and dust. — WYCL. (M.), 211. In
1370 the floor of some new schools in Paris was multum pulverizata et
arenosa in tantum quod quasi abominabile esset scholaribus se ponere in
tanta multitudine pulveris.— DENIFLE, PROC., L, xxvii. For scholars
sitting on the ground while the master sits in a chair, see the Seal of the
Knglish nation. — Ibid., Frontispiece. 12 T. SMITH, 233 ; PROMPT. PARV.,
s. v. ; SHAKPK, i., 454; n., 152 ; NORF. ARCH^EOL., L, 343 ; WILLIS AND
CLARK, IIL, 362; HOLT, 66. Cf. "the bankers on the binkes lay."
— LANGTOFT, n., 456; WARTON, in., 149; " un grant doseur avec les

212 Gilds and tifistertes. [CHAP. LXXV.

trees l spread with board-cloths a of clean nap.:! On these was
laid a garnish 4 of pewter or treen, together with the masers and
silver spoons bequeathed ;3 by brethren since dead. Men and
women alike brought their beaker ° of ale, and the poor received
their share of the good things by the custom of the day. Each
member was required to bring his wife or his lass," and the sick8
brother or sister had still to pay his score, though he might
have his pottle9 of ale and his mess of kitchen stuff10 sent to
his own house if he wished. If any disturbed n the fellowship
with brabblings l'2 or high language the Dean delivered him the
yard,18 or fined him in two pounds of wax, to be paid in to the
light-silver.14 The cook was often a brother of the gild, and
skilled waferers 15 were always to be had for a price. When all
had washed and wiped,10 the Graceman 1T placed them a-row 1S
with his silver wand, and the Clerk stood up and called
"Peace !"19 while prayers were said for England and the Church.

tapis bankeurs." — P. MEYER, 384 ; " doseris bancurs and cuzshens."-
WYCL. (M.), 434-

1 For trestre d'arbre, see Q. R. WARDROBE, i?r8-, APP. B ; DERBY
ACCTS., 63, 75, 86; also HERBERT, i., 80; T. SMITH, 233, 320, 327;
DENTON, 49; HOLT, 62, 67; BESANT, 71, 145. 2 PROMPT. PARV., 40;
LOND. AND MID. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v., 117; SHARPE, i. , 620, 690, 692.
" The cloth was laid, the bord was set."— GOWER, CONF., 220. 3 GROC.
ARCH., 27. 4 SHARPE, i., XLIX. 5 LOND. AND MID. ARCH^EOL. Soc., v.,
117. G T. SMITH, 217. 7 Femme ou compaigne ou demoiselle. — GROC.
ARCH., 14; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 78. 8 T. SMITH, 59, 119, 147 ; GENT.
MAG. (1835), p. 167; LOND. AND MID. ARCH^OL. Soc., v., in. 9 DERBY
ACCTS., 6. 10 Mes de la cusyne. — DAVIES, 140. n SHROPSH. ARCH^OL.
Soc., vin., 281. r- ARCH^OLOGIA, XLIII., 175-190. 13 T. SMITH, 273 ;
Vol. II., p. 469. For the " yerde of scourgynge," see WYCL. (A.), n.,
259, 262, 321, 326; in., 38. Cf. "under your yerde." — CHAUCER (S.), i.,
357; n., 176, 194, 248, 277; PROL., 149. 14 GENT. MAG. (1835), p. 166 ;
A. S. GREEN, i., 158. For "receptor luminaris " in the English nation
in Paris, see DENIFLE, PROC., L, xxiv., 137. 15 For wafreris, waffer,
wafrestre, wawfroer, see WYCL. (M.), 12 ; P. PLO., VIIL, 285; xvi., 199 ;
BEKYNTON, n., 233 ; DERBY ACCTS., XCIIL, 104, 109, 358 ; MARTIN, 82,
83. Cf. uni wafrerio (or weyferer) gd. Not " wayfarer," as HIST. MSS.,
ist KEPT., 80, 81, 83. 1(iP. PLO., xvi., 32, 38. 17 T. SMITH, 172, 176,
183; GIBBONS, LINC., 97. 18 GOWER, CONF., 352, 416. 19 T. SMITH, 76.

1408.] "Mnlti to a mangerie&nd to the mete were sompned." 213

The feast began with good bread and brown ale. Then
came the bruels,1 jouts,'J worts/3 gruels, cullies,4 and other
pottage,5 the big meat,0 the lamb tarts,7 and capon pasties,8
the cockentrice,9 or double roast (i.e., griskin and pullet
stitched with thread, or great and small birds10 stewed
together),11 and served in a silver posnet 12 or pottinger,18 the
charlets,14 chewets,15 collops,16 mammenies,17 mortrews,18 and
other such toothsome entremets10 of meat hewed in gob-
bets20 and sod in ale,21 wine,22 milk, eggs, sugar, 2:] honey,

1 Two COOKERY BOOKS, 123; PROMPT. PARV., 54; HALLIWELL, 214;
HOLT, 113. Cf. "brouet." — DESCHAMPS, vm., 8, 104. 2 Two COOKERY
BOOKS, 5 ; PROMPT. PARV., 265. 'A Two COOKERY BOOKS, 5, 89. *Ibid.,
10. 5 WYCL. (A.), i., 298 ; n., 194. 6 " Grosse char." — Two COOKERY
BOOKS, 58; DESCHAMPS, iv., 325; vn., 188 ; vm., 139; HOLT, 109;
HOLT, LANGLEY, 52, from HARL. MS., 4016; LIB. CUST., 227; "grant
char." — P. MEYER, 386. 7 GROC. ARCH., 126, 218; Two COOKERY BOOKS,
47 > 52- 74- 8GowER, CONF., 245. 9 Two COOKERY BOOKS, 40, 62, 115 ;
BESANT, 186. 10 Two COOKERY BOOKS, 61. n HERBERT, i., 77, 81.
12 SHARPE, i., 574, 690. For "possinett argenti," see Q. R. WARDROBE,
<W8, APP. B ; PROMPT. PARV., 410. 13 EXCERPT. HIST., 416, 418. Cf.
" podenger," MUM. ACAD., 705; or "porringer," HOLT, 131. 14 Two
COOKERY BOOKS, 17; PROMPT. PARV., 70. For " chare de coyns," z'.^.,
quinces, see DERBY ACCTS., 19. 15 Two COOKERY BOOKS, 48, 58. 16 P.
PLO., xvi., 67. 17Two COOKERY BOOKS, 22, 61, 88. 18/6/W., 28, 136;
P. PLO., xvi., 47, 66, 100; PROMPT. PARV., 344; CHAUC., PROL., 384;
CATHOL., 243. Not "mottrews," as BESANT WHITTINGTON, 80. 19 For
" entremessebroches," see L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 13,
5, APP. C. "This entremes is dressed for you alle." — CHAUCER (S.), i.,
358. 20 For " bef or moton hewed in smale gobbetts," see COOKRY, vi.
For " fleshheweris," see WYCL. (A.), i., 308; COOKRY, vi. ; GOWER,
CONF., 265, 287. For " gobet, " see P. PLO., vi., 100 ; WYCL. (A.), n.,
214; CHAUCER (S.), n., 41, 128. For "gob," see ARCH^OL. CAMBR., v.,
i, 25, Jan., 1884 ; HOLT, 100. 21 CHESTER PLAYS, i., 123.
-2 Cf. Chapons rostiz boucs ne veaulx
Ne sausses de la sausserie
Sanz vin n' est c'une moquerie. —

DESCHAMPS, vm., 103.

23 In 1417 sugar in "hole loofifys" cost i3d. or i4d. per lb., in gobbets
i id., and in powder 7d. to 8d. — GROC. ARCH., 129, 190. In 1425 the
price of white sugar was is. per lb. — HERBERT, i., 79. In 1420 the
Portuguese transplanted the sugar cane from Sicily to Madeira. — ART DE
VER., i., 780. The editor of the SENCHUS MOR thinks that up till 1466
sugar was only used as a medicine in Europe. — ANC. LAWS, n., XLI.

214 Gilds and Mistcrics. [CiiAp. LXXV.

marrow,1 spices,2 and verjuice 3 made from grapes or crabs.4
Then came the subtleties,0 daintily worked like pigeons, cur-
lews, or popinjays in sugar and paste, painted in gold and silver,
with mottoes coming out of their bills ; and after them the
spiced cakebread," the Frenchbread, the pastelades,7 doucets,<s
dariols," fl awns,10 pain -puffs,11 rastons,1'2 and blancmanges,13 with
cherries, drages,14 blandrells,15 and cheese, and a standing-
cup 1(i of good wine left by some former brother to drink him
every year to mind.1" When the cloth was up 1S and the
boards were drawn,111 came the merrymaking and the hoy-
trolly-lolly.20 They laughed and cried at the jester's21 bourds22

1 Out of the harde bones knocken they
The mary, for they casten nought away. —

CHAUC., PARDONER, 12475.

2Cf. "riche meetis with hote spices." — WYCL. (A.), m., 159. 8 For vergous,
virges, vergws, see DERBY ACCTS., xciv., 357, where the price in 1392 is
5d. per gallon. Cf. Vergus, vinaigre, eufs, et frommaige. — DESCHAMPS,
viii., 138, 139; use de verjus pour vinaigre. — ibid., vm., 343. 4 WILLIS
AND CLARK, m., 579, 582 ; DERBY ACCTS., 190. 5 Two COOKERY BOOKS,
57, 58, 68, &c. ; Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 3, 6, APP. A. At the corona-
tion of Henry V. there were swans, eagles, and antelopes. — COOKRY, 4.
B RICART, 80. 7 Two COOKERY BOOKS, 59, 62; HOLT, 101. 8 Two
COOKERY BOOKS, 50; PROMPT. PARV., 128; HOLT, LANGLEY. 52;
BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 80. 9 Two COOKERY BOOKS, 47, 53, 56, 75.
10 Ibid., 51, 56; DERBY ACCTS., 254, 342; PROMPT. PARV., 164;
CATHOL., 133 ; "with deynte flawnes brode and flat."— CHAUC. (S.), i.,
248. n Two COOKERY BOOKS, 61, 68 ; HOLT, LANGLEY, 53 ; BESANT,
WHITTINGTON, 80. 12 Two COOKERY BOOKS, 52. 13 Blammanges. — P.
PLO., xvi., loo ; blankmanger.— CHAUC., PROL., 387. 14 CATHOL., s. v. ;
BOASE, EXON., 6; DERBY ACCTS., 19, 225, where i Ib. of royal drage
costs is. 4d. in 1390. Cf. dragges. — CHAUC., PROL., 426. 15 GROC. ARCH.,
78, 81, 87, 91, 98, 159; HERBERT, i., 85; Two COOKERY BOOKS, 59;
PROMPT. PARV., 38; DERBY ACCTS., 10, n, where 400 " blaundreles "
cost 2s. 3d. at Calais in 1390. 16 HIST. MSS., nth REPT., in., 231;
PROMPT. PARV., 35 ; ARCH^EOLOGIA, L., 527 ; CHESTER PLAYS, 59 ;
SHARPE, n., XLVL, 424 ; " mony drinken wyne that were better lif wyth
ale." — WYCL. (A.), in., 159. 17 GIBBONS, LINC., 108. 18 GOWER, CONF.,
416. 19WvcL. (A.), i., 113, 181, 263, 288, 400; GOWER, CONF., 115; P.
PL-O., ix., 289. Cf. au lever de la table. --TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 61. *» P.
PLO. ix., 123. 21 For " chanteurs de gestes," see LEROUX DE LINCY, 430.
For " gest," see GOWER, CONF., 280, 292, 393, 396. 408; CHAUC. (S.),
n., 191, 405; " gestiours that tellen tales/' ibid., iv., 36. -CHESTER
PLAYS, 197; P. PLO., vm., 108 ; x., 127. For " borde," see GOWER,
CONF., 149, 398, 427 ; WYCL. (M.), 446.

1408.] "Drink and Dance and Song and Play." 215

or the gitener's l glee ; they watched the tregetour's '2 sleight,
or they diced 3 and raffled, while the sautryours 4 and other
minstrels harped,5 piped, gitterned," fluted,7 and fitheled s a
merry fit '•' aloft.10 As they left the hall they gathered about
the leapers and tumblers,11 or thronged the bearward12 and the
apeward 13 to enjoy the grins, mows,14 and gambols 1;"J of their
darlings,10 or formed a ring about the bearstake17 to see the

1 HIST. MSS., nth KEPT., in., 221. For the gleeman see P. PLO.,
vii., 404; xii., 104; BESANT, 74. '* Cf. Vol. L, p. 320; GOWER, CONF.,
121 ; CHAUC. (S.), iv., 38; MARCO POLO, i., 340, 342, 347; n., 73. For
" tregetrye," see WYCL. (A.), in., 410. Cf. " sum tyme men wen to see
a thing that thei see it not as it schewid by jogulers, dremers, and
rafars. " — APOL. , 96 ; also " develis jugeleurs to blyn mennies gostly eizen. "
— WYCL. (M.), 99. For Master John Rikil, Tregetour to Henry V., see
LYDGATE in DUGD., ST. PAUL'S. 425. 3 RICART, 80; T. SMITH, 422.
4 SHARPE, i., 338. 5 For the three parts of the harp, see WYCL. (M.),
340. For the rebeck, citole, riote, harp, viol, flute, &c., see GOWER,
CONF., 416, 424,439; DESCHAMPS, vi., 127; vn., 269; HOLT, 56. Cf.
" symphonic and croude weren herd." — WYCL. (A.), n., 73. For harpers
playing before Henry at Konigsberg, Epiphany, 1391, see DERBY ACCTS.,
no; HIRSCH, n., 793. tt WYCL. (M.), 9. 7 CHAUC. (S.), i., 125. 8 On
Oct. 2ist, 1391, two outside minstrels played before Henry at Peter-
borough, cum lewt et fithele, for which they received 135. 4d. — Due.
LANC. REC., xxvni., i, 2. 9 Cov. MYST., 186. 10 GOWER, CONF., 61,
149, 185, 188, 190, 200, 209, 241, 261, 273, 277, 299, 379, 434. For "on
lofte," see Cov. MYST., 84; LYDGATE, TEMP. OF GLAS, 27; P. PLO.,
vn., 424; CHAUC., MAN OF LAW, 4697; CHAUC. (S.), i., 224, 342, 359;
IL, 157, 182, 265, 341, 357, 365, 368; iv., 51. For the minstrels' loft, see
FROIS. (JOHNES), iv., 374. from HARL. MS., 4379. n OWEN AND BLAKE-
WAY, i., 327. For "tumbleris lepyng," see WYCL. (A.), i., 388; in., 252.
Kingston's compotus has payment cuidam tumbler performing before
Henry at Konigsberg, Christmas, 1390. — DERBY ACCTS., 109. l- JUSSE-
RAND, 218, 233 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, Plate xxii., 105 ; WYCL. (A.), n.,
337; STAT., iv., 591, 14 ELIZ., c. 5 ; A. S. GREEN, i., 148. For "bere-
leder," see CHAUC. (S.), 11., 349. 13 CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, Plate xxii.,
104; LEROUX DE LINCY, 156; P. PLO., vm., 284; WYCL. (M.), 96. Cf.
" make I not wel tumble myn apes." — CHAUC. (S.), i., 245. 14 " To skoffe
and mowe lyk a vvantoun ape," cf. GOWER, CONF., 186, 240; CHAUC. (S.),
n., 302; iv., 53. 15 " Gambolding." — MARRIOTT, 78. 1B CHESTER
PLAYS, n., 78, 112, 144. Cf. " swetings."— Cov. MYST., 160, 196.
17 WARTON, i., 90; WYCL. (A.), n., 299; GARDINER, 275. For bull-
baiting and bear-whipping in London, see HENTZNER in HARRISON, i.,

LXXVIII. (1598); FlTZSTEPHEN in BECKET, III., II; BRAND, II., 283;

GROSS, i., 34. For Nottingham see A. S. GREEN, n., 256. In Col-
chester temp. Ed. III., Henry Oskyn, butcher, was fined 4od. for killing

216 Gilds and Mistcrics. [CiiAP. LXXV.

baiting with the dogs. Or the summer afternoon1 would be
spent in running - a bull, when the poor brute's skin was
daubed with smear,:! its tail cut, and its horns sawn off, the
sport being to goad it with dogs and sticks and see who could
get near enough to cut a few hairs from its greased back.

But the great diversion of our forefathers was mumming.
Give them but free air and an antic guise, and they would
mask and mime with all the seriousness of children at play.
Every tnistery must have its riding, and every gild its proces-
sion. At Beverley, 4 on St. Helen's Day, the gildsmen dressed
up a boy as a queen to represent the saint. One old man
marched before her with a cross and another with a spade ;
the music played up, and the brethren and sistern followed
the parade to church. At Candlemas5 a man in woman's
dress represented the Virgin Mary, and carried " what might
seem " a baby in his arms. Joseph and Simeon walked
behind him, and two angels carrying a heavy candlestick with
24 waxlights. At York 6 they showed the Vices and Virtues by
means of the petitions in the Lord's Prayer, or they acted out
the articles of the Creed, while the gildsmen in their livery
rode with the players on the route. At Leicester " the images

a bull before it had been baited with dogs at the bearstake. — COLCH.
REC., 9. For bulls and bears in Rome, see USK, 72.

1 CHAUCER, MAN OF LAW, 5464. - For Stamford see T. SMITH,
192; BUTCHER, 76; STRUTT, 207. For Tutburysee DUGDALE, MONAST.,
in., 397; PLOT, 436; SHAW, i., 52 ; ARCH^EOLOGIA, n., 86. For Leices-
ter see THOMPSON, MUN. HIST., 51, where "q't de tauro" can hardly
mean that "the gildmen depastured cows on the common near the
town." 3 T. SMITH, 356, 359; cf. "saim," DAVIES, 150. For cepum or
sepum, see DERBY ACCTS., 6, 15, 27; RIPON MEM., m., 93, and passim.
Cf. " cepi sive uncti," RYM., vin., 634. For " candelas de cepo," see
MURAT., III., 2, 816; "chokid with talew," WYCL. (M.), 104. For
" sebum," at 8s. 6d. per 100 Ibs., see OLIVER, 280. For " whyte Castelle
sope," see POL. SONGS, n., 160. 4 T. SMITH, 148. 5 Ibid., 149. fi Ibid.,
137. 7 THOMPSON, 150.

. TJic Boy-Bishop. 217

of St. Martin and the Virgin were borne through the streets
with music and singing, 12 of the gildsmen making up as the
Apostles, each with his name stuck in his cap. At Norwich, l
on St. George's Day, they chose their George and a man to
hear his sword and be his carver ; two of the brethren bore
the banner and two "the wax," and the rest rode with them
in their livery round the town. The Norwich peltyers'2 (or
skinners) dressed up "a knave child innocent," with a large
candle in his hand, and led him through the city to the
Minster, " betwyxen two good men," in memory of St.
William,3 the boy-martyr, to foster hatred against the Jews.
At Canterbury,4 every 6th of July at the city watch, a cart was
drawn about the streets, showing a boy vested as " Bishop Becket "
struck down before an altar by four other children, who played the
knights ; and as the martyr fell beneath their blows, real blood
was spurted on to his forehead from a leather bag, which was
carried in reserve for use at a given signal. At Cambridge r'
the scholars of Michaelhouse played a comedy in masks,
beards, and embroidered cloaks. In London ° the brethren of
the Fraternity of SS. Fabian and Sebastian carried " the
Branch " springing from the root of Jesse dressed out with
lighted candles to the church of St. Botolph, Aldersgate. On
St. Nicholas Eve (Dec. 5th) the chorister boys in every cathe-
dral, and probably in every collegiate and parish church where
singing boys were found, elected one of their number to be

1 T. SMITH, 446; A. S. GREEN, i., 150; n., 384. - T. SMITH, 30.
3 NOTES AND QUERIES, yth Ser., x., p. 424; ATHENAEUM, 12/12/91, p.
801. 4ARCH^20L. CANT., xn., 34; HIST. MSS., ixth REPT., i., 148;
A. S. GREEN (i., 146), considers this to have been a complete local play,
3 WARTON, n., 377 ; C. H. COOPER, ANN., i., 131. 6 HONE, 83.

2i8 Giltts <ind Mistt'rit's. CHAP. \ \\v.

their " Barne- Bishop, " ] or "St. Nicholas' Bishop," - and to
rule the services of the church, in mitre, ring, gloves, cope,
surplice, rochet, and full pontificals. He rode or strutted
about the streets with his cro/ier:; borne before him, blessing
the crowd, and collecting their pennies in a glove, with his
canons, chaplains, clerks, vergers, and candle-bearers till Child
ermas. With the New Year came the Feast of Pools,4
when the sub-deacons5 and lower clerks tumbled into the
churches, and enthroned their Bishop with his Fool's staff,'1 or

1 TEST. EBOR., in., 142; LIB. NIG. SCAC., 674; BRAND, i., 324-336;
ARCH^OLOGIA, L., 446 ; LII., 209, 221; WARTON, i., 248; n., 375; in.,
303 ; STRUTT, 258 ; BLOMEFIELD, n., 516 ; REYNOLDS, LXXXV., LXXXVIII. ;
ABERDEEN REC., i., xxvi. ; JAMIESON, i., 5; FABR. ROLLS, 229, 230.
For York, see MONAST., vi., 1208. For Nottingham and Scrooby, see
ARCH^OLOGIA, xxvi., 342. For Winchester, WAI.COTT, \\'YKI H \M, 205.
For St. Katharine's by the Tower, RELIQUARY, iv., 153, lor 1 ineoln.
see ARCHAVOLOGIA, LIIL, 25, 50; ROCK, iv., 217. For Romney ami
Lydd, A. S. GREEN, i., 148. See also Rom KS, iv., 582; Mi KAY, n.,
109. For the figure in Salisbury Cathedral, see GKFCIOKY, 117; HOM ,
166,197; HAWKINS, ii., 7; STOTHAKO, ^S ; l.vn:. [93; SAKI-M SIAI.,
75. At St. Stephen's Chapel, Westminster, £1 was paid every year
towards the expenses out of the Exchequer (prout antiquitus eidem
episcopo puerorum de hujus elemosina solvi consuevit). — DEVON, 222.
This appears on the ISSUE ROLL every year in December, ,..,•.. M II.
IV., MICH. (Dec., 4th, 1409); 12 H. IV., MICH. (Dec. gth, 1410) ; 14 H.
IV., MICH. (Dec. loth, 1412), and pussini. - For Leicester, see Prr.
LANC, REC., xxvm., 3, 5 (c), APP. A; LOND. AND MID. Aiu H. Sor.. iv.,
318; v., 427. For Brussels (St. Gudule), see I. AISOKPI , IL, 286. 3 Vol.
II., p. 229; LOND. AND MID. ARCH. SOL., iv., ^10; (1. Oi IVKK, BISHOPS,
229. For " bishopis staf," see WYCL. (A.\. in.. jS. •• Hotli hit- mytre
and hir croce." — CHAUC. (S.), i., 239. 4 DURANTI, 2Si h. See the letter
of Charles VII. (1445), in MART., ANEC. , i., iSo.j, and descriptions ot'tlie
churches of Auxerre and Sens (1400 and 1445), in l>r CANOB, s. \ . K.\i i \-
n.-i: ; WARTON, i., 247; HONE, 158; STRUTT, 256; ARCH.VOI OI.IA, \\.,
231; ALZOG, n., 794. Cf. ritus ille impiissimus et insanus (jui re^n.u
per totam Franciam. — GERSON (IL, 109), preaching in i.jos and 1408.
Les abhominations maudites et comme ydolatriques qui se tout en
1'Eglise de France sur 1'oinbre de la feste des fols. — LEKOTN ni LIMN,
[o.f ; Mi '• KAV. n., i»S. ' 1'or " subdekene," or " so-deacon," see PrK\i:v,
REM., 149; APOL., 38; WYCL. (A.), HI., 224: Di- Hi ASI-H., 134; RIH-K.
i\'., 47. For " sodenes." see P. PLO., note p. 52. ° For baculus stul
torum, see Ai<tn i t«i .. i .. .172. For Bus' description of the scone in
Bohemia, see FALACKY, Doc., 722.

i |X>8, Corpus Cliristi. 219

ilicir Al)l)ot of Misrule,1 and brawled, burlesqued and
masqueraded 2 with gross profanity. Kach season brought its
ales, its mayings-round-the-shaft,8 its Piffany f muminings,5 its
Candlemas,11 Hoxtide,7 and Yule;8 but Corpus Christ! !t was
the " Keast of Feasts,"10 when the gildsmen carried torches,
candles, and banners around the "Blessed Sacrament" as it
passed through the streets, and all the town turned out at sun-
rise to watch the annual play. Clerical moralists might
denounce the players as sturdy idlers who scorned to work,
and chose to live as they list in dainty ease;11 but they found
acceptance in the refectories of the religious houses neverthe-
less ; and as often as not they were themselves clerks in minor
orders, such as collets,1'2 benets,13 parish- or holy-water-clerks,14

1 COLLIER, i., 50; WARTON, i., 239. For the King of Fools, see
MONAST., vi., 1310. For the Abbot of Marall or Marham or Mayvole
(/.<•., May Fool) :it Shrewsbury, see OWEN AND BLAKEWAY, i., 333. For
Abbot of Bon-Accord, see ABERDEEN REGISTER, i., 14, 280. '2 MUN.
A(.\i)., i«s. ;l STOW, LOND., So; SiiAKi'E, ii., 30; GOWER, CONF., 76;
Hi SANT, WHITTINOTON, 98. 4 T. SMITH, 103. For Twelfth Day, see
AUNGIKK, 242. B Vol. I., p. 93; CHRON. GILES, 7; BRAND, i., 355;
CAPGK., DK ILLUSTR. HENR., 113. "ABERDEEN REC., i., 9,450. 7 Ross,
105; T. SMITH, 385; BRAND, i., 156; SHARP, 125; MATT. PAR., v., 281,
493,976; ARCH^OLOGIA, vn., 244; SHARPE, i., 63; COLCHESTER REC.,
7, 24, and passim. For "la hokeday," see G. T. CLARK, CART#:, i., 211.
H Ct. " Yoleday," WELFORD, 281 ; WILLS AND INV., 78 ; " Yoolday,"
WYCL. (A.), ii., 301 ; I>i SANT, WHITTINGTON, 99. For Christmas
jollity see Vol. II., p. 478; WYCL. (M.), 206. At Cristenmasse mery
may ye dance. — CHAUCKU, MAN OF LAW, 4546. For Rex Natalicius at
Oxford, see C. R. L. I;i i- IVIIKR, 44. For the "Somerking" at Win-

du-sUT, see WALCOTT, WYKEHAM, 2o6. !) HlST. MSS., Ilth REPT., III.,

166; T. SMI in, 2^; STOW, LOND., 248; WARTON, n.> 201; RELIQUARY,
III., 64; SIIAKI-, yS, if).|; SHKOPSII. ARCH.'F.OL. Soc., v., 266 ; vin., 271,
•Si; I'n i i K\ L' AMI;., 70 : POLLARD, xxv. ; ROCK, ii., 424. 10 LYDGATK,
()5. " SAKI'M STAT., 76; WYCL., I)i. BI.ASI-H., 254, 261; P. PLO., i.,
i I A. S. GRKF.N, i., 147. Ia PROMPT. PARV., 88. 1A Ibid., 30; CATHOL.,
jS ; WVCL. (A.), in., ^85. " PINKS, i., 6. Cf. the "jolly Absolon," in
CHAUC., MILLER, 33.4*, ,^s} ; Vol. II., p. 240, note 9. For " halywater
clerke," see Vol. L, p. 185 ; PROCEEDINGS IN CHANCERY, i., 6; CATHOL.,
171. _!(>()•. SiivKi-, -; \\}\<\-. !'o\ TIKH AI,, i., 1.^07; RIPON MEM., IIIM 23,
*33> 235.

22O Gilds and Misterics. ["CiiAP. LXXV.

schoolmasters, tribblers, subtribblers, organisters,1 pateners,
vestry clerks, marglers, sextons,- or other such lowly Levites,3
who clanked the knoll, strenkled ' the devil, washed the
corpax5 and sudaries, scoured the candlesticks,13 fed the ships7
and crusels,8 lit the sconces,1' swept the cobwebs, cleaned the
relics, wound the clock, fired the obleys 10 and wafers, filled
the font,11 or kept the doors of the church. They turned their
opportunities to good account in the interest of their order,
for the judge who should " reve and rob religion," 12 the
burgess who neglected Mass and matins, and the farmer who
mis-tithed 13 his goods, would find themselves in the play
amongst the damned in the Devil's belly u at the Last Assize ;
and when the cursed depart into everlasting fire in the finish-
ing act, it is because they will not hear Mass or give Christian
burial to their dead.15

1 PROMPT. PARV., 369; CATHOL., 261. For account dated 1399 for
leather and packthread for making a pair of organ bellows, see RIPON
MEM., in., 132. 2 FIFTY WILLS, n ; EXCERPT. HIST., 418. For duties,
see DUGD., ST. PAUL'S, 345 ; MILMAN, ANN., 141 ; AUNGIER, 367. :! Cf.
" clericulos et fratriunclos. " — SCOTICHRON., n., 446. 4Vol. II., p. 460;
PROMPT. PARV., 479; CATHOL., 368. For "a fatte of silver for holy
water \vt a strynkell " at Lincoln, see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 21. 5G.
OLIVER, 266; Q. R. WARDROBE, ^, APP. B; or "corporas," Vol. II.,
452; CATHOL., 76, &c. It had to be washed and starched with linen
gloves on. — AUNGIER, 367. For "corporax" at LINCOLN, see ARCH^O-
LOGIA, LIII., 17. 6 AUNGIER, 368. 7 LEE, GLOSSARY, 159 ; LOND. AND MID.
ARCH. Soc., iv., 320, 321, 372; PROMPT. PARV., 446; CATHOL., 337.
For " schyp with ensenge," see AUNGIER, 364. For navis, navicula, ship,
see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII., n, 20, 72, 77. For one batella valued at 35. 4d.,
see PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 31. For "nef," see TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 60;
GESTE, 369. 8 RIPON MEM., in., 210, 212; ARCHJEOL. JOURN., xxxix.,
390. 9"Sconsas et boettas." — G. OLIVER, 271, 273; PROMPT. PARV.,
450 ; CATHOL., 323 ; AUNGIER, 363 ; TRAIS., 108. For " a squared sconse
of silver and gylte wt a handell of sylver yn the bake " at Lincoln, see
ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII., 21. 10 RIPON MEM., in., 208, 221 ; PROMPT. PARV.,
361, 508; LAY FOLKS MASS BOOK, 238; ROCK, iv., 171; Du CANGE, s.
v. OBLATA. For the oublier in Paris, see DESCHAMPS, VH., 56. n RIPON
MEM., in., 222. 12 CHESTER PLAYS, n., 188. 13 WYCL. (A.), in., 309.
Wycliffe asserts that the chief questions asked in confession referred to
the payment of tithe. — DE BLASPH., 144. GERSON (n., 438) notes that
in England tithes were taken de omni proprio, besides profits in trade. Cf.
Vol. II., p. 465. 14 CHESTER PLAYS, n., 189, 199. 15Cov. MYST., 404.

1408.] Mysteries. 221

They could play you " gracious mysteries grounded in
Scripture,"1 such as the story of the children of Israel,'2 or of
Moses in Egypt,;! or legends of the martyrdom of Saints
Sabina and Feliciana,4 or of St. Catherine 5 of Alexandria
refuting the 50 schoolmasters with their Homer's motes and
Aristotle's "turns and knotty knots," and the angels feeding
her in her torture-house and smashing the wheel like bruchel °
glass, or the miracles of St. Nicholas,7 the hearer of prayer,
who sent the handsome suitors in the very nick of time to the
poor but virtuous gentleman with the pretty penniless daughters,
and brought the little boys s back to life after they had been
cut up in the pickle-butt (i) by the naughty taverner. Some-
times they showed pictured on big canvas 10 the Birth in the
Stable, the Star, the Three Kings, and Herod killing the
Innocents ; or they acted the Apocalypse in tableaux " very
solemnly,"11 or made " small puppets " play the Resurrec-
tion,1'2 one dummy peeping from the tomb and the other
beating an alarm with a couple of sticks. But the "great
miracles " 13 were " the Passion of our Lord and the Creation
of the World,"14 so long and complicated that they were

1 LYDGATE, 95. '2 MASTERS, i., 5. 'WARTON, i., 237. 4 OWEN AND
BLAKEWAY, i., 328. 5 RICART, 80 ; WARTON, n., 367, 274 ; WYCL. (A.),
in., 489; ST. KATHERINE, 521, 851, 1151, 2003; SHARP, 9 ; CAMBRIDGE
ANTIQ. Soc., II., xv., 10, 19; ROCK, iv., 219. In Lincoln Cathedral they
had a piece of the chain qua sancta Katerina diabolum ligavit. — ARCHJEO-
LOGIA, LIII., 7, 18. 6 For "brotyl glas," see LYDGATE, 246; " britul,"
WYCL. (A.), n., 258; "brotel," P. PLO., xi., 47 ; CHAUC. (S.), n., 269 ;
" brutel," GOWER, CONF., 45 ; "brokely," WYCL. (A.), in., 64. Cf. " His
welthe hathe but a brotille stablenesse." — HOCCL., DE REG., 129.
7 BRAND, i., 325 ; HONE, 193 ; T. WRIGHT, MYSTERIES, 1-20; MORLEY,
in., no; POLLARD, xvin., 162; ENGLISH LEGENDARY, 240-255. For
a hymn to St. Nicholas temp. H. IV., see KILKENNY ARCH^EOL. Soc.,
in., 51. 8 MAGASIN PITTORESQUE (1861), p. 170. 9 For duae buttes pro
pane, see MUN. ACAD., 630. 10 HARDT, iv., 1089; LENFANT, CONSTANCE,
440; MARRIOTT, xxvi. n " Bien sollempnellement." — MET/ CHRON.
(1412), p. 140. 12 WARTON, i., 240; LAMBARDE, 459. 13 CHESTER PLAYS,
113, 115, 14 DEVON, 245. For permission to play ule misterre de la

222 Gilds anil Mistcries. [CHAP. Lxxv.

sometimes carried on for three, four, five, or even eight suc-
cessive days.1 Such exhibitions were usually known in
England as "the miracles,"2 or "the marvels," and occasion-
ally "the mysteries. f'3 They were given in churches,4 church-
yards, or other public places ; sometimes by strolling com-
panies,5 sometimes by separate gilds. We trace them wher-
ever town records are preserved, and they penetrated even to
the remotest manor-house " and the most secluded village.

But the most sumptuous displays were those conducted by
the combined misteries or crafts of the larger towns, such as
York, Chester, Coventry,7 Newcastle,8 Abingdon,9 Lynn,10

Passion " in the Church of the Trinity in Paris, Dec., 1402, see ORDON-
NANCES, vin., 555.

1 STOW, LOND., 76; CHRON., 337 ; MALVERN in HIGDEN, ix., 47, 259.
In Chester they certainly extended over several days. — COLLIER, n., 96.
They sometimes took three days over 24 pageants.— CHESTER PLAYS, i.,
3 ; and in some cases a single scene was sufficient for one day.— DIGBY
MYST., vin. By the beginning of the i6th century so much moralizing
had been introduced that two pageants sufficed for a year, see CHILDER-
MASSE (circ. 1572) ; T. HAWKINS, i., 5-26. 2 MATT. PARIS, VIT. ABB.,
56; MAETZNER, 232, 241; YORK PLAY, 362; FITZSTEPHEN in BECKET,
in., 9; CHAUC., WIFE OF BATH, 6140; MARRIOTT, XXIIL, xxiv. ; POL-
LARD, xx. 3 CHESTER PLAYS, vn. Cf. " saltationes et mysteria," at
Council of Constantinople. — BRAND, i., 356. The designation was com-
mon in France, but MARRIOTT (vni.) doubts whether they were so called
in England before the time of DODSLEY (i.-xn.). The word is not to be
confounded with the misteries or crafts, for they were often played by
companies who had no connection with any craft. HANUS (OSTER-
SPIELE, 14) derives it direct from ministcrinni. without reference to any
craft or trade. For literature of the subject, see HANUS, pp. 18-22;
WIRTH, passim; ROCK, n., 430. 4 WARTON, i., 240. For Ottery, Exeter,
Crediton, and Glasney near Penryn, see G. OLIVER, 261 ; BOASE, Exox.,
xvin. For the Kollektivmisterien, see ANGLIA, XL, 219-310. 5 Cov.
MYST., XL ; A. S. GREEN, i., 147. 6 BROME, 3 ; ANGLIA, vn., 316. For
a list of places, see YORK PLAYS, LXIV.-LXVIII. For fragment of a York-
shire play lately found in the School Library at Shrewsbury, see
ACADEMY, 4/1/90, p. 10. For a Cornish play written by Wm. Jordan
in 1611, see DAVIES GILBERT, LONDON, 1827. MRS. A. S. GREEN (i.,
145), is probably going too far in saying that " every town had its
particular play, &c." 7 SHARP, 8. 8 BOURNE, 139; BRAND, n., 369;
COLLIER, n., 76; SHARP, 221. 9 RELIQUARY, iv., 144. 10 HIST. MSS.,
nth REPT.. in., 224.

1408.] MiracUs. 223

Durham,1 Cambridge,- Worcester,3 Beverley, Wakefield,4
Bristol,-"1 Dublin,*5 and Bordeaux." Each trade prepared its
pageant8 or wheeled scaffold9 (towards the cost of which
every craftsman paid his pageant-silver 10 yearly), and appointed
its own pageant-masters to secure " good players, well-arrayed
and openly speaking." n From early sunrise the whole popula-
tion was in the street ; the pageant-wains were trundled from
station to station along the appointed thoroughfares, and from
half-past four 12 in the morning to the close of the long summer
day the old Scripture story was acted out in sections, from the
Creation to the dreadful Day of Doom.13 At one street corner
was Adam with his lickerous14 wife, both "naked and all bare,"15
God being played by a man in a linen coat with his face gilt,1(i
and Satan as an " edder," or a worm with an angel's face.17
At another was Noah, 500 years old, and " out of qwart," with
his legs beginning to fold for fegginess of age,18 shedding his

1 COLLIER, n., 133. - WARTON, i., 237. 3 T. SMITH, 385, 407. 4 For
Towneley mysteries, probably by Austin Canons, at Woodkirk ( — Wid-
kirk, TANNER, YORKS., cxxiv.), near Wakefield, see QUARITCH, CATA-
LOGUE OF MSS., 1886; POLLARD, xxxv. 3 RICART, xix. 6 HARRIS, 147.

7JURADE, 315; RlBADIEU, 165. 8 PROMPT. PARV., S. V. Cf. "he that

kan best plaie a pagyn of the devyl." — W/CL. (M.), 99, 206; (A.), i.,
129 ; n., 15. DAVIES (REC., 230) shows 55. 8d. expenses for eight bearers
moving the " pagyn " in 1397, also (ibid., 239) " to make iiij new wheles
to the pagiaunt." For Lydgate's procession of pageants, see COLLIER,
n., 69. For " pagant," see SHARP, 2; "pagyn," or " pageant wagon,"
DIGBY, ix.; see also Cov. MYST., 246, 289, 298, 303, 310, 342; ANTIQUARY,
XVIL, 15. !l CHAUC., MILLER, 3385. 10 ANTIQUARY, XL, 107, 108 ; T.
SMITH, 417. n YORK PLAY, xxxiv., xxxvii. 12 " At the mydhowre
betwixe iiijth and vth of the cloke." — YORK PLAYS, xxxiv. ; " six of the
bell." — MONAST., vi., 1537. K! HARROWING, 21, 23, 31. 14 CHESTER
PLAYS, i., 32; PROMPT. PARV, 304; CATHOL., 216; CHAUC., WIFE OF
BATH, 6048; PARDONER, 12474; P. PLO., i., 32; XL, 176; B. x., 161.
1:' YORK PLAYS, 26. "I se us naked before and behind.'1 Cov. MYST.,
27; HONE, 220; WARTON, i., 243. For nudity in public, see YOKKS.
ARCH. AND TOP. JOURN., in., 314. 1G SHARP, 14, 26; COLLIER, n., 81.
Cf. 3^ yards lyn cloth for God's coat, 33. 2^d. — HONE, 214. 17 Cov.
MYST., 29 ; MONAST., vi., 1539. 18 Cov. MYST., 97 ; MONAST., vi., 1541.

224 Gilds and Misteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

gown to work in his coat for 100 years at the Ark.1 When
his wife will not come in without her gossips,2 he pulls her in
and gets " a clout" from her ere she will let be her din. Then
for "a twelvemonth but 12 week'' they feed the fowls and the
cattle, i.e., swans, dogs, cocks, hens, and as many strange
beasts as they could find, the rest being painted on boards
hung round the Ark, "that their words might agree with the
pictures."3 After this they cast the lead to see if the water is
waning ; they give the Crow, the Doves, the Rainbow, and
" Hills of Hermonye," till the beasts are unbraced, and the
" barnes " with their wives go out in God's blessing. With
deepening feeling the crowds press forward to see Abraham,
with heavy cheer4 and "wet wangs,"5 wind the kerchief6
about Isaac's eyes, kiss his fair sweet mouth, and lift the
sword to slay his son. Then Joseph, the old timberwright,7
weak and "unwelde," with a beard like a briar-busk, and a
pound of hair about his mouth,8 chiding his young wife Mary,
his " bird so bright," <J and then bowing his back and asking her
forgiveness ; the journey to Bedlem in the fellest freeze ; the
weary rest in the stead, with the walls down and the roof
rained ; the wondrous birth, with neither cloth nor bed, in the
beasts' bin ; 10 the screaming fun of the herdmen,11 with their jan-
nock u and their sheep's head sauced in ale ; the Three Kings
on their " drombodaries " ; 13 the blustering Sir Herod, clad in
kirtle of cammaca, and rolled in rings and robes of array, who

1 TOWNELEY, 27. -CHESTER PLAYS, i., 52. :< Ibid., i., 50, 236;
COLLIER, n., 89, 4 CHESTER PLAYS, i., 67 ; Cov. MYST., 53. 5 YORK
PLAYS, 64. For " wang-teeth," see P. PLO., xxm., 191 ; CHAUC., MONK,
14050. 6 BROME, 59, 62. 7 "Joseph was a forgere of trees, that is to
seie a wrizte."— WYCL. (A.), n., 19. 8 CHESTER PLAYS, i., 138. 9 YORK
PLAYS, 105, 106. 10 Cov. MYST., 159. u MARRIOTT, 69 ; CHESTER
PLAYS, i., 123. 1-~ Cf. TIM BOBBIN, TUMMUS AND MEARY, 40. ^CHES-
TER PLAYS, i., 150. For " dromedis," " dromodes," see WYCL. (A.), i.,
340; n., 243.

1408.] Pageants. 225

can master the moon or ding with his doughtiness the devil
down to hell ; the Flight into Egypt ; Joseph with the " young
page " in his arm, and Mary, who can ill ride, holding fast by
the mane ; the Doctors in the Temple ; the Baptism in the
Jordan ; the Temptation ; the Transfiguration, with Moses
" hente out of hell"; Lazarus forth from his "monument";
the entry into Jerusalem on the common ass, with Zacchseus in
the sycamore, and the children with branches and flowers and
unison ; the healing of the deaf and dumb and all such marvels
and wonderworks ; the purser Judas, with the keen face,1 clad
in a cope, brewing the bargain for " thirty pence and plete '' ;
the Maundy '2 and the Lamb of Pasc ; :! the Agony ; the Be-
trayal with a kissing; Peter making a "lussche"4 to swap off
Malchus' ear, and then lurking5 about the Judgment Hall like
an ape or an owl on a stock, till his heart is shorn by the look
of his Master's fair face, so clear with full sad sorrow. Then
Bishop Caiaphas, waked from his wine and his napping ;6 the
buffets, the fair flaps on the hide, and the sublime silence of
the stately Sufferer as they " noddle on him with neffes " ; the
dicing of Sir Pilate o' Pounce,7 the deemer of damnation;8
his wife Percula striving to save " that simple," and the beadle
Uniting0 the "gentleman Jesus."10 Then Herod with his "big
blure," his gauds and games and gay gear, and Judas hanging
himself and bursting with a crack ; n with the tedious fooling

1 YORK PLAYS, 228. 2 Cov. MYST., 259. 3Vol. II., p. 419, note i ;
WYCL. (A.), i., 120, 235 ; n., 52, 55, 293 ; in., 415. 4 YORK PLAYS, 252,
259. * Ibid., 258; WYCL. (A.), n., 407; m., 89. °WYCL. (M.), 303.
7 WYCL. (A.), in., 115. SRICH REDELES> n<) 7o. » p. PLO., xn., 88;
GOWER, CONF., 80, 189, 328, 401 ; WYCL. (M.j, 423, 460, 466 ; (A.), i.,
89, 112, 113, 340, 374, 377; n., 63, 94, 140, 159, 312; in., 83; CHAUC.
(S.), i., 158, 246; n., 265. IOYORK PLAYS, 277. Cf. " gentlemen with
ihesu."— P. PLO., xxn., 34, 40, 48; A. S. GREEN, i., 23. n Ubi Judas
se suspendebat et crepuit medius. — YORK PLAYS, xxiv. After 1422 this
scene was cut out (R. DAVIES, REC., 235) ; but it was certainly repre-
sented temp. H. IV.— HIST. MSS., ist REPT., 109.

P

226 Gilds and Misteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

and large language of the Trial and Judgment, the snibbing l
and scourging and spitting and dinging,2 and the brain bleed-
ing with the thick thorn ; the Ascent to Calvary, bruised and
all for-bled;3 the nailing to the tree, all naked as a stone ; the
stubbs stiffly driven through bones and sinews — all told in
revolting detail ; and Jesus, dumb as a door,4 amidst a storm
of jesting and brutality,5 left to mowe 6 on the moon till they
wrap him in a sudary,7 and grave s him " under the grete " ° in
ground. Then came the visit to deep Hell full of filth, and the
"herowe," 10 of the boys in Limbo, where Adam had been with-
out light for 4600 years ; n Satan graithing 12 his gear to fight
with Jesus, quoting Solomon and Job for his purposes, and
then giving his hand, content to know that under the new
arrangements he will have more victims than before ; the
Uprise, with the watchers bemazed 13 like sticked swine ; the
Pilgrims clattering and carping on their way to Emax Castle ; u
the Upsteying 15 on a cloud in flesh and fell,16 played by the
Tailors ; the Send of the high Holy Ghost 1T and Thomas of
Inde,18 who believed amiss ; the flagging interest pulling up at
the finish with the Great Assize ll1 and the Hideous Horn,5*0 when

1 WYCL. (A.), n., 55, 76. -APOLOGY, 38. 3 Cf. " al for lorn."—
CHAUC. (S.), ii., 109. 4 YORK PLAYS, 322. 5 In 1437 at Metz, a priest
who played the Christus was so roughly handled that he almost died.
— BARING-GOULD, GERMANY, n., 3 ; HONE, 172 ; SHARP, 32. 6 YORK
PLAYS, 361. 7 Ibid., 371 ; " shouldarye," CHESTER PLAYS, n., 98. 8 P.
PLO., xxi., 87; GOWER, CONF., 81. * YORK PLAYS, 407. 1() HARL. MS.,
2253-55 (temp. Ed. II.), edited by HALLIWELL (" Harrowing of Hell") ;
see also COLLIER, n., 136. For " harow and wala wa," see CHAUC.,
NUN'S PRIEST, 15386. n YORK PLAYS, 374. 12 WYCL. (A.), m., 17.
For "to graythe hor " ( = de soi atorner) see CHAUC. (S.), L, 118, 254;
ii., 14. 13 CHESTER PLAYS, n., 93. 14 WYCL. (A.), IL, 133. 15 PURVEY,
PROL., 37; CHAUC. (S.), n., 74; WYCL. (M.), 448, 468, 471 ; (A.), i., 42,
121, 141, 157, 298, 353, 358, 374; n., 36, 59, no. 16 YORK PLAYS, 460.
17 Ibid., 96, 97. 18 CHESTER PLAYS, n., no; LYDGATE, 146. 19 Cov.
MYST., 60, 223 ; CHAUC. (S.), i., 263. » Cf. "Gabriel's horn."— WYCL.
(A.), i., 294 ; m., 355 ; CHAUC. (S.), iv., 48.

1408.] York Plays. 227

the angels blow their bemes,1 and good and evil draw to their
doom, while Enoch and Elias stand muffled in mantles, and
Antichrist, that very devil that sits so grisly '2 and so grim, is
fetched out 3 to hang by the head in hell, First Demon having
him forth by the top and Second Demon by the tail.4

The plays were spoken in the homeliest English "for the
common to understand." They were set with music and
chorus, and abound in passages of touching tenderness and
artless simplicity. But the properties were necessarily rude,5
the situations were often grotesque, and the annually recurring
familiarity failed not to breed the inevitable contempt. Fixed
stations were marked out with flags at different points of
the route, at each of which the whole show could be seen,
" the pageants fast following each other as their course is with-
out tarrying" ;(i dawdlers were fined 6s. Sd., and at York the
whole 53 scenes were gabbled through in a single day." The
craftsmen paid a rent to the city authorities for the ground,
recouped themselves by fees from the spectators, and took out
their "consolations," 8 in "recreation and drinking," till the
streets were a scene of " revellings, drunkenness, shouts, songs,
and other insolencies."9 The York Play was at this time
about 50 years old, and was doubtless undergoing a slow pro-
cess of change. Year after year the crowds would stand
spell-bound and " moved to compassion and devotion, weep-

1YoRK PLAYS, 499; CHAUC. (S.), i., 257; iv., 37; NUN'S PRIEST,
15404. a Cf. " this greisslye grome." — CHESTER PLAYS, n., 172.
a CHAUC., MAN OF LAW, 5484; GOWER, CONF., 131. 4 CHESTER PLAYS,
ii., 176. Cf. " that hath her by the throte." — CHAUC. (S.), in., 144.
3 Cf. Ther comes one out of the skye in a grey gown,
As it were an hog-hyerd hyand to town. —

POL. SONGS, i., 269.

« YORK PLAYS, xxxiv. ; CHESTER PLAYS, xix. 7 YORK PLAYS, xxxn.
8"Solacia." — Ibid., xxv. 9 DRAKE, APP. xxix.

228 Gilds and Misterics. [CHAP. LXXV.

ing bitter tears " T over the deathless beauty of such scenes as
the Mountain of Vision, the Stable of Bethlehem, the Grave
of Lazarus, and the Calvary ; but when Noah pulled his wife
into the Ark. or Caiaphas sipped his liquor and got tucked
into bed, or Pilate toyed with his wife on the Judgment Seat,
or Herod shouted French gibberish into Jesus' ear, the ground-
lings were meant to laugh — and laugh they did. They needed
constant tickling ; and so new zest was imported into the old
familiar tale by the tomfooleries of Mak and Watkin,- Brew-
barrett,3 Titivillus,4 Spillpain,5 Backbiter.0 Raiseslander, and
Gobbet-o'-the-Green ; 7 and the "broad brutalities"8 in the
"Canterbury Tales" are evidence enough that no effort would
be made by the general public to set their face against the
gathering obscenities ° that gradually disfigured the festival.

We have still, however, a treatise 10 written at the end of the
1 4th century, wherein the writer in true Puritan fashion smites
the "miracles-playing," hip and thigh. Believing, as many
did,11 that the end of the world was at hand and Antichrist
almost upon them, he calls upon a friend to turn from such

1 SERMON in MAETZNER, 229; POLLARD, xxn. * HAWKINS, i., 10.
3 YORK PLAYS, 37. For " barat et tricherie," see DESCHAMPS, n., 94;
VIIL, 148. 156, 185; "barateurs," ibid., v., 74. 4 LANSDOWNE MS., 763.
In MYROURE, 54, 342, he is a poor devil who has to bring his master
1000 pokes full of failings every day. Cf. SIMPSON, GLEANINGS, 175 ;
RELIQUIAE ANTIQUE, i., 257, quoted in P. PLO., C, p. XLV. For Titivili-
tarius, who pulls us up for finikin trifles, see LEROUX DE LINCY, 449 ; or
Titivitilarius, LE CLERC, n., 423. 5 TOWNELEY, 236. 6 Cov. MYST.,
133. 7 CHESTER PLAYS, i., 57. 8 TAINE, i., 127. *E.g., TOWNELEY, 13,
14, 16, 235; MONAST., vi., 1539; COLLIER, n. , 124, 125. 10 MAETZNER,
241; RELIQUIAE ANTIQUE, n., 42; POLLARD, xxn. n Vol. I., p. 173.
Cf. LAST AGE OF THE CHURCH, written in 1356 (p. xxxi.), wrongly
attributed to Wycliffe. Master William Thorpe, the Lollard priest, in
1407 praises those who " absented themselves from spectacles of vain
sayings ( = ' seyings,' not 'seeings.' as ENGL. GARNER, vi., 83) and
hearings." — STATE TRIALS, i., 12 ; Fox, in., 268 ; WORDSWORTH, i.,
310. For "vein pleies and corioustees," see WYCL. (M.), 6, 23; (A.\
i., 215, 250.

1408.] Reform, 229

maumetry l and vanities as damnable and deadly leesings and
gins of the devil. He weeps for those who could turn the
death and miracles of the most kind Father Christ into a man's
japing-stick, and he brands the priests who busy themselves
about such playing as hypocrites and liars. No good can
come of it. Both players and listeners put God behind and
their own lusts before. They gather men together to buy
their victuals dear, and to stir them to gluttony and pride and
boasting ; for what they should spend upon the needs of their
neighbours they spend upon the plays. They will grudge to
pay their rent and their debt, but to spend two-so-much 2 upon
their play they will nothing grudge.3 In 1397, the York plays
were witnessed by Richard II., who watched the pageants
from a position at the gates of Trinity Priory, close to Mickle-
gate Bar, and every effort was doubtless made to satisfy the
critical demands of a monarch so fond of tinsel and display.
In 1399, an attempt was made by Archbishop Scrope to check
the license prevailing in York at Corpus Christi, and in 1407
an order was issued excluding harlots from the city for eight
days preceding the feast, unless they gave security that they
would not ply their trade. In i4o8,4 the Corpus Christi
Gild was founded at York for the purpose of promoting the
decorous observance of the great religious procession. 106
members were enrolled in the first year, nearly 80 of whom
were priests, laymen being excluded from all share in the

1 For "maumet," or idol, see SERMON in MAETZNER, 230, 234; PROMPT.
PAKV., 330; CATHOL., 231 ; ST. KATH., 142 ; WYCL. (M.), 67, 122, 279;
" mament," DIGBY, MYST., 113; " mawment," T. HAWKINS, :., 14. In
the Chester play Herod calls the [nfant Jesus a "misbegotten marmo-
set." -J. P. COLLIER, n., 120. - Cf. "two so riche." — CHAUC. (S.), in.,
160. a MAETZNER, 239. 4 GUILD OF C.C., 7, 31, 75; Vol. II., p. 242.
MRS. A. S. GREEN (i., 150), thinks that the Gild "evidently played a
political part in the life of the town."

230 Gilds (Did Misteries. [CHAP. LXXV.

government and control. The gild afterwards had a Creed-
play T of its own, which was given every 10 years for the spirit-
ual health of the people ; but it had no official connection
with the craftsmen's pageants.^ Nevertheless, its influence
could not fail to be felt on the whole of the ceremonies of the
day. In 1422, the bursting-in-the-middle scene was cut out,
partly, no doubt, on account of the danger which sometimes
awaited an awkward Judas who did not know how to hang,3
partly from a rising feeling of shamefacedness in the authori-
ties ; and it was doubtless through the efforts of the gild that
Friar William Melton,4 the Franciscan, preaching in York in
1426, endeavoured to reform both the text and the accessories
of the play. He could not succeed in altering the day, for all
his eloquence and skill ; but owing to an influence of some
kind it is certain that the text of the York play as we have it
now is far less disfigured with gross indecencies than those of
Chester, Coventry, Wakefield, or other towns.

1 C.C. GUILD, 308. - Miss L. T. SMITH (YORK PLAYS, xxx.) seems
to think that the procession originated with the Gild, but there is evi-
dence that it began long before 1408. The close connection between
the procession and the plays is proved by the extract of 1426 in DRAKE,
xxix. ;5 ANTIQUARY, Sep., 1888, p. 64; "7 old Judases," worth is. 2d.
(i.e., chandeliers), appear among the properties of the C. C. Gild. — J. P.
COLLIER, n., 71 ; R. DAVIES, REC., 273 ; also for three brass " Judaces "
at Lincoln, and " a crosse for candelles called Judas crosse," see
ARCH.Y.OLOGIA, LIII., 80, 81. 4 YORK PLAYS, xxxiv. ; WOOD, i., 212;
BEKYNTON, n., 248. For sacred pageantry add MON. FRANC., IL, xxvm.

CHAPTER LXXVI.
THE SHADOW OF DEATH.

WE now approach a time of much obscurity. After the close
of the Gloucester Parliament (Dec., 1407), no writs of
summons were issued for more than two years, and during
the year (1408-9) on which we are now entering, there are
only three notices of any meeting of the Council, viz., Nov.
22nd, 1408, l Jan. 20th,2 and Aug. i8th, I409.3 The King's
health was shattered. The skill of Master Malvern,4 his
English physician, being baffled, he followed the prevailing
fashion,5 and called in the services of an Italian Jew, Doctor
David di Nigarelli,6 of Lucca, whom he made Warden of the
Mint,7 with a salary of 80 marks (,£53 6s. 8d.) per annum.8
He was known to the English as Nigarill, and he stayed in

^AT., 10 H. IV., i, 17. 2HR., v., 439. aORD. PRIV. Co., i., 319.
4 Vol. II., p. 238. 5Cf. Vol. III., p. 65, note 4. For Jew doctors in
Rome, 1408, see A. PETRI, 993. For Master Elias Sabot, Hebrewe de
Boleyne la Crase (RYM., vm., 667; CUNNINGHAM, i., 267), i.e., Bologna,
called "la grasse " from the fertility of its soil. — MORERI s. v. ; BAYE, i.,
323 ; MONSTR., ii., 12, 61, 66 ; TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 54. It is so called
by Christine de Pisan, whose father Thomas was a doctor and astrologer
summoned from Bologna to Paris by Charles V. LEROUX DE LINCV,
j.ji; THOMASSY, LXIX., 105; BOIVIN, 132; NYS in REVUE DE DROIT
INTERNATIONAL, xiv., 462. It is called Bononia Crassa in GASC., 157 ;
or " Boullongne la Crasse " in COCHON, 146 ; GESTE, 361. " RYM., vin.,
725; PRIV. SEAL, 654/7155, Feb. i8th, 1412. 7 Q. R. MINT, V*1, W.
vSep. 3oth, 1408. 8CLAus., 13 H. IV., 22; PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 10 (1412),
where a side note refers to him as dead.

232 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. LXXVI.

this country as a naturalized subject until his death in 141 2. l
Before 1410, another Italian, Pietro di Alcobasse, had been
also appointed physician to the King ; and he likewise had to
be feed and beneficed with prebends and so forth, in connec-
tion with English churches.- In his despondency King Henry
delivered himself into the hands of his Archbishop,3 who
tended him in his sickness, called him the Church's most
Christian champion,4 and worked his mind into a fitting con-
dition to meet what was believed to be the near approach of
death. His mental fibre seems to have become a wreck. He
loved to call himself the Archbishop's "child in God'';5 he
thanked him for the "great business" that he did for him,
sanctioned appointments made by him,, longed to speak with
him when he was away, and issued orders (i for official prayers,
processions, and masses, in payment for the past favours of
Heaven, and in anticipation of others to come. He gave an
order to Richard Frampton,7 the English illuminator, to write

1 He was certainly living May 2oth, 1412, on which day the King
granted him the manor of North Staundon, in Wilts (DEP. KEEP., 45th
KEPT., in), under the name of David di Nigarill de Luke. — Due. LANC.
REC., XL, 16, 69'. 2E.g., the Deanery of Wimbourne Minster, to which
he was admitted April 29th, 1412 (HUTCHINS, n., 79 ; MONAST., vi., 1452) ;
the prebend of West Thurrock in the College of St. Mary-in-the-Castle
at Hastings (RYM., ix., 124 ; HORSFIELD, i. , 446 ; PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 10 ;
ibid., 2, 16, 28, Feb. yth and 2oth, 1412 ; PRIV. SEAL, 654/7135, where
he is called Acobasse). In PRIV. SEAL, 646/6386, Jan. 6th, 1410, Piers
Dalcobace, physician, has an annual allowance from the Abbot of Peter-
borough as one of the King's clerks ; cf. Vol. II., pp. 25, 353. In Aug.,
1420, he received the prebend of Hoxton, in connection with St. Paul's
(DuoD., ST. PAUL'S, 255, where he is called De Alto Bosco) ; and on
Dec. 2ist, 1422, he was appointed a Canon of Windsor. — LE NEVE, in.,
384. 3 In the Windsor conspiracy of 1399 King Henry had probably been
the means of saving the Archbishop's life, for he had already started
from Croydon for Windsor with his retinue and his plate-chest, but at
Kingston he turned aside into a safer road, and thereby escaped getting
his "crown shaved." — HIST. MSS.,gth KEPT., in ; LIT. CANTUAR., m.,
73. 4 CONG., in., 307. 5 RYM., vni., 584. (! /6/W., 679. 7 BRADLEY, i.,
351 ; Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., 4, 6 b, APP. A. For payment (July i7th,

1408.] Greenwich. 233

and limn on parchment a two-volume portos A for his own special
use, at a cost of over ^25, and silk, satin, and damask bags-
were made for carrying it about from place to place. In Decem-
ber, 1408, the Prince of Wales received special permission to
remain at the King's side, and a summons :} was sent over to
Ireland to recall the Lord Thomas if he wished to see his father
alive. Christmas and Twelfth Day were spent at Eltham Palace,4
and a meeting of the Council was fixed for Jan. 2oth ;5 but
when the day arrived it was again rumoured that the Kirig
was dying, and London was prepared for the worst. They
moved him to the manor-house at Greenwich, to breathe the

1408) of £10 to him, pour p'chemyn et pour lymenere d'un nri portos
quel le dit Richard est ore a escrivre a nre ceps, see Due. LANC. REC.,
XL, 16, 113'". For the King's scriveners see PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 5. For
a reference to Robert Frampton, formerly serviteur to John, Earl of
Somerset, with 20 marks per annum, see PRIV. SEAL, 655/7262, 7263,
July 8th, 1412.

1 It afterwards came by will to Henry V., who left it in his will to
Bishop Henry Beaufort. — RYM., ix., 291. For "portos" see GROC. ARCH.,
79 (1397), 127; LAY FOLK'S MASS BOOK, 364; CATHOL., 287; ROCK,
in., 55 ; iv., 18, 212; i.e., ;' portehors," GIBBONS, LINC., 80; " porteos,"
SHARPE, n. 322, 326; " porteus," WILLS OF KINGS, 158; " portfory,"
RAINES, CHANTRIES, i., 124. In BURROWS, BROCAS, 404, a portiforum
for the chapel at Beaurepaire costs 205. in 1358. In REC. ROLL, 13 H.
IV., MICH., Feb. 26th, 1412, a portose belonging to John Cook, chaplain
of South Witham, between Stamford and Grantham (then an outlaw), is
priced at IDS. For 4d. paid for mending a " portifore " of Henry's in
London, 1395, cujus mensa frangebatur, see Due. LANC. REC., xxvni.,
i, 4, APP. A ; also one porthors, one missal, and one Bible, bound in red
roe-skin, edged with white, and garnished with green silk (total cost =
8s. gd.). Q. R. WARDROBE, -°^, APP. B, refers to 19 portos and 3 liggers.
Cf. pro registro argenteo portiforii domini (1392). — DERBY ACCTS.,
279> 351- For protest against the waste of time and money spent on a
great multitude of new costly portos, antifoners, grailes, and other
service books, see WYCL. (M.), 194. 2Q. R. WARDROBE, ff, APP. B;
L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, 4, APP. C. A DEVON, 310;
LOCH CK, ii., 127. 4 Q. R. HOUSEHOLD, ff, APP. B, shows that he was
at Eltham on Jan. 2nd, 1409 ; also RYM., vin., 569 (Jan. i2th, 1409).
Cf. OTT., 265. For plan of buildings at Eltham in 1509 see HASTED, i.,
52. For the great hall see DUNNAGE, Plate I., vn. ; ARCH^EOLOGIA, vi.,
368. 5 HR., v., 441. dated London, Jan. 25th, 1409.

234 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. LXXVI.

fresh breezes from the Thames;1 and here, on Jan. 2ist, 1409,^
he signed a will in presence of the Chancellor 3 (Archbishop
Arundel), the Duke of York, Bishop Langley, the Chamber-
lain (John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset), the Treasurer (Sir
John Tiptot), the Keeper of the Privy Seal (John Prophet),
Sir Thomas Erpingham, John Norbury, Robert Waterton, and
" many other."

The will forms a marked contrast to those of any of the
previous kings, and seems to bear the stamp of panic on
the face of it. It is short and concise, and written in good
mother English,4 instead of the customary Latin 5 or Norman
French. In it the King declares himself to be a sinful wretch,'1
that has mis-spent his life. lie thanks his lords and true
people for the true service they have done to him, and asks
their forgiveness if he has mis-entreated any. He desires to
be buried in the Cathedral Church at Canterbury, and that
two priests should sing for his soul. All his debts are to be
quit ;7 fees, gifts, and wages are to be duly paid ; and six of his
servants, chamber-grooms, and others are specified by name
for rewards at the hand of his son. He wished that the dowry
of the Queen should in future be charged on the revenues of

1 For the beauty of Greenwich, see HASTED, i., 19. For the Palace
built afterwards by Duke Humphrey, see GENT. MAG. (1840), p. 21.
Cf. Farewelle Grenwych for ever and ay,

Farewelle fayer places on Temmys' side. —

POL. SONGS, n., 207.

2 WILLS OF KINGS, 203; WEEVER, 208; BAINES, i., 395 (editn. 1836);
not Jan. 22nd, 1408, as CATALOGUE TO HARL. MS., 293 (67) ; HASTED,
i., 19; WALL, 296. For engraving of seal attached to the will, see
ARCH.*OLOGIA, xxxi., 366, from a drawing in a MS. in College of Arms.

3 RYM., vin., 584, 592. 4 PECOCK'S REPRESSOR, 128, 159; PURVEY,
PROL., 59; MYROURE, 19. For "heir modir tonge," see WYCL. (M.),
159, 430; (A.), i., 129 ; li., 393 ; m., 114. Cf. Vol. II., p. 405. 5 For
will of Edward III., see RYM. (R.), iv., 1080. ° Cf . "a synnefull deedly
wretche."— ARBER, VH., 55, 80 ; WYCL. (A.), m., 101, 378, 421, 484.
7 P. PLO., ix., 107; x., 275 ; xiv., 76; xvi., 12.

1409.] The Kings Will. 235

the Duchy of Lancaster,1 which had been previously reserved
as a personal possession2 of his family, to be independent of
the Crown ; and then the will abruptly ends. The succession
had already been settled by Act of Parliament, and no mention
is therefore made of it. Nothing is said of gifts for portioning
girls, for feasting the poor, or for religious houses ; not a word
as to lights or clothes to be used at his funeral, or as to the
bestowal of his personal effects ; not a cup, bed, horse, book,
robe, or other memento is left either to his sons or to any
living soul. As it turned out, the goods would not stretch 3
to pay ordinary debts,4 so that it was perhaps wise to
abstain from gifts based upon an imaginary surplus. The
Prince of Wales was made executor,5 with power to call in
others who could labour to carry out the provisions of the will
with the soonest speed. But it is clear that it was afterwards
superseded,1' though the text of the subsequent one has not
been preserved, owing possibly to the fact that royal wills were

1 " I will that the Quene be endowyd of the Duche of Lancastre," can-
not mean that " he bequeathed the Duchy of Lancaster as an endow-
ment to his Queen," as BAINES, i., 394. " Vol. I., p. 66 ; HARDY, 99, 140;
PLOWDEN, 214; ROT. PARL., in., 582; LIB. CUST., 482 ; BLACKSTONE,
i., 118; DERBY ACCTS., LXXXV. 3 Duon., i., 342; MYROURE, xxxn. ;
AUNGIER, 393; WYCL. (M.), 416, 419, 435, 479; CHAUC. (S.), n., 46.
4 RYM., ix., 9; ROT. PARL., iv., 37, 172, 324; RAMSAY, i., 141, 328.
The Prince of Wales, in addition to castles and manors yielding £6000
per annum ( WILLS OF KINGS, 237), took over goods and jewels of his
father's, for which he was to pay 25,000 marks (;£i6,666 135. 4d.); but
neither this money nor his father's debts had been paid in 1415 (RYM.,
ix., 290; ELMHAM, 333), and the account was still open in 1421. — ORD.
PRIV. Co., n., 315. RAMSAY (i., 148), calculates the private possessions
of Henry IV. as Duke of Lancaster at from ,£2200 to £2600 a year.
HOLT (43, 157), is probably wrong in describing him as ''parsimonious,"
"stingy," &c. 5 Or " seketour," WYCL. (A.), n., 40, 214; in., 305;
FIFTY WILLS, n ; PROMPT. PAKV., 451 ; P. PLO., B. xv., 243; C. vn.,
254; xvn., 277. "RYM., ix., 9, 140; HIST. MSS., nth REPT., APP. in.,
158; DEVON, 334; ROT. PARL., iv., 5, 206, 323; WILLS OF KINGS, 404;
LUDERS, 140. TYLER (i. , 322), thinks that the will was neither revoked
nor altered; so also SOLLY-FLOOD, 113.

236 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. LXXVI.

deposited in the Treasury,1 and, being exempt from probate
dues, were not enrolled in the Bishops' registers.- The choice
of Canterbury as his burial-place is distinctly left to the discre-
tion of the Archbishop, and was intended doubtless to benefit
the Cathedral revenues,3 and thereby help to pay the heavy
cost of the new nave.4 Henry's first wife, Mary de Bohun,
who had died in childbirth,0 was laid in the burial-place of the
Earls and Dukes of Lancaster, in the Collegiate Church of Our
Lady in the Newark at Leicester.0 Here also lay three of his
brothers, viz., Edward, and two named John, all of whom had
died in infancy.7 In this very year he gave 100 marks6 to
the Dean and Canons to repair the cloister, the houses, walls,

1 KAL. AND INV., i., xcvu., 108 ; n., 58. The only existing copy is
in HARL. MS., 293, 67 (92), made by Thomas Randolfe, on April i2th,
1625, from the " original under the Privy Seal," but I have failed to find
the original among the Privy Seals now in the Public Record Office.
a Cf. " Thei (i.t'.t the Bishops) taken dede mennis goodis for provynge
of testamentis azenst the statute of oure kyng where thei schulden take
but eizte pens at the moste." — WYCL. (A.), in., 305 ; see also Vol. II., p.
208, note 8; and A. S. GREEN, i., 336. 3 Cf. " Thei (i.e., the friars) ben
faste aboute to have riche men biried in here housis for wynnynge and
offrynge and worldly meyntenaunce." — WYCL. (M.), 15. " Stire hem to
be biried in here chirche and stryven and fiztten for the dede careyne
for love of offrynge and worldly honour.'' — Ibid., 212. " Freris drawen
to hom birying of riche men by mony sotil meenes and messe pens and
trentals, hot thei wil not come to pore mennis dirige and resseyve hom to
be biryed amonge hom." — WYCL. (A.), in., 374. " Thei visiten riche
widows for hor mucke, and maken hom to be biried at tho freris, hot
pore men comen not in there." — Ib'uL, 388. 4 STOW, CHRON., 342;
SOMNER, 89; DART, CANTERBURY. 14; HASTED, iv., 516. -"'Vol. II.,
p. 436 ; HOLT, LANGLEY, 332 ; DERBY ACCTS., LXXXI. (i KNIGHTON,
2741; ANN.. 168 ; DEVON, 321; GIBBONS, LINC. , 24, 78; TEST. VET.,
i., 143 ; WILLS OF KINGS, 84, 109, 153, 159, 171, 231 ; LEL., ITIN., i.,
13 ; DUGD., ST. PAUL'S, 27 ; GOUGH, in., 35 ; DART, CANT., 85 ;
HASTED, w., 539; not Canterbury, as STOW, CHRON.. 342; WEKVKK,
210; SANDFORD, 266; TRUSSED., 90 ; GUTHRH:, 11., 446; TVLKK, i., 311 ;
KNIGHT, n., 23; BODL. MS., RAVVL.INSON, LXXIX. B., fol. 243, in Lir OKI ,
II. IV., p. 3 ; STOTHAKD, 82. See J. S. HARDY, 355. Her marble tomb
is still to be seen in the chapel of the Trinity Hospital at Leicester. —
THOMPSON, 169; J. NICHOLS, i., 231, 239, 339, 368; ANTIQUARY, Oct.,
1890, p. 147 ; M. A. E. GREEN, in., 309. 7 NOTES AND QUERIES, jth
Ser., viii., 424. 8 Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, 4, 6, AIT. A.

i -jog.] St. Paul's. 237

and other works in their church that had not been fully com-
pleted ; and each year, as the anniversary of his wife's death
came round, he sent down many ells of black cloth to be made
into gowns for 24 poor bedemen there.1 But if Leicester was
too obscure a burial-place for an English King, he might have
chosen to lie beside his father and mother- in St. Paul's;3
and doubtless the Dean and others had hoped that his remains
would one day be borne thither. As a recompense for their
disappointment he gave some land and houses in London 4 to
keep a mind 5 for each of his parents every year. He also
gave a chalice, a missal,0 and a Sarum portos " for the service
of the chapel on the north side of the chancel in St. Paul's
over against their tomb, and sundry comforts for furnishing
the bedern,8 opposite the south gate of the Cathedral, in which
the priests were housed who said the dirge and sang the

1 Due. LANC. REG., xxvin., i, 4, APP. A. '2 She died Sep. i2th, 1369. —
CHAUC. (S.), i., 63. For figure of her father, the Duke of Lancaster, in
armour, from brass of Sir Hugh Hastings (d. 1347) at Elsing, see R. H.
MASON, i. , 80 ; DOYLE, i., 550 ; n., 312. For her sister Mathilda (d. 1362,
s. p.), see W. HARDY, p. v. 3 EUL., in., 381 ; WILLS OF KINGS, 151, 170.
For the tomb see SANDFORD, 254; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 49. On Jan.
26th, 1376, John of Gaunt paid £486 for it to Henry Yeveley, mason. —
Due. LANG. REC., XL, 13, 223 a; and on March loth, 1379, £26 for new
painting the tomb and figures. — Ibid., 14, 26. Cf. HOLT, 220. 4 DUGD.,
ST. PAUL'S, 27 ; CAL. ROT. PAT., 255 ; ROCK, in., 89 ; PAT., 13 H. IV., 2,
32, 34, 36, 38, shows that on March 8th, 1403, King Henry raised the
allowance for two chaplains from 10 to 12 marks each per annum (Vol.
II., p. 119), to be paid out of money left in his father's will. The exe-
cutors took up the new proposals on July 5th, 1403, and the appoint-
ments were re-arranged Dec. 2oth, 1411. 3 YORK MANUAL, i., 225;
FIFTY WILLS, 15. 6 Two entries in JOHN OF GAUNT'S REGISTER refer
to missals costing 10 marks each given for an altar in St. Paul's in 1372
and 1375. — Due. LANC. REC., XL, 13, 143, 227. 7 Amongst the books
found in the treasury of St. Paul's in 1486 is a portiforium antiquum
secundum usum Sarum. — DUGD., ST. PAUL'S, 400. 8 DRAKE, 572 ;
FABRIC ROLLS, 98 ; RIPON MEM., i., 123, 128, 149, 155; m., 133; PAT.,
10 H. IV., 2, 10 ; AD QUOD DAMN., 359; T. BURTON, MELSA, 383;
RAINE, YORK, 185. For "Lancaster College," see MONAST., vi., 1457;
ARCH^OLOGIA, LIL, 174.

238 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. LXXVI.

Requiem for their souls. He gave a cope, a chasuble, and
two tunicles orphised l with antelopes and mills to the Church
at Westminster ; '2 and his care was also extended to the new
Collegiate House, erected at Pontefract some 20 years before
by " that very devil of war," 3 the veteran Sir Robert Knolles,4
for 13 old men and women who had come to poverty through
mis-adventure. Two chaplains and two servants were to re-
side in the house, which was liberally endowed by the founder
under the title of the Knolles Almshouse/' Sir Robert Knolles
had just died encumbered G with age in his manor house at
Sculthorp7 near Walsingham, on Aug. i5th, 1407. His body
was brought to London on a litter and buried by the side of
his wife Constance in the Priory Church of the White Friars 8
in Fleet Street, to which house he had been a great benefactor.
On Nov. Qth, i4o8,9 the King fathered the almshouse as his
own, under the title of the College of the Holy Trinity of
Pontefract, " of which we are now the founder." This stroke
of vicarious deathbed generosity has a queer cuckoo ring about
it, but it is quite in agreement with the practice of the age.10

1 LOND. AND MID. ARCH^EOL. Soc., iv., 334 ; JAMIESON, s. v. ORPHIS.
For the skill of English embroiderers, see PROMPT. PARV., 368. - LOND.
AND MID. ARCH^OL. Soc., iv., 329. 3 ANSTIS, 30. For " Knolles's
mitres," i.e., ruined churches in France, see ANDREWS, n., 8; DICT.
NAT. BIOG., xxxi., 282. 4 MURIMUTH, 208. 5 MONAST., vi., 714; CAL.
ROT. PAT., 211, 220, 252; INQ. p. MORT., in., 70. On Aug. ist, 1406,
Knolles has permission to give 15 messuages, 80 acres of land, 6 acres of
pasture, and 6 acres of wood to the house. — Due. LANG. REC., xi., 16,
69'". 6 HALLE, 26 a; HOLINS., n., 533. 7 Due. LANC. REC., xi., 16,
141'"; LEL. COLL., L, 485. In ITIN., i., 83, he says that Pontefract
was the birth-place of Knolles' wife Constance, " a woman of dissolute
living afore her marriage"; cf. STOW, CHRON., 334; BLOMEFIELD, vn.,
174. For his will dated at his mansion house in Seething Lane, Oct.
3ist, 1389, enrolled 1407-8, see SHARPE, n., 377; not 1404, as GENEAL.,
vi., 32. 8EuL., in., 411; WALS., n., 277; CHRON. GODSTOWE, 240;
FABYAN, 383; POL. VERG. , 435; WEEVER, 436; NEWCOURT, i., 568;
RAMSAY, i., in. 9 PAT., 10 H. IV., 1-19 ; ibid., 2, 24. 10 LYTE, 142.

1409-] Battlefield. 239

It was while the King lay death-sick at Greenwich and
haunted by the ghost he had deposed,1 that he bethought him
of his vow to raise some lasting monument upon the battle-
field at Shrewsbury. The great pit into which the bodies of
the slain '2 had been heaped, together with two acres of the
surrounding land, had been enclosed with a trench ; 3 and for
the last five years the spot had been hallowed to the memory
of the underlying dead. The owner of the land, a squire
named Richard Husee,4 lord of the neighbouring manor of
Albright Hussey,5 was ready to sjive up the two acres to Roger
Ive6 of Leaton, rector of the chapels of Fitz and Albright
Hussey, on condition that a chapel should be built 7 on it,
where daily Masses might be said for the souls of the dead
whose bodies lay rotting below. Three years before8 the

1 RICHARD II., in., 2, 158. 2 Ibidem humati existunt. — MONAST., vi.,
1426. Some of the more noteworthy were carried to the burial grounds
of the Black Friars and Austin Friars at Shrewsbury. — LEL. ITIN., iv.,
78. 3 A portion of this is still to be traced on the north side. — GENT.
MAG., 1846, i., 347 ; BROOKE, 9, 17, who takes it for Percy's entrenchment
or a moat. So also FLETCHER, 16, and RAMSAY, i., 60, who reprints a
plan of the ground from OWEN AND BLAKEWAY, where it is said (i., 191)
that the field where the church stands is still called " The Hateleys."
Cf. Batelfelde locus ante dictus Hateleyfelde. — LEL. COL., i., 34. In
contemporary MSS. (e.g., PAT., n H. IV., i, 23), the word is quite
distinctly written " Hateleyfield," otherwise one might suspect that it
was a mistake for Bataleyfeld, Batailfeld, or Battailfeld; see MONAST.,
vi., 1427-8. 4 The field is called Hyusifeld prope Salop, in 1403. — Q.
R. WARDROBE, -\8-, APP. B ; or " al Bataille de Shrouesbury," ROT.
PARL., in., 599 ; " a la bataille de Salop.," ibid., 619 ; "juxta Salopiam,"
ARCH^OLOGIA, L., 518; "in agrum quendam juxta villam Salopiae,"
ELMHAM, 6. 5 Called Adbrighton Huse in PAT., 8 H. IV., i, 28 ; 10 H.
IV., i, 2. 6 He was made rector Oct. 22nd, 1398 (EYTON, x., 86), and
incumbent of Fitz Chapel (ibid., 154). His name appears on the first
seal of the college.— FLETCHER, 14. John Yve of St. Martin's Parish,
Oxford, was admitted a fellow at Winchester in 1411. He died July
2ist, 1432. — KIRBY, 4. 7 " De novo faciend. edificand". et construend." in
all the documents might lead to the inference that some previous building
had been there before, but this is not necessary, see Vol. III., p. 202, note
12; MONAST., vi., 714, 716; WOOD, n., 113; RYM., ix., 290. 8 See
document dated Oct. 28th, 1406, in SHROPSH. ARCH^OL. Soc., in., 242,
from Sundorne Charters, SALOPIAN SHREDS AND PATCHES, iv., 217.

240 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP, r.xxvi.

King had given his consent, but nothing definite had yet come
of it. Now, however, that the Earl of Northumberland was
dead and his cause annihilated, the time had come for carry-
ing the plan into effect. King Henry's final consent was
given on March lyth, 1409. l In August of the same year
eight fothers of lead for the roof were forwarded from Derby-
shire- at his expense, and the work was at once seriously taken
in hand. A chapel3 was built, and in the following year (May
2yth, i4io)4 it was constituted a chantry for ever under the
name of the Chantry of St. Mary Magdalene, near Shrews-
bury. Six chaplains were to be attached to it, of which the
rector of Albright Hussey was always to be one. Following
the " thiefly " ° practice then common amongst pious founders,
the King appropriated 6 for their maintenance all the fruits,7

!PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 2; ibid., ii H. IV., i, 23 d (Feb. yth, 1410);
ORD. PRIV. Co., i., LIII. ; KAL. AND INV., n., 78. - See Due. LANC.
REC., XL, 16, 153'" (Aug. 26th, 1409), for order to the receiver of Tut-
bury to deliver the lead to Roger Jaie (sic) (= Ive) gardein et feisor of
our chapel of Marie Magdaleyn de novel edifie on the battlefield of
Salop. Services by Roger and his two companion chaplains. 3 So
called in CHRON. GILES, 34. 4 MONAST., vi., 1427 ; AD QUOD DAMN.,
196 ; Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 149'", where the date appears to be
May 28th, 1409 (sic). For pardon to Ive for breach of Statute of Liveries,
dated Oct. 5th, 1415, see SALOPIAN SHREDS AND PATCHES, iv., 217 ;
ROT. PARL., iv., 40. In GENT. MAG. (1846), i., 376, is a document dated
Feb. 7th, 1410, addressed to William Walford, who was incumbent of
Roshall Chapel near Shrewsbury, from Feb. igth, 1399, to Nov. 5th,
1418. — EYTON, x., 92. 5 PURVEY, REM., n, 92; WYCL. (M.), 235, 389 ;
(A.), i., 251; CHAUC. (S.), in., 144; FULLER, CAMBR., 8; RYM., iv.,
455; STAT., 15 R. II., c. 6, p. 80; ibid., 4 H. IV., c. 12, p. 136. 6 For
" propringe " parish churches to monasteries, colleges, &c., and " setting
there a vicar or a parish priest for little cost," [and putten there an
ydiot or an unhable herde slow to preche and stronge to gedere dymes
(WYCL. (M.), 425, 445), and zeuen hym to litel liflode], see WYCL. (M.),
97, 116, 118, 190, 223, 236, 419, 518; (A.), ni., 211, 216, 276, 347, 519;
DE ECCLES., 371, 373; GASC., 19; BUDDENSIEG, i., 196; LECHLER, i.,
47 ; JESSOPP, 285. For STATUTE 15 R. II., c. 6, requiring some of the
proceeds to be distributed every year to the poor, see CUNNINGHAM, i.,
265. " WYCL. (M.), 424. See Vol. II., p. 118.

1409-' Appropriation. 241

tithes, proceeds, and emoluments of four parish churches,1
and granted them the right to hold a fair every year, on the
22nd of July, the anniversary of the day on which the dead
were buried.'2 For some time after King Henry's death the
chapel remained as a simple chantry. But Ive was a persist-
ent man He nursed his resources, secured profitable in-
dulgences, and obtained further grants from Henry's son
and grandson.8 He outlived King Henry IV. by more than
30 years, and when he came to die 4 these small beginnings
had developed into a college with a manse or mansion-place,5
provided with promptuary,6 kitchen, and common hall for the
chaplains, and an almshouse (domus elemosince] for bedemen.

The chaplains were to be secular priests, each living in his
own chamber, but taking daily meals at a common table.
Each was to receive eight marks (£,$ 6s. 8d.) yearly,7 one half
of which he would pay to the college for his rooms and table.

1 Viz., St. Michael le Wyre in Lancashire (Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16,
139'", dated May 28th, 1409 ; WHITAKER, RICHMONDSHIRE, n., 448 ;
PORTER, HIST. OF THE FYLDE, 458), St. Julian and St. Michael-in-the-
Castle at Shrewsbury and Idsall, i.e., ShifTnsl. — EYTON, n., 265 ; HUL-
BERT, 170 ; SHROPSH. ARCH^OL. Soc., i., 434. '2 Vol. I., p. 363. 3 CAL.
ROT. PAT., 260, 288. 4 He ceased to be rector of Albright Hussey in
1447. — EYTON, x., 86. For his will dated Oct. 3oth, 1444, see MONAST.,
vi., 1427, in which he left to the college duo portiforia de usu Sarum
alias nuncupata " lyggers," because they were meant to "lig" or lie on
the desk ; cf. " ledger." For ligger — mattress, see ROT. PARL., iv., 237.
For "lig," see P. PLO., in., 53, 130; iv., 170, 222; GOWER, CONF., 61,
107, 159, 211, 222, 225, 249, 299, 380, 394, 403, 425, 437, 440; WYCL.
(A.), ii., 224; CHAUC. (S.), n., 182, 264, 273, 303. For " legger," see
SHARPE, n., 521. In ROCK, iv., 17, a "ligger," is identified with an
Antiphoner. For " coucher," see N. AND Q., 5th Ser., in., 89; RIPON
CHAPTER ACTS, 235; " cowchur," TEST. EBOR., n., 84; qui solebat
coram me jacere, ibid., i., 360. 3 P. PLO., xvn., 283 ; LEL. ITIN., iv.,
52. For " mansion-house," see T. SMITH, 199 ; domibus mansionum v.
cotagiis mansionum, SHROPSH. ARCH.^OL. Soc., n., 201 ; hospitium sive
mansum, GIBBONS, LINC., 55. K PROMPT. PARV. s. v. ; MUN. ACAD., 630.
7 At Edmund Gonville's College at Rushworth (or Rushford) the allow-
ance was 10 marks to each chaplain, pro suo victu et aliis necessariis. —
MONAST., vi., 1386.

Q

242 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. LXXVI.

They took no vows, but were required to swear the usual
" regular obedience " to the Master,1 and not to leave the
college night or day without his special permit. They were
not to marry, but to spend their time in constant and re-
peated services in the choir of the College Church. Yet the
scheme never really throve. It was a gruesome and an eerie
spot to make a home, with hundreds of uncoffined bodies
festering a few feet below. Ive had his enemies too, whose
spitefulness " caused him much harm and loss ; " by which
perhaps he means that his annual fair proved a nuisance '2 to
his jealous neighbours at Shrewsbury. The college buildings
were unfinished, and a bell-tower was wanted for the western
end of the chapel; but for more than 50 years3 after Ive's
death the funds still hung fire, and the tower as we see it now
was not completed till i503,4 Booths were put up for the
fair each summer ; ^ but the place was always poor, and after
the break-up of the college the church stood in ruins for
centuries.0 Some mutilated fragments of the stained glass7
which once filled the east window have been preserved, though
not in their original place, and a rude figure of our Lady of
Pity,8 cut out of a solid plank of oak, is the sole survival of the

1 Prout mods est in aliis locis collegiatis. F~or statutes dated Apr.
22nd, 1395, of college of Fleshy, founded by the Duke of Gloucester in
1393 (MONAST., vi., 1393), see GOUGH, FLESHY, APP., 169. For growth
of colleges at expense of monasteries see GASQUET, PEST., 211. '2 BRAC-
TON (in., 584), lays it down that a market will be a nocnmcntuni if
established within a third of a day's journey, or 6§ miles, of a neighbour-
ing market. Cf. ARNOLD, 9. For 5000 grants of fairs and markets
between 1200 and 1482, see A. S. GREEN, n., 26, 52. a JOURN. ARCHITECT.
Soc. OF CHESTER, Pt. xn., p. 353 ; FABR. ROLLS, 239. 4 FLETCHER, 16.
'"Ibid., 13. 6 BROOKE, 15, 17. "They represent the beheading of St.
John the Baptist, and are in the church at Frees and in the ante-chapel
at Sundorne. — FLETCHER, 18. 8 GENT. MAG. (1792), Vol. LXIL, 893, and
1855, Vol. XLIV., 295 ; ARCH^OLOGIA, xiv., 272; FLETCHER, 19. For
other specimens at Durham see GREENWELL, 45 ; at Breadsall near

i4°9-] Battlefield College. 243

original fittings. Of the college buildings not a vestige now
remains ; but even yet the delver's spade * digs through a mass
of human bones below the turf. On the outer wall, in a niche
above the east window of the church, a small crowned figure2
in armour represents King Henry IV., and he long enjoyed
the reputation of being the founder3 of the whole college
scheme. But he really did very little to justify the claim, and
compared with the princely structures of his son and grandson
at Sheen, Eton, and Cambridge, or the colleges which his
half-sister Joan Beaufort 4 and her husband the Earl of West-
moreland were just building for chaplains and poor gentlemen
at Staindrop,5 or his cousin the Duke of York for a master, 1 2
chaplains, 8 clerks, and 13 choristers at Fotheringhay,0 his little
work at Battlefield is but another evidence of how he managed
to give to the Lord of that which cost him next to nothing.
On March loth, 1409,-" Henry was still at Greenwich.

Derby, and Glentham near Market Rasen in Lincolnshire, see ARCH^EOL.
INST., March, 1891. For Henry's offerings to the Image of St. Mary of
Pue, see HOLT, 40. For Notre Dame de la Puwe, see Vol. II., p. 478,
note n. For a cope of white damask with an " Image of owr lady of
pytte " in the hood, formerly at Lincoln Cathedral, see ARCH^EOLOGIA,
LIII., 29.

1 FLETCHER, 7. For pike dug up, see GROSE, ARMOUR, APP., p. vi.,
plate xxviii., 8; MEYRICK, i., 33. ~ PENNANT, n., 411 ; TRANS. SHROPSH.
ARCH. Soc., May, 1880, p. 242. 3 LEL. ITIN., iv., 78. 4 For a chasuble,
tunicle, and albs given by her to Lincoln Cathedral, see ARCH^OLOGIA,
LIII., 24. 5 See documents dated Nov. ist, 1408, in MONAST., vi., 1401 ;

HUTCHINSON, III., 258; SURTEES, IV., 134; PAT., IO H. IV., I, 17 (Nov.

28th, 1408). In PAT., n H. IV., i, 4, 16, and PRIV. SEAL, 646/6335 (Nov.
loth, 1409), the Earl of Westmoreland grants the advowson of Lethom
(Yorks) to the college, assumed to be Lathom (Lanes) in HUTCHINSON,
in., 259. It may be Laytham in Aughton, East Riding. 6 ROT. PARL.,
in., 652; STOW, 339 ; MONAST., vi., 1411-1414; PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 14;
CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 27 d (Feb. i5th, 1412) refers to grant of six acres,
dated Friday before St. Luke, 1410. 7 CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 18 ; PAT., 10
H. IV., i, i, 2. Due. LANG. REC., xxvin., 4, 6 b, APP. A, shows that
he was at Greenwich on Jan. 3ist, Feb. 3rd, loth, 24th, 1409 ; also Q. R.
WARDROBE, ^f, APP. B, and Due. LANG. REG., XL, 16, Pt. 3, 133, 149
(Mar. 8th, gth, 1409).

244 Th* Shadow °f Death- [CHAP. LXXVI.

Bishop Langley was present, together with Treasurer Tiptot,
Admiral Thomas Beaufort, the Steward of the Household
(Sir John Stanley), and the Keeper of the Chancery Rolls
(John Wakering). The Chancellor (Archbishop Arundel) was
absent at Maidstone ; l but he sent up the Great Seal in its
leather bag.2 The business of the day was to grant to the
Archbishop the castle and domain of Queenborough 3 on the
Isle of Sheppey at the mouth of the Medvvay. The grant was
completed, and the Great Seal was returned direct to the
Chancellor. On March 2oth 4 the King had sufficiently re-
covered to be back at Eltham, where he stayed over Easter.
On April 6th he wrote a letter to Archbishop Arundel, which
is still preserved, and is the best extant specimen of his hand-
writing. It is written in English along the top of a writ under
the Privy Seal,5 referring to the Queen's dower, and is signed
by the King in a firm bold hand.6 We have already seen 7
that an annuity of ,£1000 per annum, payable out of the
revenues of the Duchy of Lancaster, had been settled on
Queen Joan for life as part of her wedding dower, and during
the financial year ending at Michaelmas, I4o8,8 we know that

1 GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 19. a Vol. I., p. 172. In 1442 the great seal of
Ireland was missing, but was found in a box in quadam baga correa eodem
signeto sigillata. — GRAVES, 292. :{ In Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Oct.
3rd, 1409, the Archbishop receives £66 135. 4d. for repairs in the King's
Castle of Queenborough. In PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 9 d (1412), Roger Honyn
is Constable of the King's Castle at Queenborough. 4 PAT., 10 H. IV., i,
4 (Mar. 2oth, 2ist, 1409); RYM., vin., 579 (Mar. 3ist, 1409); L. T. R.
ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, 3, APP. C (Apr. 4th, 1409); Due.
LANG. REG., XL, 16 (Apr. nth, 1409). 5 The writ is dated Eltham, April
6th, and endorsed " anno xi., H. 4," /.<'., 1410, but Arundel ceased to
be Chancellor on Jan. 3ist, 1410, and did not take office again till Dec.
igth, 1411. Also on April 6th, 1412, the King was not at Eltham, but
at Canterbury. I have therefore placed the letter in 1409, /.<•., 10 H. IV.,
with which it seems to agree in every respect. 6 HOLT (50), is wrong in
thinking that he wrote " a scrawl by no means easy to read." ' Vol. II.,
p. 283. SLANC. REG., xxvi., A, 20.

1409-] Eltham. 245

she had only received one third of this amount. On Feb.
1 8th, 1409^ the King had urged that this claim should be
met without delay, and the Eltham letter appears to refer to
the same matter. It has never yet been published, and as far
as I can decipher it, it runs as follows : —

"With all min trewe hert worchypful and well beloved
cosin,2 1 grete yow ofte well, and yow next God I thonke of
ye goode hele y1 I am ynne for se I may well y4 . . . reverent
and well beloved cosin I send yow a bylle for ye queene
towchyng her dower, wych I pray yow micht be sped and ye
schall do us bothe gret ese. . . . We woll thonk yow w1 al
owre hert,

Yowr trewe

Cosyn Henry R."

From May ist to 8th3 the King was at Sutton, near Chiswick,
on his way to Windsor to hunt with the harthounds,4 hayters,
and otterhounds.5 The royal tents ° had been already sent down,
and on May 9th 7 he was at Birdsnest Lodge in the Forest,
and was able to report that he was in good surety of his per-
son. Thence he passed to Easthampstead,8 Swallowfield,
Henley-on-the-Heath, and Chertsey, and was back in Windsor
Castle by June ist.0 The sweet summer air had revived him,

1 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 138'". - He calls the Archbishop his
cousin in his will. — WILLS OF KINGS, 203. 3 Q. R. WARDROBE, f| , APP.
B; Due. LANe. REC., xi., 16, 144'", 148'". 4 GOWER, CONF., 306. 3 In
PRIV. SEAL, 674 6456, Feb. i8th, 1410, William Melbourne is valet of
our otterhounds. For the "yeman tenterer de Buckhoundis," see PAT.,
ii H. IV., 2, n. c Q. R. WARDROBE, ff, ff, APP. B. 7 RYM., vni., 584;
Q. R. WARDROBE, £f, APP. B. For an entry dated Briddesnest, July
2Qth, 1372, see John of Gaunt's Register, Due. LANC. REC. xi., 13, 156.
*On Bagshot Heath, see Vol. I., p. 408; not Yesthampstead, as BUR-
ROWS, BROCAS, 126. 9 ROT. VASC., n., 20 ; Q. R. WARDROBE, ff, has a
writ dated at Windsor on May 2oth, 1409. For documents dated at a
manor in our park at Windsor, May 3oth, 3ist, and June ist, 1409, see
Due. LANC. REC., xi., 16, 137'".

246 The Shadow of Death. [CiiAP. LXXVI.

and he spent the greater part of June and July at the hostels l
uf the Archbishop of York or the Bishop of Ely, in the
London suburbs,2 or with the Queen at Havering-at-Bower,3 or
at St. John's House4 at Clerkenwell, where he sat out for
four days 5 on a timber scaffold with the Prince and a crowd
of barons, knights, and ladies watching the Parish Clerks play
the Bible story at Skinnerswell from the Creation to the Day
of Doom. In the previous winter a herald had come to
England with a challenge from Jean de Werchin,0 the young
Steward of Hainault, to the Knights of the Garter, to meet
him in the following February in a three days' joust ~ with
lance, sword, and axe, in the lists, at any place within 40 miles
of London. On Feb. 2oth, 1409^ a reply was sent in the
King's name appointing May ist for the encounter, and a safe-
conduct9 was issued for the strangers, to last till June i6th.
The Steward then wrote 10 that he was under engagement to fight

1 L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, 3, APP. C. Apud hosp.
Ep. Ely. — PRIV. SEAL, 7193, July 23rd, 1409. '2 For " suburbis," see
WYCL. (M.), 364; " subarbes," CHAUC., CHAN. YEM., 16125. For the
extent of the suburbs temp. Hy. VIII., see HERBERT, i., in. In PAT.,
9 H. IV., 9, St. Dunstan's in Fleet St. is in suburbis London ; also
Temple Bar, STAFF. REG., 39; Vol. L, p. 172; St. Andrew's, Holborn,
REC. ROLL, 11 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 3rd, 1409; PAT., 14 H. IV., n, and
the Bishop of Ely's hostel in Holborn, GLAUS., 12 H. IV., 29 ; BESANT,
41. There were four marches or limits of the suburbs, viz., Stratford,
Cnichtebrigge (= Knightsbridge), Bolkethe (? Blackheath), and Stamford
Hill (in alta via juxta Hakeney, en la haulte chemyn joust Hakeney,
PAT., n H. IV., i, 2; PRIV. SEAL, 647/6486; Vol. L, p. 208); see LIB.
CUST., i., 62. a Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, July 24th, .1409. 4 CHRON.
LONIX, 94; BESANT, 105. For claim of kings for hospitality there in the
days of the Templars, see KNIGHTS HOSPITALLERS IN ENGLAND, CAMD.
Soc., 1857, pp. XLIX., 99. 5 Q. R. WARDROBE, ±§, APP. B; CHRON.

LOND., 91; HlGDEN, IX., 47, 113, 259; GREY FRIARS CHRON., 12; STOW,

CHRON., 337 ; WEEVER, 405 ; DEVON, 245 ; SHARP, 133 ; see Vol. III., p.
222. ° For his letter dated Nov. 22nd, 1408, see BELTZ, 403. For praise
of him, and ballad addressed to him by Christine de Pisan in 1402, see
PISAN, i., 245, 307; n., 90, 112, 311. 7 For "justing," see WYCL. (A.),
L, 410. 8 BELT/, 405. 9 RYM., vin., 570, Feb. 23rd, 1409 (not 1410, as
BELTZ, 407), 10 BELTZ, 407.

1409-] Smitkfield. 247

a outrance with Sir John Cornwall x at Lille in presence of the
Duke of Burgundy on June ist, but that he would be in
London by the ist of July. The meeting at Lille was post-
poned by order of the King of France, who summoned the
combatants to fight it out in his presence in Paris. Accord-
ingly on the appointed day, June i9th, 1409^ the champions
met in the Place St. Martin-des-Champs in Paris. The
Steward, who was regarded as a " blaze of quenchless stalwart-
ness," 3 was attended by two of the younger brothers of the
Duke of Burgundy, and Sir John by six young pages mounted
on destrers,4 and clad in ermine and cloth of gold ; but the
French King stopped the fray, and it all ended in feasting.5
The scene was then transferred to England, where the twice
delayed engagement really came off at last. The King stayed
at St. Bartholomew's Priory.6 Smithfield was barred and
fenced,7 and a scaffold, hung with worsted, arras, and cloth of
gold,8 was put up for him beside the hospital. Carpenters and
tassellers were employed at 6|d. per day, fixing the pavilion
with pikes and virrells,!> and painting vanes, lances, poises,
sacks, &c., with royal crests, and rings, and arms. For eight
days 10 English and Henowers increased their honour by knock-
ing each other about at the barriers ; and on Aug. 4th 11 the

1 In 1412 Tanneguy du Chastel came to England to meet him in the
lists. — -RvM., viii., 729. 2 ITIN., 593. 3 Fulgorem inextinguibilis strenui-
tatis. — ST. DENYS, v., 572. 4 See Vol. III., p. 159, note 9. 5 MONSTR.,
ii., 6; Juv., 450. 6 Q. R. WARDROBE, f-f, APP. B. 7 FAB., 385; Iss.
ROLL, ii H. IV., MICH., Nov. 22nd, 1409. FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV.,
has payment of ,£32 us. 4d. for timber and posts for the " barreres," and
for making holes in the ground. Cf. Iss. ROLL, ii H. IV., PASCH., June
3rd, 1410, coram ipso dno rege, LEL., COLL., i., 486; DEVON, 316. See
the picture in DUGD., WARWICKSHIRE, 72; ORIG. JUDIC., 80. 8 Q. R.
WARDROBE, f|, APP. B. y I.e., ferules.— PROMPT. PARV., 510. 10 CHRON.
GILES, 57 ; CHRON. LOND., 91 ; LEL., COLL., i., 486 ; CAXTON, 221 ;
BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 166. n L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS.,
u, 3, APP. C.

248 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. LXXVI.

King made a great feast in three courses at Windsor in honour
of the foreigners, the menu of which is still preserved.1 On
Aug. i ^th 2 he was back at Westminster, transacting business ;
within a few days he was again at Sutton, and we find him at
Beauregard (Aug. 22nd),3 Bagshot (Aug. 27th),4 and Romsey
(Sep. 3rd).5

But though his health mended, misfortune still huddled on
his back. Scarcely had he returned from the hunting in June
of this year when a messenger arrived at Windsor from the
Court6 at Heidelberg with news of the death of the Lady
Blanche,7 his eldest daughter, who was not yet 17 years of age.8
She was born in 1392,° at Walmsford or Wandsford,10 near
Peterborough, in the interval between her father's two journeys
abroad ; and the accounts n record how three ells of Flemish
and three of Champagne 12 linen were bought to drape the font
for her baptism,13 and six ells of canvas for a pallet for her
nurse. When only eight years old she presided at a tourna-
ment, and rained influence on the champions that entered the
lists at Eltham.14 I have already touched upon a few trivial

1 COOKRY, p. 3. 2 HR., v., 477. :i PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 5. 4 PAT., n
H. IV., i, 33 ; MANNING AND BRAY, in., 85. 5 Due. LANC. REC., xi., 16,
44'. 6 Cf. Quemen to heydelsberge dar do was des keysers hof. — DET-
MAR, ii., 8. 7 Iss. ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH. (July iSth, 1405), records
presents of cloth, collars, cups, silver plate, &c., to the " Lady Blanche
of Bavaria," as well as repayment of loans for her marriage. 8 HOLT,
LANGLEY, 335. "DERBY ACCTS., LXXXIV. lo BRIDGES, n., 606 ; INQ. p.
MORT. , in., 30, 101 ; M. A. E. GREEN, in., 307. Henry himself was at
his hostel in Peterborough on Oct. igth, 2ist, 2gth, Dec. 4th, 2gth, 1391,
and Jan. 28th, 3oth, 1391. — Due. LANC. REC., xxvni., i, 2, APP. A;
DERBY ACCTS., xvin., LXXXIV. " Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIL, i, 2, APP,
A ; HOLT, 15. 12 Vol. II., p. 445, note 2. SKEAT, CHAUC., i., 198, 285,
435, 469, still believes that " Reyns," is " Rennes." Also POLLARD,
MIRACLE PLAYS, 112, 243; " Shertes of Raynes," L. T. SMITH, in
DERBY ACCTS., 356, tho' rightly given as Rheims in ibid., 331. For
" Rains " = Rheims, see TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 113, 198, 207, 230;
GESTE, 511, 512. 13 Not 1402, as RAMSAY, i., 159. 14 For letters ad-
dressed to her by the champions, see M. A. E. GREEN, in., 315, from
ARUNDEL MS., HERALDS' COLLEGE, f. 33.

H02-] Lady Blanche. 249

incidents of her childhood,1 and described her marriage with
Duke Louis1' when she was only ten years of age;3 but I
append here a few additional particulars ' which I have since
discovered with regard to her journey out. She left London
on April i ;th, 1402, 5 and was at Colchester by April 2oth,
where she stayed 10 days, attending Mass in various churches,
and offering a half-noble (33. 4d.) at each.'5 On April 3oth
the party reached Ipswich, and after hearing Mass before an
image outside the walls proceeded to the White Friars, where
they were lodged till June 6th, the sailors on board the boats
amusing them with a water tournament on Sacrament's Day 7
(May 25th). Sheep, victuals, harness, and wardrobe were all
on board at Harwich, where some of the ships had been wait-
ing for 13 weeks. At length, about the 8th of June, I402,8 the
whole party sailed from Harwich, and made a prosperous
voyage across. They entered the Maas at Brielle, took on
another lodesman,9 and sailed up to Dordrecht, where they
were received (June ioth)10 by the Count of Holland, supported
by the town minstrels and a throng of knights and ladies

1 Vol. II., p. 436. '2 So called in KAL. AND INV., n., 69. a Vol. I., pp.
252-255 ; J. G. NICHOLS, p. 9. Yet see RYM., vni., 461, and LANC. PAT.,
3, 6, for a document dated Dec. i2th, 1401, stating that Blanche is 14
years old and to be married in proximo. — The feudal "aid" (see Vol.
II., p. 438), was to be paid on Thursday after St. Valentine next.
See also Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 36, 115, July 3rd, 1401, and Jan.
27th, 1402. For a book in parchment covers containing proceeds of this
aid with list. of names and amounts paid in Derby, Stafford, Lancashire,
Lincolnshire, Devon, and Pickering, see ibid., xxvi., 42, 5. There are
two unpublished documents in Box 12, No. 354, of EXCH. TREAS. OF
RECEIPT, dated Dec. 3ist, 1401, and Jan. i3th, 1402, from Rupert,
assigning dower to Blanche. — DEP. KEEP., 45th REPT., 314. Due. LANC.
REC., XL, 15, 124 (Feb. 26th, 1402), has 26s. 8d. for conveying gold
from Tutbury to London. 4 Q. R. WARDROBE, ff, APP. F. 5 Not April
2nd, as RTA., v., 278. « Cf. Vol. I., p. 410; Vol. II., p. 211. 7 For
" Sakermentsdach," i.e., Corpus Christi, see LAPPENBERG, n., 27. 8 Not
2ist, as Vol. I., p. 254. 9GowER, CONF., 153; CHAUC. (S.), in., 134;
DERBY ACCTS., 37, 56, 87, 97, 143, 162 ; PRUTZ, 36. 10 RTA., v., 278.

250 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. T.XXVI.

daintily dressed in uniform. Here they spent some days at
the Grey Friars, and a banquet was spread for 800 persons.
The Duchess of Holland sent a present of a sturgeon,1 others
sent a nightingale and various songbirds, Blanche on her side
returning the compliment with pretty gifts and keepsakes to
the Dutch ladies.2 At Dordrecht eight crayers,3 varying from
60 to 100 tons, were ready to take on the heavy goods, besides
two of 15 tons each for the kitchen and larder. The Lady
Blanche had her barge,4 and whiled away the time playing
ball as they sailed against the strong current past Gorkum and
Bommel to Nymegen, where the Duke of Gueldres' minstrels
played up for their landing on June 24th. Three days were
spent here pleasantly, and draught horses then towed " them
forward up to Kaiserswerth, the account recording a payment
of 6s. 8d. for cutting down a cherry tree that obstructed the
way. As we have seen, they turned aside at Cleves (June
26th) to spend a day with Duke Adolf.6 At Emmerich (June
2yth) the townsmen presented two vats and five farthingdeals
of Rhenish wine ; at Buderich (June 28th) they got four fresh
salmon ; at Diisseldorf (June 30th) more fish and Rhine-wine
came in as a present from the Duke of Berg, and they reached
Cologne on June 3oth.7 The bridegroom had lately had a
fall and hurt his shin,8 and it was feared that the wedding

1 ROT. PARL., in., 667. '-' PONTANUS, 358. * DERBY ACCTS., 99, 339 ;
BRANDO, 93. 4 For picture of a Rhine boat with mast and 10 oars, see
ZIMMERN, 167. 5 For ad towandum from Boston to Chopchire, 1390, see
DERBY ACCTS., 37 ; PRUTZ, 36. 6 Called Aylif in CHMEL, 5. See also
HOFLER, RUPRECHT, 183. He afterwards (1405) married Marie, third
daughter of John, Duke of Burgundy (OUDEGHERST, u., 616 ; MONSTR.,
i., 131), and appears as one of the Duke's pensioners in 1406. — PLANCHER,
in., 579. 7 Not July 3rd, as RTA., v., 278, where it is also wrongly as-
sumed that King Rupert was not at the marriage, on the strength of a
letter dated at Simmern, near Bacharach, on July yth (RTA., v., 344), but
this is not inconsistent' with his being at Cologne on the previous day.
8 Casu quodam se in tibia leserat. — RTA., v., 278; EMMEN, in., 141.

1402.] Heidelberg. 251

would have to take place at Heidelberg ; but arrangements
were now completed,1 and he was fortunately well enough to be
with his father to meet the lady on her arrival at Cologne.
The marriage was celebrated in Cologne Cathedral by the
Archbishop on July 6th.2 The young couple then went on by
Bacherach (July yth) to Heidelberg, after purchasing a chalice,
a paten, and two silver cruets for use in the chapel there.

Blanche's chaplain was Master John South, her damsel was
Mary Scales,3 her waiting woman was called Cecily, and the
names of her two henchmen, her carver, cup-bearer, and cook-
for-the-mouth are all known. All these went with her to
Heidelberg, together with English varlets for her pantry,
buttery, vintry, and wardrobe, the rest of the retinue 4 return-
ing to Harwich by July 26th, 1402. It is clear that such a
match gave no guarantee in itself of a happy home for Blanche,
and Rupert had recently informed :> the French King that he
had only arranged it because the Court at Paris had refused to
let him have a French Princess for his son. But Fortune
smiled, and messengers'1 crossing from time to time brought
good accounts of the bride to her father and brothers at home.
In Sep., 1402, the pleasant castle of Germersheim T near Spires
was made over to her as part of her dower ; and as Louis was
Bailiff8 of Alsace, it is likely that they spent much of their time
there. But beyond the fact that she yielded official prece-

1 Doch sal der eldst son des Konigs von Engellant docter ban. — RTA.,
iv., 441. - Not Aug. i5th, as HOFLER, 285 ; apud Colon. — FOR. ACCTS.,
7 H. IV. ; not Heidelberg, as Vol. I., p. 255. 3 Vol. II., p. 447. 4 In-
cluding Lord Zouche and four knights, viz., Richard Arundel, John
Dalingrigg, Henry Houghton, and Nicholas Hauberk. 5 RTA., iv., 354.
6 Q. R. WARDROBE, ^, APP. B. 7 TREAS. OF RECEIPT, Box 12, No. 354,
in DEP. KEEP., 45th REPT., APP. I., 314. 8 Landvogt. — JANSSEN, i.,
172, June 4th, 1409 ; CHMEL, 159, 170.

252 The Shadow of Death. [CHAP. LXXVI.

dence l to her husband we know no more of her till the news
reached England that she had died in childbirth on May 22nd,
1409.- King Rupert's letter t'jld how God " in His anger''8
had called the poor girl " to her reward," while Louis re-
counted the heavy story of the last sickness of his " most loved
and sweetest " wife, and how all his delights and joys were
gone as he stood with the crowd of mourners and laid her in
her grave in the Church at Neustadt-in-the-Haardt,4 on June 3rd,
1409. There seems indeed to have been something in his
grief, for eight years elapsed before he married again.5 When
King Henry read the letters they " filled his mind with bitter-
ness,"6 though it was some consolation to him to know that

1 M. A. E. GREEN, in., 329, from LANSDOWNE MS., 160, f. 121.
2ViTELLius, E. X. 6, 80 b (83); PECKHAM, i., XLVII., from ALL
SOULS' MS., CLXXXII., f. 117 ; BEKYNTON, n., 366-372 ; M. A. E. GREEN,
in-» 335-449; HOLT, LANGLEY, 335; HOEFLER, RUPR., 464; not 1406,
as Vol. I., 255. Blanche's death is given as May 22nd, 1406, in ART.
DE VER., in., 324 ; but this is certainly wrong, for a letter in MART.,
ANEC., i., 1722, and M. A. E. GREEN, in., 334, dated May 28th, 1407, speaks
of her as then in good health. In April, 1408, she was made a Lady
Companion of the Garter. — NICOLAS, KNIGHTHOOD, i., 51 ; n., LXXX. In
Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 28th, 1408, where Rupert receives
2000 marks (,£1333 6s. 8d.), she is referred to as mine eidem Duci mari-
tat. SANDFORD (276), wrongly supposes that she survived her husband.
The earliest official reference to her death that I have found is in PAT.,
ii H. IV., i, 33, Oct. 3rd, 1409. ZANTFLIET (397) makes her the wife
of Rupert instead of Louis. 3 Cf. It is gret mercy of God to take a child
out of this world, for if it schal be saaf it is delyverid out of woo into
bliss. Zif it schal be dampnyd zit is mercy of God to take him soone
to deth leste it lyve lengere and do more synne. — WYCL. (A.), in.,
200. 4 M. A. E. GREEN, in., 336. In Novam Civitatem ubi seniores
nostras parentelae requiescunt. Not Heidelberg, as Vol. I., 256. Louis
calls it the Church of the B.V.M., though it seems to have been dedi-
cated to St. Giles, see HAUSSER, i., 184. It was endowed by Rupert I.,
who was afterwards buried there, see MERIAN, TOPOGR. RHENI, p. 38. I
visited the church in Sep., 1894, but could find no trace of Blanche's tomb.
0 He superintended the burning of John Hus at Constance on July
6th, 1415. — PALACKY, Doc., 321, 322, 557, 560 ; CREIGHTON, i., 354. In
1417 he married Maud, daughter of Amadee of Savoy (ART. DE VER.,
in., 324), and died stone-blind at Heidelberg, Dec. 2gth, 1436. — TRITHEIM,
II-i 3IO> 3I4> 329, 397 ; HARL. MISCELL., in., 73. " BEKYNTON, n., 366.

1409-] Neustadt. 253

his daughter had received most devoutly the sacraments of the
Church. She left a son, now five years old,1 who was called
Rupert after his grandfather ; but he died at 20 years of age,
and all trace of England's connection with the Rhine Palatin-
ate was thereby effaced.

1 TRITHEIM, n., 314, 329; HOFLER, RUPR., 464; BLORE, HY. IV.,
4 ; M. A. E. GREEN, m., 335, states that Blanche's first child was still-
born when she was 15 years old.

CHAPTER LXXVII.
THE BEAUFORTS.

THE winter of 1408 had been one of great scarcity.1 The
crops had been light all over the south of England, and corn
was very dear. News came from Lynn that the grain was lost
on the coasts towards the north ; and the Hanse envoy, who
spent this Christmas in London, reported that England's need
was all for corn, and that hard times2 were in store for her.
Riotous mobs thronged the London streets ; and in view of
the possibility of collision an order was issued on Jan. 3oth,
I4O9,3 that no person was to be allowed to carry arms within
the boundaries of the city. Engrossers and regraters were
busy buying and hoarding for a rise.4 On Nov. 26th, 1408, 5
it was ordered that no corn, barley, oats, or malt should be
sent out of the country, except for shipment to Calais ; and so
serious was the outlook that it was decided*' to admit into

1 For distress in Flanders, see BRANDO, 127. '-' " Dure tiid.'' — See letter
of Arndt von Dassel, dated Jan. 25th, 1409, in HR., v., 441 ; HIRSCH,
DANZIG, 103. 3 GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 23 d. 4 Gf. the case of Wirral in the
dearth of 1401-2. — DEP. KEEP., 36th KEPT., p. 385, when the price of
wheat was 128. 8d. per seam, or igd. per bushel. In 1403 the price was
i4d., and in 1485, yjd. — RIPON MEM., in., 208, 212, 221. In LIB. ALB.,
i., 352, the average price is taken at 58. per seam, or j^d. per bushel.
ROGERS, i., 218, gives 5*. lojcl. per quarter as the average price from
1261 to 1400; see also DENTON, 92, 95. 5 GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 25, j6 ;
repeated Jan. 3rd, 1409. For similar enactments of Ed. III., see GUN-
NINGHAM, i., 364. « PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 8, 13, Dec. lyth, 1408, and Mar.
8th, 1409.

1409.] Dearth. 255

London 1500 seams1 of Yorkshire and Lincolnshire wheat
free of duty, to relieve the immediate pressure of the dear
year '2 during the winter and spring.

The new government appear to have done their best to extri-
cate the country from some of its difficulties. Their coffers were
fairly supplied with money for some time to come, and they were
fortunate in securing the payment of a fine of ^"2000 3 from the
owners of three Venetian galleys that had been caught in the
act of smuggling.4 The captain and the masters of the vessels
sought an audience with the King in person, but he would not
see them. In Nov., 1408, an envoy5 from Venice was sent to
London with special letters to the King, the Archbishop, the
Countess of Hereford, and Peter Holt, the Turcupler ; ° but
the King was too ill to attend to any business, and when his
health recovered he sent a letter 7 to the Doge to the effect
that the case was a bad one, and that the money must be paid.

On Nov. 2oth, I4o8,s commissioners were appointed to en-
sure the safety of trade with France, with powers to last till June
i5th, 1411. As a result confidence soon revived, and French
merchants9 from Amiens, Le Crotoy, and La Rochelle began
again to apply for permits to return to London. Plundering,
however, still continued with French, Flemish, and English
outlaws, for which no government would hold itself respon-

1 I.e., quarters. — PROMPT. PARV., 452 ; P. PLO., iv., 42. For semes of
glass, see FABR. ROLLS, 37, 54. - P. PLO., XL, 197. 3 KAL. AND INV.,
ii., 77 ; Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 8th, 1408. For pardon
dated Oct. 2nd, 1408, see FR. ROLL, 10 H. IV., 19, where the fine is
2000 marks. See also DEVON, 313. 4 Anno quasi proxime jam transacto.
— ADD. MS., 24062, f. 157 b. 5 Called Master Jerome, ordinis Heremit-
arum sancti Augustini. For his commission, dated Nov. 2gth, 1408, see
VEN. STATE PP., i., 46. '' Vol. II., p. 129. " Nobis gravissima corporis
inrirmitate detentis . . . postquam annuente Domino de inrirmitate
puetacta convalescere cepimus, &c. — ADD. MS., 24062, f. 157 b. s FK.
ROLL, 10 H. IV., 12 ; see Vol. III., p. 100. 9 FR. ROLL, 10 H. IV., 5,
7» 13-

256 The Beaiiforts. [CHAP. LXXVU.

sible. Law-breakers from St. Malo and the island of Brehat
constantly defied the Breton government with impunity, and
English pirates still waited for unsuspecting shipmasters coming
out from Nantes or Brest, and captured hulks,1 barges, and
cargo as before. Yet they did not venture to bring their
prizes into English ports, but ran them into Kinsale or other
Irish harbours for disposal. Messengers '2 crossed from Brittany
with complaints, and, wherever possible, restitution was promptly
made.

The Exchequer Rolls show an income of ,£107,901 35. lod.
for the year ending Sep. 3oth, 1409, and an expenditure of
£"103,327 os. 4d., yielding a balance of £4574 35. 6d. to
the good. Much greater care appears on the face of the rolls
themselves, which are now carefully entered up and kept in
duplicate.3 In many parts of the country the clergy still re-
fused to pay their share of taxation as it fell due ; and in the
counties of Berkshire 4 and Dorset the Abbots of Reading and
Cerne found themselves resisted by force when they attempted
to collect in the King's name ; but the Norburys, Whitting-
tons, Hendes, and other capitalists 5 took a sound view
of the outlook, and advanced money readily as occasion
required, knowing that they had a guarantee for prompt re-
payment in the London customs, and feeling that the clergy

1 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 30 d, 35 d. 2 E.g., Arnal de Chateaugiron, FR.
ROLL, 10 H. IV., 18, Oct. i5th, 1408; Robert de Lescarour, ibid., 10 H.
IV., 8, Mar. 5th, 1409. 3 In Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., the duplicate
alone has been preserved. REC. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH., is in duplicate,
but only one of them summarizes the account. 4 PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 18,
25. 3 In REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Oct. ayth, 1408, Whittington ad-
vances £2833 6s. 8d., John Norbury and John Hende £1000 each, Sir John
Cornwall £366 138. 4d., John Hill (piscener) £200, Thomas Denton
(mercer) £66 138.46., all repaid Dec. 4th, 1408; Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV.,
MICH. ; PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 6, Feb. 25th, 1409 ; PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 22,
May i8th, 1409, has 800 marks loan to be repaid to Hende.

1409.] Finance. 257

were safe so long as they had the Archbishop in the Council to
ply the whip over his rebellious flock. As the money came in,
,£20,438 43. 2(1. l was sent over to pay the garrison at Calais,
x£3333 6s. 8d. to Berwick,2 £2000 to Carlisle, ^400 to
Roxburgh, and ^1833 6s. 8d. to Fronsac.3 Special activity pre-
vailed at the Treasury, and before the Christmas recess in 1408
the Treasurer and the Barons of the Exchequer found them-
selves compelled to spend a whole day at Westminster, "in-
specting certain records of places," 4 and taking their meals as
they could, while a special staff of clerks passed all their vaca-
tion in constant work, " writing divers memoranda," and ex-
amining rolls of receipts. With the opening of Hilary Term,
I409,5 messengers were despatched with proclamations an-
nouncing a general pardon for all who had taken part in the
late insurrections; and impressing upon the collectors of
tenths and fifteenths the necessity for haste in forwarding the
proceeds of taxation as soon as it fell due. By Easter, 1409,
the "third half"6 of the grants began to come in freely; the
officers of the Exchequer were hard pressed to get the amounts
entered and balanced, and two T of them were specially de-
spatched to the seaports to examine the collectors and their
deputies, and inquire as to the number of sacks of wool really
exported within a given date.

1 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH, and PASCH., viz., £3075 2s. lod. (Nov.
26th, 1408), £2032 135. i id. (Jan. i6th, 1409), £3000 (Feb. i3th, 1409),
£786405. nd. (Ap. loth, 1409), £4466 6s. 6d. (May 7th, 1409). 2 Iss.
ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH, and PASCH., (Feb. i3th and July i6th, 1409).
3 Vol. III., p. 97, note 12. 4 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Dec. 4th,
1408, has £2 175. 5^d. necessary expenses for their meal. 5 Iss. ROLL,
10 H. IV., MICH., Feb. i3th, 1409. The pardons were afterwards ex-
tended so as to cover all offences committed before Jan. 25th, 1409. —
Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., May 23rd, 1409. 6 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV.,
PASCH., July i6th, 1409. 7 Viz., Richard Maidstone (see Vol. II., p. 361)
and Henry Somer. — Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., July i6th, 1409.

R

258 The Beauforts. [CHAP. LXXYII.

The leading place in the administration of the country
during this busy time was taken by the Chancellor, Archbishop
Arundel. Money payments from the Exchequer were made
through his hands ;l and, when not transacting business at the
Treasury in the Abbey- at Westminster, his time was spent at
Lambeth,3 Queenborough,4 Maidstone/' Canterbury,1'' Ford,"
Saltwood,8 Romney,'1 Northfleet,10 or Dartford.11

Next to the Archbishop in influence came the Beauforts,
the children of John of Gaunt, born of his adultery with the
Henower1'2 Catherine Swinford.18 During the lifetime of John
of Gaunt's second wife Constance, she and her daughter Joan
were attached to the household of the Countess Mary (Henry's
first wife), and received every Christmas their livery in scarlet
and white silk furred with miniver,14 with pieces of white damask

1 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Oct. gth, 1408. * Ibid., 10 H. IV.,
PASCH., July igth, 1409. :i CONC., in., 321, 322, April 2oth, Oct. 24th,
1409. In GASC., 116, is a letter dated May 8th, 1411, " apud Girnkner,"
but I have not been able to identify the place. 4 CONC., in., 320, April
i3th, 1409. 5 PAT., 10 H. IV., i, i ; ibid., 2, g, 19; CLAUS., 10 H. IV.,
17, 19, 27; FR. ROLL, 10 H. IV., i, Dec. i2th, 1408, Mar. i4th, igth,
Aug. 28th, 2gth, Sep. 2nd, 2oth, 22nd, i4og. CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 18, has
March 24th, i4og, but PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 26, has an entry of same date
at York. For payment to messengers sent from the Treasury to the
Chancellor at Canterbury and Maidstone, see Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH.
and PASCH., Nov. 8th, 1408, and May 23rd, i4og. 6 PAT., 10 H. IV., 2,
5, 7 ; CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 15, 18, April ist, 7th, 8th, July 23rd, 24th, 27th,
28th, i4og. 7 CONC., in., 323, Dec. (s. d.), I4og ; ibid., 332, 333, June
8th, July 23rd, 1410, Jan. 3oth, 1411. 8 CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 5, Aug. 4th,
1409. 9 PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 8, Aug. 6th, 1409. 10 Ibid., 10 H. IV., i, 13,
Dec. i7th, 1408. n CONC., m., 330, April 3rd, 1410. 12 In partibus de
Henowede oriunda. — PAT., 13 H., IV. i, 19. Cf. Henawd.— CAXTON,
235; HALLE, Henry VI., f. xiii. a; " une Henower."— PRIV. SEAL, 7047.
In 1396 a Hainault man is made to say, " nous aimons bien les Englois,
a cause que les plus grans signeurs du pais la sont de notre lignage";
to which the other replies, "He, mon amy, je sai bien ore que cils qui
tient un Henuer par la main tien un Englois par le cuer." — P. MEYER,
400. 13 On June 3oth, 1379, John of Gaunt refers to " our beloved Dame
Katharine, qui feust la femme Mons. Hugh de Swynford." — Due. LANC.
REC., XL, 13, 75. 14 Duc LANC. REC., XXVIIL, i, i, APP. A.

1403.] Catherine Swinford. 259

bawdekin,1 and their presents of diamonds, gold rings, coral
rosaries, and so forth each New Year's Day 2 and Egg-Friday.:;
After the death of John of Gaunt she went to live at Lincoln,4
where two of her sons, Thomas Swinford and Henry Beau-
fort, were respectively Sheriff of the county and Bishop of the
diocese. Here she enjoyed an annual allowance of 1000
marks, granted to her by King Henry from the revenues of
the Duchy of Lancaster.5 She gave to the Cathedral chasubles
of red velvet and bawdekin, with orphreys of gold leopards
and black trefoils, also tunicles, albs, copes, and other ap-
parel, figured with silver wheels.6 She died on May loth,
1403," and was buried with monumental magnificence8 in the
angel choir. Her sister Philippa was the wife of Geoffrey
Chaucer,9 and the names of her children and her children's
children stand foremost in the stirring days of England's wars

1 Cf. " baldekin." — DERBY ACCTS., 281, 282, 287, 355; "cloth of
baukyn." — ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 24. - For " new-gifts," see Vol. II., p.
478, note 8 ; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 96. Cf. " Ce jour de Tan que Ten
doit estrener." — PISAN, i., 81, 228, 230, 304; DESCHAMPS, in., 213, 246,
363, 367; iv., 40, 52, 69, 230; v., 181, &c. In 1398 is an entry in the
accounts of Duke Philip of Burgundy, in payment for a History of
Titus Livius, illuminated with gold letters, envoye en bonnes estrennes.
Cf. a ung bon jour de 1'an. — LABORDE, i., 29 ; in., p. i. 3 Les Vendre-
dys a ovez. For record of rings given away on Good Friday, viz., 11,424
in five years, see Q. R. ARMY, fg. 4 Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 4, 2, APP.
A, shows that she was at Lincoln in June, 1402. Peter Dalton, Treasurer
of Lincoln Cathedral, left her a silver cup in 1401. — GIBBONS, LINC., 98.
For two silver candlesticks given by him to the Cathedral, marked ex
dono magistri petri Dalton on the feet, also blue and green copes, the
orphreys bordered with the history of St. Thomas and the Coronation
of the Virgin, see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII., 10, 19, 31, 33, 56, 58. For candle-
sticks, altar cloths, and albs, given to Lincoln Cathedral by John of Gaunt,
see ibid., 9, 37, 50. 5 ANN., 314. In Due. LANC. REC., xi., 15, 122, Feb.
3rd, 1402, the grant is stated to be in lieu of castles, manors, lands, &c.,
settled on her as jointure. 6 I.e., the Roet Arms. — ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII.,
23, 49. 7 Vol. II., p. 283. In Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 4', 6', 12', May
i6th, 1403, she is referred to as dead. 8 SANDFORD, 254; GOUGH, in., 13 ;
NUM. CHRON., N.S., xvm., 289. A copy of the inscription from Dugdale's
MS. is now in the Cathedral Library at Lincoln. 9 See App. X.

260 The Beaufort s. [CHAP. LXXVII.

in the coming century. Her spousebreaking ] was condoned
by Pope and Parliament,2 and the fame which circled round
her posterity, in spite of their defect of birth and bastard blood,
has glossed over her deep dishonour ; but, in her lifetime, her
name had an ill flavour with the great ladies of the court, and
so blown was her repute 8 that Sir Thomas Swinford,4 her only
really lawful child, had much ado to establish his claim to
lands in her father's 5 native country of Hainault, and had to
call in the special aid of the King of England to prove himself
honestly born.1' Of her four children, born "in double adul-
tery"7 when she was the mistress of John of Gaunt in the
castle of Beaufort,8 near Angers, the girl Joan was married to

1 GOWER, CONF., 167, 286, 289 ; APOL., 54, 89. For " spousebreaker,"
see WYCL. (M.), 205; ST. MATT., xn., 39; "brekyng of spousehed,"
WYCL. (A.), in., 162. 2 ROT. PARL., in., 343 ; confirmed by King Henry
on Feb. loth, 1407, though he took care to insert a clause excluding them
from all claim to the crown (excepta dignitate regali). — EXCERPT. HIST.,
153. It seems unnecessary to see in this a triumph for Archbishop
Arundel, as DICT. NAT. BIOG., iv., 41. 3 WORDSWORTH, i., 267. 4 He
was born in 1368. — EXCERPT. HIST., 155 ; TEST. VET., 254. In 1382
he was a knight in the retinue of Henry as Earl of Derby. — Due.
LANC. REC., xxvin., 3, 3, APP. A. In 1390 he was with him at Calais,
and accompanied him on the Prussian reise. — DERBY ACCTS., xxxix.,
XLIII., 38, 100, 121, 128, 133, 138, 301. In 1402 he was Sheriff of
Lincolnshire. — Ibid., xxvm., 4, 2, APP. A ; REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH.,
Nov. 2oth, 1408; PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 24 (Oct. i8th, 1408); PRIV. SEAL,
646/6346 (Nov. i2th, 1409), where he is let off a fine of loos, for escape
of Thomas Lorimer of Barton from Lincoln Gaol. He defended the
deposition of Kings and Popes (TRAIS., LXXI.), and he was believed to
have murdered Richard II. at Pontefract. — Vol. I., p. in. For his ap-
pointment as Lieutenant of Calais (1404) and Commissioner for negoti-
ating with Flanders, see Vol. II., p. 92, note 2; ARCH^OLOGIA, xxxvi.,
267. In PAT., n H. IV., i, 18 ; PRIV. SEAL, 646/6342 (Nov. nth, 1409),
he is an outlaw for debt at suit of John Crek, draper, of London, his
goods being in the hands of the Earl of Somerset. 5 His name was Paon
or Paunet de Roet (i.e., Roet or Rreulx, near Bouchain, FROIS., xxv.,
241), see FROIS., i. a, 444; n., 513; v., 215; xv., 238, 399; SKEAT
(CHAUC., i., LI.), thinks that "the sole trace of his existence" is his
epitaph in WEEVER, p. 413. 6 RYM., vm., 704 ; EXCERPT. HIST., 158 ;
DERBY ACCTS., 302; PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 35 (Oct. 5th, 1411). PRIV.
SEAL, 7004 (Oct. i5th, 1411), certifies him to have been born en espou-
saill et en loisible matrimonie. 7 ORIG. LET., n., i, 164. 8 SANDFORD, 322.

I39°-J John Beaufort. 261

Ralph,1 Earl of Westmoreland, as his second wife.2 The
eldest son, John,3 had gone out as a youth with the Duke of
Bourbon to Barbary in 1390,* the English contingent consist-
ing of 25 knights and 100 archers,^ amongst the former being
Lewis Clifford," Peter Courtenay,7 John Cornwall, William
Nevil,8 and Thomas Clanvowe,9 all of whom had been joust-
ing at St. Inglevert. They sailed from Genoa on May i5th,
1390,!° and landed in Africa on July 22nd.11 The futile attack
on El Mahadia began on Aug. 4th, and after seven weeks they
re-embarked for home about the end of September, 1390.^

John Beaufort was in Lettowe in I394,13 and was probably
present at the Battle of Nicopolis in I396.14 On Henry's

1 In PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 28 (May 2oth, 1406), the King calls the Earl of
Westmoreland " our dear brother." For his monument in Staindrop
Church, see BLORE, GOUGH, DRUMMOND, SURTEES, iv., 130 ; ANTIQUARY,
June, 1881. ~ His first wife, Margaret, daughter of Hugh, Earl of Staf-
ford, died in 1370. — SURTEES, iv., 159 ; SWALLOW, 44. a Not Thomas,
as WALS., n., 283. 4 FROIS., xiv., 126, 225. 5 CABARET, 222, 238, 248 ;
DERBY ACCTS., xxxvm., 301. For Scots who joined the expedition, e.g.,
the Earl of Angus and Sir Alexander Stewart, see ADD. MS., 15644,
dated [Nov. 2nd] 1390, in BRIT. Mus. CATALOGUE, 1845, p. 41 ; DOUGLAS
BOOK, n., 18. 6 See Vol. II., p. 292, note i. CABARET, who had his
information from Chateaumorand, who took part in the expedition,
states that Clifford was the head of the English force. 7 Vol. II., p. 37,
note 6. 8 SWALLOW, 30. He is, of course, not the same as Sir Lewis
Clifford, as assumed by DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i., 176. 9 HIGDEN, ix.,
234. Called "Climbo" in CABARET, 222. 10 HIGDEN, ix., 240; TOWER
Misc. ROLLS, 459, quoted in GENEALOGIST, v., 48, N. S. The French
did not start from Marseilles till July ist.— DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i.,
171. For ballad wishing them a safe return, see DESCHAMPS, iv., 266.
11 DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i., 181, 194, 198. 12 The French, after spending
much time on their way, were back in Paris by the end of November,
1390. 13 DERBY ACCTS., 301 ; PRUTZ, xxvn. 14 Vol. I., p. 157. It is
certain that his father, John of Gaunt, promoted the crusade of 1395
(DKLAVILLE, i., 229, 230, 231, 242), in conjunction with the Dukes
of Orleans and Burgundy, and that English envoys were at Venice
arranging for it from Dec., 1394, to Feb., 1395. Some Englishmen
were certainly present in the battle (DESCHAMPS, vn., 73, 77 ; CHRON.

DES DUCS DE BOURGOGNE, III., 224, 226 ; DUCAS in MlGNE, PATRO-

LOGIA, Vol. 157, p. 813), whose captain is called " a grandson of the
Duke of Lancaster, and uncle to the King of England" (il tigliuolo

262 The Beaiiforts. [CHAP. LXXVII.

accession in 1399 he was degraded from his title of Marquis of
Dorset,1 though he still throve in royal favour as Earl of
Somerset. He became Chamberlain of England,2 Constable
of Corfe Castle,3 and Captain of Calais.4 In 1402 he accom-
panied the Lady Blanche to Cologne,5 and escorted Queen
Joan over from Brittany.11 He called his eldest boy Henry,
after the King his "brother,''7 who held the infant at the font
for his baptism at Westminster, Oct. i6th, 1401, 8 and settled
an annuity of 1000 marks upon him;9 and when another

del Duca di Lancastro Inghilese et zio del Re d'Inghilterra con mille
cavalli di buona gente d'arme. — MINERBETTI in TARTINI, RERUM
ITALICARUM SCRIPTORES, n., 364). Whoever this was, it was certainly
not Henry of Bolingbroke, as I had wrongly supposed in Vol. I., p. 6.
(Cf. P^ROIS., xv., 407. Henry's name is not mentioned in ASCHBACH, i.,
98,103.) The battle was fought on Sep. 25th, 1396 (KERVYN, in., 45;
ANNUAIRE BULLETIN, xxiv., 206; DELAVILLE, i., 270 ; not 28th, as Vol.
I., p. 157 ; nor i5th, as DELISLE in EC. DES CHARTES, LI., 145 ; not
1393, as CABARET, 268), and it is known with certainty that at that time
he was just preparing to cross from England to Calais to be present at
the betrothal of Richard II. and Isabel (Due. LANC. REG., xxvni., 3, 6,
APP. A). On Oct. 22nd and 26th, 1396, he dined with the Duke of
Burgundy at St. Omer [!TIN., 258, 554. Cf. un cerf d'or a la devise du
roy d'Angleterre garni de pierrerie que mondit seigneur (i.e., Philip le
Hardi) donne a St. Omer au Conte de Derby quant il donna a disner au
roy nostre sire et a la royne d'Angleterre. — DEHAISNES, n., 737], and on
parting at Eperlecques was presented with a buckle (fermail) of the value
of 300 livres, ornamented with a sapphire, three balais, and three pearls.

1 Vol. I., p. 74. In his father's will he is called " le Marquis."— WILLS
OF KINGS, 159. 3 Vol. I., p. 75, note i. Constituitur camerarius Angluu
ad totam vitam suam. --SANDFORD, 324, quoting PAT., i H. IV., part
3, Feb. gth, 1400; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 244, Nov. 2ist, 1404; also June
6th, 1406, and until his death. — PAT., n H. IV., 2, i. His fee as Chamber-
lain was £13 6s. 8d., and his robes cost £10 135. 4d.— Q. R. WARDROBE,
V-, APP. B. 3PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, n, May 7th, 1407. 4 Vol. II., p. 91,
note 2. 5Vol. I., p. 254; DEVON, 292; HARL. MS., 431, 55: CHRON.
GODSTOWE, 239. For his account for this year, see Q. R. WARDROBK,
?•;••§, APP. F. '5 Vol. I., p. 307 ; II., p. 287. - In PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 5, his
Countess Margaret is "our dear sister." * SANDFORD, 325. For pay-
ment of ifid. for carrying arras from the Tower to Westminster on the
occasion, see L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROKI ACCOUNTS, 11, 14, APP.
C. See also Q. R. GREAT WARDROBE, -4ff5, APP. B. 9 DEVON, 298 ; INQ.
p. MORT., in., 330; Iss. ROLL, Nov. 3oth, 1403; raised to £1000 Nov.

Henry Beaufort. 263

baby was born at Tottenham l in 1404, King Henry sent down
3 tuns of Gascon and 10 sestres of Malmsey from the royal
cellars in the Vintry. But John Beaufort's health had long
been breaking up,2 and his death, as we shall see, was not far
off.

His brother Henry was the famed Lord Cardinal of Win-
chester. In 1388, when about 12 years of age,3 he was a
scholar at Peterhouse, Cambridge.4 In 1391 he was a member
of Queen's College, Oxford,5 and in 1398 he was Chancellor0
of Oxford University, where tradition connects his name with
the wild days of his nephew, the Prince of Wales. His own
indiscretions certainly continued even after he had bound him-
self in Holy Orders." At a very early age he became succes-
sively \Varden of the Free Chapel in Tickhill Castle,8 Dean of
Wells (I397),1' Bishop of Lincoln (i398),10 Chancellor of

i2th, I4o4.— PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 18 ; Iss. ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH. (Feb.
i8th, 1405); ibid., 7 H. IV., MICH. (Nov. 3rd, 1405, Jan. 2ist, Feb.
20th, Mar. 26th, 1406), where the grant is dated December i2th (not
November), though Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH. (July nth, 1408) has
November i2th, 1404. Cf. also ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 329.

1 Q. R. WARDROBE, y, APP. B. This may have been the fair fresh
flower Joan, who won the heart of King James of Scotland. — Vol. II., p.
406. -Vol. II., p. 91. 3 Foss, iv., 286. 4 Where he paid 2os. for a
room.-HisT. MSS., ist REPT., 78; GODWIN, i., 231. 5 HIST. MSS.,
2nd REPT., 141; "a 1'escole a Acquessonfort " (FROIS., xv., 239), i.e.,
Oxenford ; not " Aken (i.e., Aachen) in Almaine," as HOLINS., n., 485.
This mistake is repeated in GODWIN,I., 231; SANDFORD, 260 : CASSAN,
i., 250; GOUGH, in., 148; WILLS OF KINGS, 342; Foss, iv., 286; FROIS.
(LETTENHOVE), xx., 282; MULLINGER, i., 310; DICT. NAT. BIOG., iv.,
41. 6 A. WOOD, ii., 401. 7 Vol. II., p. 203, note 9; Foss, iv., 287;
TEST. VET., 251, 255; HOOK, iv., 524. SANDFORD, 261 (followed by
CASSON, i., 252), says, "in his youthful days before he took holy orders";
but dates are against him. 8 J. HUNTER, i., 236. 9 MONAST., n., 283.
10 Vol. II., p. 204, note i. On Nov. 2ist, 1404 (ORD. PRIV. Co., i.,
243), Feb. i3th, 1405 (Iss. ROLL, 6 H. IV., MICH.), and March loth, 1405
(PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 4), he is still Bishop of Lincoln. On March i4th and
.iist, 1405, the see is referred to as vacant under the charge of a Keeper
of Spirituals.— PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 3.

264 The Beauforts. [CHAI>. LXXMI.

England (I403),1 and Bishop of Winchester (1405),- with a
suffragan 3 to do his consecrations 4 and other episcopal work.
Thomas Beaufort, the youngest of Catherine Swinford's
sons, had been Vice-Marshal in place of the Earl of Westmore-
land in I405.5 He was made Admiral of England on the
death of the Earl of Kent in 1408,° and his authority was now
extended to Ireland, Picardy, and Aquitaine."

1 Vol. L, pp. 301, 469 ; appointed Feb. 28th, 1403.- Q. R. WARDROBE,
-'Vs, APP. B. For 2000 marks paid to him as Chancellor, May i8th, 1404,
see Q. R. ARMY, fjj. He resigned office Mar. ist, 1405. — T. D. HARDY,
47; Foss, iv., 136, 288; Vol. II., p. 344, note 8. -Vol. L, p. 483.
He received the temporalities of Winchester on March i4th, 1405. —
RYM., viii., 392. 3 Viz., Wm. Yearde, Bishop of Selymbria from 1407 to
1417. — STUBBS, REG., 145; STAFF. REG., 332. 4 Cf. Vol. II., p. 208.
" Bishopis will have an hundrid shillingis for halewynge of oo chirche."
— WYCL. (A.), i., 282 : n., 89. " Thei taken for wryttyng and selyng of
a litel scrowe with sixe or sevene lynes twelve pens or two schillyngis."—
Ibid., in., 282. 5 Vol. II., pp. 230, 236 ; Vol. III., p. 109. 8 Vol. III., p.
105. 7 PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 9 (July 27th, 1409) ; NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 397.

CHAPTER I.XXVIII.
GOVERNMENT BY COUNCIL.

LIKE prudent men the Council grappled with one enemy at a
time. While the King was away hunting in Windsor Forest,
a settlement was pending with the Hansers, a truce was negotiat-
ing with the Scots, and a commission was preparing to cross
to Calais to arrange a peace with France ; l but in the mean-
time the real attention of the Council was devoted to the
subjugation of Wales. ^400 were spent on repairing the
castle of Builth,^ on the Upper Wye. In the summer of
1408, large sums of money had been sent to the Prince of
Wales at Hereford, where stores of arrows, sulphur, and salt-
petre 3 had been collected for the final sieges of Harlech and
Aberystwith. The Prince left Hereford on June 2Qth, I4o8,4
and, after a determined effort, Aberystwith was at length
recovered and the Welsh garrison expelled in the depth of the
following winter,5 the Prince having in the meantime paid a visit
to Carmarthen, on Sep. 23rd/5 as the centre of administration
for South Wales. A final attack was then made upon Harlech
by Gilbert, Lord Talbot, and his brother John, Lord Furnival.7

1 Vol. III., p. 100. - The constable was a squire named John Smert
-PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 24. 8 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Nov. i3th,
1408 ; FOR. ACCTS., 10 H. IV. (Sep. loth, 1408), includes also ,£128
IDS. for wages per manus Thomas Knolles, grocer, see Vol. II., p. no,
note 15. 4 Vol. III., p. 119. 5Frigoris inaudito fastigio.— ELMHAM, 9;
TIT. Liv., 4; not Nov. ist, 1407, as DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxvi., 44.
H RVM., viii., 547. 7 OKD. PRIV. Co., n., 139, 339 ; DEVON, 338.

266 Government by Council. [CHAP, i.xxvm.

In Dec., 1408, there were 300 men-at-arms and 600 archers
besieging the castle, together with gunners, stone-cutters,
carpenters, smiths, and other labourers, all of them bound to
serve for at least three months, and ^5249 125. 4d.1 was sent
from the Exchequer to pay their wages. The Welsh made a
stubborn stand, plundering and capturing vessels which brought
provisions round by sea ; but the garrison was overmatched,
and before Feb., 1409,^ Harlech was again in English hands.
Sir Edmund Mortimer 3 died during the siege at the age of 32, 4
and his wife,5 together with her mother (Owen's wife), his three
little girls and his boy Lionel, fell into the hands of the
English. They were all removed to London,6 and three of the
children died soon afterwards. The English pressed home
their advantage throughout the summer of 1409, and on May
i6th/ orders were sent to the great landowners in North and
South Wales requiring them to remain on their lands and battle
down the Welsh. But the difficulties were still great. Gilbert,
Lord Talbot, remained with 80 men-at-arms and 160 archers
to strengthen the garrisons in North Wales ; 8 but his brother

1 Viz., £2266 135. 4d. (Dec. 3rd, 1408), £1503 los. yd. (Feb. 131)1,
1409), £1436 8s. 5d. (May 23rd, 1409). — Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH, and
PASCH. ; DEVON, 314; add £43.— Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Oct. loth,
1409. In 1409 the Londoners advanced 7000 marks to complete the
subjugation of Wales, and in 1412, 10,000 more. — SHARPE, LONDON, i.,
251, from LETTER BOOK I., fo. 113. 2 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV.. MICH., Feb.
J3trl) I4°9» refers to the troops nupcr jacentium ad obsidium castri de
Hardelagh. 3 USK, 75 ; Vol. I., p. 344. 4 He was born Nov. gth, 1376.—
MONAST., vi., 354; DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxxix., 122; not 1374, as WILLS
OF KINGS, 113. 5 Vol. II., p. 171, note 5; ROWLAND WILLIAMS (114)
calls her Jane, and places the capture in 1405 (ibid., 179, 204). HOLT
(LANGLEY, 286) calls her Catherine, quoting Iss. ROLL, MICH., 1413-1.1-
6 DEVON, 321; TYLER, i., 245; HOLT, OLDEN TIME, 216. In DICT.
NAT. BIOG., XXL, 434, they are supposed to fall into the King's hands in
1413. 7 RYM.. vni., 588. For payment to the messengers, see Iss. ROLL,
10 H. IV., PASCH., July i6th, 1409. * Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb.
iSth, 1412, has £200 paid to him for placing these troops in garrison.

1411.] Rhys Dim. 267

John, when on his way to Carnarvon, with a force of 60 men-
at-arms and 140 archers, found the gates at Shrewsbury closed
against him on June iyth, and supplies refused by the Con-
stable (John Weole), Richard Lacon, and others.1

Henceforth, however, the rebellion in Wales dies down.2
Two of Owen's most trusted leaders, Rhys Dhu and Philip Skid-
mere, were captured in Shropshire and sent on to London.3 On
March i8th, 141 i,4 Rhys was transferred from the Tower to
the Surrey side,5 in custody of the Earl of Arundel. One day
sufficed for his trial and condemnation ; and on March iQth,
he was returned to the Sheriffs of London, drawn to Tyburn on
a hurdle/' and hanged forthwith.7 His head was then cut off,
his body was salted and quartered, and it was more than a
year before it was allowed Christian burial.8 This same year
Rhys ap Tudor's head fell at Chester,9 and many other Welsh-
men were lodged prisoners at Windsor,10 or in the Marshal-

1 TYLER, i., 241, from MS. DONAT., 4599. '2 HARDYNG, followed by
HOLINS. (536) and all writers till RAPIN (in., 411), places the death of
Owen and his son Griffith in 1409. The year is certainly wrong, but the
chronicler is so far right that

" They dyed awaye, of them then wes no more

And Wales all became the Kyng his menne." — HARD., 365.
n PENNANT, i., 385 ; OWEN AND BLAKEWAY, i., 206; CARTE, n., 669 ; not
1408, as ROBERT WILLIAMS, 172; LLOYD, i., 210. 4 GLAUS., 12 H. IV.,
21, 22, where he is " Rhys Dee." In LEL., COL., i., 486, he is " Risa ap
Die." :< Probably the King's Bench or the Marshalsea, both of which
were in Southwark near St. George's Church. — STOW (STRYPE), n.,
19, 30; SURREY ARCH^EOL. COLL., n., 174; ALLEN, iv., 476, 491.
*FAB., 384, ?CHRON. GILES, 60; CHRON. LOND., 93; CAXTON, 222;
not Dec. gth, 1410, as FAB., 387. 8 For order to the sheriffs of London
for burial dated May nth, 1412, see CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 16, where he is
said to have been beheaded, but there is no mention of quartering. 9 PEN-
NANT, i., 388; T. THOMAS, 159; cf. Vol. I., pp. 214, 216; Vol. II., p. 15.
111 RYM., viii., 603; Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Oct. 3rd, 1409, has
payment of £6 135. 4d. to Sir John Stanley (see Vol. II., p. 292) for
expenses of a squire coming from the Welsh Marches with prisoners taken
on the lands of Lord Poynings and brought to Windsor. No lands on
the Marches appear in the list of Poyning's possessions at his death

n

268 Government by Council. [CHAP. LXXVIII.

sea,1 or the Tower,2 until redeemed by their friends with heavy
ransoms.3 It is now that we get our last glimpse of the
chronicler, Adam of Usk. After four years of wandering he
returned to England in I4o6,4 only to find that the King's
mind had been poisoned 5 against him, and much against his
will (so he says) he somehow found himself in the retinue of
Owen Glendourdy and the rebels. At any rate, when the
game was up, he made his peace with the King's grace, "as
quickly as he could,"0 and was pardoned on May 2oth, 1411,
through the intervention of Davy Holbache." Bishop Trevor
crossed to France, possibly to solicit fresh help,8 but he died

1446 (!NQ. P. MORT., iv., 232). The entry may, perhaps, refer to some
lands belonging to his wife, who was a daughter of Lord Grey of Ruthin.
— SUSSEX ARCH^EOL. COLL., xv., 10.

1 In PAT., 12 H. IV., 4, 17 ; PRIV. SEAL, 652/6961, are pardons dated
April 3rd and July i6th, 1411, to Rys ap Meredyd and David ap Cadogan,
captured by Hugo Say, Captain of Welshpool, and now in prison Mare-
scalcie hospitii en grand disaise. '2 CLAUS., n H. IV., 18, has order
(Feb. 4th, 1410) to hand over David ap Oweyn and Jevan Uort, his
brother, now in the Tower, to Edward Cherleton, Lord of Powys,
whose tenants they are. PRIV. SEAL, 651/6886, May 22nd, 1411, refers
to David ap David Llwyd, whose father is a prisoner in the Tower.
3 For pardons to Jevan ap Griffith ap LI., Jevan Goch ap Morgan, and
LI. ap David White (dated Aug. nth, i8th, and Sept. nth, 1411), see
PAT., 12 H. IV., 3, 4; CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 6 ; PRIV. SEAL, 652/6987. The
Abbot of Conway (Howel ap Gwilym) was pardoned Nov. 3rd, 1409
(PAT., n H. IV., i, 20), also Rys ap Griffith ap LI. roythus of County
Carmarthen, Oct. 23rd, 1409 (ibid., i, 22), Jevan Pethyn ap Jevan ap
Leyson of South Wales, July 26th, 1410 (ibid., 2, 5) and Troharyn ap
Philip ap Llewellyn, Feb. gth. 1412 (PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 9). For pardon
to King's tenants and residents in domain of Ogmore, dated Feb. 28th,
1410, see PAT., u H. IV., i, 4. 4He left England in 1402, see Vol. I.,
J54> 275> 484. His Kentish living of Kemsing was filled by the appoint-
ment of Rodeland Karbrok on Oct. 26th, 1403. BKRMONDSK^ , 483. The
advowson was given to the Prior of Bermondsey for life by Guy Mone,
in 1397. — HASTED, i., 332. " USK, 83. 6 Tam cicius quam potuit reces-
serit.— PAT., 12 H. IV., 18. 7 Vol. II., p. 413. 8 MONSTH. (i., 256, 259),
followed by J. MEYER (230), states that Welsh envoys were in Paris
on May 2ist, 1408, and that they got 300 men-at-arms and 200 archers
under le Borgne de la Heuse, a Norman knight ; but this is probably
a confusion with 1^05; see Vol. II., p. 300, note >.

1 4* !•] Orchard. 269

soon afterwards (April roth, 1410), l and was buried in the
Infirmary Chapel of the Abbey of St. Victor,2 in Paris.

Owen in the meantime made a feint of negotiating,3 but
his star had nearly set, and if he was not, as the English
represented, a starving and deserted fugitive, lurking in herns 4
and halks,5 and chewing gravel and mud,6 yet henceforward the
insurrection was but a forlorn hope.7 Tradition said that once,
when the English were looking for him, he appeared unarmed
with one companion at Orchard, near Cowbridge, and asked in
French for a night's lodging. Sir Lawrence Berkrolles 8 gave
him shelter for four days; and when the stranger made himself
known by a hand-shake at parting, his host was struck dumb
for the remainder of his life : — a symbol, not only of the
dignity of the fallen hero, but of the generous trust of his
fellow-countrymen which refused to betray him even in the
depths of his despair. The bards0 believed that their Maece-

1 WILLIS, ST. ASAPH, i., 75 ; T. THOMAS, 156 ; ROBERT WILLIAMS,
492; LLOYD, i., 203. The inscription on the tomb contains two diffi-
culties. He is called Bishop of Hereford in Wales, and April loth fell on
Thursday (not Friday) in 1410. 2 For its position near the Porte St.
Bernard, without the walls, see TRAISON, p. xxm. ; DELISLE, n., 209-224;
FRANKLIN, 135-185, who quotes benefactors to the Library from the
necrology, without naming Trevor. For his books, see ADD. MS., 25459,
f. 291 ; GOTTLIEB, 175, 460. 3 RYM., VIIL, 611. 4 CHAUCER, CHAN.
YEM., 16126. Cf. " He most cast his hooke in every herne." — HOCCL.,
DE REG., 171; P. PLO., in., 249; RICH. REDELES, in., 211. 5 CHAUCER
(S.), i., 113 (= coignet) ; m., 144; FRANKELEINE'S TALE, 11433; SECOND
NONNE'S TALE, 15779; POL. SONGS, i., 318; ANGLIA, v., 34 ; HIGDEN,
I->9»3I3- 6 MIR. FOR MAG. ,302. 7 Jam raroinsurgentium. — PELL ROLLS,
13 H. IV., MICH., in TYLER, i., 243. 8 Or Berclos.— IOLO MSS., 98
(493)> from MS. of Mr. Lleision of Prisk, in possession of Evan of the
Farm Llanbethian. Berkrolles is said to have been poisoned, in 1411,
by his wife Maud, who was buried alive and still haunts the village of
St. Athan.— IOLO MSS., 27 (400) ; APPLEYARD, m., 84. For Sir Law-
rence Berkrolles, see Vol. II., p. 305, note 3 ; CLARK, CART^;, iv., 314.
9 IOLO GOCH in GORCHESTION, 81 ; LLOYD, i., 220 ; n., 107 ; with
translation in CYMMRODOR,, iv., 230. For poems addressed to Hopkyn
ap Thomas (Vol. L, p. 347), see O. JONES, i., 321. 328, 335, 336, 340;
CLARK, CART^V, n., 71 ; CAMBRO-BRITON, in., 483 ; R. WILLIAMS, s. v.,

270 Government by Council. [CHAP. LXXYIIT.

nas 1 must come again. They cried on him to summon aid from
Ireland, to raise a fleet in Gower, to light again the flame in Angle-
sey, to beat down the castles in Melenydd,* and with the Pope's
blessing lay low the dogs in their London lair. But there was
no voice. The Eagle had lost his might, the Bull was shorn
of strength, the Tall Man was a mark for Henry's hate, and
never raised head again. At the opening of the reign of Henry
V. he was still sending envoys to Paris 3 for help ; but he was
allowed to make his peace 4 with his conqueror and sink
obscurely into an unknown grave.5 Two generations later his

p. 244 ; APPLEYARD, in., 42. lolo Goch is called a Bachelor of Laws,
Lord of Llechryd (? Llechrydan, at the source of the Morda). He lived
at Coed Pantwn in Denbighshire and is supposed to have been over 100
years old. — CAMBRO-BRITON, i., 209 ; C. ASHTON in CYMMRODORION. For
Welsh bards and MSS., see O. JONES, passim. For David ap Gwilym (d.
1400, in Anglesey, buried at Ystradflur), see CAMBRO-BRITON, in., 142.
For Rhys Goch o Eryri (fl. about 1400, at Hafodgaregog, near Pont-
Aberglaslyn, Co. Merioneth), see ibid., i., 209, 210. For Kymorthas or
Quyllages (cf. " cuyled pens of pore men," WYCL. (M.), 433. In YEAR
BOOK, ii H. IV., HIL., p. 45 a, collectors of fifteenths are called Quillors ;
see also LIB. CUST., 227) for their maintenance, see Vol. I., p. 213 ; ROT.
PARL., m., 508; iv., 440; STAT., 4 H. IV., c. 26-34; called " Cymhortha"
in EVANS, 90. PENNANT (i., 391) takes Kymhortha to mean gatherings
of people; see also DODSLEY, i., n; J. ROLAND PHILLIPS, CIVIL WAR
IN WALES, i., 5.

1 Bardorum fautor et Maecenas. — EVANS, 89. For a fanciful panegyric
on him as " the heroic and guileless chieftain," " the blameless chief whom
white as snow Pure faith accompanied," &c., see ROWLAND WILLIAMS,
xvi. ,3, 206, 207. '2 I.e., Radnorshire. — Vol. I., p. 344; II., p. 307; DICT. NAT.
BIOG., xxxix., 122. 3 EC. DES CH., XLix., 420, shows that Griffin (probably
Bifort,seeVol. III., p. 140), Bishop of Bangor, and Philip Haunier (/.r.,Han-
mer) were in Paris from Dec. 3rd, 1414, to Feb. 22nd, 1415. 4 RYM., ix., 283,
330. 5 For the traditional claims of Monnington, Kentchurch and Bangor,
see CARTE, n., 670; T. ELLIS, 73; PENNANT, i., 393; W. COXE, 339;
T. THOMAS, 169 ; TYLER, i., 249 ; APPLEYARD, m., 96; D. WILLIAMS,
229, APP., 114; ROWLAND WILLIAMS, xxvn. He is supposed to have
died on Sep. 2oth, 1415. — ELMHAM, HIST. MON. S. AUGUST., 257 ; followed
by T. ELLIS, 73; ROBERT WILLIAMS, 172; LLOYD, i., 21; n., no;
WOODWARD, 574; ARCH^EOL. CAMBR., N. S., n., 120; ROWLAND
WILLIAMS, 194. But this seems to have no more authority than his
supposed birthday on Sep. 2oth, 1349 (LLOYD, vi., i ; CAMBRO-BRITON,
i., 424, gives 1349 or 1354). He is said to have been born at Tregaron,

141 1. ! "A Little Grave hi an Obscure Place" 271

name lived on amongst his countrymen T as the Chief who made
the English fly, who had 40 Dukes for his allies, and supported
62 women pensioners in his old age ;— which may perhaps
mean that he died at the age of 62.-

From this point the documents relating to Wales are mostly
records of pardons granted to repentant rebels. •"' A modern
writer has calculated 4 that throughout the whole reign no re-
venue at all was derived from Wales ; but the King's manors of
Monmouth, Brecon, Ogmore and Kidwelly, which for years
had yielded nothing,5 now begin to be productive again, and in

in Cardiganshire, and from his mother he inherited the manors of Yscoed
and Gwynionith. — BRIDGEMAN, 252 ; called Hiscote and Gugnyoneth in
ROT. PARL., iv., 440. Others place his birth at Trefgarn, near Haverford-
west, in Pembrokeshire (T. THOMAS, 48), and his supposed coronation at
Machynlleth on Sep. 2oth, 1402 (PENNANT, i., 359; MONTGOM. COLL.,
iv., 327 ; LLOYD, i., 209 ; n., 109 ; ROWLAND WILLIAMS, 44, 195), or the
sack of Ruthin on Sep. 2oth, 1400 (OwEN AND BLAKEWAY, i., 180;
ARCH^OL. CAMBR., N. S.,n., 27; APPLEYARD, in., 59, 96, where the
true date should be Jan. 3oth, 1402, see Vol. I., p. 249).

1 COTHI, 400. - For his family, see Vol. I., p. 142 ; Vol. II., pp. 171,
note 5, 297, note 9. He signed himself "Yweyn ap Gruffuth, Lord of Glyn-
dwfrdwy." — Vol. I., p. 447. In Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., MICH., Nov. i6th,
1407, he is called " Owen Glendowrdi app Griffith app Richard. " See also
EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv. , ecu. , quoting PEL^S, 8 H. IV., 1 1. In TRAIS. ,
282, he is represented as claiming to be Prince of Wales, jure progenito-
rum suorum, his grandfather, Richard, being the son of Madoc Vychan the
Cripple, Lord of Bromfield and Yale in Denbighshire (WILLIS, i., 56; n.,
29 ; YORKE, 53, 60), fifth in descent from Griffith Maelor, who was said
to be great-grandson of a Prince of Powys. — IOLO GOCH in CAMBRO-
BRITON, i., 423. For a pedigree tracing Owen's mother's descent from
Griffith ap Res ap Griffith ap Tudor Mawr (or Tewdwr. — YORKE, 80),
Prince of South Wales, see BRIDGEMAN, 249. For her supposed descent
from Llewellyn ap Jorwerth, see Vol. I., p. 142; BRIDGEMAN, 261. For
genealogies snowing the blood of three royal tribes centred in Owen, see
CAMBRO-BRITON, i., 438 ; T. THOMAS, 47 ; D. WILLIAMS, APP., p. 113.
In a charter dated June 29th, 1406, he is called Owen ap Griffuth. —
MONTGOM. COLL., i., 305. Cf. " Glendortewyth." — MONAST., vi., 354,
quoting MS. BRUSE; "Owin Glandurdy." — PAT., 6 H. IV., i., 33 ; "Owen
de Glyndoudoy." — MONTGOM. COLL., iv., 337, 338. Some have identified
his father with " Griffin de Glyndorde, taylor," who appears on the
burgess-roll of Shrewsbury in 1397.— BRIDGEMAN, 253 ; OWEN AND
BLAKEWAY, i., 179. In MIRROUR FOR MAG., 296, " Glendour " rhymes
with " slender." :< E.g., for Powys, see MONTGOM. COLL., iv., 336-344.
4 RAMSAY, i., 148. 3 Vol. II., p. 308, note n.

272 Government by Council. [CiiAP. LXXVIII.

1411 his Receivers forwarded him ^1018, which rose to
^1317 in the following year.1

The work in Wales being practically at an end, a fresh vent
was found for the energies of Prince Henry by his appointment as
Constable of Dover and Warden of the Cinque Ports (Feb. 28th,
I409),2 in place of Sir Thomas Erpingham.3 The Prince was
present in the Council which met at Westminster on Aug. i8th,
1409^ and we know that he spent the last three months of the
year at Berkhampstead, except that he made a short visit to
Daventry (Dec. 6th to roth), travelling by Dunstable (Dec.
3rd), Brickhill (Dec. 4th), and Towcester (Dec. 5th), and re-
turning to Berkhampstead by Stony Stratford (Dec. nth), and
Leighton Buzzard (Dec. i2th).5

In the spring of 1409, the Seneschal of Aquitaine, Galhar
de Durfort,6 came to London and spent some time in personal
conference with the Council. He represented that the city of
Bordeaux was in debt to the extent of 40,000 francs,7 and
although the confiscated property in the city and neighbour-
hood was being given away to reward the loyal supporters of

1 Due. LANG. REC., xxvin., 4, 7, APP. A. On May 2oth, 1412, Sir
John Tiptot (Vol. II., p. 475) was appointed Steward and Constable of
the Castles of Brecknock, Cantresell (DEP. KEEP., 45th KEPT., 120),
Hay, Grosmont, Skenfrith, and Whitecastle. — Due. LANG. REe., XL, 16,
71'. -PAT., 10 H. IV., i, 3 ; CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 5; SOLLY-FLOOD, 82;
TYLER, i., 252; RYM., vni., 616, Dec. i2th, 1409. HASTED, iv., 72,
wrongly supposes this to be the date of appointment. 3 Iss. ROLL, 7
H. IV., Mien., Feb. isth, 1406; ibid., 10 H. IV., Mien., Dec. 4th, 1408 ;
PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 10, Feb. 22nd, 1408; CLAUS., 9 H. IV., ir; and
TkANseR. FOR. REC. (Lille), 143, 5, 100, June igth, 1408; RYM.,
vin., 542, July nth, 1408. For account of his receiver (Jan. nth — Nov.
i4th, 1405), see ADD. CHART., 16433. On June 23rd, 1400, he had from
the Tower 200 bows, 60 balisters, 200 sheaf of settes, 500 Ibs. of gun-
powder and 100 lances for Dover Castle. — Q. R. WARDROBE, f J.
4 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 320. D Q. R. HOUSEHOLD, ff, APP. F. 6 Vol. II.,
p. 55 ; JURADE, 148. 7 JURADE, 357, shows £7500 for expenses incurred
during the Duke of Orleans' attack.

1409.] CainarsaCi, 273

the English, yet the revenues were getting very " thin and
small." The roads were still dangerous.1 The Count of
Armagnac was ravaging the country outside, and had destroyed
the castle and county of Ornon.^ Moreover, a new danger
was threatening the city on the east. The castle of Camarsac,3
near Creon, which had with great difficulty been captured by
the English, had lain in ruins for the last 30 years.4 It had
dominated the Twixt-Seas,5 i.e., the tongue of land between the
Garonne and the Dordogne, the rights over which had been
purchased by the city of Bordeaux as far back as 1355. The
ruins had just been bought0 by two brothers, Monot and
Ramon-Bernard de Cantalop, who proposed to rebuild the
castle. The Jurade of Bordeaux protested vigorously that the
new work would be a standing menace to their city, and
threatened to lay siege to it and knock it down. The brothers
Cantalop appealed 7 to the King through the Earl of Somerset,
but after "great altercation " 8 the Jurade carried the day ; and
on Nov. 3oth, 1409," an order was issued from Westminster
requiring that the works should be demolished forthwith.

We have already seen that Sir Thomas Swinburn sailed with
a large English force to Bordeaux in the summer of 1409, 10 and
immediate steps were taken to quell the spirit of insubordina-
tion. All persons whose fidelity to the English connection was
suspected, including a large number of monks and priests,
were expelled from the city, and the chief officers were
summoned to meet in the Cathedral on Sep. ist, I409,11 and

1 RYM., viii., 578, 583. - LURBE, 33. 3 ROT. VASC., 10 H. IV., 7,
Mar. ist, 1409 ; not Canarsac, as BRISSAUD, 200. For account of it
see DROUYN, n., 306-310. 4 JURADE, 308, 417. 5 Vol. II., p. 284, note
6; BOUILLONS, 405, 406, 408 ; JURADE, 299. 6ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 112,
where the building is called a hostel. 7 Not 1410, as VESP. F., xiu., 31 ;
ORD. PRIV. Co., n., in. 8 Gran altercacion. — JURADE, 305, 308, 313,
417-419. 9RYM., viii., 610. 10Vol. III., p. 98. n LURBE, 33.

S

274 Government by Council. [CHAP. T.XXVIII.

take an oath of allegiance to the English King at the hands
of the Archbishop of Bordeaux, who had just returned from
attending the Council at Pisa. On Aug. 28th, 1409, x an
order was issued summoning Sir William Farington,- the
Constable of the Castle of Bordeaux, to appear before the
Barons of the Exchequer at Westminster by Midsummer Day,
1410, in reference to the revenues that had passed through his
hands since his appointment more than three years before.3
His accounts and those of his lieutenant, John Mitford,4 had
been audited in the previous year by Master John Bordell •"* or
Burdili, and he was now told that the charges against him
would be explained when he arrived in England. His recall,
however, can have had no appearance of official censure, for
on the day before the summons was issued a patent l5 was
drawn up appointing him Constable of England pro tern.,
with William Lisle as temporary Marshal, during the absence
of the King's son, John, and the Earl of Westmoreland " in
distant parts."7 The only further trace of the transaction

1 RYM., viii., 598; ORD. PKIV. Co., i., 319. '2 He was a Lancashire
man (BAINES, u., 136), and had before been Lieutenant of Calais (ORD.
PRIV. Co., i., 83, 102, 103), and Captain of Fronsac (Iss. ROLL, 7 H.
IV., PASCH., Aug. i4th, 1406), but he was relieved of this command in
1409 (CLAUS., 10 H. IV., 6, 7). 3 ROT. VASC., 7 H. IV., 5, shows that he
was Constable in 1406; see also RYM., vm., 440; PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 2
(Aug. i3th, 1408) ; RYM., vm., 596 (Aug. 24th, 1409) ; Vol. III., p. 98.
4JuRADE, 137. For several writs referring to his accounts in 10, n
H. IV. (1408-9), see Q. R. ARMY, -5T/. He was at Bordeaux as Receiver
of the King's revenues and Lieutenant for the Constable on Aug. 6th,
1409. 3 Called Lieutenant of the Constable of Bordeaux in ROT. VASC.,
9 H. IV., 14; or Burdili in RYM., vm., 596; FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 13;
Bordili, RYM., ix., 113, 148; Bordin, ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 319; DEP.
KEEP., 45th REPT.,3i6; RYM., vm., 650; ix., 146, 152 ; not " Bordun,"
as SOLLY-FLOOD, 67. He is supposed to be the chaplain who wrote
GESTA HENRICI QUINTI (Edn. Williams, p. vn.). "PAT., 10 H. IV., 2,
5 d, Aug. 27th, 1409. In PAT., 12 H., IV., 3, 12 (1411), Sir Ralph K \\ere
is Lieutenant of the Constable of England. 7 I.e., probably on the March
of Scotland, see p. 281.

141 1.1 The Flux. 275

appears in an order for the arrest of Mitford, dated July 24th,
I4IO,1 but we know that Farington himself returned to
Bordeaux as Constable in Aug., 141 2. 2 In the meantime,
arrangements were made to levy an extraordinary tax of one
shilling in the £ on French goods entering Bordeaux, and
sixpence on those of other foreigners, for carrying out the
necessary repairs of the fortifications. The Seneschal remained
in England till Jan., 141 o,3 when he set sail for Bordeaux in
the St. Mary of Bayonne ; but though ^"566 133. 4d.4 was
paid to him from the English Exchequer to help his expenses
while waiting the decision of the Council as to their future
policy for Guienne, yet he had to borrow 700 gold florins 5 in
London before he could get clear off, and on his way back
he was captured, together with 400 men, by some Harfleur
privateers.0 In the following year (1411), Aquitaine was
scourged with the flux.7 4000 persons died of it in Bordeaux,
and the grapes could not be harvested for want of vintagers
and treaders. In May8 of this year (1411) the Castle of Tiset
was attacked by the Duke of Burgundy and surrendered
without striking a blow. The English made no effort to
relieve it, and all Poitou and Limousin were reduced to the
French obedience. On Oct. 26th, i4ii,ya safe conduct was

1 FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 15; cf. RYM., vm., 597. - ROT. VASC., 13
H. IV., 3 (Aug. isth, 1412); cf. ibid., 14 H. IV., i, Jan. agth, 1413.
On Aug. 2nd, 1412, he was appointed to examine Richard Thorley,
Treasurer of Calais. — PRIV. SEAL, 656/7303. 3 ROT. VIAG., 2 (Jan. 5th,
1410). 4 Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., July i6th, 1409, has £6b 135. 4d.
paid to him for staying in England; ibid., n H. IV., MICH., Nov. 26th,
1409, has £500 to help his expenses in England. 5 PAT., 10 H. IV., 2,
10. 6 ST. DENYS, iv., 312. 7 Dissenteria. — OTT., 268 ; WALS,, n., 285 ;
LURBE, 34. For "rlix," see HOLINS., u., 537; "flux du ventre," DES-
CHAMPS, rv., 307 ; cf. Vol. II., p. 456, note 8. 8 LANNOY, 10. He was
present at the capture, which he dates in 1409, but he gives it as the year
after the capture of Anteguera, which fell in 1410. — MARIANA, i., 347 ;
CABARET, 312. There is, however, no mention of Tiset in ITIN., 379.
9 PRIV. SEAL, 7019. For payment to him of too inks. p. a., see Iss.
ROLL., 13 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 28th, 1411, Jan. 22nd, 1412.

276 Government by Council. [CHAP. LXXVIII.

issued for Pontius, Lord of Castelhon, who was deputed to
visit England as an envoy on behalf of the Three Estates of
Guienne, though the exact purport of his mission is not
known.

The Council still kept up negotiations with Scotland, in
spite of the arrival of news of the destruction of Jedburgh
by the Scots. The castle and forest of Jedworth had been
made over to the English by Edward Baliol in 1334,* and
had been granted to the Percies - by Edward III. On the
confiscation of the lands of the Earl of Northumberland, Jed-
burgh and Fastcastle fell to the share of the Lord John,3 who
was formally appointed Constable of Jedburgh Castle on Jan.
28th, 1408,* receiving at the same time a grant of Jedburgh
Forest with the towns of Bonjedward and Hassendean in
Teviotdale. But Jedburgh was neglected, and the pay of the
troops was all in arrear. The Lord John had tried to keep
them together at his own cost; his plate and his "poor
jewels"5 were all pledged, and he wrote imploring letters to
the Council, but got neither remedy nor reply.0 The place
was completely isolated, the walls were watched by the enemy
night and day, and any stragglers who ventured out were
pounced upon and despatched. In the summer of 1409, the
captain, Robert Hoppen,7 fled to Berwick " to beg for wages,"

1 RYM., iv., 615, 619; not 1346, as RAMSAY, i., 122. - RYM., MIL,
364; CAL. ROT. PAT., 242 b; ROT. SCOT., 11., 172. :' VESP. F.t viz., no.
4 PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 16; GLAUS.. 9 H. IV.. 27, where it is said that he
had guarded the district at his own cost since the forfeiture. On this
ground I should place VESP. F., vn., no (dated Warkworth, Nov. a6th,
s. a.), in the year 1408, but see Vol. II., p. 277. note i. 'Vol.. II., p. 276,
note 3. 6 Sans nulle manere respouns ne remede. — VESP. F., vn., no,
in. " Hopen. — ROT. VIAG., 3 (Dec. Sth, 1409,1, where the castle is referred
to as lately lost and overthrown by the Scots. This is the earliest dated
document that I have found relating to the capture. Hoppen was the
owner of Hoppen Tower, near Bamborough, see BATES, 16 ; HODGSON,
in., i, 28.

1409-. Jcdbiirgh. 277

and the castle fell an easy prey to the Scots. Following a
precedent ^ often set before in similar cases, the men of Teviot-
dale - determined to demolish the fortress, and so prevent the
foreign birds from nesting again in their midst. But the lime
had set hard,3 and the walls would not break up. So they
made application to the Council at Perth for power to levy a
tax of twopence on every hearth,4 to pay for the demolition.
This was refused, but a grant of £40 5 was made to them for
the work from the customs of Edinburgh instead, and James
Douglas was at hand with a strong force to protect them as
they dismantled stone from stone in instant dread of attack.
None came, however, though an English garrison under Sir
John Nevil * was within easy hail at Roxburgh.

Fastcastle was under the command of Thomas Holden,"
who, being in touch with the sea, was able not only to keep
his garrison better supplied with provisions, but even to deal
stout blows at the Scottish bands that infested his walls. In
the autumn of 1409 they made their supreme effort to bring
him to book. They watched him closely on the land side,
while the Earl of Mar,8 who had secured substantial help in
money from the King of France, lay off the coast between

1 SCOTICHRON., ii.. 324; WYXT., n., 454. 456; ST. DEXYS, in., 208,
414, 422. - Per mediocres Thevidalia?. — SCOTICHROX., n., 444. 3 That
biggit wes right stark with stane and lyme. — BUIK, in., 494; BOECE,
341; BELLENDEX, 256; cf. WYCL. (A), n., 209 ; CHAUC. (S.), m., 112.
4I.t\. probably in the neighbourhood; not "on every hearth in the
kingdom," as TYLER, in., 167. 5 EXCHEQ. ROLLS, SCOT., iv., 115, 117.
"Vol. II., p. 224, note 3; ORD. PRIV. Co. n., 15; Iss. ROLL, n H.
IV., PASCH. (May 2nd, 1410); ibld.^ 12 H. IV.. PASCH., July 1301, 1411,
has payment to him of £333 6s. 8d. For his acct., showing receipt oi
£2500," from Nov. i2th, 1408, to Aug. ist, 1411, see Q. R. ARMY,*/;
FOR. ACCTS., 13 H. IV. The inventory includes one iron gun. three
copper guns, and a watch well valued at £40. His lieutenant was
Richard Berehalgh. 7 SCOTICHROX., n., 444; BOECE, 342. 8 Vol. II., p.
276, where the date should probably be 1409 ; see Vol. III., p. 182.

278 Government by Council. [CHAP. LXXVIII.

Berwick and Newcastle to stop his supplies by sea. On March
i4th, 141 o,1 orders were issued to have the forces of the
Northern Counties in readiness ; but all to no purpose, and
after a prolonged siege '2 the place was finally captured in 1410,
by Patrick Dunbar, fourth son :J of the Scottish Earl of March.
The Earl of Mar and his comrade, Robert Davison, still
roved the sea, plundering the Hanse and Flemish shipping 4 at
their will, and finding a ready market for their booty in the
French ports.5 The Hansers threatened to buy no cloth made
from Scottish wool,6 and the Scotch replied with an order7

1 PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 24 d. - Continuel agaite. — VESP., F., vn., no.
3 Not the eldest son (i.e., George), as PLUSCARD., i., 349. For safe-
conduct for George and Patrick Dunbar, dated Oct. isth, 1411, see ROT.
SCOT., ii., 199 ; cf. RAINE, N. DURHAM, APP., CXLIII. For Patrick Dunbar
(not Paton, as Vol. I., p. 136), see DOUGLAS, PEERAGE, 441 ; SCOTICHRON.,
ii., 444 ; Iss. ROLL, 8 H. IV., PASCH., June ist, 1407. 4 On June 2gth,
1410, the Copman at Bruges reports that sea-rovers from Scotland, Hol-
land, Zealand, France and Calais, lie off the Zwyn (Vol. I., p. 443 ; Vol.
II., p. 102) from day to day and have robbed many vessels of the Hansers,
and that the Scots have captured a hulk carrying cloth from Flanders to
Revel. — HR., v., 561 ; see also HIRSCH, DANZIG, 117. At a recess of the
Hanse towns, held at Wismar, Nov. ist, 1411, Davison and the Earl are
charged with plundering from the Copman of Bruges. — HR., vi., 36.
For a Scottish vessel freighted in Flanders, driven into Warkworth, and
plundered by the Earl of Mar, see PAT., 1 1 H. IV., i, 4 d, Feb. 28th, 1410.
5 For complaint (Apr. 2oth, 1410) by representatives of Hamburg to
Charles VI., that the Earl and Robt. Davison have seized a Prussian
crayer off the coast of Flanders, and sold the cargo at Harfleur, see
HR., v., 551. On Dec. ist, 1410, the baillies and consuls of Aberdeen
write to Danzig that the Earl and Davison have represented at the Gildhall
(rathhaus), that Davison and 160 of his men, with a barge and balinger,
had been seized in the Seine by the Hansers, who demanded 10,000 crowns
for their ransom from the Parliament in Paris, and that it had cost Davison
2000 crowns to defend himself. They asserted that it was really the
Holland and Zealand fishermen that had robbed the Hansers, and they
asked the authorities of Aberdeen to press the case for them, as their own
seals were not so well known. — Ibid., v., 552. G See meeting at Liine-
burg, Apr. 3oth, 1412. — Ibid., vi., 49. For fabrics made of Scottish wool
at Poperinghe and Bailleul, see POL. SONGS, n., 168; HR., vi., 79 (Bruges,
July i4th, 1412). In the Temptation in Cov. MYST., 210, the Devil points
to " Pounteys and Poperynge and also Picardie." 7 Dated Aug. i3th,
1412. — HR., vi., 80.

l.| 1 1. ] The Earl of Mar. 279

excluding the Hansers from Scottish ports after Christmas,
1412. But trade interests were too strong, and both threats
were really disregarded.1

At Berwick, meanwhile, the walls were still in ruins. Victuals
were dear, distress abounded, the adjacent lands were flooded,
and the place was only saved from capture by the rising of the
Tweed.2 Prince John remained out of harm's way at Wark-
worth,-'3 writing letters at a safe distance, and messengers 4 were
despatched post-haste from London to his lieutenant and the
forlorn garrison, urging them to hold out a little longer and their
wages would certainly be paid. The Council were apparently
as good as their word, and between Nov., 1410, and May, 1411,
the rolls record payments to the Berwick garrison, amounting to
^3679 us. 4d.5

Nevertheless, negotiations for a peace were still kept up.
The Duke of Albany, although he "held him coy"6 as
to paying a ransom of 50,000 marks for the release of his
son, was ready to suggest a marriage between one of his
daughters and the King's son John,7 and representatives 8 were
on their way to the border to discuss this among other matters
in a friendly spirit. April 2ist, 1410,° was appointed for the

1 HR., vi., 100, Feb. 6th, 1413.. 2 " Lesquelles seulement estaient
lessez par cause de grant crecyne de ewe." — VESP. F., vn. 3 Vol.
II., p. 276. 4 Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 27th, 1410, has pay-
ment to messengers. 5 Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH, and PASCH.,
Nov. i5th and 2ist, 1410 (= £1000 + ^333 6s. 8d. + ^42 arrears
since Easter, 1410), also £1333 6s. 8d. (Mar. 23rd, 1411) and £970
i8s. (May 2ist, 1411). B ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 325; MENTEITH, i.,
212. Cf. " He kepte him coy." — CHAUC. (S.), i., 205 ; " still and coy."-
CHAUC., CLERK, 7878 ; " Tenez vous coy." — DESCHAMPS, vni., 184. 7 Vol.
II., p. 399. 8 RYM., vni., 609; ROT. SCOT., n., 192, 193; ROT. PARL.,
in.. 622, 630. Iss. ROLL, ii H. IV., MICH., Feb. 3rd, and Mar. ist,
1410, has payment to Sir Richard Redman (^"23) for journey to Scot-
land; also £100, Apr. 2nd, 1410. 9 ROT. SCOT., n., 194; RYM., vm., 635.
For order for horses for Sir Henry Fitzhugh going to Scotland to nego-
tiate, see PAT., n H. IV., 2, 25 (April gth, 1410).

280 Government by Council. [CiiAP. LXXVIII.

meeting at Haudenstank. On May 6th, 1410^ the Duke of
Albany wrote a kind letter from Falkland to King Henry at
Westminster. A further meeting took place on the border on
June iyth, 1410,- and though there were still apprehensions8
that the Scots were preparing to invade, yet a truce appears to
have been arranged to last till Nov. ist, 1410. Early in 141 1,4
Sir Robert Umfraville, as Lieutenant :"' for the Admiral in the
North, put to sea with two ships, two barges, and four balingers.''1
He had on board 106 men-at-arms and 212 archers, and
besides these the crews amounted to 288 men. The Council
had promised ,£400 to pay their wages for two months and
seven days. The flotilla sailed up the Forth for 14 days, and
watched the coast from Blackness to Musselburgh." Here they
captured 13 vessels with their crews, and brought back such a
glut of wheat, rye, cloth, tar, wool, wax, wine, and spicery, that
the needy North had reason long to remember the pluck of
Robin Mend-Market.8 Returning to Northumberland he then
"forayed full sore with many a manly irr.'i " about Kailwater
and Rulewater and Jedworth Forest, and was rewarded by
being made Constable of Roxburgh Castle, in place of Sir John
Nevil, for six years from Lammas, 1411.'-' But all his vigour

1 KAL. AND INV., n., 80. - ROT. SCOT., n., 194. '•' RYM., vm., 639,
July 5th, 1410. For letter from King Henry to the Duke of Albany com-
plaining that Scottish armed ships had seized fishermen from the hundred
of W. in " N." (possibly Walsham in Norfolk), in spite of the truce, see
ADD. MS., 24062, f. 157. 4 For payment to messengers to take muster of
men-at-arms and archers going with Sir Robert Umfraville super man
boreulc, see Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Dec. gth, 1410. 5 PAT., n H.
IV., 2, 8 d ; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 16. shows 1000 marks paid to him for
this voyage, allotted Nov. 26th, 1410 ; Iss. ROLL, at sup. 6 Iss. ROLL,
13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. 23rd, 1412, refers to the agreement; not " 10
sayles," as HARDYNG, 365 ; NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 398. For balinger ( =
small war vessel), see A. S. GREEN, i., 85. 7 This I take to be the mean-
ing of " Moushole (or Mousehole) on our side," in HARD., 365. 8 HALLE,
26; GRAFTON, 431 ; HOLINS., n., 537; STOW, CHRON., 338. 9 Vol. III.,
p. 277; ROT. SCOT., n., 197; PRIV. SEAL, 652/6949, July nth, 1411;

1411.) Robin Mend-Market. 281

could not unmake the past, and Jedburgh and Fastcastle were
lost to England for ever, though the easy acquiescence of the
Council seems to show that other schemes were brewing which
would make it advisable to keep in with Scotland while
English energies were given vent elsewhere. On April 4th,
141 1,1 Lord John and the Earl of Westmoreland were author-
ized to arrange a further truce for two years. On May 23rd,-
a Commission consisting of the Earls of Warwick and
Westmoreland,3 Bishops Langley and Bubwith, and others
was appointed to meet the Earls of Douglas and March 4 at
Haudenstank. Negotiations were continued rj in the succeed"
ing autumn, with the result that a long truce was concluded,
to last till Easter, 14 i8.tt

CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 7 (July i2th, 1411); Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH.
(Dec. i6th, 1411), has ^"333 6s. 8d. paid to him for wages for half-year
from Michaelmas, 1411, to Easter, 1412. On Aug. 2nd, 1411, his deputy
was William Galen or Galon. In Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., Oct.
25th, 1412, Umfraville receives £100 for repair of Roxburgh Castle.

1 RYM., viii., 678 ; ROT. SCOT., n., 195 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 13.
- RYM., vin., 686, 703 ; ROT. SCOT., n., 196, 197 ; PRIV. SEAL, 951/6890.
:i For indenture dated Jan. 25th, 1411, between the King and the
Earl of Westmoreland as to service on the West March of Scotland, see
Q. R. ARMY, &£-. 4 Vol. II., p. 401. 5 RYM., vin., 704; ROT. SCOT., n.,
199 ; KAL. AND INV., n., 82. For payment to messengers to Lord John
and other commissioners as to form of treaty with Scotland, see Iss.
ROLL, 12 H. IV., PASCH., July 23rd, 1411. "Vol. II., p. 393; RYM.,
vin., 737.

CHAPTER LXXIX.
OLDCASTLE'S PARLIAMENT.

THE large grants made at Gloucester1 would run out by
Michaelmas, 1410, and it became necessary again to call a
Parliament. In the spring of 1409 - it had been a matter of
common speculation that the Houses would meet in the
following September ; but it was not till Oct. 26th that
writs were made out summoning them to meet at Bristol 3 on
Jan. 27th, 1410. The King's health was sufficiently restored
to allow of his moving frequently from place to place. Official
documents are dated at Windsor4 on Oct. 3rd, 4th, and 5th;
1409, and we know that on Oct. 4th he was present with the
Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earl of Arundel in the
Bishop of Ely's hostel at Holborn.5 On Nov. i4th,° he was at
St. Alban's Abbey. On Nov. 2oth," he arrived with his son
Humphrey, Lord Beaumont, and the Duke of York at Berk-
hampstead, where the whole party were entertained at supper
by the Prince of Wales.8 He was at Stony Stratford on Nov.

1 Vol. III., p. 120. 2 VEN. STATE PP., i., 49. A later despatch
(dated Oct. gth, 1409) refers to the meeting as expected for Christmas,
1409. — Ibid., 50. 3 KEPT. DIGN. PEER, m., 804; DEVON, 314 4 PAT.,
ii H. IV., i, 16, 31, 32, 33; FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 42; PRIV. SEAL,
654/6273. 5 GLAUS., 12 H. IV., 29; Q. R. WARDROBE, £f, APP. B.
6 VESP. F., VIL, 61, where date should be 1409; see also MENTEITH, i.,
216; PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 3 (Nov. i4th and i6th, 1409), though in PAT.,
ii H. IV., i, ii, 13, there are documents dated at Northampton, Nov.
i6th, 1409. " Q. R. HOUSEHOLD, |f, APP. F. 8 Vol. III., p. 272.

1409.] ArundeVs Resignation. 283

23rd,1 and on the same day he reached Northampton, where
documents are dated Nov. 23rd, 24th, and 25th.1' He was at
Leicester on Dec. 4th, :! and at Northampton again on Dec.
i5th. On Nov. 2ist ] the Council met at Westminster ; on
Dec. 2nd 5 orders were issued to forward all necessary rolls,
letters, and records to Bristol, and preparations were made for
the Court to spend Christmas at Worcester,6 in readiness for
the approaching meeting of the Parliament.

It may be that Bristol, like Gloucester, had been selected
for the meeting in order to be out of the range of any
awkward pressure that might have been exerted in the. capital.
But Bristol was obviously unsuitable for a session in the depth
of winter ; and, indeed, when preparations for victualling the
expected inthrong of visitors began, the supplies of fish, flesh,
and corn were stopped and plundered in the Forest of Dean.7
Accordingly, fresh writs were issued on Dec. i8th, 1409,^
altering the place of meeting to Westminster, the Convocation
of Canterbury being summoned to meet in St. Paul's before
Feb. 1 5th, 1410.^

Before the Parliament met, Archbishop Arundel had
ceased to be Chancellor. On Dec. 2ist, I409,10 he delivered
up the great gold n seal into the King's hands in the Palace at
Westminster. The King kept it in his own possession at

1 PAT., ii H. IV., i, 14, 23. 2 RYM., vm., 611; PAT., n H. IV., i,
12, 15; CLAUS., ii H. IV., 29; ROT. VASC., 11 H. IV., 18. 3 Due. LANG.
RKC., XL, 16, 40. 4 RYM., vm., 610. 5 PAT., ii H. IV., i, 23 d. 6 Q. R.
WARDROBE, ||, APP. B; L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, 4,
APP. C. 7 PAT., ii H. IV., i, 14 d, Nov. 22nd, 1409. 8 REPT. DIGN.
PEER, in., 807 ; COTTON, 469. For payment to messengers, see Iss.
ROLL, ii H. IV., MICH. (Mar. 2oth, 1410), and ibid., PASCH. (July lyth,
1410). 9See writs dated at Eltham, Jan. 3rd, 1410, in REPT. DIGN. PEER,
in., 807. For meetings from Feb. i7th, 1410, onwards, see CONC., in.,
324; WAKE, 348. 10 RYM., vm., 616 ; CLAUS., n H. IV., 8. For docu-
ments dated from Dec. 23rd, 1409, onward, with Keeper of the Great Seal
as pro-chancellor, see PRIV. SEAL, 646/6379-6408. u Foss, iv., 130.

284 Oldcastle's Parliament. [CHAP, i.xxix.

Eltham } till Jan. igth, 1410, giving oral directions in person -
for the sealing of official documents. It may be that reviving
health made him take this somewhat unusual course,3 or
possibly some difficulties had arisen with the Archbishop. On
Dec. nth, 1409, Sir John Tiptot was relieved4 of his office as
Treasurer of England. He was succeeded on Jan. 6th, 1410,
by Henry, Lord Scrope of Masham,5 nephew to the late Arch-
bishop of York.

The royal Christmas was spent at Eltham, <! and it seemed
likely that, when the Parliament met, the country would be
at peace with all its neighbours. The Welsh were crushed
and the Scots were negotiating for terms ; trade was at
last in a more settled groove ; the arrangement with the Duke

1 For documents dated at Eltham, Dec. 26th, 28th, 29th, 3oth (1409),
and Jan. ist, 3rd, 5th, 6th, yth, 8th, gth, loth i2th, i3th (1410), see PAT.,
ii H. IV., i, n, 13 ; ROT. VIAG., i, 2, 3 ; Due. LANG. REC., XL, 16, 42' ;
PRIV. SEAL, 646/6394. The Hanse envoys had an interview with the
King at Eltham on Jan. 2nd, 1410 (HR., v., 492), and TRANSCR. FOR.
REC. (Lille), 143, 5, 102, shows that he was at Eltham on Jan. 5th, 1410.
2 For documents dated Jan. 8th, 2ist, 24th, 25th, 26th (1410), en-
dorsed " istae liter* fuerunt de mandate ipsius dni regis viva vocc" see
PRIV. SEAL, 646/6387, 6403-4-6-9. 3 HARDY (47) notes that this is the
only recorded occasion on which he did such a thing. 4 Exoneratus.
— Iss. ROLL, ii H. IV., MICH., Dec., 4th, 1409. See p. 129. ? ROT.
VIAG., ii H. IV., 2; not Richard, as OTT., 267. His account begins
Jan. 24th, 1410. — REC. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH. In Iss. ROLL, ii
H. IV., MICH., his first entry is Feb. 3rd, 1410, see ORD. PRIV. Co., i.,
331 (Feb. 8th, 1410) ; WALS., n., 282 ; DUGD., CHRON. SER., 36. In REC.
ROLL, ii H. IV., MICH., Nov. 22nd, 1409, Sir Thomas Brownflete is
Treasurer of the King's Household (see Vol. II., p. 475, note 13). So
also Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Oct. i3th, 1411; REC. ROLL, 13 H.
IV., MICH., Nov. i7th, 1411, March i4th, 1412. Called William Brown-
flete (sic) in Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Oct. 3rd, 1409. In Sep., 1410,
Scrope married as his second wife Joan Holand, who had been wife (i)
of Edmund, Duke of York (d. Aug. ist, 1402) : — (2) of Sir William Wil-
loughby, Lord of Eresby (d. Dec. 4th, 1409). She was a sister of the
late Earl of Kent. — DUGD.,L, 659; u., 84 ; Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH.,
Oct. i3th, 1411 ; CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 33, 34; Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH.,
Dec. loth, 1412 ; SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 140. The marriage took place
in the chapel at Faxrleet.— TEST. EBOR., in., 320. H RKPT. DIGN. PEER,
in., 807.

t4io.] Truce. 285

of Burgundy and the Flemish towns l had still more than
a year to run and was being carried out with fair strictness on
both sides \* messengers from Ghent3 and the trading towns of
Flanders were about to cross to London for friendly confer-
ence as to the future, and there was every prospect that the
treaty would be renewed. There was truce with Brittany ; 4
Guienne was peaceful, and envoys from Bordeaux were ready
at Bayonne,5 prepared to meet the representatives of the
Infanta Ferdinand,* Regent of Castile for his little nephew,
John II. His ambassadors had started from Valladolid, and
were waiting at Fuenterrabia with credentials ready signed for
extending the annual truce which would expire on Feb. 8th,
1410. By this means the truce was continued ° for another
year, and subsequent meetings were held to arrange for its
further renewal till Feb. 8th, 1413," and, as that date drew near,
further friendly negotiations s were to be maintained at Bayonne.
In June, 141 1,9 King Henry sent his great gun to Spain; in

1 Vol. II., p. 108. '2 RYM., vni., 614, :J VARENBERGH, 500; RYM.,
viii., 625. 4 Vol. III., p. 105. 5RvM., vni., 593, 617; ORD. PRIV. Co.,
i., 319. For messengers from the Queen of Castile, June iyth, 1409,
and merchandise arriving from Bilbao, see FR. ROLL, 10 H. IV., 5.
" RYM., viii., 625, 640; Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Feb. 3rd, 1410, shows
that Sir Thomas Swinburn, Mayor of Bordeaux, gave letters to Richard
Lethe, servant to John Cokking of Bristol, to carry to the King, referring
to truce with King of Spain. For payment to messengers for proclaiming
truce, see ibid., Mar. ist, 1410; ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. igth, 1412).
7 FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 13 (Apr. 2yth, 1410), has appointment of the
Bishop of Bayonne, Bertrand de Montferrand, Sir Thomas Swinburn,
and Dr. John Burdili (p. 274, note 5) to treat with Castile and Leon ;
see RYM., vm., 657, 703, 705, 707, 772 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 25. For
safe-conducts both on the English and Castilian side, see PRIV. SEAL,
648/6588, 6593 (May 27th, and June 3rd, 1410). The Castilian envoys
were Gomez Garcia de Hoyos chlr., Diego Garcia de St. Remain licen-
ciez es loys, and Peter de Hoses esquire. Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH.
(Dec. gth, 1410), has ,£26 135. 4d. paid to John Sturminster sent to
Castile. PRIV. SEAL, 654/7113, 656/7361 (Jan. 2Oth, 1412), states that
truce with Castile will soon expire, and that the King has sent envoys for
its extension. 8 RYM., vm., 771, Nov. i3th, 1412. 9 RYM., vin., 694;
PRIV. SEAL, 652/6927 (June 25th, 1411), grants permission to John Ffer-

286 Otdcastle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

September of the same year he was treating for the purchase
of a Spanish vessel then lying at St. Sebastian upon which he
had set his heart ; 1 and on Nov. 25th,- he forwarded two
pieces of Rheims linen, two marts (inercatus) of gold-leaf, and
12 ells of scarlet cloth to his sister, Queen Catherine, by her
squire, John di Samorra.

Moreover, an arrangement had just been completed in
London whereby the long-standing grievances of the Hansers
promised at length to be finally removed ; but the considera-
tion of this is reserved for a subsequent chapter.

Death had been busy amongst the great lords and barons
since last the Houses met. The Earl of Northumberland had
passed away, and his grandson and heir was a prisoner in Scot-
land. The Earl of Somerset was dying in the Hospital of St.
Catherine-by-the-Tower. The Earl of Kent had been killed
at Brehat,3 and had left no son. His place in Parliament was
taken by Thomas Montague, Earl of Salisbury,4 who was now

kin to ship for his own profit two small cannons that he had made in
England, "en la nief d'Espaigne en la quele nfe grande canon sera
envoiee a les parties d'espaigne. "

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 25. '^CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 32. :! Vol. III., p. 104.
4 DUGDALE, i., 651; HUTCHINS, in., 413. His father's manors were
granted to him Dec. loth, 1404. — PAT., 6 H. IV., i., 20. Some of them,
vi/., Mold [called Montault, De Monte Alto. — DEP. KEEP., 36th KEPT.,
347, 349 ; or Mohaute or Moeaut. — AD QUOD DAMN., 344; PELLS, 6 H.
IV., MICH., Feb. i8th, 1405 (not Mohant, as DOYLE, i., 397)], Hawarden
(DEP. KEEP., 36th KEPT., 350), Bosley and Neston (PAT., 13 H. IV., 2,
18) had been granted April i6th, 1401, to Elizabeth, widow of his great
uncle, William Montague, Earl of Salisbury (d. 1397). — ADD. CH., 662.
She died Jan. i4th, 1415, and was buried at Bustlesham Montague, /.<•.,
Bisham, near Marlow, by the side of her husband. For her will dated
Dongate, Nov. 24th, 1414, see TEST. VET., i., 183 ; DUGD., i., 649. The
young Earl's mother, Maud, widow (first) of John Aubrey of London,
and (second) of Sir Alan Buxhull (DuGix, i., 650; HUTCHINS, in., 4),
\vas the daughter of Sir Adam Francis, mercer, who was Mayor of Lon-
don in 1353-4 (Vol. I., p. 177; HERBERT, i., 249; PRICE, 112, 116, 264;
SHARPE, i., 673 ; n., 40, 63 ; ARCH^EOLOGIA, L., 505 ; LOND. AND MIDDLX.
ARCH. Soc., iv., 139). For his will dated London, Aug. 26th, 1374, see
SHARPE, n., 171.

1410.1 "The .Wf>//y Montague." 287

22 years of age, and had married Eleanor Holland,1 sister to
Edmund Earl of Kent, who had just died, arid to the former
Earl (Thomas) of Kent, who had suffered with his father on the
block at Cirencester.- He now succeeded to the title of Earl
of Salisbury, and seemed to be shaping for a steady fighting3
English nobleman, without any touch of his father's distinction,
whether as Lollard,4 poet,5 or rebel. Sir John Tuchet, Lord
of Audley, in North Staffordshire, had died on December iQth,
1408,^ leaving a son James only 10 years of age ; and on May
8th, 1409," Sir Bartholomew Bourchier died at Stanstead in

1 For grants to him and his wife Alianore, Countess of Sarum, see
PAT., 7 H. IV., i., 24, 32, Jan. yth, 1406; KAL. AND INV., u., 74. In
PAT., 14 H. IV., 30, Oct. i2th, 1412, she is called sister to Edmund, late
Earl of Kent. In ROY. LET., Box 15, Pub. Rec. Office, is a letter from
Thomas, Earl of Salisbury, dated at Shenley (near Barnet. — CUSSANS,
in., 309), Nov. 24th, s.a., to his "dear friend John Wakering, Keeper
of the Rolls," referring to Alianore his wife, and to letters belonging to
his "very dear brother Esmond, formerly Earl of Kent, lately dead."

2 Vol. I., p. 99; Vol. II., p. 39. The Earl of Salisbury's body was
removed from Cirencester in 1416, and buried at Bisham. — TEST. EBOR.,
u., 240; HUTCHINS, in., 5 ; DUGD., i., 650. For his portrait, see ANTIQ.
REPERT., i., 78; DOYLE, m., 240, from HARL. MS., 1319. The combat
that should have taken place between him and Thomas, Lord Morley,
at Newcastle (Vol. I., p. 75), did not come about (DEVON, 275 ;
USK, 44). But RAMSAY (i., 12, 19) is wiong in supposing that "the
Earl of Salisbury was let off scot free" and "suffered nothing at all."

3 " Le plus subtil expert et eureux en armes de tous les autres princes
et capitaines du royaume d'Angleterre." — MONSTR., iv., 300. " Of Salus-
bury the manly Montagw." — LYDGATE, 126; MIR. FOR MAG., 312. For
portrait of him, see DOYLE, m., 241, from HARL. MS., 4826. His will
dated 1427 is at Lambeth.-- GENEAL., vi., 130. He had one brother,
Richard, and three sisters (viz., Elizabeth, Margaret and Ann). — STAFF.
REG., 147, 259. 4Vol. L, p. 99; ANN., 174 ; WALS., n., 159. 5Vol. I.,
p. 100 ; LYDGATE (TEMPLE OF GLAS., cv.) undertook the translation of
the First Pilgrimage for him in 1426. 6 DUGD., u., 28; INQ. p. MORT.,
in., 323. He was in the Prince's muster at Shrewsbury at the head of
20 squires and 10 archers. — Q. R. WARDROBE, $$, APP. F. From Oct.
24th, 1403, to Feb. igth, 1404, he was Keeper of Brecknock Castle, to-
gether with the Earl of Warwick. — PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 31, Oct. i4th, 1404.
7 WEEVER, 619, from his monument in Halstead church. In DUGD.,
ii., 128; MORANT, IL, 252; and CHESTER- WATERS, EARLS OF Eu, p. 47,
the date is May i8th. The name is spelt " Burser " in DERBY ACCTS.,
39, 105, 302. For chantry founded May 2nd, 1412, in Halstead church

288 Oldcastle* s Parliament. [CHAP. Lxxix.

Essex, leaving no son to follow him. Between the issue of the
first and second writs, viz., on Wednesday, December 4th,
1409, l Sir William Willoughby, Lord of Eresby, in Lincoln-
shire, died at his manor of Edgefield near Holt, in Norfolk, at
the age of 37. His son Robert, who was already 24 years old,-
succeeded him, but no writ3 was yet issued to him summoning
him to attend in Parliament. Two names of the highest in-
terest now first appear on the list of barons. One is John
Talbot, Lord of Furnival,4 and the other Sir John Oldcastle,
who was summoned by virtue of his recent marriage with Joan,
grand-daughter and heiress of John, Lord of Cobham.

A month after the last Parliament had been dismissed at
Gloucester, Lord Cobham had died at a great age.5 He had
been a friend of Wickham tf and Gower,7 and, jointly with Sir
Robert Knolles,8 had built the stone bridge9 over the Medway
between Rochester and Strood, with the All-Soulen Chapel in
at the bridge-foot u where three priests were to sing mass every
day at 5, 8, and TI o'clock, for the benefit of the throng

for his soul and those of his wives Margaret and Idonea, see Vol. II., p.
119. The college or chantry house for a master and five priests is still
standing. — MORANT, n., 260.

1 DUGD., ii., 84; INQ. P. MORT., in., 329; BLOMEFIELD, v., 915. In
GLAUS., ii H. IV., 20, March 7th, 1410, he is referred to as dead. In
ibid., 23, Feb. 7th, 1410, his widow is called Joan, Duchess of York.
'2 DUGD., ii., 84. 3 KEPT. DIGN. PEER, in., 808; COTTON, 469.
4 DOYLE, in., 309; Vol. III., p. in. 5 HYPODIG., 379. 6 ARCHJEOL.
CANT., i., 69; HIST. MSS., and KEPT., 133. 7 ARCH^OL. CAM..
iv., 37; XL, 71; POL. SONGS, i., 433, 446. 8 See Vol. III., p. 23*.
9 LEL., ITIN., vi., 4, f. 4; vni., 26; HASTED, n., 17, 21; THORIM;,
573; SURREY ARCHJEOL. COLL., ii., 138; HIST. MSS., gth KEPT., I.,
147, 285; JUSSERAND, 62; DENTON, 179. Yet in PAT., n H. IV., i. , 2S
(Nov. 7th, 1409) and 12 H. IV., 23 (1411), the bridge is still referred to
as in danger of falling. For bequests to it see SHARPE, ii., xx. WEKYKI:
makes Oldcastle build the bridge. " I made a bridge her swiftest currant
(sic) ore." — WEEVER, OLDCASTLE, 193-197. 10 THORPE, 555; HASTKD.
i., 503; MONAST., v., 99; vi., 1454; WILLIS AND CLARK, i., LV. ; BUR-
ROWS, WORTHIES, i. u FAB., 383. For chapels on bridges, see Jus-
SEKAND, 48 ; BESANT, 65.

1408. John, Lord Cobliam. 289

of pilgrims and wayfarers who travelled the great road 1 between
London and Canterbury. He enlarged the parish church at
Cobham, founded a college a there for five chaplains, and built
the castle at Cooling,3 u in help of the marsh country," on the
south shore of the Thames. Some years before he died
he caused a monumental brass 4 to be laid down to his
memory in Cobham church ; but when his death came (Jan.
ioth, i4o8),5 he was buried beneath another brass in the
Grey Friars church in London. He left no son, and his pro-
perty passed to his grand-daughter Joan,6 the only child of Sir
John At-Pool" (or I)e la Pole), a Hull8 merchant, who had
settled at Crishall,9 near Saffron Walden, in Essex.

1 Vol. II., 437. For Henry's halts at Rochester in 1390 and 1393, see
DERBY ACCTS., 6, 98, 256; PRUTZ, LIT. For Dartford and Sittingbourne
on the road to Canterbury, see CHAUCER (S.), i., xix. ; WIFE OF BATH,
6429; DERBY ACCTS., xxvi., 6. 2 THORPE, 234. 3 HASTED, i., 539;
COLL. TOP., vii., 346. For documents relating to the work of building,
see ARCH^OL. CANT., IL, 95-120; XL, 128-134. For inscription on the
tower, see ibid., xi., 77, 134 ; C. E. MAURICE, POPULAR LEADERS IN THE
MIDDLE AGES, 247. 4 Figured in GOUGH, HI., 22; ARCH^EOL. CANT.,
xi., 85; see also WEEVER, 328. 5 DUGD., n., 67; INQ. p. MORT., m.,
315; HASTED, i., 491. 6 Not Margaret, as WEEVER, OLDCASTLE, 186;
nor Agnes, as YEAR BOOK, 14 H. IV., p. 32 a (1413). For her brass at
Cobham, see STOTHARD, 84; GOUGH, in., 103. 7 LEL., ITIN., vi., 5, f.
8; THORPE, 555 ; BRIDGES, i., 342. For " Atte Poole" see ANN., 312;
WALS., ii., 149, 309. For Atte Grove, Atte Gate (!NQ. p. MORT., n.,
327), Atte Chamber, Atte Hethe, Atte Forde (or De la Fourde, FAB.,
86), Atte Conduit (or De la Conduit, FAB., 148, 175, 201, 202), Atte Hall,
Atteloft, Attehous (DERBY ACCTS., 18, 24, 143), Atte Soler, Atte Pyrye,
Atte Mille (Vol. II., p. no), &c., see HARDY AND PAGE, 172-174; HOLT,
188. 8 FROST, 31 ; ROT. PARL., v., 397, 401 ; MONAST., vi., 19, 781 ; T.
BURTON (MELSA), i., 170; n., 192; m., 17, 48; CAMDEN, n., 77 ; in.,
74 ; RALPH BROOKE, 46 ; WALS., n., 141, 146 ; VINCENT, 698 ; BLOME-
FIELD, in., 745 ; A. S. GREEN, n., 79. Unless he belonged to the
London family. Cf. Hugh De la Pole (1307). — SHARPE, i., 195 ; Richard
De la Pole, vintner, of Edmonton (1310), Alderman of London (1330).—
NOTES AND QUERIES, 7th Ser., x., 50; John De la Pole or Atte Pole
of Edmonton (temp. Ed. III.). — LYSONS, ENVIRONS, n., 357; William De
la Pole (temp. Ed. III.). — FROST, 113 ; Thomas Poole (or Polle), Sheriff
of London (1404), Alderman (1406). — FAB., 381; PRICE, 158. 9 INQ. P.
MORT., in., 246. For his brass at Crishall, see HAINES, xci. ; BOUTELL,
BRASSES, 30; ARCH^OL. JOURN., iv., 338; ARCH^EOL. CANT., xi., 87.
For his family estates in Suffolk and Essex, see BLOMEFIELD, v., 1340.

T

2go Oldcastle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

Joan, the heiress, was 30 years of age1 at her grandfather's
death ; but she had already been thrice married. At a very
early age she was made the wife of Sir Robert Hemenhall,- a
Norfolk knight, who died in i39i.3 Her next husband was
Sir Reginald Braybrooke,4 a nephew of the Bishop of London.0
He died at Middleburg, in Zeeland, Sep. 2oth, 1405,° and his
body was brought to England to be buried at Cobham.
Within a few months Joan was married a third time to a
widower,7 Sir Nicholas Hauberk or Hawbergh,8 a knight of
the King's court and chamber,0 who had accompanied Queen
Isabel to Leulinghen 10 in 1401, and the Princess Blanche to

1 DUGD., ii., 67; COLL. TOP., vn., 329. 2 Otherwise Hempnall or
Hemenale (COLL. TOP., vn., 327), or Hemnale (Ao QUOD DAMN., 352,
353? 354) ; not Havenhall, as MORANT, n., 535 ; J. HUNTER, n., 44 ; nor
Heningdale, as CHESTER ARCHJEOL. JOURN., v., Pt. I., p. 88. In CLAUS.,
9 H. IV., 5 d, July i8th, 1408; 10 H. IV., 20 d, he is called Sir Robert
de Hemenhall of Suffolk. See also BLOMEFIELD, in., 122, 745 ; v., 1340;
vn., 34; ROT. PARL., v., 397, 401; INQ. p. MORT., in., 136, 179, 311.
3^In ARCH^OL. CANT., XL, 87 (followed by COMPLETE PEERAGE, 317),
he is said to have been buried in Westminster Abbey, but there is no
mention of him either in DART or NEALE. 4Not Gerard, as WORDS-
WORTH, i., 354. See LOND. AND MIDDX. ARCH^OL. Soc., in., 530;
PROCEEDINGS OF Soc. OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON, Ser. II., iv., 394;
COLL. TOP., vn., 323, 326; HARDY AND PAGE, 173. 3 Vol. I., p. 482 ;
Vol. III., p. 125, note 13. 6Vol. II., p. 104. 7 COLL. TOP., iv., 334.
8 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 137; ARCH^OL. CANT., XL, 90; MACKLIN, 55,
59; HAINES, LXVIII., 54; CHESTER ARCH^OL. JOURN., v., Pt. I., 85.
For his seal dated Oct. 6th, 1407, see COLL. TOP., vn., 329,336, 342.
In BLOMFIELD, BICESTER, n., 165, is an entry under 1409, for expenses
of the Prior of Bicester going to London about a certain debt due to him
from Nicholas Hawberk, knight. In 1405, Dr. John Hawbergh or
Hauberk was a prebendary of Lincoln. — LE NEVE, n., 177. For his will,
proved Sep. 28th, 1411, see GIBBONS, LINC., 123. 9 Q. R. WARDROBE, -\8,
APP. B. 10 Not Lenlingham, as Vol. I., p. 205 ; SCROPE AND GROSV. , n., 28 ;
qui est lieu en marche entre Bouloigne et Calais. — TRANSCR. FOR. REC.,
135, 4; FROIS., xvi., 374; ou pays de Boulenois. — MONSTR., n., 168.
Spelt Lollyngham. — KAL. AND INV., n., 66; TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, i;
Lollyngame. — RYM., vni., 54; Lolinghehen. — CRETON, 417; Leu-
lingham. — ADD. CH., 12499; Leulinghem. — VARENBERGH, 544; KAL.
AND INV., n., 67; Lulyngham. — ROY. LET., i., 340; Lullyngham. —
DERBY ACCTS., n. ; Lelinghem. — VARENBERGH, 471 ; Lellyngham. —
Iss. ROLL, i H. V., MICH., Oct. i7th, 1413 ; DEVON, 325.

1408.] Joan At-Pool. 291

Cologne in I402.1 He had been Sheriff and Raglor of the
County of Flint 2 and Constable of Flint Castle/3 In 1403 4 he
had followed Prince Henry into Wales with five men-at-arms
and 20 archers, and was one of the body-guard who fought
round him at Shrewsbury. He died at Cooling on Oct. 9th,
1407, and was buried by the side of Braybrooke in Cobham
Church.5 Children had been born from each of these mar-
riages, but one had become an idiot,6 and all the rest had died
except one: — little Joan Braybrooke, who afterwards carried
on the Cobham line. A few weeks after old Lord Cobham's
death, the thrice-widowed Joan" was married a fourth time.
Her choice now fell upon Sir John, son of Sir Richard Old-
castle,8 a Herefordshire knight, who took his name from an old
castle at Almeley 9 near Kington, on the border of Wales. Sir
John Oldcastle had been with the royal army which invaded
Scotland in the autumn of i4oo,10 and remained for three
months in the retinue of Lord Grey of Codnor,11 to defend

1 Vol. III., p. 251, note 4. Q. R. WARDROBE, |£, APP. F. 2 From 1396
to 1406. — TAYLOR, 47. 3 Appointed Dec. igth, 1396. — DEP. KEEP., 36th
KEPT., 224 ; ARCH^OL. CAMBR. (1862), pp. 125, 126, 129. His successor,
Sir Roger Leche, was appointed Oct. ijth, 1407. — DEP. KEEP., 36th
REPT., 284 ; but in PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 12 (June 8th, 1407), the Constable
of Flint Castle is Richard Grene. 4 Q. R. WARDROBE, f£, APP. F. ; DICT.
NAT. BIOGR., XLII., 87. 5For his brass, see GOUGH, in., 17; ANTIQUARY,
xix., 124. 6I.e. , William, son of Sir Robert Hemenhall. — FROST, 31,
from ESCHEAT, 8 H. IV. 7 Her fifth husband, Sir John Harpeden, is
buried in Westminster Abbey. For his brass, see GOUGH, in., 43, 182;
see also ROT. PARL., v., 39. 8 BALE in HARL. MISCELL., 11., 252 ; JAMES,
187 (on the authority of Mr. Philpott, Herald); ROBINSON, APP., i;
ARCH^OL. CANT., XL, 93; and WEEVER (OLDCASTLE, 1 80), , make him
the son of Reginald Cobham. WEEVER. p. 181, supposes him to have
been a page with the Duke of Norfolk till 1398, and to have "led a
garrison " against the Percies at Shrewsbury (p. 207). 9 CAL. ROT.
PAT., 275, 277 ; INQ. P. MORT., iv., 124 ; DEVON, 299 ; ROBINSON, 4 ;
STRONG, 81 ; not Oldcastle near Pandy Station in Monmouthshire, as
MURRAY, HANDBOOK TO HEREFORD, p. 152. 10 Vol. I.. Chap. VII.
11 ROT. SCOT., i., 155; Q. R. ARMY, -\5-, ||, APP. G; where a side-
note states that Oldcastle did not come to Roxburgh, because he was sent

292 Ohlcastle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

Roxburgh and the East March after the main army had with-
drawn. When the troubles in Wales were at their worst, he
had been charged to keep the castles of Builth,1 Hay,- Brecon,
Kidwelly, and Dinas,3 and had been appointed a commissioner
to grant pardon to rebels and to prevent traffic on the border.4
He had some land at Weobley ;5 and on Feb. i8th, 1405,° he
was granted the reversion of the manor of Wellington,7 near
Hereford, after the death of Sir John Chandos and his wife
Isabel. On April 3rd, I4o6,s he received a grant of £40 per
annum from the Duchy of Lancaster, charged on the manors of
Minsterworth and Rodeley in Gloucestershire ; and on April
3oth, 1407,° an annuity of 40 marks from the revenues of the
lordship of Monmouth. His uncle, Thomas Oldcastle, had
been Sheriff of Herefordshire in 1388 and 1392, and had sat
as one of the knights of the shire for the same county in the
Parliaments of 1390 and I393,10 and he himself had occupied
the same position in the Parliament that met in Jan., I404,11
when the great struggle as to the appointment of War Treasurers
was fought out at Westminster. In I40512 he appears as one

to the King in Sep. and Oct., 1400, probably to Newcastle (Vol. I., p. 139),
or Durham (Q. R. WARDROBE, f-J, APP. E) ; and as Lord Grey had ceased
to be Captain of Roxburgh before Dec. gth, 1400, it is probable that Old-
castle had returned to his own country before the close of that year.

1 Vol. I., p. 244 ; RYM., viii., 331; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 174; n., 68.
2 Vol. I., p. 461, where the actual command was left to John ap Harry.
—PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 27, Nov., 1404. 3 AD QUOD DAMN., 359. 4 Vol. I.,
p. 374; Vol. II., p. 5. WOODWARD (571) says that he was pardoned
after the battle of Shrewsbury, but I have not been able to find any evi-
dence for the statement. 5CAL. ROT. PAT., 280 b ; INQ. P. MORT., iv.,
124; DICT. NAT. BIOG., XLII., 86. ({PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 8. 7 INQ. P.
MORT., iv., 122; DUGD., i., 503. 8 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 23'".
9/6/W., xi., 16, 92'". 10 RETURN PARL., i., 237, 244; PRYNNE, n., 407,
420; DUNCUMB, i., 143; Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 3, 5, APP. A;
FULLER (WORTHIES, i., 448) wrongly calls him father to Sir John.
"RETURN PARL., i., 265; PRYNNE, n., 466; STUBBS, m., 79. 12 PAT.,
7 H. IV., i., 26 d, Nov. i6th, 1405.

1410.] Sir John Oldcastle. 293

of the justices of the county of Hereford ; and in 1407 1 he was
Sheriff of the county, as his father2 had been before him. On
January 20th 3 of that year he was at Carmarthen, and in Sep-
tember following he was present at the siege of Aberystwith.4

He was now about 32 years of age,5 and had been already
twice married, but was a widower with two sons, Henry and
John,0 and three daughters, Kate, Joan, and Maud,7 one
of whom married s Clitherowe, the Admiral appointed by the
Merchants when the King was set aside in 1406. On Dec.
2nd, 1409, he was one of three English champions9 who met
three Frenchmen in the lists at Lille; and in the same year the
rolls record a payment to him of ,£133 6s. 8d., from the
Exchequer, according to the terms of a bond dated Oct. 3oth,
1409. 10 In September, 1411, he was on a commission to in-
quire as to damage done to walls and bridges on the Thames
between Northfleet and Greenwich, and in October there is a
record that Sir Thomas Brook n of Olditch, near Axminster in

1Vol. III., p. in. 2 FULLER, WORTHIES, i., 459. 3PAT., 9 H. IV.,
i, 6. 4 Vol. III., p. in. 5 Nascitur Oldcastle Jon primo schismatis anno,
i.e., 1378.— ELMHAM, LIB. METR., 96, 156; MONTGOM. COLL., i., 315.
When HOOK (iv., 510) says that he was one of the commission of 1386,
that he was condemned to death in 1396, and returned to England with
Henry of Lancaster (i.e., was recalled from his banishment in Guernsey),
that he founded a charity ( ? chantry) for three chaplains at Rochester
and built a bridge, he is confounding him with John Lord Cobham, his
wife's grandfather. — EUL., in., 360, 365 ; ROT. PARL., in., 221; HOWELL,
STATE TRIALS, i., 94. For a similar mistake, see TYLER, i., xiv.
(i CAL. ROT. PAT., 275, 277; INQ. P. MORT., iv., 124; JAMES, 187.
7 ARCH^OL. CANT., XL, 93. For Alice Oldcastle of Co. Hereford,
married to John Merbury, a Hereford squire, in 1403, who had served
under the Prince of Wales, see DEVON, 299; ROT. PARI.., iv., 322;
DUNCUMB, i., 91 ; n., 38. 8 Vol. II., p. 422; though this may perhaps be
his son Roger. —JAMES, 187, who says: "There is allso a verie faire
monument for Sir John Oldcastell in ye said Church of Ash." 9 Called
Jehan Optchastel Chevalier, d'Anfreville ( ? Umfraville) and Roger
Kambur or Rambus (? Brember) esquires.— ITIN., 374. 1(llss. ROLL, n
H. IV., MICH., Dec. 4, 1409. " CLAUS., n H. IV., 24 d (Feb. 25th,
1410); COLL. TOP., vii., 326, 334, 338 (with Oldcastle's seal), 340, 342;
STAFF. REG., 272; ARCH^OLOGIA, XLVI., 250; AD QUOD DAMN., 197. He
had large estates in Somerset, Dorset, and Gloucestershire. — INQ. P.

294 Oldcastle' s Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

Devonshire, owed him a debt of 1300 marks; but the matter
was compromised on consideration of a marriage between Joan
Braybrooke, the heiress to the Cobham estates, and Thomas
Brook,1 the son of Oldcastle's debtor. On his third marriage
in i4o8,2 Sir John Oldcastle took the title of Lord of Cobhanv
together with Cooling Castle, in right of his wife, and received
his first summons to sit among the barons of England in the
Parliament at Westminster in January, 1410.

These are all the facts that can now be made out with
regard to the early life of this remarkable man, except that
he was a big, strong fighter4 and a most stalwart enemy of the
Church, that he savoured much the Gospel5 like many another
of his class, and babbled the Bible night and day,6 and that,
while he corresponded by letter with Hus and others in
Bohemia,7 he was fast friends with the Prince of Wales,8

MORT., iv., 32, 120, 187, 324. Cf., " Brokilchester " and " Brokmontagu."
In HASTED, i., 492, he is called " of Somerset." Cf. COLLINS, ix., 466 ;
YEAR BOOK, n H. IV., PASCH., 61 a. In his will (dated May 26th, 1415 ;
proved, Feb. 5th, 1418) he directs that he shall be buried under a flat
plain stone just where the people enter Thorncombe Church, "ryzteas
they mowe stappe on me." He will have no feast, nother terment, but
three masses at his burying, and he wishes to be buried "neither in
wheche ( ? hutch, i.e., coffin) nor lead, but a great cloth ' to hely my
foule caryin.' "— FIFTY WILLS, 26; SHARPE, n., v.

1 For his will dated Feb. i2th, 1438, see FIFTY WILLS, p. 129. 2 He
was certainly married before July i8th, 1408, on which date there is a
reference to Joan now wife to John Oldcastle, Lord of Cobham in CLAUS.,
9 H. IV., 5 ; see also COLL. TOP., vn., 336 ; ROT. PARL., v., 398, 401.
3WALS., n., 291. 4 CAPGRAVE, CHRON., 304; DE ILLUSTR. HENR., 122;
Fortis viribus. — CHRON. GILES, H. V., p. 4 ; GESTA H. V., p. 2. 5 But
oo confort is of Knyzttis that thei savoren myche the gospel and han
wille to rede in Englische the gospel of Cristis liif. — WYCL. (A.), i., 209 ;
VAUGHAN, IL, 131. Cf. Secler lordys schulde lerne and preche the lawe
of God in here modyr tonge. — WYCL. (A.), in., 114. In the trial of
Richard Wiche for heresy in Dec., 1400, two knights in the audience
say: Apparet nobis quod ipse bene credit. — ENG. HIST. REV., v., 532.
6 POL. SONGS, n., 244 ; VAYNES, n., 487 ; RITSON, i., 123. 7 BALE thought
that he " caused all the works of Wycliffe to be written at the instance of
Hus, and so to be sent into Bohemia, France, Spain, Portugal and other
lands." — HARL. MISCELL., n., 254. 8 RYM., ix., 61 ; WALS., IL, 291;
ELMHAM, 31; TIT. Liv., 6; CAPGR., DE ILLUSTR. HENR., 113; GESTA

1410.] " The Good Lord CobJiaiu." 295

with Sir Thomas Erpingham1 who built the so-called penal
gate2 at Norwich, with Thomas Hoccleve, the orthodox rake
of Chester's Inn,3 with John Prophet,4 the Keeper of the Privy

H. V., p. 2; CONG., in., 353; FASCIC., 434 ; HALLE, HY. V., 11., 2, 30.
This is doubted by HOLT, 303; see also DICT. NAT. BIOG., XLII., 87.
Cf. Such love is on the leid of lordes and of lower. — THE CROWNED KING,
75, in P. PLO., p. 527. The order for arrest of Oldcastle in LETTER BOOK
I., fo. 130 b, cannot refer to 1401, as SHARPE, LONDON, i., 249.

1Vol. I., p. 177. He appears as Steward of the King's Household
in Jan. and July, 1404. — ROT. PARL., in., 528; ROT. SCOT., n., 127 a;
RYM., vin., 364. He was a witness in SCROPE v. GROSVENOR, i., 59.
For an account of him see ibid., n., 194. For his portrait in window
of Norwich Cathedral see ANTIQ. REPERT., i., 342 ; and his arms in the
Chapter House at Canterbury, see WILLEMENT, 155. — He was born in
I357) see his deposition in HASTINGS v. GREY in STAPLETON, CLXXVII.
By indenture, dated York, Sep. 25th, 1380, he received £20 per annum
in time of peace, and 50 marks in war, from John of Gaunt, for himself
and servant, together with the usual wages of bachelors of his sort. —
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 14, 9. He accompanied Henry to Prussia (1390)
and the Holy Land (1392). — DERBY ACCTS., XLIII., 302. In 1399, he
was receiving 100 marks per annum from Henry as Duke of Lancaster. —
Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., 4, i, APP. A. On Aug. 8th, 1405, he received
the Manor of Framingham Parva (i.e., Framingham Earl and Framing-
ham Pigot, RYE, 116).— CLAUS., 7 H. IV., 4. In REC. ROLL, 8 H. IV.,
MICH. (Feb. 3rd, 1407), he is called farmer of the manors of Framingham
and Suffield, and the lands of the Earl of March in Norfolk, Suffolk and
Essex; see also ibid.,g H. IV., MICH. (March 4th, 1408) ; 10 H. IV., MICH.
and PASCH. (Jan. i6th, and July i6th, 1409) ; PAT., n H. IV., 2, 16 (June
loth, 1410). These manors were handed to John Mowbray at Easter,
1410. — PRIV. SEAL, 649/6607, June loth, 1410; REC. ROLL, 12 H. IV.,
MICH., Nov. 2oth, 1410. Erpingham died June 27th, 1428. — STAPLETON,
CLVI. For his will (proved at Norwich, now at Lambeth), see GENEAL.,
vi., 24, where the date is given as 1427. In BRANDO, 67, 71, he is called
" Thomas Arpighum." '2 Figured in BRITTON, n., plate xxiii., and
ENGLISH CITIES, p. 82. The word misread as "Pena" appears to be
really his motto "yenk" i.e., " think." — CARTER, 106. After the "com-
bination" sermon (from Dominica competentium, i.e., candidates for
baptism), on Palm Sunday, Apr. i2th, 1405, Erpingham was present with
the bishop in the Greenyard (BLOMEFIELD, n., 503), adjoining the
Cathedral wall at Norwich, at the recantation of John Edward the Lol-'
lard Chaplain of Brington. — CONC., in., 282. 3Vol. II., p. 23; ANGLIA,
v., 23 ; VAYNES, n., 476-484. MASON (p. 11), in 1796 decided not to pub-
lish this poem, as " too great an imposition on the patience of his readers."
a In PROPHET'S REGISTER, HARL. MS., 431, 36 (20 b), is a petition
to some Bishop on behalf of his relative Joan Cobham, who is in great
distress. The writer (Prophet's nephew), has seen her in poverty absque
suis demeritis discis et ciphis et aliis suo statui congruis omnino desti-
tutam ex eo quod Dominus J. Oldecastell dum agcbat hi prospcris donum
omnium bonorum suorum mobilium mult is annis clapsis per cartam

296 Oldcastle s Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

Seal, and with Sir Lewis Clifford,1 who had once stood up as
a champion of the Lollards, but had died repentant some five
years back, confessing himself a false traitor to his God and
unworthy to be called a Christian man.2 In Hereford and the
far West,3 not Oldcastle alone, but the Actons,4 Cheynes,5

suam in prefatum avunculum meum (i.e., John Prophet) transferebat, and
asking that his uncle may as far as possible prevent the sale of her goods.
1 Oldcastle was one of the executors of his will.— DEVON, 323;
KNIGHTON, 2661. Clifford is supposed to have been a younger son,
either of Robt. Clifford, third Lord of Skipton, or of Roger Clifford, fifth
Lord. — WHITAKER, CRAVEN, 314; DERBY ACCTS., 312. In HASTED, i.,
508 ; ii., 636, he is said to be descended from the family which owned
Clifford on the western borders of Herefordshire, but the name had
died out there by the middle of the i3th century. — ROBINSON, 27.
In 1387 he was with John of Gaunt in Spain, and took command
of the town of Santiago after the marriage of Philippa with the
King of Portugal. — FROIS., in., 159. He fought with Boucicaut in
the lists at St. Inglevert on March 2ist, 1390. — PICHON, 70 ; FROIS.,
xiv., in, and in the summer of the same year he was with the
Duke of Bourbon's expedition against Tunis. — CABARET, 222, 238, 249.
2 Vol. II., p. 292. See his will dated Sep. i7th, 1404 (proved Dec.
5th, 1404), in DUGD., i., 341; SCROPE AND GROSV., n., s. v. ; TEST.
VET., i., 164; BELTZ, 264; ROYAL WILLS, vn. ; VAUGHAN, n., 135;
COLLINS, vn., 120. Cf. the wills of two other repentant Lollards, viz.,
Sir Thomas Latimer of Braybrook, near Lutterworth, dated Sep. i3th,
1401. — MONAST., v., 183 ; BANKS, i., 258, in which he prays to be buried
" in the next chirchenyerd and naut in the chirche but in the utterist
corner as he that is unworthi to lyn therein." — DUGD., n., 33 ; TEST.
VET., i., 158; ANN., 182; DEVON, 236; also the will of Bishop Philip
Repingdon, dated Aug. ist, 1424, who desires to be buried naked in a
sack under the open firmament of heaven. — GOUGH, in., 76; GENEAL.,
vi., 217. But his friends would not have this, and they buried him
with a grand inscription in Lincoln Cathedral. So also Philip de
Mezieres (d. 1405), desired that la charogne du pelerin soit despouillee
toute nue excepte qu'une petite pieche de sac ou d'un touillon de cuisine
en forme d'un escu soit mise et bien attachee sur les membres honteux.
— FRANKLIN, n., 91. SWALS., n., 291 ; Fox, in., 321, 322 ; CHURCH,
89; DICT. NAT. BIOGR., XLII., 88. For Swinderby preaching at Newton,
near Lingen, and the Chapel Farm in the Darval, see Dr. Bull's paper in
the WOOLHOPE CLUB TRANSACTIONS, 1869, pp. 164-197. 4 BLAKEWAY,
SHERIFFS OF SALOP, 60; ELMHAM, VITA, 31 ; FOROJUL., 6; ORD. PRIV.
Co., n., 64; REDMAN, 23; HARL. MISCELL., n., 252. In 1403, Roger
Acton receives 405. per annum as a squire of the King's household. — Q.
R. WARDROBE, -c^, APP. B. In PRIV. SEAL, 657/6470, Feb. i2th, 1413,
Sir Roger Acton has wardship of lands of J. Wareyn in Salop and Chester.
Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. gth, 1412, has payment of ^20 per
annum granted by Richard II. to Sir Roger Acton. 5Vol. I., p. 177.

1410.] Cooling. 297

Clanvowes,1 Greindors,2 and many great gentlemen of birth
had begun to mell 3 of Lollardy and drink the gall 4 of heresy ;
so that, when he took up his abode among the malapert5
miscreants of Kent who had followed John Ball and Wat the
Tiler, he was only transplanted to a more congenial soil.

Before he had been many months in his new home, he shel-
tered an itinerant chaplain (possibly John Lay 6 of Nottingham),
who not only preached in the parish churches of Hoo, Halstow

Spelt " Cheigne " in PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV. (Gloucester), and REG. ROLL,
10 H. IV., MICH. (Feb. 4th, 1409); or "Chanie" (" Chanu").— DEP.
KEEP., 36th REPT., APP., II., 105 ; " Cheyne." — SHARPE, 11., 152. The
French called it "Chesnay." — ARCHIVES DE LILLE in FROIS., xvi., 391.
For Cheynes in Scotland see N. AND Q., yth Ser., x., 223. In STAFF.
REG., 57, John Cheyne is Canon of Exeter, Rector of Ugborough, near
Modbury (Devon), and afterwards Rector of Rotherfield, Sussex. In
POLWHELE, CORNWALL, iv., 35, Sir John Cheyne the ex-Speaker is called
a Cornishman, probably in mistake for John Chenduyt of Bodannan,
who was one of the members for Cornwall in 1404 and 1407. — RETURN
PARL., i., 265, 271. In 1403 Sir John Cheyne is farmer of the alien
priories of Newent and Beckford in Gloucestershire.— ORD. PRIV. Co.,
i., 195. For administration of his will, dated June 6th, 1410, see
GENEAL., VIL, 208.

1 RETURN PARL., i., 247, 253, 255 ; STRONG, 38 ; DUNCUMB, n., 143 ;
WALS., n., 159; SCROPE AND GROSV., n., 436; INQ. p. MORT., iv., 94,
95; TEST. VET., i., 165. In 1390, Sir Thomas Clanvowe joined the
Duke of Bourbon's expedition in Barbary. — MALVERN, 234 (called "le
Sire de Climbo " in CABARET, 222). )n 1398, 1399, he was Sheriff
of Herefordshire. — DUNCUMB, i., 143. On Oct. 22nd, 1404, he received
part of the reversion of the castle of More-end, near Stony Stratford
(BRIDGES, i., 319; BAKER, n., 228), after the death of the Duchess of
Ireland. — PAT., 6 H. IV., i., 22. For payment of ,£40 per annum, to
him and Pernie (? Pernelle) his wife, see Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH.,
Feb. o.th, 1406; PAT., 7 H. IV., i, 20; Q. R. WARDROBE, £/-, APP. B.
For his will dated Yosex (?), proved at Lambeth in 1410, and containing
a reference to John Gale, sometime Vicar of Ocle (i.e., Ocle Pychard
near Hereford), see GENEAL., v., 326. For an inquiry as to his goods
in Herefordshire, see CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 32 d (1412). 2 CAPGR., DE
ILLUSTR. HENR., 121; ELMHAM, LIB. METR., 148. 3RiTSON, i., 122;
cf. "medlid." — WYCL (A.), i., 181. 4ANGLiA, v., 23; JAMES, 139;
HOCCLEVE, MIN. Po., 47. 5 CAPGR., CHRON., 237 ; RICH. REDELES, in.,
237 ; CHAUC. (S), n., 247. For " appert," see DESCHAMPS, vin., 117, 199.
Cf. Les uns font hardiz et appers

Autres couars et malappers. — Ibid., VIIL, 280.
(JCoNC., in., 338.

298 Oldcastle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

and Cooling1 without letter and leave2 from the Bishop of
Rochester, but scouted decrees and decretals 3 and the sanctions
of the Catholic fathers. It was the time when Archbishop
Arundel's Constitutions had just been promulgated at Oxford,4
and an order was issued enterditing5 the three churches in
consequence ; but, after a few months, a legal sanction was
required for the marriage of Thomas Brook G and the young
Joan in Cooling Church, so the difficulty was patched up
and the interdict removed. Oldcastle himself tells us that he
never set his seal to any letter which was meant to be pre-
served." Yet two letters have lately been found which he
wrote to his Bohemian friends in 14 io,8 and which prove him
to have had a scholar's training, for he writes in Latin, and
quotes from Austin, Isidore and Chrysostom. He wrote a
statement of his belief on two sheets of paper, and read it at
his trial ; 9 and we know that he possessed one of Wycliffe's
tracts 10 which he sent to be illuminated by a limner n in
Paternoster Row, though he averred that he had never read
more than two leaves of it. Tradition long handed down his
name as the good Lord Cobham, but no picture by any
friendly, or even impartial, hand remains to help us to estimate
his real self. Every notice of him comes through the pens

1 CONG., in., 330; CAPGR., 304. -' WYCL. (M.), 57, 79, 85, 90, 105,
135; (A.), in., 464. 3Cf. "les saintz decrez et decretals." — GALITZTN,
43. "The comyne lawe of decrees." — WYCL. (M.), 68; (A.), i., 205;
n., i, 61 ; HI., 298, 462,484; ENG. HIST. REV., v., 531, 535 ; PURVEY,
REM., 28; PROL., 33 ; FASCIC., 504. 4CoNC., HI., 316. 5For " enterdyt-
ing," see YORK MAN., 119 ; WYCL. (M.), 63, 79. 6 He was then 30 years
of age. — MORANT, n. , 535. 7 Sigillum armorum nostrorum quod nunquam
apponimus ad literam que deberet in posterum cessari. — LOSERTH, BEZIE-
HUNGEN, 267. 8Both published, together with the Herrnhut letter, by
LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN, p. 266. See also ACADEMY, 26/10/89, p. 270;
WYCL., LAT. SERMONS, iv., p. xii. 9 Fox, in., 326; HAUL. MISCELL.,
ii., 258; WORDSWORTH, i., 366; RYM., ix., 62; CONC. , in., 354;
FASCIC., 438; BALE, 557; TANNER, 561; GOODWIN, 167, 361; LEWIS,

201. 10CONC., III., 352. " MUN. ACAD., 550.

1410.] " Old Sir yohn of the Castle." 299

of clerks who regard him as an imp of hell,1 and who tell us
straight that his memory was like a horrid stink in their nose.
They admit his honesty 2 and courage ; they grant that he was
God's own handiwork,8 a manly, worthy, honourable knight,4
standing in the favour of every wight ; that he gave up joy
and ease for woe and pine, to live with cursed caitiffs in the
slough of heresy.5 Before his judges he is said to have con-
fessed to sins of pride, wrath, gluttony, covetousness, and
lechery in his frail youth ;6 but all this is obviously nothing but
the self-meeking 7 dispraise 8 of a tortured and sensitive soul ;
for in the same breath he asserts that for such breach of God's
laws his enemies had never yet accused him. So when they
blacken his name,9 and distort his purpose, or travesty him as
the low vapouring braggart10 and drunken stage-buffoon, we
recall his dying words in sight of the chain and faggot: — "What
you deem evil, I deem good; " n and we echo the reaction
protest of the Elizabethan public that " Oldcastle died a
martyr, and this is not the man ! " l'2

1 ELMHAM, LIB. METR., 82; VITA HENR. V., p. 30 ; CAPGR., DE
ILLUSTR., 122. 2 Probitatem. — WALS., n., 291. 3 ANGLIA, v., 31. *Ibid.,
23; JAMES, 139; HOCCL., MIN. Po., 8; MORLEY, vi., 133. B ANGLIA, v.,
24; JAMES, 140. 6 Fox, HI., I., 330; ENGL. GARNER, vi., 126; HARL.

MlSCELL., II., 251.

Cf. Her forward budding in the prime I blasted
With wind of pride and hoarie frost of shame
With riotous love, &c. — WEEVER, OLDCASTLE, 182, 183, 192.
BROUGHAM (61) thinks that "he had in early life been, like others of his
rank, given to the indulgences which fortune placed within his reach."
LINGARD (in., 236) shows his religious antipathy thus: "Among the wild
and dissolute companions of the Prince, Oldcastle's pre-eminence in vice
had been universally admitted. " 7 P. PLO., VH., 10 ; vin., 248; XXIIL,
35; GOWER, CONF. AM., 306; HOLT, 199; WYCL. (M.), 338; (A), i.,
27> 63, 356; n., 122, 321; in., 436. SWYCL. (A.), in., 239. aVirtute
debilis. — CHRON. GILES, HY. V., p. 4; GESTA H. V., p. 2. 10 GESTA
HENR. V., p. 6. n Quod vitium reputas, ego virtutem reputavi. — ELM-
HAM, METR., 159; cf. WYCL. (M.), 133, 153, 212; (A.), L. 204, 247; in.,
181, 294, 354, 435, 495; PURVEY, REM., 22. 12 EPILOGUE, HY. IV.,
PT. II.; FULLER, CHURCH HIST., n. , 417; HOCCLEVE, MIN. Po., XLIII.

300 Oldcastle's Parliament. [CHAP. Lxxix.

Of the members serving in the Lower House in this
Parliament, returns are only preserved for 15 counties and
43 boroughs,1 and even among these many of the names are
either mutilated or torn quite away. The burgesses of Col-
chester- were excused from sending representatives for the
next 12 years, as they had to rebuild their walls, and wanted
the money to pay for stone and lime. All the writs of ex-
penses are lost ; 3 but we know that the Parliament was not
dissolved till Friday, May Qth, 14 io,4 after a session of over
14 weeks. The King was at the Palace at Westminster by
Saturday, Jan. 25th;5 and on Monday, Jan. 27th,0 all the
members assembled in the Painted Chamber. King Henry
was present, but no Chancellor was yet appointed ; so Bishop
Beaufort discoursed from the adapted text:— "It behoves us7
to fulfil all righteousness/' He told the story of Aristotle's
advice to Alexander to wall his city s round with his people's
whole and hearty love, and to keep them in their rights and
laws, and he told them that the people must give ready and
speedy help as well as obedience and respect to their king,
as his coffers 9 were empty and he was heavily in debt.

The next day, the Commons met in the Abbey at Westminster
at eight o'clock, and again chose as their Speaker Thomas
Chaucer, one of the representatives lu of the county of Oxford.

Cf. For proud Becket hath already hidden his face, and poor Oldcastle
beginneth now to appear very notable. — BALE in HARL. MISCELL., n.,
280.

1 RETURN PARL., i., 274. -2 PAT., n H. IV., 2, 16; PKIV. SEAL,
649/6614, June nth, 1410. ;; PRVNNE, n., 493. 4 ROT. PARL., in., 634.
5ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 327. He was still at Westminster on Feb. 28th,
1410. — RYM., VIIL, 625. 6 ROT. PARL., TIL, 622-646. " V. "behoved
him.'1 — LUKE, xxiv., 46. 8 COTTON (490) translates cilce by " Propug-
nacle " or " Frontier town." For Alexander and Aristotle in SECRETA
SECRETORUM see GOWER, CONF., BK. vn. ; Wvci., DE OFF. REG., 73.
{<EUL., in., 416. 1(l RETURN PARL., i., 275.

i-|i°- CJnwtellor- Admiral Beaufort. 301

On Jan. 19th,1 the King handed the Great Seal to John
Wakering, Keeper of the Chancery Rolls,'2 and on Jan. 3ist,8
Admiral Sir Thomas Beaufort 4 was made Chancellor of
England, in presence of the Archbishops of Canterbury and
York, in the room known as the Parliament Chamber in
Archbishop Arundel's hostel at Lambeth. Beaufort was the
only layman who became Chancellor during this reign, and he

1 In PRIV. SEAL, 646/6398, Jan. 2oth, 1410, Wakering is Keeper of the
Great Seal. 2 He succeeded Bubwith (see Vol. III., p. 128) as Keeper of
the Chancery Rolls, on March 2nd (PAT., 6 H. IV., i., 14 ; DUGD. , CHRON.
SKK., 57 ; Foss, iv., 212), or 6th, 1405 (Iss. ROLL, 7 H. IV., MICH.,
Feb. 27th, 1406). In Iss. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., May 26th, 1408, he is
called Clerk of the Chancery Rolls and of domus conversorum ; see also
JURADE, 169, 170, 429; ARCH/EOL. JOURN., XLIV., 64, Jan., 1412; FOR.
ACCTS., 13 H. IV. He had held the prebend of Thame, and gave a red
cope to Lincoln Cathedral. — ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII. , 25. On Oct. i5th,
1399, he had been appointed Chancellor of the County Palatine of Lan-
caster, and Keeper of the Great Seal, with a salary of ^40 per annum,
and a livery of green cloth at 55. 6d. per yard, trimmed with fur. — Due.
LANC. REC., XL, 15, 30, 52'. On May 2oth, 1400, the Chancellor of the
Duchy is William Bourgoyne (ibid., 74), but on Jan. 28th, 1401, Waker-
ing is Chancellor again (ibid., 109), also Nov. igth, 1399, Sep. 3rd, 1402,
Feb. 2oth, 1403.— LANC. REC. CHANCERY, MISCELLANEOUS, 1-4 H. IV.,
2, 14, 21. On May 2oth, July nth, and Dec. 3rd, 1405, Thomas Stanley
is Chancellor of the Duchy with a salary of 100 marks per annum. — Ibid.,
m. 13, and Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 3, 32'". On Mar. loth, 1409 (not
1405, as Foss, iv., 212), Wakering was appointed Archdeacon of Canter-
bury.—Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., PASCH., May i8th, 1409; inducted Mar.
3ist, 1409. — LE NEVE, i., 42; HASTED, iv., 783. In 1416 he became
Bishop of Norwich, where he built a cloister paved with coloured tiles
leading from his palace to the Cathedral and a Chapter-House adjoin-
ing. Both are now destroyed. He persecuted the Lollards, and put the
town of Wymondham under an interdict because the bells were not rung
for him when he went there. He is buried in Norwich Cathedral, on
the south side of the altar steps. — BLOMEFIELD, IL, 376; GODWIN, IL, 18;
BRITTON, n. , 63. 3 CLAUS., 1 1 H. IV. , 8 ; DUGD., CHRON. SER. , 56 ; OTT.,
267; TYLER, i., 255 ; NICOLAS, NAVY, n., 397; PRIV. SEAL, 646/6323,
has a document dated Nov. 3rd, 1409 (n H. IV.), with Beaufort as Chan-
cellor; but this must be a mistake, as ibid., 646/6324, with same date, has
Arundel as Chancellor. 4 DEVON, 314. He had previously been governor
of Ludlow. — Ibid., 295. For exposure of a body supposed to be his at
Bury St. Edmund's on Feb. 2oth, 1772, see EXCERPT. HIST., 152; PHILO-
SOPH. TRANS., LXII., 465-468; ARCH^OLOGIA, xxxiv., 417; Foss, 70,
quoting Times, 19/10/41.

302 Oldcastlc's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

held the office for two years,1 receiving an allowance of 800
marks per annum2 beyond the ordinary wages and fees.
He spent much of his time at Lynn8 and the neighbouring
manor of Wormegay,4 which had been granted to him on
May 1 2th, I4o8,5 with some other of Lord Bardolph's forfeited
lands, to increase his stipend, his naval work being entrusted
to his three lieutenants, Sir Robert Umfraville 6 for the north,
and Sir John Blount " and Edmund Arnold for the west.

It has been supposed that this appointment of the Admiral
as Chancellor marks the triumph of the Beaufort interest as
against the influence of Arundel, and others have seen in it
evidence of an anti-clerical reaction ; 8 but it is certain that

1 I.e., till Dec. igth, 1411. — PRIV. SEAL, 7072. In CLAUS., 12 H.
IV., 35, Jan. 27th, 1411, Beaufort is "now Chancellor.1' He was still
Chancellor on Nov. 5th, 1411. — PAT., 13 H. IV., i., 6. In Iss. ROLL, 13
H. IV., MICH., Jan. 22nd, 1412, he is late Chancellor. '2 PAT., n H. IV.,
2, 4, Apr. 2oth, 1410; DUGD., n., 125; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 338. 3 For
documents dated at Lynn, Dec. 5th, 8th, 22nd, 1410, and Jan. 2nd, i2th,
i4th, i6th, April 7th, 8th, 1411, see PAT., 12 H. IV., 16 d, 25, 26, 29, 30 d ;
CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 24 d, 27 d, 28 d, 31, 32; FR. ROLL, 12 H. IV., 17;
ROT. VASC., 12 H. IV., 14. 4 WILLS OF KINGS, 253. For documents
dated there Mar. 28th, May i8th, 1410, and Aug. 3rd, 1411, see PAT., n
H. IV., 2, 27 d; ibid., 12 H. IV., 4; CLAUS., n H. IV., 3 d, 13 d.
5 PAT., Q H. IV., 2, 20; n H. IV., 2, 4, n; together with Stow-
bardolph, Runcton, Fariswell in Fincham, and Tilney, the total value
being 250 marks per annum. 6 PAT., n H. IV., 2, 8 d. 7 PAT.,
ii H. IV., 2-7 (July 2oth, 1410); ibid., 13 H. IV., 2, 25 d; FR.
ROLL, 13 H. IV., 15, Feb. 28th, 1412. On Oct. i8th, 1407, Sir John
Blount is appointed Constable of Newcastle-under-Lyme. — Due. LANC.
REC., XL, 16, 116'", and on June 7th, 1411, he is Constable of Tutbury.
— Ibid., 17'. PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 34 (Oct. i8th, 1411) refers to Sir John
Blount as executor of the will of his brother Sir Walter Blount (Derby).
In COMPLETE PEERAGE, i., 365, Sir Thomas Blount who was executed
at Oxford (Vol. I., pp. 92, 106), is said to be of Belton in Rutlandshire.
See also COOKE, 125, 130-135, where he is called half-brother or nephew
to Alice Blount of Belton, Lady of Hampton Lovett in Worcestershire.
But he seems really to have come from Kingston Blount in Aston Rowant
under the Chilterns in S.E. Oxfordshire. — AD QUOD DAMN., 347. For a
reference to Richard Blount of Tissington (otherwise called of Bentley),
see PAT., 9 H. IV., 13. 8 STUBBS, in., 57-59; RAMSAY, i., 106 ;
BURROWS, COMMENTARIES, 209; DICT. NAT. BIOG. , iv., 50.

1410.] Lambeth. 303

there was no personal breach with the Archbishop, for the
King is known to have been frequently at Lambeth in the
months of February, March, April, and May, 1410, l and for a
time he made the Archbishop's house his headquarters. The
Exchequer Rolls contain entries of money paid to him at
Lambeth ; * both he and the Archbishop were present at a
Great Council held there on March iQth, 14 n,3 and we find
him often there in the months of March, May, June, August
and September, 141 1.4

No business of any importance is recorded in the early part
of the session. On March i5th, 1410, 5 the Parliament ad-
journed for three weeks for Easter, and the members dispersed
to their homes. During the recess the King's half-brother,
John Beaufort, Earl of Somerset/' died. He had been con-
stantly changing his place in broken health. On Sep. iQth,
1408, he was at Canford,7 near Wimborne in Dorsetshire.
In July, I409,8 he unhorsed the Steward of Hainault in the
lists at Smithfield ; and on Sep. 24th, i/ioQ,9 he was at his

lE.g., Feb. i3th and March, 1410.— Q. R. WARDROBE, ±4, APP. B.
Apr. 8th, gth, 24th, 26th; May nth, i2th, 1410. — Due. LANC. REC., XL,
J6» I3'> 5°'- May 2yth, 1410. — Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH. For a
document dictated by the King viva voce at Westminster, March 4th,
1410, see PRIV. SEAL, 647/6484. 2 Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., PASCH., May
28th, 1411. *ORD. PRIV. Co., H., 6. 4E.g., March i5th; May 4th, i2th,
i3th ; June isth ; Aug. nth, 28th; Sep. yth, i6th, 25th, 1411. — Due.
LANC. REC., XL, 16, 12', 21', 60'. Sep. 25th, 1411. — ROT. VASC., 12 H.
IV., 14. 5 ROT. PARL., in., 623. Et nihil actum est tune. — EUL., in., 416.

6 Not "Surrey," as OTT., 268. For his expenses when Captain of
Carmarthen, Oct. 1403 (Vol. L, 375), see Q. R. ARMY, -\6-, -5j6-, \6-, APP. G.

7 PAT., n H. IV., 2, 2, 23, which he calls "our manor," though it
was just annexed to the Duchy of Lancaster (HUTCHINS, in., 6), and
does not appear in the list of the Earl of Somerset's possessions at his
death. — INQ. p. MORT., in., 330. Canford and Poole were granted to
him for life on Marclj 8th, 1400. — Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 24. 8 Q. R.
WARDROBE, fij, APP^ IS^-EE'L., COLL., L, 486; CHRON. GILES, 56.
9 PAT., ii H. IV., 2, i.

304 Oldcastle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

manor of Deeping l in the Fens. On Feb. 8th, 1410,- the
Prince of Wales and the new Chancellor and Treasurer met
him in council at the Coldherbergh,15 a hostel'1 or place belong-
ing to the King, situated in the Ropery on the waterside, a
little to the east of Dowgate,5 where arrangements were made
for paying up arrears of his allowance. But his strength was
fast ebbing out, and he died in the Hospital of St. Catherine-
by-the-Tower,6 on Palm Sunday, March i6th, 1410," having
made his will s only a few hours before his death. He was

1 CROYL., 499 ; INQ. p. MORT., in., 330. 2 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 330 ;
PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 16, shows that the Earl of Somerset was in London
Feb. i2th, 1410. :i SHARPE, i., 609. It had belonged to the Earl of Here-
ford, the king's father-in-law. I presume that the Earl of Somerset
tenanted it by the King's permission. It was afterwards granted to the
Prince of Wales for life. — RYM., vin., 628; TYLER, i., 257. BESANT
(WHITTINGTON, 166), represents the Prince as " coming to live in the
City," and " taking the great house known as Cold Harbour," and that
" no doubt Sir John Falstoffe and Poins came with him," &c. A house
called the Tower in the same parish appears among the possessions of
the Earl of Somerset. — INQ." p. MORT., in., 331. 4 For " ostel," or " inne
of herborowe," al. " herborwe," or " harborowe," see PROMPT. PARV.,
236, 372 ; cf. " hereberwe," or " herbore," WYCL. (M.), 14, 146, 415 ;
herbergh, CHAUC., PROL., 405, 767; WYCL. (A.), i., 317; n., 303;
" yherborwed," P. PLO., vn., 235; vin., 258; xii., 247. For " her-
bergage," see CHAUC., CLERK, 8077 ; NONNES PRIEST, 14995 5 " herbur-
gagium," DERBY ACCTS., 175; Vol. II., pp. 128, 374. For " osteler,"
see DERBY ACCTS., 30, 31, 176. 3 For its position near the Church of All
Hallows the Less, see STOW, LOND., 251; STRYPE, i., 206; BESANT,
LONDON, 134, 225 ; WHITTINGTON, 51 ; ZIMMERN, 190 ; on the site
•mow occupied by the Heralds' College. — RAMSAY, i., 127. "The
regular inmates were three brothers, three sisters, three secular
chaplains and ten bedewomen. Besides attending services, they visited
the sick and infirm ibidem dcgentes. — DUCAREL, APP., 40, 74; RELI-
QUARY, iv., 150; BESANT, 53, 209. "ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 354; not
1409, as DUGD., ii., 122 ; WEEVER, 211 ; nor April 2ist, 1410, as
SANDFORD, 324; DART, 68; GOUGH, in., 30; DOYLE, IIL, 344;
STUBBS, in., 66; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., in, 113, misdating Palm Sun-
day, which fell on Mar. i6th in 1410. In PAT., n H. IV., i, 2, May
i7th and 2oth, 1410, he is referred to as late Earl. Iss. ROLL, n
H. IV., MICH., Feb. 26th, 1410, refers to an assignation made by him
isto die; but the same phrase occurs ibid., PASCH., under date April
22nd, 1410, when he was certainly dead. In CHRON. GILES, 60, his
•death is wrongly placed in 12 H. IV. (i.e., 1411). 8 Proved April 5th,
1410. — WILLS OF KINGS, 210: GENEAL., v., 211 ; PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 9,
refers to Bishop Beaufort as one of his executors.

1410.] Death of John Beaufort. 305

buried in the Abbey Church on Tower Hill,1 and a monument 2
in alabaster was afterwards erected to his memory in St.
Michael's Chapel at the entrance to the choir on the south
side of Canterbury Cathedral. His widow, Margaret,3 had her
dower with a third of her husband's lands 4 to support her
family, and an allowance of 200 marks per annum for the
custody of Henry, his son and heir. The boy was now
nine years of age, and was brought by his grandmother,
Alice, Dowager Countess of Kent, from Maxey, near Stam-
ford, to be shown to the king at Lambeth;5 but he died
eight years afterwards, before he was old enough to claim
his estates.

By the death of John Beaufort several valuable offices fell
vacant. The King's youngest son, Humphrey, increased his
already large possessions in Wiltshire*3 by a grant of the
custody of the forests of Clarendon,7 Groveley,8 Melchet/1 and
Buckholt. Richard, Lord Grey of Codnor, was made Cham-

.,!«.-«•

1 LEL., COL., i., 486; CHRON. R. II.— H. VI., p. 37; yet CHRON.
GILES, 60, places his burial at Canterbury. For the Abbot of Tower
Hill see YEAR BOOK, n H. IV., 64 a; ARCH^EOL. JOURN., XLIV., 57.

2SANDFORD, 311; GOUGH, III., 127; HASTED, IV., 535; WlLLEMENT,

40; DOYLE, in., 343. 3 PAT., n H. IV., 2, 10, June 20th, 1410; assigned
Dec. 22nd, 1410. — Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH. (Jan. 25th, 1413). She
was a sister of the Earl of Kent. — DUGD., n., 122; CLAUS., 13 H. IV.,
34; CROYL., 499. 4 PAT., n H. IV., 2, 25; PRIV. SEAL, 648/6544, Apr.
2ist, 24th, 1410. 5 For payment to her for her journey, see Iss. ROLL,
ii H. IV., PASCH., May i7th, 1410. 6 On Dec. ist, 1403, he had received
the castle of Marlborough and the forest of Savernake. — PAT., 13 H. IV.,
2, 13. Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH. (Nov. 23rd, Dec. ist, 1412, and
March ist, 1413), shows £406 135. 4d., granted to him April 24th, 1412.
In PAT., 14 H. IV., 22 (Nov. gth, 1412), he is granted a balinger with
cargo of wool confiscated at Newcastle-on-Tyne for non-payment of
customs. 7 PRIV. SEAL, 648/6501, March i7th, 1410; HOARE, v., i, 121;
INQ. p. MORT., in., 92, 188, 303. For account of the Earl of Somerset's
lieutenant, Richard Boyton, for carts of hay for deer in Clarendon Park,
see FOR. ACCTS., 12 H. IV. 8 HOARE, iv., 186. 9 Not Mich-holt, as
DOYLE, m., 344.

U

306 Old castle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

berlain of England,1 and on March i8th, i-po,'2 the Prince of
Wales was appointed Captain of the town of Calais for 12
years. The command of the castle at Calais had been
entrusted to Sir Thomas Beaufort on July ist, i4o8.3 The
appointment was to last for 12 years, and he still retained it
after his brother's death.4 Sir Thomas Pickworth5 was the
Prince's Lieutenant, and his Receiver was John Vale.1' On
October 27th, 1409," Robert Thorley had been again appointed
Treasurer of Calais when Merlaw became Mayor of London.
The purchasing of stores and supplies for the garrison was in
the hands of Richard Clitherowe, who was appointed Victualler
of Calais on February 2ist, 1410. 8 His account, dated Janu-
ary, 1410,° is still extant, and records large purchases of varnish,
house-flax, spikings,10 osmund goads, faggots, stirrups for
balistas, elkhorns, sinews, bast-ropes, blanchboards, big planks

1 PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 23, May 4th, 1410; RYM., vm., 721, 732, Feb.
loth, 1412 ; PAT., 14 H. IV., 12, Jan. nth, 1413 ; Q. R. WARDROBE, {;";,
APP. B. Oh July gth, 1404 (RoT. SCOT., n., 172 a; RYM., vm., 364),
Jan. 28th, 1405 (PAT., 6 H. IV., i, 13), Dec. 22nd, 1406 (RoT. PARL., in.,
585), Lord Grey of Codnor is Camerarius noster. '2 PRIV. SEAL,
648/6503, 6506; RYM., vm., 629; TYLER, i., 253. 3 FR. ROLL, g H.
IV., 3 ; ibid., 10 H. IV., 10, Jan. 28th, 1409 ; ROT. VIAG., 11 H. IV., 4,
Jan. 8th, 1410. 4 FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 12, May 1 7th, 1410; PAT., n
H. IV., 2, 10, July nth, 1410; PAT., 12 H. IV., 25, Feb. i2th, 1411;
FR. ROLL, 12 H. IV., 15, June 25th, 1411. 5 TRANSCR. FOR. REG., 143,
3, ARCHIVES DE LILLE, May 5th, 1411 (called Thomas Prelborch, ibid.,
143, 5, 103, Jan. i6th, 1410); FR. ROLL, 12 H. IV., 5, June 2ist, 1411.
On April i7th, 1412, he has a grant of three sarplers and three pokes of
confiscated wool for his services to the Earl of Somerset and the Prince.
— FR. ROLL, 13 H. IV., 5. 6 Iss. ROLL, 11 H. IV., PASCH., July 3ist,
1410. 7Vol. III., p. 66; FR. ROLL, u H. IV., 22; PRIV. SEAL,
646/6311. In REC. ROLL, and Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Nov.
29th, 1409, Thorley is Treasurer ; also REC. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH.,
Oct. 3rd, Nov. igth, 23rd, 1412 ; Iss. ROLL, 14 H. IV., MICH., Oct.
3rd, Nov. i5th, igth, Dec. gth, 1412. In ibid., Nov. i5th, 1412, John
Bernard is lately Treasurer of Calais. 8 Vol, II., p. 114, note i ; Fu.
ROLL, ii H. IV., 13, 14, 17; CLAUS., 11 H. IV., 16 ; 13 H. IV., 15;
ORD. PRIV. Co., n., g. In Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Dec. 4th, 1410,
he is provisor irictualhnn. 9 FOR. ACCTS., 13 H. IV. 10 Cf. DERBY
ACCTS., 157.

1410.] Calais. 307

for a jetty, iron crows, picks, scoop-pots,1 quart-pots, pint-pots,
cotton candles, calaber wisps,2 slofhoues, hoists 8 and such like
gear. The change of command was to be signalized by a
revival of energy, and it was arranged that when the new sub-
sidy was voted, three-fourths of the yield should be set aside
for repairing and strengthening the castles of Calais and the
district, payments for the garrison being secured for more than
two years, to date from the day on which the Earl of Somerset
died.4

On April yth, 1410, the Houses met again at Westminster,
and on April 23rd,5 petitions were presented. They include
the old complaints : — impartial justice ; the King to live of his
own ; ° a firmer hand on the Marches and a stronger fleet on
the sea ; " no more of these short special truces which neither
side believed in or observed ; searching reform for Calais,
Guines and Ireland; wages to be promptly paid, and no one to
get any orifice which would put him above the law by making
him accountable to the King alone ; the encroachments of the
Constable's, Marshal's, and Admiral's Courts8 to be checked ;
customers,9 controllers, and searchers to be kept better in hand ;
frauds by foreign traders to be stopped ; the Chancellor,
Treasurer, Keeper of the Privy Seal, and all paid officials to be

^cop-pots. Cf. "i scope." — DERBY ACCTS., 86; PRUTZ, 81.
- " Wyspes calab." Cf. "Here colere splayed and furryed with
ermyn, calabere and satan/' — Cov., MYST., 242 ; ARCH^OL., XLIII., 167.
:i"Ho!tes." 4RoT. PARL., in., 627; ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 332. 5 Not
March, as ROT. PARL., in., 623.

6 By wise counseille sette your hye estate
In suche an order as ye liven may
Of your goodc proprc in reule moderate.
Is it knyghtely to live on rapyne ? Nay. —

HOCCL., DE REG., 173.

7 ROT. PARL., in., 639; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 14, 17. 8 For origin and
growth of the Court of Chivalry, see NEILSON, 178, 196. y For these
officers see CUNNINGHAM, i., 257.

308 Oldcastles Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

debarred from accepting presents ; grants made for the defence
of the kingdom to be used for that purpose alone ; foreigners
to be refused any further permission to settle in England,
or, if they come for trade, they must lodge in English houses
duly certified to receive them and report upon them. All these
familiar griefs were paraded and agreed to with the usual
insincerity. The Statute against Maintenance was a dead
letter: the "great cobs" in every shire laughed at the
courts ; the gnats got meshed, but the big flies broke
through.1

1 HOCCLEVE (DE REG., 109) writes to the Prince in this year
(1410): —

Now in good feithe I pray God it amende,
Lawe is nye flemed out of this contree,
For fewe ben that dreded it to offende,
Correccioun and alle this is longe on the.
Why suffrest thow so many assemble
Of armed folke welnye in every shire ?
Partie is made to venge her cruelle ire.

They withe her hande wrong to hem done redresse,

Hem daynethe not an accioun atame

At common lawe ; such unbuxomnesse

Suffrede us wole make of seurtee lame.

Whoso may this correcte is worthy blame

That he ne dothe not. Alias ! this suffraunce

Wole us distroye by contynuaunce.

Is there no lawe this to remedie ?

I kan no more but and this forthe growe

This lande shalle it repente and sore abie.

And alle suche mayntenaunce, as men welle knowe,

Sustenede is not by persones lowe,

But cobbes grete this ryot sustene.

Correcte it gode is while that it is grene.

For and it hore, this londe is but loste.

He that our hede is (i.e., Henry IV.) sore it shalle repente.

And this to amende axethe no grete coste,

But by lawe in no vengeable entent,

Say I, but for the better hem take and hent,

And punysshe hem by lawfulle rightwisnesse

And suffice not eche other thus to oppresse.

1410.] Diseiidowinent. 309

Throughout the discussion there was frequent reference to
what the subsidy might be in certain events ; but it seemed as
if the people had been sucked too nigh, and that the pot that
had gone so long to the water would come home cracked at
last.1 The influence of Oldcastle was soon felt. A petition
was presented requesting that persons arrested under the
Statute of Heretics might not be imprisoned during their trial
and examination.2 Many of the knights of Parliament urged
that if the King had the wealth that was now wasted by
Bishops, Abbots, and Priors, he could maintain with it 15 earls,
1500 knights, and 6200 squires, and have ^20,000 a year for

Smalle tendirnesse is hade nowe of our lawes,

For yf so be that one of the grete wattes

A dede do which that ageyn the lawe is,

Not at alle he punysshed for that is.

Like as cop-webbes flyes small and gnattes

Taken, and suffren grete flyes go,

For alle this world lawe is reulede so.

The riche and mighty man though he trespace

No man seith ones that blak is his eye ;

But to the poor is denied alle grace,

He snybbed is and putte to turmentrye,

He not asterte may, he shalle abye,

He caught is in the webbe and may not twynne.

Much good rule is sowe and springith thynne.

Of this growethe stryfe, bataile and discorde,

And by the grete poore folk ben grevede.

For he that noble is of blode and lorde

In stile and nought hathe stired is and mevede

Unto rapyne ; that is often preved.

The poore it feelethe thus of lawe the lak,

Norrisshethe wrong and castethe right abak.

1 The potte so longe to the water gothe
That home it comethe atte last ybroke.
Whan that the peple with a chere lothe
Her purses emptede have and eke her poke,
Hem thynkethe that they to ny ben soke.
What harme of that to kynges hath betidde
It may not be helede in no wise ne hidde. —

HOCCL., DE REG., 159.
2 ROT. PARL., in., 626; COTTON, 472.

310 Oldcctstle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

his own coffers besides.1 It was estimated that the disposable
funds from the greater monasteries alone would amount to
322,000 marks (,£214,666 138. 4d.) per annum.'2 If properly
used, this money might help every township to maintain its
own poor and keep up TOO more almshouses8 than there were
at present, each to be served by two secular priests and
endowed with TOO marks per annum,4 while over and above
this amount the smaller religious houses would yield enough
to endow 15,000 parish priests and clerks, each with the usual
stipend of seven marks a year.5

These famous figures do not appear on the official roll.
The earliest statement of them is given by a biographer of
Henry V., who wrote some 30 years later;6 but the details
which he supplies enable us to affirm that the total is only
a rough estimate, such as had often to do duty in those
days in the absence of exact statistical detail.7 A generation

1 WALS., ii., 282; HYPODIGM., 42g;OTT., 267; MILMAN (v., 527)
places the petition in 1407 ; so also VAUGHAN, MONOGRAPH, 489.
•2 WYCL. (A.), ii., 269 ; in., 400, estimates the wealth of the clergy,
friars, and monastic orders in England at " many hundred thousend
marke." He thinks that the friars alone have 60,000 marks a year.
:{ FAB., 386 ; HALLE, H. V., 3; GRAFTON, 437, 445; HOLINS., n., 536 ;
T. COOPER, 254 b ; HUME, ii., 295 ; Fox, in., 318. 4 One of the largest
hospitals in the country was that of St. Leonard at York. It contained
206 poor immates, with 16 male and female servants to tend them,
besides i master with his 8 servants, 13 chaplains, 3 secular chaplains,
30 choristers, and 2 schoolmasters (Vol. II., p. 485, note 7). It was
endowed with a thrave (i.e., 20 sheaves. — RAINE, YORK, 186) of corn from
every ploughland in Yorkshire, Lancashire, Westmoreland and Cumber-
land, originally granted to the King to keep down the wolves. These
Petercorns had been commuted for a money payment, but the hospital
found it difficult to collect its dues.— ROT. PARL', iv., 249; DRAKE, 333.
For the decayed condition of many hospitals see STAT., i., 175; 2 H.
V., cap. i. s Vol. II., p. 117, note 5. 6 MS. of TITUS LIVIUS FOROJULIEN-
sis in PARL. HIST., n., 114. Possibly the English translation quoted in
STOW, 339. The passage does not occur in HEARNE'S edition. " E.g.,
in 1383, WYCLIFFE quotes an estimate that there were 4000 friars in
England, that they spend £5 apiece on themselves and the same amount
on their buildings and other expenses, making a total of ,£40,000 per

1410.] " Waste Goods" 311

before, it was believed that the Church possessed one-third of
the land l in England, and this was merely a rude attempt to
express its value in cash. The dioceses of Canterbury,2 Dur-
ham, York, Winchester, London, Lincoln, Norwich, Ely, Bath,
and Worcester, with their larger abbeys, were now supposed to
yield 20,000 marks apiece ; the four sees of Chester,3 St.
David's, Salisbury, and Exeter are down for 20,000 marks
between them ; four other groups of abbeys produce 20,000
marks each, and another final group 22,000 marks. But the
list is obviously incomplete ; for it omits entirely the dioceses
of Chichester, Hereford, Rochester, and Carlisle, and the
three Welsh sees of Llandaff, Bangor, and St. Asaph.

Wycliffe had long preached that the King not only may,
but must take away its wealth from a delinquent Church that
misapplied it, and that any Pope or Bishop that gainsaid him
should be removed as a heretic and disturber of the Church's
peace ; 4 that the Council should take all land and rent 5 from
the dead hand and put it into the hand of the King and the
secular arm ; ° that all endowment was a poisoned shackle

annum drawn from the English people for their support. — BUDDENSIEG,
i., 28, 192. Cf. WYCL., LAT. SERM., n., 49, 52, 435.

1 ROT. PARL., n., 337 (1376); CUNNINGHAM, i., 252. Thei han
almost the tresor of the lond and worldly lordischipe. — WYCL. (M.), 139.
In caase that the clergy hadde alle the temporal possescyons as thai han
now the more parte.— Ibid., 368 ; BURROWS, COMMENTARIES, 203. - For
the temporalities of the Archbishop of Canterbury temp. R. II., see
MONAST., i., 89. :! I.e., Coventry and Lichfield, see Vol. I., p. 117, note

7. 4 MURIMUTH, 222 ; WALS., I., 354, 361; CONC., III., 343, 345, 347,

349, from DE ANTICHRISTO, DE ORDINE CHRISTIANO, and DE ARTE
SOPHISTICA. Cf. LEWIS, 99; LECHLER, i., 266; n., 149; HOFLER
ANNA, 21; WYCL. (M.), 278; (A.), in., 514; BUDDENSIEG, i., 275
POOLE, 265, 345 ; DE ECCL., 180, 340; LAT. SERM., n., xvn., 176, 299
in., 20, 36, 158, 370, 489; iv., 173; DE OFF. REG., 29, 85, 120, 126
186; DE APOSTASIA, 88; DE BLASPH., 64; ELMHAM, HIST. MON. AUG.
208. 5 GOWER, CONF., 239. 6 WYCL., LAT. SERM., iv. , 145 ; DE BLASPH.
197.

312 Oldcdsile's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

with which the Devil caught the Bishops by the leg and fouled
the Church's dignity ; that the King was the head and the
clergy the neck, which must not be bowed with the weight of
its finery: — and here was a definite scheme to make these waste
goods1 support the Church, the Court, the army,2 and the
poor.3 This very plan had really been worked out more than
10 years before in a special tract4 by John Purvey,5 the in-
separable companion 6 of Wycliffe, and the translator of the

1 " Last lordys and comyns taken fro hem here wast wordly godis
and constreyen hem to kepe mekenesse and pouert and pennaunce.''-
WYCL. (M.), 274, 279. " Not robbery of holy chirche but rather riztwise
restitution." — Ibid., 389 ; (A.), in., 275 ; DE BLASPH., 216, 268, 271.
Cf. Taketh here londes, ye lordes, and leet hem lyve by dymes,
Yf the kynges coveyten in Cristene pees to lyven.
For yf posession be poyson and imperfyt hem make,
The hevedes of holy churche and tho that be under hem,
Hit were charite to deschargen hem for holy churche's sake
And purge hem of the olde poyson ere more perel falle. —

P. PLO., xviii., 227.

'2 " Than myzte cure lond be strengere by many thousand men of
armes than it is now, withouten any newe cost of lordis or taliage of the
pore comyns, and be dischargid of gret hevy rente and of many talliagis
and extorsions by whiche thei ben now cruelly pillid and robbid."-
WYCL. (A.), in., 217, 391. 3 " Helpe youre selfe, yee lordus, and youre
pore tenauntis with tho waste godis to whiche heretikis havyng the name
of prelatis and prestis makyn sacrifice to Belial." — WYCL. (A.), in., 479.
4 Fox, III., i., 290; FASCIC., 393, where the editor (p. Ixix.) strangely
argues that PURVEY'S text must be later than 1410, as though he had
borrowed from the Parliament. Cf. PURVEY, REM., 16, 91. VAUGHAN
at first (i., 314; TRACTS, xxvn.), attributed it without doubt to
WYCLIFFE, but later to PURVEY (MONOGRAPH, 478). 5 Vol. I., p. 179.
He seems to have been a native of Lathbury near Newport- Pagnall.

FORSHALL AND MADDEN, I., XXIV. ; PURVEY, REM., XIII. J MORLEY,

vi., 135. In KNIGHTON, 2660, he is capellanus simplex ; see also
LEWIS, 218; NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, i., 190 ; ii., 13. His name
does not occur among the vicars of Lathbury in LIPSCOMB, iv.,
203 ; add FULLER, WORTHIES, n., 558. BALE (542) quotes from his
COMMENTARY ON THE APOCALYPSE, written in prison in 1390, in which
he refers to the earthquake in 1382. The book was published by Luther
at Wittenberg in 1528 with the title " Ante Centum Annos," but without
PURVEY'S name. — PANZER, ix., 87. 6 " Comes individuus." — KNIGHTON,
2660.

1410.] Purvey* s Plan. 313

Bible;1 though he had since recanted2 his Lollardry, and was
now neither cold nor hot.8 But the churchmen had stood the
brunt before/ and the lay feer> might go pipe in an ivy leaf'*
for anything they would give up. The Prince was on their
side," and the scheme was al-to-squat,8 though years afterwards
the figures floated before the eyes of reformers, who adapted
them to suit the circumstances of their age.9

On Friday, May 2nd, i4io,10 the Commons requested to be

1 MOULTON, 22 ; WYCL., DE OFF. REG., 97. For Nicholas Hereford,
see Vol. I., p. 301. For his recantation June igth, 1382, see KNIGHTON,
2655 ; LEWIS, 208 ; PHILLOTT, DIOCESAN HISTORY OF HEREFORD ;
ENGLISH GARNER, vi., 107 ; FORSHALL AND MADDEN, I., xvn. FULLER
(WORTHIES, n., 558) believed him to be a Welshman. In 1403 he has
one pipe of Gascon wine from the King. — Q. R. WARDROBE, ^, APP. B.
'2 Mar. 6th, 1401. — CONC., in., 260; RAMSAY, i., 35. Not Feb. 2gth,
1400, as FASCIC., 400 ; FORSHALL AND MADDEN, I., xxiv. ; VAUGHAN,
MONOGRAPH, 359; EDGAR, 7; MOULTON, 18 ; ENGL. HIST. REV., v.,
531 ; nor 1396, as BALE, 542 ; LEWIS, 221. :{ ENG. GARNER, vi., 62, 106.
4 Vol. I., p. 475. For documents sent from Westminster to the Coventry
Parliament on Oct. 22nd, 1404, to prove that Popes, Archbishops, and
Bishops had in times past supported the Crown in resisting the encroach-
ments of the " magnates of England," see KAL. AND INV., n., 70. 5 YORK
.MAN., 119 ; CAPGR., 102, 301. 6 "The seculer party may go pipe with
an yuy leaf for eny lordschipes that the clerkis will zeve hem azen." —
WYCL. (M.), 372. Cf. CHAUC., KNIGHT, 1840. " ROT. PARL. , in., 583 ;
ANGLIA, v., 36. 8 For " al-to-squatte," see MYROURE, xxn. ; AUNGIER,
288. " She shal al-to-squatte thy head." — WYCL. (M.), 461. " A woman
shal disquatte his head." — ibid. (A.), i., 246. " Shal squatte hem al to
poudre." — ibid., u., 68. " Al-to-quashte." — P. PLO., xxi., 259. "This
stoon shal al-to-bryse him." — WYCL. (A.), 11., 67. Cf. " al-to-breke, to-
broken." — GOWER, CONF., 68, 120, 146, l8o, 222, 259, 387, 414, 428,

431; WYCL. (A.), in., 25. " Al-to-dasshed." — CHAUC. (S.), n., 209.
" Al-to-driven." — ibid., in., 128. " Al-to-rent, al-to-renden." — ibid., n.,
120, 135; in., 114. " Al-to-tore, al-to-torn." — ibid., i., 107; n., 56,
313; CHAN. YEM., 16103; GOWER, CONF., 72, 155, 191, 192, 438;
HOCCL., DE REG., 209. " Al-to-shivered." — CHAUC. (S.), i., 352. " Al-
to-hewe, to-hewen." — MAN OF LAW, 4850, 4857. " All-to-trede, al-to-
trodyn."— PARSON'S TALE, p. 566; WYCL. (A.), in., 92. "Al-to-
teerynge him." — ibid., n., 204. " Al-to-beten, to-bete." — CHAUC. (S.),
i., 234; GOWER, CONF., 144. " Al-to-shar."— CHAUC. (S.), i., 167.
" Al-to-shent." — ibid., 168. "Alto-shake." — ibid., in., 118, 143. " AU
to-seche." — GOWER, CONF., 62. "To-drawe." — ibid., 158, 165, 250,
282, 289. " To-sprad."— ibid., 264. " To-clef, to-rofe."— ibid. , 414,
9 For Sharp's plan in 1431, see AMUNDESHAM, 63, 453. 10 ROT. PARL.,
in., 632.

314 Old en sticks Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

informed of the names of the King's Council before they pro-
ceeded to vote their grant. Thereupon the King named the
Prince, together with Bishops Beaufort, Langley, and Bubwith,
the Earls of Arundel ] and Westmoreland, and Lord Burnell.
The new Chancellor is not on the list, though he and the
Treasurer (Lord Scrope), and the Keeper of the Privy Seal
(John Prophet) certainly attended the Council meetings.2 The
Prince at once declared that he and the others could not
undertake the task of governing unless the necessary grants
were forthcoming. The members of the Council were then
solemnly sworn to govern well ; but the Prince was excused
from taking the oath because of the highness and excellence of
his honourable person. A week later3 the names of Bishop
Chichele and the Earl of Warwick were added, as there was
some uncertainty about the attendance of Bishop Langley and
the Earl of Westmoreland. On May 8th the Commons voted
the money. They had been pressed to grant their tenth and
fifteenth once for all for the remainder of the King's life,4 and
so save the expense of these frequent Parliaments ; but this
they steadily refused to do. They renewed the Gloucester
grant of three-twentieths for boroughs and one-tenth for
counties,5 which was estimated to yield about ,£48,000;° but
instead of paying up all within a year, as the last Parliament
had done, they spread it over two years, so that the last portion

1 He was appointed May and, 1410, at a salary of £200 per annum.
— Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. gth, 1412. - ORD. PRIV. Co., i.,
331? 333> 335> 337- ;! ROT. PARL., in., 634. 4 WALS., n., 283. 5 Vol.
III., p. 120. REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH. (Nov. 5th, 1411), refers to
half of fifteenth and half of tenth granted anno xi. For reference to
receipt of third half of tenth and half-tenth, and fifteenth and half-
fifteenth granted anno xi., see ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH. (Oct. 26th, 27th,
1412). 6 The actual total receipt from all sources for the half-year ending
Easter, 1410 (n H. IV., MICH.), was £45,283, and the expenditure

£47,070 I2S. I id.

1410.] Subsidy. 315

would not be claimable till Martinmas, 141 2. ] The subsidy2
was fixed for the next two years at 435. 4d. for English traders
and 5os. for foreigners,8 the same as had been voted at
Gloucester, except that foreigners { were now charged 33. 4d.
per sack less than they had been at the last fixture. The
tonnage and poundage5 remained at 33. and is. as before.
,£10,000 had been allotted on Oct. 3oth, 1409,° for the expenses
of the King's household for the six months ending Easter, 1410,
and it was estimated that ^"16,000 would be required for the
same purpose for the year ending Easter, 1411." To meet
this the Council now ordered that the King should have 20,000
marks (^13,333 6s. 8d.)s out of the taxation as it came in,
to do with at his pleasure. On Friday, May 910, 1410,° the

1 ROT. PARL., in., 635 ; DEP. KEEP. 2nd REPT., n., 184. - The
subsidy was estimated to yield £30,000 in the 12 months ended Sep.
29th, 1411. — ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 7. It was believed that in 1390 the
yield of the subsidy and customs had amounted to £160,000 (RoT. PARL.,
in., 279, 625). But this is altogether beyond the facts. — ANTIQUARY,
iv., 205. RAMSAY (i., 151) estimates the average yield of the customs,
temp. H. IV., at £50,000 per annum (ANTIQUARY, vi., 101), and of the
tenths and fifteenths (lay and clerical) at £47,000 per annum. In the
reign of Ed\vard III. the customs alone were believed to have yielded
£68,000 per annum. — STAT., n., 346. 3 The extra sum paid by foreigners
for the privilege of trading with England dates from the time of Edward
I. — LIB. CUST. , 209. 4 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 20, shows merchants of Flor-
ence to pay only 505. from Feb. ist, 1406, instead of 535. 4d. as required
>by Statute of Coventry (Vol. I., p. 478); also FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 22,
Oct. 2Dth, 1409. On Mar. i3th, 1407, the senate at Venice acknowledge
that Venetians in England are absolved from the general tax levied on
every class in England. — VEN. STATE PP., i., 44. 5 This was estimated
to yield £333 6s. 8d. for nine months (Sep. 2gth, 1410, to June 24th, 1411).
— ORD. PRIV. Co., 11., 10. The Port of Melcombe used to return £1000
(called 1000 marks in ROT. PARL., in., 639), but the town had been
burnt, and the people had fallen into great poverty. — ROT. PARL., in.,
616. fi Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH. 7 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 342; n., n ;
Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Oct. i5th, 1410; ibid., 13 H. IV., MICH.,
Oct. i3th, 1411, refers to payment of portion of £16,000, appointed by
the Council for payment of the King's household. s Iss. ROLL, 13 H.
IV., MICH., Jan. 22nd, 1412, records £4000 paid on this account. 9 In
medium mensis Maii. — WALS., n., 283.

316 Olden stle's Parliament. [CHAP. LXXIX.

Parliament broke up, and the members returned to their
homes.

The clergy of the Southern province met in St. Paul's, and
renewed their grant at the increased rate of three-twentieths in
lieu of one-tenth,1 but the Northern House was not so pliable.
The Convocation of York was summoned to meet at Beverley
on Feb. 15, 1410,^ but no arguments could bend them to follow
suit. They met again on April nth, in the Nunnery Church at
Clementhorpe under the walls of York. Here they discussed
till May 23rd, when they so far yielded to their Archbishop's
urgent pressure as to make a grant of one-tenth in the old
terms ; but beyond this they would not go.

1 ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 342 ; Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Oct. isth,
1410. REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 5th, 1411, refers to tenth
granted by clergy anno xi. ; ibid., 14 H. IV., MICH., Oct. nth, 26th,
1412, refers to the tenth and half-tenth granted by clergy anno xi.
aCoNC., in., 333 ; WAKE, 348.

CHAPTER LXXX.
PRINCE HAL.

THE King withdrew from London before the Parliament rose,
and henceforward took very little part in public affairs. On
April 3rd, 1410, he was at Beauregard,1 on April i2th at
Sutton 2 near Chiswick, and he spent his time at Windsor :! till
the middle of June. His tents 4 were then mended, probably
for a hunting expedition, and he moved by Sonning,5 Henley-
on-Thames, Tetsworth,0 and Thame to Queen Joan's park
at Woodstock," where he stayed the greater part of July
and August. On Aug. 22nd, he was at Dadlington 8 near
Hinckley ; he was at Daventry11 on Aug. 28th ; and from Sep.
6th to Oct. 6th he was at or near Leicester,10 being at Bil-

1 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16. * Q. R. WARDROBE, £f, APP. B. 3 For
documents dated at Windsor Castle, April loth, i5th, 2oth ; May i4th,
25th, ayth, 2gth ; and June ist, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 7th, gth, 1410, see PAT.,
ii H. IV., 2, 16; Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, mm. 12, 16, 17, 26, 51, 61,
62. 4 For order to charter workmen for their removal, see PAT., n H.
IV., 2, 8, July i4th, 1410. 5 For papers dated at Sonning, June i6th,
i7th, i8th, 26th, 1410, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 13', 14'. 6CLAUS.,
ii H. IV., 2 d, Aug. ist, 1410. 7 L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE
ACCTS., 12, 4, APP. C; Q. R. WARDROBE, fj, APP. B. For papers
dated at Woodstock, July loth, i2th, i6th, 28th; Aug. ist, 3rd, 4th, 6th,
7th, 8th, i6th, i8th, igth, 2oth, 1410, see PAT., ii H. IV., 2, mm. 4, 8r
14, 21 ; FR. ROLL, n H. IV., i; RYM. vni., 651, 654; Due. LANC. REC.,
XL, 16, 14', 18' ; PRIV. SEAL, 649/6670, 6671, 6672. 8 Due. LANC. REC.,
XL, 16, 18'. 9 Ibid. 10For documents dated Leicester, Sep. 6th, nth,
i4th, i5th, i6th, i7th, i8th, igth, 2oth, 24th, 25th, 27th ; Oct. 4th, 6th,
1410, see ibid., 10', 40'; PAT., n H. IV., i, 3, 5 d; n H. IV., 2, 5, 6r
8 ; GLAUS., n H. IV., i. For receipt of 500 marks from the Treasurer
at Leicester, for expenses of King's household, see Iss. ROLL, n H. IV.,

Prince Hal. [CHAP. LXXX.

ton1 on Sep. i5th, and at Oakham,- Sep. 2ist. From Oct. i2th
to Nov. nth he was at Groby,:! but after that date he returned
to Leicester,4 whither ^4000 was sent to him from London in
trussing-coffers,5 under a guard of five archers, in the middle
of December.0 On December 2oth he was at Coventry,7 and
the Christmas was spent at Kenilworth,8 where he stayed two
months into the following year.9

In his absence the Government had been carried on in
London by the new Council. They met frequently in the

PASCH. (Sep. 2nd, 1410). For payment to messenger from Treasurer to
the King at Leicester, see Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 23rd, 1410.
PAT., 12 H. IV., 43, has an entry dated Leicester, Sep. i5th (i.e., 1411),
which is probably a mistake for 1410. Papers are also dated this year
(1410) at Middleham (Sep. 4th), PAT., n H. IV., 2, 6 d ; Beverley
(Sep. nth), CLAUS., u H. IV., 2 d; Kingston-on-Hull (Sep. i2th),
PAT., n H. IV., 2, 12, per bill. Thes. ; indicating perhaps the where-
abouts of the Chancellor or the Treasurer. For entries dated Windsor,
Oct. ist, 6th, 1410, see CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 36 d, 38 d.

1 Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 25. 2 FR. ROLL, n H. IV., 2. :! For
entries dated Groby, Oct. I2th, i4th, iyth, 23rd, 24th, 2yth ; Nov. 4th,
nth; Dec. 6th, 8th, 1410, see Due. LANC. REC., xi. , 16. 15', 20', 24';
Q. R. WARDROBE, Af, APP. B. For payments made at Groby, where
the Keeper of the Privy Seal then was, see Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH.
(Oct. 26th, 2yth, 1410) ; REC. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH. (Oct. 2yth, 1410).
4 For documents dated Leicester, Nov. 23rd, 25th, 26th, 28th, 2gth,
3oth ; Dec. ist, 3rd, gth, i4th, 1410, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 10' ;
PRIV. SEAL, 650/6723, 6724, 6729, 6730, 6731, 6732, 6733; PAT., 12 H.
IV., 20, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33; Q. R. WARDROBE, if, APP. B ; CLAUS.,
12 H. IV., 28, 31 ; FR. ROLL, 12 H. IV., 26, 27; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 6;
RYM., VIIL, 655, 657, 659, 661, &c. For a document dated Hertford,
Nov. 25th, 1410, see CLAUS., 12 H. IV., 28 d. 3 Cf. i par trossyng-cofres
pro auro imponendo. — DERBY ACCTS., 19 ; PRUTZ, LIV. , 19 ; i par trussyng
coffres in quibus solebant ponere sericum. — GIBBONS, LINC., 85 ; SHAKPE,
ii., 250; HOLT, 67; KAL. AND INV., n., 60; PLUMPTON CORRDCE., xxxn. ;
STAFF. REG., 385 ; TEST. EBOR., i., 382 ; 11., 194. (i Iss. ROLL, 12 H.
IV., MICH., shows that the Treasurer of England was at Leicester Dec.
gth, 1410, and his chaplain at Kenilworth. ~ Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16,
22'. 8 L. T. R. ENROLLED WARDROBE ACCTS., 12, 4, APP. C; Q. R.
WARDROBE, {£, APP. B. 1( For documents dated Kenilworth, Jan. 8th,
gth, loth, nth, i2th, i4th, 15th, 2oth, 2ist, 24th, -ijth, and Feb. 4th,
6th, gth, i6th, 1411, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 16, 10', 15', 55' ; Q. R.
WARDROBE, ff, APP. B. He was at Lambeth on March i7th, igth, 1411.
— PRIV. SEAL, 650/6787 ; ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 6.

1410.] " Werkdayes ynowe" 319

summer of 1410, and we have records of their sittings at the
Black Friars Convent on the Fleet on June 16th,1 at West-
minster (June i8th), at the Bishop of Hereford's Inn2 on Old
Fish St. Hill (June iQth), at Westminster again (July 22nd and
29th), and at Robert Lovell's hostel by Old Fish St. (July
3oth). Indeed, the meetings followed so close upon each
other that they could scarce divide the Sunday from the week,
and old officials began to protest that there were working
days enough in the year without holding councils on the
holidays.3

The business recorded is chiefly financial. Arrangements
were made for supplying funds to the needy garrisons.
^2 666 4 was sent to the Lord John at Berwick. The force
under Lord Talbot 5 on the borders of Wales, which had before
been only 100 men-at-arms and 200 archers,'5 was raised to
three times the strength,7 and ^4939 6s. 8d. was sent to pay
their wages for three months,8 while ^2004 135. 4d. was paid to
the Chancellor- Admiral for the wages of his sailors (July lyth,
1410).

For many months past the administration had been carried
1 OKD. PRIV. Co., i., 331-341. '- STOW, LOND., 393; WEBB, i., 128;

II., LIX., CXXIV.

3 Excellent Prince, eke on the holy dayes

Bethe ware that ye not your counceiles holde.

As for the tyme putte hem in delayes.

Thynkethe wele this, ye wel apaide be nolde

Yf your sugettes not by your heste holde.

In the long yere ben werkdayes ynowe,

If they be wele spent, for to entende

To counceiles. — HOCCL., DE REG., 178.

4 Viz., £1500 (June 23rd), and ,£1166 (July 3ist). — Iss. ROLL, n H. IV.,
PASCH. 5 Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 2gth, Nov. 26th, 1410.
G Ibid., ii H. IV., PASCH., May 27th, 1410, has £400 paid for them to
the Prince of Wales for 40 days. " Ibid., n H. IV., PASCH., June 2^rd,
1410; called 500 archers, ibid., 12 H. IV., MICH., Oct. i5th, 1410; but
boo, ibid., Dec. gth, 1410. 8 Viz., ^3010 (Sep. 2nd, 1410), ,£1629 6s. 8d.
(Sep. 28th, 1410), £300 (May 28th, 1411). — Ibid., n, 12 H. IV., PASCH.

320 Prince Hat. [CHAP. Lxxx.

on by means of loans. The citizens of London had lent ^7000
on Nov. 22nd, 1409,* and arrangements had now to be made
for repaying advances. Earlier in the year the controllers and
collectors had been summoned 3 to bring their cash and
securities ; but the first instalment of the new taxation would
not fall due till Martinmas, 1410, and careful calculations
showed that it might be expected to produce only about
;£i 8,600. More than this, however (viz., £20,639),* would
be required for the various defences. On May 8th, 14 io,4
the Council recommended that 2000 marks should be raised
for the expenses of the King's household, by means of tallies
on the customs; and on June i4th,5 bishops, barons, and
knights were commissioned in the different counties to arrange
for loans of money for immediate use. The members of the
Council and others advanced largely of their means. ci The
men of Lynn were paid to keep the sea. Comparisons were
made as to the cost of garrisons in time of peace and war ;
and the Lord John, the Earl of Westmoreland and his son
John Nevil, together with the captains of all the castles about
Calais, were summoned to appear before the Council after
Michaelmas. A close eye was kept on the payment of
annuities,7 that the public funds might not be wasted on

1 Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 2gth, 1410. 2 CLAUS., u H. IV.,
2, Jan. igth, 1410. For payments to messengers to Ipswich, Lynn and
Yarmouth, see Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Feb. 3rd, 1410. a ORD.
PRIV. Co., i., 347. 4 CLAUS., n H. IV., 5. 5 PAT., n H. IV., 2, 13;
ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 343. For payments to messengers see Iss. ROLL,
ii H. IV., PASCH., June 23rd, 1410. « E.g., Bishop Beaufort lent £1000,
June gth, 1410, Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH.; Drew Barantyn, £1500,
July 3oth, 1410, PAT., n H. IV., 2, 5 ; the Countess of Hereford, ,£333 6s. 8d.,
July 24th, 1410; Robert Chichele and the merchants of Florence, Lucca,
Venice, and Lynn, 100 marks each, July 23rd, 1410, CLAUS., n H. IV., 4.
7 Iss. ROLL, ii H. IV., PASCH., Sep. 2nd, 1410, has payments to mes-
sengers, sheriffs, &c.

1410.] Knighthood by Purchase. 321

undeserving persons ; and collectors1 of the subsidy were to be
at Westminster with their seals to be examined and reformed
before the Octave of Michaelmas. The month of August 2 was
devoted to conferences with the French envoys to secure a
further prolongation of the truce; and on Sep. lyth, i4io,3 the
Prince undertook to seek out and punish all supporters of the
rebels in Wales. When the first half of the taxation came in,
tellers 4 were appointed to count up the proceeds in the Ex-
chequer.5 They were paid at the rate of threepence per day,
and received a special allowance for their meals during 16
days.

But, for all the efforts of the Council, money was still
scarce; and on Nov. 2oth, 1410,° all persons who had been
for the last three years in receipt of a clear annual income of
.£40, either from land or from any other source, were ordered
to come before the Council by next Candlemas, to take up the
order of knighthood,7 or to pay a fine of ^3 in case of refusal.
As the new dignity entailed a substantial burden of military
responsibility in finding men to meet the King's frequent
musters, it is not surprising that many provincials shirked the
honour. I have not found any proved case of knighthood trace-
able to this order, though from the flood of knighted names
occurring in the lists of fighting men, who followed the English
banners to France in the years immediately succeeding, it is more
than likely that the wealthy and untitled classes took up the

1 CLAUS., ii H. IV., i, Aug. 4th, 1410. For payments of messengers
see Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., PASCH., July 24th, 1410. 2 RYM., vin., 651-653.
3 PAT., ii H. IV., i, 5. 4H. HALL, EXCHEQ., 16. 5 Iss. ROLL, 12 H.
IV., MICH., Dec. gth, 1410; ibid., 12 H. IV., PASCH., July 23rd, 1411.
6 RYM., VIIL, 656, 685 ; DEVON, 315, 317. 7 For order of Hy. III., in
1256, requiring all who held lands valued at ,£15 to receive knighthood
or pay one mark to the Crown, see MATT. PARIS, quoted in DENTON, 29 ;
R. B. COTTON, 136.

322 Prince Hal. [CHAP. LXXX.

honour greedily. On the other hand, the Receipt Roll of the
Exchequer for this winter contains over 40 entries of gentlemen
from every county in England, who declined the burden and
paid the fine,1 none of them being men of any public note,
with the exception of Robert Whittington, who had before
been Sheriff of Gloucestershire." Still, in spite of this trafficking
in honours, the budget would not balance. A great Council
of 12 Bishops, 2 Abbots, and 15 Barons met at Westminster
on Feb. i5th, i4ii.:i After deliberation, the sittings were
prorogued till Feb. 25th,4 and on March igth they met the
King and the Prince at Lambeth,5 when it was announced
that there was a prospect of a deficit of ,£16,040, even without
providing for the payment of any annuities. Under these
circumstances a commission was appointed, March 2nd, 1411,°
to enquire as to what lands were held by the religious houses
without special license and in contravention of the Statute of
Mortmain. But the result of the investigation would appear
to have been more irritating than productive, if we may judge

lE.g., Richard Risheby, William Croysere, Stephen Bodulgate,
Thomas House, &c.— REC. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH. The following
year (tbid., 14 H. IV., MICH.) shows refusals from Peter Melbourne,
John Giffard (Gloucester), John Prestwich, and Nicholas Bloundell
(Lanes.), Thomas Pauncefot (Somerset), Thomas Heselrig of Eslington,
near Alnwick ; John Hotoft (or Hotot.— BLOMEFIELD, vin., 18), Norfolk;
Robt. Whitney (of Pencombe. — DUNCUMB, i., 90 ; n., 151), John Mer-
bury, and Lewis Cornwall (all of Hereford), and Ralph Raskymmmer (or
Reskimer. — STAFF. REG., 305) of Cornwall. For brass of Joan Urban,
daughter of John Reskemer, Kt. of Cornwall (June, 1414), at Southfleet,
Kent, see HAINES, 107 (edn. 1848). 2 In GLAUS., 7 H. IV., 34 (Oct. 2nd,
1405) ; 12 H. IV., 32 (Nov. gth, 1410), he is Escheator of Gloucester.
In REC. ROLL, 9 K. IV., PASCH. (May 3rd, 1408) ; 10 H. IV., MICH.
(Oct. 27th, 1408), he is Sheriff of Gloucester. See also HIST. MSS.,
lath REPT., ix., 421. He was one of the representatives of Gloucester-
shire in the Parliament of 1411. — RETURN PARL., i., 276. His younger
brother was Richard, the London mercer. — BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 32,
73. 3 DEVON, 316. 4 Iss. ROLL, 12 H. IV., MICH., Feb. i6th, 1411.
5 ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 6; see Vol. III., p. 318, note 9. 6 PAT., 12 H.

IV., 20.

1386.] Birth. 323

from a return, dated June i3th, I4I2,1 of the liabilities of the
inmates of the leper hospital1' at Harbledown, near Canter-
bury, whose taxable property was found to amount to ^5 per
annum, including such items as a quarter of barley from a
grange at Herne, a hen, half a teal (sarcelle), a third of a teal,
&c., the gifts of divers persons at Reculver, Canterbury and
other parts of Kent.

The King, as we have seen, was during all this time in
retirement, and the energy of the new Council was directed
with desperate earnestness by the young Prince of Wales.
His manor of Byflete,-"' near Weybridge, was specially repaired
for his use, but his time was chiefly spent at Berkhamsted 4 or
Kennington.5 He sat at the head of every Council meeting 6
throughout the summer of 1410, and seemed to bend the whole
machinery of government, during the temporary lull in the
strife, towards devising means to stretch out the limited re-
sources at command for some great effort in the coming year.

He was now in his 24th year, having been born in August,7

1 PAT., 13 H. IV., 2, 18, where Herne is spelt Hierne. 2 See SOMNER,
i., 42; ii., 169; HASTED, in., 577. 3 PAT., 12 H. IV., 27 (Mar. i7th,
1411); 14 H. IV., i, Feb. i2th, 1413; Q. R. HOUSEHOLD, §£, APP. F,
shows one tun of red Gascon given to those employed on the works,
Dec. 8th, 1412. The park and manor were attached to the Duchy of
Cornwall.— RYM., vni., 93; ROT. PARL., in., 668; MANNING AND BRAY,
in., 183. 4 Called " Barkamstyd " in DERBY ACCTS., 28. 5 ROT.
PARL., in., 668. 6 LUDERS, 57, 63; TYLER, i., 259; SOLLY-FLOOD, 84.
7 " Natus in Augusto fueras." — MEM. H. V., 64. The date Aug. gth
is first given by Jovius, p. 70, but it seems to be a misprint for April, and
refers to the day of his coronation. I can find no warrant for Aug. igth,
as PAULI, v., 67 ; ENCYCL. BRIT., xi., 660 ; or Sep. i6th, as DOYLE, i.,
442 ; n., 317 ; COMPLETE PEERAGE, 11., 228, 365. WILLIAM OF WORCESTER
(442) places his birth in 1387, but he dates the birth of Thomas in 1388,
John in 1389, and Humphrey in 1390. This date is accepted by TYLER,
i., i, 343; STRICKLAND, i., 498 ; HOLT, LANGLEY, 334 ; D. WILLIAMS,
APP., in; COXE, 307, 344; LUDERS, 26, 145; SOLLY-FLOOD, 71;
PAULI, v., 67; CHURCH, i ; DICT. NAT. BIOG., xxvi., 43 ; GARDINER,
297 ; RAMSAY, 159, 161 ; and is placed on his statue in Agincourt Square,
Monmouth. — STAR OF GWENT, 11/12/86. Others give 1388, as ARCHED-

324 Prince HaL [CHAP. LXXX.

1386, in his father's castle at Monmouth,1 when his mother
was only 16 years old. The year has been doubted, and I
have not found it anywhere expressly recorded, seeing that at
the time of his birth there was no expectation that he would
ever be a king; but it is proved to be 1386 by the statements
that he was 26 years old2 when he was crowned on April gth,
1413; that he was 34 at the death of his brother Thomas on
March 22nd, 1421 ; and that he was 36 when he died, Aug.
3ist, 1422. 'A Moreover, the records of the Duchy of Lan-
caster show that his father and mother, Henry, Earl of Derby,
and Mary de Bohun, were keeping house at Monmouth in the
summer of 1386,* and their next son Thomas was born in
London in the fall of I387.5 Henry was not the eldest son,
a boy having been born in April, 1382, when his mother was

LOGIA, xx., 29 ; WILLS OF KINGS, 404 ; SANDFORD, 277 ; BLORE, H. IV.,
3, from BODL. MS. RAWL., LXXIX., B, 243 ; LINGARD, in., 452 ; SKEAT,
CHAUCER, i., 83; BANKS, iv., 378; YORKS. ARCH. AND TOP. JOURN., iv.,
267 ; N. AND Q., 5/3/87.

1 ELMHAM, VITA, p. 4 ; EUL., in., 421 ; TIT. Liv., 3 ; LEL., COL., i.,
487. The cradle in which he was supposed to have been rocked was
formerly at Courtfield, near Welsh Bicknor (TYLER, i., n), Troy House
on the Trothy (LEWIS, DICT., HI., 317), and French Hay in Winter-
bourne near Bristol (COXE, 344 ; STRICKLAND, i., 498 ; CHURCH, 3), but
in 1881 was in the possession of Rev. G. W. Braikenridge at Clevedon. —

NlCHOLLS AND TAYLOR, I., 197; ANTIQ. REPERT., II., 372. 2 ELMHAM,

17; TIT. Liv., 5; MEM. H. V., 65; DUGD., n., 197. 3 LEL., COLL., i.,
489. I am unable to trace the reference in SOLLY-FLOOD, 71, to BLACK
BOOK OF EXCHEQUER (? WM. OF WORCESTER), for the assertion that he
was in his 37th year when he died ; but this would agree with the sup-
position that he was born in Aug., 1386. 4 TYLER, i., 2, APP. A. While
Henry was there the burgesses of Monmouth had to give him eight gallons
out of every brewing of ale. This tax was known as the " Castle Coule."
— COXE, 311. For order dated Feb. i8th, 1401, commuting the claim for
a payment of lod. each brewing, see Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 85.
5 TYLER, i., 13. DOYLE (i., 397) says Sep. 2gth, 1387; RAMSAY (i.,
159) gives 1388; and COMPLETE PEERAGE (n., 271) gives 1389, which is
certainly wrong. For payments for the midwife Joan (408.), for white
cloth for covering the cradle and for the nurse's bed at Kenilworth, see
Due. LANC. REC., XXVIIT., i, i (Sep. 3oth, 1387, to Sep. 3oth, 1388),
APP. A.

1388.] Infancy. 325

only 12 years old,1 but he was the first that was reared, and his
birth was followed by that of three boys and two girls in close
succession, at intervals of about a year, all of whom grew to
be men and women. The record for the year ending Sep.
3oth, 1388, has entries showing the purchase of a demigown 2
for him, together with kirtles and satin and tartryn gowns in
scarlet and white, 28 pairs of russet shoes for him and his infant
brother Thomas, and Christmas liveries for their two nurses,
both of whom were called Joan. In the same year are entries
showing how his father fluted on the ricordo^ while his mother
sang to the guitar ; 4 how she toyed with her popinjay,5 or
petted her brachs and grey-hounds,0 with their collars of green
and white checked silk, and silver-gilt letters and bells ; 7 how
both played chess 8 with a silver tabler and silver men ; how

1 One of her sister Eleanor's squires brought the news to Henry on
April i6th, 1382. — Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., 3, 3, APP. A. 2 Due. LANC.
REC., xxvin., i, i, APP. A; not a "long gown," as TYLER, i., 13.
3 i fistula nomine Ricordo. 4 There is also an entry for ruling a parch-
ment skin to be stretched on her canticum. — i ferr' empt. pro domina
pro cantico regul'. — lod ; et p. regulac' unius pell' p'cameni (i.e., perga-
meni) pro cant' sup' intend'. — ^d. 5 For six Ibs. of popinjay seed (55.)
for her, see Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 3, 5 (c), APP. A. For a popinjay
brought by Henry from the East in 1393, see DERBY ACCTS., LXVI.,
350 ; PRUTZ, LXXVIII. Cf. " Qui contreferoit papegay ? " — DESCHAMPS,
viii., 319. 6 Cf. " pleie with her litel hound." — GOWER, CONF., 189. For
" smale gentil hondis," as a present to ladies, see WYCL. (M.), 12 ;
CHAUC., PROL., 146. Cf. "as grehoundis suen an hare." — WYCL. (A),
ii., 359 ; CHAUC., PROL., 190. Cf. SHAW, DRESSES, Vol. II., from HARL.
MS., 6431 ; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, PLATE xxxiv. Cf. trois blancs leuv-
riers (leporarii) si veluz comme un ours bien courans et de bone entaille.
— P. MEYER, 400. For " levrier courant," see PISAN, i. , 205, 262;
DESCHAMPS, in., 264 ; VIIL, 249, 251, 269. P'or harehound, see STAT.,
13 R. II., cap. 13; DENTON, 168 ; CUNNINGHAM, i. 364. ~ Q. R. WARD-
ROBE, -°T8, APP. B. 8 For "chess or tables," see CHAUCER (S.), i.. 278,
479 ; " the chesses," PINKERTON, i., 466; "ju de 1'eschier," GESTK, 395.
For the chekker or board (scaccariur ), see DERBY ACCTS., 49; PROMPT.
PARV., 332, 485 ; CATHOL., 62 ; CH JCER (S.), i., 299; Q. R. WARDROBE,
y, APP. B. The men (meisne) were kept in a bag.— CHAMPOLLION-
FIGEAC, PLATE XLII., 271; XLVI., 294; STRUTT, REG. ANTIQ., Frontis-
piece; GESTA ROMANORUM, 70, 460; ARCH^EOLOGIA, xxiv., 207. In
1390 tablers and meisne cost 448. 4d. — DERBY ACCTS., 113, 178. For

326 Prince Hal. [CHAP. LXXX.

his father lost 265. 8d. playing hand-ball a with two of the Duke
of York's men, and was twice down with the pox ; how his
mother was so ill that they had to fetch Master Geoffrey
Melton from Oxford to attend her at Kenilworth ; and how
she washed the feet of 18 poor women, and gave them six-
pences apiece at the Maundy a or Shere-Thursday 3 (March 26th,
1388), in indication that she was now 18 years of age.4 The
record then breaks ; his father makes his voyage to Prussia ; and
when the parchments speak again in 1391, two more brothers,
John r° and Humphrey,0 have been born, and little Henry has
a nurse (Joan Waryn) 7 all to himself. Then we have entries
of Champagne linen for shirts, and Brabant linen for a foot-
sheet for the boys, kirtles for all three, and silver-gilt collars
for the two elder ones.8 Early in 1392, the first sister

"chesmeyne," see ibid., 281. For scaccarium merellos et tabulas, see
G. OLIVER, 271.

1 Ad pilam manualem. Cf. pro lusu domini ad Palmam. — DERBY ACCTS.,
263. For 12 crowns and a furred gown of grey cloth, lost by the Duke
of Orleans in 1400, a 1'esbatement du jeu de la paueme, see LABORDE,
in., 195. 2 LAY FOLK'S MASS BOOK, 60 ; P. PLO. , B. xvi., 140, and note,
P- 379 ! WYCL. (A.), in., 415. SLYDGATE, 95, 99 ; WYCL. (A.), i., 325,
357; ii., 81, 112, 117, 119, 152, 211 ; in. ,304; SHARPE, i.. 305 ; n., 571 ;
ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIIL, 71,77; ROCK, in., 42, 188 ; iv., 78, 84, 235, 236;
WALCOTT, ARCH^EOL., 372; LOND. AND MID. ARCH. Soc., iv., 330;
NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, i., 203 ; N. AND Q., 3rd Ser., VIIL, 388 ; 7th
Ser., XL, 514. 4 For custom of washing the feet of " as many poor men
as my lord is years of age," see ROCK, iv., 237, 238, from HOUSEHOLD
BOOK OF EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND, p. 354 ; and SIR THOMAS MORE'S
WORKS, p. 1319. 5 Born June 2oth, 1389. — COMPLETE PEERAGE, i., 293;
DOYLE, i., 150; in., 117; RAMSAY, i., 159; GENEAL., in., 293. 6 KINGS-
TON'S COMPOTUS records 135. 4d. paid Oct. 3ist, 1390, to a certain
English sailor, portanti nova de partu Humfredi filii domini nostri,
while his father was away at Konigsberg. — HIRSCH, n., 792 ; DERBY
ACCTS., LXXXII., 107; PRUTZ, LXX., 99; M. A. E. GREEN, in., 308;
HOLT, LANGLEY, 335 ; not 1391, as DOYLE, 11., 22. One of his shin-
bones, saved from St. Albans, is now in the possession of Lt. Col. H.
Molleras Le Champion, 64 Redcliffe Square, South Kensington. 7 CAL.
ROT. PAT., 264; TYLER, i., 14; n., 142; HOLT, 19; Joan Donnesmere
or Donnesmore is nurse to Thomas and John, and Humphrey's nurse is
called Margaret. — Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., 3,4; 3, 5 b, c, APP. A.
8 Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., i, 2, APP. A.

I395-] Youth. 327

(Blanche) was born,1 and pipes of blanderers and baskets of
quinces,2 wardens,3 costards,4 and cayleways 5 were sent down
to them at Peterborough from the fruiters6 in the London
markets. At the end of 1393, the four boys were under a
governess named Mary Hervy " at Hertford : and when their
mother died in the following year (July 4th, 1394)^ they were
attended by a varlet named William Lecham. In March,
I395,9 young Henry was alarmingly ill at Leicester, and
messengers sped post-haste from London ; but he recovered
from the attack, and among the purchases made for him in
this year are a silver girdle with harebell links, a roll containing
seven books of grammar bought in London for 45., six and a
half Ibs. of soap sent down from London for the use of the
three boys, 23 pairs of shoes at 4d. a pair, four pairs of boots
at 6d. a pair, new hempen reins 10 which cost 2d., a brass
mortar11 for holding night-lights in their room (nd.), and
payments to Thomas Ringwood, for coming from Faweboune (?)
to London to make gowns for them,12 with detailed expenses
for their summer cloaks and mantles, their broad black straw
hats at 35. each, their scarlet caps, and gowns of green russet
and white plunket, furred with bysse and popil, made by their
tailor, Adam Gastron, and two and a half Ibs. of Cologne

1 Vol. III., p. 248. 2Orkoynes. — CHAUCER (S.),i., 150; DERBY ACCTS.,
X9» 351- 3 CATHOL., 270, 408; PROMPT. PARV. , 516. 4CATHOL., 77;
PROMPT. PARV., 94. 5 Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., i, 3, APP. A. 6 SHARPE,
i., 157, 432; ii., 255 ; spelt "fruturer" in CLAUS., 13 H. IV., 28 d ; or
"freuterer," ibid., 10 H. IV., n. 7 Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 1,3,4,
APP. A. 8Vol. II., p. 436; Vol. III., p. 236; FROIS., xv., 137; OTT.,
183; RAMSAY, i., 158; HOLT, LANGLEY, 332; not July ist, as ibid.,
116. She was at Peterborough May i8th, 1394.— Due. LANC. REC.,
xxvm., 3, 5 c, APP. A. 9 Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., i, 4, APP. A ;
TYLER, i. , 15. 10 Capistris canabi ; see Du CANGE, s. v. n Vol. II., p.
247; CHAUC. (S.), i., 342, 492; LEE, 228; SHARPE, n., 152; ROCK,
in., 89; HOLT, 120. 12 For the King's tailor (cissor), see REC. ROLL,
9 H. IV., PASCH., May gth, 1408.

328 Prince Hal. [CHAP. LXXX.

thread at i6d. the Ib.1 They spent their time at Kenilworth
or Tutbury, where St. Nicholas' clerks sang before them on St.
Nicholas' Eve, and Wilkin Walkin and other mounted minstrels
made minstrelsy for them at New Year and Epiphany. -

On March i8th, 1397, young Henry, who is still known as
Henry of Lancaster, was present at a tournament at Fleshy,
whither a horse was sent to him from Tutbury, with black silk
stuff for his spurs and black housings for his saddle ; and it may
have been then that he received from his grandmother, the
Countess of Hereford, the missal and portos that he cherished
till his dying day.8 In 1398, he is known to have been at
Kenilworth and Framingham, and in this same year 4 must be
placed his short stay at Oxford, under the charge of his uncle
Henry Beaufort, who was then Chancellor of the University.5
He entered as a scholar at the Queen Hall,6 and kept in
a small room7 over the gateway, where his name was long
afterwards remembered. The year following (1399), when his
father was in exile, he accompanied King Richard as a " fair
young bachelor"8 to make his first arms in Ireland. Here
he was knighted by the King, with whom he was a special
favourite;9 but when the news arrived of his father's rebellion,
he was sent as a prisoner to the castle of Trim. On his libera-
tion he sailed to Chester,10 and soon found his father King of

1 Due. LANC. REC., xxvni., i, 5, APP. A. 2 Ibid., xxvm., 3, 6, APP.
A. 3 RYM., ix., 291 ; TYLER, i., 18. 4 Not after his father's coronation,
as LUDERS, 149; STRICKLAND, i., 499 ; CHURCH, 6. 5A. WOOD, n., 401.
6 ROUSE, 207 ; HUTTEN, in ELIZABETHAN OXFORD, 64 ; SKELTON,
PLATE 146 ; GASCOIGNE, LXXXV. ; A. WOOD, i., 209 ; LUDERS, 55 ;
FULLER, CH. HIST., n., 292; not New College, as STOW, CHRON., 342.
The records of Queen's College, so far as they are preserved, throw no
light on the question. — HIST. MSS., 2nd REPT., 141; TYLER, i, 21;
A. CLARK, 138. His executors gave 508. 8d. to Exeter College. — BOASK,
EXON., xvn. 7 Opposite to St. Edmund's Hall. It is figured in
HEARNE'S Editn. of THOMAS NEALE, p. 134 (edn. 1713). 8 ARCH.«OL.,
xx., 299 ; ELMHAM, 5 ; MEM. HY. V., 65. $) TIT. Liv., 3. ™ DEVON, 281.

1 399.] Knighthood. 329

England and himself Prince of Wales, Earl of Chester,1 Duke
of Cornwall,2 Lancaster, and Aquitaine, and heir-apparent to
the English throne.3

From this point onward he was at the front in every
stir. He followed his father's army in the abortive invasion
of Scotland in 1400, in command of a troop of 17 men-at-arms
and 99 archers.4 In April, 1403^ he was placed at the head
of a picked force of 3000 men, to operate against the Welsh,
in conjunction with the Earl of Worcester,6 with his head-
quarters at Shrewsbury. He fired Owen's wooden houses 7 at
Glyndwfrdwy on the Dee, and Sycharth 8 near Llangedwyn,

1 In 1397, Richard II. had made Chester into a Principality, to be
held always by the King's eldest son, who was to have been the Prince
of Chester, but this statute was repealed in the first Parliament of
Henry IV. 2 RAMSAY (i., 147) estimates the net revenue of the Duchy
of Cornwall at £3000 p. a. In 1410, John Waterton was Receiver for the
Duchy, and the Bishop's tithe of tin was £10 from Devon, and £6 135. 4d.
from Cornwall. — STAFF. REG., 349. 3App. TO FCED., E, 65; DEP. KEEP.
36th REPT., APP. 11., 501. 4 Vol. I., Chap. VII. ; Q. R. ARMY, -3/-, -Jf , APP.
G. The whole force consisted of 1771 men-at-arms, and 11,314 archers.
— Ibid., ff, APP. G. On Aug. i2th, 1400, the King was at Fenwick Park
(ibid., -\4, f|, APP. G), accompanied by 22 varlets, tailors, tasselmakers,
and carpenters. — DEVON, 285. 5 Vol. I., p. 342; DEVON, 293; not
1401, as RAMSAY, i., 40; MONTGOM. COLL., iv. 325; nor 1402, as
BRIDGEMAN, 257. 6 For wages of the Earl of Worcester from April i7th
to July i8th, 1403, see Q. R. WARDROBE, -|$, APP. F. 7 Vol. I., p.
342; not " princely halls " or "palaces," as ROWLAND WILLIAMS, xix.,
55. 8 For its position on the Cynllaith, a tributary of the Tanat, a few
miles above its junction with the Vyrnwy, see ORDNANCE MAP, LXXIV.,
S.E. It is called Sawarth-en-Kentlith (RoT. PARL., iv., 440), or Kentil-
leth (INQ. P. MORT., in., 330; APPLEYARD, in., 52), or Saghern
(ORD. PRIV. Co., n., 61 ; ORIG. LET., II., i., n). A few miles above it
on the slopes of Gyrn Moelfre stood Moel Iwrch, the home of Howel,
son of Jevan Vychan, famed also for its hospitality, see extract from
Guto-y-Glyn (a contemporary) in CAMBRO-BRITON, i., 344. The
house at Sycharth was built of timber on an artificial mound, sur-
rounded with a moat six yards wide, and provided with a heronry,
orchard, vineyard, chapel, mill, and dovecote. — CAMBRO-BRITON, i.,
459, 460; in., 25; PENNANT, i., 329; COTHI, 393. For an account of
it in 1854, see BORROW, 208-210, with translation from IOLO GOCH,
original in GORCHESTION, 75 ; LLOYD, i., 217. Deer grazed in the park,
and the fishpond was stocked with pike and whiting. At both places

33° Prince Hal, [CHAP. LXXX.

in the valley of the Tanat ; and in June of the same year, he
made his way through the mountains to relieve the castles of
Harlech and Aberystwith, which were threatened with famine
and siege. Horses had been bought up in Cheshire,1 and
John Hennore was sent on to take over the command at
Harlech, as constable for Richard Massey.2 The accounts of
John Spenser, Controller of the Prince's Household, and John
Waterton, Keeper of his Secret Treasury during this period, are
still preserved 3 and supply a few particulars as to the composi-
tion of the force, the payments to guides to bring them through
the mountains, the bullocks they took with them to feed the
garrison at Harlech, the wine they drank at Aberystwith, and
the horses they lost on the way. On his return to Shrewsbury
the Prince found himself betrayed by the Percies, but by his
father's timely arrival he was rescued from peril, and before
he was 17 years old, he received his first wound4 side by
side with the Talbots, Stanleys, Actons, Greindors, and
others of the best blood of young England in the fight at

every vestige of the dwellings has now disappeared. At Sycharth the
ground has been ploughed up and yielded " a few nails and fragments of
stone bearing the marks of ignition." At Glyndwfrdwy there are " a
few loose and straggling stones scattered about on an eminence."—
CAMBRO-BRITON, n., 448, i.e., on the top of the mound, but the house must
have been in the field below. When I visited the spot in 1893, I was
told by a cottager that the house had been swallowed up. In INQ. p.
MORT., in., 330, it is called a manor and domain " in Edernyon," i.e., the
Vale of Edeyrnyon, which is a commote of ancient Merionydd, including
the Dee valley from Penllyn, above Llandervel to the boundary of
Denbighshire below Corwen. — COTHI, 404; EYTON, XL, 40. In 1325
(18 Ed. II.), Glyndyfrdwy is grouped with " Manhudo" (? Nanheudwy)
in the domain of Roger Mortimer of Chirk. — HIST. OF LUDLOW, 141.
It had been in the possession of Owen's family since 1282. — ROTULI
WALLI.^:, 87, in CAMBRO-BRITON, i., 425 ; YORKE, 60.

1 DEP. KEEP., 36th KEPT., APP. n., 162, May 30th, 1403. '2 The
change took place on June 2nd, 1403.— Ibid., 333. Yet Wm. Hunt
appears to be constable of Harlech on June 26th, 1403. — Q. R. WARD-
ROBE, |f, APP. F. :JQ. R. WARDROBE, |f, APP. F. 4Trr. Liv., 3.

1410.] President of the Council. 331

Haytleyfield. In the spring of 1408, he went north to join
the King on the news of the rising of the Earl of Northumber-
land, but arrived after the blow had been struck at Bramham
Moor. We have seen how he commanded at the recovery
of Aberystwith in 1407 ; x and he was now Captain of Calais,
Warden of the Cinque Ports, Constable of Dover,2 Lieutenant
of Wales,3 and President of the Council.

He is described 4 as of about the average height,5 with a
long handsome face/5 high colour, straight nose,7 flat forehead,
thick brown hair,8 round pate, small ears, regular white teeth,
dimpled chin, and large clear hazel eyes,9 that could beam like

III., p. 106. 2Vol. III., p. 272; PAT., n H. IV., 2, 10 d,
July isth, 1410. For the office, see A. S. GREEN, i., 390. 3 In PAT.,
ii H. IV., 2, 15, he is re-appointed for a year from June igth, 1410.
4 MEM. HY. V., 64. For exact description of Charles VI., see
ST. DENYS, i., 564. For typical beauties in 1400, see PISAN, n., 192,
204; GOWER, CONF., 323. For an ugly man, see DESCHAMPS, iv., 273,
300; v., 32. For a lady, ibid., v., 186 ; HOCCL., MIN. Po., xxxvni.
5ELMHAM, 13; TIT. Liv., 4; MEM. HY. V., 66. SOLLY-FLOOD, 69, 102
(followed by CHURCH, 36, who, however, gives the truer account on p.
157), seems to be quite wrong in attributing the Versus Rythmici to Hard-
yng. 6 For his portrait at Eton, see REDGRAVE'S CATALOGUE OF NATL.
PORTRAITS, 1866, p. 4; RAMSAY, i., 161. For Kensington portrait, now
at Windsor, see TYLER, Vol. I.; VERTUE, p. 7, for RAPIN, i., 504, from
which the portraits in the Natl. Portrait Collection (CATALOGUE, p. 211)
and at Queen's College, Oxford, seem to be copied, the latter with the
crown added ; see CHURCH, Frontispiece ; GARDINER, 300. For a more
boyish portrait, but crowned, from MS. at C.C.C. Cambridge, see
LUDERS, also MS. ARUNDEL, 38, circ. 1410, see SHAW, DRESSES, Vol. II.
For portrait in possession of Society of Antiquaries at Somerset House,
see FINE ARTS QUARTERLY REVIEW, IL, 1864. For another portrait, see
HARL. MS., 2278.

7 Hir nose was wrought at poynt devys,

For it was gentil and tretys. — CHAUC. (S.), i., 144; PROL., 152.
He seeth her nose straughte and even. — Ibid., 322.

For " camused " (i.e., hook-nosed), see GOWER, CONF., 246. 8 In Hoc-
CLEVE'S Miniature, MS. REG., 17, D, vi., f. 40, he has a tall figure, brown
cropped hair, and high cheek bones. 9 Cf. brunet, riant, persant. — PISAN,
ii., iQ2. Cf. the description of the eyes of his grandmother Blanche : —

And whiche eyen my lady hadde

Debonair, goode, glade and sadde,

Simple, of goode mochel, nought to wide.

Therto hir look nas not asyde

332 Prince Hal. [CHAP. LXXX.

a dove or glare l like a lion. He was long in the neck and
spare in the body ; he took but moderately to the lists, to
fishing, hawking, or hunting ; 2 but he was a famous jumper, and
so quick and deliver3 of limb that he had often run down the
fleetest deer without dog or bow. He was a man of few
words,4 but this does not imply any want of culture ; for he
could play the harp and gittern,5 could read Latin and speak
and write in French.'5 He joyed to read in books of antiquity
and such like matters of sadness.7 He borrowed chronicles,8
studied ancient histories,11 looked into decretals, and disported
himself at night within his chamber,10 reading books on
hunting n and goodly tales, of which his high prudence had
insight to judge if they were well made or no.12 He was good

Ne overthwert, but beset so wel
Hit drew and took up every del
Alle that on hir gan beholde. —

CHAUC. (S.), i., 306; A. W. WARD, 71.

J PROMPT. PARV., 198, 457. 2 MEM. HY. V., 64. :! Cf. " deliver smert
and of gret might."— CHAUC. (S.), i., 128; cf. PROL., 84; GOWER, CONE.,
346, 362, 415; LYDGATE, 243; HALLE, 32; GRAFTON, 442; COTGRAVE,
s. v., Delivre. 4WALS., n., 344; GESTA HY. V., 68. 5 DEVON, 363,
367. For 8d. paid for strings for his cithara (1397), see Due. LANG.
REC., xxviii., i, 5, APP. A.

6 Endite in Latine or in Frensshe thy greef clere,
Syn thou so longe in hem laboured haste. —

HOCCL., DE REG., 67.

RYM., vni., 390. In HARL. MS., 431, 122 (106 b) is a letter written by
him in French to his aunt, Queen Catherine of Castile, but it contains
nothing beyond complimentary enquiries after her health, and a request
on behalf of a convent belonging to the knights of Rhodes. It was
perhaps written by John Prophet. 7 Kithe thy love in mater of sad-
nesse. — HOCCL., DE REG., 70. Cf. LYDGATE, in S. TURNER, n., 384;
TYLER, i., 399. 8 RYM., x., 317; TYLER, i., 332. 9 LYDGATE, in
TYLER, i., 397.

10 At hardest whan that ye ben in chambre at eve,
They ben goode to drive forthe the nyght. — HOCCL., DE REG., 77.
A romaunce to rede and dryve the night away.—

CHAUC. (S.), i., 278.

11 DEVON, 368. J-HOCCL., DE REG., 69; S. TURNER, n., 368 ; TYLER,
i., 402.

1410.] "Prince of Priests." 333

lord and gracious l to Thomas Hoccleve,'2 who dedicated to
him his version of Giles's Regiment of Princes ; 3 he stirred Dan
John Lydgate 4 to write his Life of Our Ladyf and to English
the Troy Book 6 of Master Guy; and there is still extant a copy
of Chaucer's Troilus^ written on vellum for his use, and bearing
his arms as Prince of Wales." To those who sued to him for
favours, he was kind almost to bashfulness.8 He was the
friend of John Oldcastle, Roger Acton, John Greindor,
Thomas Clanvowe, and other freethinkers and Lollards, who
fought and camped with him in Scotland, at Shrewsbury,
and in the mountains of Wales.9 But bigots played on his

1Cf. CHAUC. (S.), n., 240, 241.

2 O lige lord, that have be plenteous

Unto your liges of your grace algate. — HOCCL., 72; MIN.
Po. xxxiv.; DE REG., 66, 73, 74; MORLEY, vi., 129; WARTON, n., 9,42;
HARL. MS., 4826, 6; S. TURNER, n., 385 ; TYLER, i., 401 ; CHALMERS'
BIOG. UICT., XVIIL, 23. 3I.e., De Regimine Principum by Giles of
Colonna, or Giles of Rome (Egidius Romanus), Archbishop of Bourges
(d. 1316. — GALL. CHRIST., 76) ; called " Giles" in WILLS OF KINGS, 181 ;
or "Egidius." — GIBBONS, 80; SHARPE, n., 326; see MORLEY, vi., 131.
For Guido delle Colonne (or Master Guy. — WARTON, n., 99), see CHAUC.
(S.), n., pp. LIIL, LXL, LXV. ; in., xxxvm., 44, 278; quoting TROY BOOK
or GESTE HISTORIALE, E.E.T.S., 1869-74. For translation into French
by Henri de Gauchi, see EC. DES CH., XLIII., 213. For Spanish Regi-
mento dos Principes, see MAJOR, 79. GERSON (v., 608) said that no
one should be a prince or a lord who did not study it, and make his
sons do the same. For "regiment" (rule), see GOWER, CONF., 119, 360,
361, 364, 393. 4 For Lydgate, see MORLEY, n., PT. I. ; HALLIWELL,
PERCY Soc., Vol. II., 1840; FURNIVAL, E.E.T.S., 1868, XLIV., &c.
5 ROCK., in., 304; LYDGATE, TEMPLE OF GLAS, cvni. 6 HARL. MS.,
629; WARTON, n., 57, 81 ; GESTA HY. V., xxv. ; MORLEY, vi., 108, 118.
He began it Oct. 3ist, 1412, and finished it in 1420. — ACAD., 7/5/92, p.
445 : LYDGATE. TEMPLE OF GLAS, p. ci. For the " Batel of Troy," see
WYCL. (A.), in., 147. ''I.e., the Campsall MS. printed for the Chaucer
Society, and now in the possession of Mr. Bacon Frank. — CHAUC. (S.), n.,
LXVII.

8 Thou woste wele he benigne is and demure
To see (? sue) unto, not is his gost maistriede
With daungere, but it is fulle appliede
To graunte, and not the nedy werne his grace. —

HOCCL., DE REG., 67; TYLER, i., 401.
9 Q. R. WARDROBE, $$, APP. F ; Q. R. ARMY, ^, APP. G.

334 Prince Hal. [CHAP. LXXX.

religious fears, and made of him a "Prince of Priests,"1 who
flung back the tailor Badby into the flames and left his
friend and comrade Oldcastle to hang roasting in a martyr's
fire.

In the year of the battle of Shrewsbury, 1403, he made a pil-
grimage to Canterbury,2 and before he moved his guns to Aberyst-
with 3 in 1407, he paid a visit of devotion to Bridlington, where
in performance of a vow made at a previous date,4 he offered
five marks at the shrine of his patron Saint,5 the holy Prior
John Tweng,0 whose " Prophecy"7 was supposed to have
predicted that the crown of England would come to the family
of Lancaster. In 1340, when an acolyte,8 Tweng had been
Master of the Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene at Ripon,
which had been founded by an Archbishop of York 200 years
before to house all lepers born in Riponshire.9 Here they
were to be supplied with a " back " or cloak, two pairs of shoes,
a loaf of bread, half a pot of beer, a notch of meat or (on fast-

1 ANGLIA, v., 31, 40; VAYNES, n., 481; HOCCL., MIN. Po., 17;
TYLER, n., 323. 2 HIST. MSS., ix., i, 138. 3 EXCH. TREAS. OF REC.,
Misc., f|, APP. D. 4Vol. II., p. 334, note 5. 5 RYM., VIH., 498;
BLORE, 19. 6 So called from his birthplace in the East Riding of York-
shire ; not John Erghom, as MORLEY, vi., 159; see POL. SONGS, i., 123.
7 FROIS., xvi., 143 ; ELMHAM, 4. He is called Vates de Bredlyngton
in SCOTICHRON., xv., 12. WALS. (n., 270) speaks of him as raving
(fcbricitantis). His life was written by CAPGRAVE (Nov. LEG., 181),
who has some information from conversations reported by those who
had been fellow-students with him at Oxford. His account contains very
few facts, but refers to several books then in the Priory at Bridlington.
A century afterwards his account was transcribed by SURIUS, who, not
knowing the author's name, calls it " a grave history written by a con-
temporary" (iv., 148). It is worked into the ACTA SANCTORUM (OCT.
loth, v., 137), together with an account, EX TOMO 95, BIBL. R.R.P.P.
ORATORII VALLIS CELL;E (? VAUCELLES) by " Dominus Hugo," who
seems to have been nearly contemporary ; though it is rather remarkable
that neither of them should mention either the " Prophecy " or the
translation. 8 RIPON MEM., 225. 9 Ripschire. — KIRKBY, 417, i.e., the
immediate neighbourhood of Ripon, including Skelden and Grantley ;
not c> Richmondshire," as MONAST., vi., 620.

1 379-1 &• John of Bridlington. 335

days) three herrings each. But, in the course of time, there were
no lepers born in Riponshire. So Archbishop Melton took
a lot of the land and put Tweng in as Master, without chaplains
or lepers, in tumble-down buildings, to face an enquiry by the
King's Commissioners as best he might. Before he had been
ten months in possession, the Commissioners arrived to enquire
into the condition of the hospital (1341). They found that
the Master was reputed of good report and honest conversa-
tion, but that he was powerless to do anything, and so he had
gone away and spent the money elsewhere ; but where he was
they could not find out, and the story went that he was dead.1
Hereupon, Tweng took pains to let them know that he was
not dead at all but "enjoying bodily health,"- and for four
years more no herrings got distributed,3 though the Master
cut down ten ash-trees at Studley, and sold them for 6os. At
length, in Nov., 1352, the Commissioners again visited Ripon.
Tweng appeared before them and made out his case,
though it is evident that he was still " commonly absent for a
great part of the year." 4 Before three years had elapsed he
had ceased to be Master, and had shaken off all connection
with the troublesome leper-house. He afterwards 5 became
Prior of the Austin Canons at Bridlington, and died in 1379, 6
at the age of 60, 7 after a life of such high sanctity that it was
reported that his prayers had been of special efficacy in saving
shipwrecked sailors, interceding on behalf of elderly women,
and removing deformities in their offspring if they required
his further aid.8 After his death, miraculous cures were

1 RIPON MEM., 229. * Ibid., 232. * Ibid., 236. 4 Ibid., 238. 5Viz.,
Jan. 3rd, 1361. — MONAST., vi., 1379; though the identity is doubted by
STUBBS, CHRON. ED., I., II., Vol. II., p. xxv. 6AcT. SANCT. (Ocr.
loth), v., 143. ^ BALE, 487. 8 CAPGR., NOVA LEGENDA, 185.

336 Prince Hal. [CHAP. LXXX.

reported at his grave. The lame, the blind, and the leprous
were healed ; the dead were raised ; paralytics were cured, and
devils driven out. All England was struck with amazement,1
and in I386,2 a commission was ordered to enquire as to the
miracles.

This was the year of young Henry's birth, and at his
baptism he had been placed under the special patronage
of the coming saint. His father Henry made an offering at
Bridlington on his return from Prussia in i39i,3 and, after he
had actually come to the throne, a strong effort was made to
secure Tweng's canonization.4 Nobody, however, seems able to
prove that he was ever formally canonized,5 though he was popu-
larly regarded by the English as a saint. Twenty-five years after
his death, his remains were reverently lifted from his grave
by the hands of Archbishop Scrope, and transferred to the
adjoining church,6 where a shrine had been prepared to receive
them behind the high altar, " in a fair chapel on high,
having stone stairs on either side for the double row of pilgrims
to go and come, and underneath the shrine five chapels with
five altars, and small tables of alabaster and images." 7

1WALS.. ii., 189. 2June 26th, 1386. — MONAST., vi., 285; RAINE,
LETTERS, 420. 3 DERBY ACCTS., xxxv., 117. 4 RYM., vni., 161, Oct.,
1400. 5 ACTA SANCT., OCT. loth, v., 136. 6 Not to Rome, as Vol. I., p.
272. For translation of St. William's body at York in 1283, see YORKSH.
ARCH^OL. AND TOP. JOURN., in., 301. 7 ARCH^EOL., xix., 270, from a
survey made in 1540. For specimens of shrines, see Canterbury Cathe-
dral and St. Augustine's in MONAST., Vol. I. For St. Edmund's shrine
at Bury, see ROCK, in., 389, from LYDGATE in HARL. MS., 2278. For
Durham, St. Cuthbert's, see RITES OF DURHAM, p. 4. For peregrination
to Walsingham, see EARWAKER, i., 62.

CHAPTER LXXXI.

POPES v. CARDINALS.

WE left the two Popes in the opening of 1408,! ricochetting
ahout the Gulf of Spezia, and, as the year advanced, the crisis
became acute. In the beginning of January, Benedict was at
Porto Venere, and on Jan. 26th,2 Gregory moved up to Lucca
in freezing winter weather,* accompanied by his 12 Cardinals,
the Patriarch Simon Cramaud, and other envoys from the
a French King,4 ambassadors from Florence and Venice,5 and
great number of prelates and barons. In defiance of an under-
standing come to at his election, he had determined to create
12 new Cardinals in the coming Lent,0 and he would not be
dissuaded from his purpose. Envoys and Cardinals begged
him, prayed him, shadowed him, besieged him, in season and
out of season, in church and in palace ; but he stood out
against them all.7 A Carmelite preaching in the cathedral at
Lucca 8 hinted plainly that he was breaking faith,9 but when the
sermon was done, Gregory had the preacher shut up and kept

1 Vol. III., p. 35. - SERCAMBI, 882 ; ARETINUS, EPIST., i., 52 ;
LENFANT, 193 ; called Jan. 2jth, in SURITA, 275 ; Jan. 22nd or 24th,
ERLER, 163, from MS. CORSINI ; in fine Januarii, MURAT., III., n.,
839; SPONDE, 704; post natale Domini, NIEM, 309. ;iln tempore frigido
et valde nivoso.— NIEM, 183, 417; maximis nivibus.— ARET., EPIST., I.,
61. 4 MART., COLL., vn. 772; ECOLE DES CH., L., 29; NIEM (461) in a
letter dated Lucca, April 27th, 1408, says that the French envoys had
been with Gregory for the last 10 months. 5 DELAYTO, 1046. 6 NIEM,
492. 7 MURAT., III., n., 839. 8 NIEM, 186; SCHWAB, 207; CREIGHTON,
i., 191. 9In POSILJE, 298, Gregory is a " meyneyder und vorreter."

Y

338 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

for a few days on bread and water. He declared again and
again that resigning was the Devil's way, and he was not going
to do that.1 Exasperation ran high. Chains and stakes were
preparing, and the Pope threatened to imprison any who
opposed him. On April i6th,2 the Archbishops of Rouen
and Tarragona were at Lucca, attended by 100 horsemen
as envoys from Benedict. They had an interview with
Gregory in the morning of April 26th, but with no better
result than to provoke a protest from him that they had
wasted his time.3 Ten 4 of Gregory's Cardinals made common
cause with them, and resolved to withstand their own Pope
to the face.5 Then followed huge jars and open wrangling,0
which reached a climax when Gregory summoned the Cardinals
to a Consistory on May 4th,7 and bade them hold their peace.
Some stormed and raged ; others crawled at his feet 8 and
implored him to desist ; but he only replied by an order that
none of them should leave Lucca, or dare to hold any meeting
without his consent. On May 9th,9 he created four new
Cardinals. Two of them were nephews of his own, one of

1 CONG., in., 299 ; D'ACHERY, vi., 219 ; MART., COLL., VH., 821, 833,
854; NIEM, 254; LENFANT, 331; sedens in solio conceptum virus
evomuit dicens expresse, &c. — RTA., vi., 677. His apologist says
that, if he did say it, it was a slip of the tongue (ex lingwe procacitate).
— Ibid., 689. Gregory's own explanation is that he said, modes servatos
fore diabolicos.— Ibid., 376. 2 MART., COLL., vn., 773; RAYN., XVIL,
325; SPOND., 704; NIEM (461) shows that they were still at Lucca on
April 27th, 1408, together with the Bishop of Cracow as envoy from the
King of Poland, a Portuguese Bishop and some envoys from the King
of England, all urging union. 3 HARL. MS., 431, 90 (53). 4 Or 7, as
RAYN., xvii., 326. 5 Ibid., 328. 6 Querelae ingentes et aperta oblucutio.
— Ibid., 325; multa convicia. — SOZZOMENO, 1192; LENFANT, i., 194.
7 GOBELIN, 326 ; RTA., vi., 466 ; CHRISTOPHE, in., 273 ; for " Con-
sistoire," see GOWER, CONF., 134. 8 ARET., EPIST., i., 63 ; CREIGHTON,
i., 192. 9RAYN., xvii., 319, 325, 326; CONC., in., 297; NIEM, 493;
MART., ANEC., n., 1430; MART., COLL., vn., 870; SERCAMBI, 886;
PETRI, 996; PANVINIO, 271.

1408.] Lucca. 339

whom, Gabriel Condolmieri l (afterwards Pope Eugenius IV.),
was then only 25 years old. The other two were men of very
doubtful character, who are charged with murder and debauch-
ing nuns.- On May nth,3 at ten o'clock at night,4 Jean Gilles
of Liege, the ringleader amongst the disaffected Cardinals,
though already a dying man,5 escaped secretly ° in disguise
to Pisa. He was followed on the next day by eight other
Cardinals," some of them on foot, leaving all their belongings
behind.8 The snare was thus broken,9 the officials of the
Curia left Lucca in shoals,10 and only three of the original
Cardinals n remained who were too old and tottery 12 to get

1 Or Condulmaro, born circ. 1383. — HEFELE, vn., 429. 2 Pessimos
viros. — MART., COLL., vn., 829, 1071 ; SPOND,, 705 ; LENFANT, i., 196.

Heu nomen transgresse sacrum Sodomita cremari

Digne focis pariterque homicida proterve caperna, &c. — NIEM, 434.
I.e., the Florentine Giovanni Dominici, Cardinal of St. Sixtus,
Archbishop elect of Ragusa ; not " Brother John the Dominican," as
MILMAN, v., 448. For account of him see PASTOR, i., 43 ; SAUERLAND
in BRIEGER ZEITSCHRIFT FUR KIRCHENGESCHICHTE, ix., 245 ; x., 345 ;
CHRISTOPHE, in., 275; PERRENS, vi., 172. See the letter of Satan
addressed to him, reserving the hottest and foulest place in hell for him
between Arius and Mahomet. For a high official character of him, see
GUASTI COMMISSION: DI RINALDO DEGLI ALBIZZI, Florence, 1867, Vol. I.;
TRITHEIM, 103. 3 D'ACHERY, vi., 193; SERCAMBI, 887; CHRISTOFERI,
238, 318; MART., COLL., vn., 778; LENFANT, 336; PALACKY, in., i,
219; Circa Maium. — BRANDO, 117. 4RTA., vi., 399, 400. Gregory
says that in the morning of the same day the Cardinals were with him,
and seemed to be happy and contented (letanter videbantur concor-
des). — Ibid., vi., 374. 5 He died at Pisa, July, 1408. — NIEM, 213 ; MART.,
COLL., vn., 833, 879; SERCAMBI, 891; RAYN., xvii., 329; ZANTFLIET,
367 ; CIACONIUS, n., 725. He was a Norman by birth. — NIEM, 207.
Angelus, Bishop of Ostia, also died at Pisa, May3ist, 1408. — NIEM, 521 :
HEFELE, vi., 913. In STAFF. REG., 167, he appears as Archdeacon of
Exeter. He had been an Auditor of the Rota, Dec. nth, 1386 (NiEM,
LIB. CANC.), and Provost of St. Lambert at Liege, Oct. 24th, 1386
(ERLER, 103, 170). He was created a Cardinal by Innocent VII. —
MART., COLL., vn., 432; ANEC., n., 1323; RAYN., xvn., 286; CIAC., n.,
725. 6Occulte. — RAYN., xvii., 319; simulate habitu.— -MuRAT., III., 11.,
840; mutato habitu. — NIEM, 493 ; HEFELE, vi., 906. " For their names,
see MILMAN, v., 452. 8CoNc., in., 307. 9 NIEM, 494. 10 Catervatim.
— Ibid., 211. ll Ibid., 208. The official indictment (ART. 26), says that
all left him except one. — HARL. MS., 431, 103 (86). 12 Ex infirmitate.
— MURAT., III., n., 840.

340 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

away. On Sunday, May i3th, 1408^ seven 2 of the dissentient
Cardinals met in the Archbishop's palace at Pisa, and drew
up a formal appeal to a General Council and a future Pontiff,
whose task it should be to reform the misruly deeds (gesta
inordinate?) of his predecessor.

The under-current of working life about the Papal court
in these momentous months is flashed out here and there in
the brilliant letters of young Leonardo Bruni,3 who followed
Pope Gregory from his accession till the Council met at Pisa.
Wherever he went, he was keenly alive to the antiquities of
the past ; 4 inscriptions,5 ruins, monuments, gates, bridges, every-
thing that is old attracts him. He lives upon letters, and
would rather hear about the studies of his friends than all
the Acts of any Council that ever met.0 We see him in the
cold winter at Siena T rising before dawn to translate his
^Eschines or Plato, or emend a reading in a speech of Cicero 8
by the aid of some new-found manuscript just forwarded from
Florence. He cares not for gaudy head-letters storied in gold
or purple ; his thought is solely for the contents of the roll— the
poets, orators, historians of the past and what they have to
tell of the childhood of humanity ; and if he has praise for

1 NIEM, 408; RTA., vi., 276, 399; not 8th, as RAYN., xvn., 326;
CONC., in., 297 ; nor i2th, as HARDT, n., 67. See HARL. MS., 431, 94;
CONC., in., 293 ; MART., ANEC., u., 1394, where the date is May 3oth.
See also SCHWAB, 208 ; HEFELE, vi., 907. 2 Not eleven, as EUL., in.,
411. 3 He came to Rome Mar. 24th, 1405 (SHEPHERD, 37), on the recom-
mendation of his friend Linus Coluccio Salutato (for letters between
Coluccio and Montreuil see A. THOMAS, 36, 89, 104, no), who describes
him as young in age, strong in body, comely in looks, &c. &c. — EPIST.,
i., i ; FABRICIUS, BIBL. MED. ^ETAT., i., 291. See SYMONDS, n., 216 ;
PASTOR, i., 132, who takes him as the type of what he fancifully calls
the " Christian Renaissance " as opposed to the " false Renaissance,"
whose embodiment is the frivolous Poggio. 4 Antiquitati deditus. —
ARET., EPIST., i., 44. r> See his account of Rimini. — Ibid., i., 76, dated
Rimini, Mar. ist, 1409. 6 Ibid., i., 87. 7 Ibid., i., 48, 88. 8 For MON-
TREUIL'S enthusiasm for Cicero, see A. THOMAS, 52, 108.

1408.] Leonard Bruni. 341

any modern, it is for the man who can write as good a hand
as a professional scribe.1 He sees no haven in the tossing
storm, no resting-place for his weary wanderings. His heavier
books must all be left behind, but he revels in anticipation
of a rattling feast - on some Greek manuscripts reported to be on
their way with Manuel Chrysoloras from Venice. He saw the
Church take fire, and watched it burn to ashes.3 He longed
to be away from all this wretched wrangle, to hide in some
den or forest where he could lose himself in his books ; and,
while the Cardinals were coming to death-blows with the
Popes, we see him snatching a June day4 with a friend at
the Archbishop of Pisa's 5 villa on the banks of the Serchio.
Off go their coats and shoes ; they fish and play like boys let
loose ; they shout and sing like mad over their wine, with the
Archbishop joining in the fun, or mount their horses for a
saunter through the yellow crops and leafy thickets to watch
the rustics wrestle in the gloaming.

In the meantime, Pope Benedict was still at Porto Venere,
with honey on his lips and gall in his heart.6 On June i3th,
i4o8,7 he heard that the French had subtracted their obedience,
and that Boucicaut had orders to arrest him 8 as a reply to his

1 A. THOMAS, i., 82. a Jocundissima Saturnalia. — ARET., EPIST., i., 49.
'•''Ibid., i., 68. 4 Ibid., i., 57, dated Lucca, June loth, 1408. 5I.e., Adhemar
Alamanno. — BAYE, n., 47 ; UGHELLI, in., 553. For a letter signed by him,
"A. Pisanus," see BAYE, u., 48, who shows (n., 50), that he had no
knowledge of French, though he was accredited as legate to the French
court in 1411. e MART., COLL., vii., 850; labiis mellitis. — BRANDO, 141 ;
Fallax, mendax, in statera mobilis et inconstans. — NIEM, 448, who says
that it was reported at Lucca on June 7th, 1408, that he was dead.
7 For a letter in which he addresses Gregory as "O homo!" and
complains that his envoys are refused passports by the ambassadors of
the French king who were then at Porto Venere, see MART., COLL., vii.,
781, 786 ; D'ACHERY, vi., 237 ; NIEM, 212, 449. 8 St. DENYS, iv., 14,
28; DELAYTO, 1049; MART.,ANEC., 11. , 1473, 1484, 1535; MAILLY, 469.
For Boucicaut's early life, see DELAVILLE, i., 160-165. For his Book
of Hours, see EC. DES CHARTES, LI., 145. For Livre des Cent Ballades,

342

Popes v. Cardinals.

[CHAP. LXXXI.

excommunication. But he was like a sea-bugle1 with only
his head above water and the rest of him afloat below. He
had previously made all preparations for clearing out from
Avignon. Inventories were drawn up of his personal effects,
and, being a wealthy man2 and a " very keen collector of fine
books,"3 he had packed up the great Papal library in bales, and
selected over 1000 volumes to be forwarded to him at Peniscola.4
So, when he found himself threatened on the land, he bolted
suddenly5 in a galley with four of his Cardinals,6 leaving be-
hind,7 for after-publication on the church doors and on his
palace gates,8 an order0 summoning a General Council to meet
at Perpignan on Nov. ist, 1408. After cruising for awhile
out of harm's way 10 he landed at Elne on July 2nd, i4o8,n
within the confines of his native Aragon. On July i5th, he
was at Collioure,12 and on the 23rd he entered Perpignan,13 and
created five new Cardinals, to replace those whom he had lost
through his breach with France.

see CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC, 133. For suggestion that his history was
written by Christine de Pisan, see PISAN, II., n.

1NiEM, 223, 462 ; RAYN., xvn., 323. For the buffalo, see MATT. PAR.,
CHRON. MAJ., v., 275 ; PROMPT. PARV., 55 ; CATHOL., 46; SHARPE, n.,
271 ; KING'S QUAIR, v., 3, in ANGLIA, in., 253 ; DESCHAMPS, vi., 190.
- Pierre d'Ailly in his letter to him calls him " ex parentibus generosum
in divitiis copiosum." — BRANDO, 140. 3 Colligendorum egregiorum libro-
rum avidissimus. — CLAMENGES, 122; DELISLE, i., 486; FAUCON, i., 60.
4FAUCON, i., 59, 84; ii., 42-151; EHRLE, 667, 668 (1411). For the
Papal library at Avignon from 1305 to 1403, see EHRLE, 129. 291 of these
volumes, rescued from the College de Foix at Toulouse by Colbert in
1680, are now in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. — DELISLE, i., 499.
r'MoNSTR., i., 258. En un vaissel ou le dit Pierre de Lune se bontta.
— MART., ANEC., n., 1425. De recessu adeo rcpent'nw. — D'ACHERY, vi.,
210. Snbitns et admirandus recessus. — MART., COLL., vn., 926. Clam
solvit.— GERSON, i., xxiii. Repcntc recessit. — MART., COLL., vn., 965 ;
HARL. MS., 431 (97 b) ; SERCAMBI, 892. 6 D'ACHERY, vi., 239. 7 Ibid.,
209. 8 HARL. MS., 431 (95). 9 Dated June i5th, 1408. — MART., COLL.,
vii., 787. 10 SERCAMBI, 892. He left Porto Venere in June.— HARL.
MS., 431, 103 (88), ART., 31; CHRISTOPHK, in., 279. n SURITA, 276;
D'ARCQ, i., 318. 12 MART., COLL., vn., 818. 13 Not Lisbon, as TRAHI-
SONS DE FRANCE, 54; GESTE, 361.

1408.] Leghorn. 343

It had been believed that nothing short of miracle1 could
heal the Schism, and now the wished-for moment seemed to
have arrived in natural course. Both Popes were isolated and
deserted by three-fourths- of their college, and each was pre-
paring to hold a separate conventicle :J of his own in out-of-the-
way corners, East and West.4 The universities of Paris0 and
Bologna" and the city of Florence7 pressed for immediate
action. About the beginning of June, I4o8,8 four of Gregory's
disaffected Cardinals y met four of the Ultramontane 10 or Galli-
can Cardinals, headed by Jean Fraczon,11 Bishop of Ostia, the
rich Savoyard of Brogny, who found funds out of the emolu-
ments of bishoprics and other benefices of which he had the
administration,12 together with " many notable prelates and
learned God-fearing men/' ls at Leghorn to arrange for a united

v., 627. 2 D'ACHERY, vi., 208, 230. 3 Conciliabula. —
MART., ANEC., n., 1413, 1443; MART., COLL., vn., 865, 902; NIEM
220; APOLOGY, 50; GERSON, n., 135; CIAC., n., 779; PURVEY, REM.
112. 4 MART., COLL., vn., 852. 5CoNC., in., 299; D'ACHERY, vi., 220
MART., COLL., vn., 789, 893. 6 GERSON, n., in. 7 MART., COLL.
vn., 918, 931, 937-947. 8 MART., ANEC., n., 1416. 9 MART., COLL., vn.
925; HARDT, n., 79; D'ACHERY, vi., 209, 225. 10 MART., COLL., vn.
816, 819, 874, 938. For Ultramontani v. Italici, see NIEM, 378, 380.
11 GONTHIER (8) has recently proved that his father, so far from being
a swineherd (as CROSET-MOUCHET, 2) was a respectable burgess of
Annecy. The pretty story about the boy keeping pigs is probably due to
a carving representing the Prodigal Son, at the west corner of the front
of the Maccabees Chapel, which was built by the Cardinal beside the
Cathedral at Geneva in 1406. Two other carvings of the same subject
in wood from the stalls are still preserved in the public library at Geneva,
and the church at Jussy 1'Eveque. — BESSON, 47; SENEBIER, i., 108 ;
MAZON, 214. The further developmertt of the legend about his being
unable to find sixpence to pay for a pair of shoes sprang from the
supposed sabots carved round the great window, which are now found
to be folded leaves. — GONTHIER, 13. MAZON, 305, still refuses to give up
the story. Brogny gave 900 books to his college of St. Nicholas at
Avignon.— GONTHIER, 31. For account of him see CIAC., n., 683;
CHRISTOFERI, 5. For fancy portraits of him see LENFANT (Constance),
15 ; MAZON, 212 ; CROSET-MOUCHET, Frontispiece. 12 GONTHIER, 18,
34; CROSET-MOUCHET, 92. 1:{ D'ACHERY, vi., 202.

344 Popes v. CfinliiHils. [CHAP. LXXXI.

effort. Here the Cardinals issued a joint manifesto dated June
24th, J408,1 summoning a General Council to meet at Pisa on
March 25th, 1409,- with a view to the repudiation of both
Gregory and Benedict and the election of one Pope who should
represent the whole united Catholic world. The remedy was
certainly extreme enough,3 and needed many a learned apolo-
gist ;4 but the innovators preferred to escape naked from the
coming wreck, rather than go to the bottom with their clothes
on.5 If salves would not heal the sore,6 they must try the
branding-iron and the knife.

In spite of all opposing efforts on the part of the French,"
Benedict's Council met in the Church of La Real8 at Per-
pignan, on Nov. ist, 1408. Four new Patriarchs were
created0 for the occasion, and four high chairs were set for
them, with benches for Cardinals and Prelates ; but not
many came,10 and, "I doubt," says a messenger,11 writing from
Perpignan on the day fixed for the opening,1'2 "whether
the solemnity will be such as the Pope expects." As a
fact, i2o13 Bishops, Abbots, and other high-placed ecclesi-

1 CONG., in., 301; GOBELIN, 326; RAYN., xvn., 332; D'ACHERY,
vi., 215. It was not actually issued till July i6th, 1408. — HARL. MS.,
431, 100 (68 b) ; HOFLER, 432; RTA., vi., 263, 319, 377; HEFELE, vi.,
915-917. For safe-conduct, dated Florence, June 2ist, 1408, see MART.,
COLL., vii., fciao. - BRANDO, 125, who represents Gregory and Benedict
as agreeing to it. Not May 2gth, as CREIGHTON, i., 196. One proposal
was to meet on Feb. 2nd, 1409. — MART., COLL., vn., 776, 795; NIEM,
219. :J MART., COLL., vn., 923 997. 4 MART., ANEC., n., 1496.
5 MART., COLL., vn., 936. « Ibid., 1151; ANEC., n., 1472; GOWER,

CONF., 133, 163. ~ D'ACHERY, VI., 196; L.ENFANT, 222. 8 L,ABBE, XI.,

II., 2112; i.e., Beatae Marine regalis. — HEFELE, vi., 988, who shows that
the sittings did not actually begin till Nov. i5th, 1408. 9 GERSON, i.,
xxiv. Ul Ob praelatorum raritatem.— SPOND., 709. H I.e., Jean Guiard
of Poitiers, who brought a despatch from the Cardinals at Pisa.— MART.,
ANEC., ii., 1427 ; HEFELE, vi., 919; CHRISTOPHE, in., 286. 12 It would
appear from MART., COLL., vn., 890, that the sittings had not begun by
Nov. i4th. 1:! Believed to have been 150 at Pisa.— RTA., vi., 477.

1408.] Perpignan. 345

astics assembled, most of them being Spaniards,1 though there
were some from Provence, Savoy, Foix, Armagnac, and Lor-
raine.- A committee of 28 Bishops and Doctors was appointed
to advise as to practical steps for meeting the emergency ; but
there was so much discord amongst them, that, after a heated
discussion, nearly half of them left the place in disgust, and a
remainder of 15-'* reported that Benedict had better give way.
The Council then declared that he was the only true Vicar of
Christ, but urged that he should follow a policy of reconcilia-
tion, send representatives to Pisa,4 and be ready to resign his
office for the sake of peace.5 But the advice was thrown away
on Benedict. He said that for him to give up his papacy
would be mortal sin ;(! that, if he did anything of the kind, there
would be no keys in the Church, unless God became incarnate
again and gave them a second time ; that, if the whole world
advised him to give way and he thought he ought not to give
way, he would not give way ;7 and he told his advisers that he
would put them where they would not see the sun for the rest
of their days.8 The Council broke up on March ist, 1409,°

1 D'ACHERY, vi., 238. 2 MART., ANEC., n., 1474. Scotland was
not represented, propter distantiam magnam et notoria pericula. — Ibid.,
1481; SPONDE, 717. MILMAN, v., 459, thinks that they had not time.
:( HARDT, in., 1249; or 18, according to LABBE, XL, pt. 2, 3008 ( =
2108), followed by HEFELE, vi., 990; see also HARDOUIN, vn., 1955;
MART., COLL., vn., 915; ANEC., n., 1538; RTA., vi., 679. It is
usually represented that all the members left Perpignan except 18. — MAS-
LATRIE, 1313 ; MILMAN, v., 454; but this is not consistent with MART.,
ANEC., n., 1481, where Boniface Ferrer says totutn concilium concorditer
nemine discrepante ; cf. per omncs dc concilia subscripta. — RAYN., xvn.,
390. 4 GERSON, i., xxiv. ; SCHWAB, 217. -"'MART., COLL., vn., 1146.
6 LETTER OF PIERRE D'AILLY in BRANDO, 142. 7 HARDT, in.. 1250.
These official statements are ignored by HEFELE, vi., 990, and CREIGH-
TOX, i., 196, who represent that Benedict did as he was advised.
* HARDT, in., 1250; RAYN., xvn., 362; CHRLSTOPHE, in., 290; J. C.
ROBERTSON, vn., 251. 9 MURAT., III.. IL, 824: not Mar. 26th. as
i IM ILK, vi. ; RTA., vi., 477.

346 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

and four days afterwards,1 Benedict sent his last word from
Perpignan to the Cardinals before their Council met at Pisa.
He hoped that what he had to say would not seem hard and
bitter, but he called them traitors and deserters, and told them
that any one who proposed or supported the election of
another Pope would be deposed and excommunicated. His
bull caused great satisfaction - to the dissenting Cardinals,
for it proved officially that Benedict had really received his
summons to the Council at Pisa, though he had seen fit to
ignore it.

On July 2nd, i4o8,3 Gregory put out a letter from Lucca, in
which he summoned Rupert and other kings, dukes, nobles,
princes, and heads of universities to attend a General Council
which he would hold somewhere 4 in the province of Aquileia,
on the Gulf of Trieste, at Whitsuntide, May 26th, 1409. But
his protests were treated as his " usual lies ";5 his name was
not seriously mentioned in calculations of the future ; 6 at the
Assumption festivities at Rome (Aug. 1 5th)7 the minstrels were
forbidden to wear his arms ; and no one was allowed to speak
of him as Pope. Churchmen and laymen alike abandoned
him as a crazy brain-sick old man, with one foot in the pit,8

1 MART., COLL., vn., 985; MONSTR., n., 24. 2 MART., COLL., vn.,
T093 5 SCHWAB, 239; HEFELE, vi., 1022. SL/ABBE, XL, pt. 2, 3002
( = 2102); HARDOUIN, vn., 1949; HARL. MS., 431, 96; MART., ANEC.,
ii., 1417; RAYN., xvn., 332; SCHWAB, 214; HEFELE, vi., 912. In
RTA., vi., 263, 275, 499, 507, the date is July 5th (but July 2nd,
ibid., vi., 277); HOFLER, RUPR., 410, wrongly gives July 8th. 4 Capua
and Ephesus were also mentioned as possible alternatives. — MART.,
ANEC., ii., 1417 ; not Rimini, as PERRENS, vi., 173. In qua nullus
locus determinatus exprimitur. — RTA., vi., 678, 691. In uno loco vel
alio. — Ibid., vi., 277. 5 " Mendaciis solitis." — MART., COLL., vn., 822.
6 Ibid., 818. 7PETRi, 996. 8Caecus deliransque senex jam pedem in
fovea retinens. — HARL. MS., 431, 101 (91 b) ; MART., COLL., vn.,
850.

1408.] Siena. 347

and a maziness1 in his totty2 bald head. The threats and toil
and worry and abuse of the last two years had told 3 upon him ;
his life was but smoke and scorching wind ; he longed to put
off its cares and burdens ; 4 and the ghastly pallor5 of his face led
all to think that death was not far off. At his election 6 it had
been believed that he would not live through another year,
and the stars now foretold that he should die before this year
was done ; " but he outlived all the prophecies, and proved that
he had mischief in him yet. At first he refused to leave Lucca;8
but on July i4th,° he moved out on his way to Siena, and of the
three wavering Cardinals, who had up till now supported him,
only one continued with him still.10 A silver cross n was borne
before him, and the Holy Sacrament was carried, as usual,12 on
a mule. But at the first halt at Monte Carolo 13 in the woods
outside of Lucca, the attendants drank too much of the good
wine of the place. They shouted : "Oh be joyful in the
Lord ! " the subdeacon lost the silver cross and carried the
empty stick, while the mule got driven into a ditch, where it
lay for two hours half-dead. Next night they saw a comet ;
the Pope and all the party passed a sleepless night ; and when

1 Homo vertiginis morbo laborans. — Ibid., vn., 828. Pone modum
phrenesi. — NIEM, 434. Cf. the jeering letter (dated July iyth, 1408), qui
testam tuam calvam phantasiis implendo rotat et rotatam prascipitat,
confundens cerebellum tuum transformavit in petram. — NIEM, 525. Cf.
My mased head slepeles hath of kunnyng and witte dispoyled. — HOCCL.,
DE REG., 5. But as it were a mased thing. — CHAUC. (S.), i., 277. As
mased folk they stonden everich on. — MAN OF LAW, 5098. Al amasid
in myn hed.— LYDGATE, TEMP. GLAS, 66. But gone amased all about. —
GOWER, CONF., 280, 314. 2 CHAUC., REEVE'S TALE, 4251. 3MART.,
COLL., vn., 1077. 4NiEM, 436; LENFANT, 188. 5 NIEM, 215. slbid.,
151. ~ MART., COLL., vn., 879. 8 PETRI, 995. 9 DELAYTO, 1049;
SOZZOMENO, 1192; NIEM (183) says that he stayed in Lucca till the
beginning of August, 1408; but on p. 215 he says that he left Lucca
about the end of June. 10 MART. ANEC., n., 1430 ; SERCAMBI, 893 ;
CREIGHTON, I, 195; NIEM (530) writing from Lucca on July 23rd, 1408,
says that there were only two Cardinals with Gregory at Siena, and
that they were wavering. n SPONDE, 707. 12 MVRAT., in., pt. 2, 820.
13 NIEM, 527-529.

348 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

they reached Siena, they had to beg permission to enter the
town as suppliants with empty purses and hungry stomachs.

At Siena, Bishop Chichele1 and Sir John Cheyne had
arrived as envoys from England, and were received with special
honour. '2 On Aug. ist, 1408, Gregory's Cardinals addressed a
despatch to King Henry in England, roundly railing at the
apostate Cardinals for their treason, blasphemy, perfidy, in-
fidelity, and heresy. Gregory, they said, was quite ready to
call a Council; but the others were making up a lot of lies, and
Henry was warned not to be snared in their impious tricks
and wiles.:i On both sides new Cardinals 4 were being created
in batches, and amongst a long list of Gregory's men appears
the name of Philip Repingdon, Bishop of Lincoln,5 who re-
ceived the purple at Siena, Sept. i8th, i4o8.6 He had long ago

1 In TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 54, he is called Bishop of St. David's
in Scotland (sic), and the Archbishop of Canterbury (possibly Bishop
Repingdon) is said to have been with him at Lucca. 2 HARL. MS.,
431, 25 (14 b). 3 Plurima mendacia confingentes . . . ab impio-
rum astuciis decipi seduci fraudibus et erroribus implicari, &c. —
HARL. MS., 431, 99 (67); EUL., m., 413. 4 HARL. MS., 431, 24 (14).
5 He received the temporalities of Lincoln, March 23rd, 1405, to
date from March i4th. — PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, n ; RYM., viu., 393. He
was consecrated Mar. 2gth, 1405. — GODWIN, i., 296; u., 374; STUBBS,
REG., 65, from which date his Institutions begin. For silver chrismatory,
basins, red altar cloth, and six blue copes given by him to Lincoln
Cathedral, see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIII., 10, 21, 37, 56. He was succeeded
at Leicester by Richard Rotheley, who was elected Abbot on May 3rd,
1405 (PAT., 6 H. IV., 2, 28), on a conge d'elirc, dated Apr. i3th, 1405. —
Ibid., m. 26. In REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., July 7th, 1408, Leicester
Abbey is called St. Marie de Pratell'. 6 PANVINIO, 272 ; CIAC., n., 769 ;
PARKER, 252; GODWIN, i., 296; n., 374; CHRISTOFERI, 75, 369 (SS.
Nereo et Achilleo) ; not May 3rd, as RAYN., xvu., 345; nor 1420, as
LEWIS, 218. In HARL. MS., 431, 101 (91 b) the dissentient Cardinals
writing from Pisa (Sep. 23rd, 1408) announce that their representatives
heard of the election of new Cardinals before they entered Siena on Sep.
igth, 1408, and they beg of Repingdon not to accept the dignity. F.
WILLIAMS (n., 31) says that he was "sent to the Council of Pisa by
Pope Gregory;" but his account is hopelessly inaccurate. The writer
in CH. QUARTERLY REV., xix., 77, assumes that he accompanied Gregory
in " his romantic adventures," because he was absent from Lincoln at
the time.

1408.] Cardinal Repingdon. 349

recanted his Lollardry,1 had been four times Chancellor of Ox-
ford University,2 was reputed one of the most learned men of
his time,3 was King Henry's Confessor4 and intimate friend,5
and on the battlefield at Shrewsbury, when the fight was done,
the King had taken a ring from his own finger and sent it to
him by special messenger as a token that he was alive and
well.0 The papal compliment was doubtless personally gratify-
ing to the King and Repingdon, but it had no effect in shaping
England's policy.

Several notable Englishmen " are known to have been at
Lucca during the memorable month of May, 1408, and all of
them took sides with the dissenting Cardinals. One of them
was William Colchester,8 Abbot of Westminster, and another

1 Viz., Oct., 2ISt, 1382. — LOND. AND MlD. ARCH^OL. TRANS., III.,

536 ; THOMPSON, 157 ; or Nov. 24th, 1383. — FULLER, i., 255 ; PITS, 586 ;
RYM., vii., 363. 2 Viz., in 1397, 1400, 1401, 1402. — WOOD, n., 401;
MUN. ACAD., i., 237. 3 Literis suo seculo commendatissimus. — BALE,
501. For a volume of his sermons presented to St. Catherine's Hall
at Cambridge by the founder Robert Woodlark, circ. 1470, see CAMB.
ANTIQ. Soc. PROCEEDINGS, i., 3. For a volume now at Lincoln Coll.,
Oxford, see CHURCH QUARTERLY REV., xix., 72. 4 ROT. SCOT., n., 172 a,
July gth, 1404; ROT. PARL., HI., 669; RYM., vni., 364. 5 Vol. I., p. 199.

6 TANNER, BIBL. BRIT.-HIB., s. v., p. 622, from VITEL., F., 17, 42 b.

7 Viri non modicas auctoritatis.— NIEM, 461, writing at Lucca on April 27th,
1408. 8 So named in MALVERN (HIGDEN, ix., 89); AD QUOD DAMN., 353
(1405); see also CLAUS., n H. IV., 18 d, Mar. ist, 1410; HIST. MSS.,
loth REPT., vi., 100. The mistakes in NEWCOURT, i., 716, and DART,
n., xxxii., are corrected in MONAST., i., 276. He had been with
Richard II. in Ireland, though he was afterwards one of the witnesses
at his resignation. — ANN., 248, 252; WALS. , n., 232, 234. In CLAUS.,
13 H. IV., i, 14, May i8th, 1412, is a reference to William, Abbot of
Westminster, and Richard Harnden, one of his monks, who went out
to Harrow-on-the-Hill on Friday after Ascension, 1411, with bows and
arrows, and swords, and sticks, and seized a horse valued at 405., alleg-
ing that Richard II. gave the manor of Northall (now Northolt. — LYSONS,
in., 309; MONAST., i., 326) to the Abbot, and that John, the owner of the
horse, was a naif of the King (pertinens ad nuineriuni), and therefore of
the Abbot. John claimed to be a freeman, and the matter was referred
to Judge Gascoigne for decision. Abbot Colchester died in Oct., 1420. —
NEALE AND BRAYLEY, i., 87. For his monument in St. John's Chapel,
Westminster Abbey, see GOUGH, in., 56; DART, i., 190; STOTHARD,
87 ; STANLEY, 355.

350 • Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. Lxxxi.

was his quondam prisoner,1 Thomas Newmarch,- ex-Bishop of
Carlisle, both of whom signed as witnesses3 at Pisa to the
appeal of the Cardinals against the Popes. Newmarch died a
few months afterwards,4 and his two English livings at Stur-

1 Vol. I., p. 109. 2 This I take to be the real translation of De Novo Mer-
catu, see HUNTER, i., 323 ; MONAST., in., 264 ; DUGD. , i., 435 ; ARCH^EO-
LOGIA, L., 329; LIB. NIG. SCAC., 169. In EUL., in., 387, he is Episcopus
Merk'. In BALE, 556; PITS, 591 ; followed by HOLINS., n., 542 ; HOOK,
iv., 467 ; he is said to have been born at Newmarket near Cambridge, but
this is probably only a guess. For a bible given by him to Robert
Stonham, Vicar of Oakham, see GIBBONS, 139. In a list of books given
to C. C. College, Cambridge, by Thomas Markaunt, in 1439, is Allgorismus
cum Magistro Thoma de Novo Mercatu exponendum. — CAMB. ANTIQ.
Soc., PROC. II., xiv., 18. The name Sumestre (Vol. I., p. 73) may
perhaps have arisen from his diocese Samastrensis. It occurs as Sum-
mayster (Wm.), Principal of Hart Hall, Oxford, 1463 (LE NEVE, i., 390,
611; in., 582), or Seurmaistre (John), Chancellor to the Duke of
Clarence, 1412 (TYLER, i., 277). Thus far I have failed to identify his
diocese of Samaston. It may perhaps be Samosata, now called Someisat
or Samsat on the Upper Euphrates, or Samaron on the western shore of
the Caspian (RUBRUQUIS or RUYSBROEK in PURCHAS, in., 49 ; see map in
BROCQUIERE). In NIEM, LIB. CANC., 35 (written in 1380), the Arch-
bishop of Caesarea has a suffragan Sebastensem qua? civitas vSebastia
scilicet alio nomine dicitur Samaria ; but Samaria was in the hands of
the Turks (ibid., 43). Samaria is called Sebaste or Semeron (ORIENT-
LATIN, i., 598) to distinguish it from Sebastis in Tarsus, which was
suffragan to the Archbishop of Sultanieh (NiEM, 38, 42). It may
possibly be Amasserah on the south shore of the Black Sea ( = Samas-
trensis in MAS-LATRIE, 2089). In APPLEYARD, in., 46, it is called
" Cephalonia in the isle of Samos." :' CONC., in., 293 ; MART., ANEC., n.,
1394. 4 I.e., before Jan. i3th, 1409. — GODWIN, n., 347 ; HUTCHINS, n., 133.
For supposed portrait of him, see HARL. MS., 1319; HOLT, vn. For
modern writers who believe in the genuineness of his supposed speech
in defence of Richard II., see BAYLEY (1825), p. 308, who calls him " the
single yet undaunted champion of his sovereign's cause;" also LORD
CAMPBELL (CHANCELLORS, i., 207) in 1848, who praises "the boldness,
lucid arrangement, close reasoning, and touching eloquence " of the
speech ; see also BEAMONT, p. 57 ; ROGERS, GASCOIGNE, LXXV. ;
LOND. AND MID. ARCH^OL. Soc., in., 541 (1871). STUBBS (n., 508)
is content to "see nothing improbable in it." FONBLANQUE (i., 191)
accepts it without enquiry, apparently because it is in Shakespeare.
In LABBE, XL, 2, 2217 ; HARDOUIN, VIIL, 101 ; D'ACHEKY, vi., 352 ;
Gulielmus (sic) olim Ep. Carleol. is said to have been present at
the Council of Pisa, though this may possibly be meant for William
Strickland.

1408.] Bishop Merks. 351

minster-Marshall1 in Dorsetshire, and Todenham 2 in North
Gloucestershire thereby became vacant. John Prophet, Keeper
of the Privy Seal, was in Italy at the time, and had an interview
with the malcontent Cardinals at Pisa ; for which presumption
Gregory declared him to have forfeited all his benefices in
England, which were believed 3 to bring him more than 3000
gold florins every year. Another Englishman who was on the
spot was Master Richard Dereham,4 Dean of the College of
St. Marti n-le-Grand in London,5 Warden of the King's Hall at
Cambridge,0 and Chancellor of Cambridge University." In
1402 he had helped to negotiate the marriage of the Lady
Philippa,8 and he was one of the four persons whose exclusion
from the royal hostel had been specially demanded by the
Parliament in I404.9 He now escaped from Lucca with the
Cardinals, and was deprived of all his offices by Gregory.10
But he had prudently chosen the winning side. Events were

1 In REC. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Oct. gth, 1408, Thomas Outon
(clerk) has custody of revenues of Sturminster-Marshall. In PAT., n
H. IV., i, 31, William Marnhull is vicar in Nov., 1409; also PRIV. SEAL,'
647/6494, March i3th, 1410. He was instituted Feb. 28th, 1410, having
exchanged with John Langthorne, whose institution dates from Oct.
23rd, 1409. — HUTCHINS, n. , 132. 2 REC. ROLL, 9 H. IV., PASCH., May
7th, 1408. He was made Rector of Todenham, Aug. i3th, 1404 (Goo-
WIN, n., 347, from REG. CLIFFORD, WIGORN., f. 18), the manor and
advowson of which belonged to the Abbot of Westminster. — ATKYNS,
778 ; MONAST., i., 325. :i Ut dicitur.— NIEM, 521, where he is called
Archdeacon Norfalsiae in ecclesia Saresbyriensi. His only connection
with Salisbury was that he held the prebend of Netherbury-in-Ecclesia
from 1402 till his death in 1416. — W. H. JONES, 407. His register
(HARL. MS., 431) contains copies of a large number of State papers,
referring to the events of 1408-9. 4 For a letter to him from Henry
IV., dated Windsor, Apr. i5th, 1405, see CLEOP., E., n., 61. 3 PRIV.
SEAL, 652/6908, June i6th, 1411 ; NEWCOURT, i., 306, 428 (1403, 1409) ;
MONAST., vi., 1324. 6 LE NEVE, in., 697; FULLER, 61. 7 LE NEVE,
in., 599; FULLER, UNIV. CAMB., 87; COOPER, ANN., i., 151. 8 ROY.
LET., i., 121 -r RYM., vni., 259; SILFVERSTOLPE, i., 130, 133; M. A. E.
GREEN, m., 348. 9 Vol. I., p. 410 ; ROT. PARL., in., 525 ; COTTON, 426.

10 CONC., III., 290, 2gi.

352 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

with him. He crossed at once to London and made sure of
his ground with King Henry, and after the Council had been
held at Pisa he became a Papal notary, passing frequently with
confidential messages between the Courts of Westminster and
Rome.1 He arrived in London on July 8th, i4o8,2 and had
an interview with the King on the nth.

Under the influence of Archbishop Arundel, who had
thrown in his lot with the French and the revolted Cardi-
nals,3 Henry's heart had been " most blessedly kindled with
zeal for the union of the Church,"4 and when he heard
how matters sped in Italy, he did not mince his words. He
would stand by the Cardinals if he had to shed his blood
or be brayed to bits for it.5 He would write to all the
Kings to support them, and would see to it that no man
should lose a benefice for being faithful to them. He did in
fact write a letter to King Rupert,0 but it is quite moderate
and diplomatic in tone, and inclines rather to support Gregory
than the Cardinals, though a side-note — (non emanavit) —
shows that it was never sent. From his subsequent action
it is clear that it was only with great reluctance that he ulti-
mately abandoned Gregory to his fate, and even after he

1 RYM., viii., 726. For reference to him esteant a present en nostre
service en la courte de Rome, see PRIV. SEAL, 649/6623, June 2ist,
1410. 2 Not 1409, as VEN. STATE PP., i., Ixxxviii., 50. HARL. MS.,
431, 102 (72), shows that he was back in Pisa before Sep. loth, 1408,
where he and the Archbishop of Bordeaux acted as the medium of com-
munication with England. :} RTA., 700, 701 ; LENFANT, 349. 4 CONC.,
in., 388. 5 Eciam si conscindi debeamus in frusta. — HARL. MS., 431, 26
(15 b). For a similar expression of Henry V., see CAPGR., DE ILLUSTR.
HENR., 121.

Cf. Lever me were that knyves kerve

My body shuld in pecis smalle. — CHAUC. (S.), i., 186.
To peces do me drawe.— Ibid., n., 179. Hackeden as small as morselis.
— WYCL. (A.), in., 197. For " bit " or " morsel," see TREVISA in HIGDEN,
vii., 186; CATHOL., 243; CHESTER PLAYS, n., 105, 107; WYCL. (M.), 171 ;
GOWER, CONF., 313, 409. 6 HARL. MS., 431, 28 (16 b) ; RTA., vi., 277.

1408.] Convocation. 353

had despatched his representatives to Pisa, he sent a message 1
to King Rupert assuring him that he had never formally
withdrawn obedience, but that he still looked upon Gregory as
his Pope, and had prayers said for him in his chapels every
day.

On June 24th, 1 408,2 messengers had started from
the Cardinals at Pisa formally announcing the rupture, and
bespeaking the support of England for their adventurous
policy. But Archbishop Arundel had already issued a
summons 3 from Lambeth, calling a special Convocation of the
clergy of his province4 to meet at St. Paul's on July 23rd and
decide upon the course that England should be advised to
take ; and many lords, knights, and others were summoned 5
to London to communicate with the Convocation as soon
as it should assemble. On the appointed day there were
13 Bishops present, and 200 Abbots and Priors, together with
the Chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge, many Doctors of
Laws, and Proctors for the clergy of the whole Southern
province.6 The King himself attended in person, together with
several of the lords. Archbishop Arundel, Bishops Beaufort,
Clifford, Hallum, Repingdon, and Stafford, nine Abbots, two
Priors, and 24 representatives of the lower clergy were deputed
to meet and discuss preliminaries. On Thursday, July 26th,
these delegates, together with a "not-easily-to-be-counted
multitude of men skilled in all knowledge of letters," were

1 RTA., vi., 475 ; CREIGHTON (i. , 200) is scarcely correct in repre-
senting that King Henry accepted the Council willingly. "2 CONC., in.,
290; HARL. MS., 431, 98. For a letter from the Cardinals to King
Henry, dated Leghorn, July i6th, 1408, see ibid., 431, 100 (68 b).
J Dated June 25th, 1408. — CONC., in., 308. 4 WALS., n., 279; CAPGR.,
296; WAKE, 347. 5 For payment to messengers, see Iss. ROLL, 9 H.
IV., PASCH., July nth, 1408. 6 RTA., vi., 276, from HARL. MS., 431,
27 (16), where the date is a little too early; HEFELE, vi., 924, 984.

z

354 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

entertained at Lambeth by the Archbishop, who regaled them
" most richly in every abundance of feasting," and the result was
announced in the Chapter House at St. Paul's, in the presence
of the King, on Sunday, July 29th. Each House had deliber-
ated apart, but, by God's inspiration, they had arrived at an
unanimous conclusion, which was curiously identical with an
order drawn out by the Council more than a month before.
They would not recommend subtraction of English obedience,
but they would try the effect of subtracting English money, and
keeping it at home till the union was effected. By this means
they " shut the Pope's hands," l and resolved that he should
neither give nor take anything in England, but that all his dues
should be kept back till there should be only one recognized
Head of the Church." A receiver, Dr. John Welbourn, had
been already appointed on July igth,2 to take charge of all
moneys claimed by the Pope; and on July 3oth,3 it was ordered
that these funds should be collected by officers nominated by
the King. The decision was announced by letter4 to Gregory,
and proclaimed with the royal sanction at Paul's Cross before
the sermon. Five representatives were chosen to notify the
Pope in person, viz., Bishop Beaufort, Abbot Prestbury of
Shrewsbury, Henry Lord Scrope, and the Chancellors of
Oxford and Cambridge Universities.5 And because no man
goeth a warfare at his own cost, their expenses were to be met

1 EUL., in., 412. Cf. "thus shulden rewmes stoppe first fruytes."—
WYCL. (A.), i., 248. For similar action of Sigismund in Hungary
and Bohemia in 1403, see ASCHBACH, i., 189, 218; PALACKY, III.,
i., 151. 2RYM., viii., 543. 3 CLAUS., 9 H. IV., i. 4 HARL. MS., 431,
30 (18), in RTA., vi., 277, where the date is wrongly assigned to the
beginning of June, 1408 ; see HEFELE, vi., 925. 5 HARL. MS.,
431, 25 (14 b), 26 (15 b), refers to them as on their way out. In
PARKER, 274, and WOOD, i., 207, this embassy is wrongly assigned
to 1413.

1408.] Subtraction of Dues. 355

by a special levy l of i£d. in the ;£, to be raised before
Michaelmas on all Church goods and benefices which were
liable to be taxed for the usual tenth. The Archbishop issued
his order to this effect from Lambeth on Aug. loth,- after
which he retired to Canterbury3 for the rest of the month.
But before the new rate was collected, he found it necessary
to pay a personal visit to some of the larger monasteries of
the West, probably with a view to enforce his policy wherever
there appeared any signs of unwillingness ; and we find him
at Winchester on Sep. 5th, Salisbury (Sep. 6th to loth),
Bruton (Sep. i2th), Glastonbury (Sep. isth), and Wells (Sep.
1 6th).

The same questions were considered by the Northern
Convocation at York on Aug. 2oth,4 but there remains no
record of their deliberations.

Meantime the breach between Pope Gregory and the
Cardinals grew daily wider, and amounted soon to open war,5
to the huge amusement of Jews, heathen and profane on-
lookers. The Cardinals sent messengers to the Pope, but he
obstinately refused to see them,6 and fired up at the notion
that he would stoop to such trash 7 as an appeal to a Council.
They suggested that he should submit the question to the
lawyers of Bologna; but he answered : "I am Pope, and have
not to submit to any one. Yes, I am above the law, and you

1 Bicester Priory paid £4. 153. 2fd. — BLOMFIELD, BICESTER, 163.
Exeter College, Oxford, paid iyd. in 1408 ambasciatoribus electis pro
unione in Ecclesia Dei. — BOASE, EXON., pp. xv., 14. 2CoNc., in., 311.
3 For documents dated at Canterbury, Aug. i5th, i8th, 26th, ajth, 28th,
1408, see PAT., 9 H. IV., 2, 3, 4, 5, and GLAUS., 9 H. IV., 3. 4 CONC.,
in., 319. 5 MONTREUIL (1430) says that one man will meet with another
and say with a laugh : Die tu equitator quomodo se habet guerra papae
adversus cardinales. 6 MART., ANEC., n., 1415 ; COLL., vn., 874, 1045 ;
HARL. MS., 431, 101 (91 b). 7 Uti frivolae. — SPONDE, 706.

356 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

must conform to my decision downright! "T He spent three
months at Siena,'2 and in the beginning of Nov., i4o8,3 crossed
with a diminished escort 4 of 100 mounted men to Rimini, where
he spent the winter weeping and crying out that he was in a
great strait. On May lyth, 1409,'* he sailed with his attenuated
court in two galleys for Chioggia. Avoiding Venice, where
little countenance would be shown him, he moved up to Civi-
dale,6 near Udine,7 to hold his Council or (as the Cardinals
called it) his "chair of pestilence."8 But though Catholics
and Schismatics were alike summoned, scarcely any re-
sponded to the call,9 and even his best friends foresaw that no
certain fruit could be predicted from it, and very little profit to
the peace of the Church.10 Those who did attend met in the
Collegiate Church of St. Mary n at Cividale del Friuli, on June
6th, I409,12 and declared Gregory to be the One True and Un-
doubted Pope. But by this time the success of the greater
Council at Pisa was assured, and the Undoubted Pope was

1 Ego sum Papa, nee habeo me alicujus subjicere consilio. Ymo ego
sum super jus, et meae sententiae debetis vos conformare in totum. — HARL.
MS., 431, 103 (81), Art. 14. 2 NIEM, 215 ; MART., ANEC., n., 1405, Oct.
5th, 1408. 3 MART., COLL., vn., 866, 880, 969; SILFVERSTOLPE, n.,
120, 129; HEFELE, vi., 923 ; CREIGHTON, i., 195. Yet in HARL. MS.,
43 1> 4 (3) it appears that the Archbishop of Rouen and unus alius
Archiepiscopus de Arragona (? Tarragona) arrived at Siena on Nov.
23rd, and together with the Archbishop of Tours and another French
Bishop had an interview with Gregory in the Cathedral on St. Cathe-
rine's day (Nov. 25th, 1408). 4 DELAYTO, 1051. r> MURAT., xvm., 597 ;
DELAYTO, 1086. MART., COLL., 1061, 1067, shows that he was still at
Rimini on April 26th, 1409. 6 HOFLER, RUPRECHT, 442 ; J. C. ROBERT-
SON, vn., 250 ; called Cividad di Frioul in LENFANT, 295. Cf. " Civitas
Nostr" (i.e., Austriae), or " Guydel." — DERBY ACCTS., LXXV., 210. 260,
310. 7 Zur Widen in Fryul. — JANSSEN, i., 139; RTA., vi., 467. 8 Sedem
pestilentiae. — MART., COLL., vn., 1098; HARDT, n., 306; PSALM i., i ;
VAUGHAN, i., 178. 9Nemo ad illud accessit. — DELAYTO, 1086 ; LENFANT,
295. 10 See the letter of Carolo Malatesta to the Council at Pisa. — MART.,
COLL., vn., 1151. URAYN., xvn., 388 ; RENIERI, 83. 12 RTA., vi., 341 ;
SCHWAB, 246; HEFELE, vi., 1036. Not "after the Council of Pisa had
closed its sittings," as RAMSAY, i., 120. NEANDER (ix., 103) Calls it " an
insignificant farce."

1409.] Cividale. 357

left to fulminate amongst a very few supporters indeed. It is
noteworthy, however, that in one of his last efforts to arrange
a compromise with his rivals, dated at Cividale on Sep. 5th,
1 409,! he named Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, as a
delegate to represent him; but whether the English bishop
consented to act does not appear.

Gregory's position had now become perilous. On Aug.
2 2nd, '2 Venice declared against him; the last sitting at Civi-
dale took place on Sept, 5th;3 he was reduced to absolute
want,4 and could only escape disguised as a merchant with two
attendants, and drop down the river in a galley to the open
sea. Thence he sailed to Ortona 5 in Abruzzo Citra, crossed
the hills to Fondi, and settled for a time in Gaeta,6 in the hands
of King Ladislas.7 Here he was surrounded by a small court,
and some few favoured him in Liguria, ^Emilia, and Tuscany.
Finding, however, that Ladislas was secretly making terms with
his rival John XXIII. at Rome, he took ship for Ancona,8 to rest
under the protection of his loyal follower, Carolo di Malatesta.1'

In pursuance of their determination the Cardinals at Leg-
horn had braced in earnest for the inevitable struggle. They
satisfied themselves that they were right in law by quotations

1 RAYN., xvn., 390; LENFANT, 297; HEFELE, vi., 1038. >2SozzoM.,
1196; RTA., vi., 345; DELAYTO, 1087, who says that the English
envoys formed part of the deputation to Venice after the Council closed
at Pisa. :J RTA., vi., 341, 574. 4 NIEM, 237 ; in pauperrimo statu
detentus. — BRANDO, 127. In a letter dated June 28th, 1409, he is re-
ported to be a fugitive, living in the castle of a squire, et est valde
miserabiliter. — MART., COLL., VIL, 1118. In a letter to King Rupert,
dated Sep. ist, 1409, he announces his determination to leave Cividale,
necessitate nos ad praesens multipliciter urgente. 5 NIEM, 240; SPONDE,
717 ; RAYN., xvn., 390, 394. ANTONINUS (in., cxxvii.) quite misunder-
stands his movements. 6 For a letter from him dated Gaeta, June 5th,
1410, see SILFVERSTOLPE, ti., 306. "In manibus regis Ladislai. — MART.,
COLL., vii., 1163, 1166, 1170; NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 17; SPONDE, 717 ;

JUSTINGER, 211 ; ANTONINUS, III., CXVIII. 8 NlEM, in MEIBOM, I., 17 ;

CREIGHTON, i., 245. 9 BRANDO, 96.

358 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

from Aristotle's Ethics,1 and they argued that they could call
a General Council without Emperor or Pope, because Christ
had sanctioned the meeting of two or three together — not in
Peter's, but "in My name";'2 nevertheless, it was evident that of
the three competing Councils success would fall to the biggest
and best disciplined battalions. On June 3oth, i4o8,3 13 of
the Cardinals bound themselves to act together in all things
till the Schism was at an end. On July ist, they issued an
order calling upon the faithful to withhold all dues 4 that had
been previously paid to Gregory, believing that when he found
himself stripped of these supplies, his obstinacy would soon
break up.

In England, as elsewhere, this advice had already been
acted out, and there is extant an order dated June 24th,
i4o8,5 forbidding Lawrence, Bishop of Ancona,6 the Papal
Collector in England, to raise any money as Peterpence or
first-fruits on benefices, or to take any gold or silver out of the
country, whether in plate or in mass. The same policy was
followed in Guienne ; 7 and many places that had not yet taken
sides threw in their lot with the rebellious Cardinals, believing
that, whichever way things went, they could not be worse, and
that God would perhaps have pity on His Church and not
suffer it to perish for ever.8 Waverers came in as the case
grew stronger, and by Oct. nth,0 eight more Cardinals had
given in their adhesion. All possibilities were carefully thought

1 GERSON, n., 112; MART., ANEC., n., 1410; COLL., vn., 909.
2 SCHWAB, 222 ; CRRIGHTON, i., 210. 3 MART., COLL., VIL, 798.
4 D'AcHERV, vi., 192; HARL. MS., 431, 95. Alle renthe synir kamir. —
POSILJE, 290. r'Vol. III., p. 354; GLAUS., 9 H. IV., n ; RTA., vi.,
507 ; not June i4th, as RVM., VIIL, 540. 6 HARL. MS., 431, 92. 7 For
what to do with money and plate belonging to the Pope during the
coming subtraction of obedience, see JURADE, 356, Sep. i2th, 1408.
s MART., COLL., VIL, 810. y Ibid., 803.

1408.. Invitations. 359

out, and all contingencies minutely provided for. The Council
was to be called in the name of the two combined colleges of
Cardinals, and was to include Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots,
Cathedral Chapters, and Universities, and the heads of the Car-
thusians, the Celestines, and the four Mendicant orders. Kings
and Princes were to send deputies and guarantee the safety of
all in transit through their dominions. In this sense, letters
were despatched1 from Leghorn and Pisa to King Rupert, -
the Duke of Austria,3 the Doge of Venice,4 the Emperor of the
East,5 the Kings of France, Castile, Aragon,0 Sicily, Navarre,"
Bohemia,8 Hungary,9 Portugal,10 and Poland. The Duke of
Albany received an invitation as Governor of Scotland, and
King Henry was pressed not only by means of a formal intima-
tion,11 but by letters addressed from Bologna, both to himself
and Archbishop Arundel, by the Archbishop of Milan, who for-
warded copies of letters written in the names ol the Kings of
France and Sicily, the Counts of Gorz and Cilli, the University
of Paris, and others, as evidence that all parties were combining
to support the action of the Cardinals.12

Still there were difficulties yet to be overcome, and the
issues of the coming Council were seen to be big with
possibilities of danger. 1:! There was some hesitancy as to the
place of meeting. If Gregory would not have Pisa, might it
not be possible to meet him at Rimini or Forli or Mantua or
Bologna?14 King Wenzel wrote from Wratislaw on Nov. 24th,

1 RTA., vi., 418. For messenger sent from Pisa, Sep. ist, 1408, to
Wadstena, see SILFVEKSTOLPE, n., 57. - RTA., vi., 490, 508. '•' MART.,
COLL., vir., 908. 4 Ibid., 886. 3 /&/«/., 862. « He claimed also to be
King of the Islands of the Mediterranean, though Sardinia was almost
all in revolt. — GAMEZ, 166 ; MART., ANEC., L. 1705. "MART., COLL.,
VIL, 795. 8 RTA., vi., 344. !) MART., COLL., VIL, 860. '" Ibid., 1000.
"Vol. III., p. 353, note 2. 12 MART., COLL., VIL, 815-817; HARL.
MS., 431, 29 (18) ; RTA., vi., 462. 13 MART., COLL., VIL, 966. 14 Ibid.,
971, 993, 1006.

360 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

that he would gladly send representatives to Pisa if the
Cardinals would guarantee that he should be treated as the
true and rightful King of the Romans.1 King Rupert2 had
been often urged to step forward like some of his great
predecessors, and compel union in spite of the Popes by calling
a Council in his own right,3 as the Church's highest Officer,
Advocate and Defender,4 from whom all her endowments and
power were derived;5 but he was lukewarm and faint-hearted,"
and thought there was no living away from Heidelberg.7 He
assembled his lords and bishops, however, at Nuremberg on
Oct. 2ist, 1408,* and decided to wait the deliberations of a
Diet that would meet at Frankfort early in the following year.

1 MART., COLL., vn., 891. Under the influence of Ladislas he had
declined negotiations with Gregory in Dec., 1407.— -NiEM, 461. 2 He
never received the Imperial Crown from the Pope (TRITHEIM, n.,
310), though he is reckoned as the thirty-fourth Emperor in URSPERG. ,
371, and called Rex et Imperator Romanorum in DELAYTO, 964, 987.
For his coronation at Cologne (not Aix-la-Chapelle, as CORNER, 1182)
on January 6th, 1401 (not Nov. nth, as WINDECKE, 1083), see CHMEL,
vi.; NEUSS, 596; FROIS., iv., cxx. ; MEYER, 218; URSPERG., UNT., 284 ;
PANTALEON, 360; ZANTFLIET, 359; PONTANUS, 340; RTA., iv., 239-
258, 315; HAUSSER, i., 220; HOFLER, 182; ENNEN, in., 138. For
previous negotiations between his father and Richard II. see RYM., vn.,
854; HAUSSER, i., 209; HOFLER, 137. In Dec., 1400, Henry IV. appears
in the list of his supporters. — RTA., iv., 220. For draft of a proposed
treaty between him and Henry IV. in 1402, see HARL. MS., 431, 150;
RTA., v., 338. 3 ZABARELLA, 545, 547 ; ERLER, 137. 4 JANSSEN, i., 144.
5 WYCL., DE OFF. REG., 36, 139, 143, 202. H Cf. " pusillanimis et
effaeminatus," " desides et effaeminati," " pigri et desides principes,"
" effaeminato Sardanapalo apud Rhenum jam diu cubando negligentia
et desidia." — NIEM, 154, 463, 468, 473, 475, 478 ; HEFELE, vi., 929.
He was known as Clem, i.e., the Small or the " Nigh." — JANSSEN, i.,
66; HOFLER, 176; MEYER, 218. He is called Due de Heleberge in
FROIS., iv.. cxx., p. 322 ; cf. ZANTFLIET, 365. 7 Extra Heydelburgam
non est vita. — NIEM, 474; HOFLER, 411; LENZ, 12, 89; ERLER, 165.
He was at Heidelberg, Nov. 2gth, 1408, Feb. i2th (RTA., vi., 465, 565),
March 23rd (ibid., 496), Apr. gth (HR., v., 463), June igth (RTA., vi.,
568), July ist, 15th (HR., v., 466, 533), Aug. 3rd, i8th (ibid., 467), 2oth,
2ist, 25th (RTA., vi., 478, 479), Sep. 2nd (ibid., 4,86), Nov. 2ist, 1409
(HR., v., 469), Jan. 2oth, 2ist, 23rd, March 2nd, 1410 (ibid., 470).
8 MART., COLL., vn., 889.

1408.] Obstacles. 361

King Sigismund of Hungary sought to gain a little time by
fruitless efforts l to reconcile Gregory and the Cardinals, and in-
duced the Doge of Venice to wait till he had made up his mind.
The King of Aragon, who had married a relative of Benedict's,2
excused himself on the ground that his own Pope was holding
a Council already at Perpignan.3 But, in spite of obstacles, the
French pressed matters eagerly on.4 They sent a messenger,
Robert Heremite,5 to Scotland, to secure, if possible, a representa-
tion from that country at the Council; and as he passed through
England, he delivered letters of encouragement from the
University of Paris, addressed to Archbishop Arundel and the
University of Oxford. By Nov. 6th, the French had selected
more than 120 of their Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors,
Doctors in Theology, Doctors in Law, and notable gradu-
ates, to represent them at the coming Council.6 Every
holder of a benefice had to pay his share 7 of the
expense ; and the bishops could call in the help of the secular
arm where contributions were refused. Lodgings8 were be-
spoken at Pisa, as a great multitude of visitors was expected,
and it was a question of sending on provisions ° beforehand, in
view of the certainty of serious scarcity.

1 MART., COLL., VH., 886, 969, 1002. A messenger from Sigismund to
Gregory had been at Lucca before April 27th, 1407. — NIEM, 461. 2 ART
DE VER., i., 757. :{ MART., COLL., vn., 890. 4 Ibid., 898, 922. 5 For
his instructions, dated Oct. 27th, 1408, see HARL. MS., 431, 91 (53 b).
tj MART., COLL., vn., 883 ; HEFELE, vi., 919, 988 ; not counting the
provinces of Aries, Embrun and Aix, whose representatives were chosen
later. — MART., COLL., vn., 914. Boniface Ferrer says that they were all
compelled to attend per notoriain inipn'ssionem. — MART., ANEC., n., 1463.
For orders dated Jan. 2nd, and 8th, 1409, requiring the French representa-
tives to be at Pisa by Mar. 25th, 1409, see ORDONNANCES, ix., 411. The
population of France was then estimated at 700,000. — MONTREUIL, 137 j.
7 BAYE, i., 274 ; MART., COLL., vn., 914. s " They take logginge in the
town."— GOWER, CONK ., 335. 9 MART., COLL., vn., 899. For 300 florins
borrowed from a Lucca merchant, May, 1409, see BAYE, i., 313.

362 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

In the opening months of 1409 all obstacles seemed
breaking down, and so many adhesions1 were coming in that
the Cardinals felt assured that the mere numbers attending
their Council would astonish2 both the contending3 Popes.
Yet there were still some minds snared in Satan's net,4 and
as rumours were abroad that the Cardinals were even now
repenting their temerity, some of them started on distant
journeys to strengthen the unsteady. Everywhere they were
received with great respect as men of God and messengers of
peace.5 As they ambled their white mules ° through the towns
on their route, sometimes with a full-dress Doctor in Theology T
sitting pillion 8 like a woman behind, the townsfolk and
magistrates streamed out and escorted them in solemn pro-
cession. The people thronged the streets and windows,
made them presents of food and drink, and offered the courtesies
of hospitality. We have still an interesting portion of a diary
kept by one of them, Landulf Maramaldo, Archbishop of Ban',11
who left Pisa on Nov. 5th, I4o8,10 and travelled in the depth of
winter by Constance, Basle, Strasburg,11 and Mayence,12 to
Frankfort, to be present at the Diet that met there on Sunday,
Jan. 1 3th, 1409. 13 King Rupert was lodged at Sachsenhausen,14

1 For Navarre, see MONTREUIL, 1364. 2 MART., COLL., vn., 991.
3 This useful word was started by the French.— RTA., vi., 686. 4 MART.,
COLL., vn., 906, 947. 5 Ibid.,8gg ; CLEOP., E., n., 65 ; DELAYTO, 1079 ;
RTA., vi., 349, 464, 700; SCHWAB, 216. 6 Upon a mule white amblaunte.
— GOWER, CONF., 116, 335. For "ambler" see CHAUC., PROL., 471.
7 MONSTR., i., 349. 8 HOLT, 174; LANGLEY, 179, 183, 203. 9 JANSSEN,
i., 137 ; RTA., vi., 464, 467 ; NIEM, 220 ; ERLER, 183 ; LENFANT, i.,
351 ; CHRISTOPHE, in., 282, 295. He died at Constance, Oct., 1415, and
is buried in the Church of the Black Friars there. — CIAC., n., 653.
10 RTA., vi., 306; HEFELE, vi., 930. » RTA., vi., 349-355; HOFLEK,
414. 12 RTA., vi., 359, 360. la Ibid., 306, 313, 358; MART., COLL.,
vn., 905 ; GOBELIN, 327 ; SCHWAB, 216 ; HEFELE, vi., 930; CREIGHTON,
i., 200; ASCHBACH, i., 275; ERLER, 184; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 251 ;
not Jan. i8th, as HOFLER, 413. 14 CHMEL, 169 ; RTA., vi., 313, 367, 369.
He was at Frankfort on Jan. 2ist, 1409.— HR., v., 448.

1409.] Diet at Frankfort. 363

and the Frankforters supplied him with wood for baking his
bread, and harbourage for man and beast.1 Cardinal Landulf
appeared before the meeting, accompanied by Doctor Robert
Fronzola,2 to argue his case. He was well received by
the majority of those present, but he could make no way
against the pleading of Pope Gregory's nephew, the newly
created Cardinal Antonio Corraro, Bishop of Porto,3 who was
there to advocate the other side; and after some weeks of hesi-
tation 4 Rupert finally declared for Gregory, on March 3rd,
I409.5 Finding himself balked at Frankfort, I^andulf went
on to Prague, where he met with more success. On Jan. 22nd,
1409,° Wenzel formally withdrew his obedience from Gregory ;
and on Feb. i6th,7 he agreed to send representatives to the
Council on receiving a promise that whoever should be chosen
Pope at Pisa would recognize him as King of the Romans, and
bring all his censures to bear to crush, demolish, and exter-
minate Rupert. Wenzel's representatives were appointed at
Prague on March i5th,8 and by March 28th9 Landulf was at
Bologna on his return to take his place at the Pisan Council.

The Cardinal selected to visit England was Francesco
Uguccione,10 a native of Urbino,11 who had been for the last

1 JANSSEN, i., 136; RTA., vi., 358, 363. 2 For his speech see RTA.,
vi., 319, 422-444 ; LENFANT, 330, 1408 ; called Franzola in HEFELE, vi.,
932. 3jANSSEN, i., 139 ; RTA., vi., 318, 371, 467. 4 Rex vero aliquanto
hesitantior est. — RTA., vi., 464. 5 DELAYTO, 1086. 6 PALACKY, Doc.,
348. 7 Ibid., 364-368; JANSSEN, i., 144, 150; RTA., 583, 596, 700, 702;
HEFELE, vi., 929 ; ASCHBACH, i., 276; PELZEL, 2 ; URKUNDENBUCH, 126,

129; HoFLER, RUPR., 422 ; HoFLER, HUS, 213; PALACKY, III., I., 240.

8 PALACKY, Doc., 368. 9 MURAT., xvin., 596. U)VEN. STATE PP., i.,
50; — variously called Hugocio, Hugotion, Hugocionio, de Huguccionis,
de Uguccione, or de Aguzzonis. — GALL. CHRIST., n., 839; CIAC., n.,
726 ; CHRISTOFERI, 152 ; RAYN., xvn., 349 ; LENFANT, i., 270 ; LOPES,
IL, 281-287 (from Archives de I'hopital de Libourne) ; JURADE, 9; GER-
SON, i., xxv.; GASTON DE LABORIE, 6; BARTHE, 12; RIBADIEU, 166.
11 Not of England, as MONSTR., i., 349 ; LENFANT, i., 350.

364 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

20 years Archbishop of Bordeaux.1 He was reputed to be
a learned lawyer, had been made a Cardinal by Innocent
VII.,2 had visited Benedict at Savona,3 and was one of the
first to join the revolted Cardinals at Pisa.4 Thereupon
Gregory deposed him from his Archbishopric,5 and appointed
Jean de Montferrand 6 in his place ; but he paid no heed to
the sentence, and so long as there was a possibility of recon-
ciliation, he was regarded as the most prudent medium for
attempting it.7 With this view he went to Gregory at Siena,
but was unable even to obtain a hearing.8 As early as June
24th, 1408,° he had been selected to approach the
English Court, where he would be specially a persona grata,™
owing to his staunch fidelity to England's interest during the
late attack of the French in Guienne.11 On Sep. ioth,12 he was
with the Cardinals at Pisa, but before the end of the same
month he travelled to Paris,13 where he had repeated con-
ferences with the Erench Council, and being an active man

1 Not Bourges, as STOW, 336; HOLINS., n., 534; not "titular Arch-
bishop of Bordeaux," as REUMONT, n., 1140. - MAS-LATRIE, 1203.
3 NIEM, 180 (see SHEPHERD, 34), who says that he also went to Siena to
Gregory (laboriose pcrvenit), and tried to induce him to go to Savona
(multum importune, sero et mane). 4 RAYN., xvn., 339 ; NIEM, 494.
5 ROT. VASC., ii H. IV., 20 (Oct. 28th, 1409), has order to the Seneschal
of Guienne to disregard all processes or sentences against the Archbishop
of Bordeaux issued since May 3rd, 1408. 6 Who died Aug. i2th, 1410. —
LOPES, ii., 285 ; BARTHE, 17. 7 RAYN., xvn., 325 ; ARET., EP., i., 63.
8 MART., COLL., vn., 865. 9 CONC., in., 191 j ST. DENYS, iv., 64. On
July 23rd, 1408, he had a long talk with Niem at Lucca, whence he
started for Pietra Santa to take ship for Gascony, intending afterwards
to visit England. Niem was then an old man (senio confractus). He
had had 30 years' personal knowledge of the Papal Court, and was just
finishing his Nemns Unionis, and praying that God would send some
steady weather after the storm that he saw ahead. — NIEM, 531. 10 Amici
mei merito prjedilecti.— MART., COLL., vn., 887; RYM., vin., 568. n For
his letters to Henry IV., dated April 2ist, May ioth, June 3Oth, July i3th
and 22nd, 1406, see JURADE, 87-93; Vol. III., p. 77; cf. ROY. LET., i.,
438, which should probably be dated April i7th, 1401. 12 HARL. MS.,
431, 102 (72). 13 MONSTR., i., 349.

1408.] Cardinal Uguccioiie. 365

and a ready speaker,1 in spite of his great age,2 he did his best
to bring about an understanding between France and England
for common purposes.3 Accompanied by his secretary, the
saintly herd-boy Pey Berland,4 who had just been ordained
priest at 32 years of age, he crossed the Channel from Calais,5
and arrived in England about the beginning of November,
1408, bringing with him a letter6 addressed to Archbishop
Arundel from the Patriarch Simon de Cramaud and many
Archbishops, Bishops and Abbots assembled in Paris. It was
written in elegant Latin, padded out with the usual imagery
about the ship and the storm and the haven in sight, and told
how the French had decided to send representatives to Pisa,
and hoped for the Archbishop's co-operation, both to secure
a present success for the Council and a subsequent peace
between England and France.

The aged Cardinal was met on landing by a retinue of lords
and bishops, and escorted to London with great display." The
King received him, crowned and throned, at Westminster. As
he entered the Hall, he laid aside his scarlet hat.8 Advancing
to the centre of the floor he doffed his hood,9 and as he ap-
proached the King, he lowered half of it to the ground and bowed-

1 Vir potens in opere et sermone. — WALS., n., 279. 2 Valde senex.
— NIEM, 180. 3 HARL. MS., 431, 76. 4 CORBIN, 18, 62 ; GASTON DE
LABORIE, 5; BARTHE, 15; called " Petrus Burdegalensis." — SPONDE,
705, 708; LENFANT, i., 188. 5 MONSTR., i., 350. 6 HARL. MS., 431, 56
(27). 7Iss. ROLL, 10 H. IV., MICH., Nov. 8th, 1408, has payment to
messenger to Bishop Bubwith at his palace at Dogmersfield near
Odiham in Hampshire, to meet the Cardinal on the day of his arrival,
and ride with him to London as other lords of the kingdom are ordered
to do. It is usually assumed that the park and palace of Dogmersfield
belonged to the Archbishops of Canterbury, but they were certainly the
property of the see of Bath and Wells; see HIST. MSS., roth KEPT., Pt.
II., passim ; MONAST., H., 257, 268 ; LEL., ITIN., n., 33, f. 40 ; ARCH^EO-
LOGIA, LIV., 35. * EUL., in., 412. 9 APOL., Qi. Thou woldest don of
thin hoode and kisse hys seal. — WYCL. (M.), 348. I dide of myn hood.
— CHAUC. (S.), i., 294. Don thyn hood.— Ibid., n., 218.

366 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

King Henry then rose, took him by the hand and kissed him.
A few days later he delivered a harangue in presence of the
King, the Prince,1 the Archbishops, and many bishops - and
nobles. He chose for his theme : " The word is to thee, O
King ! " from the story of the young prophet, who approached
Jehu with the words : " I have an errand to thee, O captain ! "
and poured the oil on his head ; — not, as he said, the oil of
deceit and smooth flattery, but the oil of knowledge and
clearness, and correct information ; 4 — and then he explained
the true state of things as to the action of the Cardinals, and
pleaded laudably and elegantly5 for the union of the Church.

All opposition was silenced, and even Sir John Cheyne and
Bishop Chichele,6 who held a brief for Gregory, did not dare
to open their lips. The Cardinal was assured that England
would promise her assistance, and send representatives to
the coming Council. On Nov. i2th, King Henry wrote to
Gregory, protesting his immense surprise7 at hearing of the
appointment of the new Cardinals ; and on Nov. 30th,8 Arch-
bishop Arundel issued an order from Lambeth, calling together
the Convocation of the Southern Province to meet at St. Paul's
on Jan. i4th, 1409. The Cardinal was handsomely enter-
tained 9 so long as he remained in England. He afterwards
returned to Italy by way of France,10 and when the Council

1 RYM., viii., 568; JURADE, 424; TYLER, i., 254. 2 CONC., in., 311 ;
EUL., in., 413, says that Scotch and Irish bishops were also present.
3 2 KINGS, ix., 5. 4 LOPES, 285, who quotes from the original speech
preserved in a Latin Register in the Cathedral of St. Andrew at Bordeaux.
5 Laudabiliter exposuit ac etiam eleganter. — HARL. MS., 431, 57 (28) ; et
aliis causis per ipsum patenter expositis. — ADD. MS., 24062 f., 191 b.
6Johanni Cincio equiti Britanno et Metensi (? Menevensi) episcopo. —
ARET., EP., i., 72, who heard this at Rimini on Feb. ist., 1409. 7 " Vehe-
mens admiratio consurgit." — HARL. MS., 431, 24 (14) ; ibid., 86 (47 b) ;
ADD., MS., 24062 f., 192 ; HEFELE, vi., 924 ; quoting MANSI, xxvu., 108.
!CONC., in., 312; WAKE, 347. 9 WALS., n., 280. 10 He was in Paris,
March lyth, 1409.— MONSTR., i., 401 ; Juv., 450; BAYE, i., 261.

1408.] Delegates. 367

was over, he received a general permission to hold benefices,
with or without cure, in any diocese in England.1 He was in
Bologna in May, 1410, at the election of Pope John XXIII.-
On Nov. Qth, 141 i,M he received the prebend of Leighton-
Manor or Leighton-Bromswold, near Kimbolton, in connec-
tion with the Cathedral of Lincoln, of which diocese he
appears as suffragan bishop in the same year,4 and on Jan. ipth,
141 2, 5 he was granted exemption from dues for his wines and
other goods at Bordeaux. He died at Florence in the arms
of Pey Berland, Aug. i4th, 1412, and his body was buried in
the new Church of Our Lady at Rome.0

In the beginning of 1409, it was announced that Cardinal
Antonio Corraro 7 would come to England to attempt to counter-
act the effects of the mission of the Archbishop of Bordeaux.
He scored a great success at Frankfort, as we have already seen ; 8
but from his subsequent proceedings it is certain that he never
reached our shores.

On Dec. 24th, 1408, 9 King Henry announced his intention
of despatching a large company to the Council at Pisa. The
two Archbishops 10 were to go, and five Bishops, each accom-
panied by a Doctor.11 All the other Bishops in England and

1 PAT., ii H. IV., 2, 6, Sep. i4th, 1409. In PAT., 12 H. IV., 13,
Mar. 27th, 1411, there is a similar permit for Cardinal Antonio di
Calvi, Bishop of Todi (MART., COLL., vn., 1179) ; but he died at Rome,
Oct. 2nd, 1411. — CIAC., ii., 722. 2 MART., COLL., vn., 1179. 8 PAT., 13
H. IV., i, 23; PRIV. SEAL, 7028, 7031 ; LE NEVE, n., 170; where he is
called John Francisco. 4 NOTES AND QUERIES, Ser. 2, IL, i. 5 PRIV.
SEAL, 654/7106. 6 For his epitaph written by Pey Berland, see GALL.
CHRIST., n., 840; LOPES, ii., 287; GASTON DE LABORIE, 6. 7 RTA.,
VI-> 374 (Jan- I7tn. H^) 5 RAYN., xvn., 356; PANVINIO, 271; MILMAN,
v., 454. 8Vol. III., p. 363. For his epitaph at Venice, see CIAC., n.,
765; LENFANT, i., 233. 9 RYM., vm., 567; JURADE, 424; HARL. MS.,
431, 57 (28), 58 (28 b), 60 (29 b); RTA., vi., 279, 463 ; SCHWAB, 215 ;
HEFELE, vi., 925. 10 For letter to Archbishop of York, see HARL. MS.,
431, 61 (30). J1 For letter to Bishop Stafford of Exeter, to attend the

368 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

Ireland were to send a Doctor each, and each of the Univer-
sities two J — one in Theology, and the other in Canon or Civil
Law. The Dominicans1 were to send four of their Abbots,
the Cistercians, Augustinians, and Cluniacs two each, the Car-
thusians a Prior, and the Praemonstratensians an Abbot. Every
Cathedral Chapter was to send a Doctor, and the Prior of the
Knights Hospitallers was to go himself in person. But it is
probable that on reflection the expense was found to be too
heavy, and the number of delegates that actually started from
England was far smaller than the contemplated list. Before
the end of January, 1409, three were chosen to represent
the Convocation of the Southern province. These were
Bishops Hallum and Chichele, and Thomas Chillenden,
Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury.2 It is said that the
outlay3 of each of the Bishops and Abbots amounted to 1000
marks, and a levy4 of 4d. in the £ was laid on all benefices
and Church property to defray their expenses while away.
Contributions were to be payable before the end of March,
1409; but by April 2oth, "scarce the seventh penny" had come
in,5 and the Archbishop had to curse 6 for the money before he

Council at his own cost, with at least one doctor to represent the clergy
of his diocese and another for the Chapter of his Cathedral, see ibid., 59
(29).

1 HARL. MS., 431, 62 (80). 2 RAYN., xvn., 369 ; MART., COLL., vn.,
1118; OTT.,265. 3EuL.,in.,4i4. 4CoNc.,m., 312,313, Jan. 3oth, 1409.
3 Ibid., 320. 6 " Ful loth was he to cursen for his tithes." — CHAUC., PROL.,
488 ; cf. ANTIQ. REPERT., m., 370 ; POOLE, 302, 309, 335. For cursing for
tithes, cf. : — Prelatis bi cursinges maken men to gyve goodis that thei
wolen have. — WYCL. (M.), 214, 230, 233, 245, 252, 414, 453. To curse
a man for sexe pans.— ibid., 36, 145, 146; (A.), in., 310. For foure
penyworth good thei curse many thousande soules to helle. — ibid. (M.),
132. Thei wolen for foure pens bitake hem bodi and soule to the fend.
— ibid., 146. Taken hem by vyolence and stronge curses ayenst mennus
goode wille. — ibid., 161. Men of holy chirche have leve by goddis
lawe for to curse al tho by name that wyl nought paye ther tythes.—
ibid. (A.), in., 269.

1409.] Delegates. 369

could get it. The safe-conduct for Bishop Hallum is dated
Feb. 1 5th, 1409,* and there is an order dated Feb. 8th,'2 showing
that there was already a fardel of harness belonging to him in
a cart, ready to be shipped at Southampton. Passports are also
extant for Bishop Bubwith (dated Feb. i6th, 1409), Richard
Gower, Abbot of Jervaux (Feb. ioth),3 Thomas Spofforth,
Abbot of St. Mary's, York,4 John, Prior of St. Bartholomew in
West Smith field,5 whose expenses were paid by the Austin
Canons, to which Order he belonged. Sir John Colvil,6 a
Cambridgeshire knight," Doctor Nicholas Rishton,8 and Master

*FR. ROLL, 10 H. IV., 9. a GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 23. 3 FR. ROLL,
10 H. IV., 10 ; MONAST., v., 567; PAT., n H. IV., 2. 14 d.
4 MONAST., in., 539; GASC., 161 ; A. WOOD, i., 204. 5 BLOMFIELD,
BICESTER, ii., 168. He obtained indulgences from Pope Alexander
V., for all who would help his Priory in Smithfield.— WALS., H., 282;
OTT., 267; CAPGR., 297. ° Eui.., in., 265; CHAMPOLLION-FIGEAC,
LETTRES, n., 327; called " Ochul " in RAYN., xvn., 369. FOR. ACCTS.,
10 H. IV., shows that he was at the Roman Court from Dec. i4th, 1408,
to Oct. 22nd, 1409. For £212 paid to him for a journey to the Roman
curia on secret business, se*e Iss. ROLL, n H. IV., MICH., Nov. 2Qth,
1409. In the winter of 1401, he had gone as an envoy to King
Rupert in Lombardy, in reference to the marriage of Blanche. — MART.,
ANEC., i., 1682, 1685; RTA., v., 200-204, 400; HOFLER, 265; where
he is called " Cobula." 7 In PAT., n H. IV., 2, 3; PRIV. SEAL,
649/6676 (Sep. 1 2th, 1410), he has permission to found a chantry in
the Chapel of St. Mary super costeram maris in the town of Newton -
in-the-Isle. In LYSONS, CAMBRIDGESHIRE, 242, is an account of a
college founded at the same time. He may have been a grandson of
Sir John Colvil, who rebelled in 1405. — Vol. II., p. 220; FOSTER, 200.
s WALS., n., 280; DEVON, 310; RYM., vni., 568; Vol. I., p. 471; spelt
" Rixston " in KAL. AND INV., n., 66, 67, 68, 80 ; " Ryxton " in Iss. ROLL,
7 H. IV., MICH., Oct. 2ist, 1405, where he claims payment for journey
with Bishop Bowet to Picardy, May 3oth,-Sep. igth, 1403, also Nov. i4th,
1403, April 6th, 1404, and journey in France, Aug. i6th,-Oct. 2gth, 1404. —
Iss. ROLL, 6 H. IV., PASCH., July ioth. 1405, has £24 6s. 8d. paid to him
for this journey, also from Dec. 2nd, 1404, to Feb. i8th, 1405. He got
liberal promises, but very little payment, and was obliged to make large
abatements from his claims " of his free will " to the King. — PAT., 8 H.
IV., i, 30 (Nov. nth, 1406), and 2, 16 shows that he had graces sub ex-
pectatione from the Pope, of prebends in York, Salisbury, and Lincoln.
He was a canon of Crediton till April 2oth, 1410 (STAFF. REG., 161,
311 ; PRIV. SEAL, 648/6561), and he held the prebend of Nether-Avon
(Salisbury) from June 4th, 1408 (PAT., 9 H. IV., i, 32, has July), till his

A 2

370 Popes v. Cardinals. [CHAP. LXXXI.

John Polton l had already left for Italy, bearing letters to
Gregory and the Cardinals, and among other Englishmen
leaving the country about this time, with passports extending
over twelve months, are Sir John Bernak, four clerks (viz., John
Frome, Robert Crull,2 John Brokhampton. and John Morehay3),
and two squires (viz., John Wilcotes and Thomas Kigg).

The Pisan party embarked at Southampton, sailed into
the Seine, and travelled to Paris,4 where they were welcomed
by the Chancellor Gerson,5 in the name of the University, with

death in June, 1413. — W. H. JONES, 404. For his treatise on the Schism
see BALE, 554. His letter to the Duchess of Burgundy, dated Coventry,
Nov. 2nd, 1404 (Rov. LET., i., 407), has been copied in TRANSCR. FOR.
REC., 143, 3, 85, from the Archives at Lille. Richard Rixton (or de
Rishton, Lanes.), was entered as a scholar at Winchester in 1402. He be-
came a scholar at New College, Oxford, and Fellow, 1397-1408. — KIRBY,
29 ; also Nicholas Ryxton (Lanes.), 1407, beneficed in 1411. — ibid., 35.

1 GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 21. 2 One of this name was Treasurer of Ireland
in 1392, 1393, and 1401. — GRAVES, 172, 193 ; DEVON, 249. Another held
a prebend at York from 1377, but he had died before Dec. i4th, 1408. — LE
NEVE, in. ,187. 3 His safe-conduct is dated Jan. 2oth, 1409. — FR. ROLL, 10
H. IV., 10. For his letter to Bishop Bowet from Bordeaux, dated April
3oth [1401], see ROY. LET., i., 446. In a passage of it much burned he asks
for "... elle de Lincoln," i.e., the Rectory of West Keal, near Spilsby,
which he exchanged for Ipplepen in Devonshire, Nov. 2ist, 1402 (STAFF.
REG., 180, 212, 258, 334). For his account as Keeper of Carmarthen, Aug.,
1404, see Q. R. ARMY, ff, APP. G, of which he was appointed Treasurer,
Sep. i7th, 1403. — PAT., 4 H. IV., 2, 5 ; see ORD. PRIV. Co., i., 234,
235. He was sent to Bordeaux in the spring of 1405. — ORD. PRIV. Co.,
i., 255. He was still Rector of Ipplepen, Sep. i4th, 1408 (JURADE, 375),
which he exchanged for the prebend of Warminster (Wells), May nth,
1410. In ADD. MS., 24062 f., 139 b., is a letter without date, addressed
by Henry IV. to King Rupert, asking protection for bearer, dilectus
clericus noster, J. M. ( ? John Morehay), vir utique providus et circum-
spectus nobisque carus et in oculis nostris generosus, who is proceeding
to Rome and the Holy Land. The letter was evidently written before
the Council met at Pisa. Yet the same J. M. is commendator precep-
toriae Sancti Antonii civitatis nostrae Londoniarum. — ibid. , 146 b. and
162 b. 4 GERSON, n., 123 ; SPONDE, 708 ; A. WOOD, i., 204; SCHWAB.
225 ; HEFELE, vi., 921 ; CHURCH QUARTERLY REV., xxvu., 430. "' On
Jan. 2gth, 1409, he had no expectation of attending the Council, being
too busy (GERSON, n., 113), and he never actually went (SCHWAB, 223,
228, 230, 231); though NEANDER (ix., 114), PALACKY (III., i., 242),
GIESELER (iv., 278), and CREIGHTON (i., 211), think that he did.

1409.] Bishop Langley. 371

a prolix Latin sermon, in which he warned them not to fall out
by the way. They then passed on to the south coast of France,
where they took ship and made the rest of their journey by
sea.1 About a month after they had started, a passport was
issued (March 2oth, 1409^) for Bishop Langley to proceed to
Tuscany. He was accompanied by a splendid escort/' and he
seems to have taken advantage of his visit to Pisa to secure
general powers 4 to sanction marriages within the prohibited
degrees of consanguinity from the new Pope, soon after he was
appointed.

1 MART., COLL., vn., 1052. - RYM., vm., 579 ; WELFORD, 245.
Langley appears as one of the English representatives at Pisa in RAYN.,
xvii., 369, where " Damiensis " should be Dunelmensis. :i EUL., in.,
414. 4 The permission was to cease after it had been exercised 12 times.
One of them is recorded in RAINES' MSS., xvi., 309.

CHAPTER LXXXII.
PISA.

THE city of Pisa was in every way well adapted by its
central position l to be the meeting-place of a Great Council.
It lay in a fertile plain surrounded by cornland,- meadows,
and vineyards, at a distance of three miles from the sea ; but
the largest galleys then built could make their way up into
the very heart of the town, and either party could occupy a
separate half of it, if they were so minded — with the broad
flood of the Arno between them to keep them apart.3 Three
years before, it had been starved into submission to the
Florentines, after frightful sufferings heroically borne.4 Almost
every house had been smashed or riddled with gun -stones
hurled from bombards and catapults ; 5 the place had been
brought to well-nigh total ruin,6 and 2000 7 of its principal

1 Qui locus est ydoneus et nullus valet magis reperiri, divisus flumine,
galeis accessibilis, habundans victualibus, capax multitudinis, tutus et
accommodus utad istam conventionem fabricatus videatur. — HARL. MS.,
431, 90 (53), 103 (85) ; MART., COLL., vn., 989, 998. For the picturesque-
ness of Pisa see CREIGHTON, i., 206; but there is no evidence that
this had any weight with contemporaries in the selection of the city.
2 MONSTR., ii., 20 ; LENFANT (i., 239), has " vins blancs " instead of
"vignes, blez." 3 HARL. MS., 431, 103 (85), ART. 23. 4 MURAT., xviu.,
1127-1148; POGGIO, 163; CRIBELLUS, 642; MAILLY, 465 (Oct., 9, 1406);
HOFLER, 328; PERRENS, vi., 155; RTA., vi., 562. The capture was
announced to Innocent VII. at the Vatican four days before his death,
i.e., Nov. 2nd, 1406.— ARET.. EPIST., i., 31. 5 PALMIERI, 184; NIEM,
468. 6 Pene ad ultimum exterminium cives et incolas deduxerunt. —
NIEM, 135 (written in 1410). 7 MONSTR., u., 21. In POGGIO, 178, the
number is 200. Others say 300. — MORELLI, in PERRENS, vi., 160.

1409-] Opening. 373

citizens had been deported to Florence, where they had to
show themselves in person twice a day in an appointed place
under threat of execution. Swarms of Florentine troops
were quartered in the town l to check disaffection, and the
process of rebuilding had gone on apace.

The Council opened on Monday, March 25th, 1409.-
Crowds of Cardinals, Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots,
Doctors and Masters formed up in the Abbey Church of San
Martino,:j and passed thence across the bridge and through the
streets,4 mitred, coped, and surpliced, in long procession ;"' to the
Cathedral. Fourteen Cardinals ° took their seats on a raised
platform draped with green cloth " in the choir twelve feet from
the high altar, and near to them were placed the representatives
of the Kings of France, Sicily, and England;8 the English envoys
being a knight, a doctor, and a clerk, who had just come forward
from attending the sittings of the Diet at Frankfort.9 These
were probably Colvil, Rishton, and Polton ; for we know that
most of the English delegates did not arrive till about a month
later. To right and left along the nave, extending to the doors,
were raised seats for Bishops, Abbots, and certain privileged
representatives of convents and Cathedral Chapters, and on
the floor of the nave were stools and benches for the envoys
of Kings, lords, and cities, together with doctors and other
representatives not specially entitled to precedence in the

IMART., ANEC., ii., 1471, 1475, 1477; PERRENS, vi., 159. '2 ST.
DENYS, iv., 208 ; not 1410, as CHOISY, 247 ; nor March 2oth, as MOLAND,
255. 3MoNSTR., ii., ii ; not St. Michael, as ZANTFLIET, 394; HEFELE,
vi., 993; CREIGHTON, i., 207. 4 HARDT, n., 89; LABBE, XL, 2, 2117;
HARDOUIN, viii., 5. For the ceremony of robing see MURAT., III., n.,
826. 5 Propter prolixitatem longae processionis.— MART., COLL., vn. ,
1078; DELAYTO, 1085. 6 In NIEM, LIB. GANG., 16 (written in 1380), the
full college consists of 53 cardinals, viz., 7 Bishops (including the Pope),
28 Priests and 18 Deacons. ' MURAT., III., n., 824. 8 BRANDO, 131.
9 NIEM, 221 ; RTA., vi., 315, 316 ; ST, DENYS, iv., 210,

374 Pisa. [CHAP. LXXXII.

more exalted seats. Mass was then said, and a sermon was
preached,1 and arrangements were made for the business
meetings to commence on the following day.

No accurate estimate a of the number present has been
preserved, but a German contemporary chronicle avers that
the meeting was so large that the like never was." It
certainly varied as the sittings advanced. During the four
months that the Council sat, it was calculated that at least
10,000 persons 4 visited Pisa, including attendants. On April
3rd,5 when Bruni arrived, the bulk of the English contingent
had not yet come in, but he found that Pisa was too small
for the numbers assembled ; and we know that on April i5th,°
there were 90 Archbishops and Bishops alone. On May
29th/ there were 160 Archbishops, Bishops, and mitred Abbots,
120 Doctors in Theology,8 300 Doctors in Civil and Canon
Law, as well as the lay representatives of the convoking
powers;9 while on June 5th,10 there were 22 Cardinals,11 four
Patriarchs, 180 Archbishops and Bishops or their deputies,
300 Abbots, and 282 Doctors of Theology, both Oxford and
Cambridge 12 being amongst the universities represented. With

1 ZANTFLIET, 394. '2 MONSTR., n., 19 ; ALZOG, n., 854. ;! POSILJE,
298. 4DELAYTo, 1086; PERRENS, vi., 174; RTA., vi., 680. SARET.,
EP., i., 87; HARDT, n., 103. 6ST. DENYS, iv., 216. 7 Ibid., 238.
8 BENSHEIM, a few months after the Council closed, had heard the
figures placed at 125 Masters in Theology, and about 314 Doctors
in Laws.— RTA., vi., 680. His opponent disputed the accuracy of
the figures.— Ibid., 695. BRANDO (131) gives 75 bishops (+ 84 by
proxy), 75 abbots (+ 82 by proxy) and 70 proctors of chapters and
dioceses. 9 I.e., France, England, Hungary, Poland, Portugal, Sicily,
and Bohemia.— CORNER, 1195. 1(l ANTONINUS, III., cxvm. ; SOZZOMEN.,
1195; SPONDE, 711. n BRANDO (131) says 23; DELAYTO (1086) 24;
cf. CIAC., ii., 775; RTA., vi., 681; LENFANT, i., 350; COCHON, 24,
141, 144; SCHWAB, 229; HEFELE, vi., 993; ASCHBACH, i., 277 ; CHRIS-
TOPHE, in., 302; REUMONT, n., 1141 ; SILFVERSTOLPE, o., 282, where
the number of doctors is over 300. I2 LENFANT, i., 240; CORNER (1195)
mentions Oxford but not Cambridge ; HUBER (i., 326) wrongly says that

1409.] Numbers. 375

such vast numbers it is clear that exact scrutiny of admission
was impossible. A list1 was drawn up, and censors were
appointed to keep unauthorized persons out ; but we know of
at least one case, where an Englishman - who favoured Gregory,
and could not hold his tongue when his indignation got the
better of him, was pounced upon as an intruder, ejected from
the meeting and run into prison.

At daybreak on March 26th, :i the business work began in
the Cathedral. After the whole assembly had kneeled and
chanted a litany, they sang the " Veni Creator," and declared
their official belief4 that all heretics and schismatics would burn
with the devil in eternal fire. An indictment under 37 heads 5
had been drawn up against both the Popes; and two of the
Cardinals walked down to the west door, and asked three times
in a loud voice in Latin and Italian, if Gregory and Benedict
were present.0 No reply came, and both the absent Popes were
declared to be contumacious.7 Sitting after sitting was ad-
journed, and the proceedings were varied from time to time by
loud altercations 8 within the church, and noisy quarrelling
amongst the servants holding horses about the doors. Then
there were disputes for precedence between the representatives
of Mayence and Cologne.0 But, on the whole, the public meet-
ings were decorous and dull ; the Cardinals were peaceable and

Cambridge is nowhere mentioned; BRANDO (131) calls it Cantuariensis.
In BALE, 569, and WOOD, i., 204, Thomas Netter of Walden is said to
have been one of the English representatives at Pisa, but it is evident
that Constance is meant.

1 Matricula. — MURAT., III., 11.. 825 ; which cannot refer to the Council
of Perpignan. 2 Anglicus Cortisanus. — MART., COLL., vn., 1090 ; not a
bishop, as RTA., vi., 695 ; cf. LENFANT, i., 347; HEFELE, vi., 1021 ; J.
C. ROBERTSON, vn., 253. 3 SCHWAB, 233. 4 MART., COLL.. vn., 1079.
5 Not 27, as HARL. MS., 431, 103 (73). « HARDT, n., 96. 'CREIGHTON
(i., 208) regards this as a "ridiculous imitation of the forms of a law-
court." 7 MART., COLL., vn., 1150; Hus, MON., i.. cccxxxi. b. 8 ST.
DENYS, iv., 218. 9 MURAT., III., n., 827.

376 Pisn. TCHAP. LXXXII.

persuasive ; all knotty points were put into writing and reserved
for discussion at private sittings, and questions of etiquette
were arranged "without any difficulty whatever." On April
15th,1 the Archbishop of Riga and the Bishops of Worms and
Verden '2 attended, though not in full dress, to represent King
Rupert ; but their duty was limited to a protest against the
whole proceedings, and they left Pisa on April 2ist,3 and rode
back to Gregory at Rimini.4 As time advanced, there were
rumours that Ladislas was coming in Gregory's interest to
break up the meetings.5 On April 24th, ° a large English con-
tingent, consisting of Bishop Hallum " of Salisbury, and another
Bishop,8 together with two Abbots, a knight, two doctors,9 and
a retinue of 200 mounted men, arrived at Pisa, and put new
life into the flagging Council. Hallum was accorded the first

1 RTA., vi., 333 ; SCHWAB, 234 ; HEFELE, vi., 997 ; PASTOR, i., 145.
2 POSILJE, 298 ; RTA., vi., 472, 493, 565 ; PALACKY, III., i., 182 ;
HOFLER, 436, 446; CREIGHTON, i., 212. For MATTHEW OF KROKOW or
CHROCHOVE in Pomerania (not Cracow, as GRABS, n., 584), Bishop
of Worms, who wrote the LIBER DE SQUALORE ROMANCE CURI^E, see
POSILJE, 298; RTA., iv., 97; vi., 489; ULLMANN, i., 300;
HOFLER, 296, 461 ; DENIS, 9, 26, 61 ; PASTOR, i., 143 ; CREIGHTON,
i., 450 ; LOSERTH, 57. 3 After a stay of three weeks. — RTA., vi., 331,
474, 476 ; turpiter ejecti.— DYNTER, in.. 76. 4 RTA., vi., 477. 5 ST.
DENYS, iv., 226; MONSTR., n., 21; HARDT, n., 114; MART., COLL.,
VIL, 1086 ; RAYN., XVIL, 394. 6 ST. DENYS, iv., 222 ; D'ACHERY, vi.,
248; MONSTR., n., 15; HARDT, n., 89; MART., COLL., vn., 1085;
CREIGHTON, i., 214 ; not May 7th, as SCHWAB, 230, 235 ; RTA., vi.,
330. In HARDT, n., 88, an Englishman named Master Richard preached
in St. Martin's Church on April 5th, 1409. 7 Not " Alam," as HEFELE,
vi., 1012. The Italians called him "Alun," and derived his name a
lima. — CIAC., n., 803. 8 Not the " Bishop of York," as SCHWAB, 238 ;
nor the Archbishop of Canterbury, as GESTE, 359. 9 In a confused list
of English representatives in RAYN., xvn., 369 ; LABBE, XL, 2, 2214 ;
HARDOUIN, VIIL, 98 ; D'ACHERY, vi., 346; MANSI, xxvn., 329-356, quoted
in ERLER, 186, we can decipher the names of Bishops Bubwith, Langley,
and Hallum, the Abbots of York and Jervaux, the Prior of Canterbury,
the Earl of Suffolk, Sir John Colvil, and Doctor Richard Coningston.
(This is probably the equivalent of " Camascon " or Cangugston.—
UGHELLI, in., 557 ; see LE NEVE, i., 611, 640; n., 123 ; in., 133, 174,
224.)

1409.] Excommunication. 377

seat T on the Bishops' bench to the left of the Cardinals,
because England had been christianized before the other
nations by Joseph of Arimath?ea,~ and he was regarded during
his stay at Pisa as a decidedly distinguished man/5 The Prior
of Canterbury also was thought to be a man of mark, both for
his high character and his learning ; but the chief thing that
struck the foreigners was his nice stock of cash, with which
he was as well supplied as any of their "big bishops/'4

Hallum at once harangued the assembly, and secured the
rejection of all overtures from Rimini ; and it was through his
vigorous advice that decisive resolutions were at length taken
on May 25th,5 just two months after the Council had first
met. All were required to subtract obedience from both
Popes, whom an official preacher called devils from hell, and
no more Popes than his old shoes were.'5 This done, events
moved faster. The great heat was beginning to tell on the
older Cardinals.7 On Wednesday, June 5th, 1409, 8 all the
doors of the Cathedral were flung open ; the great Church was
packed as full as it could hold by an immense throng ; and the
Patriarch of Alexandria mounted the pulpit, and pronounced
both Popes to be heretics and schismatics, enemies of God, and
excommunicate from the Church.0 The vast assembly then
sang "Te Deum;" the bells10 in the leaning tower pealed

1 ST. DENYS, iv., 220, 224, 230 ; MART., COLL., vn., 1085, 1087 ;
HARDT, n., 112. 2 HEFELE, vi., 1012. s MART., COLL., vn., 1117.

4 Ibid., IIIQ. For "fat bishopricks," see WYCL., LAT. SERM., n., 144.

5 ST. DENYS, iv., 236. (i MONSTR., n., 19. There were sermons every
Sunday. —BRANDO, 131. 7 NIEM, 223. 8 HARDT, n., 136 ; MONSTR., n.,
25; SCHWAB, 239; HOFLER, 442; HEFELE, vi., 1024; CREIGHTON, i.,
216; CHRISTOPHE, in., 312; ALZOG, n., 855. 9 HARL. MS., 431, 104 (90
b) ; BRANDO, 131, 138; BONIFACE FERRER (in 1411) complains that no
attested statement of the charges could be obtained. It was like
hanging a man first and trying him after.— MART., ANEC., n., 1519.
10 MART., COLL., vn., 1096.

378 Pisn. [CHAP. LXXXII.

out the news, and every steeple rang it over Pisa. The wind
caught up the sound, and the village churches swelled it along,
till in four hours it was echoed from the belfries of Florence,
15 leagues away.1 The next day was the Feast of Corpus
Christi, and trumpeters proclaimed a holiday till midday for
the great procession of the Sacrament. On June ioth,2 seven
envoys arrived from Benedict, among them being the Car-
thusian Boniface,8 brother to Saint Vincent Ferrer.4 They
were introduced at a special Congregation of Cardinals, in the
Church of San Martino, on June i4th.5 But their purpose
was already known ; 6 they were hissed and called Jews, and
were warned by the Marshal of the Court that he would not

1 MART., COLL., vu., 1117. For salvo of bells in Bologna, see MURAT.,
xvm., 597. 2MART., ANEC., n., 1476; SCHWAB, 241; HEFELE, vi.,
1029. 3 SPONDE, 715; LABBE, XL, 2, 2111; CHRISTOPHE, in., 315.
4 MART., ANEC., u., 1485 ; SCHWAB, 218 ; LENFANT, 302 ; HEFELE,
i., 67 ; vi., 990 ; HELLER, 3 ; CREIGHTON, i., 218, 434. There appears
to be no truth in the story that he was invited to England in 1406 by
King Henry, who sent a ship to France to fetch him, that he foretold
certain coming events, and preached with much acceptance, scattering
the good seed of the word of God among the schismatical English,
and then sailed to the "adjacent islands" of Scotland and Ireland,
gathering much fruit from his teaching. The story is accepted without
hesitation by HELLER (72), who appears to believe all the miraculous
stories in RANZANI, about his conversion of the Jews and Waldensians
in crowds. In 1406 St. Vincent was at Genoa, where NICHOLAS
CLAMENGES heard him preach (SURITA, 271 ; SPONDE, i., 689 ; MART.,
ANEC., ii., 1526; AUBERTIN, IL, 373), and was struck with his power in
being able to preach in Italian. He notes his clever use of gestures and
impersonation, so that when he spoke in Italian, a German said that he
understood what he meant (CLAMENGES, EP., CXIIL, p. 315). His
biographer asserts (ACT. SANCT., APRIL 5th, p. 495 ; HELLER, 60) that
he always preached in his native Catalan, and that his hearers were able
to understand him, whether Greeks, Teutons, Sardinians or Huns. It
is said that he never wrote his sermons (HELLER, 45), but there are still
extant two bulky folio volumes of them in Latin. For a list of his
works, see TRITHEIM, 107 ; MOLAND, 260. For his sermon about the
end of the world, sent from Alcaniz in Aragon to Benedict XIII., July
27th, 1412, see HELLER, 95. f) HARDT, n., 142 ; MART., ANEC., n.,
1486 ; LENFANT, 283. For an examination of their arguments by Car-
dinal Landulf, see HARL. MS., 431, 107 (95). 6 MONSTR., n., 21 ;
MART., ANEC., n., 1479.

1409.] Conclave. 379

be responsible for their safety. They had to be escorted
through the streets by the Podesta and his officers, as they
walked to their inn, to save them from being stoned by the
crowd, and the next day they were glad to escape secretly,1
and so got empty away.2

Scarcely had they left, when, in the evening of Saturday,
June isth,8 the Cardinals (now 23 in number4) went into
conclave in the Archbishop of Pisa's palace, and after 1 1 days'
seclusion announced that one of their number had been elected
Pope. This was Cardinal Pietro Filargo,5 one of those who
had early made up their minds for revolt. (i He had drawn up
a list of 1 6 "conclusions"7 to prove the validity of proceeding
by way of a Council, and when a last effort was made at recon-
ciliation, he was selected to seek an interview with Gregory at
Siena, and endeavour to patch the quarrel up.8 He was a man
of humble birth,11 and used to say that he never knew who his
parents were : 10 — which was in itself a recommendation, as there

1 Secrete et cautelose.— MART., ANEC., u., 1478. 2 EUL., in., 414.
:! MART., COLL., vn., 1113. Sabbato post Festum S. Viti. — CORNER, 1194.
4 For their names, see MART., COLL., vn., 1103 ; DELAYTO, 1087 ; or 24,
according to the English representatives. — SILFVERSTOLPE, n., 119;
see also CORNER, 1194; MAS-LATRIE, 1313. 5 SPONDE, 715 ; TIRABOSCHI,
vi., 4; HEFELE, vi., 1033; CREIGHTON, i., 219; CHRISTOPHE, IIL, 320;
HIRSCH, n., 298; BRANDO, 132; DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i., 502; PER-
RENS, vi., 174; REUMONT, n., 1143. Called Petrus Philardi in BRANDO,
96; Petrus Philargi in CHRON. DES Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in., 343;
Peter Philarges in RENIERI, 3 ; or " Villargi" in NEANDER, ix., 114, 353.
The election was known in Rome by June 26th. — PETRI, 1001. 6 MART.,
COLL., VIL, 808. For his letter to Wenzel, written from Bologna in
1408, see ibid., 813 ; HOFLER, Hus, 280. 7 These occupy about two
pages in HARL. MS., 431, 63 (30 b). There is a copy of them at
Emmanuel College, Cambridge (MS., i., i, 9, called I., 29, in LITTLE,
250), for particulars as to which I am indebted to the librarian, Mr. E.
S. Shuckburgh. 8 He reached Siena, Sep. igth, 1408. — HARL. MS., 431,
101 (71 b). 9ST. DENYS, iv., 240. In CHOISY, 249, he is said to be a
native of Crucivallo in the diocese of Novara, quoting Ex Nov. Sacr.
For disquisitions on his birth-place, see WADDING, ix., 271. 10 CIAC., n.,
774; NIEM, 241 ; RAYN., xvn., 384.

380 Pisa. [CHAP. LXXXII.

would be no needy nephews and grandnephews for the faithful
to provide for.1 He had been nursed in the school of toil,-
and was picked up by a Franciscan friar as a boy:; begging from
house to house in the island of Crete. The friars brought him
up in their monastery at Heracleum, or Tzamia, near Khania.4
Thence he was sent to Pa via, Norwich, and Oxford, where he
graduated Bachelor of Divinity,5 which would ordinarily imply
at least eight years spent as a scholar in the faculty of Arts.
In 1 38 1,6 he finished his course at Paris, where he wrote a
commentary7 on Peter the Lombard, read theology in the
University, and was counted one of its most brilliant stars.8
He next went to Lombardy, where he gained an influence over
Gian Galeazzo,9 became the leading member of his privy coun-

1 Non haberet aliquos sibi carnis identitate conjunctos, &c. — NIEM,
in MEIBOM, i., 12; cf. also CAROLO MALATESTA in MART., COLL., vn.,
1138. Cum tales non habeatis attinentes cujus genealogiam ignoravi.
— MURAT., III., ii., 842.

Cf. Pour acheter bien grans cites,

Grans baronnies ne grans contes,

Aux freres nepveux ou parens

Du Pape ne des adherens. — BONET, APPARITION, 48.
- MONTREUIL, in MART., COLL., n., 1369. In TRAHISONS DE FRANCE
(54) it is supposed that he was " ung povre frere mineur " when he was
elected Pope. This is improved upon in GESTE, 360, where Alexander
is chosen " pour sa pauvretet." :i A puero te ccelestis religio susceptum
spiritualiter vivere docuerit. — GERSON, n., 140. 4 RENIERI, 99-101.

5 EUL., in., 415 ; GASC., 161 ; A. WOOD, i., 204 ; BOASE, REGISTER,
i., xii. ; LITTLE, 249 ; LYTE, 30 (quoting CLEOP. E., n., 262 b).

6 MAZZUCHELLI, i., 455; TIRABOSCHI, vi., 392. 7 Cf. CORNER, 1194;
ECCARD, i., 1535 ; MURAT., III., n., 842 ; TRITHEIM, n., 328.
8 ST. DENYS, iv., 322 ; apprime literatus. — NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 12 ;
TRITHEIM, 100. Solempnissimus doctor in theologia. — DYNTER, in.,
144. Ung homme de bonne vie et grant theologien. — CABARET, 293 ;
GERSON, n., 436, 446. Sacre theologie doctorem famosissimum. —
RTA., vi., 681. Excellent docteur en theologie. — GALITZIN, 32 ; see
also VALORI, in ARCHIVIO STORICO ITAL., iv., 1843, quoted in HOFLER,
Hus, 212. For list of his works, including a tract on the Immaculate
Conception [printed in PIETRO D'ALVA (? Pedro Alva y Astorgia) SERAPHICA,
PRO IMMAC. CONCEPT., Louvain, 1665], and some letters, see MAZ-
ZUCHELLI, i., 455; TIRABOSCHI, vi., 395; CIAC., n., 783. 9 Qui olim
rexerat ducem Mediolanensem. — MART., COLL., vn., 1115; ANEC., ii.,
1471 ; PLATINA, 282.

1409.] Alexander V. 381

cil,1 was employed as a negotiator with King Wenzel at Prague,2
and on missions for the conversion of the Letts 3 and reunion
with the Greeks,4 and ultimately rose to be Archbishop of
Milan. He was made a Cardinal by Innocent VII.,5 and now
at 70 years of age6 he was crowned Pope on a high scaffold7
in front of the Cathedral at Pisa on Sunday, July yth, 1409^
with the title of Alexander V. He then rode in procession
with his Cardinals through the streets, receiving the roll of the
Law in the Jewish quarter, and flinging it behind his back,0
together with all the other usual ceremonial.

Gregory and Benedict were then burnt in effigy.10 The Grey
Friars were wild with delight that one of their order should have
been elected.11 They ran about for days through the streets and
squares of Pisa as if they were mad, determined to get all the good
things while the wind blew their way. Those who were keen
for reunion with the Eastern Church believed that their dream
was coming near fulfilment, as the new Pope was a Greek and had
shown much interest in the question,1'2 and it was believed that
the Greeks themselves were ready to submit.13

The great enthusiast for reunion was the French Chancellor,
Jean Charlier Gerson. Before the year was out, he preached a

1 SOZZOMEN., 1195; BILLIUS, 40; RTA., v., 411; vi., 698. a May
nth, 1395. — PALACKY, HI., 107. :$ DLUGOSZ, x., 207. 4 GALITZIN, 45;
RENIERI, 64. 5 TRITHEIM, n., 325 ; CHRISTOFERI, XLVIII., 104, 328.
Not Boniface IX., as BRANDO, 96. 6 COCHON, 144. Fere octogenarium.
— ST. DENYS, iv., 320. ^Etate maturum. — SILFVERSTOLPE, n., 112.
7 ZANTFLIET, 396. 8 NIEM, 243; PITTI, 80; GRIFFONI, 217; SILFVER-
STOLPE, n., 282 ; WAZSTEN., 127; POSILJE, 298; COCHON, 146; HEFELE,
vi., 1035. Not June 2gth, as GOBELIN, 328. 9MART., COLL., VH., 1106.
For similar ceremony with Innocent VII. at Rome, see USK, 88, 216; and
John XXIII. at Bologna, see MONSTR., n., 70; MURAT., xvin., 599;
LENFANT, 290. IOJUSTINGER, 211. n NIEM, 246; SPONDE, 718; LEN-
FANT, 309, 316; COCHON, 146. 12 MONTREUIL, in MART., COLL., n.,
1369; A. THOMAS, 35 ; BAYE, i., 345 ; GERSON, n., 136, 435 ; RTA., vi.,
678; SCHWAB, 245. 13HARL. MS., 431, 4 (10).

382 Pisa. [CHAP. LXXXII.

weighty sermon in Paris,1 in the name of the University, in
presence of the French King and Council. He knew that the
Greeks hated the Latins worse than the Turks, and that it would
be asked what right had France to talk of peace with all the world,
when she could not even live at peace with England ; but the
chance was a rare one, and with proper handling the Greeks
might be induced to send representatives to the next Council,
which would meet in three years' time, and submit to the de-
cision of the Church on the Double Procession,2 the Marriage
of Priests, the date of Easter, and the Leavened Bread.3 He
noted that the Greek Emperor was eager for union, but he
forgot to say that when Manuel was lately in Paris,4 he had
spent weeks in writing a theological tract in 157 chapters,5

1 GALITZIN, 25-55; GERSON, n., 142; SCHWAB, 259; AUBERTIN,

II., 412; BOURRET, 120; MOLAND, 257, 420; EGGER, I., 105. 2 God

wolde that we Lateins amendid Grekis addynge the Sone to the
Fadir, &c. — WYCL. (A.), in., 78. 3 GALITZIN, 42. 4 He arrived in
Paris from England on Feb. 28th, 1401 (MONSTR., i., 32), though
some of his servants and horses were still at Staines and Windsor
as late as May, 1401 (Q. R. WARDROBE, -°38-, APP. B). He left
Paris again on Nov. 2ist, 1402. — ST. DENYS, in., 50; SPOND., i., 687;
DELAVILLE LE ROULX, i., 396. He was at Genoa on Jan. 22nd, 1403. —
DELAYTO, 966; FOGLIETA, 525; DELAVILLE LE ROULX, 1.5424. He then
visited Pope Boniface IX. at Perugia, stayed awhile again at Milan and
Venice, whence he sailed, about Mar. 5th, 1403 (SATHAS, i., 5), to Modon,
where he was joined by his wife and children (BOUCICAUT, 269). He did
not reach Constantinople till Sep. i3th, 1405 (DUCAS, 849 ; PHRANTZES,
687, who on p. 725 seems to place his arrival in March, 1406). For
letter of Henry IV. to the Pope in favour of Manuel Imperator et Moder-
ator Romeorum Palaeologus, see ALL SOULS' MS., CLXXXII., f. 80, in
PECKHAM, REG., i., XLVII. For expenses of his envoys in London at the
George in Lombard Street, Oct., 1402 (,£108 i6s. 8d.), and three days at
Windsor (£8 i8s. 8d.), see Q. R. WARDROBE, -\8, APP. B. In reply to
enquiries as to the collecting boxes (Vol. L, p. 164) Bishop Stafford of
Exeter acknowledged the receipt of the king's letter on April 2ist, 1401,
saying that there was one such box in his cathedral, but that the collectors,
Robert Northale of the diocese of Norwich, and John Knight of Bridport,
had left the district, taking the key and the money with them, and
declining to be answerable for their appearance. — STAFF. REG., 358.
5ALLATius, 854; EGGER, i., 103. For his hymn of thanksgiving, see
MIGNE, PATROL. GR., CLVI., 582.

1409.] Reunion. 383

against the Double Procession as an article of the faith.
Gerson thought, however, that they must arrange their own
disputes first, so that there should be no debate or division
when the Council did really meet. All that was wanted was to
send envoys to secure the submission of the Scots, Henowers,
Aragonese, and others who still clung to the two damned dis-
putants for the Papacy, to have public prayers and processions
throughout the country, and to preach a reform of morals.
Was not Saint Denis, the apostle of France, himself a Greek ?
and who knew but God might possibly hasten the end of the
world, and let all turn to one faith and one religion in unity ? 1
The news of the election of Alexander V. reached Paris in
the evening of Sunday, July yth, 1409^ and was announced at
six o'clock on the following morning. Bonfires were lighted ;;i
processions were arranged to St. Genevieve ; everywhere there
was feasting and drinking, and the streets rang night and day
with shouts of, " Long live our Pope Alexander V. ! " The
election was indeed a triumph for the French. It was through
their untiring efforts that the Council had met at all.4 It was
they who had induced the Cardinals to revolt ;5 they had
arranged the time and place for the Council;6 their universities

1 GALITZIN, 51. ^BAYE, i., 277; n., 296; D'ARCQ, i., 319; MONSTR.,
ii., 10 ; COCHON, 144; SCHWAB, 242. On Aug. 6th, 1409, Pope Alexander
V. authorized Master Jean Luquet to report the proceedings of the
Council officially to the University of Paris. — BEKYNTON, u., 108.
;{ Juv., 450; SPONDE, 717; MOLAND, 257. 4 HARDT, n., 74; Bouci-
CAUT, 312; ST. DENYS, iv., 322; GESTE, 358; SCHWAB, 232, 249.
BONIFACE FERRER (in MART., ANEC., 11., 1521) and CLEMANGES (Ep.,
133) attribute the success to Simon de Cramaud. MONTREUIL (1371,
1379) gives all the praise to Gerson.

Cf. France a commencie de faire
Son devoir pour le fait atraire
A la vraye conclusion. — BONET, APPARITION, 51.

5 MART., COLL., vn., 1073; JANSSEN, i., 146. " Tanquam instrumenta
et procuratores Gallicorum," says Gregory, Dec. i3th, 1408.— RTA., vi.,
375> 48l> 558, 563- 6 RTA., vi., 481, 558 ; LENFANT, 335-338.

384 Pisa. [CHAP. LXXXII.

had supplied one-fifth1 of the total number of skilled divines
at the Council, and when the meetings actually took place, it
was predicted with confidence that the result would prove a
victory for the Gallican over the Roman party.2 They had
been supping the broth for the last 100 years,3 and they were
not going to give in now. They went to Pisa with a pocketful
of Popes 4 to bring out as they were wanted ; they plied the
Cardinals with presents of wine and promises of livings to
secure the election of one of themselves ; 5 and when the choice
fell on a neutral doctor,0 they accepted him with exultation,7
as if he had been a Parisian born, and rejoiced that Paris
had reared one saint for the Church.8 At Prague, the new
Pope was recognized on Sep. 2nd, 1409,° after much opposition
on the part of the Archbishop. At Bordeaux, there was great
rejoicing, and a solemn procession paraded the streets to the
Cathedral on Sunday, Aug. i8th, I409.10 In England, the first
news was brought by Prior Chillenden,11 but it was some months
before it was officially announced. The order of June 24th,
I4o8,12 forbidding the export of Papal dues, was still in force;
but previous experience had led observers abroad to make a
shrewd guess that it was not meant to be kept "to the nail."13

1MONSTR., II., 24. 2MART., COLL., VII., IOOQ, 1047, lOQQ ; NlEM,

3I5> 334) 336» 338 5 ERLER, 174. :! Quia gustarunt de brodio a centum
annis citra. — MART., ANEC., n., 1461. 4 Habent enim bursam plenam de
Papis. — MART., ANEC., n., 1464. 5 RTA., vi., 474, 679, 686, 694, 696;
LENFANT, 341. 6 EUL., in., 414; RTA., vi., 698. 7 GERSON, n., 433.
8 Gaudeat alma mater Universitas genuisse sanctum unum ecclesiae. —
BRANDO, 136. SPALACKY, Doc., 372, 733; HIST., III., i.,245; KRUM-

MEL, 208| LOSERTH, 114; HoFLER, HuS, 2gi J CREIGHTON, I., 319.

10 LOPES, ii., 285. For official recognition at Bordeaux see HARL. MS.,
431. 73 (38 b) ; PRIV. SEAL, 645/6294; 646/6316 (Oct. 22nd, 28th, 1409).
11 ADD. MS., 24062 f. 155. For letter announcing the election, dated
Pisa, June 26th, 1409, see HARL. MS., 431, 66 (32 b). 12 Vol. III., p.

358. 13 DUCKETT, I., 210.

1409.] Peace. 385

The new Pope, however, was ready to remit all arrears of dues,1
and, on this understanding, the Papal Collector was again allowed
to resume his duties on August i8th, 1409,2 provided that the
total sum collected did not exceed ,£866 135. 4d. It was
understood, however, that half of the receipts 3 should be sent to
the Cardinals at Pisa to help pay for the costs of the Council,
on condition that the Pope would sanction the appropriation. If
he should refuse, then ample security was taken, whereby the King
could impound the whole and dispose of it at his discretion.

On July 8th,4 Pope Alexander despatched a letter to the
King of England, in which he referred to the pleasant recollec-
tion that he had of their meeting in Lombardy, on Henry's
return from the Holy Land in 1393. He remembered with
satisfaction that he had studied in his youth at the famous
University of Oxford.5 He regretted that war should exist
between England and France, and offered to do his best to
bring it to an end. The letter was brought to England by
Paolo di Arezzo,6 and presented by Philibert de Naillac,7 Grand
Master of Rhodes, in presence of many lords, temporal and
spiritual ; and, in his reply, King Henry touched gracefully on
the distinction that the Pope had gained at the English Uni-
versity,8 promised to send envoys to the proposed Council two
years hence, but bespoke a fair consideration for the claims of
Gregory in the meanwhile. Little was said on the question

!HARL. MS., 431, 32 (19 b), 33 (20); ADD. MS., 24062 f. 147 b;
BRANDO, 138. 2PAT., 10 H. IV., 2, 6. 3 GLAUS., 10 H. IV., 8 d. 4 HARL.
MS., 431, 65 (32). 5Nos memores quod eciam a juventute in regno
Angliae et in praeclaro Oxonien studio conversati multosque ibi honores
et bona quamplurima suscepimus. — Ibid., 78 (40). 6 Paulinus de Aretio,
called magister aulas scutifer honoris et familiaris vester (i.e., of Alexander
V.).— ADD. MS., 24062 f. 155. 7 HARL. MS., 431, 80 (41). 8 Pro eo quod
infra regnum nostrum vos olim in studio general! quam plurimum profecisse
refertur.— HARL. MS., 431, 68 (34 b); ibid., 21 (13); ADD. MS., 24062 f.
!55b.

B 2

386 Pisa. [CHAP. LXXXII.

of peace, though on both sides of the Channel the best minds
were picturing a glorious future for the world, if not only the
Church, but the Kings of France and England could again be
one in heart.1 On July 2ist, 1409, 2 the new Pope wrote to the
French King urging him to make peace with England, and
two days later,3 a letter was written in the same sense to be
despatched to King Henry by the hands of Sir John Colvil,

1 Of Fraunce and Engelond, o cristen princes (i.e., Charles VI. and

Henry IV.),

Sithen that your stile of worthynesse is ronge
Thorgheout the world in alle the provynces,
If that of you myght be radde or songe,
That ye were one in hert, there is no tonge
That might expresse how profitable and goode
Unto the peple it were of Cristen bloode.

Yeve hem ensample, ye ben her myrrours,
They folowe you. What sorwe lamentable
Is caused of your werres sharp shours
There wote no wight, it is irreparable.
O noble Cristen princes honorable,
For hym that suffrede for you passioun
Of Cristen bloode have compassioun.

Alias ! what peple hathe your werre slayne !
What comes wastede and doune trode and shent !
How many a wife and maide hathe be forlayne !
Castels doune bete and tymbred houses brent
And drawen doune and alle to-tore and rent !
The harme ne may not rekened be ne tolde,
This werre wexethe all to hore and olde.

— HOCCL., DE REG., 191, written in 1410.
Estre devront bien ou livre de vie
Qui bonne paix final scauront trouver

Entre ces deux (i.e., England and France) faire TEglise unie
Par ce pourront le monde reformer
Et trestous biens leurs noms perpetuer
En bon renom, qui par tout le monde erre,
Et s'en pourront la gloire Dieu acquerre
A tousjours, mais feray d'eulx remembrance
En mon livre que j'ay enclos soubz serre,
Pour le debat d'Angleterre et de France.

— DESCHAMPS, vi., 78, 115, 133.

2TRANSCR. FOR. REC., 135, 13 (12 KAL. AUG.); REPT. on FCED. D.,
119; BRANDO, 135. 3 HARL. MS., 413, 67 (10 KAL. AUG.); CHAMPOL-
LioN-F"iGEAc, LETTRES, n., 325.

1409.] Recognition. 387

who, however, did not leave for England till Oct. 22nd.1 The
Archbishop of Bordeaux was ready to leave Pisa and visit
England again, offering his services as an intermediary;'2 but
Henry did not encourage the proposal, as the English clergy had
enough to do to contribute to the defence of their own country
without the expense of further legations. Besides, there was
very faint prospect of success, as the Duke of Burgundy was
preparing war for the near future, and it would be well for the
Archbishop not to run the risk of failure, and so jeopardize the
high reputation that he had acquired in connection with his
work in Aquitaine.

It was not till Oct. lyth, HOQ,3 that King Henry officially
notified the English clergy that he recognized the decisions of
the Council at Pisa. On Oct. 22nd,4 proclamations were drawn
up in London and forwarded to the sheriffs, announcing that
England acknowledged Pope Alexander V. ; and on Oct. 28th,5
Henry wrote a letter to Gregory, in which, after some trite
quotations about Pharaoh's heart and Lucifer being cast into
hell, he exhorted him as a friend and well-wisher to go to
the new Pope and make his submission even at the eleventh
hour. Copies of this letter were forwarded at the same time
to Pope Alexander and his college of Cardinals,0 and urgent
despatches were sent to King Rupert7 and Queen Catherine of
Castile,8 with a view to induce them, if possible, to recognize the
Pisan Pope.

On the return of the envoys, there were processions

1 Vol. III., p. 369, note 6. 2 HARL. MS., 431, 76 (39 b). 3 CONC., in.,
321 ; PRIV. SEAL, 645/6287. For order to Archbishop Arundel to publish
the decision to his clergy, see GLAUS., n H. IV., 38. 4 RYM., vin., 604;
DEVON, 313. For proclamation in Ireland, see HARL. MS., 431, 71 (36
b). 5 HARL. MS., 431, 72 (37 b) ; ibid., 69 (35) ; ADD. MS., 24062 f. 155
b. GHARL. MS., 431, 70 (36); ADD. MS. 240621". 155. 7 HARL. MS.,
431, 69 (35) ; ADD. MS., 24062 f. 149, 150. 8 HARL. MS., 431, 74 (39).

388 Pisa. [CHAP. LXXXII.

/f
and a " Te Deum " at Paul's, with an official sermon at the

Cross, thanking God for the termination of the Schism. And for
the moment the Schism was outwardly appeased.1 The two walls
had met and elected the corner stone which their builders had
refused.2 But beneath the jubilation was heard the stubborn
grunt3 of the two old men of Babylon.4 To them and to their
friends the Pisan Council was an "adulterous conventicle,"
the "damnedest collection of devils," the "filth and scum of all
iniquity";5 and even in England there were sturdy vixens6
who made game of it and tried to strangle the lambs of
the fold.7 The feasting was premature; the hydra had only
sprouted another head;8 the Church had only set up one
molten calf the more ; 9 she had two spouses before, and now
she had three,10 or (as John Hus called them) three beasts
fighting for place, pomp, and greed.11 Instead of ^/-vision
they had /^-vision,12 and instead of schism, /n'-schism,13 which
threatened to become centi-schism, so that soon there would
be as many shepherds as there were sheep. Before, it was

1 RYM., viii., 709. 2 ZANTFLIET, 396. 3 Procaciter obgrunnirent. —
WALS., ii., 281; OTT., 266; gannientibus Papis. — PARKER, 275; grucchid
ful sore. — CAPGR., 297. 4 NIEM, 140. 5 Damnatissimum daemoniorum
conventiculum. — BONIFACE FERRER (in 1411) in MART., ANEC., n., 1462,
1480. Spurcitia faeces et scoria omnis iniquitatis et maliciae congregatio
damnatissima et maculatissima (ibid., 1482) ; putidissima et faedissima
congregatio (1483); damnatissima factio (1519, 1525) &c. In a letter
written at Gaeta, Dec. i3th, 1409, Gregory calls it " adulterina congre-
gatio Pisani conciliabuli." 6 "Malicious foxis." — WYCL. (M.), 103, 438;
" wolves of raveyn," "wolvys of helle." — Ibid. (A.), i., 20; ibid. (M.),
104, 149, 151, 246, 456. 7 See the case of William Swan at Cropredy
near Banbury, in CONC., m., 332. 8 MART., ANEC., n., 1416. 9 RAYN.,
xvii,, 353. 10 VREE quoted in LENFANT, 305. n Hus, MON., i., CCLX.,
b. 12 MART., COLL., vn., 1012, 1036, 1157, 1158; MONSTR., i., 262;
CRIBELLUS, 648; FINKE, i., 281 ; PASTOR, i., 141 ; HEFELE, vi., 1042;
SCHWAB, 248; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 330. 13MART., COLL., VIL, 1047,
1167, 1187, 1205. Ein trifaltikeit und noch ein grosser zweyunge und
schande in der heilgin cristenheit. — JANSSEN, i., 139, 144; Zerteilt in drii.
— JUSTINGER, 211 ; Noch grosser zweytracht und irresal davon ufferstende
sij. — RTA., vi., 473; cf. HARDT, n., 299; Hus, MON., i., CCLIV.

1409.] Adjournment. 389

nation against nation and kingdom against kingdom ; now every
kingdom and every city was divided against itself,1 and the last
plague was worse than the first.2

The proceedings at Pisa had already spun out to a greater
length than had been at first reckoned on.3 After the election
of the Pope, every one had made haste to catch the hour and
begone;4 and on Aug. ;th, 1409^ the Council was formally
adjourned. The whole of its 23 sittings had been taken up
with the deposition and election of Popes, no time had been
found for the pressing question of Church reform,6 and this
great section of its intended work had to be reserved 7 for the
consideration of another General Council, which would be
called to meet three years afterwards,8 when the effect of the
new Pope's election had had time to mature.

1 RTA., vi., 698. 2 MART., COLL., VH., 1059, 1133, 1151, 1188;
CONC., in., 306; NIEM, 314; EULOG., i., 287; LENFANT, i., 189 ; REU-
MONT, n., 1144. :} Die Cardinale zu Pyse yr concilium vast lenger
vertziehent dann sie des ersten furgeben hant. — RTA., vi., 478.
4 Statim quilibet ipsorum captavit horam et modum ad recedendum. —
MART., ANEC., n., 1158. 5 BRANDO, 138; SCHWAB, 246; HEFELE, vi.,
1040; CREIGHTON, i., 221. 6 See PIERRE D'AILLY in GERSON, n., 899;
SCHWAB, 247; REUMONT, n., 1146. 7 PALACKY, HUSSITENTHUM, 121.
For modern reasons in defence of delay, see RENIERI, 80. 8 HARL.
MS., 431, 105 (94); HARDT, i., 302; MART., COLL., vn., 1119, 1174;
RAYN., xvn., 385; FOURNIER, i., 355; BEKYNTON, n., 113, 116; GALIT-
ZIN, 32 ; BRANDO, 138.

CHAPTER LXXXIII.
POPE JOHN XXIII.

ALEXANDER V. was a kind-hearted, popular1 man, a bon
vivant, fond of his joke 2 and his beaker 3 of strong wine,4 but
he did little to season or lighten the world.5 Those who knew
him in Milan said that he spent half his day at table, that he
had 40 waiting-maids in uniform to attend on him, and that
he used to send out to the market for any delicacy that he
fancied, while his meals were going on.6 He tried to please
every one,7 and never could refuse a request if well pressed
home ; and as he had made all sorts of impossible promises to
secure the support of the Cardinals at his election,8 it will be
understood that there were many fishing in the troubled
waters.9 His Court was crowded with expectants, jostling

1 Semper vixistis hucusque cum maxima laude. — MART., COLL.,
vii., 1139. 2 EUL., in., 415. 3 For " byker," see DERBY ACCTS., 336.

4 Homo benignus et liberalis libenter bene et laute vivebat bibendo
ut frequenter vina fortia et delectabatur in illis. — NIEM, 242. For " hei
wyn and spisid ale," see WYCL. (M.), 157, 210. Cf. And for to drink
strong wine as red as blood. — CHAUC., PROL., 638. For moderate
drinkers wine was mixed with equal parts of water. —

Qu'en ton vin soit egal

L'eaue ou vin pou mainrrent ( = moindrement),
Qu'il se sent. — DESCHAMPS, i., 320.
Cf. Que vous trempez fort vostre vin,

Pour mieulx endurer le chemin. — Ibid., vin., 25.

Et le faictes d'eaue temprer,

De courant riviere ou fontaine. — Ibid., vin., 339.

5 Hus, MON., ii., 46. 6 BILLIUS, 41 ; CREIGHTON, i., 232. 7 HOFLER,
Hus, 292. 8 NIEM, 244. 9 LENFANT, 309.

1410.] Bologna. 391

one another for preferment. There were 1000 claimants for
every vacancy ; J business was conducted without method ;
benefices were tossed about ; forgeries were abundant ; dispen-
sations were allowed for irregular marriages • and everything
was soon in complete confusion. The French had hoped to
secure a recognition of their Gallican rights and keep the
nomination to bishoprics and benefices in the hands of their
own King,2 and when the Pope refused, they wrote him
down an ass/'5 Pisa was unhealthy in October,4 so he left it
for Pistoja,5 crossed the Apennines in midwinter, and entered
Bologna on Jan. i2th, 1410. Ten knights held a baldachin
of cloth-of-gold over his head,6 the bells rang out, the crafts-
men met him in their new liveries, and the city showed its
joy in jousts and feasting ; 7 but they kept him on such
chinchy 8 rations, that he used to say that as a Bishop he was
rich, as a Cardinal poor, and as Pope a beggar.9 In the month
of March, he was in the neighbourhood of Rome, and there
are letters from him to the monks of St. Albans, dated at
Segni and Anagni on March 8th and 3oth.10 By mid- Lent he
had become very feeble, and was unable to see any one,11 and

1 Non expectantium sed obviam euntium ut quatenus aliquid vacaverit
a mille caperetur. — ARET., EPIST., i., 46. 2 MART., COLL., n., 1371.
3 Ibid., ANEC., n., 1458. 4 NIEM, 244; SOZZOMEN., 1196; ANTONINUS,
in., cxvin. ; SPONDE, 717 ; PERRENS, vi., 159. For a bull dated Pisa,
Oct. i2th, 1409, see ST. DENYS, iv., 307. 8 RAYN., XVIL, 395; RTA.,
vi., 599, Dec. loth, 1409 ; PALACKY, Doc., 374, Dec. 2oth, 1409.
6 MURAT., XVIIL, 597. 7 GRIFFONI, 217; SOZZOMEN., 1197. 8 Satis
tenuiter.— NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 13; HOCCLEVE, 36; CATHOL., 63.
9 PLATINA, 282; ECCART, i., 1536; MURAT., III., n., 842; RENIERI,
83 : note to BRANDO, 147. CHOISY (250) thinks that he was " fort aime
des pauvres a qui il donnait tout." See also LENFANT, 287; CIAC., n.,
774,780; CREIGHTON, i., 232 ; CHRISTOPHE, in., 322. ALZOG (n., 856)
attributes this to his "imprudent habits of extravagance after he had
become Pope;" J. C. ROBERTSON (vn., 330) to his "profusion in his
new dignity." 10 GESTA ABB., in., 508. n See letter of Pierre Plaoul,
written at Bologna on the day after his death.— BRANDO, 135.

392 Pope John XXIII. [CHAP. LXXXIII.

he returned to Bologna, where he died at midnight, May
3rd, 14 1 o,1 under strong suspicion that his death had been
hastened by the injection of a poisoned clyster,2 administered
by order of his successor. :j On May i4th,4 22 Cardinals5
went into conclave in a large upper room in the palace 6 at
Bologna, and on May lyth,7 elected Cardinal Balthasar
Cossa, Archdeacon of Bologna, as Pope, with the title of
John XXIII.

The new Pope was an active politician, of good family,8 and
long public experience, a Neapolitan by birth,9 about 50 years
of age, with plenty of life in him yet,10 but a man of the helmet
rather than the tiara.11 Keen after money, hard, shrewd, un-
bending, merciless,12 he had been a pirate in the Mediterranean,
had lived in incest with his brother's wife at Rome,13 had de-

1 EUL., in., 418 ; PITTI, 83 ; NIEM, 246 ; PETRI, 1016 ; BAYE, i., 318,
323; BRANDO, 135; GASC., 162; OTTERB., 268; WALS., n., 284: ST.
DENYS, iv., 322; MURAT., xvm., 598; BEKYNTON, n., 109; COCHON, n.,
245 ; SCHWAB, 459; CREIGHTON, i., 230; PASTOR, i., 148. For his tomb
in the Franciscan Church at Bologna, see CIAC., n., 775 ; WADDING, ix.,
388; MURAT., III., n., 841 ; LENFANT, 328; RENIERI, 104. 2 MONSTR.,
n., 66; ZANTFLIET, 398; GASC., 154. Toxicatus in clysterio ut dicitur.
— ANTONINUS, in., cxxvn., cxxvni. b. 3 Fuit et est de praemissis in
civitate Bononiensi et extra per totum mundum publica vox et fama. —
HARDT, iv., 197 ; LENFANT, 327. 4 BEKYNTON, n., 109 ; PALACKY,
Doc., 377. 5 For their names, see ST. DENYS, iv., 324; MART.,
COLL., vii., 1179; not 18, as GRIFFONI, 218; CREIGHTON, i., 234.
6 MART., COLL., vn., 1171. 7 BEKYNTON, n., in, 112; PETRI, 1017;
POSILJE, 313; RAYN., xvn., 404; not May loth, as CHRON. GILES, 58.
The news reached Rome on May 2ist, and the new Pope's standard
was hoisted on the Castle of St. Angelo, on June 22nd, 1410. BAYE,
i., 324, refers to the election, under date June igth, 1410, placing the
death of Alexander V. about April 24th. 8 ST. DENYS, iv., 324; REU-
MONT, ii., 1142. Issu de noble sang. — TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 55.
" De grant parentes." — GESTE, 361. 9 MART., COLL., vn., 1206. Not
a Roman, as TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 55 ; GESTE, 361. 10 Nondum senio
confractus sed robustus. — FINKE, 302. Et est janez (jeune) homme de
1'aage de xl anz ou environ. — COCHON, 147. u BILLIUS, 41. Homo
armorum et facti, ut dicitur, sub quo infinite symonie commisse sunt. —
BAYE, n., 298. 12 NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 5. 13 Ibid., 9.

1409.] Baltliasar Cossa. 393

bauched 200 women, including married ladies and nuns,1 and
heeded neither Mass nor shrift, but mocked at the thought of
a life to come.2 The very tapsters 8 would not have chosen
such a Pope ; but he was recommended to the Cardinals by
Louis of Anjou,4 he had stopped the dogs' mouths with sops,
and dug his way in under the door with a golden pick.5 With
Ladislas supporting Gregory at Gaeta/ and Benedict fulmin-
ating under the shield of the King of Aragon at Barcelona,7
a Pope they must have at* once, if only for the name of the
thing. It did not matter whether he were an anti-Pope or a
devil, they would put him right after the election was done.8

Of course there were the usual interested sycophants, who
called him the greatest-born of woman, the Light of the world,
the Lamb of God that should take away the sin of the world,
and so on ; 9 but those who knew him well and had no motive
for flattery, declared that that age had seen no more iniquitous
sight, than this High Priest of the faith of Christ, who knew
neither faith nor religion.10 He had been created a Cardinal

1 NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 6. 2 FINKE, i. 3 Non erat ad hoc etiam
judicio vetularum de tabernis. — MART., ANEC., n., 1461. For " typlinge
tapsters," see CHESTER PLAYS, n., 82. In a court-roll of 1328, " type-
lers" means ale-house keepers. — CHANDLER, 12; see also NOTT., REC.,
i., 450; n., 298; DAVIES, 277; COLLIER, IL, 146. 4 NIEM, 246; ST.
DENVS, iv., 392; MEIBOM, i., 13. 5 HARDT, n., 304. 6RAYN., XVIL,
394; NIEM, 244. 7 RAYN., xvn., 385, Oct. 2ist, 1409. For his letter
dated from Torre de Piano, outside the walls of Barcelona, dated June
i8th, 1410, in which he does not seem to know that Pope Alexander
was dead, see MART., ANEC., n., 1532. For a long time his headquarters
were at Peniscola. — Vol. III., p. 342; MURAT., III., n., 841; ECCARD, i.,
1535; SPONDE, 717; HARDT, HI., 1124. For documents dated Tarra-
gona, Sep. 26th, 1410, and Benifa£a near Tortosa, May gth, 1411, see
MART., ANEC., n., 1533, 1534. 8 MART., ANEC., IL, 1458. 9 SCHWAB, 248.
10 POGGIO, DE VARIET. FORT., 59, quoted in GREGOROVIUS, vi., 601 ; see
also SCHROLLER, 12; NEANDER, ix., 120; J. C. ROBERTSON, VIL, 333.
" Et Deum et homines videtur contemnere," says Gregory, Dec. i3th,
1408. — RTA., vi., 375. Hus called him pessimus, crudelissimus, vindi-
catissimus, superbissimus, mundo ditissimus, accidiosissimus, impatient-

394 Pope Jolin XXIII. TCHAP. LXXXIII.

by Boniface IX.,1 who sent him to Bologna as Papal Legate
and Governor in Sep., I403.2 Here he ruled like a Nero
with a rod of iron.3 He had been a ringleader in resisting
Gregory, and within a month of the revolt at Lucca he burnt
400 of his Bulls in one of the public squares in Bologna.4 It
was he who managed the election of Alexander V., as an old
man 5 who would do as a stop-gap till his own time should
come. He then governed him during his short ten months of
office,6 and got him over to Bologna to die.

At the time of his election, Pope John XXIII. was only
in deacon's orders, but he was priested by Cardinal Brogny 7
with much solemnity on May 23rd, 1410, 8 and two days after-
wards he was crowned in the new Basilica of San Petronio at
Bologna,9 where all the Cardinals kissed his hands and his
feet.10 The first ten months of his papacy were spent at

issimus, immundissimus. — PALACKY, Doc., 60. Cf. Cum ipse sit homo
notorie infamatus de homicidio et aliis criminibus etiam cum omni die
scandalosa operatur. — MART., COLL., vn., 1200. Vir in temporalibus
quidem magnus, in spiritualibus vero nullus omnino atque ineptus. —
ARET., 257 ; ANTONINUS, in., cxxvni. b. Den bosten verliimdosten man
den man vinden kond. — JUSTINGER, 210. " Eidem imponendo enormia"
in CONC., in., 333, dated July 23rd, 1410, shows that his true character
was known in England as soon as he was elected. A recent writer in
CHURCH QUARTERLY REV., xxvn., 423, calls him " a man steeped in
such foul and almost superhuman vice as to be an absolute portent and
enigma in Church History."

1 Note on BRANDO, 147. Not in the Council at Pisa, as ibid., 154.
2 MURAT., XVIIL, 582. 3 NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 10; GOBELIN, 330 ; HARDT,
n., 307; tyrannus Bononiensis. — RTA., vi., 375, 696; Hus, MON., i.,
332; durus valde. — CORNER, 1196 ; crudelissimus ultra et supra Neronem.
— MART., COLL., vn., 1201. Ad solum anhelitum vel gestum trucidat et
devorat homines. — MART., ANEC., n., 1469, 1479; PERRENS, vi., 126;
SCHWAB, 466. 4 NIEM, 529. 5 ^Etate grandaevus. — NIEM, in MEIBOM, i.,
12. 6 NIEM, 242. 7 GONTHIER, 19 : whom he afterwards made Arch-
bishop of Aries, Nov. 24th, 1410; not 1409, as SENEBIER, i., no; nor
before 1385, as CROSET-MOUCHET, 26. 8 MONSTR., n., 69. 9 May 25th,
1410. — GRIFFONI, 218. He notified his election to the University of
Prague on June ist, 1410. — PALACKY, Doc., 376. 10 MURAT., xvm.,
599-

1411.] English Cardinals. 395

Bologna, which he did not leave till Mar. 3151, 141 1.1
On Easter Eve (April i4th, 1411), he made his entry into
Rome, accompanied by all his Cardinals, by King Louis,
and a long train of French and Italian nobles. All Rome was
gathered in St. Peter's Church as he prostrated himself devoutly
before the high altar.'2 The players were in the streets, the
church bells rang, the banners flung, there were torch-light
processions, and the city was in fete for eight days. On the
1 9th,3 the forces of Ladislas were defeated and Gregory's legate
was captured. On June 5th, 141 1,4 the Pope held a Consistory,
and appointed 13 new Cardinals, among them being the learned
Paduan canonist and humanist Francesco Zabarella, Bishop of
Florence,5 the French scholar Pierre U'Ailly, Bishop of Cam-
brai,° Robert Hallum, Bishop of Salisbury, and Thomas Langley,
Bishop of Durham,7 though neither of the two latter were in
Rome at the time. There was thus the unwonted phenomenon
of three English Cardinals in the College at the same time;. but
as Repingdon was appointed by " Bishop Rory,"8 whom no one
in England believed in, and Langley and Hallum were so little
considered that they are barely recognized in the authorized
Italian lists,9 the appointments may be taken as complimentary
only, and King Henry, indeed, at once wrote asking that the
two latter might be allowed to decline the honour, on the
ground of their great value to him as counsellors at home.10

1 MURAT., xviii., 600. 2 PETRI, 1024. 3 Ibid., 1025; POGGIO, 193;
NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 16 ; CREIGHTON, i., 239; not April 24th, as ST.
DENYS, iv., 392. 4 Not June 6th, as CHRISTOFERI, 268. For bulls
dated at Rome, June ist, 1411, see SILFVERSTOLPE, n., 381. 5 ARET.,
EPIST., i., 92, 95 ; UGHELLI, HI., 215. 6 ST. DENYS, n., 733 ; TRAHISONS
DE FRANCE, 54 ; GESTE, 359 ; BRUCKER, in., 858. 7 PETRI, 1026 ; NIEM,
in MEIBOM, i., 17; CIAC., n., 803; PARKER, 252. 8 PETRI, 1018, 1025.
9 CIAC., ii., 803 ; WILLIAMS, n., 62. In a letter written in 1416,
Langley signs himself "Your humble priest of Durham." — ELLIS, ORIG.
LET., Ser. II., i., 52. 1(> HARL. MS., 431, i (i).

396 Pope John XXIII. [CHAP. LXXXIII.

On Sep. Qth,1 1411, Pope John excommunicated Ladislas as
a heretic, and on Nov. 6th,2 preached a crusade against him.
On March 25th, 141 2, 3 Antonio di Pireto, Master General of
the Franciscans, arrived in London to collect money for the
proposed crusade, with a special request that a body of English
troops might be sent over under the command of the King's
second son, Thomas. Pireto remained in England for five
months, but failed to talk over the King, who had enough to
do to fit out his expedition for the raid upon France, and was
not inclined to impoverish his kingdom for the sake of any
Pope whatever.

But the time was fast drawing near for the re-assembling of
the Council, which had been adjourned at Pisa. Bologna4 had
been at first suggested as the new meeting place, then Verona,
Padua, and various places in France, Germany, and Savoy;5
but now that the Pope had returned to the Holy City, it was
decided to meet at Rome.6 By April i3th, 141 2, 7 the benches
were made and the seats fixed in the nave of St. Peter's, and
on the following day, the Pope was considering ibout fixing
a date.8 Invitations were sent out to the Archbishops and
Bishops of Spain, Sweden, Germany, and France, as well as
to the Archbishops of York, Canterbury, Dublin, Tuam, and
Armagh.9 But the roads were dangerous,10 there was a foggi-
ness n about the terms of meeting, and a general lukewarmness
as to meeting at all. King Henry wrote that news had reached

1 PETRI, 1027 5 ST- DENYS, iv., 605 ; Hus, MOM., i., CLXXI. 2 SILF-

VERSTOLPE, II., 435. 3EUL., III., 420; WADDING, IX., 350. 4 MART.,

COLL., vii., 1178. 5 Ibid., 1201. 6 GOBELIN, 331 ; RATISBON, 2137 ; A.
PETRI, 1029. 7 PETRI, 1030. 8 According to ST. DENYS, iv., 590, the
date had been fixed for April ist, 1412. 9 FINKE, 309. 10 Peregrinis et
clericis curiam visitare volentibus ob guerrarum pericula via clausa est.
— BRANDO, 157. " Sub nube animum suum aliis involutum habens.—
MART., COLL., vii., 1178.

1412.] Council of St. Peter's. 397

England from different parts of the world that some powerful
Kings and Christian Princes refused to be bound by the de-
cisions of the Council at Pisa.1 Pope John wept about it, and
said that he was ready to become a common clerk * again, but
he did not see how the one Undoubted Pope could be expected
to have any communication with two heretics condemned by
God and the whole Church. Moreover, with such a shepherd
it was not likely that much zeal would be shown in reforming
abuses in the flock. It was urged that the Pope, who set the
rule to the whole world, should be a man of clean life and free
from the stain of blood, no simoniac, adulterer, hazarder,
drinker, hunter, bordeler, or public barrator,3 and here was a
Pope who was a very compendium of all these in one.

In spite of the unpromising outlook, however, a Council
actually met in St. Peter's at Rome in the beginning of Dec.,
i4i2.4 The Pope was there, and the Cardinals, and such
dignitaries as happened to be in Rome. There was plenty
of ceremony, but a very thin attendance,5 and scoffers at
a distance laughed at it as a hole-and-corner Council,6 at-
tended only by a few monks and simoniacs who were hanging
about at Rome. An owl that had been fluttering about
the Church sat eyeing the Pope from a balk ~ in the
roof, and would not be scared away by sticks or shouts.8

1 HARL. MS., 431, 83 (42 b and 42 a) ; not to Alexander V., as in
B.M. Catalogue. 2 Vilis clericus. — MART., COLL., vn., 1190. 3 Mundus,
non symoniacus, sanguinolentus, adulter, vel lubricus aleator, ebriosus,
venator seu venereus vel aliter publicus baratrator. — NIEM, 159. 4 Uni-
versalis Ecclesias congregatio.- BRANDO, 161 ; FOURNIER, i., 356; FINKE,
2; not April, as ALZOG, n., 858; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 336. 5 BEKYN-
TON, ii., 114, 117 ; SILFVERSTOLPE, ii., 598. Debilem aut nullum
processum habuit.— - BRANDO, 157. 6 " Angulari concilio." — JESENIC, in
PALACKY, Doc., 470. 7 CHAUC. (S.), in., 159. 8 HARDT, I., n., 67;
CLAMENGES, 75 ; ART DE VER., i., 209 ; CREIGHTON, i., 247. For a
similar story, see HARDT, ii., 375; NEANDER, ix., 123.

398 Pope John XXIII. [CHAP. LXXXIII.

Some laughed at this comic version of the Holy Ghost ;
but others saw danger in the omen, and they were right, for
on June loth, 1413, King Ladislas was again in Rome, the
Pope was in headlong flight,1 and the abortive Council of St.
Peter's was absolutely swept away.^ Pope John found no safety
till he reached Florence,3 whence he passed to his old quarters
at Bologna (Nov. i2th, 1413). One step, however, the Council
had taken, which marked the close of a chapter in the struggle
for religious liberty in England. On Feb. 2nd, 1413, it solemnly
condemned some of Wycliffe's books, and a week afterwards,
Feb. loth, had them publicly burnt on the steps of St. Peter's
Church.4

The turmoil in the Church was but a reflex of the divisions
in the Empire. Rupert refused all recognition of the Pisan
Council5 because it had acknowledged the deposed6 Wenzel

1 NIEM, who was with him, graphically describes the confusion. —
MEIBOM, i., 21 ; cf. TRAHISONS DE FRANCE, 55 ; BRANDO, 161 ; CREIGHTON,
i., 250; PERRENS, vi., 188 ; PASTOR, i., 150. '2 Devastatum totaliter. —
PETRI, 1036. 3PooGio, 195. 4FiNKE, 310; PALACKY, Doc., 467, 725, &c. ;
GESCH., III., i., 305 ; PETRI, 1033 ; LABBE, XL, 2, 2323 ; ART DE VER., i.,
209; LOSERTH, 307 ; MAS-LATRIE, 1313. 5 RTA., vi., 483 ; BRANDO, 127.
6 For his deposition, Aug. 2oth, 1400, see RTA., in., 227-605; DUMONT,
II., i, 273 ; ROUSSET, SUPPLEMENT, i., 287 ; PITTI, 60 ; EC. DBS CHARTES,
XLVII., 505 ; HAEUSSER, i., 218; PELZEL, n., CLXIX. ; PALACKY, in., 124 ;
HOFLER, 166 ; DETMAR, i., 393. The sentence was pronounced by the
Archbishop of Mayence at Rhens (called Rayn in EC. DES CH., XLVII.,
497, or Rense in WINDECK, 1082 ; JANSSEN, i., 65 ; CHMEL, i.), opposite
to Oberlahnstein (called Lanstein in TRITHEIM, 11., 308). English envoys
were despatched to Rome to press upon the Pope the advisability of
recognizing the accession of Rupert (RTA., v., 163, 383) ; but it was not
till October, 1403, that Pope Boniface IX. finally gave his approval
(ibid., 253). In Italy it was believed in 1402 that King Henry had pro-
mised Rupert 4000 men-at-arms and 4000 archers, to be used either in
Italy against Galeazzo, or in Germany against Wenzel. — Ibid., 163.
In a subsequent letter the offer appears as 500 men-at-arms and 1500
archers (ibid., 333); see Vol. 1., p. 203, with Corrigenda in loco; also
CHMEL, 65, 67 ; RTA., v., 204 ; HOFLER, RUPRECHT, 266. For official
instructions in German see RTA., v., 202, where " Colle " = Cologne,
not Qwolle, as MART., ANEC., n., 1687.

1410.] Death of Rupert. 399

as King of the Romans. Wenzel, on his side, backed by Pope
Alexander, was beginning to claim his dues against Rupert,1
and Germany was threatened with civil war.2 The Arch-
bishop of Mayence (John of Nassau) 3 supported Wenzel, trust-
ing to the help of France ; and the French were just preparing
to enter the fray,4 when death opportunely stepped in and
carried off both Rupert and Alexander within a few days of
one another. Rupert died suddenly at Oppenheim in his fifty-
ninth year5 on Trinity Sunday, May i8th, 1410,° and was
buried in the choir of the Church of the Holy Ghost in the
market-place at Heidelberg." Amongst his latest official acts

1 JANSSEN, i., 150 ; WENCKER, 301. 2 One party referred to " Babest
Gregorio an den unser Herre der Konig heldet," and the other to " Bab-
est Alexandro an den unser Herre von Mencze (i.e., the Archbishop of
Mayence), heldet." — JANSSEN, i., 138; RTA., vi., 730; HOFLER, 445.
No wonder that the Rath at Frankfort was puzzled and protested that
such matters were too high for them. Wir uns solicher sache nit ver-
sten. — JANSSEN, i., 143. a For an attack on him in 1409, see RTA., vi.,
701. 4 For letter of Charles VI., dated May 2ist, 1410, see JANSSEN, i.,
151; RTA., vi., 746; OHLENSCHLAGER, 146. 5 He was born May 5th,
1352. — HAEUSSER, i., 212; HOFLER, 151. 8 DYNTER, in., 143; RTA.,
vi., 749, 755, 758; JANSSEN, i., 152; GOBELIN, 330; SCHROLLER, i. ;
CHMEL, 180 ; ZANTFLIET, 397; NEUSS, 596; JUSTINGER, 187, 209;
POSILJE, 327 ; ASCHBACH, i., 153; in., 280 ; CARO, in., 357; HOFLER,
466; REUMONT, n., 1154; BLORE, HY. IV.; CREIGHTON, i., 237; not
May igth, as KRUMMEL, 226; nor May 2ist, as TRITHEIM, IL, 331.
For Gregory's letter of condolence, dated Gaeta, July 7th, 1410, see
FINKE, 4, 308. For view of Oppenheim see MERIAN, TOPOGR. RHENI, 40.
7 RATISBON, 2131; WEISSER, 98, 19; PANTALEON, n., 361. In 1886
his tomb was painted and gilded to commemorate the quincentenary of
the University of Heidelberg. M. A. E. GREEN (in., 330) refers to
PAVENS D. HIST. BAVAR. PALAT., p. 216, for inscription in the church
recording the interest of the Lady Blanche in the foundation. For
Rupert's will, dated May i6th, 1410, see RTA., vi., 668. For his
epitaph, see TRITHEIM, n., 331. For his portrait in the throne room at
Munich, see HUFLER, v. For his register at Vienna, see LINDNER, 171-
176. In official documents he is called Herzog Clem. — RTA., in., 184,
202 ; iv., 303 ; see HOFLER, 289 ; not Clement, as POSILJE, 327, 239,
245, 247. Cf. ONSORG, 368; ASCHBACH, i., 153. RATISBON (2125) calls
him orthodoxus, mansuetus, in rebus bellicis strenuus, in defensione
oppressorum sollicitus. Cf. Jicclesiam dilexit et omnem scientiam
liberalem. — HOFLER, 176.

400 Pope John XXIII. [CHAP. LXXXIII.

are protests against the Pisan Council,1 the election of
Alexander V., and the recognition of Wenzel, and com-
missions to some of his bishops to take part in any council
that should be summoned by Gregory. But his death had
greatly weakened Gregory's cause; and within a month after-
wards, Pope John was boasting that he had hopes of securing
the obedience of all Germany.2

And indeed the time had well-nigh come for patching up
the disunited Empire. Wenzel was not yet fifty years of age,3
but all kingly dignity had left him, and he lived as a common
drunkard.4 God's judgment had smitten him ; his health was
wrecked; and at times he could not stand on his feet or move his
hands, but was wheeled or carried about like a log from room to
room.5 In spite therefore of his recognition by Pope Alexander,
the Electors still considered him as deposed; and, on Sep. 2oth,
1410,° they met at Frankfort and chose his half-brother, King
Sigismund of Hungary, to fill the vacancy as King of the
Romans. The election was disputed, and ten days later,7 the
malcontents proceeded to elect his cousin Jobst, Margrave

1 CHMEL, 170, 171, 174, 177 ; LENFANT, 339. 2MART., COLL., vn.,
1176, 1178. 3 He was born in 1361. — ASCHBACH, i., 5. He is called
Wenzelaw or Wenzlaws in WINDECK, 1076, &c. In CHMEL, 146, he
is Kunig Wenclaw von Beheim = Wentzlaw von Behem. in JUSTINGER,
148. 4 Erlebte alz ein ander trunken man. — CORNER, 1134; Kiinglicher
eren wielt er niit. — JUSTINGER, 148. Cf. ST. DENYS, n., 568; SALUZZO,
in NOTICES DES MSS., v., 567 ; DYNTER, in., 76 ; RATISBON, 2121 ;
MX. SYLV., 102; TRITHEIM, 11., 309 ; ASCHBACH, i., 267; LINDNER, IL,
174, 470; LENFANT, 92; DENIS, 54; PALACKY, in., 112. For his
character see ibid., 68. For legend of Susanne, see PELZEL, i., 291 ; EC.
DES CH., XLI., 59. 5 Divino judicio affligitur. — NIEM, 489 ; RTA., in., 275,
277. 6RTA., vn., 7, 44 ; GOBELIN, 331 ; ZANTFLIET, 398 ; DYNTER, in.,
75 ; PALACKY, III., i., 260 ; ASCHBACH, i., 290; CARD, in., 360; HOFLER,
470 ; SCHROLLER, 41 ; CREIGHTON, i., 238. Henry IV. in a letter sent to
Sigismund in the following year refers to this as " de honore per con-
cordem eleccionem excellentis personae vestrae ad sacrum inif>criiiin tune
assumpte (? assumpto)." — ADD. MS., 24062 f., 148. 7 I.e., Oct. ist, 1410.
—RTA., vn., 69; HOFLER, 471 ; SCHROLLER, 44.

1411.] Sigismund. 401

of Moravia, to the same office. Wenzel, moreover, would by
no means admit that his claim to the title had ever been
abandoned ; so that for a time there were three contending
Popes and three contending Kings of the Romans. But
after a few months, Jobst died and Wenzel compromised,
leaving Sigismund to be elected King of the Romans in the
Church of St. Bartholomew at Frankfort, on July 2ist, 141 1,1
by an unanimous vote. After " much talk " he secured the
support of Pope John XXIII.,2 and was crowned at Aix-la-
Chapelle, on Nov. 8th, 1414*

Sigismund 4 was now forty-two years of age,5 tall, handsome,
and well set up,6 a paragon of learning,7 a voluptuary with the
women,8 and a power in the lists. Besides his native German
and Bohemian, he could speak French, Hungarian, and Latin ;
and he was playing his cards with caution in hopes some day to
secure the Imperial Crown.9 He had been all but annihilated
with his army by the Turks at Nicopolis, in I396,10 had been

1 RTA., vii., 96, 111-118; DYNTER, in., 189, 201; BRANDO, 161 ;
ASCHBACH, i., 306 ; PALACKY, III., i., 268 ; SCHROLLER, 60. 2 Nach vil
rede. — JUSTINGER, 211; TRITHEIM, n., 331. 3 DYNTER, in., 201, 203;
ASCHBACH, n., 463. 4 Called Sigmund in WINDECK, 1076, and passim ;
Sygemunde. — TWINGER, n., 013. For account of WINDECK, see ASCH-
BACH, iv., 448. 5 He was born Feb. i4th, 1366. — ASCHBACH, i., 5 ; PALACKY,
in., 37 ; HOFLER, 150; Iss. ROLL, 41 ED. III., MICH., shows £10 paid to
messenger for bringing news of this birth. — HOLT, 17. 6 Corpore et mem-
bris elegantem. — ASCHBACH, i. , 5, n, 119 ; J. C. ROBERTSON, VIL, 338.
7 Eruditione et sapientia clarissimus. — NEUSS, 597. Expertus plurium
linguarum. — OXSORG, 368. 8 ASCHBACH, i., 34. 9 ITINERAIRES (372)
shows that ambassadors from Bohemia were in Paris on Sep. 8th, 1409.
10 Vol. III., p. 261, note 14; ASCHBACH, i., 108. Those who were present
said that there were 150,000 combatants on each side (FROIS., xvi., 452).
Half of Sigismund's army were " Catholics," i.e., Hungarians, Germans,
English, Italians, and French, the latter with the Flemish and Bur-
gundians numbering 3000 (BOUCICAUT, chap. xxn. ; OUDEGHERST, n.,
610 ; TREMOILLE in EC. DES CHARTES, XLVIII., 453), the rest were
" Schismatics " from Albania, Servia, Bosnia or Bulgaria, and the defeat
was afterwards explained by their presence, for " every one knows that
one rotten apple put in the midst of 40 will make the others rot."
Cf. En Turquie est ses vengements

Pour noz pechiez plains de venin. — DESCHAMPS, vni., 86.

C 2

402 Pope John XXIII. [CHAP. LXXXIII.

deposed and imprisoned by his Slav subjects at Ofen in 1401, l
had well-nigh died of a fever in 1404, but had recovered after
being hung by the heels for twenty-four hours to let the poison
trickle out of his mouth,2 and was now on the point of stepping
forward as the Defender of the Church and the secular Head
of Christendom. Henry had visited him at Vienna when Earl
of Derby, in Nov., I3Q2,3 and wore hose of his livery worked
with wounds and arrows;4 and a correspondence was kept up
by means of heralds and pursuivants who passed with messages
between them from time to time.5 When the slaughter of the
Teutonic knights at Tannenberg in July, 1410, had made it
necessary for him to strengthen his precarious position by
every alliance that he could make, Sigismund sent a letter6 to
King Henry, asking for English aid to drive back the Poles.
Henry replied that he had not had time for the deliberation
requisite in so serious a matter, but he promised to send two
envoys to Hungary to ascertain how matters stood on the spot.7
Accordingly, about May, 141 1,8 Hertonk Van Clux9 and

1 ASCHBACH, i., 123 ; CARO, in., 224. 2 ASCHBACH, i., 203. 3CAPGR.,
DE ILLUSTR, HENR., 100 ; PAULI, RECHNUNGSBUCH, 14, 351, with entry
(Nov. 6th), pro batillagio ultra aquam juxta mansionem regis Hungarie.
Cf. DERBY ACCTS., LVIII., LXXIV., 195. 4 Due. LANC. REC., xxvin., i, 3,
APP. A ; DERBY ACCTS., LIX., 280, 285. 5E.g., 1393 and 1394 (Nov. gth).
— Due. LANC. REC., xxvm., 3, 5, b, c, APP. A. 6 The bearer is called
" heer Micheco."---HARL. MS., 431, 115 (102); ADD. MS., 24062, 146 b.
7 Quia nee deliberationem habuimus in tarn arduo negocio requisitam. —
ADD. MS., 24062, 147 b. There appears to be no ground for LENZ' sur-
mise that there was any question of an alliance against France. — LENZ,
SIGISMUND, 34. 8 RYM., vin., 674; PRIV. SEAL, 650/6776, Feb. 26th, 1411 ;
HARL. MS., 431, 113 (101). For their instructions, dated Mar. 2nd,
and Apr. 2gth, 1411, see VESP. F., i., i, 2 ; HARL. MS., 431, 113, 114,
115; LOSERTH, 134. For ;£ioo paid to Sir Hertonk van Clux, and £15
to Master John Stokes going to the King of Hungary, see Iss. ROLL, 12
H. IV., MICH., Feb. i6th, 1411, and 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. i8th, 23rd,
1412. 9 Called Hortonk von Cluix in PRIV. SEAL, 646/6353, Nov. i3th,
1409, where he has £40 per annum; Hartungo Glux in Hus, MON.,
i., cvni., b. He signs himself Heretong Clux. — RYM., x., 209 ; ELLIS,
ORIG. LET., II., i., 82. For account of him, see BEKYNTON, n., 408 ;

1411.] Master John Stokes. 403

Master John Stokes started from England to visit Sigismund
at Ofen.1 They carried with them a letter 2 asking favourable
consideration for the Master of the Teutonic knights, who had
made peace3 with the King of Poland without Sigismund's
consent. On their return they spent some time at Prague,
where Stokes received the memorable challenge from John
Hus, which may lead us to a short retrospect of the spread of
Wycliffry from Oxford to Bohemia.

LENZ, SIGISMUND, 32. He had been knighted when with Henry IV. in
Scotland in 1400 (Iss. ROLL, 13 H. IV., MICH., Feb. 23rd, 1412), and
had seen service in Wales and elsewhere. — RYM., ix., 44. On Jan.
27th, 1413, the King granted to him the alien priory of Llangennith in
Glamorganshire. — PAT., 14 H. IV., 8.

1 Some English knights were present at the great jousts at Ofen
(Buda) in May, 1412. — RTA., VH., 173, 188 ; ASCHBACH, i., 325 ;
CARO, in., 388. Sigismund was still there on June 2ist, 1412. — HR.,
vi., 97. 2 ADD. MS., 24062 f. 148. 3 I.e., the peace of Thorn (Feb. ist,
1411). — CARO, in., 351.

CHAPTER LXXXIV,
OXFORD,

THE intellectual life of England, such as it was, was focussed
at this time at Oxford, where the members of what had once
been but a struggling Fraternity of unlicensed teachers,1 had
long ago been incorporated into a "university,"2 " multitude," :!
or " study general," 4 and had fought their way by pitched
battles5 into a commanding position over the burgesses of
the town. Large privileges had been secured from Popes
and Kings ; wealth had poured in from the sale 6 of graces,
degrees, dispensations and offices, as well as from the bequests

1 RASHDALL'S theory (CHURCH QUARTERLY REV., xxin., 443) that
they originated in a secession from Paris lacks positive proof, so far.
2 Cf. Universitatis pastor or rector (i.e., God) ; universitatis rex or
magister (i.e., Christ), &c. — DOLEIN, 155, 234, 271, 395 ; in universitatis
detrimentum ( = to the ruin of the whole). — Ibid., 385 ; solus contra
universitatem fidelium ( = the whole of the faithful). — Ibid., 421 • regni
universitas (the whole of the realm). — SHARPE, LONDON, i., 40 ; WYCL.
DE ECCLES., 92 ; Hus, MON., i., cxcvi., b ; DENIFLE, CHART., ix.
ENG. HIST. REV., i., 643 ; MONAST., vi., 1386 ; LEROUX DE LINCY, ix.
JESSOPP, 264 ; ALZOG, 11., 726. For " universitee," see CHAUCER (S.)
i., 244,249, 250; ii., 140; WYCL. (M.), 157; (A.), n., 310; in., 326
LYDGATE, TEMP., LXXXVIII. ; HOCCL., MIN. Po., 220. Nulla communitas
vel universitas hominum mortalium simul congregata. — GERSON, n., 213 ;
" universite of thingis." — WYCL. (A.), i., 320.

Al universite de tout le monde

Johan Gower ceste balade envoye.— GOWER, BALLADS.

A 1'universite de tous princes. — DESCHAMPS, vin., 127.
1 PURVEY, PROL., 48, 51. 4 He wente unto the studie general. — HOCCL.,
MIN. Po., 221. For the studium generale Pragense, cf. DENIFLE, PROC.,
498, 500. 5 MUN. ACAD., i., 46, 68, 190, 224, 461; HUBER, i., 134; MURI-
MUTH, 184. 6 MUN. ACAD., 737, &c ; GASC., 3, 20, 49, 208 ; LYTE, 172.

1409.] A " Study General." 405

of pious benefactors. A century before, Salisbury had been
much frequented by scholars for the sake of its studies,1 and
it is probable that other cathedral cities had been centres
of learning likewise ; but now that all these had declined, and
the Stamford schism had been crushed, ^ a monopoly of
academic studies for all England had been practically estab-
lished in Oxford and Cambridge.

Oxford was now no longer a resort for "dirty scholars,"3 pages,
naifs,4 villains, and other "miserable persons," 5 who would swear
to poverty ° or need a begging-license " from the Chancellor to
eke out their scanty exhibition 8 provided by some gild or charity
connected with their native place. She knew that good apples
never grow on sour stock,9 and she gathered crowds of "profitable
students"10 who could pay their purses11 — the sons of kings,1-
dukes, earls, barons, lords in Parliament and rich London
citizens,13 their dues increasing according to the amount of
money they spent on their maintenance per week.14 All

1 SARUM STAT., 23, 72. 2 MULLINGER, HIST., 18; RYM., iv., 621,
638. 3 MUN. ACAD., 2, 4, 88, 89, 99, 259, 468. Cf. Scolares pauperes ;
omnino pauper. — DENIFLE, PROC., i., 225, 652 ; CHAUC., MILLER'S TALE,
3190; LANG, 61. Cf. " escoliers crottes." — AUBERTIN, n., 357 ; MOLAND,
238, 417. 4 ROT. PARL., in., 294. 5 MUN. ACAD., 260. 6 Paupertatem
jurare. — DENIFLE, PROC., I., XLVII., 228, 653, 918. 7 STAT., n., 58 ; iv.,
!•» 5925 JUSSERAND, 271. Cf. querendi viaticum pro studio suo continu-
ando. — UENIFLE, I., XLVI., 608. 8 MUN. ACAD., 516, 656, 661, 700, 707 ;
LITTLE, 53. The word is the equivalent of victus in the English trans-
lation of HIGDEN, n., 231 ; in., 199 ; iv., 89 ; v., 53 ; vi., 361, 373 ; vn. ,
153, 209, £c. 9 P. PLO., xi., 206. 10 ROT. PARL., iv., 81. " At Paris
they were usually five in number, viz. : — fees for the master, the schools,
the beadle, the sub-beadle, and the altar light, and sometimes additional
ones for expenses of messengers to and from Rome, litter, &c. — DENIFLE,
PROC., I., XLVII., XLVIII., LI., 55 ; CHARTUL., II., 674. 12 MUN. ACAD.,
129, 226, 301, 354, 360, 428; HUBER, i., 83; ROGERS, i., 121. For Richard
II., see FROIS., iv., 184. 13 LYTE, 201. Cf. divites et bursas suas solvere
potentes.— DENIFLE, PROC., I., XLV., XLVII., 174, 488; impotens satis-
facere de bursis suis pro presenti. — Ibid., 66, 177. u E.g., if a man spent
three sous a week on his keep he paid a fee of twenty sous, while a man
who spent fourteen sous a week paid eighty, and so on. — DENIFLE, PROC.,

I., L.

406 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

Christendom was represented in her schools : — : Scots,2 Welsh,3
Irish,4 French, Lombards, Greeks, Huns, Czechs,5 Gascons,
Spaniards and Portuguese, forming not a nation, but a little
world ; 6 and so polyglot was the throng that statutes had to
be promulgated in Latin to be understood by all these out-
landish scholars from beyond the seas.7 All classes and all
ages mixed together in " Oxenford school "8 : — yellow-beaks9 of
ten,10 and grey-beards over seventy,11 clerks and laymen,
monks l'2 and friars,13 priests,14 curates, rectors, vicars and parish
chaplains 15 holding benefices 1G from five to ten marks up to
100 marks a year, with special permits17 to absent themselves

1 MUN. ACAD., 20, 23, in, 236, 283, 305, 446, 587, 685, 755 ; ROT.
PARL., in., 457; ORIG. LET., II., i., 8; GASC., 161 ; AYLIFFE, i., 32.
2 RYM., vi., 514; ROT. PARL., iv., 358. 3Oxr. CITY Doc., 153, 156, 160.
4 Ibid., 153, 155; ROT. PARL., iv., 190 ; CAL. ROT. HIB., 170, 187 ;
BELLESHEIM, i., 542. For " Irishman Street " at Oxford, see A. WOOD,
HIST., i., 114. 5 LOSERTH, 41. 6 L'Universite c'est plus qu'un peuple
c'est un monde. — GERSON, iv., 583-590; AUBERTIN, n., 408 ; GALITZIN,
33. In Paris the natio Anglicana included Germans, Huns, Bohemians,
Poles, Swedes, Norwegians, Danes, Scots, English and Irish (DENIFLE,
PROC., I., xvi.), though only eight Englishmen appear to have graduated
there between 1333 and 1406. — Ibid., xvn. 7 C. H. COOPER, ANN., i.,

42; MULLINGER, HlST., 17; RYM., II., 43. 8 WYCL. (A.), III., 484.

9 Cf. Du CANGE, s. v. Bejaunius = Bee jaune. Cf. Qui ne soient bejaunes
ne enfens. — DESCHAMPS, vin., 180. 10 CHAUC. (S.), in., 174, 223 ;
ASTROLABE, 2; GUTCH, i., 139; BRODRICK, MERTON, 12, 339; VAUGHAN,
i., 229; LITTLE, 43. For " pueri " at Queen's College, see A. CLARK,
129. Cf. "a puerili etate concurrunt," of foreigners in Paris. — DENIFLE,
PROC., I., xvi. In Statutes of King's Hall, Cambridge, dated March
5th, 1380, a scholar before admission must be at least 14 years of age,
and sufficiently instructed in the rules of Grammar. — RYM., vn., 241 ; see
also DENIFLE, PROC., I., xx. n DENIFLE, PROC., I., xxi. 12 MUN.
ACAD., 126, 220, 450 ; CONC., n., 595. 13 MUN. ACAD., 205, 208, 353.
14 PURVEY, PROL., 52. 15 MUN. ACAD., 150. Herdes that studien in
scole. — WYCL. (M.), 454. 16 MUN. ACAD., 9, 40, 89, 315. For pouert
ot benefis he (the vicar) may not go to scole. — WYCL. (M.), 116.
17 STAFF. REG., 3, 4, 7, 8, 22, 26, 37, 47, 56, 61, 66, 79, 84, 87, 88, 91,
94, 98, 221, &c. ; GASC., 198 ; BOASE, EXON., xxxvni. For permit to
Peter Petit, parson \?f St. Patrick's at Trim, to be absent from Ireland
for three years for study at Oxford or Cambridge, see PAT., 6 H. IV., I.,
32 (Oct. i7th, 1404) ; see also CAL. ROT. HIB., 187, 195, &c.

1409.] Halls. 407

for a year or two to crack a little Latin l and gather lore to
teach their flocks the way to heaven.2 Many came up merely as
wasters, for no better purpose than to riot among fools3 with wine
and bordel,4 to take shots by day from their windows at passers-
by in the lanes and venells below,5 or to roam the streets after
curfew with sticks, swords, polehatchets ° and misericordes,7
or shout abusive epithets 8 and break heads in a North and
South row,9 or give running kicks at the townspeople's doors,10
or rescue their mates from Bocardo,11 or sneak out12 as drag-
latches 13 and raveners 14 about the farms and country-houses to
supply themselves with victuals. Thus the student and the
rioter, the rakehell and the pietist, all rubbed shoulders
together ; 15 even married men brought their wives and children
and menials,16 and mediaeval Oxford had as much as she could
do to cram 17 her geese and keep her apes and ants in
line.

Every scholar was required to attach himself to a Master
and live in a Hall, of which there were at one time as many as
300 1S in the town and suburbs, one of them claiming to date

i WYCL. (M.), 156. 2 WYCL. (A.), i., 284. Cf. " to lerne philosophris
lore." — Ibid., 310. 3 GOWER, CONF., 280. 4 OXF. CITY Doc., 185, 207 ;
GOWER, CONF., 229. 5 OXF. CITY Doc., 169. 6 Ibid., 153. 7 Ibid., 169,
174. 8 Verba contumeliosa. — Ibid., 163, 172; DENIFLE, PROC., I., LXIII.
9 For fights in Paris between Gallicans, Picards and English, see DENIFLE,
PROC., I., LX. 10 OXF. CITY Doc., 177. n Ibid., 180 ; MUN. ACAD., 681 ;
SHARPE, n., 114. 12RoT. PARL., iv., 190, 358. 13STAT., i., 268. Cf.
" lacchedrawers. " — P. PLO., ix., 288; x., 192; " nightcomers." — Ibid.,
xxii., 144; "pickers." — ABERDEEN REC., i., 4. For " pilours and pyke-
herneys," see P. PLO., xxm., 263 ; T. SMITH, 389. 14 GOWER, CONF.,
283, 284, 288. 15 MUN. ACAD., 718. For the clerk who took a harlot
into King's Hall, stabbed her in the left breast rather than pay her price,
and got off by Churchman's rights (1299), see OXF. CITY Doc., 155.
16 MUN. ACAD., 279, 346, 347 ; CONC., in., 264. 17 Reading " sufferctos "
for " sufferatos," in GERSON, n., 143 ; GALITZIN, 28, 29 ; SCHWAB, 256.
18 MUN. ACAD., xxi., 174; BRODRICK, MERTON. 3; OXF. CITY Doc.,
5, 24, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 52, 150, 156, 169, 172, 173, 385 I BUDDEN-

SIEG, 58.

408 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

back to the days of Alfred the Great.1 Of most of these the
names only are preserved ; but we have fairly full particulars of
the King's Hall,2 which was given by Edward III. to his charity
scholars at Cambridge in 1337. It was a wooden house, built
in two storeys round a cloistered court, and contained 16
chambers, with room for 36 scholars, each receiving 2d. per
day. In the time of Henry IV., the number of its scholars
was 32, 3 viz., an Inceptor in Law, 12 Masters in Philosophy,
and 19 undergraduates. All of them wore coloured cloth
copes,4 furred with lamb's wool or popul,5 the graduates having
also hoods of miniver wombs.6 They had an oratory, a parlour,
a refectory, a brewhouse with leaden boiler, mashvat and coolers,
a granary, bakehouse, pigsty, stable, kitchen, promptuary, and
dovecote,7 a library with 87 chained books,8 and a garden9
planted with saffron,10 parsley,11 fennel,1'2 leeks, chibbals,13 garlic,
vetches, and cole, with vines trellised on splints, rails, forks,14
and crutches.15

1 ROT. PARL., in., 69; PURVEY, PROL., 59; WOOD, n., 55, 57;
CAPGRAVE, 113; HALLAM, in., 524. For the evidence see PARKER,
EARLY HISTORY OF OXFORD, p. 54 ; ELIZABETHAN OXFORD, 10, 13 ;
A. CLARK, 10. Cf. the claim of Paris that Julius Cassar brought the
University from Athens to Rome and that Charlemagne brought it from
Rome to Paris.— AUBERTIN, n., 359 ; HEFELE, vi., 883 ; SCHWAB, 57,
187. 2 WILLIS AND CLARK, n., 431, 681 ; in., 248, 254; HIST. MSS.,
ist REPT., APP., 83 ; T. BAKER, i., 36; RYM., vn., 240. 3 Q. R. WARD-
ROBE, ff , f|, £f , APP. B. In 1409, there were one Licentiate in Laws,
three Masters in Philosophy, 14 Bachelors and 14 Scholars. 4 Cf.
" With thredbare cope as is a poure scolere." — CHAUC., PROL., 262.
5 ROGERS, I., 122, 582. 6 For a doctor in green tabard and hood, see
COOKRY, 7. 7 WILLIS AND CLARK, in., 592; PROMPT. PARV., 135.
8 WILLIS AND CLARK, n., 442. y BESANT, 73. For a i5th century
garden, see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIV., 158. 10 Ibid., LIV., 166. n Ibid., 164.
Use souvent pour ta nature

De persil bettes et bourraches. — DESCHAMPS, vni., 344.
12 For lists of garden stuff, including mint and fenoil, see DESCHAMPS,
vn., 344; CHAUC. (S.), i., 124; ARCH/EOLOGIA, LIV., 165. 13 HIST.
MSS., 2nd REPT., 139. For "chiboles and chiruylles," see P. PLO., ix.,
311. 14 ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIV., 162. 15 WILLIS AND CLARK, in., 578, 582.

1409.] Colleges. 409

But this was an establishment on a royal scale. The
average hall, inn,1 or hostel was a much more unpretentious
place,2 with a few little solars fit up with bed, board, chair, and
candlestick,8 let out on lease 4 to a Warden and his wife,5 and
changing hands with the fortunes of any speculative Principal.

Such smaller tenements were now being fast absorbed by
the rise of endowed collegiate buildings.6 Merton, University,
Balliol, Exeter, Oriel, and Queen's, all of them still known
indifferently as Colleges or Halls,7 had swallowed up many

1 For " inne," see WYCL. (A.), n., 132. 2 SKELTON, PL. 126,
137, 140, 147, 154, 157. 3 WYCL. (M.), 380. 4 A. CLARK, 15.
5 For Thomas Spencer, Warden of Spencermartynhall, and his
wife (1380), see OXF. CITY Doc., 43. 6 BOASE, EXON., xm.
7 Cf. Aula de Merton. — MUN. ACAD., 136, 520, 562, 584; CONC.,
in., 264 ; " Merton Halle." — PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV., OXON. ; GIBBONS
(LiNC.), 94, 130, 138; SHARPE, IL, 380; " Domus Scholarium de
Merton." — GIBBONS, 104; WOOD, n., 85; A. CLARKE, 59; "Collegium
de Mertonhalle."— WYCL., DE DOM. DIVIN., 263; OXF. CITY Doc.,
206 ; ARCH^OL. JOURN., XLIV., 58 ; for Aula Magna or Collegium Majoris
Aulae, i.e., Micklehall, see TEST. EBOR., i., 311, 324 ; " Mokel Universite
Halle."— ROT. PARL., m., 69; LYTE, 153; "The Myghell Hall."-
ORIG. LET., II., i., 8; ARCH^OL. ^)L., n., 99; " Baillolhalle." — BRODRICK,
MERTON, 309, 314; HIST. MSS., 5th REPT., 450; SHARPE, n., 37, 115,
205; "House of the Scholars of Balliol."— A. CLARK, 26; "Domus
Scholarium de Balliolo." — OXF. CITY Doc., 221 ; "Aula de Bayloyol."
— GIBBONS, 27 ; WOOD, IL, 70; LIB. CUST., 237 ; HIST. MSS., 4th REPT.,
443, 447, 448; WILLIS AND CLARK, i., xxxiv. ; "Exeter Hall," or
" Stapledon Hall" -Ibid., i., xxxvi. ; PAT., i H. IV., i., 20; PIPE ROLL,
7 H. IV., OXON.; BOASE, EXON., iv., XL.-LIIL, 190; A. CLARK, 76;
"Excestrehall." — OXF. CITY Doc., 303; "Aula Stapulina." — MUN.
ACAD., 240 ; WOOD, n.,g8; " College of Excestre."— ORIG. LET., II. , i.,
8. (For list of Bishop Stapleton's books at Exeter in 1326, see OLIVER,
BISHOPS, 439.) For " La Quenhalle," see RYM., vm., 675 ; ROT.
PARL., m., 652; WOOD, n., 113; OXF. CITY Doc., 44; "The Quenes
College." — ANTIQ. REP., i., 126. For " the House of St. Mary, Oxon.
Collegii de Oriel, alias Aulx regalis vulgariter nuncupati," see PAT., n
H. IV., 2, April i7th, 1409 ; AYLIFFE, II. , LXXX. ; A. CLARK, 88, 95 ;
" Oriolehall." — OXF. CITY Doc., 50. For " aula? regime," see PAT., u
H. IV., 2, 22 ; FLETCHER, COLLECT., i., 64. For " Bresenosys," see OXF.
CITY Doc., 41. For distinction between hall and college, see WILLIS
AND CLARK, I., xv. , though the distinction is imaginary at this time, e.g.,

Ther was a gret College

Men clepe the Soler Hall at Cantebrege. — REEVE'S TALE, 3988.

4.10 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

lesser halls1 that lay about their doors, and quite a nest of
them had been just swept away by Bishop Wickham, when he
built his new St. Mary College of Winchester in Oxford,2 on a
piece of ground adjoining the Slipe,8 under the northreast
corner of the city wall, which had been the haunt of thieves
and harlots, and a common rubbish-heap for all the filth and
garbage of the town.4 The Benedictines of Canterbury,5 Dur-
ham,6 Gloucester,7 Malmesbury,8 Norwich, Winchcombe,9 St.
Albans,10 and Westminster11 had each a scholars'-house or
mansion-place12 at Oxford for their monks. The Cistercians
had their "study ing-place" amongst the elms at Rewley13 on
the river bank; and the Black, White, Grey, and Austin Friars,14
all had their convents without the walls crowded with so many
eager students that it was believed that if these Orders were
dissolved, as Wycliffe urged, degrees would cease, and the
University be utterly ruined.15

Poor scholars were helped to live in various ways. Sometimes

1 For list of 96 halls belonging to Exeter College alone, see PAT., 7
H. V., 2, 20, quoted in BOASE, EXON., LXVII. 2 PIPE ROLL, 7 H. IV.,
OXON. ; CAL. ROT. PAT., 211, 218; YEAR BOOK, n H. IV., HIL., 53 a;
PAT., 13 H. IV., i, 28 (where John Bouk is Warden); MUN. ACAD.,
637; LOWTH, 181, 366; WILLIS AND CLARK, i., pp. xvn., LII. ; in.,
256; A. CLARK, 152; LOCKWELL, PROC. OF ARCH^OL. INST. (1845),
p. 24. For account (,£200 gs. nd.) for building part of tower and walls,
(dated Mar. i2th, 1397), see OXF. CITY Doc., 306. For picture of New
College buildings in the i5th century, see ARCH^EOLOGIA, LIII., 230.
3 WALCOTT, WICKHAM, 280. 4 WOOD, n., 129 ; OXF. CITY Doc., 4.
5 OXF. CITY Doc., 42. 6 CONC., n., 614. 7 OXF. CITY Doc., 24 ; BRITTON,
v., 25; AMUNDESHAM, IL, 264; A. CLARK, 428. 8 BOASE, 69. y MONAST.,
vi., 404. 10 GESTA ABB., in., 496. n ARCH^OLOGIA, LII., 276. l'2 WILLIS
AND CLARK, i., xxxv. 13MoNAST., v., 697; LET., ITIN., n., 71; LYTE,
102; BOASE, 53; SKELTON, PL. 113, 117; OXF. CITY Doc., 206.
14 LITTLE, 54 ; A. W. WARD, 34 ; REEVES, n., 491. For statute of Cam-
bridge, 1336 (rescinded 1366), forbidding Friars to receive youths under
18 years of age, see COOPER, ANNALS, i., 109; MULLINGER, i., 263. For
fratrifactores, see WYCL. (M.), 9, 10, 68, 133, 223, 269, 278, 500; ibid.,
(A.), i., 299; ii., 380; ni., 348, 373, 392, 397, 416; DE APOSTAS., 28; DE
BLASPH., 212; BUDDENSIEG, n., 468; LEWIS, 135; VAUGHAN, TRACTS,
226. is WYCL., DE BLASPH., 242.

1409.] Poor Scholars. 411

the faculty or nation would remit all dues to those who took an
oath of poverty and promised to pay when they grew rich ; x or
some charitable soul would found a bursary,2 or leave money to
be kept in a hutch,3 with his name on it, and loaned out to needy
students who had a book 4 or anything of value to deposit as a
pledge for repayment. Others would build and endow houses 5
where scholars could be clothed and shod, live together under
discipline, talk in Latin,6 rise at four in the morning,7 and rabble8
out prayers for those that gave them wherewith to scholaie.9

Oxford in her best days had brought out theologians of
world- wide repute; the works of Hales,10 Grostest,11 Marsh,
Peckham,12 Kilwardby,18 Bradwardine,14 Harclay,15 Shirwood,

1Cum ad pinguiorem fortunam pervenerit. — DENIFLE, PROC., L, x. ,
547, 897. 2In 1359 Adam Jedworth gave £12, the interest on which was
to be used for the maintenance of a Scotch student in Paris. — Ibid., I.,
xix., 240. 3 MUN. ACAD., 102, 105, 130, 133, 213, 496 ; FULLER, UNIV.
CAMB., 93; HIST. MSS., gth KEPT., I., 47; LANG, 42; BURROWS, WOR-
THIES, 7 ; A. CLARK, 77. For John Barnes' chest with loans to London
apprentices, see BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 140, 186. For the cista nacionis
Anglicanae in Paris, from which money was advanced to students on
pledge, see DENIFLE, PROC., I., xv., 205, 339, 400. 4 OXF. CITY Doc.,

172; COXE, I., 53, 60; KlRCHOFF, 133; DENIFLE, PROC., I., 907, 912 J

quils ont mis leurs livres en gage. — DESCHAMPS, vin., 96, 188. 5 MUN.
ACAD., 56, 87, 490. For the domus Almannorum pauperum scholarium
in Paris, see DENIFLE, PROC., L, xvm., 82, 118, &c. 6 BRODRICK, MER-
TON, 26, 322; WALCOTT, WYK., 315; WILLIS AND CLARK, in., 364;
RYM., vii., 240 ; MULLINGER, i., 371 ; LYTE, 84, 86, 141 ; A. CLARK,
26, 32, 68, 140. 7 HUBER, i., 395. 8 MYROURE, 53, 54. Cf. " no rabul of
wordis ne curiouse florischynge in ryme." — WYCL. (A.), in., 466; "bla-
bren out matins and mass." — WYCL. (M.), 168, 420; KNYGHTON, 2658.
9CHAuc., PROL., 304; MULLINGER, i., 644; BOASE, EXON., xin., 7, 237;
ROCK, in., 46. 10 DENTON, 58 ; ALZOG, n., 766. n LOSERTH, XLII. In
GOWER, CONF., 179, " Grostest " rhymes with " honest ; " called " Gros-
ted " in WYCL. (M.), 56, 61, 123, 145, 224, 385 ; (A.), in., 216, 226, 278,
288, 400, 519 ; or " Grosthed," ibid. (A.), i., 171 ; in., 459, 467, 469, 470,
489; " Groosthead," ibid., n., 418! For examination of his body at
Lincoln in 1782, see BLOXAM, 71. 12 LITTLE, 154. " Holcote seith on
the book also of Sapience." — HOCCL., 44. For copies at Rome and
Avignon, see EHRLE, 146, 354, 500. 13 EHRLE, 146, 305, 505 ; KIRC-
HOFF, 147. 14 MURIMUTH, i8o ; = Doctor Profundus. — WYCL., DE DOM.
Div., 115, 167; DE ECCLES., xxix.; (A.), i., 324; LECHLER, L, 89;

BUDDENSIEG, 55J ALZOG, II., 990 | CHAUCER, NUN'S PRIEST, 15248.

15 WOOD, ii., 394; ANGL. SACR., n., 524; LE NEVE, in., 464; called
Henricus de Archilago or Archilay in the Avignon catalogue. — FAUCON,
i., 161 ; EHRLE, 347, 498.

412 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

Gaddesden, Duns,1 Ockham,2 Angerville, Baconthorpe, Barley,3
Holcot,4 Kilmington,5 and Fitzralph 6 had carried the fame of
her learning as far as God had ground,7 and thousands flocked
to her from distant parts "to clothe their souls with the garment
of philosophy." 8 A maxim of the time commended study in
a foreign land,9 and students passed about from country to
country, believing that "sundry schools make subtle clerks." 10 In
1264, 15,000 students were enrolled at Oxford,11 and in the days
of the Scotist12 ferment, when " Minerva crossed from Paris to
Britain," IA as many as 30,000 were believed to have thronged
her schools ;14 but the Black Death had scattered them down,15

1 LITTLE, 219; ALZOG, n., 779. 2 EHRLE, 352,487; LITTLE, 224 ;
ALZOG, ii., 989. STRANSCR. FOR. REC., 158, 16 ; ELIZABETHAN OXFORD,
25. 4 HOCCLEVE, MIN. Po., 33; called Elcot or Encot in EHRLE, 545,
555 ; KIRCHOFF, 146. 5 WYCL., DE DOM. Div., 262. 6 MURIMUTH, 193 ;
EHRLE, 559 ; HOFLER, ANNA, 143 ; BELLESHEIM, i., 520-528. 7 WOOD,
i., 209; GOWER, CONF., 376. 8 RYM., IL, 43. 9 SCOTICHRON., IL, 447.
10 CHAUC., MERCHANT, 9301. For a scholar who had been robbed of his
money and books in travelling from Liibeck to Paris in 1370, see DENIFLE,
PROc.,I.,XLVi.,373. n WALS., HYPODic.,514. 12 ALZOG, n., 780. 13PmLo-
BIBL., c. ix., p. 249 ; FASCIC. ZIZAN., LI. ; BUDDENSIEG, 53 ; A. W. WARD,
61. 14 A. WOOD, i., 80 ; GASC., 202 ; GRABS, n., 473 ; HARL. MS. , n., 318 ;
HALLAM, in., 526; VAUGHAN, 33 ; LYTE, 94, 116; FURNIVALL, MANNERS
AND MEALS, xxvii. ; BUDDENSIEG, i., 272; LOSERTH, 70; GREEN, 132;
BOASE, 81 ; LECHLER, i., 130; GASQUET, PEST., 126: HIST. MSS. 2nd
KEPT., 141. It has become the fashion with modern writers to reject
these figures as " one of the exaggerations to which the Middle Ages were
prone" (SCHWAB, 78; BOASE, EXON., xxxix. ; OXF. CITY Doc., 146;
LITTLE, 60, 80) ; but the statements of Fitzralph, who was Chancellor of
Oxford in 1333 (A. WOOD, IL, 395), and Gascoigne, who had seen the
Chancellor's Rolls, are too precise to be " dismissed without serious com-
ment " (MuLLiNGER, i., 241, 363). In WYCL., DE ECCL., 374, the number
is 60,000, where BUDDENSIEG (WYCLIF, 58) thinks there is an o too
many. The same number is given for Paris in G. METZ (circ. 1407). —
LEROUX DE LINCY, 232, 485. In 1409 Simon Cramaud and Jean Petit
said there were 1000 Masters in the Arts Faculty in Paris, and a voice
behind called out, " 2000 ! " — MOLAND, 221, 237, 416. In 1409 more than
20,000 Germans (though not all of them students) left Prague (HEFELE,
vi., 929) ; and in the following year the assertion is made that the number
of students at Oxford exceeded the number who condemned Wycliffe's
books at Prague. — LOSERTH, 329. 15 HIST. MSS., 5th REPT., 450;
GASQUET, PEST., 210.

1409-] Decay. 413

till in 1357 there were scarce 6000, in 1379 l less than 3000,
and the numbers were dwindling still. In 1360,^ the Peace of
Bretigny had provided that Frenchmen might study in England,
and Englishmen in France; but the foreigners found the air of
Oxford too "windy, dense, and damp,"3 the numbers never
recovered, and there was a growing dearth of clerks.

The time had been when folks believed that a lettered clergy
was the fair portion of a realm,4 and that " degree taken in
school made God's word more welcome ; " 5 and so long as the
Pope could provide,6 there was hope for those who had the stamp
of an Oxford degree. But the Statute of Provisors, though often
disregarded,7 had told in the main against the Rome-runners.8
English patrons kept their best livings for their own kin,9 or
sold them for "gold in great quantity,"10 or put in a dancer

1WvcL., DE ECCLES., xxiv., 374. In 1378 the number of English
students in Paris had so fallen that it was proposed to alter the title
Natio Anglicana to Nacio Almanie. — DENIFLE, I., xiv., xvn., 310, 529,
816, 835. In 1392 it was divided into three provinces, viz., Scotland and
Germany, Upper and Lower. — Ibid., xvn., 662. For the mortality
amongst the students in Paris in 1399, see DENIFLE, PROC., I., xxxm.,
803, 819. Rogers estimates only 1500 students at Oxford in 1380 (Oxr.
CITY Doc., 7), in which year the townsmen over 15 years of age amounted
to 2035. In 1568 the numbers are 1842, and in 1602 over 3000. — ELIZA-
BETHAN OXFORD, 15, 205. For estimated population of York (10,500) and
London (35,000) temp. Ed. III., see RAINE, YORK, 202. In 1378 the
population of London is estimated at 46,076, see SUBSIDY ROLL in
ARCH^OL., Vol. V., quoted in DENTON, 131. In the same year the
population of Norfolk and Suffolk = 2 13, 828. 2 CHRON. ANGLIC, 48;
WALS., i., 293; HALLAM, in., 528. 3 BOASE, 102. 4 Clerus literatus est
pulchra portio regni. — HARL. MS., 431, 142 (114 b), addressed to
Henry V. (" invictissime triumphator ") — not Henry IV., as in Catalogue.
5 WYCL. (M.), 427. Freris wanten rizt devocioun for thei taken not her
degres neither in scole ne in office for rizt devocioun to renne the weie
that Crist hath tauzt.—Ibid. (A.), i., 292. 6 Though the Pope's nominees
were often quite unsuitable men. Cf. " Popis chesyn for moneie or for
preier of princis many men that ben unable to bere haly water in chirchis."
—Ibid. (A.), i., 304. 7 PAT., 7 H. IV., 2, 36, and passim. 8 WOOD, i.,

202; HUBER, I., 359; LlNGARD, III., 538; MULLINGER, I., 285 ; RAMSAY,

i., 16. 9 WYCL. (M.), 65 ; (A.), in., 277 ; DE OFF. REG., 75. 10 WYCL.
(M.), 246; (A.), in., 280; LAT. SERM., n., 141 ; VAUGHAN, n., 165.

414 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

or tripper on tapits, hunter, hawker, archer, wild player of
summer games, or other such Vicar of Satan to please some
lady friend. l School learning thus became a closed channel for
promotion ; scholars fell away to worldly pursuits ; the Univer-
sities were in ''high lamentation," and looked only for "utter
destruction speedily." - A century before, Oxford could boast
a royal residence; but the Palace at Beaumont,3 which the
children used to call Rome,4 on the north-west side of the walls,
had been turned into a convent for White Friars ; and Cam-
bridge, which had before been chiefly in repute for eels,5 could
now boast of eight endowed houses, all built and maintained on
Merton's model,6 besides a crowd of smaller inns and hostels.7
But even at the lowest ebb of her fortunes, Oxford still had her
1000 scholars,8 who spent their time in studying and disputing
in the Seven Liberal Arts9 of Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic

1 WYCL. (M.), 64, 65. 2 CONC., m., 173, 242, 275, 381 ; ROT. PARL.,
in., 301; iv., 81; RYM., vin., 81, 339; WALS., n., 338; HIST. MSS.,
i2th KEPT., ix., 395 ; COOPER, ANN., i., 141, 144, 145 ; LYTE, 287 ;
WYCL., DE OFF. REG., 74, 77, 163, 181.

Cf. Alias ! so many a worthy clerk famous

In Oxenforde and in Cambrigge also

Stonde unavauncede, whereas the vicious

Favelle hathe churches and prebendes mo

Than God is plesede withe. Alias ! of tho

That wernen vertu so to be promotede

And they helples in whom vertu is notede.

— HOCCL., DE REG., 189.

3 WOOD, i., 101 ; MONAST., vi., 1577; BOASE, 28, 84; EXON., iv. ;
ROUSE, 140, 192; SKELTON, Plate 116. 4WYCL., DE ECCL., 15. 5 FUL-
LER, 17 ; HIST. MSS., ist REPT., 83 ; LIB. ELIENS., p. 3. 6 FULLER, 117.
For aula de Valence Marie (afterwards Pembroke College), see PRIV.
SEAL, 651/6822, Mar. 27th, 1411. In Paris 29 colleges were founded in
the i4th century. — SCHWAB, 66. 7 FULLER, 41 ; PARKER, SKELETOS, 188;
WILLIS AND CLARK, i., xxv. 8 Viz., in 1438. — A. WOOD, HIST., i., 217.
9 So called because originally only free or high-born men could learn
them, see DESCHAMPS, i., 143; u., 52, 161 ; v. , 145, 148, 150, 152,
189, 221 ; vi., 20, 252, 254 ; vii., 22, 266 ; CAPGR., KATH., 38 ; P. PLO.,
xii., 98 ; xiii., 93 ; xviii., 114; MUN. ACAD., 273, 285, 327, 454, 746;
LIB. ALB., in., 460; LECHLER, i., 136; A. S. GREEN, n., 17 ; A. CLARK,

1409.] Arts. 415

(which formed the Trivium1), Arithmetic, Music, Geometry,2
and Astronomy 3 (the Quadrivium) and the Three Philosophies,
viz., Natural,4 Moral, and Metaphysical. Their Grammar
they learnt from Priscian and Donet, their Rhetoric from
Cicero,5 their Logic from Porphyry.6 They reckoned their
Arsmetric7 by the craft of augrim,8 i.e., with modern cyphers
on the denary basis of the Arabian mathematician, Al-
Kharizmi.9 Their Geometry they got from Euclid translated
into Latin by Boece, and their Astronomy from Ptolemy's
Almegist,10 through the medium of Latin translations from the
Arabic version,11 according to which the earth was in the
centre of the universe, hanging upon nothing and resting upon

161. In 1406, the natio Anglicana in Paris adopted as their escutcheon
an eagle and seven virgins with the inscription " hee sunt scole septem
artium liberalium." — DENIFLE, PROC., I., xxvi., 703, 930.

1 HUBER, i., 4 ; HALLAM, in. ; ENCYCL. BRIT., xxm., 833 ;
MULLINGER, i., 24, 341 ; VAUGHAN, i., 214; LABORDE, i., 73 ; BUDDEN-
SIEG, 100 ; ALZOG, n., 1000; BESANT, 189. 2 GOWER, CONF., 345.
s Ibid., 349; WYCL. (M.), 225. See the passage in WYCL. (A.), n.,
408, where " the calkelators in astronomye and othir sciencis ben left
to helle." 4 Cf. " kyndely skill."— WYCL. (A.), n., 222 ; " science of
kynde." — Ibid., m., 406. 5 GOWER, 205, 358, 359, 445. 6 MUM. ACAD.,
242 ; WYCL. (M.), 447 ; (A.), m., 407 ; DE APOSTAS., 55 ; P. PLO.,
xin., 173 ; xv., 190 ; ALZOG, n., 730. 7 For ars metrica, see MUN.
ACAD., 413, 415. Cf. arsmetrike.— CHAUC., KNIGHT, 1900; HALLI-
WELL, 88 ; arsmetica. — FLETCHER, COLLECT., i., 67 ; Arsmetique. —
GOWER, CONF., 345 ; Arismetique. — DESCHAMPS, v., 150, 221 ; vn., 267.
8 Or algorism. — MUN. ACAD., 243, 413, 415; GOWER, CONF., 345;
PROMPT. PARV., 18 ; CATHOL., 7 ; CAMB. ANTIQ. Soc., n., xiv., 18 ;
DESCHAMPS, vn., 268 ; RICHARD REDELES, 502, with note in WRIGHT'S
EDITION, p. 57. For algerista ( = arithmetician) see WAZSTEN., 139.
For litterae de awegrym, see TEST. EBOR., i., 334.

Cf. That thogh Argus (i.e., Algus) the noble countour

Rekened with his figures ten. — CHAUC. (S.), i., 292.

For noumbres of augrim, see CHAUC. (S.), in., 179, 375. 9 ENCYCL.
BRIT., xvn., 626; or al-Kowarazmi. — CHAUC. (S.), i., 475. 10 Or
Almagest. — BACON, 537 ; GOWER, CONF., 330, 349, 352 ; CHAU-
CER, WIF OF BATH, 5765; "Amageste." — DESCHAMPS, vin., 286.
For " wise Tholomeus," see GOWER, CONF., 353, 355 ; " Tholomee."
— CHAUC. (S.), n., 46; DESCHAMPS, vni., 281. n DENIFLE, CHART.,

XXIX.

4i 6 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

nothing.1 The firmament with the fixed stars was worked out
to be 109,375 miles away,2 and it was calculated that if Adam
had started on the day of his death and had travelled twenty-
five miles a day, he would not have got there yet.3 God was
just above it, but Hell was much nearer to us,4 being a
sorrowful and straight lodging 3300 miles down in the middle
of the earth.5 Modern knowledge was represented by treatises
on "perspective"6 (or optics) by Al-Haze and Vitello,7 but
of the Greek or classic literature that was engrossing the
humanists of Italy and France, there is scarcely a trace.8 The
rest was all a selection from Aristotle's lore 9 in Latin transla-

1 MYROURE, 303. Cf. Fixus in aeternum mobilitate sua. — GOWER in
POL. SONGS, u., i. For a curious gravitation argument to prove that
the earth is at the centre of the universe, see WYCL., LAT. SERM., i.,
387; u., 191. For the antipodes,

Cf. Car ainsis que dessoubz la pomme
L'en voit une mouche asseoir
Arrebours, puet chascun veoir
Que soubz noz piez a autres gens.
Ainsis li soulaulx diligens
A ses gens va, tourne et leur luit
Lors qu'il nous semble qu'il.soit nuit.

— DESCHAMPS, vin., 278.

2 MYROURE, 304, 305. 3 Ibid., 356. 4 For the theory that Hell was in the
North and Heaven in the East, see P. PLO., n., 121-133. 5 WYCL. (A.), i.,
42. ® Ibid., u., 299. 7PooLE, 237; WYCL., LAT. SERM., in. ,244. SHUBER,
i., 323 ; LECHLER, i., 135 ; A. W. WARD, 40. BRUNI was interested in a
young Englishman at Florence, named Thomas, studiorum nostrorum
quantum ilia natio cupit ardentissimus affectator. — ARET., EPIST., i., 55.
9 GOWER, CONF., 385 ; MULLINGER, i., 92. A list of lectures which a
rich student at Vienna attended, before determining bachelor in arts,
at the end of the i4th century, includes Parva Logicalia, Logica Vetus,
Phisica Aristotelis, Euclides et Insolubilia, Spera (i.e., Sphaera), Prior and
Posterior Analytics, Grecismus (i.e., Eberhard Bethunensis), Obligatoria
et Exercitium Priorum, Confredus (i.e., Godofredus de Vino-salvo, or Vin-
sauf Poetica Nova. — Edition, LEYSER, HIST. POEM. MED. JEvi., p. 862,
containing 2114 hexameter lines on versification), Tertia Pars Alexandri
(i.e., Doctrinalis, Alexandri de Villa-Dei. — See REICHLING, MONUMENTA
GERMANI/E P^DAGOGICA.— TOM, xn., Berlin, 1893), Peter Hispanus,
Computus Cyrometricalis and Donatus, from 16 different masters, all of
whom had to be paid.— DENIFLE, PROC., xxix.

1409.] Dons. 417

tions. These, with the glosses, yielded endless sophisms and
problems for arguing, disputing, questioning, responding,1 and
opposing * — all carried on in Latin ;3 and the scholar whose time
and purse4 would stretch to seven years5 of this systematic round,
having ate and drunk0 his way through the successive stages of
sophister,7 poser,8 bachelor, and determiner,9 had "done his
form in art,"10 and might commence Master and take up the
emoluments of a Don ;n though at times the cap 12 of masterdom
could be secured by the ''prayer of lords and great gifts,"13 or
through the mediation of great ladies,14 and money could always
help a man to jump the faculties at a bound like a mountain-
goat.15 In any case, however, he had to go through the beard-

1 For respondit question!, responsionem, see DENIFLE, PROC., 169.
2 A. WOOD, HIST., n., 70. 3 MUN. ACAD., 60. 4 For the enormous cost
of inception in Theology, e.g., ,£118 3s. 8d. for two monks, see LYTE,
225. Cf. •' man mut have worldli spencis that wole craftli lerne thes
sciencis." — WYCL. (A.), n., 71 ; DENIFLE, PROC., I., XLIX. 5 MUN.
ACAD., 264, 286; DENIFLE, CHART., 78; PROC., I., xx., xxxi.; PURVEY,
PROL., 51 ; LITTLE, 44. At Paris it was sometimes six years, vi. ans a
en phillosophie. — DESCHAMPS, v., 316. For Orleans, see P. MEYER,
377, 399. 6 MUN. ACAD., 247, 410, 455. For pecunias perpotabiles, see
DENIFLE, PROC., I., LII., LVII. ; "jocundus introitus." — Ibid., I., 446;
et fuit ille francus perpotatus in taberna ad malleos pluribus magistris
presentibus. — Ibid., 606. 7"A short abidance there will give them the
name of sophisters." — LOND. AND MID. ARCH^OL. Soc. , v., 235.
8 MUN. ACAD., LXXIX., 156; MULLINGER, i., 352; WALCOTT, WYK.,
251 ; P. PLO., xvn., 163. For "temptator" (i.e., examiner), see DENIFLE,
PROC., I., xxiv., xxix., 488, 915. 9 For determinantes and subdetermin-
antes, see DENIFLE, CHART., II., 673, 674; PROC., I., ix., xxiv., XLVIII.,
264, 491, 538, 606, where a determiner is supposed to be the same as a
bachelor. 10 PURVEY, PROL., 51 ; BOASE, EXON., I., ix. n Cf. Dan
Lydgate, Dan John. — CHAUC., SHIPMAN, 12973. Danz Aristoteles. —
GOWER, CONF., 343. Daun Cupido, Daun Phebus. — CHAUC. (S.), I.,
160; n., 154, 301, 304, 308, 404; iv., 5. Damp Vulcanus. — DESCHAMPS,
viii., 271. Damp Noble le lyon. — Ibid., vni., 334. 12 For "le bonnet
sur la teste," see JEAN PETIT in DENIFLE, PROC., I., xx. It is figured
on the seal of the English nation in Paris, see ibid., Frontispiece. For
petition of some poor students to be allowed to commence sine nova
cappa, see ibid., xxxn., 271. ls Cf. " Lordes senden lettris for soche
avaunsementis." — WYCL. (A.), m., 152, 376, 396; LYTE, 172. 14WYCL.,
DE BLASPH., 244. 15 PHILOBIBL., 247.

D 2

418 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

shaving,1 and other such customary horse-play on the night
before Inception,2 when he feasted3 his Regents4 at a cost
ranging from 10 marks to £20, gave suits of clothes to them
and to the stationers,5 and a pair of honest buckskin gloves,
with 2os. in money, to each of the two bedels in his faculty.6
In Feb., I395,7 Richard Holland, brother to the Earls of Kent,
who perished at Cirencester and Brehat, determined at Oxford,
and we have still a note of the reckoning paid for the festivities
at a cost of -£6j. Twenty-five Masters, 29 Determiners, and
7 Bachelors got a livery of coloured cloth each, together with
gloves and miniver or swansdown supplied from John Hende,
the London draper. Beef, mutton, pork, lamb, and coneys were
provided for the two days' feast, together with bread and beer
at discretion. Three boars were brought from Aylesbury ;
swans, peacocks, ducks, and geese had been fatted upon barley,
oats, and peas ; hens and capons were sent down by the dozen
and the gross, and mallard, teal, partridge, plover, ousels,
thrushes, fieldfares, whoops, gulls, snipe, and other small birds
in heaped abundance. Casks of wine were fetched from
Southampton. A carpenter was paid for four days to put up
barriers. The birds had to be plucked, the subtleties painted,

1 WALCOTT, WYK., 315; A. CLARK, 158. 2 For Incipientes, inceptio,
&c., see DENIFLE, PROC., xxxi., XLIX., 702 ; CHART., n., 680, 681.
3 MUN. ACAD., 247, 308, 353, 431, 455, 565; MULLINGER, i., 357;
BOASE, EXON., LXVIII., 6; WYCL. (M.), 428 ; HIST. MSS., gth KEPT., i.,
205 ; LITTLE, 50. Cf. non solvit propinam quam debuit nacioni. —
DENIFLE, PROC., 257. For festum inceptionis in theologia, see ibid.,
485. Cf. faire leur feste. — DESCHAMPS, vm. , 188. 4 I.e., those engaged
in teaching in his faculty. — MUN. ACAD., 420 ; OTT., 265 ; MULLINGER,
i., 140, 358, 362; THUROT, 90; SCHWAB, 72; LECHLER, i., 129; ENG.
HIST. REV., i., 660; DENIFLE, PROC., I., xxxn. 5 MUN. ACAD., 233,
247, 253, 324, 434. 6 OXF. CITY Doc., 5. For bedelli, bediaux, see
DENIFLE, PROC., I., xxv., XLV., XLVII. ; DESCHAMPS, vm., 97. Cf.
paier fault bediaux et sergens. — Ibid., 188. 7 ROGERS, n., 643 ; BOASE,
EXON., ix.

1409.] Determining, 419

tables and tressels erected, and the account is swelled beyond
all limit by such items as 3000 eggs at 5d. the loo,1 a pound
of pins, jars of honey and vinegar, and pounds of candles.

Junketing on such a scale was, of course, confined to great
occasions, to suit some scholar of rank ; but our evidence for
the bejans 2 of the humbler class 3 all points to the prevalence of
vulgar and gluttonous excess. Thus the sins of wealth and power
had captured the schoolman's camp.4 Oxford's scholars had
once been clean and devout,5 her masters and doctors busy on
their learning, rising at midnight and taking full little rest a-bed ;6
but now all alike — artisters,7 canonisters, civilians, and divines —
were full of pride, lechery, and idleness, nice in array, delicate8
of mouth and womb, and as covetous as common worldlings.
They held that those who sweat for the Church should get the
Church's fattest things,9 and they betook themselves to those
schools, where they saw the largest gains.10 So Solomon n studied
with his cup 12 and his strumpets,13 and ramped14 with hawks and

1 In BOASE, 78, the long hundred (i.e., 120) costs 4^d. In DERBY
ACCTS., 25, 3400 eggs cost 223. preserved in salt. In 1374 20 eggs cost
id. in London. — BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 121. 2 For bejania, jocundus
introitus, see DENIFLE, PROC., I., XLIX., LII. ; CHART., II., 1032, 1057.
Du CANGE, s. v. Beanus ( = novus studens), Bejaunius ; COTGRAVE, s. v.
Bejaune; JAMIESON, s. v. Bejan, i., 148. 3 For breakfast (HisT. MSS.,
i2th KEPT., ix., 423) given by scholars at entrance at King's Hall,
Cambridge, costing about 205. each, see WILLIS AND CLARK, n., 440 ;
in., 613; HIST. MSS., ist KEPT., 83, 85. In Due. LANC. REC., XL, 14,
20, Henry Spicer, scholar and student, receives zoos, for half a year's
expenses at Cambridge, Jan. 24th, 1379. 4 WYCL., DE OFF. REG., 131.
5WYCL. (M.), 6; PURVEY, PROL., 51. 6 WYCL. (M.), 6, 133, 181, 317,
318; (A.), L, 217, 292; ii., 421. A sureccione ad matutinas in medio
noctis.— DE BLASPHEMIA, 245. 7 DENIFLE, PROC., I., 181. 8 For "deli-
cacy," i.e., luxury, see GOWER, CONF., 321, 326; " festen delicatly." —
WYCL. (M.), 210. 9 MUN. ACAD., 221. 10 SCOTICHRON., n., 446.
11 TRYVYTHAM, in EVESH., 348. See LITTLE, 253 ; STAT., n., 207 ;
HUBER, i., 328. 12 WYCL. (M.), 156, 249. For the enormous consump-
tion of wine at Oxford, see OXF. CITY Doc., 185. 13 For " lepynge
strumpet," see WYCL. (A.), i., 389 ; cf. to drynke heiz wynes and base
fisik with strumpetis. — Ibid. (M.), 157. 14 GOWER, CONF., 340, 371, 383.

420 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

hounds,1 and revel ; '2 and Oxford, which had shown such
promise in her youth, was now sinking into idleness and womb-
joy,3 and doddering in a dishonoured dotage of stagnation and
decay.

But Arts and Medicine4 were only the bottom steps;5 they
formed merely the general study,6 the source and beginning,7
the door to the higher knowledge ; 8 and if a Master wished to
shape for a Clerk of Divinity9 or a Doctor of Laws or Theology,10
he must study Civil Law11 as a legister12 or jurist13 for three years
more, the Bible14 both in text and glose15 for other two years, and
the Decretals as a Decretist16 for other three again. But Decrees,
though lucrative17 as a profession, were only the handmaid18 to

1 WYCL. (M.), 68, 119, 122. - GOWER, CONF., 254. 3 WYCL. (M.),
151, 161, 166, 171, 182, 212, 220, 223, 237, 259, 270, 434 ; (A.), in., 296,
320, 493. 4 For the smallness of the faculty of medicine and law at Ox-
ford, see LYTE, 220. 5 CONC., m., 228. 6 MUN. ACAD., 242; HUBER, i.,
34. 7 MUN. ACAD., 142. 8 Ibid., 211. 9 GOWER, CONF., 344; WYCL.
(M.), 46. For "scolis of dyvynite," see WYCL. (M.), 265 ; " maistres of
divinitee." — CHAUC. (S.), i., 241. 10 " Some 14 or 19 years at the most
will give them the name of Doctors." — LOND. AND MID. ARCH^OL. Soc.,
v., 235; or ii years, as A. CLARK, 162. nMuN. ACAD., 399; CONC., in.,
228. For " lawe cyvyle," see WYCL. (A.), n., 126; in., 326; " lawe of
lond," v. "lawe of the Pope," or "the lawe canoun. '' — Ibid., in., 153,
278; cf. "in utroque." — DESCHAMPS, v., 317; "double mannis lawes,
the pope's and the emperour's." — WYCL. (A.), i., 96. 12 WYCL. (A.), i.,
31 ; MUN. ACAD., 469. }3Ibid., 25. 14 PURVEY, PROL., 51 ; SCHWAB, -75.

15 GOWER, CONF., 53 ; WYCL. (M.), 12, 368, 375, 376; CHAUC. (S.), n., 25.

16 MUN. ACAD., 398, 457; APOLOGY, 73, 75. For " canonistres," " de-
cretistres of canon," or " Doctors of decree," see P. PLO., x., 303 ; xvi.,
85; XVIIL, 113; WYCL. (A.), i., 32. For " consistorie law and chapitre
law," see ibid., i., 15 ; n., 76, 186, 400. Cf. Vol. III., p. 298, note 3.

17 BUDDENSIEG, i., 221. " In chapiters and consistories liggith wyn-
nynge." — WYCL. (A.), n., 419.

Je ne scay en ce monde cas

N'estat si seur com' d'avocas.

On les quiert, ilz ne quierent pas,

Et si vivent d'autrui debas. — DESCHAMPS, VIIL, 144.
For complaint of decay of lawyers cf. : —
Science est en vieulte
Car on ne het fors les gens de Justice. — Ibid., v., 278.

18 MUN. ACAD., 238.

1409.] Theology. 421

Theology, which to the Schoolmen was the Most Perfect Stuff, the
Only Art, the Queen of Science,1 compared with which all other
science was only hogs-meat. >J A knowledge of it would wreck
all heresies,3 which only thrive when men keep too literally to
the bare text of Scripture4 and neglect the mystic dogmas of the
Fathers. All mysteries were faced by pelting texts from Austin,
Gregory, Clement, and the like ; and curious posers were put
as to whether God could have produced the world without
creating it, or could have created it earlier than He did;5 whether
Heaven was made of matter and form, and how high up the
saints are ; ° whether men in bliss wear any clothes ; 7 whether
anybody was saved when Pharaoh's army was drowned in the
Red Sea ; 8 what was the name of Toby's dog ; 9 what Christ
wrote on the ground when the woman was charged with
adultery ; 10 why He chose fishers, and not hunters ; n how His
stomach could take broiled fish 12 and void its meat after
His resurrection ; whether the last trumpet would be a horn
or a brass or silver one; and whether it would be left
on the earth.18 These and other such strifes of school 14 that
"want good chewing"15 were harmless dialectic play; but when
among the themes officially propounded we find divines dis-
puting as to whether purgatory is a real fire, where it is, when

1WvcL., DE Civ. DOM., 124; DE OFF. REG., 191; LAT. SERM., iv. ,
267; LECHLER, 140; GOWER, CONF., 344. 2U Science of God fedith
men wel ; but other science is mete for hoggis, and it makith men fat
here, but not after domesdai." — WYCL. (A.), n., 71. 3 GERSON, v., 623.
4CoNC., in., 339. GASCOIGNE (117), on the other hand, thinks that all
heresies are due to a neglect of the scriptures, quia non scripturarum
auctoritatem sed humanas rationis sensum sequuntur. 5 WYCL., DE
ENTE PR^DIC., 223, 256, 272. 6 WYCL. (A.), i., 331. 7 Ibid., n., 58.
8 WYCL., DE EUCHARIST., LXV. 9 WYCL. (A.), i., 13 ; cf. TOBIT, v. , 16 ;
XL, 4. 10 WYCL. (A.), ii. ,88. " /£«*., i., 307. l~ Ibid., n., 137. ™ Ibid.,
n., 406. l* Ibid., IIL, 128; cf. "doubts of scole." — Ibid., i., 338; n.,
373; " scole tretynge."— 76iW., i., 105. 15 Quia bona indigent mastica-
tione. — DOLEIN, 398.

422 Oxford. [CHAP. LXXXIV.

it begins, how long it lasts, or whether there is a purgatory at
all ; whether God does the punishing Himself, or leaves it to
His ministers; whether these are good angels or bad,1 and such-
like blabbering and glavering,2 it is clear that it needed but a
little thrust to push every Article of the Faith into the melting-
pot.

Apart from the cooks, spencers, manciples, and others who
catered for the body, the mental wants of such a quick-wit throng
employed a privileged3 host of scriveners,4 limners, parchmeners,5
haberdashers,6 bookbinders, illuminators, and stationers, who
had settled on the town. Oxford thus became a general mart
for the pawn, purchase or exchange of books,7 which were held
to be "more needful to man's good life than gold and silver."8

In such a mental stir, where schoolmen prevailed vainly
to get new subtleties,9 had Wycliffe cast his seed of dis-
content. No wonder that the plant had flourished and rooted
deep in a congenial soil.

1 MUN. ACAD., 716; MULLINGER, I., 363. 2 WYCL. (A.), I., I2y, l8l,

376; ii., 8, 96, 109, 306, 355,389. 3MuN. ACAD., 52, 174, 176,346; ROT.
PARL., in., 336. 4 GOWER, CONF., 153. For scribes in Paris, see LEROUX
DE LINCY, 447 ; DELISLE, i., 35 ; BULLETIN DU BIBLIOPHILE (1858), p.
672. 5 CATHOL. , 269 ; OXF. CITY Doc., 41, 47, 52 ; " parchemynere."-
PROMPT. PARV., n., 382; pergamenarii. — EHRLE, 178; WATTENBACH,
93-107; KIRCHOFF, 69; LACROIX, 20. For "beestis skynnes," see
WYCL. (A.), ii., 2; "dede skynnes." — Ibid., 341. For paper v. parch-
ment, see A. S. GREEN, n., 259. 6Who sold parchment, paper, ink, red
wax, &c. Q. R. WARDROBE, £f, APP. B ; Due. LANC. REC., XL, 14, 27.
In 1390, 3 quires of parchment cost us. 7d., and 3 quires of paper is. 6d.
— DERBY ACCTS., 5. In 1414, 220 skins of parchment cost 275. sd. ; i
pint of ink and a bottle, 2od. ; 4 Ibs. 3 dwts. of green wax, 35. i id. — GENT.
MAG., N. S., XLIII., 39. In 1360 King John of France paid 27d. for 3
quires of paper, and 38d. for 4 quires at Lincoln. — KIRCHOFF, 135.
7 MUN. ACAD., 233. For eagerness of the Friars to buy up books, see
HARL. Misc., n., 319; WYCL. (M.), 49, 128, 221. For the book trade in
the Middle Ages, see WATTENBACH, 457-465 ; KIRCHOFF, 132, 145-149 ;
LEROUX DE LINCY, 450, 463. The University of Paris kept control over
the sale of books by means of caution money. — LACROIX, 26. 8 WYCL.
(M.), 128. 9 Ibid., 428.

CHAPTER LXXXV.

ARUNDEL'S CONSTITUTIONS.

IT was while the Lollard tide was at its height that two Bo-
hemians, studying at Oxford, obtained a copy of a document,
purporting to be signed by the Chancellor and Masters assem-
bled in their cellar1 in St. Mary's Church, on Oct. 5th, 1406,'^
and sealed with the University seal. In this they vindicate
the character of Wycliffe against the slanderous insu'ts :} then
circulating against his memory. With heart, and voice, and
pen they vouch his honest life, his deep learning, the sweetness
of his fame, the ripeness of his words, the cunning of his works,
all tending to the praise of God, the good of his fellowmen and
the profit of the Church. In arguing, reading, preaching, and
disputing, he had borne him worthily as a stout champion of
the Faith, fighting with Scripture texts against those who defamed

ll.c., ground-floor room, see MUN. ACAD., XL., 153, 227, 248, 330;
MACRAY, BODL., 3. For Solar and Celar, see WILLIS AND CLARK, n.,
431; in., 608 ; HIST. MSS., 4th KEPT., 450; BOASE, EXON., 177 ; CUN-
NINGHAM, i., 273. For " seler," see DERBY ACCTS., 72. For a three
storey building (" superterram," " media;," "supremae"), see DENIFLE,
PROC., I., xxvui. - The only copy of this document now known in
England is in MS. COTT., FAUSTINA, C., vn., 19 (125), which is itself a
transcript in a late 16th-century hand without any indication as to its
origin. It has been often printed; see A. WOOD, HIST., i., 203; Fox,
in., 57; CONG., in., 302; Hus, MON., I., cix. ; II., CCCLXVI. ; LEWIS, 92,
183,305; WORDSWORTH, i.,246; PAULI, iv., 689; v., 55; BROUGHAM,
38> 354; J- C. ROBERTSON, vn., 310. For a copy of it in the University
Library at Prague (CODEX XL, E, 3), see BUDDENSIEG, POLEMICAL
WORKS, I., LIV. 3 Blasphemantes insultus.

424 ArundeVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

Christ's religion with their wilful beggary. They certify that
he was never convicted of heresy in his life ; nor had his bones
been burnt by any bishop now that he was dead ; and " God
grant," they say, " that our Bishops never may condemn a man
so honest, so peerless in logic, philosophy, divinity, morality,
and speculation1 in our University!" And well they might be
proud of such a name. For while the fame of Oxford, which
once had rivalled Paris as the Church's second school,2 was
falling into contempt, and her halls were standing empty and
unused, 3 Wycliffe4 had set all heads a-wiggle ; 5 he had cracked

1 Cf. " In theologia et speculativa." — ANTONINUS, III., cxxvu. " This
cunnyng was not speculatif as gemetrie ne other sciences." — WYCL. (A.),
i., 241. "The speculation or lokinge of the devyne thought."— CHAUC.
(S.), ii., 130. It was reported of Wycliffe in Germany that he was so
acute in puffed-up knowledge that he could prove or disprove anything. —
DOLEIN, 218. Cf. Doctor in Theologia eminentissimus, in Philosophia nulli
reputabatur secundus, in scolasticis disciplinis incomparabilis. — KNIGHTON,
2644. 2 MATT. PAR., v., 353, 618; MON. FRANCISC., I., LXXXI. ; GERSON,
ii., 127 ; PALACKY, in., 9 ; CONC., in., 350; ROCK, in., 50. In GERSON, v.,
640, the University of Paris is the Trumpet of Truth (buccina veritatis).
It claimed to be the University not of France only, but of England,
Germany, Italy, and the whole world, cum de omnibus partibus ibidem
conveniant studentes. — MART., COLL., vii., 1094. It had 44 pro-
fessors of theology. — MONTREUIL, 1379. In ST. DENYS, iv., 370, it is
" regis filia, sapientise veritatisque alumpna," " that kepeth the key of
Cristendome." — CHAUC. (S.), i., 249. See also RASHDALL in ENG. HIST.
REV., i., 639; MILMAN, iv., 403; SCHWAB, 62. Paris was "la maistresse
cite du royaume" (LA MARCHE, i., 200) ; " Paradysus mundi " (BURY,
239 ; LEROUX DE LINCY, 22, 542 ; HOFLER, Hus, 93).
Cf. C'est la cite sur toutes couronnee,

Fontaine et puis de sens et de clergie,

Fille de Dieu et par lui gouvernee,

Mere de foi, marrastre d'eresie,

Le vraie estre de la theologie

A qui tuit Chrestien vont. — DES: HAMPS, i., 301 ; v., 51.
3 A. WOOD, i., 202; AYLIFFE, i., 154; ROT. PARL., iv., 81. 4 KRUM-
MEL, 116, 169; HOFLER, Hus, 150. For 31 different ways of spelling
the name, see BUDDENSIEG, 92. He is called both "Wicliff" and
" Wiclif" in BAYE, i., 91 (June, 1404) ; " Wyclif" in GIBBONS, LING., 26.
In HIST. MSS., 4th REPT., he signs himself "John de Wykcliffe." In
TONGE'S {"VISITATION, 1530 (SURTEES Soc., XLI., 1863), the name is
Wyclyff. The punsters called him " Wicked life " (iniqua vita). —
RATISBON, 2127. 5 O Wikleff, Wikleff nejednomu ty hlawu zwicklcs
an jiz mnohymi wikld— PALACKY, Doc., 168; DENIS, 72; CREIGHTON,

1406.] Oxford's Testimony. 425

the shell of knowledge and laid bare the nut,1 and his name
was sounding through Europe as a rallying-cry for the forces of
intellectual progress against the dead-weight of a retrograde
official Church.

The purpose of the letter was, doubtless, to prove that
Wycliffe was no heretic, and to smite the lies that circulated of
his life. For even though Archbishop Arundel himself allowed-
that he was a great clerk, and that many men held him for a
perfect liver, yet it was an axiom that " Heretics loveth lechery;"3
and while the orthodox abroad called him a mad dog, a snake,
a croaking frog, a puffed-up toad, a hell-crow, a hog in a wallow
of mire, and a worse than Judas because he betrayed his Master,
not for money, but for the pride of intellect,4 here was Oxford's
own testimony to the worth of "Oxford's bloom"5 to aid his
friends in Prague in view of the coming persecution. Nine
years afterwards, the English envoys who confronted Hus at
Constance, asserted that the letter had been falsified and not
duly issued,6 and they quoted the subsequent official testimony

i., 314; cf. PROMPT. PARV., 408, s. v. Polwygle, Waggon; P. PLO. , notes,
p. 210; JAMIESON, s. v. Waigle, iv., 710.

1 NEANDER, ix.,334. 2ENGL. GARN., vi., 64 ; Fox, in., 258. 3GAsc.,
117. Cf. " Bougre et mauvais Chrestyen." — FROIS., vn., 84 ; xiv., 68.
4 DOLEIN, 190, 194, 196, 244, 295, 444.' He draws a curious picture of a
Catholic who has been reading Wycliffe's TRIALOGUS (or, as he calls it,
the " TRADILOGUS," p. 193), and after many sighs, and tears, and wakeful
nights, at length falls asleep. Wycliffe enters, rushes upon him and
beats him ; but the Catholic catches up a dung-fork, drives it into his
brain, and kills him. — Ibid., 246. 5 " Flos Oxoniae." — EUL., in., 345.
6 Illam literam fuisse falsificatam et non debite emanasse.— PALACKY,
Doc., 313. For later variations of the story, including the reported death-
bed confession of Faulfiss to Sigismund of Gistebnitz (Ibid., 342, called
Gysteburg in HOFLER, Hus, 178; KRUMMEL, 172), see LOSERTH, 72.
But nothing at all was known of this at Constance, though Faulfiss had
then been dead some time. The story of the forgery by Peter Payne [other-
wise known as Peter Clark, Peter Freyng (i.e., the Frenchman), or Peter
Inglys (i.e., the Englishman), GASCOIGNE, 186 ; BALE, i., 572, 578; ^£N.
SYLV., 117] cannot refer to this letter, for his document is quite of a
different character. — GASC., 5, 10, 20, 186, 187 ; PALACKY, HUSSITEN-
THUM, 117; J. BAKER, 127, 141, 143.

426 ArundeVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

of the University, condemning Wycliffe's errors. But this was
not uttered till five years later,1 when Oxford had submitted to
the Archbishop. Modern writers have generally rejected the
letter as a forgery,2 and it may have been in some way proved
to be informal ; 3 but there can be no doubt that its substance
reflects the prevailing temper of the University at the time that
it claimed to have been published. Oxford, the " Mother of
the Christian Faith,"4 which had once been a fruitful vine,
putting forth her shoots to the honour of God and the protection
of His Church, was now running rank and growing wild grapes,
and it was speedful 5 for the very life of orthodoxy that she
should be ruled with an iron hand.

Accordingly, while the Parliament was sitting at Gloucester,
Archbishop Arundel summoned the Convocation of his Pro-
vince to meet in the Priory Church of St. Frideswide's, at
Oxford, on Nov. 28th, 1407, 6 and used the meeting as a
means for aiming another blow at the hardy Lollards, who
were still sowing their popple,7 and blowing it in men's

1 Not in 1408, as HOFLER, Hus, 197. 2 POOLE calls it " almost
certainly a forgery."— DE Civ. DOM., I., ix. COLLIER'S reasons (i., 624)
for rejecting it are altogether inconclusive. 3 In 1411 a synod held at St.
Paul's complained that letters in defence of heresy were sent to foreign
kingdoms, signed with the University seal, inconsultis Doctoribus et
Magistris. — CONC., in., 336; A. WOOD, HIST., i., 205; and a rule was
subsequently made that no document should be sealed with the Univer-
sity seal, except in full Congregation in term time, or in Convocation, if
it was in vacation. This order was not made till 1426, and appears to
have no connection with any "snatch-victory," such as is supposed by
LEWIS (186) and LYTE (280) in 1406. 4 ROT. PARL., iv., 190. 5 WYCL.
(M.), 43, 61 ; (A.), m., 466; CHAUC. (S.), 11., 107, 137. « Vol. III., p.
122. 7 ENG. GARN., vi. , 103; CATHOL., s. v. " Popylle " ; JAMIESON, m.,
527. For this definition, see Vol. I., pp. 175, 302 ; GOWER, CONF., 239 ;
CAPGR., DE ILLUSTR. HENR., 113; PLMHAM, LIB. METR., 156; HIST.
MON. AUG., 209 ; KNIGHTON, 2634 ; POL. SONGS, i., 232 ; PURVEY,
PROL., 33; SHARPE, LONDON, 249; DESCHAMPS, vi., 281; HOFLER,
RUPR., 394.

Cf. Nor no darnel growe ne multeplye,

Nor no fals cokkyl be medlyd with good corn. — LYDGATE, 149.

1407.] Censors. 427

ear,1 in spite of stake and statute. For this purpose the Convo-
cation became a Synod or Provincial Council,2 at which the Arch-
bishop produced a series of 13 " Constitutions," 3 which were to
be binding on all clerks within the Province of Canterbury.4 It
was hereby ordered that no one might preach either in Latin
or English in a church or churchyard,5 without special authority
from the bishop of the diocese in which it stood.0 No specu-
lations were allowed on the subject of the Mass, Marriage,
Confession, or any Sacrament or Article of Faith. Teachers
in Arts or Grammar were not to let their boys or scholars
discuss theology, or expound texts of Scripture, " except
as they had been expounded of old " ; no tract or treatise
written either by WyclirTe, or any of his contemporaries,
or since his time, was to circulate in schools, halls, hostels or
elsewhere, unless sanctioned by 12 Doctors and Masters," to be
appointed by each of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge.
If it passed this censure, the book might be handed to the
stationers 8 to be copied, and then sold at a fair price ; but

In the COMPLAINT OF THE PLOUGHMAN (circ. 1392), Lollard means vaga-
bond or tramp, " ycleped lollers and londlesse." — POL. SONGS, i., 305.
Cf. "Now am I (i.e., Tutivillus) master Lollar."— TOWNELEY, 310;
P. PLO., vi., 2, 4, 31 ; x., 213 ; VAUGHAN, n., 411 ; KNIGHT, i., 141.

1 GOWER, CONF., 238; cf. Vol. III., p. 205, note i. 2 WAKE, 346.
A reference to CONC., in., 314, 315, 318, 320, 330, will show that these
are identical terms. Cf. STUBBS, in., 321; HEFELE, vi., 984. 3Cf.
Vol. II., p. 159 ; WYCL. (M.), 89, 221 ; (A.), in., 460. 4 CONC., in., 315-
319, 320; LABBE, XL, n., 2089-3002; HARDOUIN, vn., 1936-1948 ;
LYNDWOOD, APP., 64-68; SPELMAN, n., 662-668; GIBSON, i., 333-336;
Fox, in., 242 ; COLLIER, i., 625 ; AYLIFFE, n., APP., LXXVII. ; GASC., 34,
61, 180, 181 ; COOPER, ANN., i., 152; LEWIS, 105; VAUGHAN (n., 358),
seems to date them in 1401, but in MONOGRAPH, 490, he gives 1408;
so also ROGERS (GASC., LXXI.) ; LYNDWOOD, Bk. v. ; Fox, in., 239, 822.
5 WYCL. (M.), 69. 6 Cf. " Who zaf thee leeve to preche ? y suspende
thee withouten my leeve to preche in my diocese." — WYCL. (A.), n., 172.
7 CONC., in., 350 ; COLLIER, i., 630. 8 ROT. PARL., in., 326 ; MUN. ACAD.,
174, 234, 253, 346; PROMPT. PARV., 471; FULLER, UNIV. CAMB., 39;
WATTENBACH, 472; KIRCHOFF, 133, 136; LACROIX, 22-28.

428 ArundeVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

the original must be kept locked in one of the University
chests for ever. No one should henceforth translate1 the
whole or any portion '2 of the Scriptures into English, or read
such translation until an authorized version should be made
by a Provincial Council. Disputations about the Worship of
the Cross, Adoration of Saints and Images, Oaths, Pilgrimages,
Relics, and so forth, were henceforward forbidden ; and every
Warden or Provost of a college, or Principal of any hall,
hostel,3 inn or entry 4 at Oxford, must hold an inquiry once a
month, to see whether any scholar in residence, bachelor,
master or doctor, had broken any of the above rules : — with
power to suspend the offender and put "a Catholic" in his
place. If any Heads should prove recalcitrant, and refuse to
act, they would be put out, and others put in to do the work
for them : — the penalty being loss of prospect of benefice or
preferment ; and, in case of obstinate refusal, the burning death.
For a whole year the Constitutions remained inoperative ; but
they were finally promulgated in a Convocation which met in
St. Paul's, on Jan. i4th, 1409 ;5 and, on April i3th° following,
copies of them were forwarded to the bishops, to be published
in every diocese in England, before the coming Midsummer Day.

1 This was the age of translations. — Vol. II., p. 34, note 3. In
France the Duke of Orleans had employed Friar Jean de Chambli,
Master Nicolas Vales, and 7 others at Rouen, Poissy, and Orleans,
to translate the Bible from Latin into French. The work was ordered
in 1398, but was still unfinished at the Duke's death, Nov. 23rd, 1407.
On Jan. 6th, 1409, each of the translators received 20 crowns. — LABORDE,
in., 244; DELISLE, i., 101. 2 MYROURE, 3, 71. :! LEVER, 121. 4 " In-
troitus"; cf. "St. Marie Entra" in Cat Street. — ORIG. LET., II., i., 8;
PROMPT. PARV., 140. " Seynt Mary Entre " in School Street.— MUM.
ACAD., 675, 676; BOASE, 72. " Le Longe Entrye."— WILLIS AND
CLARK, i., 244 ; SHARPE, n., 29. " Nevile's Entry." — LYTE, 308. "In
the entree or in the celere." — CHAUC. (S.), n., 28. 5 CONC. in., 314;
HEFELE, vi., 984; not 1408, as MOULTON, 32; EDGAR, 8. 6 CONC.,
in., 320.

1409.] Poor Priests. 429

At first there was an attempt to apply the new rules to
suppress lewd limiters,1 and vicious friars;2 but, on Mar. roth.
i4io,3 the Archbishop issued an express order that the
preacher-beggars1 were not to be disturbed. They might
come and go just as they had been used. The real object of
attack was the " new teaching " 5 of Wycliffe's " poor priests," °
who never bound themselves, like a tie-dog,7 to one place, but
roamed from town to town, or even far across the border into
Scotland,8 in threadbare bluett or russet gowns,9 with tippets
bound about their heads, casting the gospel pearls to be
trodden by swine,10 and helping men heavenward11 by telling
them that bishops' courts were dens of thieves and larders of
hell, that penitencers 12 and confessors were idolatrous leprous

I£UL., in., 412; WYCL. (A.), m., 376; LAT. SERM., in., 320 ; P.
PLO., x., 154 ; xxin., 346. For the limiter who begged within a " limita-
tion " (WYCL., A., n., 182), see LITTLE, 91; CHAUC., PROL., 209;
WIF OF BATH, 6448 ; FRERE, 6847 ; A. W. WARD, 36 ; BESANT, 123 ;
WYCLIFFE (A., m., 384), calculates that " thei robben the kyng's lege
men by fals beggynge of 60000 mark by zeere as men doubten resonably."
Cf. " Wifis geven here husbondis goodis to stronge beggeris and othere
curleris to geten hem swete morselis." — WYCL. (A.), 199. " Thei don
to gete goodus of hem as corn, monce, chese or somewhat that nedith
hem more then the freris." — WYCL. (M.), 304, 443. " And yet these
bilderes wiln beggen a bag ful of whete of a hure poor mon that may
onethe paye half his rent in a year and be half time behynde." — P. PLO.
CREDE, in LEWIS, 310. "Thei (the disciples), snokiden not fro hous to
hous, and beggiden mete as freris doon." — WYCL. (A.), n., 83. 2 Ut
fertur, mulierculas ducunt per patrias in forma fratrum. — WYCL., DE
BLASPH., 213, 236; DE APOST., 25, 32; LAT. SERM., II., pp. XIIL, xiv.,
129 ; (M.), 12, 68. 3 CONC., in., 324 ; not a " statute," as EUL., in., 417 ;
STUBBS, in., 63. 4 WYCL. (M.), 443. 5 CONC., in., 318; WYCL. (M.),
27. 6 WYCL. (M.), 27, 29, 34, 69, 70, 79, 85, 88, 92, 103, 104, 175, 211,
229, 237, 245, 255, 276, 448 ; WYCL. (A.), i., 175 ; n., 411 ; m., 231, 272,
287,293, 332,341, 391, 495; LAT. SERM., I., xix., 289; LECHLER, i.,

305 ; BUDDENSIEG, 169 ; JUSSERAND, 280 J A. W. WARD, 16,37 5 WRONG,

40. 7 WYCL. (M.), 252. Cf. " bandogge."— POLLARD, MIRACLES, 129.
8 For the case of James Resby celeberrimus praedicatione, who was
burnt at Perth in 1407, see SCOTICHRON., 11., 441; EDGAR, 48; LAING,
103; J. C. ROBERTSON, VIL, 301. 9 ENG. GARN., vi., 89, 103; MURI-

MUTH, 222 j HoFLER, ANNA, 21. 10 KNIGHT, 2644. u WYCL. (M.), 251.

12 WYCL. (A.), m., 329.

430 ArundeVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

simoniacal heretics,1 that friars were tattered clouts2 and
rotten botches,3 that the clergy were blind moles rooting
about for earthly muck,4 and that whatever they took of the
people,5 be it tithe,6 or offering,7 or any other duty or service,
they ought not to have thereof more than food and hilling,8

1 WYCL., DE BLASPH., 144. 2 WYCL. (A.), i., 400; in., 353. 3 For
postum or "boch," see CHAUC. (S.), n., 59. For "boces," see DES-
CHAMPS, viii., 271, 291. 4 WYCL. (A.), i., 375; in., 315, 478, 485.
Thei taken the ordre of presthod to seie massis for money. — WYCL.
(M.), 116. Thei seyn more the masse for love of the peny than for
devocion or charite to Criste. — Ibid., 167. Prestes crien her masse
for money. — Ibid., (A.), HI., 286. Preestis taken her ordris for devo-
cioun to tene mark. — WYCL. (A.), i., 291. Thei wil not dwelle with
hem in honeste place to cumpayne and seie here messe, but goo
where thei may most gete for here song. — Ibid., in., 287. 5 PUR-
VEY, REM., 153. "Whatever thou baldest to the of tythis and
offryngis over symple liflode and streit clothing it is not thin, it is
thefte, raveyne and sacrelegie." — WYCL. (M.), 116, 132, 149, quoting
ST. BERNARD. " Al that thei ban ouer here owen symple liflode is pore
mannus good as goddis lawe and mannus techen opynly." — Ibid., 139.
6 For tithes (or dymes), and offerings, see WYCL. (M.), 118, 119, 151,
152, 157, 160, 186, 196, 214, 222, 229, 233, 236, 249, 252, 284, 285, 367,
392, 415, 418, 422, 430, 435, 455 ; WYCL. (A.), i., 147, 166, 199, 311,
398 ; in., 150, 258. Cf. The puple shulde not be artid to zyve hem
dymes ne other almes. — Ibid., in., 360. Shulde not be axed by
strengthe or violence or cursinge, but be zoven frely withouten exaccion
or constreynynge.— Ibid. , 517. 7 In 1412, one year's offerings at
Hythe yielded £1 145. 7^d. — ARCH^OL., CANT., x., 342. For " per-
quisitings," see WYCL. (M.), 393. " Many coveitouse prestis axen
gredely money for thes doyngis or ellis thei schullen not be cristened
ne oyntid ne biried withouten mortuarie." — WYCL. (A.), HI., 285. " No
man schal be weddid but zif he paie sixe pens on the bok and a ryng
for his wif, and sumtyme a peny for the clerk, and covenaunt makyng
what he schal paie for a morewe masse." — Ibid., 284. In 1381, the
fee for a baptism in London was not to exceed 35. 4d., and for a
wedding 6s. 8d. ; no mass for the dead must exceed £d. — SHARPE,
LONDON, i., 222; BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 123, 154. 8 WYCL. (M.),
248, 410, 412, 413, 423, 432, 436, 440, 445, 450, 456; Ibid. (A.), i.,
37, 200, 203, 247, 283, 384; ii., 3, 129; in., 126, 151, 176, 396, 427,
473, 518; LAT. SERM., II., XL, xvi., 40; IV., no; APOLOGY, 42, 43,
76; GERSON, 11., 441; SCHWAB, 463; GOWER, CONF., 37; P. PLO.,
n., 23; xvii., 236. For "liflode and coverynge," see WYCL. (M.),
131, 387. " Housing and clothing." — Ibid. (A.), HI. ,347. Cf. " Clothes
to wryen him and his mete." — CHAUC. (S.), i., 243. " Vivre et
vesture." — PASTORALET, n., 645.

1409.] Heresies. 431

but to depart l the residue with the poor men and women of
the parish of whom they take their temporal living.

When the new Constitutions were published, some of the
faculties refused to nominate the required censors,2 and when
at length four Doctors, four Bachelors, and four Students in
Theology 8 were appointed, the progress was but slow, as they
urged that, if they acted in haste, the good corn might be pulled
up with the tares. All Wycliffe's books were probed, and 267
passages4 were picked out for condemnation. They found that
he had called the Pope the Head Vicar of the Fiend,5 the Anti-
Christ,6 the Abomination of Discomfort,7 a rotten postum in the
Devil's nest,8 and a sinful idiot, who might become a damned
devil in hell;9 the cardinals he called carnal sodomites, and
incarnate devils,10 and the religion of the four sects (*'.<?., clerks,
monks, canons, and friars) a religion of muck.11 They proved

1 WYCL. (M.), 14, 82, 161, 316 ; Ibid. (A.), n., 304 ; in., 45 ; P. PLO.,
xii., 65; xvi., 116; xvn., 257 ; xvin., 68 ; GOWER, CONF., 139, 224, 237,
347,395. For a departer ( = divisor), see WYCL. (M.), 371 ; (A.), n., 190.
Cf. Et departir pour Dieu du sien

Aux povres. — DESCHAMPS, vin., 150.

2 LYTE, 282, quoting FAUSTINA, C., vn., f. 135. 3 STATE TRIALS, i., 22 ;
Fox, in., 321; A. WOOD, HIST., i., 206; HARDT, iv., 328; HARL.
MISCELL., n., 256; LENFANT, CONSTANCE, i., 228; LEWIS, 387, who
dates it 1396. The list given in CONC., in., 172, seems clearly out of
place in 1382. — LYTE, 283. 4 Called 260 by the English envoys at
Constance. — PALACKY, Doc., 313 ; HOFLER, GESCHICHTSCHREIBER, i.,
279. 5 WYCL. (A.), n., 281. 6 PASTOR, i., 125; LECHLER, n., 139;
CREIGHTON, i., 106, 108 ; BUDDENSIEG, 162; POLEM. WORKS, I., xxi. j
CHRISTOPHE, n., 451. 7 PURVEY, PROL., 32 ; REMONSTR., 60; MATT.,
xxiv., 15. 8CoNc., in., 348. Apostema, putredinem in nido isto
diabolico congregatam. — WYCL., LAT. SERM., L, 138. 9 WYCL. (M.),
48. 10 APOLOGY, 55 ; WYCL., DIALOGUS, 22. n Merdosam religionem.
— WYCL., LAT. SERM., i., 138. For " worldly muck," "stinking drit of
wordly goods," " roten muk of this world," &c., see page 430, note 4;
WYCL. (M.), 5, 10, 15, 17, 20, 97, 133, 147, 150, 166, 247, 253 ; LAT.
SERM., n., 109; in., 17, 208; " stercora." — WYCL., DE Civ. DOM.,
158 ; GOWER, CONF., 275 ; LEWIS, 29 ; VAUGHAN, TRACTS, 254.
Cf. In mukke is alle this worldes frendlyhede. — HOCCL., DE REG., 35.

Renne and desiren after mukke so sore. — Ibid., 41.

Onely for mukke thow lernest soules cure. — Ibid., 51.

And of this worldes muk be fulle unglade. — Ibid., 146.

For that the love of muk sitte so nye the. — Ibid., 163, 188, &c.

432 AruiideVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

that he had denounced ear-ro wning,1 or confession, as a wooing-
time;2 had attacked endowments, patronage, and a paid clergy ;
had called upon all to withhold tithes, alms, and offerings from
unworthy priests, and to laugh their curses to scorn ; that he
had urged that there were only two orders in the Church, the
deacon and the priest, and that Bishops only hold their posts
by gabbing and faking ; H that the prayer of the religious can
reach Heaven more freely in the open air than in a cloister ; 4
that he prayeth best who liveth best ; 5 that the simple Pater
Noster of a ploughman that is in charity is better than a thou-
sand Masses of covetous prelates and vain religious ;(i that the
layman's prayer is better than all their crying and knacking,"
and that he who is in most chanty is best heard of God, be he
shepherd or lewd-man, whether in a church or in the field ; 8 that
all chantries, abbeys, and parish churches should be pulled
down,9 though he admits that churches are good in rainy
weather;10 that nothing should be required by the Church to
be believed except it can be proved from Holy Scripture ; that
indulgences and privileges are fancies, founded neither in

1 For " rowning in the priest's ear," see PURVEY, REM., 22 ; ANGLIA,
v., 26; WYCL. (M.), 100, 328, 336; (A.), i., 196, 224; n., 3, 87, 121,
206; P. PLO., v., 14; PROMPT. PARV., 438 ; CATHOL., 312; GOWER,
CONF., 96, 122, 246, 249, 281 ; CHAUC. (S.), iv., 60; Fox, in., i, 297.
2 WYCL., DE BLASPH., 121; CONC., in., 222. Cf. "two hedes in one
hood at ones." — CHAUC. (S)., i., 254. "Of hem that geten false eires of
mennus wifes bi privy schryvyng and othere homly daliaunce, avyse eche
man who ben siche." — WYCL. (A.), in., 304. " Thus freres and religious
wymmen mai soone assente to leccherie." — Ibid., 358. 3 " Fagyngis."—
WYCL. (M.), 307 ; " gabbings."— Ibid., 463 ; (A.), n., 105, 123. 4 WYCL.,
DE ECCL., 42; (A.), in., 486. 5 Ibid. (A.), in., 219. Werkes preien
ofte betir to God than mannis preier made by mouth. — Ibid., n., 303.
0 Ibid., 274, 321. For the doctrine that every holy man is a priest,
from CHRYSOSTOM, 40th HOMILY, see PURVEY, REM., 140; APOLOGY, 58 ;
SCOTICHRON., n., 442; ANGLIA, v., 33. He is Petris viker alzif neither
fendis ne cardinalis putten him on his throne. — WYCL. (A.), i., 241.
7 WYCL. (M.), 77, 118 ; (A.), m., 425. 8 Ibid. (M.), 238. 9 WYCL., LAT.
SERM., iv., 32, 489. 10 WYCL. (A.), i., 234.

1409.] Heresies. 433

Scripture nor reason ; that Bulls and charters can make no man
just and able, unless he have the law of charity within; that the
Church should be left to its original liberty, and that Masses,
prayers, Hours, and such-like blabbering with the lips should
cease;1 that confirmation2 of children, ordination of priests,
and consecration of places are a hindrance to the Church ; and
that the walls of every building which a Bishop had been paid
to consecrate, are stricken with a leprosy. They marked
his statements that God is everything, and everything is God;
that two bodies cannot fill the same space ; that time past,
present, and to come, is made up of immediate (i.e., continuous)
parts;3 that God can annihilate nothing; that He cannot enlarge
or diminish the universe; that He can create souls up to a certain
number and no more ; and much else to vex soft ears,4 though
it is, of course, to be remembered that these extracts are
culled from a vast mass of heated polemics, and, if pre-
sented with their context, might be open to many varieties
of explanation.

But even the censors were not all of one mind ; and
we know that at least two of them stood out against pro-
nouncing at all,5 and when their decision was out, they found
that it carried no sort of weight.0 The very cooks who sod
the students' pottage made good their claim to read the Bible
in Wycliffe's English,7 and many of the younger Masters lam-
pooned the censors with scurrilous rhymes,8 refused to submit

1 KNIOHTON, 2658. '2 Elizabeth Mortimer, wife of Hotspur, was
baptized and confirmed by the Bishop of Hereford when she was only
four days old, also her brother Roger. — MONAST., vi., 354. 3 These
were considered as errors of philosophy. — CONC., in., 346. 4 BALE, 556.
5 CONC., in., 323. 6 Apud plurimos nostra satis parva censeatur auctori-
tas. — CONC., in., 339; repeating verbatim the words used in 1382. —
Ibid., 171. 7 PALACKY, Doc., 721, 729 ; WYCL., DE ECCL., xvm. ;
KRUMMEL, 129. 8 LYTE, 188, from FAUSTINA, C., vn., 160 b.

E 2

434 AnuideVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

to the new rules, and appealed to the Congregation of the
University against them.1

At the head of these incorrigibles was one of the censors
themselves, Master Richard Fleming, an elegant young York-
shire2 graduate of the Muckle Hall,8 who had just served
as Northern Proctor, and had a fair copy made of the Proc-
tor's Book,4 on which much of our present knowledge of
mediaeval Oxford is based. He was at this time a student in
Theology, having lately determined in Arts, chartering " the
school with the bench in the middle " 5 from Exeter College for
the purpose. He lived to become afterwards Bishop of
Lincoln,6 and to found a collegeling of divines 7 at Oxford to
help to baffle heresy,8 and it was by his order that Wycliffe's
bones were finally dug up and desecrated.9 Four other
names of young Masters of Arts, or, as Arundel preferred to
call them, " Learners of Error," 10 stand out as maintaining and

1 A. WOOD, HIST., i., 206. 2 GASC., 179, 183; BALE, 575; A.
CLARK, 171 ; GODWIN, i., 297. Forma speciosus. — A. WOOD, n., 159.
He came from Wath, near Ripon. — TEST. EBOR., n., 230; not Croston,
as A. WOOD, n., 159. For the connection of his family with Croston in
Lancashire, see BAINES, n., 115; FOSTER, VISITATIONS, 358. ;s Now
University College. — MUN. ACAD., 509, 518, 720. See p. 409, note 7.
4 MUN. ACAD., 237, 253, where he calls himself Canon of York Cathe-
dral. He had succeeded Langley in the prebend of South Newbald,
Aug. 22nd, 1406. — LE NEVE, in., 205 ; A. WOOD, n., 402. For the
Proctor's book of the natio Anglicana (1333-1406), the oldest extant of
the University of Paris, see DENIFLE, PROCT., I., xn. 3 For payment
(6s. 8d.) in 1408, a M. Ricardo Flymyng in finalem solutionem pencionis
scolarum ubi scamnum situatur in medio, see BOASE, EXON., pp. ix., 14,
176, 177. For bench on the seal of St. Andrews University, see LANG,
64. 6 For his banquet, see Two COOKERY BOOKS, 60. For his tomb on
the north side of the Angel Choir at Lincoln, see BLOXAM, 184. 7 Col-
legiolum quoddam theologorum. — WILLIS AND CLARK, i., LIV. ; LYTE,
344; A. CLARK, 172. 8 BOASE, 95. 9 LYNDEWODE, 284. For Wycliffe's
excommunication after death by Archbishop Arundel, see LEL., COLL.,
n., 409, quoting THOMAS GASCOIGNE on authority of John Horn (b.
1361), parish priest of Lutterworth ; see also QUARTERLY REV., Apr.,
1889, and JAMES' APOLOGY FOR JOHN WYCKLIFFE. 10 " Errorum dis-
cipuli." — CONC., in., 323. Cf. "As ben clepid maistris of diuynyte but

1409.] Master Richard Fleming. 435

defending the condemned opinions in the Oxford schools, viz.,
John Luke,1 of Merton Hall (another of the censors who had
been a Proctor in I3Q6),2 John Keyby,3 Roland Bevys,4 and
Robert Burton. The Archbishop5 stormed against them as
beardless, blabbering boys, who thrust their faces into heaven,
wanting to read before they could spell, and to fly before they
could crawl. He would show them that he was no Arundel
shaken with the wind.6 He was not going to turn Jerusalem
into an applegarth.7 They ought to be swapped 8 with rod 9
and palmer,10 and if they did not give in in 10 days, he would
cite them before him after Hilary, and they should answer in
person for their disobedience and contempt.

verreily maistris of errour." — WYCL. (M.), 50; " mastris of lesyngis."
— Ibid., 302, translating magistri mendaces in 2 PETER, n., i. For
"scholars," see WYCL. (A.), n., 164; m., 135, 231; CHAUC. (S.), i.,
237; " studiers," WYCL. (M.), 380; "disciples," ibid., 319.

1 For list of his writings, see BALE, 555. He was a Bachelor in
Theology. — CONC., HI., 172 ; BRODRICK, MERTON, 223. For his canonries
at Salisbury, see JONES, 376, 395, 418 ; SARUM STATUTES (1428), p. 92.
In 1458, Master Richard Luke is Principal of Burnell Inn. He was
Proctor in 1452. — MUN. ACAD., 677, 734. 2 A. WOOD, n., 401. 3 Or
Kerby. — Ibid., i., 207. 4 Or Byrysius. — Ibid., i., 207. 5 BALE (542) calls
him the " Archantichrist of Canterbury." From the other point of view
he is a "wall of defence." — HIST. MSS. COM., gth KEPT. (1883), in.
6 Arundinem flamine agitatam (not flammis, as CONC., m., 322), pun-
ning on his own name. For other specimens of his rhetoric, see Vol. I.,
107 ; also his letter to the monks of Christ Church, Canterbury, dated
Jan. loth, 1400, in HIST. MSS., gth KEPT., 1883, p. in. 7 CATHOL.,
s. v. " In pomorum custodiam," a variant reading in Ps. LXXVIII., i,
where the LXX. has birwpofyvXaniov. Cf. " Thei putte Jerusalem into
the keping of applis." — WYCLIFFE. " Swe, swe eappultun gehaeld."
— VESPASIAN PSALTER. "Jerusalem set tha In yheminge of apples ma."
— METRICAL VERSION temp. Ed. II. ; SURTEES Soc., xvi., 264, 265 ;
SWEET, OLDEST ENGLISH TEXTS, 301. "Jerusalem as appillis lay in
heep. " — JAMIESON, i., 54. " Suffrede not Goddis vynezerde passe to a
wortzerd." — WYCL. (A.), i., 331. For " le close called Appulyerde," see
Due. LANC. REC., XL, 15, 71; GOWER, CONF., 186. 8 PROMPT. PARV.,
482; CHAUC., CLERKE, 8462; SECOND NUN, 15834; CHAUC. (S.), n.,
310. For " bewhapped," see GOWER, CONF., 314, 433, 444. 9 Ibid.,
391. 10 PROMPT. PARV., 387; CATHOL., 267; HIGDEN, vm., 221;
MULLINGER, i., 345 ; PHILOBIBL., p. 207.

436 ArundeVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

But it was no easy matter to entrap an Oxford clerk-of-
school.1 The logical acuteness for which his university was
renowned a would always stand him in good stead. He could
draw nice distinctions, sub-distinctions,3 and semi-distinctions,4
between words and the things signified by words,5 which would
puzzle any court and incline all wavering judges towards
clemency. With a lay heretic the chances were all the other
way. The bluntness of direct conviction 6 made little stand
against the skill and school-matter of great-lettered clerks ; 7 the
net was swiftly drawn and the victim hurried to the flames.

In the afternoon of Saturday, March ist, i4io,8 an ad-
journed meeting of the Southern Convocation was held in a
hall in the outer precinct of the Black Friars House,9 between
Ludgate and the Thames. St. Paul's Cathedral had been
polluted on the previous Wednesday by bloodshed in one of
the frequent brawls of those desecrating days.10 The sittings of
the Convocation had therefore been transferred to the Black
Friars, until the blood-stain had been purged away. The
Parliament had not yet risen for Easter,11 and London was
thronged with notables, who flocked to the Friary to watch the
curious proceedings. Archbishops Arundel and Bowet were
there, as well as Bishops Clifford, Beaufort, Stafford, Hallum,
Tottington, Bubwith, Chichele, and Nichole. Beside them

1 PURVEY, PROL. , 30, 49, 155; WYCL. (M.), 276. - MUN. ACAD.,
241, 246. Quas quondam inextricabilia atque dubia toti mundo declarare
consuesti. — WALS., i., 345. " Siche doutes we shulden sende to the
scole of Oxenforde." — WYCL. (A.), i., 93. 3 For sub-distinctions, corol-
laries, incidents, &c., see MART., ANEC., n., 1468. 4 MONTREUIL, 1385.
5 PURVEY, PROL., 52, from LYRA. 6 For " kynde-witte " v. " clergie,"
see P. PLO., xv., 43. 7 ENGL. GARN., vi., 108 ; P. PLO., x., 326; xn.,
236 ; cf. viris magnae litteraturae — MART., ANEC., n., 1494. 8 CONC.,
in., 325 ; Fox, in., 235 ; not 1409, as MILMAN, v., 528 ; VAUGHAN,
MONOGRAPH, 494. 9 BESANT, 97, 148. 1() Vol. II., p. 162. n Vol. III.,
P- 303-

1410.] John Bad by. 437

sat the Duke of York, the Chancellor (Thomas Beaufort), Lord
de Roos, the Clerk of the Rolls, and other spiritual and tem-
poral lords in plenteous multitude,1 all gathered to hear the
examination of an obscure craftsman charged with heresy.

The accused was John Badby of Evesham,2 a shearman/3 or
tailor, of whose previous life or habits not the slightest fact is
now known.4 He had publicly said that the priest's words
could not change bread into the Body of Christ; that he would
never believe that a priest had more power to do so than any
jack-raker5 in Bristol; and that when Jesus ate His Last Supper
with His disciples, it could not have been His own body that
He took in His hands and broke. For this he had been put
up before the Bishop of Worcester, on Jan. 2nd, 1409;° but
he was allowed the usual year's 7 grace for reflection, and no
instant steps had been taken to have him burned. Now, after 14
months' imprisonment, he was brought before the Convocation
in London, to secure his submission, if possible. The details
of his examination at Worcester were read over in English; and
Archbishop Arundel repeatedly instructed, informed, and ex-
horted him as to the true teaching of the Church, offering to

1 WYCL. (A.), i., 12. - RYM., vm., 627; CHRON. GILES, 60; not of
London, as FAB., 386 ; not Bradby, as BESANT, WHITTINGTON, 168.
3 CONC., in., 325. Quidam laicus arte faber.— WALS., n., 282; OTT.,
267 ; sutor vestiarius. — PARKER, 275 ; not a " smith," as CAPGR., CHRON.,
297; COLLIER, i., 629; PAULI, v., 80. In BROUGHAM, 41, he is called
"John Bradbie, a blacksmith." 4 In Due. LANC. REC., XL, 13, pp. 73 a,
162 b, 169 a, Friar William Baddeby is confessor to John of Gaunt, July
4th, 46 Ed. III. 5 HALLIWELL, DICT., IL, 665. Not "John Bates," as

MlLMAN, V., 528.

He said a preestes power was as smalle
As a rakyer's, or such another wight,
And to make it hadde no gretter myght.

— HOCCL., DE REG., n.

a ENGL. GARN., vi., 56; Vol. II., p. 238, note 5. 7 Antequam condemne-
tur ut haereticus, expectatur per annum. — BONIFACE FERRER (1411) in
MART., ANEC., IL, 1483.

438 ArundeVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

put1 his own soul for him at the Judgment Day, if he would
only recant. He answered that the bread remains after con-
secration as it was before, though it is then the emblem of the
living God. To believe that it was made God each time would
be to deny the Incarnation. If every time the host was con-
secrated on the altar it became the Lord's Body, then there
would be 20,000 gods in England at this day ; whereas he
believed in One God Almighty, and he knew that the Arch-
bishop himself believed the same. He believed, too, that a
jack-raker would have as much power as any priest if he were
of good life, and loved God perfectly. As to the Last Supper,
he asked how could you have one loaf, and break it, and give
a bit to the disciples, and still the same loaf remain whole.
Asked what he would have said if he had been present at the
Supper, and heard Christ say : "This is My Body," he told
them plat 2 that he should say Christ spoke amiss.3 Again and
again they begged him to recant; but he would not retract one
word; so they locked him up in a room in the monastery till
the Wednesday following, the Archbishop taking possession of
the key.

On Wednesday, March 5th, the Convocation was held
at St. Paul's, and there was an even larger gathering than
before. Badby was brought in ; but to all arguments, reasons,
and prayers, he only answered that while life was in him he

1 WYCL. (A.), n., 254, 319, 397 ; in., 81, 141, 363. " And for the leste
of hem alle answere at domes day." — Ibid., in., 289. 2 GOWER, CONF.,
123, 391, 409 ; CHAUC., KNIGHT, 1847 > MAN OF LAW, 5306 ; MONK, 14675 ;
(S.), i., 165, 256; ii., 174, 207, 268, 271, 332; HALLIWELL, s. v. "platly,"
ii., 630. Cf. Que mort ne face mourir plat.— DESCHAMPS, vm., 309.
3 EUL., in., 417; CHAUCER (S.), i., 351, 377; ii., 183,221,276; iv., 9 ;
WYCL. (M.), 281, 297, 352, 388, 461, 474 ; (A.), i., n, 23, 36, 56, 73, 117 ;
GOWER, CONF., 77, 81, 93, 103, 109, 123, 143, 145, 147, 156, 167, 172, 174,
215, 228, 253, 289, 301, 317, 335, 370, 373 ; LYDGATE, TEMPLE OF GLAS,
37, 63, 66, 67 ; HOCCLEVE, in URRY'S CHAUCER, 535 ; Cov. MYST., 163.

1410.] Smith field. 439

would not retract.1 Pointing to the Duke of York, who was
present in the church, he said that he or any other living man
was worth more than the sacramental bread, however conse-
crated by any priest. As he spoke, a spider crossed his face,2
and he cried out promptly that the bread was worth less than
even a spider or a toad, for they, at least, had life, but the
bread was only dead matter.3 Then his judges gave him up
for lost. They saw who taught him now. The poison of asps
was on his lips, and the grace of the Holy Spirit was not in
him. The Archbishop pronounced him a heretic, and de-
livered him to the secular arm, with an urgent prayer to the
Chancellor and the members of the Council that he might be
spared the sting of death.4 But the prayer fell on deaf ears.
A warrant to the sheriff was immediately drawn up,5 and the
martyr was taken to Smithfield that very afternoon. The stake,
the chain, and the faggots were all placed, and the victim was
about to stand in the tun, when the Prince of Wales, who was
present at the sight,6 stepped up to him, and urged him warmly
to recant.7 But Badby's heart was staunch. For bonchief or

1 For proceedings at a recantation, the sermon, the stool, the ravening
wolf, &c., in presence of mayor, bishop, sheriffs, and notaries, see CONC.,
in., 282. a CONC., in., 327; EUL., in., 417; WALS., n., 282. TYLER
(n., 342) considers the spider incident " an absurd statement." 3 Cf.
Wyclitfe's declaration that it would be worth less than rats' bread,
or asses' bread (Cn. QUART. REV., xix., 63 ; BROUGHAM, 359), or than
a log. — WYCL., LAT. SERM., in., 286 ; DE APOSTAS., 172, 205, 206. He
calls the spider animal ex putredine procreatum, multipes, venenosum,
quod ex interioribus suis orditur telas, &c.--WvcL., DE Civ. DOM., 183.
4 STUBBS (in., 361) thinks this was a "piece of mockery." 5 RYM., vin.,
627.

tf My Lord the Prince (God him save and blesse !)
Was at his dedely castigacioune.

— HOCCL., DE REG., 12 ; MORLEY, vi., 125.
7 Or any stikke kindelede were or light,
The sacrament our blissed Saviour
He (the Prince) lete fette this wrecche to converte.

— HOCCL., DE REG., 12.

440 ArundeVs Constitutions. [CHAP. LXXXV.

mischief,1 he thrust back all appeals, and " stood stiff- to the
truth of Christ."

They tied him to the stake, halsed3 his throat with the
iron hoop,4 slipped the barrel over him, and lit the faggots ;
and, as the blistering fire swept about him, he "cried horribly"
for pain,5 and his agony was heard amidst the crackling of the
flames. The Prince was horror-struck. He had the hot billets
brushed aside, and Badby was lifted from the tun. The
Prior of St. Bartholomew's G was ready with the Host, backed
with 12 lighted candles, while Dean Courtenay and some
Bishops pressed round for his expected surrender. As he lay
half-dead, the Prince bent over him, promised him life and
pardon, and a maintenance of 3d. per day," if he would yet
recant ; but, as sense returned, he stubbornly refused. They
chained him again to the stake, restacked and relit the wood,
and Prince, Bishops, and people, stood and watched him die.8

The chroniclers who report the horrid scene have no words
too hard for the cursed shrew, the lecherous lurdan,9 and
false losel,10 who spurned so great a Prince's favours. They
doubt not that he was hardened n by an evil spirit that he

1 ENGL. GARN., vi., 58; HIGDEN, i., 87; iv., 387; HOCCL., DE REG.

2 ; GOWER, CONF., 227. 2ENGL. GARN., VI., 108 ; CHAUC. (BELL), VIII.

191 ; P. PLO., xi., 35 ; WYCL. (M.), 71, 119, 270, 296, 349; (A.), i., 97
286, 322, 412 ; ii., 178 ; in., 361, 429. 3 For " hals," see CHAUC. (S.), iv.
12, 89; MAN OF LAW, 4493 ; POLLARD, MIRACLES, 69 ; HALLIWELL, i.
430. 4 For the " haterel," see FROIS., xiv., 70 ; HALLIWELL, s. v. ; i.
437. 5 CAPGR., 297 ; GOWER, CONF., 155. (i CHRON., LOND., 92 ; Fox
in., 238.

7 And sufficient livelode eke shulde he have
Unto that day he dadde were in his grave.

— HOCCL., DE REG., 12.

8 Convict and brent was unto ashen drye.—Ibid. 9 Perditus nebulo. —
WALS., n., 282. Ardelio.— EUL., in., 417 ; WYCL. (M.), 191, 192 ;
P. PLO., vi., 163 ; xix., 48 ; xxni., 189 ; POLLARD, MIRACLES, 5, 108.
10 Cov. MYST., 81, where Cain calls Abel a "stinking Losel;"
MONAST., vi., 1540; POLLARD, MIR., 107, 108. n Ignem audacter in-
grediuntur. — NIEM, CONTR. WICL., 193,

1410. J Apathy. 441

might die in his sin, and burn in everlasting fire. And even
the kindly Hoccleve, though he has a word of lofty pity for
the surquedry1 of "the wretch who mused further than his wit
could stretch," and "would not blin '2 of the stinking error he
was in," yet reserves all his praise for the Prince whose "great
tenderness thirsted sore for his salvation."3 Certain it is that
no one wanted Badby to die ; but, having set their hands to
the hateful work, they durst not look back without disaster to
their cause. Many of the knights in Parliament were petition-
ing that the statute against heretics should be modified or
repealed ; 4 the University of Oxford was in revolt, and plans
were out for confiscating the Church's property. Appealers,
summoners, and spies had been at work5 for the last nine years,
and men and women had been published, examined and im-
prisoned for Lollardry ; ° but no one since Sawtre had stood the
death, and the sight of another martyrdom might quicken the
threatening storm. But the Commons were submissive;7 the
Londoners looked on in apathy; and five days after Badby's
burning, the Statute of Heretics was re-enacted and confirmed.8

1 GOWER, CONF., 74. Cf. " outrecuidance." — HOCCL., DE REG.,
13. 2 POLLARD, MIRACLES, 8, 12, 73, 75 ; PROMPT. PARV., 40.
3 HOCCL., DE REG., 7 ; PAULI, v., 81 ; MORLEY, vi., 125. 4 Vol.
III., p. 309. 5 ENGL. GARN., vi., 57, 99 ; WORDSWORTH, i., 245, 273.
6 For the priest William Thorpe at Shrewsbury and Saltwood (1407),
see Vol. I., p. 302 ; Fox, in., 249, 285 ; STATE TRIALS, i., 1-21 ; ENGL.
GARN., vi., 43-118; WORDSWORTH, i., 263-350; CONC., in., 739; BALE,
538 ; GESTA HENRICI V., p. 3. For account of Saltwood, see ANTIQUARY,
Sep., 1885, p. 125. On April 28th, 1407, Commissioners had been
appointed for towns to hear by juries cases of men or women preaching
or publishing anything against the Catholic Faith, and the possessions
of the Church, contrary to the statute passed in the last Parliament
(? 1406. — ROT. PARL., in., 583), to be imprisoned, and to give bail till the
next Parliament. — PAT., 8 H. IV., 2, 20 d ; R. L. POOLE, WYCLIFFE
AND MOVEMENTS OF REFORM, EPOCHS OF CHURCH HISTORY ; RYM., ix.,
61. See also RICART, 73 ; T. SMITH, 417; Cov. MYST., 376. 7 RAPIN
(in., 408), thinks that they regarded Badby's death as an insult. 8 CONC.,
in., 328.

CHAPTER LXXXVI.
ARUNDEL'S VISITATION.

BUT nothing could be done by catching skinners, bakers,
and weavers in the Vintry,1 or burning a tailor in Smithfield,
so long as the "Fountain of Clergy"'2 was tainted at the source.
Archbishop Arundel therefore resolved upon a visitation to
enforce discipline in Oxford itself.3 But there were difficulties
in his way. The University of Oxford, though locally in the
diocese of Lincoln, had obtained a bull from Boniface IX. in
I395,4 rendering it independent of the jurisdiction of any
Bishop or Archbishop in England, and subject only to the
King in civil matters, and in matters spiritual to the Court of
Rome.5 The claim was called in question in the following
year,6 and the Chancellor of the University was warned that
the King would refuse to acknowledge its validity. He had
even renounced his own right of control, and vested the whole
authority over the University in the Archbishop. Cambridge,

1 GREG. CHRON., 106; SHORT CHRON., 55. - ROT. PARL., in., 459.
3 CHRON. GILES, 58. For expenses in connection with his visitation to
Bicester Priory, 1412, see BLOMFIELD, n., 168, 171. 4 CONC., in., 329;
MUN. ACAD., 78 ; AYLIFFE, APP., xn. ; A. WOOD, HIST., i., 146 ; CH.
QUART. REV., xxin., 448 ; GRIFFITHS, ix. ; LYTE, 292, where it is
wrongly assigned to Boniface VIII. (1300). BEKYNTON, i., 277, proves
beyond doubt that the name of Boniface VIII. is a mistake, even though
it is incorporated in the bull of Sixtus IV., in 1479. — A. WOOD, HIST., i.,
230. 5MuN. ACAD., 232,461. In loco exempto.— WYCL., DE BLASPHEMIA,
74. G CONC., in., 227 ; A. WOOD, i., 146, 197 ; FLETCHER, COLLECT., i.,
55; COTTON MS., FAUSTINA, C., vn., 20.

1411.] Chancellor Richard Courtenay. 443

which "of heresy bare never blame," 1 though she had claimed
a like exemption, had tamely submitted to a visitation in
i4oi;2 but in Oxford the battle had yet to be fought.

Accordingly, when the Archbishop, accompanied by his
nephew, the Earl of Arundel,:{ and a large retinue, arrived
there, and presented himself at St. Mary's Church, to
begin his inquiry, instead of being worshipfully received
with ringing bells,4 he found himself barred out by main
force,5 by order of the Chancellor (Richard Courtenay),0
and the Proctors (John Birch and Benet Brent "). He put
the church under interdict ; but two Oriel Fellows, ringleaders
in every row, who had called their Provost a liar and dared
him to fight, had smashed in the Chancellor's oak, and killed
a fellow-student, got the keys in the night, opened the church,
rang the bell as usual, and celebrated Mass in defiance.8
"Why should we be punished for other people's sins?" said
the Dean of Oriel. " Devil take the Archbishop and break his
neck ! "

Arundel, indeed, though Oxford had " nursed him
with her milk from tender years," 9 was, after all, only a
Bachelor in Arts,10 and had never even graduated Master, still

1 LYDGATE, in MULLINGER, i., 637. 2 FULLER, 91 ; R. PARKER, 274 ;
T. BAKER, i., 41 ; J. COLLIER, i., 622 ; MULLINGER, i., 258 ; C. H.
COOPER, i., 147. 3 A. WOOD, i., 205. 4 SARUM STAT., 89; AUNGIER,
277. 5 Manu forti. — ROT. PARL., in., 651 ; WALS., n., 285. 6 PAT., 12
H. IV., 17 (April 24th, 1411), has a commission to the Chancellor of Oxford
University, and Masters Roger Cotingham (GUTCH, i., 151, 157, 159, 160),
and Richard Courtenay, to inquire into some rioting that had taken
place at Oxford. — AYLIFFE, n., LXXXVII. 7 He was a Devonshire man,
from Dartmoor (STAFF., REG., 37), a fellow of Exeter College, 1403-
1415, and Rector, 1413-1414. — BOASE, EXON., 13. On Sep. roth, 1409,
he was a subdeacon.— STAFF., REG., 444. 8 HIST. MSS., 2nd REPT.,
137 ; BOASE, OXFORD, 94, 98 ; A. CLARK, 103. 9 BEKYNTON, i., 277.
10 GASC., 34, 61, 180, 181. Though in GOVVER (POL. SONGS, i., 435)
he is "doctor de jure creatus" and " legibus ornatus,"

444 Arundel's Visitation. [CHAP. LXXXVI.

less proceeded to the higher faculties of Law or Divinity ;
and this exposed him to further contempt. They laughed
at his talk about submission and obedience ; for they re-
membered how he had jeered at the notion of " the Bishop
over the water " disposing of his benefices when he was himself
in exile. The Chancellor said he would excommunicate him,1
and some heedless harebrains amongst the scholars went about
threatening secession and riot, with swords and bows. To
avoid the scandal of a lengthened conflict, it was agreed, after
the Archbishop had spent two days in Oxford, to refer the
matter to the King.2 The Archbishop withdrew, and the
Congregation, led by Proctor Birch,3 resolved to suspend the
powers of the 12 censors. To this the Chancellor demurred,
and dissolved the meeting ; but Birch convened them again
the next day, when they declared the Chancellor guilty of
perjury, and called upon him to resign. This was the state
of the case when the Chancellor, the Proctors, and the
Archbishop appeared before King Henry in person at Lam-
beth, on Sep. Qth, 1411.

In appealing to the King, Courtenay may have had some
cause to hope for a decision in his favour. Henry had already
granted valuable privileges4 to the University of Oxford,
extending the jurisdiction of the Chancellor to the suburbs at
the expense of the mayor and burgesses of the town. Six years
before, he had presented a large gilt cross to the University at
Courtenay's request,5 in return for which favour a Mass of the
Holy Spirit was said for him every year in St. Mary's Church,

1 LYTE, 293; from FAUSTINA, C., vu., 137. 2 Not "appeal to the
king for protection," as HOOK, iv., 495. 3A. CLARK, 102. 4 MUN.
ACAD., 345, 457 ; BOASE, OXFORD, 91 ; AYLIFFE, i., 155 ; n., APP.,
CLXXXI. 5 MUN. ACAD., 250; A. WOOD., u., 402.

1411.] BisJiop Thomas Cobham. 445

the Doctors and Masters attending in full academicals. More-
over, Courtenay had just secured his help in bettering the
Common University Library. Books, as we have seen, were
in great demand, and many rectors from Ireland and elsewhere,
who had come up to study in Theology, were forced to return
to their country for want of Bibles and other suitable texts.
The Friars were using their growing wealth in forming libraries
for their great houses up and down the country : l the larger
halls and colleges had each a library for the use of its inmates;2
but the condition of the Common Library of the University
as a whole was a reproach.

Nearly a hundred years before,3 Thomas Cobham, Bishop
of Worcester, had built an upper and a lower room on the north
side of St. Mary's Church at Oxford. The lower one or cellar 4
he meant to be used for the meetings of the Congregation of
the University ; the solar,5 or upper room, was to be an oratory,
where two chaplains should say Mass annually for his soul.
Cobham died in 1327, and left his stock of books with directions
that they were to be chained0 in the solar, and used within certain

1 FITZRALPH, in GRABS, n., 474. 2 For King's Hall, Cambridge
(1394), see Vol. III., p. 408. For 84 books given to Trinity Hall by
Bishop Bateman in 1350, see WILLIS AND CLARK, in., 402; Peterhouse,
302 vols. (1418), ibid., 403 ; C. C. C. Cambridge (1439), 76 vols. priced at
£104 i2s. 3d., CAMB. ANTIQ. Soc. PROCEEDINGS, II., xiv., 3. 3 Viz.,
in 1320. — C. R. L. FLETCHER, -L, 62 ; A. WOOD, n., 48 ; GODWIN, n., 43 ;
MACRAY, BODL., 5 ; HUBER, L, 344 ; ARCHJEOL. JOURN., VHI., 132 ; WILLIS
AND CLARK, in., 405; MERRYWEATHER, 131; MULLINGER, L, 203; LYTE,

99, 181, 305 ; SKELTON, i., PLATE 57; GOTTLIEB, 328; A. CLARK, 35, 95,

100. 4Vol. III., p. 423. 5Vol. I., p. 370, note i; WYCL. (M.), 380;
CHAUC., REEVE, 3988; DENTON, 44; LIB. ALB., i., xxxi. ; HOLT, 59;
BESANT, 72, 131; cf. Vol. III., p. 409. For English house, see FIFTY
WILLS, 18 ; DENTON, 44. 6 Accounts of library adjoining the cloister in
Exeter Cathedral (1412), include 45. 6d. for chains, i8s. 8d. for 28 chains
for books, &c. — G. OLIVER, BISHOPS, 388; cf. Extract from Will of
Canon Langton (Jan. gth, 1414), who leaves a Corpus Juris Civilis (5
vols.), ponendum et cathenandum in libraria Ecclesi^e Exoniensis. —
OLIVER, MONAST., 456. For " a booke of seint hugh life cheyned " in
Lincoln Cathedral, see ARCH^OLOGIA, LIIL, 12.

446 ArundeVs Visitation. [CHAP. LXXXVI.

hours of daylight by any scholar who chose to come in. Wet
cloths, pens and ink, and knives were forbidden,1 and one of the
chaplains was always to be present to see that the books were
fairly used. The Bishop meant to leave 350 marks to cover
all costs and charges, but when the general expenses of his
funeral were totalled up, it was found that there was nothing
left, and even the books had to be pledged to raise money
for present necessities. Just at this time, Adam Brom, the
Rector of St. Mary's, was founding his Scholars' -house of the
Blessed Mary of Oxford, afterwards known as the King's Hall,
or Oriel College.2 Cobham's executors came to him and
offered him the books for ^50, on the understanding that his
scholars should say the prayers for the Bishop's soul. Brom
paid the money and had the books brought to Oxford, and so
the bargain stood for about 10 years. But. in the autumn of
1337, the Proctor and a great crowd carried off the books in the
name of the University, and locked them up in two chests.

The solar had never been finished ; it had no glass in the
windows, and no tables for the readers. As the church
had been appropriated to Oriel College,3 by Edward II.,
the Fellows claimed possession of the room, and locked it up ;
but the Chancellor and the Regents broke open the door and
took off the locks. Having thus established their right, they
sold the best of the books for ,£40, 4 and with the money thus
raised got together enough to pay ^£"3 a year to a chaplain, who
attended daily to see that those who used the books did not
scar them or soil them or tear out the sheets.

At length, in 1410,"' Archbishop Arundel paid 50 marks to

1 For similar rules at Ottery St. Mary, see OLIVER, MONAST., 270.
-Vol. III., p. 409, note 7. 3 ARCH.EOL. JOURN., vm., 127; WILLIS
AND CLARK, in., 489; RYM., iv., 455; LYTE, 143, from LANSDOWNE MS.,
386, 9 b. 4 MUN. ACAD., 227. 5 AYLIFFE, n., LXXXVI.

1411.] The Common Library. 447

Oriel College to quit their claim ; the library became the re-
cognized common property of the University, and Chancellor
Courtenay used his influence with the King to get it put upon
a better footing. The chaplain's salary was raised to ^5 per
annum, and regulations were made for the proper government
of the little institution. Catalogues of the books were drawn
up and deposited in the Proctor's chest,1 and the titles of any
new ones, together with the names of the donors, were posted
on a board which was hung in the room itself. No list of
these books has come down to us, and, after 30 years, they
were merged with Duke Humphrey's gift,L> and no trace of
them is now to be found.

But though King Henry had given many proofs of his
good-will towards the University, he was now too much under
the Archbishop's hand to listen to any insubordination in
religion. His indignation was "gravely kindled,"" and, but for
the intervention of the Prince of Wales, it would have gone hard
with the Chancellor and the Proctors. On Sept. xyth, 1411,
the King gave his decision, which was altogether in favour of
the Archbishop's claims, establishing his right to visit and
control the University, and imposing a penalty of ^1000 upon
all who should resist his authority.4 The Chancellor was
deposed, the Proctors were imprisoned in the Tower, and some
of the scholars were flogged as truants. Delegates from the
Archbishop appeared in St. Mary's Church, when the members
of the University begged for pardon if they had not been strict
enough in disclaiming the Lollards.5 They now submitted

1 MUN. ACAD., 228, 267, 375. For priced list of books used by
scholars in Paris at the end of the i3th century, see DENIFLE, 644.
2 A. WOOD, ii., 49. :5 MUN. ACAD., 251. 4 An exception was made in
the case of the Queen Hall, which was under the control of the Arch-
bishop of York. — RYM., vm., 675. 5 A. WOOD, i., 205.

448 ArundeVs Visitation. [CHAP. LXXXVI.

body and soul, and on November 22nd, 141 1,1 addressed a
letter to the Archbishop deprecating his righteous indignation,
and promising to receive their ordinary, the Bishop of Lincoln,
as visitor.12 It was not for his honour, they said, to pursue a
dead dog or a quick flea, and they would give up not only
their cloak but their coat also, if he would not press the case
against them before a foreign court.

But the Archbishop had matters already well in train. As
soon as the censors had reported on the dangerous passages in
Wycliffe's books, he assembled a synod of Bishops and Doctors
in St. Paul's, who condemned3 the whole of the 267 extracts en
bloc, and sent them to Rome, with a request 4 that Pope John
XXIII. would support his view and allow him to ungrave
the bones of the arch-heretic and fling them on a dung-heap.
The Pope granted his request ; and on Nov. 20th, i4ii,5a bull
was issued from Rome, authorizing the Archbishop to exercise
full metropolitical jurisdiction over Oxford. On March i2th,
141 2,6 the Masters of the University, both regents and non-
regents, representing the faculties of Arts, Decrees, Civil Law
and Theology, met in Congregation,7 in St. Mary's Church,
and decreed that a copy of the condemned articles should be
kept in the Common Library above, so that they might be
known and avoided by all, under penalty of imprisonment and

1 REG. ARUNDEL, 91, 92. 2 BEKYNTON, i., 276; DICT. NAT. BIOG.,
xix., 283 ; C. R. L. FLETCHER, i., 55, from LAMBETH MS., 580, p. 136.

3 MUN. ACAD., 269, 376. He notified his decision to the University
of Oxford in a letter dated from Girnkner, May 8th, 1411. — GASC., 116.

4 CONC., in., 350. For a letter of Archbishop Arundel to John XXIII. ,
dated Aug. 2oth (? 1410), in TWYNE MS., II., 229, see LITTLE, 85.

5 C. R. L. FLETCHER, i., 55; A. WOOD, i., 205; FULLER, CH. HIST.,
iv., 164. 6 MUN. ACAD., 250; LYTE, 284. 7 For the lites, jurgia, brigoe,
dissensiones, rixas et clamores inordinati that often took place in the Con-
gregations in Paris, see DENIFLE, PROC., I., xxxin., 361. For the case
of Hy. Poelman, in 1382, who would not go out, and said that the meeting
was stupid (fatue deliberasse), see ibid., 621.

1413-] Carfax. 449

excommunication, and that masses should be sung every year
for the King and the Prince as benefactors, in gratitude for
their reconciliation with the Archbishop.

On Feb. loth, 1413, as we have already seen,1 the
Dialogue, the Trialogue,'2 and other of Wycliffe's books,3 were
publicly burnt at Rome, and it was proposed to consider the
question of his dead bones after nine months had elapsed ; 4
but before that time came, the Pope was again a fugitive, and
for 15 years more Wycliffe's bones lay undisturbed in the
chancel of Lutterworth church.

The books were burned at Carfax,5 and English Lollardry
seemed crushed ; but Oxford was only a shadow of her former
self, and in 1413 contained but 71 resident graduates all told.0

1 Vol. III., p. 398. For request of the clergy of Prague (circ.
June, 1412), to have Wycliffe's books burnt, see PALACKY, Doc., 466.
'2 For translation and analysis, see VAUGHAN, TRACTS, 108-216. 3 For
list of them, see A. WOOD, i., 206. 4 HOOK (iv., 498) thinks that the Pope
deferred his decision because he was not willing to add fuel to a fire al-
ready too hot. But this is only guess-work. 5 In quadrivio. — GASC., 116.
6 Viz., 9 D.D.'s, 5 LL.D.'s, i M.D. (a foreigner), 10 B.D.'s, 12 M.A.'s
(regent), 18 M.A.'s (non-regent), 4 LL.B.'s, and 12 scholars in Divinity.
LYTE, 295, from TWINE, n., 13, quoting REPINGDON REG., 136. In
1352, there were 55 Masters in Paris in the Natio Anglicana alone.
— DENIFLE, PROC., I., xxxn., though in 1381 they had not sufficient
regents to supply their schools. — Ibid., 6n. The minimum require-
ment for recognition by the University of Paris as an efficient school
was that it should contain at least 12 magistri regentes. — Ibid., xxx., 701.

F 2

CHAPTER LXXXVII.

PRAGUE.

BUT though the Pope's long foot could trample out the embers
of heresy in its cradle at Oxford, he had still his work to do
to strangle the goose l that was cackling : — " Wiclif, VViclif,
that many heads tickleth ! " 2 to thousands of eager listeners in
the Bethlehem Chapel at Prague.

When the Emperor Charles IV. (son of the blind King
John who was killed at Crecy, and father of Wenzel and Sigis-
mund) determined to make a Rome or Constantinople of his
Bohemian capital,3 he founded a University at Prague (i348),4
to be a River of Eden that should go out and water the whole
land.5 Here he built his Caroline College,0 and presented to

1 For " Husk," = auca (anser), see PALACKY, Doc., 39, 55, 726 ;
Hus, MOM., I., xciv. b, xcvi. b; KRUMMEL, 300; LENFANT, CONSTANCE,
20; NEANDER, ix., 368, 423, 427; DENIS, 64; WYCL., LAT. SERM., i.,
xxvn. ; JEx. SYLV., 103 ; HOFLER, Hus, 244 ; ALZOG, n., 952 ; J. C.
ROBERTSON, vii., 308.

Cf. O Husska care, noli nimis alta volare,

En nimis alte volas poteris comburere pennas.— DoLEiN,37i.
Huska magister sic in altis volitans. — Ibid., 381, 391, 423 ; cf. Dialogus
volatilis inter aucam et passerem. — Ibid., 421. '2 Cf. Vol. III., p. 424.
3 DIESSENHOVEN, quoted in HOFLER, DIE AVIGNONISCHEN PAEPSTE, 55 ;
CREIGHTON, i., 308 ; VERGERIO, 238 ; RENIERI, 70. 4 /EN. SYLV., 101 ;
PALACKY, II., n., 291; III., i., 160; Doc., 281, 350; SCHWAB, 546;
KRUMMEL, 24; CREIGHTON, L, 311; MULLINGER, i., 215; FASCIC.
ZIZAN., LI. ; HOFLER, Hus, 94, 108 ; LOSERTH, 91 ; DENIS, 6 ; MILMAN,
vi., 9 ; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 313. For life at Prague with poulz,
puces, puour and pourceaux, see DESCHAMPS, vn., 88, 90. 5 PALACKY,
Doc., 692. 6 WATTENBACH, 516.

1409.] The University. 451

it a library of 114 books, for which he paid TOO marks (1370). *
This was the Golden Age2 of Universities, and at Charles'
death in 1378, Prague contained 7000 students,3 of whom only
about one-tenth were Bohemians.4 Before long the University
of Prague was reckoned as one of the world's greatest gems,5
and the number of students is said to have risen to 30,000,°
before the split of 1409, in which year, according to a contem-
porary account, 20,000 7 Germans and others left Prague rather
than submit to the domination of the Bohemian minority. As
in Paris, the students at Prague were grouped in four nations,8
the Bohemian, Bavarian, Polish,0 and Saxon,10 and we know
that large numbers of Swedish,11 English, Irish, and other
students from Northern Europe 12 flocked thither every year to
swell the rising throng.

The fledgeling was not likely to be bound by the staid tra-

1 PALACKY, II., n., 293 ; III., i., 185. '- HALLAM, m., 526; ALZOG,
ii., 1064. For Vienna, Heidelberg, Cologne, Erfurt, Cracow, Leipzig,
Rostock, Louvain, and St. Andrews, see DENIFLE, PROC., I., XLI.-XLV.
3 PALACKY, II., n., 294; WURDIGUNG, 288; HOFLER, ANNA, 35. The
population of Prague at the beginning of the T5th century is calculated
at over 100,000. — DENIS, 38, 491, from TOMEK. 4 HOFLER, RUPR., 429.
5 HARDT, iv., 1079 ; PALACKY, III., i., 237. 6 Ibid., 153 ; DENIS, 47,
gives 11,000 in 1389, from TOMEK. 7 PALACKY, III., i., 236; HOFLER,
Hus, 247 ; RUPR., 430, gives 26,000 to 30,000. For 36,000, see HOFLER,
Hus, 249. For 44,000, see KRUMMEL, 204; DENIS, 88; NEANDER, ix.,
344 ; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 316, inclines to 7000; CHRON. DES Dues DE
BOURGOGNE, m., 346, gives 5000. CREIGHTON (i., 318) thinks that the
number of students never exceeded 4000; cf. Vol. III., p. 412, note 14.
8 HARDT, iv., 312, 757; RATISBON, 2127; PALACKY, II., IL, 292;
Doc. ,350; RAYNALDI, xvn., 396 ; DENIS, 49; HOFLER, Hus, 99, 230;
RUPR., 428 ; KRUMMEL, 198. For the Gallican, Picard, Norman, and
English nations at Paris, see DENIFLE, PROC., I., ix., xvi. 9 For Polish
students at Prague, see CARO, in., 295. 10 DENIFLE, PROC., I., xix.
11 FANT, in., 16; HOFLER, Hus, 113; RUPR., 428. In 1354, Swedish
students had begun to desert the University of Paris, and two houses for
Upsala scholars were given up. In 1392, two more reserved for Swedes
were empty and abandoned, viz., the Stag's Horn (or Linkoping College),
and the Image of our Lady (or Skara College), DENIFLE, PROC., I., xix.,
LXIV., LXV., 661, 895. In the same year the Denmark House had only
i occupant. 12 POSILJE, 35.

452 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

ditions of her older sisters. The new University was launched
in an age of religious ferment,1 and from the outset had been
dominated by a succession of preachers of radical reform. One
of its earliest statutes2 permitted the Masters and Bachelors of
Prague to read (or, as we should say, to lecture on) the writings
of any eminent Masters of Paris or Oxford; and Wycliffe's Latin
treatises were not long in finding their way across.3 In 1388,
a canon of Prague Cathedral,4 who had himself studied at
Oxford, left money to be used in founding bursaries, to enable his
countrymen to spend a year at the great University in England.5
Intercourse developed between the two peoples, and when in
1381 6 the Emperor's daughter Anne7 came over from
Prague to become the wife of Richard II., and brought
with her the horned or mitred cap,8 the train, the peaked

1 HOFLER (Hus, 86) calls Bohemia the " El Dorado der Waldenser."
Cf. DENIS, 27 ; VAUGHAN, i., 145; J.C.ROBERTSON, vn., 302. For
Waldenses, see ALZOG, n., 658. 2 PALACKY, III., i., 188 ; NEANDER, ix.,
337; DENIS, 48; LOSERTH, 69; BEZIEHUNGEN, 255. 3 Hus, MON., i.,
108 ; SCHWAB, 551 ; HOFLER, Hus, 159 ; not " surreptitiously," as
ALZOG, n., 953. It is, of course, a complete misconception to suppose
that Peter Payne first " carried over to Bohemia the doctrines of Wy-
cliffe," as stated in ACADEMY, 27/10/94, p. 324, reviewing J. BAKER'S
"Pictures from Bohemia." Cf. supervenit quidam ex Anglia portans
secum libros Joannis Wiclef. — CHRON. DBS Dues DE BOURGOGNE, in.,
345. 4I.e., Adalbert Ranconis. — LOSERTH, 40; BEZIEHUNGEN, 255;
DENIFLE, PROC. , I. , xxx. 5 LOSERTH, 70. 6 DEVON, 219 ; HOFLER, ANNA,
48; PAULI, iv., 539; KRUMMEL, in; STRICKLAND, i., 413; LINDNER, i.,
119; LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN, 154; PASTOR, i., 126. 7For picture of her
coronation from LIBER REGALIS at Westminster, see STRUTT, ANTIQ., 35.
For figure of her on her tomb at Westminster, see GARDINER, 267. For por-
trait of her as St. Katherine in DOMIT., A., xvn., see HOLT, 45. For a letter
from her to Richard II., asking him to grant letters patent to Queen's Col-
lege at Oxford, now in the muniment room of the college, see A. CLARK,
124. 8 GASC., 12; BLOXAM, 156; HOFLER, ANNA, 46, 138; LYDGATE, 46;
CHRON. LOND., 270; STRICKLAND, i., 415; MASSON, 241; HOLT, 77.
Comes portez comme font les lymas. — DESCHAMPS, vi., 200; comes ont
trop plus longues que bestes. — Ibid., 201. For specimens, see MACKLIN,
69 ; HAINES, 108. (Brass of Margaret Cheyne at Hever, Kent, 1419.) —
Ibid., 109 ; BOUTELL, BRASSES, 49. (Isabel, wife of Nicholas Carew,
1432, Beddington, Surrey.) — HAINES, no; BOUTELL, BRASSES, 44.

1381.] Queen Anne. 453

shoes1 (which the English called cracows,2 or pikes), the side-
saddle,3 and the pin,4 the ease with which the Bohemian get 5
became the vogue in England is an evidence of kinship and sym-
pathy in the character of the two nations. Anne brought with
her, moreover, a Latin copy of the Gospels, with German and
Czeck translations,6 and as she made progress in the language
of her adopted country, she studied them with the doctors and

(Wife of John Martyn, 1436, Graveney, Kent.) — HAINES, Edition 1861,
cxcin., ccx. (Four daughters of John Dengayn, 1460, Quy, Cambridge.)
— BOUTELL, BRASSES, 40. (Joyce, wife of Sir Hugh Halsham, 1441, West
Grinstead ; and Agnes, wife of Sir Robert Staunton, and three daughters,
Castle Donington.) — BOUTELL, 48. (Philippa Bischoppesdon, 1414,
Broughton, Oxfordshire; and wife and child of Thomas Stokes, 1416,
Ashley Ledgers.)— Ibid., 50 ; LYSONS, ENVIRONS, i. , 244. (Wife of Robert
Skerne, 1437, Kingston-on-Thames.) — BOUTELL, 51 ; GOUGH, in., 136.
(Joyce, Lady Tiptoft, 1446, Enfield.) — BOUTELL, 52. (Christina, wife of
Matthew Phelip, 1470, Herne.) The earliest known instance occurs on a
brass at South Kelsey, Lines., circ. 1410; BOUTELL, 37; see also
NICHOLLS AND TAYLOR, i., 188, 203, 298. For example on a mediaeval
spoon in possession of Mr. R. Drane of Cardiff, see ARCHJEOLOGIA, LIII.,

126; SHAW, DRESSES ; HOLT, 76; Ibid., LANGLEY, 175.
Cf. " pikede shoes." — P. PLO., xxm., 219. " Pikes of schoone." — WYCL.
(A.), in., 214. For an early mention of them in 1362, see FABR. ROLLS,
242. They were greatly in vogue in France. — ST. DENYS, n., 496.
Cf. Tels solers comme on trouvera
Qui une aulne ont de bee ante.

— DESCHAMPS, in., 195.

2 Cf. " Poulaines," i.e., Pologne, Vol. I., p. 1.62; MERAY, n., 176. On
porte une aulne de poulaine. — DESCHAMPS, v., 274; vin., 22. a APPLE-
YARD, in., 54, from STOW, 142 (tournament of 1390); LYNCH, 11., 151;
HOLT, 174. For previous a-stride position, see JUSSERAND, 104. 4 For
" espingles," " espingliers," see DESCHAMPS, vi., 200, 201, 239; vm., 16.

5 Vol. I., p. 162; Cov. MYST., 242, 325; RICH. REDELES, in., 159;
SKELTON, GARLAND OF LAWRELL, in COLLIER, n., 241 ; FAIRHOLT, 175 ;
PLANCHE, i., 206.

Cf. Yit a poynte of the new gett to telle wille I not blyn

Of prankyd gownes and shulders upset mos and flekkys sewyd wythin.

— TOWNELEY, 312.

6 Hus, MON., 168 ; WYCL., POLEM., i., 168 ; HOFLER, ANNA, 46, 90;
KRUMMEL, 37 ; STRICKLAND, i., 416 ; LOSERTH, 136, 261 ; J. C. ROBERT-
SON, VIL, 307. " Frenshemen Beemers and Britons have the Bible trans-
latid in here modir tongue." — PURVEY, PROL., 59 ; LEWIS, 67, She
showed her copy to Archbishop Arundel, who examined it and pronounced
it to be good and true. — Fox, ist Edition, p. 454.

454 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

the glosses in Wycliffe's English also.1 One of her suite, a lawyer
named Roger Siglem,2 was constantly employed by the English
on diplomatic business with Germany. At the time of his
marriage, Richard II. lent Wenzel ^ni4,3 and both kings
knew how to extort money from their subjects, by means of
blankets or cartes blanches^ except that one called them "rag-
mans,"5 and the other " membranes,"6 which probably both
mean the same thing.

In I403,7 a Convocation of the University of Prague
condemned as heretical the 45 propositions extracted from
Wycliffe's works, which had previously been condemned at
Oxford, and forbade any member of their University to hold
them, teach them, or defend them ; but the order remained
a dead letter. In the same year,8 Zbinck Zazic (or Zbinco),
of Hasenburg, was appointed Archbishop of Prague ; and, in
1406,° he threatened all offenders with punishment. Still the
condemned books found ready circulation, and large sums 10

1 USHER, DE SCRIPT., 161 ; LEWIS, XXHI., 198; VAUGHAN, n., 131;
STRICKLAND, i., 426 ; SMITH'S DICT. OF BIBLE, in., 1666. 2Vol. I., p.
165 ; LAPPENBERG, i., 66 ; called " Sigleam " in FR. ROLL, 8 H. IV., 8,
May ist, 1407. For his instructions " chiefly respecting a marriage,"
dated Feb. 2ist, 1400, see COTTON MS., GALBA, B, i., 87. 3 DEVON, 218.
4Cartas albas. — POL. SONGS, i. , 461; SHARPE, LONDON, i., 244. For
specimens temp. Richard II., in TREAS. OF RECEIPT Misc., -1/-, see
RAMSAY, i., XLVI. For blaunche ferme, see ROT. PARL., in., 660.
5 I.e., probably " pergaments," see WVNTOWN, GLOSSARY, Vol. I., s.
v. ; GOWER, CONF., 436. For various suggestions as to the origin of
the word, see JAMIESON, n., 603 ; SCOTICHRON., n., 438 : TOWNELEY, 311 ;
CAL. OF Doc. RELATING TO SCOTLAND (24 Ed. I.), n., 193 ; PIERS PLOW-
MAN, C, xix., 122; notes, p. 378; SIMS, 407 ; ACADEMY, 18/1/90, p. 47.
fi RTA., in., 23; iv., 409, 475; TRITHEIM, CHRON., n., 308. 7 HARDT,
iv., 8., 652; HOFLER, Hus, 156; PALACKY, Doc., 327, 730; do., Hus-

SITENTHUM, 12; LOSERTH, 97; CREIGHTON, I., 315; DENIS, 73; KRUM-

MEL, 153. s Viz., Oct. 7th, 1403. — PALACKY, III., i., 195; HOFLER, Hus,
J53> 155, 164; LOSERTH, 89, 97; KRUMMEL, 158. Called Subinco Lepus
by BALE in HARL. MISCELL., n., 254. 9 PALACKY, III., i., 313 ; do., Doc.,
335) 73°; DOLEIN, 158; LOSERTH, 103; HOFLER, Hus, 176, 183; KRUM-
MEL, 178; CREIGHTON, i., 316. 10 Magnis laboribus pecuniis et sumpti-
bus per nos emptos et comparatos. — PALACKY, Doc., 389.

1407.] Nicholas Faulfiss. 455

were paid for them ; and a tract, written in 1408 by an indig-
nant Carthusian in Moravia, declares that Wycliffe's1 books
had spread throughout the world in courts and colleges and
schools, and that in Bohemia, where it used to be said that
not a single heretic was to be found,2 they were read, either in
open or in secret, by every class, from men and women in the
street to the monk in his solitary cell. Students, both German
and Bohemian, copied 3 them in England, and brought them
to Prague ; and there is still preserved in the Imperial Library
at Vienna, a volume 4 containing three of Wycliffe's treatises,
which were finally corrected in 1407, in the little villages of
Braybrook, near Market Harborough, and Kemerton, near
Tewkesbury.5 The copyists were two Bohemian students
at Oxford, named George of Kniehnicz,6 and Nicholas
Faulfiss,7 the latter of whom had such a veneration for
the Oxford Reformer, that he not only wrote out8 many
of his tracts, but carried home a chip of stone from his
grave at Lutterworth,1' to be shown as a relic to his friends
at Prague.

Chief among these was the great preacher John Hus, who

1 DOLEIN, 158 ; HOFLER, Hus, 184, 193 ; NEANDEK, ix., 341 ;
KRUMMEL, 169; DENIS, 101; LOSERTH, 78; GIESELER, v., 105. 2Hus,
MON., i., cv., cccxxxn. ; RTA., vi., 577; RATISBON, 2128; DOLEIN,
385; PALACKY, Doc., 189, 233, 280, 478; do., GESCHICHTE, III., i., 224;
HOFLER, RUPR., 421; do., Hus, 172, 210, 215, 259; DENIS, 5, 80;
LOSERTH, 81, 310; HEFELE, vi., 927; KRUMMEL, 181, 185; CREIGHTON,
i., 316. Cf. Et gens devoz dont je les prise. — DESCHAMPS, vn., 93.
3 GASC., 9. For MSS. at Vienna, Prague, and Olmutz, see WYCLIFFE,
POLEM. WORKS, i., xxviii., LVII., : DE ECCL., xxi. 4 /.<:., COD. PAL.
VINDOBONIENSIS, 1294. For facsimile specimens and acct. of the MS.,
see WYCLIFFE, DE ECCLESIA, xvn. 3 WYCLIFFE, DE ECCL., 47. 6 WY-
CLIFFE, DE ECCL., xvn.; DE CIVILI DOMINIO, i., ix., XL; DE DOM. Div.,
x. ; FASCIC., LXXXII. ; LOSERTH, 101 ; do., BEZIEHUNGEN, 259. 7 Not
Jerome, as J. BAKER, 139, 152 ; neither was he a Count or Chevalier, as
NEANDER, ix., 331, 333 ; ALZOG, n., 953. 8 JEN. SYLV., 103 ; PALACKY,
Doc., 313 ; WYCLIFFE, DE ECCLESIA, xvm. y PALACKY, III., i., 193.

456 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

was not yet 40 years of age l — a lean, spare man, in mean
attire2 — but, as confessor to Wenzel's queen Sophia,8 he was
a power in the Bohemian Court. As past Rector of the
University,4 he voiced the thoughts of its Bohemian students,
and as Chaplain 5 at the newly built Bethlehem Chapel,6 where
he was bound to preach in the Czeck language, he had
obtained immense influence over the Bohemian populace,
both men and women,7 who " held him for holy and righteous
in all his ways."8 Here he proclaimed with impunity, in his
native tongue, the very doctrines for which the humblest
Lollard would have been burnt in England. He said himself
that he had learned from Wycliffe's books much that was
good;9 that he was drawn to Wycliffe because his writings
sought to bring men back to the law of Christ ; 10 but that he
held Wycliffe's beliefs, not because they were Wycliffe's, but
because Scripture and reason told him that they were true ; n

1 He was born in 1369, at Husinec, on the Bavarian frontier. —
PALACKY, III., i., 191 ; SCHWAB, 549 ; KRUMMEL, 101 ; HOFLER, Hus,
131; RUPR., 418; DENIS, 65; LOSERTH, 66; CREIGHTON, i., 314;
ALZOG, n., 953. -' MILMAN, vi., 6. s Called Offney or Offka by the
Bohemians. — LINDNER, n., 174. Cf. HOFLER, Hus, 251 ; KRUMMEL,
142, 208 ; MAURICE (p. 36), seems to have thought that she was an
Englishwoman, and that she brought Wycliffe's doctrines into Bohemia.
4 He was Rector in 1402 and 1409. — KRUMMEL, 153, 209; DENIS, 88;
HOFLER, Hus, 276 ; CREIGHTON, i., 319. 5 He was appointed Mar. i4th,
1402.— HOFLER, Hus, 146. 6 It was built in 1391. — PALACKY, III., i.,
192; Doc., 340, 724; Hus, MON., I., xci. b; GIESELER, v., 103;
NEANDER, ix., 320; SCHWAB, 549; HOFLER, Hus, 131, 141; LOSERTH,
40, 68; CREIGHTON, i., 314; KRUMMEL, 124. DOLEIN (373), calls it
Wiclefistarum insidiosam speluncam. It was destroyed in 1786. For
a description of it with Hus' pulpit and dwelling chamber by THEOBALD,
in 1750, see KRUMMEL, 135. 7 NEANDER, ix., 391, 398. 8 Das gemeyne
Volk yn hildin vor heilig und gerecht yn allin synen sachin. — POSILJE,
352. 9 In eis profiteer multa bona didicisse. — LOSERTH, 81, from RE-
COMMENDATIO ARTIUM LIBERALIUM, written in 1409. — KRUMMEL, 201 ;
HOFLER, Hus, 259. 10 Hus, MON., i., cix. ; NEANDER, ix., 329 ;
LOSERTH, 93. n Non quia Vingleff dicit, sed quia scriptura vel ratio
infallibilis dicit. — Hus, MON., i., CCLXIII. ; DOLEIN, 365.

1407.] John Hits. 457

and he prayed that, when he died, his soul might go where
WyclifTe's had gone,1 for he held him for a good man and a
saint,2 and worthy of a place in Heaven. He had copied
Wycliffe's most distinctive works, and translated them into
Czeck.3 He has been credited with great erudition,4 on the
strength of his numerous quotations from the Fathers and the
classics ; but they are mostly WyclifTe's quotations after all, in-
cluding even his mistakes,5 and many of his sermons are
only Wycliffe's sermons slightly altered. His enemies called
him the only-begotten son of Wycliffe,6 and taunted " him that
the doctrines which he preached were Wycliffe's, and not his
own. Indeed, it is now conclusively proved that, in strictness,
there is no " Hussite system of doctrine " 8 at all ; but that the
very treatise 9 on the Church, which has been supposed 10 to be
peculiarly the work of Hus,11 is nothing but Wiclifry 12 trans-
planted word for word into Bohemia ; and the case of
plagiarism is so strong, that a modern inquirer has declared
that, " with the exception of the Bible, and some few of the

1 PALACKY, III., i., 246; HUSSITENTHUM, 113; Doc., 154, 161, 168 ;
HARDT, iv., 311 ; ^EN. SYLV., 103; HOFLER, Hus, 149, 158, 186, 198 ;
KRUMMEL, no, 180 ; LOSEKTH, 102; NEANDER, ix., 351; DENIS, 78;
WYCL., DE EUCHAR., XLIX. - Eundem (i.e., Wycliffe) sanctiorem qui-
busdam sanctis et doctissimum diceretis prae doctis. — DOLEIN (371), who
calls him no saint, but a muck-sack with a hole in it ; non sanctus sed
pertusus stercorum saccus (190, 267) ; cf. Et tu, sacce Wicleff, ora pro tuis
(426) ; pertusa saccitate (381) ; non doctor sed coctor (214) ; cf. Vol. III.,
p. 31, note 5. :! LOSERTH, 95. For five of Wycliffe's treatises in Hus'
handwriting (1398), now at Stockholm, see DENIS, 72; J. C. ROBERTSON,
vii., 309 ; CREIGHTON, i., 314, quoting DUDIK, SCHWEDISCHE REISE, p.
198. 4 KRUMMEL, 174, and Chap. VI., passim ; DENIS, 67. 5 Cf. WYCL.,
DE ECCL., 296, with Hus, MON., i., cxxi. b; cxciv. a ; LOSERTH, 226.
6 DOLEIN, in LOSERTH, 78. 7 STOKES, in PALACKY, Doc., 308; LOSERTH,
86. 8 LOSERTH, xxx., in. 9 Cf. Hus, MON., i., cxcvu., with WYCLIFFE,
DE ECCLESIA, and LOSERTH, 181-224, &c- 10 D'AILLY, in GERSON, n.,
901; FINKE, 269; KRUMMEL, 336; LOSERTH, 181. n LOSERTH, 182-2^4,
279, 280 ; WYCLIFFE, POLEM. WORKS, I., xm. ; DE ECCLESIA, xxvi. ;
LAT. SERMONS, I., xxn. ; IV., 24. ia " Wiclevia," " Wiclefie." —
LOSERTH, xxxi., XLIV.

458 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

Fathers, Hus consulted no other sources than those of Wy-
cliffe only";1 and that even when he seems to stand alone,
he is really " resting on Wycliffe's shoulders." 2 His zeal, his
eloquence, his piety, his purity of life, and his devotion to
truth, are amply proved alike by the testimony 3 of friends
and foes ; but the truths that he preached, and the doctrines
for which he died, were the truths 4 and doctrines of the
Reformer of Oxford.

When Faulfiss returned to Prague, he brought 5 with him a
copy of the letter in which the University of Oxford declared
its testimony that Wydiffe had never been condemned for
heresy, and Hus 6 read it triumphantly to his congregation in
the Bethlehem Chapel. On Dec. 20th, I409,7 Pope Alexander
V. issued a bull from Pistoja authorizing Archbishop Zbinec
to seize all books, tracts, and quires containing any of the 45
articles of Wycliffe's teaching, and to remove them out of the
sight of the faithful; and that henceforth no preaching should
be allowed except in parish churches, of which the Bethlehem
Chapel 8 was not one. The bull was not published in Prague
till March Qth, 1410.'' Hus obeyed the first portion of the
order, and handed over such books of Wycliffe's as he possessed,
asking10 that the Archbishop would mark the heresies in them,
that he might publicly disclaim them. Many others did like-
wise, till at least 200 copies of Wycliffe's books, some of them

1 LOSERTH, 281. -Ibid., 289. :: Hus, MON., I., in.; II., CCCLXII. ;
/EN. SVLV., 103; KRUMMEL, 147. 4 PALACKY, HUSSITENTHUM, 113.
r> PALACKY, Doc., 313; Hus, MON., i., 109 b; KRUMMEL, 171;
LOSERTH, 72, 101. J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 310, thinks that Peter Payne
was with him; but see Vol. III., p. 425, note 6. 6 HARDT, iv., 644, shows
that Jerome read it also. 7 RAYNALDI, xvn., 396 ; PALACKY, Doc., 374,
404, 724; Hus, MON., i., ccxxxv. b; SCHWAB, 553; CREIGHTON, i., 328;
LOSERTH, 114. 8 DOLEIN, 395. 9 PALACKY, in., I., 248; Doc., 733;
HOFLEK, Hus, 297; KRUMMEL, 213; DENIS, 94. ]0 HARDT, iv., 310.

1410.] Book-burning. 459

with gold 1 knobs and costly bindings, were handed up for
examination by a commission of six experts in Theology ; and
on June i6th, 1410,- an order was issued that the books3
should all be burned. But on the day before this order was
issued (June i5th),4 a Convocation of the University of
Prague had protested against the Archbishop's action, and on
June 25th,5 Hus and seven others (one of them a master
and the rest bachelors or students of the University) appealed
against it to the judgment of the new Pope, John XXIII. Thus
delay was dangerous; and on July i6th,6 the order was
carried into effect, and the books were publicly burnt in the
court of the Archbishop's palace on the Hradschin 7 at Prague,
in the presence of a large number of the clergy, who sang Te
Ueum in a loud voice, while the Cathedral bells tolled a
funeral 8 knell, as if they were burying the dead. Two days
later (July i8th),9 the Archbishop pronounced sentence
of excommunication against Hus and his fellows, who had
appealed to the Pope, as rebellious and disobedient and
impugners of the Catholic Faith.

But all Prague was on the side of Hus. The Bethlehem
Chapel was not a parish church ; yet, in defiance of the Arch-
bishop's order, he continued 10 to preach there to immense n

1 ^EN. SYLV., 104; TRITHEIM, n., 318. '2 PALACKY, Doc., 378, 390,
734; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 319; not 1408, as VAUGHAN, MONOGRAPH,
511. 3 For a list of them, see PALACKY, in., I., 249; HOFLER, Hus, 299;
LOSERTH, 115. 4 PALACKY, Doc., 386, 393, 734; HOFLER, Hus, 303.
r> PALACKY, Doc., 387 ; Hus, MON., i., LXXXIX. ; KRUMMEL, 215.
'• PALACKY, Doc., 734. 7 LOSERTH, 116. 8 Not "a joyous peal,11 as
CREIGHTON, i., 321. 9 PALACKY, Doc., 397. 1() Prohibitus usque hodie
(1412) praedicat. — DOLEIN, 367. n Populum in multitudine copiosa
ibidem congregatum. — PALACKY, Doc., 171, 405, The chapel would
hold several thousand people, quae tot millia hominum posset colligere. —
Ibid., 414. On one occasion we have a note of more than three thousand
people there. — Ibid., 169. On another the congregation is estimated at
10,000. — Ibid., 12.

460 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

crowds. It was for the Gospel's l sake that he was called a
heretic; but he stoutly maintained that, whatever the Archbishop
might say, there was not a real heretic in all Bohemia. " Now,"
he cried out, "is the prophecy fulfilled, that in the year 1409,
there should arise a man who would persecute the Gospel and
the Faith of Christ. This is the Pope just dead — wherever he
may be now, whether in heaven or in hell — Pope Alexander,
who writes on asses' skins to burn the books of Master John
WyclirTe, where many good things are to be found. But I have
appealed against it, and still do appeal. Will you support me?"
" We will ! " shouted his hearers in the church. " Then know,"
said Hus, " that I am resolved that I ought to preach, and
either be driven from the land or die in prison ; — for Popes
may lie, but God cannot. Be firm, then, ye who will support
me ! Fear not excommunication, for you are one with me in
this appeal ! So let us gird ourselves, and stand for the law of
God!"

Soon came word from Bologna,2 citing Hus to appear in
person before the Papal Court, and urging the Archbishop to
go forward with his work of repression, and, if need be, to call
in the secular arm. But, at Prague, the secular arm struck out
the other way. King,3 queen, barons, and burghers, were all
"for the Word of Jesus Christ." They protested, one and all,
against the burning of the books and the attempt to silence the
preachers, and prayed that Hus might state his case before
the University at Prague; for outside 4 his own country his life
would not be safe. Moreover, the great holocaust had not

1 PALACKY, Doc., 16. 2 Dated Aug. 25th, 1410. — Ibid., 401. :1 Hus,
MOM., i., cccxxx. b; PALACKY, in., I., 258; Doc., 14, 408-415, 422-426;
KRUMMEL, 223. 4 Hus, MON., i., 244 a, 331 b; PALACKY, Doc., 24, 32,
725 ; ALZOG, n., 955, calls this " shuffling about and evading the sum-
mons under various flimsy pretexts," &c.

1410.] Zdislaw of Zwicrzcticz. 461

crushed out the Wycliffe books. Plenty of them still remained x
unburnt, and copies were searched out and multiplied to take
the place of those that had gone. Immediately after his ex-
communication Hus announced 2 that on the following Sunday
he would champion WyclirTe's treatise on the Trinity against
its aggressors. Books3 were meant to be read — not burnt ; and
he maintained 4 that the burning of these books had not taken
a single sin from any man's heart, while it had destroyed writ-
ings containing many truths and fair and subtle sentences, and
had multiplied disturbance, grudging, slander, hatred, and
murder amongst the people. He would defend the truth
that God had granted him to know ; and, if the fear of death
should seem to scare him, he hoped that God would give him
firmness, and, if he had found grace in His sight, that He
would grant him the martyr's crown. Four of his friends
selected others of the condemned books, challenging all
opponents to prove that there was any heresy to be found
in them.

The discourses5 uttered by these disputants are still pre-
served, and they show that the battle was fairly set. One of
them is of special interest, as coming from Master Zdislaw (i of
Zwierzeticz, who must" at one time have been in England, as
is proved by letters that passed between him and Sir John
Oldcastle.

The news of recent events in Prague was soon carried
to England by certain " friends of truth," and on Sep. 8th,

1 Habemus enim adhuc plurimos et undique etiam requirimus alios ad
rescribendum habituros. — DOLEIN, 386 ; NEANDER, ix., 356. 2 PALACKY,
Doc., 399 ; KRUMMEL, 221 ; LOSERTH, 121. 3 Hus, MON., i., 102.
4 Hus, MON., i., 106 ; SCHWAB, 555; KRUMMEL, 238. 5 LOSERTH, 122-
126, 308-336. 6 For an account of him, see LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN,
264 ; KRUMMEL, 275. 7 See his statement as to the numbers at Oxford,
as compared with Prague, in LOSERTH, 329.

4^2 Prague, [CHAP. LXXXVII.

1410,! Oldcastle addressed a letter from Cooling Castle to
Woksa2 of Waldstein, one of the leading burgesses of Prague,
and Zdislaw of Zwierzeticz, his beloved brethren in Christ. In
it he thanked God for having put it into their hearts to struggle
for the justice of His law. His soul rejoices that the pomp of
Antichrist has not affrighted them, and he prays that they may
stand firm — even unto death. He is moved with indignation
against the priests of Antichrist, who were strangling God's law.
This was no time for the Friends of Truth to be spending their
strength and passion upon fleshly sins and worldly cares. Let
them think upon Phineas, and Daniel, and the Maccabees, and
all who had a zeal for God. Why should they fear to lose an
empty name and fleeting wealth, or boggle at a bug in the
cause of Christ, who gave such great benefits to them ? It was
fear, pride, and worldly wealth that blinded their eyes. It was
not enough to believe in the Lord Jesus Christ in the heart; they
must confess Him openly with the lips. He was the Author of
their salvation. He suffered cruel pains and death to noise abroad
His law. Why should they fear the idle excommunications of
man ? Let all stand staunch for Truth. If they endured to the
end, the I ,ord of Truth would never cheat them of their due answer.
But, even if He deigned not the help they hoped, they must be
minded never to draw back from Truth,3 even unto death.

1 Vol. III., p. 298, note 8. There is, likewise, a letter extant
(LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN, 268. For a copy of it I am indebted to Herr
Joseph Muller of Herrnhut), written by Oldcastle to King Wenzel, dated
from London, Sep. yth, possibly in the year 1413. It proves that letters
had passed between him and Hus, whom he calls " a priest of Christ."
He rejoices that Wenzel has separated the tares from the wheat, and
stablished the true priests of Christ in a state of Gospel poverty, wishes
more power to him, and offers his service with that of all his friends and
adherents for the work of God. 2 For his excommunication by Zbynek,
May 2nd, 1411, see PALACKY, Doc., 430, 640; LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN,
263. 3 Cf. " He is traitour and coward that dar not telle God's rizt for drede
of losse of worldli goodis, or for losse of his bodi."— WYCL. (A)., n., 278.

1410.] Oldcastle's Letter. 463

On the same day in which Oldcastle wrote from Cooling,
an English priest, Master Richard Wiche,1 wrote a letter2 in
the same strain from London. He had worked with Wycliffe
and suffered for his Lollardry. In 1400, being then a priest in
the diocese of Hereford,3 he had travelled into Northumberland
with a companion named James, when he was summoned4 to
appear before Bishop Skirlaw.5 Although he was suffering
from a rupture, he obeyed; but, arriving at Chester-le-Street
in great pain, he could walk no further, so he left his cloak,
his purse, and his portos in pledge at the inn, and hired a
hackney" to take him on to Auckland. On Dec. yth, he
came into the presence of the Bishop, who at once put him
into prison till he should take an oath to obey the law of the
Church. Wiche sent the horse back to Chester-le-Street, and
some days afterwards he was again brought before the Bishop,
who asked by whose authority he was preaching in his diocese.
When he could produce none, the Bishop told him that he
suspected that he was one of the sect of the Lollards who did
not believe the truth about the Eucharist. Questioned upon
this point he said that it was Christ's body in the form7 of

1 FASCIC. ZIZAN., 370, 501 ; LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN, 260. He may
have been connected with the Nantwich family, one of whom, Sir Hugh
Wyche, was Mayor of London in 1461, and was buried in St. Margaret's,
Lothbury. — STOW, LOND., 568 ; HALL, NANTWICH, 84. In SHORT CHRON.,
63, he is called Sir Robert White. 2 Hus, MOM., I., ci., where he is called
Ricardus Vwychewitze. KRUMMEL, 239, calls him Wychovitze. LECHLER,
ii., 352, has Wichewitze. See also LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN, 269; HOF-
LER, GESCHICHTSCHREIBER, n., 212. In DENIS, 101 ; LOSERTH, 126, he
is " Fitz." 3 FASCIC. ZIZAN., 501; called "Worcester" in ENG. HIST.
REV., v., 535, 541. In 1399 he was placed in charge of the alien priory of
Derehurst, near Stow-on-the-Wold, in Gloucestershire. — TRAIS., xxxm.
4 For the bishop's " power of somonynge and cursynge," see WYCLIFFE
(M., 31. 5 Reading "Walter" for "William" in FASCIC., 501; ENG.
HIST. REV., v., 530. 6 Cf. Haquenees. — PISAN, n., 186. 7 Hooly
chirche hath bileuyd this thousinde wynter and more to that this oost is
Goddis body in fourme of breed. — WYCLIFFE (M.), 465 ; Ibid. (A.), u.,
358, 386, 404 ; in., 403, 484, 500, 502.

464 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

bread; but they wanted him to say, not "form," but "appear-
ance," and he was sent to prison again to be further cross-
examined in private.

One day, a Master1 from Newcastle visited him and
spoke nicely to him, and told him that the Earl of North-
umberland and the Bishop would give him some promotion
if he would take the required oath. It did not matter
whether his opinions were true or not, he ought to agree to what
the majority said. The visitor offered to put2 his own soul in
his place, and to pray for him for a year in the Mass. " You
will have all you can do to reckon3 for yourself at Doomsday,"4
said Wiche. " But if you don't do as you are told, you will
be burnt,'' said the Master. " God's will be done ! " said the
heretic, and the Master withdrew. Three weeks later, Wiche
was again before the Bishop ; but they could make nothing
of him, and he was put in prison again. After ten days, a
knight came to treat with him in his cell, and he thought he
would be a sensible5 fellow. The knight sat down, while the
Bishop's Chancellor and a notary stood beside him, and they
got the heretic so for talked over that he agreed to take the
oath without any remarks; for the Bishop was some-deal6 heady
to do with, and the pot must not put questions to the potter.

Next morning he was brought up, and having kneeled
to the Bishop, who was sitting on the bench, and talked to

1 ENG. HIST. REV., v., 533. 2 Cf. To be parsener of othere mennus
synnes bi consent.— WYCL., 421, 443. 3 WYCL. (M.), 33, 375, 395 ; Ibid.
(A.), i., 23, 38, 55. 4 WYCLIFFE (M.), 81, 96, in, 129, 143, 151, 154*
181, 186, 207, 208, 238, 242, 258, 306, 314, 350, 351, 434, 446, 455, 468,
470, 474; Ibid. (A.), i., 6, 20, 30, 33, 42, 99, 184; PIERS PLO., vn., 347 ;
GOWER, CONF. AM., 239. 5 Solidus homo.— ENG. HIST. REV., v., 534.
6 Quodammodo capitosus.— ENG. HIST. REV., v., 534; GOWER, CONF.,
288, 292, 324, 343, 349, 353, 400. Sum deel. — WYCL. (A.), n., 44;
in., 71, 436. For hedly (adv.), see WYCLIFFE, 100, 256; hardy, testif,
strong, and chivalrous. — CHAUC. (S.). n., 382.

1401.] Richard Wiche. 465

the knight, who stood on the rushes by the fire,1 he kissed the
book, and thought he had done enough. But now they
required a further oath, which he declined, and was then sent
back to prison again. Here for three days he was in great 2
tribulation and distress of mind. God, his Father, left him
for a while, and the Father of Lies mixed false temptations hot
for him ; but he cried to the Father of Light, and his sweet
Father, seeing his affliction, remembered him, and he rejoiced
in the Lord.

The next time he came before the Bishop, they read him
Purvey's recantation, 'A which he had made in London, on Mar.
6th, 1401 ; but he said that it was nothing to him. Back in
his prison again, they gave him paper 4 and ink to put down
his views on transubstantiation ; but he would not be caught
with this. On Feb. 7th, 1402, a Franciscan and a Carmelite
attempted to instruct him on the Eucharist ; but he held his
ground, for he knew that every layman believed as he did.
They told him that the Bishop had now legal power to judge
him as a heretic. "Well ! if he does," said Wiche, " I shall
bear it." " Incorrigible ! " said the Friar, " why should we
wait ? " — so they went to dinner, and I to prison.

Fifteen days later, he was brought again before the Bishop,
who was too ill to do much more than preside. Wiche was then
pronounced excommunicate, and condemned to be imprisoned
till his degradation, and all his goods to be confiscated. He
appealed to the Pope. " Too late ! " they said. " God has
shown greater goodness in judging thee a heretic than if a

1 Cf. And stoden by the chimenee

Togider spekend alle thre. — GOWER, CONF., 390.

3 ENG. HIST. REV., v., 536. 3Vol. I., p. 180. * Papierum et incaustum.
— ENG. HIST. REV., v., 538.

G 2

466 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

thousand poor had been fed." And so they put him back in
prison, where he remained with enough to eat and drink, but in
horrible pain ; — for all of which he renders his thanks to God.

From his prison he wrote a long and touching letter to his
friends in Newcastle, urging them to pray for him that he might
persevere to the end, and to send him some sheets containing
the Gospels in red ink, which might be got through to him by
means of a priest named Henry Topcliffe, living near the church
at Auckland St. Andrew.1 This letter was got out in the
strictest secrecy ; but a copy of it found its way to Prague, and
has quite recently been published,2 after lying in obscurity for
nearly 500 years. Fourteen 3 heretical propositions were urged
against Wiche, and he defended all of them by quotations taken
chiefly from the Scriptures. But his firmness could not hold
out, and before long he had recanted 4 like many another good
man, and had been made vicar of Deptford,5 near Greenwich.
Many years after, he was burnt on Tower Hill (Aug. 2nd, I439),6
and the Londoners made pilgrimages 7 to his tomb, as to that
of a good, just, and holy man.

Wiche now wrote a letter to Hus, though he had never
seen him in person, and to his comrade Jakobel 8 of Mies, one
of the four Masters who had just undertaken the defence of
Wycliffe's Decalogue at Prague.y In it he encouraged them
to persevere, and rejoiced that they maintained Christ's word
in Bohemia, in spite of prison, exile, and death.

1 Aclude Sancti Andree. — ENG. HIST. REV., v. 543. 2 ENG. HIST.
REV., v., 530-544. 3 FASCIC. ZIZAN., 370. 4 Ibid., 501. 5 Not Dartford,
as HASTED, i., 230; see CHRON. LOND., 125. In STOW, CHRON., 63, he
is vicar of Harmondsworth, near Staines. 6 CHRON. R. II. — H. VI., 56;
GREYFRIARS CHRON., 17; MON. FRANC., u., 171. ' Fox, in., 703. 8 For
account of him, see PALACKY, m., I., 194 ; KRUMMEL, 273 ; LOSERTH,

WlCLIF AND HUS, 82, 122, 144, 158. 9 LOSERTH, WlCLIF AND HUS, 122,

308; PALACKY, Doc., 400.

1410.] Quentin Folkart. 467

When Hus received the letter, he told1 a vast congre-
gation, which he estimates at nearly 10,000 persons, that he
took such comfort from it that he would gladly suffer death for
Christ's Gospel, and his friends were so kindled by his words
that they begged him to translate 2 the message for them. In his
reply to Wiche he expressed his thanks that Bohemia had re-
ceived such benefits from "blessed England," that his people
who before had walked in darkness, now saw the great light, and
that if England's holy people could take it in to the full, their
ht-art would break for joy. He had himself just touched the tail
of Behemoth, and the monster had opened its mouth to swallow
him up. It was raging now, but did not dare to touch him, for
the time had not yet come ; and he finished with the assurance
that the Church of Christ in Bohemia salutes the Church of
Christ in England, praying to share with it the confession of
the Holy Faith, in the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ.

By the same bearer came also letters from a Scottish squire
named Quentin Folkhyrd,3 or Folkart,4 who had "started in the
cause of God to ride through the land and preach in the mother
tongue to all who reached a hand " to him ; but beyond a
statement of his Lollardry, there is no further evidence as to
his suggested visit to Bohemia. We know, however, of at least
one other such knight-errant, who was risking his life in distant
travel, to spread the doctrines which had set all Bohemia in
a blaze. Jerome of Prachatitz,5 a rich young patrician of Prague,

1 PALACKY, Doc., 12 ; HOFLER, GESCHICHTSCHREIBER, n., 212.
2 The translation into Bohemian is now in the Library at Prague (III.,
G. 16). — LOSERTH, BE/IEHUNGEN, 261. :5 LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN, 261.
4 REG. MAG. SIG. SCOT., i., 909. "GASC., 115 ; PALACKY, Doc., 506. For
confusion of him with Faulfiss, see PALACKY, III., i., 192; KRUMMEL,
170; LOSERTH, 74; do., BEZIEHUNGEN, 259; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn.,
313; J. BAKER, 139. SHIRLEY, in FASCIC., LXXXII., thinks that they
were brothers; see also MILMAN, vi., 12; GIESELER, v., 105.

468 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

had visited Oxford as a youth, in his zeal for study, about the
year 1/j.oo.1 Here he had made copies of Wycliffe's Dialogue
and Trialogue, and carried them 2 back to Prague, where he
had a picture 8 painted in his room representing Wycliffe
crowned as the King of Philosophers ; and when Faulfiss
brought the Oxford letter, he joined with Hus in reading 4 it
in the Bethlehem Chapel. He had studied and disputed at
Paris,5 Heidelberg, and Cologne ; and wherever he went his clever
tongue6 and winning voice wrought mischief to the old beliefs.
The staid authorities 7 resented his uppishness ; but his spirit
was irrepressible, and he always managed to get clear away.

He led a restless life of travel and adventure. We find
him at Jerusalem,8 at Vienna, at Ofen,9 and at Cracow.10
When envoys from the Dukes of Brabant and Burgundy came
to Prague to negotiate n for the hand of Wenzel's niece, in 1409,
he approached12 them with a view to obtain permission to
preach in Burgundy and the Low Countries, but he met with no
encouragement. He went a second time to Oxford ; 13 but
by this time Archbishop Arundel had triumphed, and he got
charged with heresy ; his own university, however, at Prague in-
terceded for him, an English dignitary stood his friend, and he
escaped once more with a whole skin. In 1410, when Hus

1 HARDT, iv., 8, 634; LOSERTH, 75; do., BEZIEHUNGEN, 257. 2 About
1398, according to SCHWAB, 551; HOFLER, Hus, 220; KRUMMEL, no,
153, 171 ; or 1402, according to PALACKY, HUSSITENTHUM, 115, followed
by DENIS, 72. 3 HARDT, iv., 751. 4 HARDT, iv., 644. 5 PALACKY, Doc.,
408; HARDT, iv., 645, 681. His name does not occur in the Proctor's
Book "of the natio Anglicana ; but this only proves that he did not stay
there long enough to determine as a bachelor. — DENIFLE, PROC., I.,
xxx. 6 PALACKY, Doc., 624, 628. Multis suis blandis sermonibus infecit.
— HARDT, iv., 643. Doctrina et facundia superior. — ^EN. SYLV., 105.
7 Hus, MON., n., CCCL.; HARDT, iv., 645 ; HOFLER, Hus, 219. 8 HARDT,
iv,, 672; PALACKY, in., I., 192; Doc., 63; KRUMMEL, 171; SCHWAB,
565. 9 PALACKY, m., I., 301; KRUMMEL, 258. 10 PALACKY, Doc., 506.
11 DYNTER, in., 214. 12 HARDT, iv., 637. 13 PALACKY, Doc., 336.

1411.] Jerome of Prague. 469

was defying his Archbishop in Prague, Jerome was defending
Wyclifry in Vienna.1 The University cited him to appear,
and excommunicated him ; but he overhipped'J like a sparrow :
into Moravia, and wrote to them that the snare was broken
and he was delivered. He travelled in Lettowe 4 and Russia,
where he maintained that the adherents of the Greek Church
were good Christians, and not schismatics. He grew a beard,
preached in their churches, kissed their relics, and in every
way conformed to their habits. In April, 141 3, 5 he arrived
at Cracow ; 6 and, on the same day, he shaved his face, donned
a red jacket and long cloak, with cap furred with gris, and
other stylish finery, and presented his passport in courtly
guise before the king and queen of Poland, and a crowd of
Polish nobles. But, before he had been many days in the
city, he stirred such commotion as had never been known
there before. They brought him before the Bishop, who sent
him back to plough his own land, as their soil was too dry
for his seed, and plain Polish folk could not take in his
philosophy.

In the spring of 1411, an embassy started from England
to Sigismund at Ofen. It consisted, as we have seen," of
Hertonk Van Clux and a budding lawyer, John Stokes,8 new
licensed from the schools at Cambridge, where he had been
Principal9 of St. Edmund's Hostel in 1402. He was after-

1 PALACKY, Doc., 417 ; HARDT, iv., 637 ; NEANDER, ix., 507.
2 GOWER, CONF. AM., 240. 3 Sicut passer. — PALACKY, Doc., 416 ;
HARDT, iv., 653; KRUMMEL, 259. 4 HARDT, iv., 642, 677-680; KRUM-
MEL, 299. 5 PALACKY, m., L, 301 ; Doc., 506, 572. 6 For intercourse
between Bohemia and Poland, see PALACKY, in., L, 302. 7 Vol. III.,
p. 402. 8 Not to be confounded with the Carmelite, Peter Stokes, who a
generation before had called Wycliffe a fox (WYCLIFFE, SERMONS, in.,
246), and was alarmed for his life in the disturbances at Oxford in 1382.
— POL. SONGS, i., 261; FASCIC. ZIZAN., 275, 289-316; WYCLIFFE (M.),
xxvin. 9 W. STEVENSON, 5, 16.

470 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

wards often employed l in foreign diplomatic business during
the reigns of Henry V. and Henry VI. ; but this appears to
have been his first '2 important start. His name occurs as the
holder of prebends y in connection with the Cathedrals of York,
Lincoln, Hereford, and London. He became Rector of Stow-
cum-Quy, near Cambridge, and Chancellor and Archdeacon 4
of Ely (1444), and he died in 1466.

The embassy to Sigismund consisted of many other English
Masters and Doctors, and on their return from Hungary the
whole party made a short stay at Prague, being probably the
bearers of an official intimation from Archbishop Arundel that
Wycliffe's books had been again condemned as heretical and
publicly burnt at Oxford. The Rector of the University at Prague
invited them to drink a benevalete? but they thought it prudent
to decline. Not to be put off, certain of the Prague Masters
approached Stokes privately, and asked 6 the news from Eng-
land as to Lollardry. He replied in presence of a notary that
Wycliffe was now regarded in England as a heretic, that his
books had been burnt, and his opinions condemned ; and he
added that he would advise whoever was reading the books to
desist, for they would certainly lead him astray. Hereupon
Hus challenged him to make good his words in debate, and
fastened his challenge to the Cathedral door.

But Stokes was a diplomat. He had come on other business.

1 RYM., ix., x., passim, and RTA., vn., vm., passim ; LENZ, SIGIS-
MUND, 32; ELLIS, LETTERS, II., i., 80; III., i., 66. 2 Though LOSERTH,
134, thinks that he " had been repeatedly employed in diplomatic mis-
sions." He can hardly be the same as John Stokes, one of Henry's
squires in 1390. — DERBY ACCTS., 8, 20, 295. 3 LE NEVE, i., 512; n.,
129, 163, 643; in., 215; DUGDALE, ST. PAUL'S, 280; JONES, 330, 376,
399. 4 LE NEVE, i., 351. 5 Hus, MON., i., cvin. ; KRUMMEL, 240;
LOSERTH, BEZIEHUNGEN, 264 ; cf. DENIFLE, PROC., I., LVIII., 277, 330,
720. 6 PALACKY, Doc., 448.

141 1 •] Jol in Stokes. 471

He declined the encounter in Prague, but offered to take it up in
Paris, or at the Papal court, if Hus would follow him there. When
the day came, Hus was at his post in the disputation room. He
refused l to admit that Wycliffe was a heretic. The University
of Oxford had said he was not ; and he hoped he was not, for in
his books he strove with all his might to bring men back to the
law of Christ. If Wycliffe was a heretic, then John of Gaunt
was a heretic for backing him ; and if Stokes and his friends
would go back to England and tell that to King Henry, his son,
he would rather not have his share of what they would get for
saying so. Besides, if Stokes' statement was true, all Oxford must
be heretics, for they had been reading Wycliffe's books for the
last 30 years. In such a cloud of banter Hus rode off an easy
winner, but his opponent did not forget his bearing; and
among the bitterest accusers2 of Hus at Constance we shall
meet the name of Stokes the Englishman.

In 141 1,3 the new Pope John XXIII. issued two bulls
preaching a crusade against Ladislas, whom he had -previously
excommunicated 4 as a supporter of Gregory, and promising
pardon 5 for all their sins, remission of pain and guilt 6 and a
passage 7 for their souls straight 8 to heaven, without the pain

1 SCHWAB, 555 ; KRUMMEL, 242. 2 PALACKY, Doc., 277, 308 ;
HARDT, iv., 309. 3 Hus, MON., i., CLXXI. 4Vol. III., p. 396. 5 In
the Sion Indulgences it is called a plenary remission of all sins, a pley-
ner forgiveness, a clean remission. — AUNGIER, 421, 423. 6 WYCL. (A.),
i., 136, 210; ii., 100, 144, 175, 190; in., 243, 244, 256, 356, 362, 444;
LOSERTH, WICLIF AND Hus, 242, 271 ; DESCHAMPS, viii., 203. 7 Han
pardon thorvv purgatorie to passy ful lyghtliche. — PIERS PLO., x., n ;
WYCL. (M.), 80, 82, 102, 464, 482, 491, 504, 535; ibid. (A.), i., 137,
222, 237, 354; ii., 302, 417, 418; in., 113, 459. 8 To flee to hevene bifore
the bodi be cold. — WYCL. (M.), 88. Passen to hevene withouten peyne.
— WYCL. (A.), i., 421. Wendith strizt to hevene without ony peyne her
or in purgatorie.— Ibid., ui., 246. APOLOGY, 8-n, and similar passages
altogether disprove the supposition of ROCK, in., 72-80, that "those
startling indulgences of so many thousand years were spurious and
imaginary frauds, &c., that the Church had always blamed and for-

472 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

of purgatory, for all who would assist either in purse or person.
The pardons were of course duly qualified with the usual
words limiting them to those who were contrite l and shriven ;
but there can be no 'doubt that in practice they bleared men's
eyes,'2 and were often regarded as selling :} them leave to sin.

In May, 1412, Master Wenzel Tiem,4 Dean ofPassau, arrived
in Prague to publish the papal bulls and collect the necessary
funds in return for the stipulated indulgences. Hus boldly
faced the pardoners. He preached 5 against them in the
Bethlehem Chapel ; he placarded the church doors and public
buildings ; and he offered to dispute before the University
against the whole tenor of the bulls. He called the Pope the
Antichrist 6 whose coming heralded the approaching end of

bidden." Cf. If the pope or bischop sende a letter for to resceyve a
pardoner to disceyve the peple bi graunt of many thousand zeer to
pardon. — WYCL. (M.), 150. Grauntynge mo zeris of pardon than comen
bifore domes day.— Ibid., 154. For the Pardoner, see A. W. WARD, 36.
1 De quibus corde contriti et ore confessi fuerint. — Hus, MON.,
i., CLXXX. ; WYCL. (A.), in., 378, 424; WRONG, 29. 2 PIERS PLO.,
i., 72; WYCLIFFE (M.), 316; ibid., (A.), in., 420; CHAUCER,
REVE'S PROLOGUE, 3863 ; CHAUCER (S.), L, 199 ; POL. SONGS, u., 173.
:{ HARDT, L, 1082; NIEM, in MEIBOM, i., 7; WYCLIFFE (M.), 62, 82,
147, 238. Rudis populus ad peccandum paratior efficitur, peccata gravia
leviter pensantur. — Hus, MON., i., CLXXXV. ; HISTOR. TASCHENBUCH, iv.,
141 ; VAUGHAN, IL, 303. Be streyt covenaunt thei sellen tyme of
synnyng. — WYCL. (A.), in., 166 ; CONC., in., 365; JUSSERAND, 434;
SOMNER, i., APP., 10. For sixe pens er thai fayle Sle thi fadre and jape
thi modre and thai wyl the assoile. — POL. SONGS, i. , 270. Zeuen men
leue to dwellen in synne fro zer to zer fro seuene zer to seuene zer and
comunly al here lif, zif they by zere twenti shillyngis or more or lesse. —
WYCL. (M.), 62; to helpe hem to bathe hem in here synne as swyn in
the fen. — Ibid., 156, 213. He adds that some English bishops are said
to get 2000 or 3000 marks p. a. from this source. Synne myzt be bouzt
for money as who byze an ox or a kowe.— Ibid. , 334. By these bullis
riche men drede nout to synne. — WYCL. (A.), in., 460. Thei zeuen men
license to dwelle in synne for annual rent as longe as hem likith. —
WYCL. (M.), 72, 154, 237, 249, 276; (A.), in., 87, 288, 381. Norischyng
of synne for annuel rente. — Ibid., 296, 331. Annuel rentis of lordis
cooferis. — Ibid., 397. 4 PALACKY, Doc., 223. 5 Hus, MON., i., CLXXXIX.,
ccxxxvi. a ; PALACKY, Doc., 246, 736. fi PALACKY, Doc., 449. Sum-
mum Pontificem abominationem Antichristum publice praedicas. —

DOLEIN, 389.

1412. J Pardoners. 473

the world, and who must be resisted as the great enemy of
Jesus Christ. " Woe l is me," he cried, " if I should hold my
peace ! Better to die than not to face such wickedness, and
so become a partner in the crime and in its hell." His bark -
resounded through all Bohemia and Moravia and even into
Hungary and Poland. Many who had hitherto fought side by
side with him when the right of preaching was assailed, now
went awkward and crabbed,8 and declined to follow him
further. The Doctors of Theology in the University of Prague
put out a manifesto charging him with rebellion against the
authority both of the Pope and the King. Nothing was now
heard of the old subterfuge that the Pope took naught for the
pardons, but only for the bull, or, as Wycliffe had said, <lgave
the goose in and charged the shilling for the garlic." 4 They
urged outright that all Christendom had held for hundreds
of years, that Popes 5 had power to grant full remission of all
sins ; that they could call upon the faithful to contribute for the
defence of the Holy City or the Church ; and that, therefore,
they could put the two together and sell pardons for the
Church's good.

Hus only treated their protest with contempt. Thirty years

1 PALACKY, Doc., 31; WYCL. (M.), 297, 314, fr. ISAIAH, vi., 5 (vae
mihi quia tacui). 2 PALACKY, Doc., 461. :?'Cancrisabant. — KRUMMEL,
269. Abierunt retro. — Hus, MOM., i., CCLV. b. Retrocedens sicut can-
cer.— Ibid., CCLXII. Cancrisantes. — Ibid., CCLIX. b; NEANDER, ix., 333,
396; PROMPT. PARV., s.v., "awke" and "crabbyd." Cf. "Tho crabbis."
— WYCL., (A.), in., 422. For " crabbedly " and " crabbede wikkednesse,"
see HOCCL., DE REG., 125, 126; LYDGATE, TEMPLE OF GLAS, 14;
HOCCLEVE, in URRY'S CHAUCER, 536; MINOR POEMS, 4, 85. 4 WY-
CLIFFE (M.), 82. 5 DENIS, 109.

Yut hathe ye pope power pardon to graunte

To puple withoute penaunce to passen in to Joye

As lettred men ous lereth and lawe of holy churche.

— PIERS PLO., x., 324.

474 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

before, when rival Popes were preaching l crusades against
each other, Wycliffe had cried out that pardons 2 should not
go for worldly muck,3 but to make peace and charity, not dis-
sensions and wars for one Christian man to slay his brother.4
Hus had now his chance, and stood by the teaching of his
English master. His disputation5 is still preserved. It is a
tedious and wordy argument, with here and there a flash of
wit or eloquence. He held no brief for Ladislas or Gregory ;
but Ladislas had not been convicted of heresy6 and a crusade
was therefore off the mark ; and even if he had been, war
was not what Christ had taught ; therefore the bull must
be disobeyed.7 Let the Pope treat his enemies as Christ did,
and pray — not slay.8 "Pain and guilt," said the bull; but
it meant "purse and pocket."0 If pardons could be bought,
the rich 10 alone would go straight to heaven, and the gift of
God would be purchased with money.11 What about those
Popes who had granted pardons and been damned themselves ?
How could they defend their indulgences before God? Sup-
pose a man should kill all the pardoners, and rob them of the
money collected for this war, and then become penitent and
confess his fault, the Pope would probably not absolve him

1 WYCLIFFE (M.), 73 ; ibid. (A.), in., 246. 2 WYCLIFFE (M.), 82 ;
WRONG, 41. 3 WYCL. (A.), in., 272, 450, 453, &c. For "stinking drit,"
see WYCL. (M.), 22, 70, 134, 182, 232, 242. Wynnyng of drit.— Ibid.,
102 ; roten drit.— 103, 214. 4 Pardon to slee cristen men. — Ibid., 8. Zif
bullis bidden werre it is other not Goddis bidding or the folk is the fendis
peple.— WYCL. (A.), i., 262. 5 Hus, MON., i., CLXXIV. ; SCHWAB, 563.
c Hus, MON., i., CLXXIX. 7 Ibid., CLXXVII. 8Ibid., CLXXVIII.

Cf. And sondeth hem that sleeth suche as sholde save.

— P. PLO., XXIL, 431.
And fyndeth folke to fighte, and Cristene blod to spille.

—Ibid., 447.

9 A pena et culpa, id est a pera et bursa. — Hus, MON., i., CLXXXIX. b. ;
PALACKY, Doc., 58; KRUMMEL, 261; PIERS PLOWMAN, C., x., 3, 23,
186; ANGLURE, 13; DERBY ACCTS., 117. 10 WYCLIFFE (M.), 82. " Hus,
MON., i., CLXXX.

1412.] Wycliffe and Hut. 475

unless he gave up the cash.1 These pardoners2 filched the
widow's mite that she had tied up in her napkin/"1 Where is the
good soldier of Christ that would not brave excommunication,
or even death, rather than take such absolution ? If Papal
bulls4 contain aught that is contrary to Christ's law, he must
take his stand with Christ against them. By these indulgences
the rich are bolstered up in a vain hope; God's law is de-
spised ; the grosser folk are made more apt for sin ; grave
sins are lightly thought of; and the people are despoiled.
Let the Christian live an honest life and follow Christ, his
Head, in patience and humility. Then, in God's time, he shall
receive a full remission of his sins, and share Christ's pity and
the glory of the Blessed.

One curious point about this disputation is the growing
freedom with which Hus introduces long extracts from the works
of Wycliffe. In the previous year, similar quotations occur
in two of his sermons,5 in one of which he quotes Wycliffe's
treatise by name. He now sets out to prove eight propositions,
seven of which are taken from Wycliffe's summary at the endr>
of his treatise on the Church, — a treatise which supplies him
with whole 7 paragraphs of his argument. There are also long
passages culled somewhat capriciously from three8 other of
Wycliffe's books, as well as an extract from an English Lollard
tract,0 whose author is as yet unknown ; but in no case is there

1 HUS, MON., I., CLXXXV. 2 JUSSERAND, 309-337, 428. 3 HUS, MON.,

i., CLXXXVI. 4 Cf. In bullis ben gabbingis thicke sowen.— WYCL. (A.),
ii. , 144. 5 Viz., from WYCLIFFE, DE SIMONIA and TRIALOGUS. — LOSERTH,
137. 6 WYCLIFFE, DE ECCLESIA, xvi., 583. 7 Ibid., pp. 569, 571.

8 Viz., QU/ESTIO DE ABSOLUTIONE A PENA ET A CULPA, DE CHRISTO
ET SUO ADVERSARIO ANTICHRISTO (S66 WYCLIFFE, POLEMICAL WORKS,

n., 678), and DIALOGUS, 21. All these are pointed out in LOSERTH, Ch.
VI. 9 Cf. Hus, MON., i., CLXXXIV., with APOLOGY, p. 7 : — a passage not
noted in LOSERTH,

476 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

any indication that the words and thoughts are other than his own,
and it has been left to the industry of a modern investigator1
to trace the sources of his inspiration. It cannot have been
that he feared to avow himself a disciple of the English heretic,
for he does not scruple at times to name2 him as his authority.

But whatever may have been his purpose in fighting
from behind the lion's skin, it is certain that the disguise was
soon detected, for the Prague doctors at once accused a him of
attacking them from certain opinions of Wycliffe, which were
opposed to the beliefs of the whole Church, and when, a few
weeks later.4 the theological faculty at Prague again condemned
WyclifTe's 45 propositions as heretical, Hus5 championed the
chief of them, and challenged disproof on the ground of Scrip-
ture, reason, or authority, his arguments being often taken word
for word from WyclifTe's books alone.6

Jerome followed with a fiery speech, and the conflict was
carried to the streets. Surrounded by a band of students 7
Jerome attacked two pardoners at their traffic, and drove them
out of the gates shouting : "Get out, you liars, with your lies!
The Pope, your master, is a lying heretic and a usurer, and has
no power to grant indulgences." The pardons were collected
and heaped up in a cart,8 in which sat two harlots with the
Pope's bulls hung about their necks. The cart was then
paraded through the streets by Woksa of Waldstein,9 and the
indulgences were publicly burnt. In one of the streets of Prague
a Friar 10 was seated at a table with relics and a monstrance to

1 LOSERTH, 139-141. "E.g., HUS, MON., II., XLVII. ; LOSERTH, 269.

3 PALACKY, Doc., 450. 4 July loth, 1412. — PALACKY, Doc., 451. 5Hus,
MON., i., cxi.-cxxxiv. ; KRUMMEL, 279, 308. 6 LOSERTH, 144. " HARDT,
iv., 671. 8 Ibid., 672. 9 PALACKY, Doc., 640; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn.,
324. 10 DOLEIN, 382; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 325, connects this with the
three martyrs.

1412.] Rioting. 477

raise funds to build a Carmelite Church. The mob seized him
and beat him and kicked his table over, shouting : " Those are
only dead bones ; you are taking Christian people in ! " On July
i ith, 141 2, * three youths were beheaded in the city ditch for shout-
ing in a church that the indulgences were lies; and the very joy
and courage with which they gave their necks to the block for Wy-
cliffe's tenets was believed 2 to be a further condemnation of the
heresies which had bewitched them. It was probably in this
year 3 that Lannoy visited Prague. He reports that it was a
very large and very rich city, with 40,000 inhabitants ; he notes
the old4 and new town, the great tower, and the wonderful relics.
He found all Bohemia divided 5 on account of " a preacher
named Housse ; " but, as he almost got knocked down in a
crowd, he very soon voided.

Such scenes as these put Wenzel on the alert. Three
years before, he had not scrupled to threaten6 Hus with
the stake for the trouble he was causing in his capital,
and he now lent a ready ear to those who sought to
silence him. In July, 141 2, 7 Pope John XXIII. pronounced
the "great curse"8 against Hus,9 proclaiming him a public

1 PALACKY, Doc., 312, 726; Hus, MOM., CCXLV. b. -DENIS, 118.
3 Not 1414, as LANNOY, 31.

4 Cf. II a a Prage trois citez

Et mainte grant et noble eglise.

— DESCHAMPS, vn., 93.

5 Surgit gens contra gentem, filius contra patrem, filia contra matrem,
sororem et fratrem, et in conventibus, in collegiis, in forensibus, in amicis
inimicitiaa et grandia discidia contentiones et inaudita litigia ex semine
diabolicae praedicationis illius (i.e., Wycliffe) haeretici pessimi flatu spiritus
intumescunt. — DOLEIN, 384. 6 HARDT, iv., 312 ; PALACKY, Doc., 282.
7 PALACKY, III., i., 286. 8 For full text, see PALACKY, Doc., 461; cf.
AL/OG, ii., 411. For the "gretecurs," see WYCLIFFE (M.), 70, 74; ibid.
(A.), in., 268, 318; the "more curse," ibid., in., 394, 450. For suspend-
ing, cursing and enterditing, see WYCLIFFE (M.), 79 ; (A.), in., 331, 361,
458. 9 Hus, MON., i. CCXLIX., cccxxvm.

478 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

sinner, cut off from the sacraments and from all intercourse l
with Christian men, and calling upon the faithful to seize 2 him
and deliver him up to the Archbishop of Prague, and to raze
the Bethlehem Chapel to the ground to stop the heretics from
nesting again.

Hus had before appealed from the Archbishop to the
Pope, but it was useless to approach the Roman stool, that
took no sheep without the wool.3 He now appealed 4 from the
Pope to God, in the person of Jesus Christ, as the Head of
the Church, who cannot err or refuse justice to him who
duly seeks it : — i.e., he resolved to stand his ground, and brave
the whole fury of the Church until another General Council
should meet.5 He defied 6 the curse and told his people not to
heed it, and to put their trust," not in Pope, or Church, or
Saints, but in God alone.

But after some months, when the Bethlehem Chapel 8
seemed likely to become a scene of bloodshed, he wavered in
his purpose. Prague was laid under interdict ; 9 Hours,10 Masses,
and offices were all stopped ; and the people dared n not do
without religion, which meant burying their dead wherever
they could, and baptizing their children themselves. Hus feared
to be looked on as a hireling if he fled when the wolf appeared ;

1 Cursen hem seuene fote above the erthe and seuene foot withinne
the herthe and seven fote on eche side. — WYCLIFFE (M.), 146. - Thei
techen lordis to enprisone the bodi alter fourti dales a cursyng. — WYCL.
(M.), 36, 74, 95, 236; (A.), in., 394; to curse hem and prisone hem and
brenne hem. — -WYCL. (M.), 259, 260, 277. 3 Curia Romana quae non
capit ovem sine lana.— Hus, MON., i., CCLVI. 4 PALACKY, Doc., 464,
725, 726; Hus, MON., i., ccxxxv. b; CCXLV. a; KRUMMEL, 283; NE-
ANDER, ix., 400. MILMAN, vi., 12, places the appeal too early. 5 PALACKY,
Doc., 192. 6 PALACKY, Doc., 203. Cf. Ne dreded curs.— WYCL. (M.), 29,
80, 288; this moveth many men to sette litil bi siche cursing. - — Ibid., 453.
7 Hus, MON., i., CLXIX. b. 8 PALACKY, Doc., 727. 9 PALACKY, Doc.,
492. ly Ibid., 47; ALZOG, n., 408. n PALACKY, Doc., 727; SCHWAB,
566; KRUMMEL, 301 ; LOSERTH, 148.

1412.] Flight of Hus. 479

but he remembered x that Christ had said : " When they
persecute you in one city flee to another," and acting under
pressure from Wenzel,2 he left Prague before Christmas, 141 2,3
in order that some settlement might be secured in his absence.
The goose,4 he said, was weak and feeble, a tame fowl and
a home bird ; they scared it with a dummy hawk, and it broke
the toils and flew away.

But all attempts at compromise soon failed. Nothing but
absolute submission would satisfy the Church. Hus must
stop preaching, and every man who favoured Wyclifry
must be declared not only a dishonour to the Church but an
enemy of the King.5 On Feb. loth, 141 3, u Wycliffe's books
were burnt at Rome, and Pope John XXIII. called upon
any one who wished to defend Wycliffe's memory to appear
before him within nine months, or he would pronounce
him a heretic. A copy of this challenge was duly sent to
Prague, and Hus was taunted " with having run away, but
his mouth could not be stopped. He " pleaded the cause of
God against the Pope,"8 in highways9 and hedges, in towns10 and
villages, and in the fields and woods and castles of Southern
Bohemia; and if he did not always trudge afoot,11 it was because
the distance to be covered was too great. He wrote frequent
letters to his flock at Bethlehem, urging them to be constant
in the faith, and to the Rector of the University at Prague,

1 PALACKY, Doc., 33, 46; WYCLIFFE (M.), 252. 2 Rege poscente. —
PALACKY, Doc., 727; ALZOG, n., 95, thinks that he was expelled for burn-
ing the bull. 3 PALACKY, Doc., 203. 4 Hus, MON., i., xcvi. ; PALACKY,
Doc., 39; KRUMMEL, 300. 5 PALACKY, Doc., 479, 487, 502. 6 Vol.
III., p. 398. 7 Asserunt me fugam dare. — PALACKY, Doc, 46 ; Hus,
MON., i., xcvm. b; cf. it is leveful to do thus if that circumstancis fallen
bi which God moveth men to do thus. — WYCL. (A.), u., no. 8 PALACKY,
Doc., 727. 9 Ibid., 728. 10 Hus, MON., i., c. ; PALACKY, Doc., 43 ; I&K.
SYLV., 104. u PALACKY, Doc., 729.

480 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

exhorting him to be ready for the coming fight with Antichrist,
when the goose l must flap its wings against Behemoth's wings '2
and tail. He hoped 3 soon again to face his slanderers in
Prague, even if he should be burned 4 for it. Rather than
be an enemy to Truth he was resolved to die. In such a fight,
he wins who falls.5 Better to die well than live ill. No fear of
death should make us sin ; and he felt that he had sinned in
ceasing to preach to please the King.

He forced 6 the heretical works of WyclirTe more and more
to the front. His wonderful fecundity of production during
this year of exile has struck most modern historians.7 Books,
letters, pamphlets, postils, replies and rejoinders, follow one
another with marvellous rapidity. The secret, however, is
to be found in the fact that he carried with him from Prague
some of Wycliffe's larger works, and used them with local
touches both for attack and defence. In April, 141 3, s his
opponents at Prague had defined the Church as consisting
of the Pope and his college of Cardinals, to whom alone
belongs the verdict in matters Catholic. Hus was now hiding''
in the Castle of Kozi-hradek.10 Before four months had
elapsed, he had written his big book ri on the Church, which
Cardinal d'Ailly 12 declared to have impugned the authority of
the Pope as keenly as the Koran attacks the Catholic Faith, and

1 Hus, MON., i., xciv. b ; PALACKY, Doc., 55. 2 Contra alas (sic)
Vehemot. In Wycliffe's Version, Behemoth is " an olifaunt that signi-
fieth the devel." 3 PALACKY, Doc., 56. 4 Puto bene quod ignibus te
subjicere potius sis paratus. — DOLEIN, 372. Traderes te potius flammis
ultricibus concremandum. — Ibid., 383. 5 Vincit qui occiditur. — PALACKY,
III., i., 298; Doc., 62. 6 PALACKY, Doc., 203. 7 E.g., DENIS, 126;
CREIGHTON, i., 328. 8 PALACKY, Doc.. 57, 507 ; WYCLIKFE (M.), 256.
9 Jam vagus et latitans.— DOLEIN, 373. 10 PALACKY, III., i., 297. n Mag-
num volumen.— FINKE, 270. " The most important of all his writings."
— ALZOG, n., 956; J. C. ROBERTSON, vn., 328. 12 GERSON, n., 901;
LOSERTH, 181.

1413-] " De Ecclesid." 481

on July 8th, 1413, l a copy of it was read in the Bethlehem
Chapel, the main themes of some of his previous treatises
being set out in large text upon the walls.

In 1379, Wycliffe had put together his book on the Church,
consisting of various scattered tracts loosely strung together.
Faulfiss had made a copy of the work at Oxford, in 1407 ; and
this copy, together with a transcript, is now in the Imperial
Library at Vienna. Another copy, which belonged to Peter
Zepekow,1J one of the Pnigue students who had been excom-
municated '•' with Hus in 1410 for resisting the decree of Arch-
bishop Zbinek for the burning of Wycliffe's books, is now in
the University Library at Prague ; and from these two copies
an edition of the book has been quite recently printed for the
first time. The treatise does not appear on the list of books
condemned and burnt in 1410. Hus4 drew largely upon it,
as we have seen, for his battle against Indulgences, and also
from its xvth chapter, 5 in upholding Wycliffe's position, that
kings <; can take away the Church's property, altering a word
here and there to suit his purpose : e.g., where Wycliffe 7 states
that one-fourth of the land in England belonged to the clergy,
Hus uses his actual words, except that for " England " he sub-
stitutes " Bohemia ; '' and where Wycliffe speaks of the King of
England, he alters it to the King of Bohemia, or the Emperor,
to cover the grants lately made by Charles IV. .

Hus, like Wycliffe, divided his book 8 on the Church into

1 LOSERTH, 157; KRUMMEL, 306. a WYCLIFFE, DE ECCL., xxi.
3 PALACKY, Doc., 387, 398, 401. 4 Cf. WYCLIFFE, DE ECCL., Ch. XXIII.,
549, 569, 571, 583, with Hus, MON., i., 175, 183, 184; LOSERTH, 236-244.
5 Not xvi., as LOSERTH, 225, 226. 6 Cf. WYCLIFFE, DE ECCL., 333-345,
with Hus, MON., i., 121-123. 7 Cf. WYCLIFFE, DE ECCL, 338, with
Hus, MON., i., 122 b; LOSERTH, 281. 8 For an abstract of its contents,
see SCHWAB, 567-575; KRUMMEL, 336; GIESELER, v., 114; NEANDER,
ix., 410-417.

H 2

482 Prague. [CHAP. LXXXVII.

23 chapters ; and so saturated is it with Wyclifry. that a recent
investigator asserts that "in its dogmatic portions there is
hardly a line which does not proceed from Wycliffe," l and that
" only in his remarks on his Bohemian antagonists can Hus
lay any claim to originality." '- Hus claims to prove, as
Wycliffe did, that Christ alone is the true Pope,:; that the
Church could do without either Pope or Cardinals,4 that
popes might err,5 and that those who preached that popes could
do whatever they liked were pleading for a lie.6

1 LOSERTH, 156; PASTOR, i., 126. 2 WYCLIFFE, DE ECCL., xxvu.
3 Hus, MON., i., ccxviu., b; WYCL. (A.), in., 342. 4 Hus, MOM., i.,
ccxxni. b. 5 Ibid., ccxxxvi. Cf. Non est recurrendum in diffinicione
fidei ad Romanum pontificem nisi notorie Deus dederit sibi supere-
minentem noticiam scripture. — WYCLIFFE, DE APOSTASIA, 173, 200.
The Pope may sumtyme falle on the sothe ond sumtyme discorde therfro.
— WYCL. (M.), 426; Ibid. (A.), in., 345, 424. Ever flee this heresie that
thes fadirs mai not erre here. — WYCL. (A.), i., 232. NIEM (324), arguing
for the supremacy of the Emperor, urges that Popes and cardinals pos-
sunt quandoque errare, peccare, decipere et decipi, et incaute et incon-
sulte et indiscrete et stulte et dolose ; also quisquis papa est, cum homo
sit, faciliter errare potest. — MART., COLL., vn., 1139. 6 Rhetores men-
dacii.— Hus, MON., i., ccxxv. b.

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