THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE
Ex Libris
ISAAC FOOT
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
1603-1642
VOL. IV.
PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
LONDON
IP
HISTORY OF ENGLAND
FROM THE
ACCESSION OF JAMES I.
TO
THE OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR
1603-1642
BY
SAMUEL R. GARDINER, LL.D.
\t i
HONORARY STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH
PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY AT KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON ; CORRESPONDING ;
MEMBER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, AND OF
THE ROYAL BOHEMIAN SOCIETY OF SCIENCES
IN TEN VOLUMES
VOL. IV.
1621 — 1623
LONDON
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
1886
All rights reserved
PREFACE
TO
THE FOURTH VOLUME
IN telling the story of the important Parliament of 1621, 1 have
been able to make use of the notes of Henry Elsing, which
allow us a glimpse into the interior of the House of Lords
during the last two Parliaments of James, and the second and
third Parliaments of Charles. With the exception of those
relating to the Parliament of 1628, these have been edited by
me for the Camden Society. I have also made considerable
use of the unpublished papers of the House of Lords. For
the House of Commons we have the well-known report of the
debates of the Lower House, printed at Oxford in 1766, which
is proved, by comparison with a fragment amongst the State
Papers (Dom. cxxv.), to have come from the pen of Edward
Nicholas. As, however, this fact is not generally known, I have
referred to the volumes simply as Proceedings and Debates.
An application to Mr. DIGBY of Sherborne Castle for leave
to examine any papers which might have come down to him
from the first Earl of Bristol, was most generously acceded to.
Not only was I permitted to see and copy whatever I pleased,
but I was allowed to bring the documents with me to London,
vi PREFACE TO
where they were lent to the Master of the Rolls, in order that
copies might be taken of them, to be placed in the Public
Record Office. The thanks of all students of history are justly
due to Mr. DIGBY for setting so admirable an example, which,
it may be hoped, will be followed by other possessors of im-
portant historical MSS.
The papers thus laid open are perhaps not so numerous as
I had hoped for, but some of them are of considerable interest
for this and the succeeding volume, especially the instructions
relating to the Netherlands in 1623, the account, by Bristol
himself, of his last interview with Olivares, and the interroga-
tories administered by him to Endymion Porter after his return.
My account of the affairs of the East Indies is mainly
founded on the books formerly the property of the East India
Company, but now in the India Office, of which full abstracts
will be found in the calendar prepared by Mr. SAINSBURY since
my narrative was first in type.
Of papers in foreign countries, those contained in the Bel-
gian Archives at Brussels now assume considerable importance,
and fill up gaps amongst the Simancas MSS.
In the preface to my former work, I spoke of the untrust-
worthy character of such writers as Weldon. It happens that
twice in the following pages, — in the case of the story of the
quarrel between Arundel and Spencer (p. 114), and in the
case of the well-known story of " Here be twal' kings coming ''
(p. 252), — I have been able to restore the narrative to its
original form, and thus to demonstrate the fictitious nature of
the anecdote by which its place has been usurped in our his-
tories. To the list of writers whom it is impossible to use with
confidence, must, I am afraid, be added that agreeable letter-
writer, Howell. But there can be no doubt that many of his
letters are mere products of the bookmaker's skill, drawn up
from memory long afterwards. Take, for instance, the letter
THE FOURTH VOLUME. vii
marked as No. 12, in Book I. sect. 2, and said to be written on
March 19, 1622. In this the writer states as the news of the
day, that the Elector Palatine had arrived in Holland from
Prague, an event which took place in April, 1621 ; that 'the
old Duke of Bavaria's uncle,' whatever that may mean, had
been ' chosen Elector,' an event which apparently refers to the
transference of the Electorate in February, 1623 ; that Mans-
feld ' begins to get a great name in Germany,' having, with the
Duke of Brunswick, a considerable army on foot for the Lady
Elizabeth, a description which would be true of the state of
things in the spring of 1622 ; that Chichester had returned
from the Palatinate, an event which took place towards the
end of 1622 ; and that Buckingham had been made Lord
High Admiral, an event which took place in 1619. On the
other hand, some of the letters have all the look of being what
they purport to be, actually written at the time, but even then,
the dates at the end are frequently incorrectly given.
CONTENTS
OF
THE FOURTH VOLUME.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE MONOPOLIES.
1621 Monopolies complained of i
1617 The patent for inns . . 2
1618 The patent for alehouses . 4
Theories prevailing at the
time on the subject of
monopolies . . . 6
1616 Patent for the bringing to
London of fresh salmon
and lobsters . . 8
1574-1615 Patents for the manu-
facture of glass . . 8
161 1-1616 Patents for the manu-
facture of gold and silver
thread . . .10
1618 The manufacture taken
into the King's hands . 16
1620 Bacon advises the with-
drawal of the patents . 20
Profits of the courtiers . 21
Disgrace of Yelverton . 22
Legal promotions . . 23
1621 Opening of Parliament . 25
James's conversation with
Gondomar . . 27
The first debate in the
House of Commons . 28
Usher's sermon . 29
Petition against recusants . 30
The report of the Council
of War laid before the
House . 31
Grant of two subsidies . 32
Proposed legislation on the
Sabbath . • • 33
The King's answer to the
petition against recusants 34
Foreign policy of the Com-
mons . 35
The King's position to-
wards the Lower House . 36
The old and new Peers . 37
Complaints of the Peers-
against the Scotch and
Irish Lords . . 38
Discussion of grievances in
the House of Commons. 39
Coke's position in the
House . . . 40
The patents for inns and
alehouses attacked . 41
Sir F. Michell and Sir
G. Mompesson ques-
tioned . . .42
Jurisdiction claimed by
the Commons . . 43
Escape of Mompesson . 44
Buckingham throws the
blame on the referees . 45
Cranfield calls for further
investigation . . 46
Inquiry into the patent for
gold and silver thread . 47
CONTENTS OF
The Commons wish to call
the referees to account . 48
The King resists inquiry . 49
Charges brought against
the referees . 50
Advice of Williams . 51
Buckingham declares
against the monopolists . 53
The Commons abandon
their attack on the re-
ferees . . . 54
CHAPTER XXXIV
THE FALL OF LORD CHANCELLOR BACON.
1621 Delinquencies of the regis-
trars in Chancery . 56
Complaint against Bills of
Conformity . • • 57
Bacon charged by Aubrey
with bribery . . 58
And by Edward Eger-
ton .... 60
Feeling of the House . . 65
The charges sent up to the
Lords . . .66
Bacon appeals to Bucking-
ham . . 67
The King proposes to take
the case into his own
hands . . .68
Opposition of the Com-
mons to the proposal . 69
Tames relinquishes his plan 71
Lady Wharton's case . 72
Opinion of the day on the
subject of fees and gra-
tuities . . . 78
How far was Bacon morally
guilty? . . .80
Further charges against
Bacon . 81
Bacon's letter to the King 82
The King's speech to the
Houses . . -83
Sentence pronounced
against Mompesson . 84
The patents cancelled . 85
Buckingham advocates a
dissolution . . . 85
Bacon's opinion on his
own case . . 87
Bacon's interview with the
King . . . 88
The Lords carry on the
investigation . . 89
Bacon again writes to the
King . . . 90
He relinquishes his defence 91
He makes submission to
the Lords . 92
The Lords are not satisfied 93
Bacon's comments on the
charges against him . 94
He acknowledges corrup-
tion . . 99
He surrenders the Great
Seal . . . 101
His sentence . . . 103
Bacon's character and
political opinions . 103
CHAPTER XXXV.
THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT.
1621 Sentence on Sir F. Michell 108
Charge against Sir J. Ben-
nett . . . 108
The Bill for Chancery Re-
form . . . 109
The Commons incur the
King's displeasure by
condemning the patent
for alehouses . .no
Yelverton provokes the
King . . . m
Yelverton attacks Bucking-
ham. . . . us
The Lords irritate the
THE FOURTH VOLUME.
King by their leniency
towards Yelverton . 113
Quarrel between Arundel
and Spencer . .114
Sentence on Yelverton . 115
Arundel committed to the
Tower . . .116
Liberty of speech little re-
spected . . . 117
Gondoraar insulted . 118
Floyd insults Frederick
and Elizabeth . .119
Violent language used in
the Commons . . 120
The Commons sentence
Floyd . . 121
Objections of the King . 121
The Commons having
withdrawn their claim to
punish Floyd, he is sen-
tenced by the Lords . 123
Jurisdiction of the House
of Lords in political
trials . . .124
Cases of Bishop Field and
SirJ. Bennett . .125
Several patents condemned
by the Commons . 125
The King directs an ad-
journment . . . 126
Dissatisfaction of the Com-
mons . . . 127
The last sitting before the
adjournment . . 128
Declaration in favour of
the Elector Palatine . 129
Review of the first part of
the session . . . 130
Bacon's imprisonment and
release . . . 131
Williams becomes Lord
Keeper and Bishop of
Lincoln . . . 134
General liberation of pri-
soners . . -137
Laud becomes Bishop of
St. Davids . . 138
Abbot's accidental homi-
cide . . . 139
Cranfield raised to the
peerage . . . 140
Proclamation against mo-
nopolies . . . 140
CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER.'
1593 The early Separatists . . 142
Their unpopularity and
persecution . . 144
1604 Internal disputes in their
congregation at Amster-
dam . . . . 145
1606 Emigration of the Gains-
borough congregation . 146
1603 Clifton, Bradford, and
Brewster . . 147
1604 Clifton ejected . . . 148
Robinson at Norwich . 149
1606 The congregation at Scroo-
by . . . . 149
1607 Their determination to emi-
grate . . .150
1608 Their escape to Amster-
dam. . . . 151
1609 Their removal to Leyden . 151
Influence of Robinson . 152
1617 The emigrants are dis-
satisfied with Leyden . 153
They determine to go to
America. . . 154
1618 Negotiations in England . 155
1619 The patent from the Vir-
ginia Company . . 156
1620 The departure from Hol-
land . . . 157
The departure from Eng-
land . . . . 159
The voyage across the
Atlantic . . .160
The emigrants agree to
form a Government. . 161
Carver chosen Governor . 162
Exploration of Cape Cod . 163
Exploration of the main
land . . . . 164
The landing at Plymouth . 165
Building of a village . 166
1621 Sickness among the set-
tlers . . . 167
Bradford elected Governor 168
Prospects of toleration in
England . . . 169
The Liberal statesmen and
the Puritans . .11
Xll
CONTENTS OF
CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
1620 Germany after the battle
of Prague . . . 172
Weakness of the Elector
of Saxony . . 174
Frederick persists in his
claims to Bohemia . . 175
He leaves Silesia . . 176
1621 The ban pronounced
against him . . . 177
Mission of Sir E. Villiers . 178
The Assembly of Segeberg 179
Mission of Sir R. Anstru-
ther . . .180
Frederick refuses to go to
the Palatinate . .181
Elizabeth forbidden to
visit England . . 182
Frederick at the Hague . 183
Morton at Heilbronn . 184
Dutch Commissioners in
England . . . 185
The expiration of the Truce
of Antwerp . . 186
Intrigues of the Prince of
Orange . . . 187
Renewal of the war . 188
Digby's mission to Brus-
sels . . . . 189
Death of Philip III. . 189
Accession of Philip IV. . 190
The dissolution of the
Union . . . 191
Frederick persists in oppo-
sition . . . 192
Proposed transference of
the Electorate . . 193
Application of Frederick
to James . . 194
Character of Mansfeld . 195
Soldiers of the Thirty
Years' War . . . 196
Mansfeld appointed to
command Fredericks
forces in Bohemia . 197
Mansfeld at Waidhausen . 198
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
LORD DIGBY'S MISSION TO VIENNA.
1621 Digby's instructions . 200
Character of James's inter-
vention . . . 202
Behaviour of Mansfeld and
Jagerndorf . . 203
Digby's proposals at
Vienna . . . 204
Ferdinand's hesitation . 205
Ferdinand determines to
treat . . . 206
Policy of the new Spanish
Government . . 207
Spinola ordered to aid the
Duke of Bavaria . . 208
Death of the Archduke
Albert . . . 209
Conduct of Frederick . . 210
Frederick in the Dutch
camp . . . 211
Digby's opinion of the crisis 212
Vere in the Lower Palati-
nate . . . 214
Digby's complaints . 215
Digby leaves Vienna . . 216
Invasion of the Upper
Palatinate . . 217
Mansfeld's intrigues . . 218
Conquest of the Upper
Palatinate . .219
The Electorate secretly
conferred on Maximilian 219
Objections of Spain . . 220
Mission of Villiers to the
Hague . . . 221
Digby at Heidelberg . . 222
Mansfeld in the Lower
Palatinate . . 223
Mansell at Algiers . . 224
THE FOURTH VOLUME.
The blockade of the Flem-
ish ports . . 225
Buckingham hostile to the
Dutch . . . 226
Mandeville resigns the
Treasurership . . 227
PAGE
Cranfield becomes Lord
Treasurer . . . 228
Parliament summoned . 229
Lafuente's mission to
Rome . . . 230
CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE DISSOLUTION OF 162 1.
1621 Speeches of Williams and
Digby . . . 232
Speech of Cranfield . . 233
Debate in the Commons . 235
Resolution of the House . 241
Pym's speech on religion . 242
Pym's political position . 243
Effect of the Spanish
alliance on English
domestic politics . 245
The petition on religion . 246
Gondomar appeals to the
King . . . 248
The King's intervention . 249
Explanatory petition of the
Commons . . 251
The Commons' deputation
to the King . . . 252
The King's answer . 253
Debate on the King's
answer . . . 255
Precedents on freedom of
speech . . . 256
The House unanimous in
its defence . . . 257
The King's letter to Cal-
vert . , . . 258
The King offers to relin-
quish a subsidy . . 260
Protestation of the Com-
mons . . . 261
The last sitting . . 264
The King destroys the
Protestation . . 265
Gondomar's triumph . . 266
Imprisonment of members
and dissolution of Par-
liament . . . 267
James defends his con-
duct . . 268
Digby's vexation
. 269
CHAPTER XL.
THE WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE.
1621 Gondomar's plan for
breaking the blockade
of the Spanish ports . 272
Dutch Commissioners in
England . . . 273
1622 Proposed attack on the
Netherlands . . 273
The Earl of Oxford sent
out to seize Dutch ships 274
Oxford imprisoned . . 275
The bargain for York
House . . 278
Buckingham's reconcilia-
tion with the Howards . 279
Conference between Fisher
and White . . 280
Conference between Fisher
and Laud
ana i_,aua .
Laud gains influence over
Buckingham
Laud's opinion on religious
liberty
Visit of Archbishop De
Dominis to England
His return to Rome
Difficulties in the way of
toleration
Quarrel between Sir E.
Herbert and Luynes
Doncaster's mission to
France . . .
Comparison between
281
281
282
283
287
288
290
291
XIV
CONTENTS OF
PAGE
James's intervention in
France and Germany . 293
The Impositions increased
and a Benevolence de-
manded . . . 294
Unpopularity of James . 295
" Tom Tell-truth " . . 296
Burning of Pareus's Com-
mentaries . . 297
James requires Frederick
to renounce the crown
of Bohemia. . . 299
He learns that Ferdinand
intends to transfer the
Electorate to Maximilian 300
Condition of Mansfeld's
army . . . 301
Conduct of Christian of
Brunswick . . . 302
Chichester's mission to the
Palatinate . . . 303
Schwarzenberg in England 304
Gondomar allowed to
levj' English volunteers . 305
Tilly in the Palatinate
Frederick joins Mansfeld
Mansfeld takes the field .
The Battle k)f Wimpfen .
Weston opens negotiations
at Brussels
Position of Frederick
He attacks D.irmstadt
Imprisonment of the Land-
grave of Darmstadt
Chichester's despondent
views of Frederick's
position .
He attempts in vain to
negotiate an armistice .
Battle of Hochst
Frederick leaves the Pala-
tinate
Vere's position
Progress of the conference
at Brussels
Frederick in Alsace .
He leaves Mansfeld's
army
PAGE
306
308
3°9
310
3"
312
313
3H
315
316
3i8
3i9
320
321
323
324
CHAPTER XLI.
FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY.
1622 Weston presses for a sus-
pension of arms . . 325
Projected assembly of Ger-
man Princes at Ratisbon 326
Hopelessness of Frede-
rick's cause . . 327
The Spanish Government
desires peace . . 328
Its plan for the settlement
of Germany . . 329
Digby returns to Spain . 330
Policy of Zuftiga . . 331
Character of Philip IV. . 332
Difference of opinion be-
tween Zufiiga and the
Council of State . 333
Assurances given to Digby 334
Gondomar returns to
Spain . . . 335
Digby is satisfied with the
language ot the Spanish
ministers . . 336
Proposed sequestration of
the towns in the Palati-
nate . . . . 337
Mansfeld in Lorraine . . 338
Ferdinand throws the
blame for the continu-
ance of the war on
Frederick . . 339
Weston makes a fresh
proposition . . . 340
Mansfeld marches to join
the Dutch . . 341
Battle of Fleurus . . 342
Weston again presses for
a suspension of arms . 343
Weston's recall . . 345
English opinion on the
German war , . 346
James's directions to
preachers . . . 347
New invigoration of Puri-
tanism . . . 349
Release of prisoners . . 349
Arrival of Gage from
Rome . . . 350
Instructions given him by
the Cardinals . . 351
Tames complains of Spain 353
Buckingham expostulates
with Gondomar . . 354
THE FOURTH VOLUME.
PAGE
Failure of James's foreign
and domestic policy . 357
The fall of Heidelberg . 360
Commencement of the
siege of Mannheim . 361
Vere's desperate position . 362
Chichester sends Nether-
sole to James to explain
the state of affairs . ?6$
CHAPTER XLII.
THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER.
1622 Festivities at New Hall . 364
Buckingham joins the war
party . . 365
Character of the Prince of
Wales . . . 365
The Prince's promise to
visit Madrid . . 368
Gondomar hopes to effect
his conversion . . 369
Proposed mission of Porter 370
Philip to be summoned to
restore the towns in the
Palatinate . 371
James writes to the Pope . 372
Spanish professions . 373
Porter leaves England . 374
Buckingham proposes an-
other Benevolence . 375
A Spanish fleet in the
Channel . . . 376
Olivares becomes chief
minister in Spain upon
Zuniga's death . . 377
Character of Olivares . 378
Bristol confident of success 379
The fall of Heidelberg
known in Spain . . 380
The Spanish Government
uses strong language to
the Emperor . . 381
Recall of Chichester . 382
Porter at Madrid . . 383
Bristol's demands about
the Palatinate . . 384
The position becomes un-
tenable . . . 385
Fall of Mannheim . 386
The Infanta Isabella re-
fuses to relieve Franken-
thal . . .386
Character of the Infanta
Maria . . . 387
Her resistance to the mar-
riage . . -389
Philip writes to Olivares to
break off the marriage
treaty . . 391
New policy of Olivares . 392
The marriage articles
amended and sent to
Rome . . . 396
Bristol recommends the
adoption of the amended
articles , . . 397
1623 James accepts them . 398
1622 He asks that Frankenthal
may be sequestered in
the hands of the Infanta
Isabella . . 399
The Lutheran clergy ex-
pelled from Bohemia . 400
Mansfeld's proceedings in
East Friesland . . 401
Frederick returns to the
Hague . . . 402
1623 Frederick's letter to the
Elector of Saxony . 403
1622 Meeting of the Assembly
at Ratisbon . . . 404
1623 Transference of the Elec-
torate to Maximilian . 405
James proposes to Fre-
derick the sequestration
of Frankenthal . . 406
Frederick begs him to go
to war . . ' 407
Settlement of the East
India disputes . . 407
James's religious and com-
mercial policy . . 408
Buckingham prepares to
fetch home the Infanta . 409
Con way Secretary of State 409
James's outlook . 411
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
CHAPTER XXXIIL
THE MONOPOLIES.
So completely were men's minds occupied with questions of
foreign policy in the first weeks of 1621, that if James could
1621. only have satisfied the House of Commons that he
January. was jn earnest in his intention to support the German
State of rr
feeling. Protestants, he might safely have looked forward to
the prospect of a peaceful session. Yet there were not wanting
complaints of domestic misgovernment, which might easily give
rise to considerable agitation, if the Commons met in a discon-
tented mood.
" Indeed," wrote a calm and dispassionate observer in the
course of the past summer, " the world is now much terrified
with the Star Chamber, there being not so little an
combined offence against any proclamation but is liable and
subject to the censure of that Court ; and for pro-
clamations and patents, they are become so ordinary that there
is no end, every day bringing forth some new project or other.
In truth, the world doth even groan under the burthen of these
perpetual patents, which are become so frequent that whereas,
at the King's coming in, there were complaints of some eight or
nine monopolies then in being, they are now said to be multi-
plied by so many scores." l
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, July 8, S. P. Dam. cxvi. 13.
VOL. IV. B
2 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
The history of these monopolies is especially interesting,
as the character of no less a man than Bacon is deeply affected
Bacon's ^Y ^e judgment passed upon them. It is puerile to
connection speak of him as if he could be untouched by the
result. Many of them passed the Great Seal whilst it
was in his hands. Some of them were backed by his recom-
mendation ; and the most unpopular of them received his
thorough support, at a time when other men were hanging
back from fear of the clamour raised against them. If he
really thought as badly of them as modern historians have
thought of them, Pope's notorious line would be true to the
letter. He must have been, in sober truth, " the meanest of
mankind."
If we wish to know what the views of Bacon and other
officers of state really were, the first thing to be done is to con-
sult the original patents. No doubt there is much which will
not be learned there. We shall not find any light thrown on
the personal motives of those through whose influence they
were obtained. But if we find a large number of official
declarations spread over a long series of years, and emanating
from men who differed from one another in character, in posi-
tion, and in political opinion, we shall be able to discover
whether they contain indications of a settled policy, or are
mere makeshifts put forward to cover the greed of unprincipled
courtiers.
Of the patents subsequently complained of there were two,
the patent for inns and the patent for alehouses, which were
specially objected to, partly as encroaching upon the jurisdiction
of the justices of the peace, and partly as having been made the
excuse for gross injustice and oppression.
The patent for inns had been originally suggested by the
notorious Sir Giles Mompesson, a kinsman of Buckingham,
i6i whose fertile brain teemed with projects by which
The patent his own purse was to be replenished and the public
nns' benefited at the same time. At first sight, indeed,
there was much to be said for his scheme ; for he proposed
that a commission should be issued for the purpose of grant-
ing licences to inns. The innkeepers would thus be brought
1617 THE PATENT FOR INNS. 3
under control. They would be prevented from charging ex-
travagant prices for the food which they served out to their
guests. At this point, however, a legal difficulty arose, as it was
plain that the justices of the peace had no power to grant such
licences. But it was not certain whether such a power did not
reside in the justices of assize, and it was upon their authority
that the whole plan was founded. The Commissioners were
to make out the licences, and the justices of assize were, by
their signature, to give validity to these documents, of the
merits of which they were totally unable to judge. The legal
question had been brought before Bacon, when he was still
Attorney-General. Unwilling to take the responsibility upon
himself, he asked that three of the judges might be associated
with him in the inquiry. The result was a unanimous report
in favour of the plan. The question of its general policy was
then submitted to Suffolk, Montague, Winwood, Lake, and
Serjeant Finch, and these men, differing from one another in
character and in politics, concurred in recommending the
adoption of the scheme.1
The patent was accordingly drawn up, nominating Mom-
pesson and two other persons as commissioners for the pur-
pose.2 It was one of those which were brought to the bedside
of the dying Ellesmere, and which he, either from dislike of
the grant itself, or as is more probable, merely in order to force
the King to accept his resignation, refused to pass. The Great
Seal was accordingly affixed to it by the King's special direc-
tion, before the new Lord Keeper was appointed.
Bacon's part in the matter, it will thus be seen, was con-
fined to the opinion which, in common with others, he ex-
Bacon's part pressed upon the legality of the patent. No doubt
ln u- such an opinion was in direct opposition to that
at which the judges arrived seven years afterwards.3 Yet it
does not appear that his view of the case differed much from
1 Bacon to Buckingham, Oct. 18, 1616, Letters and Life, vi. 361.
Charge of the Commons against Mompesson, House of Lords MSS.
2 Commission to Mompesson and others, Patent Rolls, 14 Jac. I
Part 22.
3 Hutton, Rep. 100.
B 2
4 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
that which commended itself generally to lawyers at the time,1
and it is certain that Coke, who, of all men in England, was
most likely to have opposed Bacon on a legal question, dis-
tinctly stated it to be his opinion that the patent was good in
law.2
However this may have been, it soon appeared that the
scheme was intolerable in practice. Mompesson and his fellow-
commissioners were responsible to no one. No scale
the Com- of payments had been settled by the patent, and it was
missioners. . " , . . ', .
therefore their interest to grant as many licences as
possible, and to sell them as dearly as they could. Though
it had been arranged that the money collected was to go into
the Exchequer, it seems for the most part to have found its
way into Mompesson's pocket. It was not long before men
were talking all over England of the ease with which keepers
of disorderly houses contrived to obtain licences from the
commissioners, and of the harsh and oppressive treatment of
those who refused to conform to their demands.3
Whatever arguments might be used in defence of the
exercise of a supervision over inns, applied with double
1618. force to the attempt to bring under a strict control
for ai^tent tne petty alehouses, which might so easily degenerate
houses. jnto haunts of thieves and drunkards. It was a sub-
ject which had long attracted the notice of Parliament By
an Act passed in I552,4 alehouse-keepers were required to be
licensed by the justices of the peace, and this licence they could
only obtain by entering upon recognisances for the maintenance
of good order. The first Parliament of James had passed no
less than three acts for the restraint of drunkenness.5 The
efforts of Parliament had been seconded by the Council. In
many parts of the country the justices had been careless of
1 Bulstrode, Rep. i. 109. Viner's Abridgment, xix. 437. Article Inns,
sec. 9.
2 Proceedings and Debates, i. 65.
3 On this subject I have given full particulars in a paper on Bacon's
letters to Christian IV. Arcfueologia, vol. xli.
4 5 & 6 Ed. VI. cap. 25.
* I Jac. I. cap. 9 ; 4 Jac. I. cap. 5 ; and 7 Jac. I. cap. 10.
1618 THE PATENT FOR ALEHOUSES. 5
their duties, and had granted licences in profusion. They had
accordingly been admonished to be more careful in future.1
Certain forms were to be observed in the granting of licences,
and the proceedings were to be certified to the Council. A
small fee was to be charged upon the licences, for the benefit of
the Exchequer. Against this latter innovation, the Commons
protested in 1610, as an infringement of their rights of taxa-
tion ; and the order for the fee was at once withdrawn. As,
however, no objection was raised to the demand for a certi-
ficate to the Council, it is to be inferred that no scruple was
felt on that score.2
Still, in spite of all that the Council could do, the number
of alehouses increased. In 1616, James complained bitterly of
the evil.3 These houses, he said, were the lurking-places of
thieves and desperadoes. They even afforded shelter to deer-
stealers. At last some one proposed that he should take them
under his own supervision. There was, it was true, a legal
difficulty in the way, as the right of granting licences was vested
by Act of Parliament in the justices of the peace. But, a
device was discovered by which the Act could be circum-
vented. The justices were to continue to grant the licences,
and to take the recognisances ; but the recognisances, as soon
as they were taken, were to be certified into the King's Bench.
Two persons, Dixon and Almon, were nominated by patent to
keep an eye upon offenders, and to see that those alehouse-
keepers who deserved punishment did not escape through the
undue leniency of the justices.
Some arrangement of the kind may possibly have been
needed in many parts of the country, but the method adopted
conveyed a deadly affront to the country gentlemen, who were
held to be incapable of keeping order in their own neighbour-
hood. Nor was the ill-feeling aroused likely to be allayed when
it was known that the forfeitures accruing to the Exchequer
from the activity of the patentees were already shared in
1 The King to the Mayor and Justices of Southampton, March 30,
1608, Cott. MSS. Tit. B. iii. fol. I.
- Cott. MSS. Tit. B. iii. fol. 2.
* Speech in the Star Chamber, King James's Works, $22.
6 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
advance by half-a-dozen courtiers, amongst whom the name of
Christopher Villiers was conspicuous.1
Patents of this character were objectionable on many grounds.
Far greater indignation was, however, directed against those
which conferred grants to which the hated name of
mopo ies. monOpOjy coui(j be affixed. Yet a careful examina-
tion of these grants will convince us that they were not open to
the charges which are habitually brought against them. They
1 Grant to Dixon and Almon, March II, 1618, Patent Rolls, 15 Jac. I.
Part 23. Buckingham to Bacon, Jan. n. Bacon to Buckingham,
Jan. 25, 1618, Letters and Life, vi. 289, 294. The following notes show
that after the patent was granted the affair was laid before the judges : —
" Conference of the King with the judges at Greenwich, June 28,
1618.
" Then touching alehouses there was a project, as it seems, delivered
to the King, which he read ; whereupon it was thought fit (because it
was said that the Justices of the Peace were to blame, either in not taking
or not certifying their recognisances) that therefore no licences should be
granted but in open sessions, and that they should be of the sufficienter
sort of men.
" But where it was now put in pract:ce that all such recognisances
were by certiorari fetched into the King's Bench, it was holden very
inconvenient, for it is said that every recognisance brought in doth cost in
fees more than 2os. there. When they are there, they are asleep ; for who
can come hither to inform the breach ? It was used for a favour when a
recusant was indicted, to remove the indictment into the King's Bench ;
for that made a surcease of proceedings. And when the pretence was that
recognisances were not returned, and that this way should discover that
abuse : — Nihil minus ; for how shall they know what recognisances are
wanting, except they be sure of all the alehouses licensed through the
several shires, which is impossible for the judges ever to take knowledge
of. But in the several counties it is not hard both to know all the faults
both in the justices and in the alehouses, and to punish and redress them ;
and therefore the law left them there to be prosecuted.
"In the end his Majesty left it to the consideration of the judges in
point of conveniency touching this new use of recovering the recogni-
sances."— Tanner MSS. Ixxiv. fol. 79.
Unfortunately we have not the final answer of the judges. But it will
be seen that no point of law was raised against the patent, and that though
the opinion of the judges, so far as it went, was adverse, there was no
attempt to override it, but that the question was left to their further con-
sideration.
i6i8 THEORIES ABOUT MONOPOLIES. 7
were not made with the object of filling the Exchequer. They
were not made, primarily, at least, with the object of filling the
pockets of the courtiers. They were, it is impossible to doubt,
the result of a desire on the part of official persons to encourage
commerce, and to promote the welfare of the State, though it
cannot be denied that their zeal was often greater than their
knowledge, and that their best efforts were not unfrequently
tainted by that atmosphere of favouritism and corruption
which clung like a dank exhalation to everything that was best
at the Court of James.
The general principle almost universally recognised at this
time on the subject of monopolies, was much the same as that
which has lain at the root of all subsequent legisla-
Theones . °
held on tion on the subject. As a rule, such grants were held
to be illegal, as encroaching upon the rights of the
subject to the exercise of his trade. Exceptions might be
made whenever anyone either invented or introduced from
other countries a new method of manufacture. By such a
grant no one, except the purchaser, would be injured ; and
even he would, in the long run, be compensated for the high
price which he would at first be called upon to pay, by the
cheapness which would be the eventual result of enterprise and
invention.
This rule having once been laid down, it is evident that
there would be considerable difference of opinion as to the proper
mode of applying it in practice. The great body of purchasers
would demand that it should be interpreted as strictly as pos-
sible, and that nothing beyond the actual invention should
be covered by the guarantee ; whilst the official, who had to
consider the propriety of making the grant, might either be in-
duced through negligence to encourage a lax interpretation of
the rule, or might even, from a mistaken sense of duty, be led
to stretch the concession so as to cover manufactures which
were not in any sense new inventions, but which it was thought
to be in accordance with the public interest to place under a
special supervision.
Of the many grants of this nature which are to be found
upon the Patent Rolls, there are not a few which never provoked
8 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxill.
any adverse criticism at all. They were mere protections to
new inventions, such as might be granted at the present day.
But the features of others were more or less objectionable. In
1616, two men named Bassano and Vandrey asked for a patent
on the ground that they had invented a method by
Salmon and which fish might be kept alive in boats, thereby en-
'ers' abling them to bring salmon and lobsters from Ireland
to the London market. Their petition was supported by the
Company of Fishmongers, and they obtained a patent, granting
to them the sole right of bringing in fish from such rivers and
seas as had not hitherto furnished supplies to the population of
London. It was a patent which would not indeed be in ac-
cordance with modern practice; for it was always possible
that it might prevent some other person from attaining the
same result by a different and improved method ; but practi-
cally no great harm would have been done, if the patentees
had kept within the letter of their privilege. They soon
found that it was easier to plunder poor fishermen than to
establish extensive fisheries in Ireland. Their agents lay
in wait for the boatmen at the mouth of the Thames, and
ordered them to make over to them the contents of their
lobster-pots for a mere pittance, far below the value of the fish,
in order that they might themselves sell them at a monopoly
price. *
Such grievances were widely felt. But they were caused
rather by the difficulty of obtaining redress from a patentee
i6zo than by the inherent defects of the patents them-
selves. There were other cases calculated to rouse
far deeper indignation ; for in these it seemed that the rule,
which was generally accepted, had been deliberately broken
through. It will be sufficient to mention two instances : that
of the patent for the manufacture of glass, and that of the
patent for the manufacture of gold and silver thread.
In 1574, an attempt was made by a Venetian, named Ver-
sellirii, to rival in England the products of the world-famous
1 Grant to Bassano and Vandrey, Jan. 27, 1616, Patent Rolls, 13
Jac. L, Part 16, Proceedings and Debates, i. 295.
1574 THE GLASS MANUFACTURE. 9
glass-works of Murano. A patent had been granted to him
iS74. by Elizabeth, conferring upon him the sole right
fecturfof" °f making such glass in England. Upon the
glass. expiration of the patent it had been re-granted to
Sir Jerome Bowes.1
The glass thus made had been produced in furnaces heated
with wood. In 1611, Sir Edward Zouch and three other
persons obtained a patent for a process which en-
abled them to use coal.2 In 1613, Zouch and his
partners applied for an extension of their powers.
They had been originally directed not to infringe
upon Bowes's patent, and they had accordingly confined them-
selves to the manufacture of the commoner kinds of glass.
They now stated that their furnaces had been put to the test
of experience, and were answering their purpose admirably.
They had spent 5,ooo/. in the process, and they could not
expect to recover their expenses unless the whole manufacture
were placed in their hands by the overthrow of all existing
patents except their own.
As a mere matter of political economy, no demand could
be more outrageous. But to the Privy Council it was some-
thing more than a mere matter of political economy. For
some time the waste of wood in England had attracted atten-
tion, and fears were frequently expressed that unless some
remedy were provided, it would soon be impossible to find
timber for the navy. Bowes was accordingly informed that
his patent was injurious to the commonwealth. After some
negotiation, a compromise was effected. A new patent was
granted to his rivals, by which a rent of i,ooo/. a year was re-
served to the Crown ; and this sum was made over to Bowes
1 Grant to Versellini, -Dec. 15, 1574, Patent Rolls, 17 Eliz., Part 13.
Grant to Bowes, Oct. 5, 1606, Patent Jtolls, 4 Jac. I., Part 21. Its
reversion was granted to Hart and Forset, Oct. 8, 1607, Patent Rolls, 5
Jac. I., Part 24. On Feb. 15, 1609, there was a grant to Salter for
making certain glass, not mentioned in Bowes's patent.
- Grant to Zouch and others, March 25, 1611, Patent Rolls> 9 Jac. I.,
Part 29.
io THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
in the form of an annual pension from the Exchequer.1 In
161=5, several fresh names were introduced into the
1615.
patent,2 amongst which are to be found those of the
Earl of Montgomery and Sir Robert Mansell. It was well
understood that the accession of one or two persons possessing
influence at Court might easily be worth many thousand
pounds to the patentees.
One other step remained to be taken. Up to this time, if
English glass could only be bought from the patentees, it was
still possible, upon payment of a heavy duty, to obtain glass
from the Continent. This was no longer to be allowed. On
May 15, 1615, a proclamation appeared, forbidding the further
importation of foreign glass.3
The history of this patent is well worth studying by those who
think that the monopolies were solely the work of Buckingham
and Bacon. It will be seen that, before Buckingham had risen
into favour, and before Bacon had received the Great Seal, a
monopoly was granted which placed the entire sale of glass in
the hands of a single body of patentees; and that that body
consisted in part of idle courtiers, in part of men whose sole
claim was that they had discovered a mode of producing glass
by which, without special protection, it would be impossible for
them ever to make a profit. It was at least alleged that the scale
was turned in their favour by considerations of public policy.
Comparatively few objections were raised against the mono-
poly of glass. In 1624, it was specially exempted from the
operation of the Act against monopolies. Against
Gold and the patent for the manufacture of gold and silver
silver thread. ^g^ on fae other hand, a storm of indignation
was raised which has hardly yet subsided. If all that is said of it
be true, Bacon's character as an honest man is irretrievable.
The investigation into the facts of the case, therefore, assumes
a special importance.
1 Grant to Zouch and others, March 4, 1614, Patent Rolls, u Jac. I.,
Part 16. Suffolk to Lake, Nov. 17, 1613, S. P. Dom. Ixxv. 9.
2 Grant to Montgomery and others, Jan. 19, 1615, Patent Rolls, 12
Jac. I., Part 3.
3 Proclamation, May 23, 1615, S. P. Dom. clxxxvii. 42.
i6ii GOLD AND SILVER THREAD. 11
During the early years of James's reign, the gold and silver
thread used in making lace was imported from the Continent.
The first Attempts had been made to introduce the manu-
patent. facture into England ; but they had been conducted
on a very small scale, and they do not appear to have given rise
to any serious competition with the imported commodity. At
last, at Lady Bedford's request, Burlomachi, the great capitalist
of the day, brought over to England a Frenchwoman, named
Madame Turatta, who engaged to give lessons in the manufac-
ture ; 1 and an application was made, under Lady Bedford's
patronage by four persons, named Dike, Fowle, Phipps,
and Dade, to be protected by a patent. They intended,
they urged, to introduce the manufacture on a considerable
scale, and thereby to give work to Englishmen, which had
hitherto been in the hands of Frenchmen and Italians. They
engaged to make over a share in the patent, or, accord-
ing to other accounts, a sum of i,ooo/. to Lady Bedford,
as a reward for the part which she had taken in bringing
Madame Turatta into the kingdom. Their application was
successful; and in 1611 the patent for which they asked was
granted.
It was not long before attempts were made to infringe upon
this patent. In 1613 and 1614 we find Sir Henry Montague, at
that time Recorder of London, imprisoning offenders and taking
away their tools. The attention of the Council was accordingly
drawn to the question. Both sides were heard, and a long and
anxious deliberation ensued. For no less than seven-
IOIO.
The second teen months Ellcsmcre refused to affix the Great Seal
to a new patent which had been drawn up. At last
he gave way, satisfied, it would seem, that the manufacture was
practically a new one, and that in it lay the only chance of
competing with the Continent.
The new patent was made out in the names of Dike,
1 Lady Bedford's part has hitherto been enigmatical, and I had
supposed in my paper on this subject in the Archaologia, that it was an
ordinary case of Court favour. But the difficulty is cleared up by a
passage in Yelverton's Defence, April 30, 1621, as given in Elsing's Notes
(Camden Society), 43.
12 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
Fowle, and Dorrington. They were to have, for twenty-one
years, the sole right of making gold and silver thread as it was
made in France and Italy. In return, they were to engage to
import bullion to the yearly amount of 5,ooo/., and to pay to
the King a rent equal to the sum which he obtained from the
duty upon importation, which might now be expected to fall
off in consequence of the growth of the domestic manufacture.
The Privy Council, it was said in explanation, had examined
the truth of the allegation that the thread in question had been
made by others before the grant of the first patent, and had
come to the conclusion that, though the manufacture 'had
been formerly in handling-and endeavoured to be settled within
this kingdom,' it had ' never been established and perfected
within this realm, nor constantly or openly used before the
granting of the said letters patent.'
The patentees knew as well as the patentees for the mono-
poly of glass the value of Court favour, and they
byffr E.en gladly welcomed the accession of Sir Edward Villiers,
the half-brother of the rising favourite, who con-
sented to invest 4,ooo/. in the undertaking.
From some cause or other the business did not prosper.
The goldsmiths, who had been heard at the council-table pre-
1617. viously to the grant of the second patent, persisted in
w?hetance maintaining its illegality, and in refusing to abandon
patent. ^g manufacture. In April, 1617, Sir Edward Villiers
brought the complaints of the patentees before his brother
and the King. On April 16, Buckingham wrote to Yelverton
requesting him to support the patent. About the same time
the affair was commended by the King to the consideration of
the Council ; and on the 25th Yelverton was instructed to
lay an information in the Court of Exchequer against the
offenders.
Proceedings were accordingly commenced, but the attempt
to obtain a legal decision was speedily abandoned. Scarcely
had the bill been filed in the Exchequer, when Villiers and
Fowle brought Yelverton a letter written by the King, who
was at that time in Scotland, ordering him to commit the
offenders to prison, in what capacity does not appear. This
1617 GOLD AND SILVER THREAD. 13
letter, he afterwards stated, ' he kept by him, thinking the King
not well informed.'
In due course of time James returned to England. A pro-
ject was adopted which, it was hoped, would inspire offenders
1618. with greater terror. The manufacture was to be
Sywken taken altogether into the King's hands. Fowle
Kin tjse became the agent of the Crown. The profits were to
hands. be the King's, and out of these a pension of 5oo/.
a-year was to be allowed to Sir Edward Villiers, who had sunk
4,ooo/. in the scheme ; and another pension of 8oo/. a-year to
Christopher Villiers, for no reason at all.
A proclamation, authorising this arrangement, was issued on
March 22, 1618. Its substitution for the patent of 1616 was a
virtual acknowledgment that the case of the Government was
legally untenable, and that the Court of Exchequer could not be
depended upon to support its claims. Yet the act, unjustifiable
as it seems to us, was undoubtedly in great measure Bacon's
own.1 He was now, for the first time, consulted in the business.
Part taken With the grant of the monopoly itself, Bacon had
by Bacon. nothing to do. In 1616, as in 1611, the Great Seal
had been in Ellesmere's hands. But the step now taken went
so far beyond the mere grant of a monopoly, that it becomes
important to inquire what Bacon's motives were.
It is true that a sentence has frequently been quoted from
Bacon's writings which is supposed to preclude the necessity of
any further inquiry. In 1619 or 1620 he drew up, perhaps
only for his own use, an enlarged copy of the paper of advice
which he had presented to Buckingham in 1615, when he was
no more than a rising favourite. In its new shape the paper
contains a warning that ' monopolies, which are the
His opinions , . , , ,
on mono- cankers of all trading, be not admitted under specious
colours of public good.' Even if it be admitted,
as is probably the case, that the insertion of this sentence
implies some suspicion that under Buckingham's protection a
system was growing up which threatened to develop a positive
injury to trade, it does not necessarily imply a condemnation
1 Yelverton subsequently spoke of him as 'mending many points
therein with his own hand.'
14 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
of all that had already been done with Bacon's sanction, and
even in some cases with his warm support Sweeping expres-
sions of this kind, by whomsoever put forth, are certain to be
mentally accompanied by limitations which are forgotten by
later generations. In truth, it would be as reasonable to charge
with inconsistency any one amongst the numerous agitators
who, within our own times, declaimed against the Corn Laws
as a monopoly, because he took out a patent for a newly in-
vented machine, as it is to speak of Bacon as necessarily
contradicting his own principles by his conduct on this occa-
sion. In 1621, Yelverton declared before a hostile audience
his belief that this patent was no monopoly ; * and, though
no similar expression from Bacon's lips has reached us, there
happens to be a curious piece of evidence which indirectly
shows what his opinion was. In 1619 a declaration which had,
many years before, been issued for the guidance of suitors, was
reprinted. It contained information as to the classes of suits
which the King bound himself to reject, and at the very head
of these classes occurs the word "monopolies." Is it con-
ceivable that this declaration could have been published without
Bacon's knowledge ? And if he had believed that the grants
in question were monopolies in the objectionable sense of the
word, would he not have obtained the suppression of the con-
demnatory document?
Already in the House of Commons, in 1601, Bacon had
declared his opinion on the subject He had there spoken of
patents as commendable in cases in which ' any man out of
his own industry or endeavour finds anything beneficial for
the commonwealth, or brings in any new invention,' meaning,
it would seem, introduces it from a foreign country.
Nor is this concession of an equality of privilege
Patents for . *
manufac- to original inventors and to persons who merely
tares intro- . . . - *
duced from introduce an invention from a foreign country pecu-
liar to Bacon. Its principle was taken for granted
by both sides in the conflict which ensued. It was left un-
1 " He never conceived it to be a monopoly, nor doth .... He
never thought it a monopoly." Yelverton's Defence, April 30, 1621,
Elsings A'otes, 43.
1618 GOLD AND SILVER THREAD. 15
touched by the statute of monopolies in 1624, and it is to
this day held by lawyers to be in accordance with the law of
England.1
Accordingly the objection raised in the following session
against the patents of 1611 and 1616 was not that they con-
ferred a monopoly upon a manufacture introduced from abroad,
but that, in point of fact, the manufacture was not intro-
duced by the patentees at all. To do them justice, those
who spoke on behalf of the Government always acknow-
ledged that, according to the strict letter of the law, this was
true. Gold thread, they said, had been manufactured in
England before. Stripped of its technicalities, their language
amounts to this : — Though the patentees were not the first to
make the thread in England, they were the first to set up a
manufacture on a sufficient scale to compete with the impor-
tation from the Continent. The object of the grant had not
been primarily to reward the patentees, but to benefit the
nation ; and, if it had been shown that, owing to the efforts
of the patentees, the manufacture could be introduced on a
large scale into England, the Government had been justified
in overriding the claims of those whose labours, whatever they
were, had failed in bringing the manufacture into English
hands.
Such ideas, which had justified the monopoly in the eyes
of Ellesmere, were likely to have their full weight with Bacon.
Yet it must be acknowledged that, in refusing to submit his case
to the Court of Exchequer, he could hardly fail to have been led
by stronger reasoning. Nor is it difficult to discover what that
reasoning was. To him and to his contemporaries a trade in
gold and silver stood upon a peculiar footing. To us a dealer
in the precious metals is no more than a dealer in cotton or
iron. To the men of the seventeenth century he was a dealer
1 By the statute of monopolies patents for fourteen years may be granted
for the ' sole working or making of any manner of new manufactures
within this realm.' The interpretation put upon this is, that 'a person
v ho first imports an invention publicly known abroad into this country is
the first inventor within these realms.' Chitty, Collection of Statutes, ed.
i £53, iii. 445, note£.
16 THE MONOPOLIES. en. xxxm.
in the very wealth of the country. To allow gold and silver
to be tampered with by artisans who were under no supervision,
was to authorise the most unblushing robbery of the common-
wealth. The patentees had offered to meet the difficulty.
They had engaged to import 5,ooo/. worth of bullion every
year, and the King's agents would of course inherit the en-
gagements of the patentees. If wealth were to be frittered
away in adorning the dress of fine ladies and fine gentlemen,
it should be the wealth of Spaniards and Frenchmen, and not
the wealth of Englishmen. Such arguments sound strange
enough to us, but we cannot hope to arrive at truth if we do not
take them into consideration.
In an Act of the reign of Henry VII., Bacon found the
weapon that he needed. The goldsmiths had urged that they
The Act of nad made gold thread before Dike and Fowle. The
Henry vn. repiy of the Government was that, if this was the
case, they had broken the law ; for the law expressly forbade
any goldsmith to melt or sell gold and silver except for certain
special objects, amongst which the manufacture of gold or
silver lace was not to be found. The action in the Court of
Exchequer had therefore become irrelevant, and as no one
else had a right to make the thread, the King might properly
take the manufacture into his own hands.
That in pursuance of a great public object Bacon should
have thought himself justified in raking up an obsolete statute
The first ^s cssily conceivable. But it must have required all
commission. ^is beHef in the prerogative to bring him to consent
to set aside entirely the jurisdiction of the ordinary law courts
by the issue of a commission for the discovery and punishment
of offenders against the proclamation.
It was not long before the new Commissioners, the most
active of whom was Sir Francis Michell, were hard at work.
Instruments were seized and artificers imprisoned
Imprison- .
ment of on every side. Yet even these stringent measures
workmen. n~ . ,• , • r™
were insufficient to suppress competition. Ihe
King was again appealed to, and, upon the advice of Bacon,
Montague, and Yelverton, a fresh commission was issued in
October, increasing the powers of the members and authorising
1618 GOLD AND SILVER THREAD. 17
the prosecution of offenders in the Star Chamber. Several
Second new names were added to the list of Commissioners,
commission. arnongst others, that of the notorious Mompesson,
whose unscrupulous energy in carrying out the patent for inns
marked him out as a person who would render good service in
hunting down the opponents of the monopoly of gold and
silver thread.
A prosecution was accordingly commenced in the Star
Chamber ; but, for some reason or another, it was not pro-
l6,9- ceeded with. On the other hand the Commissioners
i^Tprl^ were more active than ever. In the spring of 1619
mem. there were fresh imprisonments ; houses were broken
into, and tools and engines seized.
It was at this time that a new plan was suggested to James
by Bacon and Montague.1 The goldsmiths and silkmen, they
Bonds forced thought, might be required to enter into bonds not
goTdlnriths to se^ tnen" wares to unlicensed persons. The King
and silkmen. accepted the proposal, and wrote a letter recom-
mending it to the Commissioners.2 Mompesson and Michel 1
at once hastened to carry the scheme into execution. Five
silk-mercers were brought before the commission. Mompesson
told them that if they refused to seal the bonds 'all the prisons
in London should be rilled, and thousands should rot in prison. ''
Those, however, who were interested in the monopoly were
anxious to secure higher authority on their side than Mompes-
son and Michell. Yelverton was one of the Commissioners,
and his support would be worth having ; but it was known that,
frightened at the irritation aroused, he was growing cold in the
affair. Sir Edward Villiers accordingly visited him, hoping to
spur him on to action. The business, he said, lay a bleed-
ing, and if he did not help him all would be lost. Yelverton
hardly knew what to do. He was afraid of giving offence
to Buckingham, and he was no less afraid of giving offence
to everybody else. At last he decided upon a middle course.
He committed the silk-mercers to the Fleet, but at the
same time threw the whole burden of the responsibility upon
1 Elsing's Notes, 43. 2 Ibid.
VOL. iv. c
18 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
Bacon. If the Lord Chancellor, he said, did not confirm
the commitment, he would instantly release them. Bacon,
who never shrank from responsibility, had the men brought
before him, heard what they had to say, and sent them back to
prison.
The whole City was in an uproar. Four aldermen offered
to stand bail for the prisoners in ioo,ooo/. A deputation was
sent to the King, who, after listening to the objections against
the proceedings of the Commissioners, answered that he would
not govern his subjects by bond, and ordered the men to be
set at liberty.1
Such, at least, is the story in the only form in which it has
come down to us. It rests upon Yelverton's evidence, which
Bacon never had an opportunity of correcting. It is of course
possible that Bacon, with his high ideas of the prerogative,
might have felt it right to commit the prisoners simply for
contempt and that he may have cheerfully acquiesced in the
appearance of the King upon the scene, to smooth down the
asperities which had been the result of the conduct of the
Commissioners.2 However this may have been, the concession
Second pro- tnus made was not the commencement of any change
ciamation. of pOijCy. Qn October io, a fresh proclamation was
issued, authorising the continuance of the system.
" Whereas," such was the preamble of the proclamation,
" the art or mystery of making gold and silver thread (a
commodity of continual use in this our kingdom of England)
hath formerly been used and made by strangers in foreign parts
only, and from thence transported into this our realm, but of
late hath been practised by some of our loving subjects, who
1 The fact that the liberation by the King occurred at this stage of the
proceedings, which was a matter of inference before, is placed beyond
doubt by a passage in Serjeant Crewe's statement before the House of
Lords on April 18, 1621. "The second proclamation came after the
commitment and the King's enlargement." — Elsing's Notes, 5. In the
printed volume this stands : " The two proclamations," &c. I have not
the MS. to refer to, but I suspect the words as here given are correct.
They were taken from the original by myself, and if the other reading is
right, Crewe must have said what was obviously untrue.
• See Mr. Spedding's remarks in Bacon's Letters and Lift, vii. 205.
1619 GOLD AND SILVER THREAD. 19
by their great charge and industry have so well profited there-
in, and attained to such perfection in that art that they equal
the strangers in the skilful making thereof, and are able by the
labours of our own people to make such store as shall be
sufficient to furnish the expense of this whole kingdom : — And
whereas we, esteeming it a principal part of our office as a king
and sovereign prince to cherish and encourage the knowledge
and invention of good and profitable arts and mysteries, and to
make them frequent amongst our own people, especially such
wherein our people may employ their labours comfortably and
profitably, and many thereby may be kept from idleness, here-
by to preserve and increase the honour and wealth of our State
and people : — And finding that the exercising of this art or
mystery (considering the continual use of bullion to be spent
in the manufacture thereof) is a matter of great importance,
and therefore fitter for our own immediate care than to be
trusted into the hands of any private persons, for that the
consumption or preservation of bullion, whereof our coins, the
sinews and strength of our state, are made, is a matter of so
high consequence as it is only proper for ourself to take care
and account of : — We have heretofore, to the good liking of
the-' inventors thereof, taken the said manufacture of gold and
silver thread into our hands, and so purpose to retain and con-
tinue it, to be exercised only by agents for ourselves, who shall
from time to time be accountable to us for the same."
These words may fairly be taken as Bacon's defence of
himself. It is impossible for any candid person to read them
Bacon's without coming to the conclusion that he was con-
policy, tending for a great public policy. That his policy
was erroneous there can be no doubt whatever. It was not
really of the slightest importance that bullion should be kept
within the realm by artificial means. It was of the very highest
importance that questions arising from royal grants should not
be withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts, to
be placed in the hands of a Royal Commission. But in justice
to Bacon it must be remembered that his constitutional theory
was never fairly carried out. He would have assigned large
powers to the Crown, but he would have kept those powers
c 2
20 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxm.
from being used abusively, by providing that the King should
be constantly enlightened by frequent Parliaments. According
to him the constitutional relation between the Crown and the
representatives of the people was very similar to that which
prevailed in France under the Second Empire. That such a
relation is in the long run untenable, it is impossible to doubt.
In England it never had a fair chance. James took one half
of Bacon's policy, and rejected the other.
The system thus formally authorised was rigorously carried
out. Unlicensed packets of thread were seized in every direc-
tion. Bonds were forced upon the unwilling silk-
the'moiio- men. In spite of all that was done, the manufacture
did not pay. The bullion which was to have been
imported was not imported. The coin of the realm was melted
down. The City was in a state of increasing exasperation, and
no result had been obtained.1
Such was the state of feeling on the subject, when Bacon,
in common with the two Chief Justices, was called upon to
1620. consider the course to be adopted in meeting the
November, expected Parliament.2 He saw how unpopular
fdviceto many of the patents had become, and in accordance
sonufofthe w^^ ^'s w*se principle tnat the 'strength of the
patents. Government depended on its capacity for leading
the country, he recommended that the patents should be
examined by the Privy Council, and that those of them against
which just exception could be taken should be called in.3 In
a private note written at the same time to Buckingham, he
pointed out that his brother Christopher and some of his
followers were interested in the most obnoxious patents, and
urged him to 'put off the envy of these things.' In them
selves they bore ' no great fruit,' and it would be better to
1 I have printed many of the principal documents on this subject in a
paper, "On four letters from Lord Bacon to Christian IV.," in the 415!
volume of the Archtzologia, where will be found references to further
evidence.
2 Burton to Carnsew, Nov. 4, S. P. Dom. cxvii. 55.
8 Bacon, Montague, and Hobart to Buckingham, Nov. 29, Letters and
Life, vii. 142.
1620 BACOWS ADVICE. 21
' take the thanks for ceasing them, than the note for maintain-
ing them.' 1 Buckingham, it would seem, refused to be con-
_, , vinced. The question was discussed in the Council,
December. n
His advice and was decided against Bacon. The patents were
ted" to be left to Parliament, to deal with as it pleased.
In other words, the King, in domestic matters as well as in
foreign affairs, was to abdicate the highest functions of
government, and to present himself to the Houses without a
policy.
"The King," wrote Bacon to the favourite, "did wisely put
it upon a consult, whether the patents were at this time to be
removed by Act of Council before Parliament. I opined (but
yet somewhat like Ovid's mistress, that strove, but yet as one
that would be overcome), that Yes." 2 The words were charac-
teristic of the writer. Of open relinquishment of his own
opinions, or of deliberate action in contradiction to them, he may
fairly be acquitted. There can be as little doubt that he regarded
the patents as in the main good things in themselves, as that he
held it to be unwise to persevere in the face of the opposition
which they had provoked. Bacon's policy had chiefly been
Profits of the brought into discredit by the profit which accrued
courtiers. from faem to fae King and to the courtiers. As far as
the public feeling was concerned, it was of little importance that
this profit was not great. From the whole number of them the
Exchequer was not the richer by so much as the modest sum
of poo/, a year.3 It cannot be shown that a single penny found
its way into Buckingham's pocket. Sir Edward Villiers,
indeed, received a guarantee of a pension out of the patent
for gold and silver thread ; but this pension was nothing more
than a fair dividend upon the money which he had actually
invested. Whether it was paid or not, we do not know, but
we do know that, though a pension of Soo/. a year was secured
1 Bacon to Buckingham, Nov. 29, Letters and Life, vii. 145.
2 Bacon to Buckingham, Dec. 16, ibid. vii. 151.
* In the paper in the Archaologia, I quoted an estimate (S. P. Doin.
cx- 35)» °f i883/. of which iooo/. came from the glass patent. The latter
sum should not, however, have been reckoned, as it was paid out again in
the pension to Bowes.
22 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
upon the same patent to Christopher Villiers, the whole affair
turned out so badly, that in reality he received no more than
i5o/. during the whole existence of the monopoly.1 An un-
certain sum was also reserved to Christopher Villiers out of
the patent for alehouses. Lord Purbeck, the remaining brother,
received nothing. It was amongst the courtiers of the second
and third rank — the royal cupbearers and the gentlemen of
the bedchamber — that the booty, such as it was, was for the
most part divided.
Small as was the sum brought by the monopolies into the
pockets of Buckingham's followers, it was still enough to make
Disgrace of ^m ta^e a personal interest in their maintenance,
Yeiverton. infinitely more vehement than the political interest
which was felt by Bacon. Already it was known that to be
lukewarm in the defence of the monopolies, was to offer a
direct insult to Buckingham. The weight of his indignation
now fell heavily upon Yeiverton. No one, it might be thought,
was less open than the Attorney-General to a charge of slackness
in defence of the prerogative. He was no hunter after popularity.
In 1 6 1 o he had spoken warmly in defence of the Impositions. In
1616, he was standing at Bacon's side in opposition to Coke. He
had lately assented to the patent for gold and silver thread.
But, if his opinions were courtly, his nature was rugged and
independent. He had owed his advancement to the favour of
the Howards, and he had submitted with impatience to the
yoke of Buckingham. Against the patents themselves he had
raised no objection when an objection would have availed ; but
his indignation was roused by the interference of Buckingham's
brothers, and of Buckingham's dependents. The course which
he adopted was the worst possible for himself. He disgusted
the nation by lending his name to everything ; he disgusted
the Court by the reluctant and perfunctory manner in which he
carried out the bidding of the favourite.
As usual, Buckingham looked upon all opposition as a
personal insult to himself. No revenge was beneath his dig-
nity. He took care that the lucrative business which was looked
1 Dike's examination. Proceedings and Debates, i. 127.
1620 YELVERTOWS DISGRACE. 23
upon as the perquisite of the Attorney-General should find
its way into other channels. An opportunity
His sentence ....... ... . .
in the Star soon presented itself for striking a heavier blow.
In drawing up a new charter for the City of London,
Yelverton inserted clauses for which he was unable to produce
a warrant. The worst that could be said was that he had,
through inadvertence, misunderstood the verbal directions of
the King. Although no imputation of corruption was brought
against him, he was suspended from his office and prosecuted in
the Star Chamber. He was there sentenced to dismissal from
his post, to a fine of 4,ooo/., and to imprisonment during the
Royal pleasure.1
In regular succession the place vacated by Yelverton was
occupied by Coventry. Heath became Solicitor- General ; and
Legal pro- tms ^me tne City was forced to accept Shute as its
motions. Recorder, in the place of Heath. It was soon
whispered that something more than mere favouritism had led
to these last appointments. Heath and Shute, it was said, had
agreed to relinquish to Buckingham the pensions which were paid
to them as the price for the use of their names in that office
in the King's Bench which had practically been granted to him-
self.2 Fortunately for the citizens, they were soon set free, by
Shute's death, from their disreputable Recorder, and in Heneage
Finch they obtained a successor of a very different character.
For two years Montague had been grasping at promotion of
December, another kind. He had never felt himself thoroughly
Montague at home in Coke's seat, and soon after the dismis-
Lord sal of Suffolk, he had not scrupled to offer io,ooo/.
irer' to the favourite for the Treasurer's staff.3 At the time
his offer was rejected, as the King wished that the state of the
finances should undergo a thorough investigation before a new
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 28, July 8, Sept. 9, Oct. 28. Speech
of Sir H. Yelverton, Oct. 27. Locke to Carleton, Nov. II. to ,
Nov. 15, S. P. Dom. cxv. 122; cxvi. 13, 92; cxvii. 37, 35, 71, 76. Sir
H. Yelverton's submission. Cabala (1696), 375.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 3, 1621, S. P. Dom. cxix. 64. See
Vol. III. p. 34.
1 Montague to Buckingham, Jan. 3, 1619, Bacon's Works, ed. Montagu,
xvi. 227.
24 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
appointment was made. The reasons for delay had now lost
their force, and hints were allowed to reach Montague's ears,
that the Treasurership was within his reach, whilst at the same
time it was intimated to him that the King would accept a
liberal present. After some haggling a bargain was struck at
20,000!., and Montague became Viscount Mandeville, and
Lord High Treasurer of England. As he was starting for
Newmarket, to receive at the King's hands the white staff,
which was the symbol of his office, Bacon met him. " Take
care, my lord," he drily remarked, " wood is dearer at New-
market than in any other place in England." l
Mandeville's successor on the Bench was Sir James Ley.
Four years before he had offered io,ooo/. in vain for the
Attorney-Generalship. He now declared himself
Ley chief ready, at the age of sixty-eight, to marry Elizabeth
Butler, a young girl who had the good fortune — if
good fortune it was — of being Buckingham's niece. The jesters
had their laugh at the ill-assorted match. The Countess of
Buckingham, it was said, deserved high praise for taking such
care of her relations. . It was a special work of charity. There
were already six or seven more young women hurrying up to
London to look for husbands with her help.2 Other promo-
1 Bacon's Apophthegms, Let. and Prof. Works, ii. iSl. Buckingham
afterwards asserted that the money was only a loan for a year (Rushworth,
i. 334, 387). But it would seem, from the letters published by Montagu
{Bacon's Works, xvi. 228), that this was not the case. An unpublished letter
of Mandeville's furnishes a hint of the true explanation. Writing, in 1623, to
the King, he says : " I know well the necessity of the time. But my own,
occasioned by your service, so presses me, that your Majesty will pardon
the presumption and allow me the liberty to remember that your Majesty
called me from the place of Chief Justice to be Lord Treasurer, in which
place, after I had served you some nine months, I freely rendered up the
place into your hands, putting myself upon your Royal promise, secured
also by the word of my Lord of Buckingham, which in honour, I doubt
not but he will make good." Mandeville to the King, April 2, 1623. Harl.
MSS. 1581, fol. 264. There can hardly, I think, be a doubt that the
money was originally a gift to Buckingham, but that afterwards, when
Mandeville was dismissed, James promised that it should be treated as
a loan to be repaid within a year.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 3, 1621, S. P. cxix. 64.
1620 JAMES'S THIRD PARLIAMENT. 25
tions of less importance followed. The King's old favourite
Haddington, the Ramsay who had stood manfully by him at
the time of the Gowry conspiracy, became Earl of Holderness
in the English peerage. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Sir Fulk Greville, obtained a seat in the House of Lords by
the title of Lord Brooke.
The position which the new House of Commons would
take up on the question of the monopolies was likely to
depend upon the policy which James was able to announce
with respect to the troubles of the Continent. On account of
the pressure of business, caused by the reception of Cadenet's
1621. embassy, the opening of the session had been post-
jan. 3o. p0necj from January 16 to the 3oth. On that day
Opening of r J J r A i u • i •
Parliament, after listening to a sermon from Andrewes, bristling
with Greek and Hebrew, James passed, seemingly in high
spirits, to the House of Lords.
The Commons were summoned to the bar, and the King
began his speech with an exposition of those constitutional
The King's theories which, however they may grate upon our
speech. ears at ^g present day, would not, at that time, have
been formally repelled by any of his hearers. A Parliament,
he said, was an assembly forming part of a monarchy, and
acting under a monarch. Without a monarch there might,
indeed, be Councils, but not a Parliament. It was summoned
by the King to give him advice, and it was able to give that
advice, because it represented the wishes and the wants of the
various classes of his subjects. The King was thus enabled to
make good laws for the benefit of the whole commonwealth.
The House of Commons, in particular, had special functions
to perform. It was by its means that cases of maladministration
or default of justice could reach the ears of the King ; and it
was the peculiar duty of that House to supply the King's necessi-
ties, as it was his duty to afford them justice and mercy in return.
James then turned to a subject upon which the House took
a far deeper interest than on any question of constitutional
politics. Religion, he said, was to be maintained in the first
place by persuasion, and it was only when that failed that
recourse was to be had to compulsion. It had been rumoured
26 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxill.
that the marriage treaty with Spain would be followed by a
grant of toleration to the Catholics. He would, however, have
his hearers to understand, that he would do nothing dishonour-
able or contrary to the interests of religion.
After this brief and enigmatical declaration, James quickly
passed to what was, to him, the far more important subject of
his own wants. For ten years, he said, he had not received a
penny from Parliament. The time when they might reasonably
have objected to grant a supply was now past. His treasure
was no longer squandered. During the last two years a strict
economy had been practised. Large sums had been saved by
the reform of the household. With the help of the young Lord
Admiral, who was standing by his side, he had effected a con-
siderable saving by the reforms of the navy. If they would
give him money now, he would answer for it that it should no
longer fall into a bottomless purse.
The next cause for which he had summoned them was the
miserable state of Christendom. He had done all that was
in his power to put an end to the war in Bohemia. In the
hope of saving the Palatinate, he had spent thousands of pounds
upon embassies. He had borrowed money from the King
of Denmark. He had authorised the collection of voluntary
contributions. " And I am now," he said, " to take care of a
worse danger against the next summer. I will leave no travail
untried to obtain a happy peace. But I have thought it good
to be armed against a worse turn, it being best to treat of peace
with a sword in my hand. Now I shall labour to preserve the
rest ; wherein I declare that, if by fair means I cannot get it,
my crown, my blood, and all shall be spent, with my son's
blood also, but I will get it for him. And this is the cause of
all, that the cause of religion is involved in it ; for they will
alter religion where they conquer, and so perhaps my grand-
child also may suffer, who hath committed no fault at all." Let
them, therefore, make haste to grant a supply. This Parlia-
ment had been of great expectation. At his first Parliament
he had been ignorant of the customs of the land. At his
second Parliament a strange kind of beast called undertakers
had come between him and his subjects. The present Parlia-
i62i JAMES'S FOREIGN POLICY. 27
ment had been called of his own free motion. It would be his
greatest happiness if it could be shown that he had acquired
the love and reverence of his people. " Then," he ended by
saying, " I shall be even honoured of my neighbour princes,
and peradventure my government made an example for pos-
terity to follow." l
By a critical audience this speech would have been coolly
received. James had spoken first about himself, and last about
the Palatinate. But the House of Commons was
Temper of
the House of not disposed to be critical. Its members had come
up to Westminster eager to co-operate with the King.
The old constitutional disputes and the old constitutional sus-
picions were forgotten. No one thought for a moment of
reviving the quarrel about the Impositions. This time, at least,
James would not have to complain of factious opposition. If
he would only be a king in reality as well as in name — if he
would reform abuses at home, and defend Protestantism abroad,
the representatives of the nation were prepared to follow him
with almost unquestioning fidelity.
How little James was in accord with the prevailing feeling
is evident from the conversation which he held with Gondomar
Feb. 2. three days after the meeting of Parliament. He
ver^donwlth ^eSan by talking about the speech with which he
Gondomar. had opened the session, softening down the words he
had used in speaking of religious matters. He was ready, he
said, to live and die in friendship with the King of Spain. As
for the Puritans, they were the common enemies of both. After
some further talk about his son-in-law, he described his own
reception by the clergy in Westminster Abbey. The whole of
the service, he said, had been chanted in Latin. So far, at
least, he had conformed to the usage of the Catholic Church.
Upon this hint, Gondomar spoke out. He hoped, he said, to
see him restored to the Church, and to the obedience of the
Pope. "If," replied James, "these things could be treated
without passion, it is certain that we could come to an agree-
ment." A few minutes more brought him to acknowledge his
1 Proceedings and Debates^ i. 2.
28 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
readiness to recognise the Pope as the head of the Church in
matters spiritual, and to allow appeals to lie to him from the
English bishops, provided that he would refrain from meddling
with temporal jurisdiction in his kingdoms, and would renounce
his claim to depose kings at pleasure. If in his writings he
had spoken of the Pope as Antichrist, it was because of his
usurped power over kings, not because he called himself head
of the Church. Gondomar, upon this, asked James to give
him his hand in token that he meant what he was saying. The
King at once held out his hand, and told the ambassador to
write an account of the conversation to his master.
No one knew better than the Spanish ambassador that all
this meant nothing. If he had just landed in England, he
wrote, he might perhaps have considered the information of
importance. All he could say now was that nothing was im-
possible to God. As to the Palatinate, James still expected
Spain to assist him in his mediatory efforts. His son-in-law, he
thought, should solemnly renounce all pretensions to Bohemia.
Upon that Philip might withdraw his troops from the Pala-
tinate, and see that the Catholic powers in Germany abstained
from pushing their successes further.1
If James could have supported his argument by any evidence
that force was at his disposal, it is possible that his representa-
tions might not have be;n without effect Whether he could
do this or not, however, depended on the understanding to
which he was able to come with the Commons.
On February 5, the House of Commons met for business.
The first debate was somewhat desultory. The strong Protes-
tant feeling of the members found a mouthpiece in
The first Sir James Perrot, the son of the Lord Deputy of
Ireland who had been harshly treated by Elizabeth,
and who was, unless rumour spoke falsely, an illegitimate son
of Henry VIII. Perrot now moved that the House should
receive the communion at St. Margaret's, for the detection
of recusants.2
g
1 Gondomar to Philip III., Feb. -^, Simaneas MSS. 2602, fol. II.
* Under the date of February 5, Mrs. Green has calendared the cele-
brated speech of Sir E. Cecil on the importance of granting an immediate
l62i FEELING OF THE COMMONS. 29
Perrot's motion was the signal for the pouring out of a flood
of abuse against the Catholics. Sir Robert Phelips, the son of
the Speaker of the first Parliament of the reign — a busy, active
man, whose undoubted powers were not always under the con-
trol of prudence — on this day commenced his brilliant career as
a Parliamentary orator. The Catholics, he said, had lit bonfires
in their halls at the news of the defeat in Bohemia. They
were gathering in great numbers to London, and were perhaps
even now meditating a repetition of the Gunpowder Plot.
Another subject next engaged the attention of the House.
Since the last Parliament, members had been imprisoned for
words spoken in their places. It was suggested that the King
might now be asked for an acknowledgment of their right to
liberty of speech. Calvert, on the other hand, whose concilia-
tor)' temper would, in happier times, have gained him the re-
spect of the House, then rose and pressed for an immediate
supply. It was finally resolved that the various questions
which had been raised should be referred to a committee of
the whole House.
The first difficulty of the Commons arose from an unex-
pected quarter. They had entrusted the sermon at St.
Usher's Margaret's to Usher, whose abilities had recently
sermon. procured for him, young as he was, the bishopric of
Meath. The appointment was regarded by the Chapter of
supply to the Palatinate. It may, however, be asked why no trace of it
occurs in the full reports which we have, from various hands, of that day's
debate. The fact is, the speech was a forgery. On Dec. 3, 1622, Carleton
(S. P. Holland] expresses his suspicions to Chamberlain, and on the 2ist
Chamberlain replies : — " Upon inquiry, I am fully of your opinion touching
Sir Edward Cecil's speech, that he was not guilty of it ; but that one Turner
about him was the true father." — Chamberlain to Carleton, Dec. 21, 1622,
6". P. Dom. cxxxiv. 80. There appears to have been some doubt on the
matter at the time. On May 15, 1621, Meade speaks of it as "made (as
they say) in the beginning of this session. "— Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 6/b.
Whoever was the author, the speech does him great credit. There is a
fine ring in its language from beginning to end. Nothing, in the course of
writing this work, has been more painful than the act of drawing my pen,
in obedience to the laws of historical veracity, through the extracts which
I had credulously inserted in the text.
30 THE MONOPOLIES CH. xxxm.
Westminster, now under the guidance of Williams, as an infringe-
ment of its rights. The House was accordingly told that it had
exceeded its powers. If the members would come to the Abbey
one of the canons should preach to them, and no attempt
would be made to force upon them the wafer-bread which was
ordinarily used there. But Williams, in his hot-headed
jealousy for his new dignity, had miscalculated the temper of
those with whom he had to deal. His offer was contemptu-
ously rejected by the Commons. If they could not hear
Usher preach in St Margaret's, they would hear him in
the Temple church. Williams, however, was not allowed to
push matters to these extremities. James himself interfered,
and the Chapter at once withdrew their opposition to the
original plan.1
If the Commons could have listened to the King's conver-
sation with Usher, they would hardly have thanked him for his
mediation. "You have got," he said, "an unruly flock to look
to next Sunday." He then asked him how it was possible for
the members to be in charity with one another, and ended by
begging him to urge his audience to pass a vote of supply as
soon as possible.2
In the meanwhile the Commons were busily considering
the case of the obnoxious recusants, and in
Petition . ..... r
against the drawing up a petition for the enforcement of the
penal laws, in which the Lords expressed their willing-
ness to join.3
On February 15, the Committee brought up its report
upon liberty of speech. It recommended an appeal to the
King, and the introduction of a Bill by which the
imprisonment of members for words uttered in their
places might be rendered impossible for the future.4 At this
suggestion Calvert rose. The King, he said, had directed him
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 14, 19. Commons' Journals, i. 517. Cham-
berlain to Carleton, Feb. 10, 3". P. Dom. cxix. 90.
2 Ellington's Life of Usher. Works, i. 53.
* Lords' Journals, iii. 1 8, 19. Woodford to Nethersole, Feb. 17,
S. P. Dom. cxix. 102.
4 Commons'' Journals, i. 522.
i62i PROPOSED EXPENDITURE. 31
to tell the House that he marvelled that they troubled them-
selves so much about the matter. Had he not already assented
to their Speaker's petition for such freedom of speech as had
been anciently granted ? His Majesty therefore hoped that no
one would ' so far transgress the bounds of duty as to give any
cause to be questioned for speaking that which becomes him
not.' If any such offence should be given, he was sure that
the House would be more ready to censure him than his
Majesty to require it1
So eager were the Commons to avoid any semblance of
altercation with the King, that even this vague message was
accepted not only without remonstrance but even with grati-
tude. Ten months later they had reason to regret that the
reply had not been more explicit.
For the moment James's course was an easy one. The
Commons formally returned him thanks for his gracious
assurance, and on that very afternoon the question
• uppy- Qf SUpp}y was for the first time seriously taken up in
committee. 2
On the 1 3th the Council of War had delivered its report.
The members of the Council were too experienced soldiers not
The report to know that to appear in the field at once with an
council of army which could bear down all opposition was in
Wa r laid the end the surest way to avoid expense. To levy
House. a force worthy of England a sum of 250,000^ would
be needed immediately, and the pay and expenses of the army
would call for an annual vote of 900,0007. a-year. By this
means 30,000 men could be maintained for the defence of the
Palatinate.3
Such a sum was undoubtedly enormous. No larger grant
than i4o,ooo/. had ever yet been made in any one year by Par-
liament. It was therefore incumbent upon James to reconsider
his position, and, after frankly laying before the House the in-
formation which he had received, to prepare the nation for the
sacrifices which would be needed if its wishes were to be carried
1 Calvert's Speech, Feb. 15, S. P. Dom. cxix. 97.
2 Proceedings and Debates, \. 47.
3 Report of the Council of War, Feb. 12, S, P. Dom. cxix. 93.
32 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
out A very different course commended itself to James. It
was at all events a good opportunity for getting a vote of money,
and the adequacy of the supplies was a matter of very little
moment Calvert was accordingly directed to state that 30,000
men would be needed, and that at least 5oo,ooo/. would be re-
quired for their support.
The expense of the troops was absurdly under-estimated.
But this was not the only, or even the worst, fault of the speech
in which Calvert brought the question forward. Of
caiven's the policy which the King intended to pursue he had
not a word to say. The Commons were informed
what the cost of an army would be. They were not told how
it would be used. Over the state of the negotiations, and the
chances of peace and war, an impenetrable veil was thrown.
Such treatment was enough to chill the temper of the most loyal
It would be time enough, it was felt, to vote a supply on the
large scale demanded when the King should condescend to
tell them what he meant to do with it Yet they shrank from
leaving the appeal of their Sovereign altogether without response.
In spite of the dearth of the precious metals caused by the
debasement of the coinage on the Continent ; in spite too of
the constitutional scruples which forbade the grant of money
at so early a period in the session, the Commons unanimously
Grant of two agreed to a resolution for the levying of two subsidies
subsidies. a sum equivalent to about i6o,ooo/.1 The money
however, was not to be regarded as a contribution towards the
expenses of the war, for which it would have been utterly in-
adequate, but simply as a testimony of their devotion to a
king who, as they still hoped almost against hope, was at last
1 Proceedings and Debates, \. 48. It is important to understand the
circumstances under which the grant was made, as unfounded inferences
have often been drawn from a partial appreciation of the facts. Even Mr.
Forster (Life of Pym, 9), who was not usually given to under-estimate
the virtues of the House of Commons, said that the grant was ' so small
a sum, in fact, that it only left the King more completely at their feet. '
In his report from the Committee on the i6th, Coke, on the other hand,
said distinctly that the money was voted ' freely, not on any consideration
or condition for or concerning the Palatinate.' Proceedings and Debates,
i. 50.
1 52 1 SHEPHERD'S OFFENCE.
33
preparing to stand forward as the leader of the nation over
which he ruled.
For these explanations James cared little. With the
prospect of a grant of money he was beyond measure delighted.
He ordered one of the Privy Councillors to inform the Com-
mons that their conduct had made a great impression upon
him. They had given reputation to his affairs at home and
abroad. For his part, he was ready to meet them half-way in
giving satisfaction to their just demands.1
The readiness with which the Commons granted these
subsidies is the more noticeable, as they had lately met with a
Gondomar's rebuff upon a point which they considered to be
effort6 l° °f no slignt importance. At that time ordnance of
ordnance. English manufacture was highly esteemed upon the
Continent. Its exportation was strictly forbidden, and the
prohibition was only occasionally suspended as a special favour
to the representatives of foreign nations. When, therefore, it
was known that leave had been given to Gondomar to send a
hundred guns out of the kingdom, the Commons were roused
to an indignant remonstrance against the impolicy of furnishing
arms to the enemies of the German Protestants. They listened
with sullen displeasure to Calvert's explanation. James himself
was obliged to come to the support of his secretary. The
licence, he said, had been granted two years before, and could
not now be revoked. No harm would be done, as Gondomar
had engaged that the guns should be sent to Portugal for use
against pirates. The House received the information in silence,
but it is hardly probable that a single member allowed his
convictions to be changed.2
There were other subjects on which the Commons felt even
more strongly than on the exportation of ordnance. On the
Proposed T5th there was a debate on a bill for the stricter
oifthetion observance of the Sabbath. A young barrister
Sabbath. named Shepherd stood up to oppose the measure.
Everybody knew, he said, that Saturday, and not Sunday, was
1 Speech of a Privy Councillor, Feb. j6, .V, P. Dom, cxix. 98.
2 Proceedings and Debates^ i. 36.
VOL. IV. D
34 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxm.
the true Sabbath. The bill was conceived in a spirit of
defiance against the King's Declaration of Sports, for it forbade
dancing on Sunday. Did not David praise God in a dance ?
What right had they to fly in the teeth of both King David
and King James ? Whoever brought in the bill was a Puritan
and a disturber of the peace. Such language was intolerable
to his hearers, who, in their antagonism to Spain, were clinging
to the stricter Protestantism which their fathers had learned in
the midst of the struggle with the Armada. An indignant
Expulsion of shout warned him to desist. He was ordered to
shepherd, leave the House. The next day his case was taken
into consideration, and, without a dissentient voice, he was
declared to have forfeited his seat by his profanity.1 Yet even
here, excited as they were, the Commons evinced their deter-
mination to give way at the slightest remonstrance from the
King. They replied to a message from James by ordering
that whatever clauses might be in contradiction with the
Declaration of Sports should at once be expunged from the
Bill.2
In fact, during the first fortnight of the session, it seemed
as if James could do anything he pleased with the Commons.
Feb T On the 1 7th he gave his promised reply to the
The King's petition for increased severities against the recusants,
petiuo'n on6 which had been presented to him jointly by the two
recusancy. Houses. There were, he said, laws enough already.
It was against his nature to be too rigorous in matters of
conscience. He was continually called upon to intercede with
other princes on behalf of oppressed Protestants, and he could
hardly hope to succeed if he were himself to treat the English
Catholics with undue rigour.3 He was, however, ready to
comply with the requests made to him, and to see that the
laws were executed. It was reported that with this reply the
House was highly discontented, and that there were those who
believed that if the resolution for the grant of the subsidies
had not been already passed, it would now be in danger of re-
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 45, 51. z Ibid. i. 60.
3 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 17. Murray to Carleton, Feb. 17,
5. P. Dom, cxix. 101, 103.
i62l FOREIGN POLICY OF THE HOUSES. 35
jection.1 Whether this account of the matter was true or not,
in public, at least, no signs of dissatisfaction appeared.
Evidently beneath the thin crust of reconciliation the fires
of discord were smouldering still : yet, since James had sum-
moned his first Parliament to meet him in 1604, no
poiicy^f the such House, so profoundly loyal, so heartily anxious to
ons' sacrifice all claims but those of honour and of duty,
had answered to his call. In the great and pressing questions
of foreign policy especially its sympathies were true and
generous. Composed as it was, to a great extent, of men of
substance, who would eventually have to bear the chief burden
of war, it had no wish to throw England headlong into that
endless Protestant crusade which tickled the imagination of
Abbot and the preachers. But there was scarcely a member
who did not see that the encroachment of Catholic domination
upon Protestant territory was full of immediate danger to the
Protestant States of the Continent, and of ultimate danger to
England itself. They believed, too, that the power of the Im-
perialist party in Germany could only be made available for
evil by the support of Spain, and that if the torrent of destruc-
tion was to be stopped it was to Spain that their demands must
be addressed.
The merits of this policy of the Commons were peculiarly
their own. The defects were incidental to their position. De-
pending for information upon rumour, it was impossible that they
should gain that acquaintance with the characters and motives
of foreign princes, which alone could fitly determine the choice of
the method by which the object which they had at heart might
best be attained. Black and white were the only colours on
their canvas. To them every Protestant was a model of
saintly virtue ; every Catholic a dark conspirator against the
peace and religion of the world. Of the weakness and rash-
ness of Frederick, of the low intrigues by which his election
had been preceded, of the anarchical character of the Bohemian
aristocracy, they had simply no conception whatever. And as
they could see nothing but light on one side, they could see
1 Salvetti's News-Letter, Feb. 23.
D 2
36 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxiil.
nothing but darkness on the other. In the very centre of the
more than Rembrantesque gloom, in which one part of their
picture was shrouded, stood the King of Spain, not as he really
was, anxious to avoid war, hesitating to spend his money, and
shrinking from doing anything which would split up Europe
into two hostile camps, but bearing the likeness which his
father had borne in the imaginations of Englishmen forty
years before — the aspirant, by force or fraud, to universal empire
for his own bad purposes — the restless, ambitious, insatiable
vicegerent of Satan upon earth.
With such a House, a wise Government would not have
found it difficult to deal. Cowardice and sloth, vanity and ob-
The King tuseness, are hard to guide, but the ignorance of a
HouseV high-spirited and loyal people is easily met. A king
Commons. who would deal frankly with his subjects, who would
tell them plainly what his objects were, and how it was possible
to accomplish them, who would take the two Houses into his
confidence, who would speak as Bacon would have had him
speak, and act as Digby would have had him act, might have
wielded the strength of England at his pleasure. A wise love
of peace would have found no obstacle in those who were cry-
ing for war, not for the sake of its excitement and its booty, but
because they believed that the miseries of war were outweighed
by the mischief which peace was every day bringing nearer to
their doors.
As is always the case, such a union of action between the
King and his subjects would have been followed by effects
reaching far beyond the political question which was actually
in hand. It would have resulted, not as Bacon seems to have
thought, in the renewal of the attachment of the people to the
forms of the Elizabethan constitution, but in softening the as-
perities of the change which those forms were destined to un-
dergo. It was impossible that a people growing in intelligence
and wealth, undistracted by vital differences of opinion, and
trained to political action by the discipline of centuries, could
long be kept back from taking a far more active part in public
affairs than had been possible under the sceptre of Elizabeth.
That the doors of the constitution would soon open more
l62i STATE OF THE PEERAGE. 37
widely than before to the House of Commons, was inevitable.
The choice which lay before James was whether he would
mainly rely on the sense of justice of the Spanish Government,
or would call on the representatives of the people to join him in
enforcing his just requirements. Freely to associate them with
the Crown in the responsibilities of his policy was the surest way
both to keep them from a rash and unadvised cry for war, and
to overcome their not unnatural reluctance to open the purse of
the nation without security for the use of the subsidies which
they might grant.
From time to time, when Gondomar had had reason to
despair of James, he had taken comfort by reminding himself
that the old nobility of England was favourable to a Catholic
restoration. He did not perceive that the political influence
of that nobility was much less than it had been, partly
through changes in the social condition of the country, and
partly through the multiplication of new peerages by James
himself.
Even at the accession of James, the peerage had lost
many of those powers which had filled Elizabeth with anxiety ;
The old and ^ut ^ was st^ strong in its social position, and in
new Peers, historical associations. Side by side with the Veres
and the Cliffords, whose honours dated from the reigns
of the Plantagenets, sat the Riches and the Russells, who had
risen to eminence in the course of the Reformation struggle.
With rare exceptions, the ancestors of these men had won
their titles by services to the State or to the Sovereign, by high
family connection, or by strong local influence. All this, it
seemed, was now to be at an end. The descendants of
Elizabeth's peers would soon be in a minority in their own
House. Of the ninety-one lay peers, no less than forty-two had
been either created or elevated to a higher title by James.
Amongst these were a few who, like Bacon and Digby, might
have risen to eminence under any system • but far too many
were known to have purchased their appointment with hard
cash, or with the still baser coin of obsequious servility to the
favourite.
Nor was it only of the number and the character of their
38 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxm.
new associates that the lords of ancient lineage complained. A
smooth tongue and a supple knee were seldom rewarded with
anything less than a viscountcy, and barons whose ancestors
had sat for generations in the Upper House were forced to
yield precedence to upstarts whose brand-new titles were un-
relieved either by wealth or by merit
It was not long before the smouldering discontent burst out
into a flame. Not a month before the meeting of Parliament,
Quarrel Lord Norris was created Earl of Berkshire, owing
sTrope'and ^s rise> ^ was sa^> to the expectation that he
Berkshire, would give his only child, the heiress of his wealth,
to Edward Wray, a young gentleman of the bedchamber, who
had contrived to secure the patronage of Buckingham.1 One
day, as he was entering the House in full consciousness of his
new dignity, he saw Lord Scrope, whose barony dated from the
reign of Edward L, walking in front of him. He rushed
forward, and thrusting Scrope violently aside, asserted his pre-
cedence as an earl. But the House was in no mood to allow
the old peerage of England to be insulted with impunity, and
Berkshire was committed to the Fleet, from which he was only
allowed to emerge upon making an ample apology for his rude-
ness.2
Whatever their feelings might be, it was impossible for the
Peers to make any formal complaint against the exercise of
the King's undoubted prerogative in the new crea-
The Scotch
and Irish tions, and they therefore chose another point of
attack. For some time it had been usual to confer
Irish peerages upon Englishmen who had distinguished them-
selves in that country ; but as the officials thus advanced had
for the most part remained in Ireland, their titles had given no
umbrage to the English nobility. James had now taken a
further step in the same direction. He raised Sir Henry
Carey, the Comptroller of the Household, to the Scottish
peerage, by the title of Viscount Falkland. The whole body of
the English lords who were not under the influence of the
Court, were at once in arms. They did not dispute the King's
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 31, S, P. Dom, cxix. 24.
2 Lords' Journals, >ii. J9, 21, 22,
i62i GRIEVANCES DISCUSSED. 39
right to make as many Scotch viscounts as he pleased ; but
The Peers' they drew up a petition, to which the names of thirty-
petition, three peers were appended, begging that no Scotch
nobleman might take precedence in England of the lowest
member of the English baronage. Then arose a strange and
unseemly altercation between the King and the petitioners.
Hearing of the existence of the paper which they had signed,
James ordered them to deliver it. up to the Privy Council. He
was told that it was addressed to himself, and to himself alone
would it be given. One by one the thirty-three were summoned
into the Royal presence, and were asked in whose custody the
petition was. Each one, as he passed in, told the same story.
If the King wanted to see the petition, he must receive them
in a body, and listen to their complaints. James finally agreed
to a compromise, by which the petition was placed in the hands
of the Prince of Wales.1
In themselves, such ebullitions of temper would rightfully
be excluded from a place in history ; but the personal griev-
ances of the Peers were not without their weight in securing
to the popular side the services of many of the nobility in the
approaching conflict.
In the Lower House there were no factions. On February 17
the King had declared that if the Commons chose to inquire
into grievances, he would be ready to meet them
Grievances half-way. They took him at his word, perhaps
?heCHousen all the more readily, as their mouths were closed
ofCommons. UpOn the great questions of foreign policy by the
coldness with which their overtures had been received. On
Feb. 19. the 1 9th, Noy, a Cornish lawyer, whose name is now
Speeches of chiefly remembered by the part which he subse-
Noy and * '
Coke. quently took in the imposition of ship-money, moved
for an inquiry into the monopolies. These grants, of which the
nation was now weary, had, he said, always been preceded by
a favourable report from a committee, either of lawyers or
of statesmen, to which they had been referred. He there-
1 Mead to Stuteville, Feb. 24, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 21. Chamber-
lain to Carleton, Feb. 27, S. P. Dom. cxix. 133. Cotmcil Register,
Feb. 19. Sir E. Brydges' Memoirs of the Peers, 128.
40 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
fore moved that these referees might be sent for, in order
that the House might know upon what grounds they had
acted.
Noy's proposal was seconded by Coke. The old lawyer,
now once more after a long lapse of years a member of the
Coke's House of Commons, took up at once the foremost
position hi position amongst his colleagues. His amazing self-
confidence, and the facility with which he drew from
the vast stores of his legal knowledge the precise argument
most applicable to the occasion, made his services indispen-
sable to an assembly of which the great majority were without
much experience in the details of public business. With the
feelings and prejudices of the House he was, on his own
narrow ground, thoroughly in unison. It is true that in at-
tacking the referees he was attacking Bacon, and that long
rivalry, ending as it had in his own final discomfiture, had
embittered his feelings towards the Chancellor. But it would
be unfair to think of him as merely actuated by personal
motives. Of justice in the highest sense of the word he
knew nothing. Of the worth of liberty, or of the principles
of political economy, he knew as little. But he had high
ideas of his own duty to wage war with corruption and
maladministration, and the idolatry with which he regarded
the system of the Common Law made him intolerant of any
attempt to thrust it aside from its supremacy. He was fortu-
nate in the disgrace which had deprived him of the power to op-
press, and had converted him into the opponent of oppression.
He was, above all, fortunate in the epoch in which he lived.
Two hundred years later his name would have gone down to
posterity, with Eldon's, as that of a bigoted adversary of all
reform. As it was, his lot was cast in an age in which the
defence of the technicalities of law was almost equivalent to a
defence of law itself. It is better, in the end, that the popular
ideas of right should be enlarged, than that the administration
of justice should be improved ; and so it came to pass that
Coke, in the stand which he made against the arbitrary
tribunals, which had of late years been so plentifully intro-
duced, was, in his blind and rugged fashion, paving the way
1621 THE PATENTS ATTACKED. 41
for the advent of a justice which he would himself have been
the first to denounce.
Great was the joy of the House at this accession of a Privy
Councillor to the views which the vast majority entertained.
The patent " This," said Alford, an old member, who had re-
for inns. presented Colchester ever since the death of Eliza-
beth, "is the first Parliament that ever I saw Councillors of
State have such care of the State." The Commons did not
indeed adopt Noy's proposal for an inquiry into the conduct
Feb 2, °^ tne referees> but the next day a Committee of
the whole House commenced an investigation into
the patent for inns. Mompesson, who was himself a member
of the House, was subjected to a rigorous examination. One
speaker after another rose to denounce his extortions. At
last a letter was produced in which he had threatened a
justice of the peace with punishment, unless he desisted from
his efforts to shut up an inn which was notoriously a mere
haunt of thieves and drunkards. Bad as were Mompesson's
own oppressions, those of his subordinates were worse. One
evening, the Committee was informed, an agent of the Com-
missioners, named Ferrett, knocked at the door of a certain
Cooke, an old man of eighty, who kept an alehouse at Bre-
wood in Staffordshire, but who, not having an innkeeper's
licence, was, at least according to Mompesson's interpretation
of the law, liable to a fine if he took in strangers at night.
Eager to appropriate a portion of the expected fine, the in-
former hit upon a mode of proceeding as simple as it was
infamous. The night, he said, was coming on, and unless
shelter were given him, he was certain to fall into the hands
of thieves. Cooke listened to his tale with compassion, left
his own bed to make room for him, and turned his cow into
the field to provide shelter for the traveller's horse. Ferrett
had got what he wanted. He turned sharply upon his
bewildered host. " This is well," he said. " You are one of
those that I look for; you keep an inn, you receive a horse
and man." It is true that the Commissioners did not support
their agent in his iniquity ; but it was no slight matter that
the poor old man should have been compelled to incur the
42 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni
trouble and expense of pleading his cause in London before
redress was to be had.1 So at least the Committee thought.
The patent was unanimously condemned, and Coke was chosen
to report the decision to the House.2
The patent for alehouses came next. It was discovered
that behind the names of Dixon and Almon, the nominal
Febmary. patentees, were concealed those of Christopher
The patent villiers and other hangers-on of the Court. Instead
for ale-
houses, of seriously setting to work to suppress drunkenness,
the patentees had contented themselves with extorting fines
from such alehouse-keepers as were ready to purchase per-
mission to break the law with impunity.3
In the course of the inquiry the name of Sir Francis Michell
had been prominently brought forward as having abused his
Sir F. powers as a magistrate by using them to support
Michell. thg iniquities complained of. He replied by hand-
ing in a petition in defence of his conduct All that he had
done, he said, had been approved by the most eminent lawyers.
The House refused to listen to his excuse. He was, it was
said, one of the first advisers of the patent. He had appro-
priated a large share of the booty. He had written letters
authorising some of the worst extortions. Coke moved that
he should be sent to the Tower, and declared to be unfit to
remain on the Commission of the Peace. The excitement in
the House rose with the prospect of finding a victim. Member
after member declared that this would not be enough. Let
the wretch be disabled from sitting upon any commission
whatever. Let a paper setting forth his offences be fixed
upon his hat as he rode to the Tower. Let him for the
future be dubbed an Ale-knight. Let him be exempted from
the general pardon at the end of the session. At last, how-
ever, Coke's motion was carried without substantial alteration.4
1 The story was adopted by the House and inserted in their charge
against Mompesson, from which I have printed extracts in a paper On
Four Letters from Lord Bacon, in vol. xli. of the Arch&ologia.
'• Proceedings and Debates, i. 63, 69, 73.
1 Ibid. i. 75, 78. 4 Ibid. i. 85.
1 62 1 ATTACK ON MOMPESSON. 43
Those who declaim against Bacon's dread of placing the
supreme power at once in the hands of the House of Commons,
would do well to ponder over these proceedings. Michell
was no doubt a knave ; but, for the sake of innocent men,
it was not well that even knaves should be treated thus. He
had not been heard in his own defence. So far from having
been brought to a legal trial, he had not been allowed the
ordinary formality of a stated charge. Never, in its worst
days, was the Star Chamber guilty of a more contemptuous
disregard of the barriers which have been thrown up for the
preservation of innocence by the laws of England.
Alarmed by MichelPs fate, Mompesson threw himself upon
the mercy of the House. He acknowledged that the patent
Sir G for inns had been justly condemned as a grievance,
Mompesson. an(^ that he had been to blame for permitting the
abuses which had attended its execution. His admission was
treated by the House with the silence of contempt. On the
2yth, Coke reported that Mompesson had been the original
projector of the scheme ; that much oppression had been
exercised by him as a commissioner ; and that no less than
3,320 innkeepers had been vexed with prosecutions for the
breach of obsolete statutes. Finally, he added, that it had
been proved that out of sixty inns licensed in the single county
of Hants, no less than sixteen had been previously closed by
the justices as disorderly houses.1
In spite of the severity of his language, Coke did not
conclude with a motion that Mompesson should share the
The juris- fortunes of Michell. He had been reminded, no
ofthe" doubt, that the House had not merely broken
Commons, through the usual safeguards of justice, but that it
had assumed a jurisdiction to which it had no claim whatever.
He now spoke as a man who is put upon his defence. With
his usual fertility of resource, he acknowledged that the
Commons had no jurisdiction over MichelPs original crime ;
but he had presented an insolent petition, and they had a right
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 89, loo, 102.
44 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxm.
to punish him for that, as for an insult to themselves. Having
thus covered his retreat, he made no opposition to a proposal
that Noy and Hakewill should be sent to search for precedents
amongst the records in the Tower.
A very short time sufficed for the investigation. As every
lawyer knew, no precedent was in existence by which the
jurisdiction assumed in the case of Michell could be justified
for an instant. Coke accordingly turned round with the
stream, and poured forth a flood of precedents in condemna-
tion of a claim which had been put forward at his own motion
a few days before. The House at once followed him in his
retractation, and acknowledged by its vote that it had no right
to inflict punishment for any general grievance without the
concurrence of the House of Lords. It declared that if Mom-
pesson had been committed to the custody of the Serjeant-at-
Arms, it was merely as a measure of precaution, till the Lords
had decided upon his fate.
The Commons accordingly asked for a conference. Every
day charges were accumulating against Mompesson. The part
which he had played in carrying out the patent for
pesson's gold and silver thread, and another patent for the
discovery of Crown estates which had improperly
found their way into the hands of private owners, was not
forgotten. Before the last-named patent, it was said, no man's
property would be safe. A century of quiet possession would
not suffice, if the slightest flaw could be discovered in his title.
Coke immediately brought in a bill to bar the claim of the
Crown after sixty years' possession. But it was evident, from
the language used, that the House would not be satisfied with
providing for the future. Mompesson was thoroughly alarmed.
When the officers were sent to arrest him, he asked leave to
step for an instant into another room, jumped out of window,
and fled for his life. As soon as his escape was known, the
ports were stopped ; and at the request of the two Houses a
proclamation was issued for his apprehension. It was too
late, as he had already succeeded in crossing the Channel ; and
the Commons were forced to content themselves with the ex-
i62r THE REFEREES. 45
pulsion of the fugitive from the seat in their House which he
was hardly likely to re-occupy.1
The feeling that the Commons were in earnest spread
rapidly. Even Buckingham, insolent as he usually was in the
Bucking- face °f opposition, partook of the alarm. He knew
ham's alarm. tjjat ^js declared enemies could muster a consider-
able party amongst the Lords, and that the petition against the
Scotch and Irish Peers had been, in reality, a demonstration
against himself.2 If the Commons chose to turn upon him as
the real author of the obnoxious patents, was he certain of
finding an impartial tribunal in the Upper House ? The base
metal which lay concealed beneath the splendid tinsel of his
arrogance stood revealed at the touch of danger. He chose a
March 3. moment when Coke happened to be present at the
^ona!neck bar, to tell the Lords that he had always believed
referees. that the patents were for the good of the country.
If it were not so, the blame lay with the referees, who had
reported in their favour.3
Even if Buckingham had refrained from this ungenerous
attack, it was hardly possible that the burning question of the
referees could be avoided much longer. How could security
be obtained for the future, unless the circumstances were
investigated under which Mompesson's abuses had received
the countenance of these great officers of state. If Bacon were
right in his interpretation of the law, it was the law that must
be altered. If he were wrong, the true interpretation of the
law must be placed beyond doubt. It was a further question
whether, if the law had been broken, it had been broken with
the interested connivance of its highest guardians, the Lord
Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice. Had there been no
higher motive at work, it would have been both unjust and
impolitic in the Commons to turn their vengeance upon the
subordinate ministers of iniquity, whilst they closed their eyes
to the sanction given in high places to the evil work.
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 103, 108, 112, 114; Commons' Journals ,
i. 530-533. Locke to Carleton, March 3, S. P. Dom. cxx. 6.
2 Despatch of Tillieres, March — , Raunur, ii. 306.
* Commons' Journals, i. 537.
46 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
In spite of the weight of these considerations, so anxious
was the House to remain on good terms with the King,
that during the fortnight which had elapsed since
Cranfieid Noy and Coke had opened the attack upon the
fn^igt referees, only a single voice had been raised in
support of their proposal. That voice was Cran-
field's, and Cranfieid regarded Bacon with that supercilious
contempt which a man who has risen in the world by a
thorough knowledge of the details of business is too frequently
accustomed to feel for the more polished intellect of a philo-
sophic statesman. Nor was Cranfieid inclined to measure his
words in speaking of those whom he disliked. His language
was rough and uncourteous. If, for the time being, he stooped
to flatter Buckingham, he made amends by barking at every-
body else. It was from no enlarged views of political economy
that he opposed the patents. He would have found it difficult
to give any reason against them which would have squared
with his ideas on the general course of trade. But just as
Coke regarded them from the point of view of a common-law
judge, so Cranfieid looked upon them from the point of view
of a City tradesman. Why they were injudicious he would
have found it hard to say. But he saw that their immediate
effect was to disarrange the course of trade. It is thus that
the experience of practical men corrects the mistaken theories
of the learned, and that Coke and Cranfieid, inconsistent as
they were with themselves, were able to raise a warning voice
against the splendid mischief which Bacon, consistent in his
errors, had conceived.
Cranfield's hostility to Bacon was, no doubt, rendered more
acute by a dispute which had arisen on a point of jurisdiction
between the Court of Wards and the Court of Chancery.
When, early in the session, complaints had been brought
against his own Court, he had cleverly placed himself at the
head of the movement, and had ostentatiously courted inquiry. '
Strong in the popularity which he had thus acquired, he was
not long in assuming the offensive. On February 24, he asked
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 44.
1 62 1 GOLD AND SILVER THREAD. 47
that, to clear the honour of the King, the referees should
be subjected to an examination. On the 27th he
Feb 27
repeated his demand. He wished to know why
they had presumed to certify the lawfulness of any patent that
was a grievance.1 But the House made no response. Even
in the matter of the disputed jurisdiction he found but little
support. A committee was appointed to investigate the
question, and recommended that counsel should be heard on
both sides. Against this remissness Cranfield protested. It
was not enough for him to obtain a decision that Bacon's claim
to jurisdiction was unfounded. He wished to have it proclaimed
to the world that Bacon's judgment had been unjust.2
Events were fighting on Cranfield's side. On March 3,
the very day on which Buckingham was frightened into his
March 3. declaration against the referees, the House of Com-
Jiidsffver mons> at tne motion of Sir Robert Phelips, turned
thread. jts attention to the patent for gold and silver thread.
A committee was appointed to examine Michell and Yelverton
in the Tower,3 and its report was delivered on the 5th by
Phelips. He told the story of the successive patents and
proclamations, each one more stringent than the last. Bacon,
Mandeville, and Yelverton had certified in favour of the
monopoly. The whole business, it appeared, had been utterly
mismanaged. The silver and gold had been alloyed with lead.
The coin had been melted down. Measures of such doubtful
legality that Yelverton shrank from sharing in them, had been
employed to maintain the villany. But he had yielded at last
to the threats of Sir Edward Villiers, and to fear of the ill con-
sequences of resisting a brother of the favourite.4
Phelips's statement was confirmed by further inquiry. The
names of Mompesson and Michell acquired fresh notoriety
as the active members of the commission by which the
monopoly was enforced. It was since Mompesson's name had
been added to the list that the workmen complained of in-
creased tyranny and harshness.
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 89, 103. 2 Commons' Journals, i. 537.
* Proceedings and Debates, i. 117. 4 Ibid. i. 1 20.
48 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
Every element of opposition in the House was united in
disgust at these revelations. The champions of the common
law were justly dissatisfied with the creation of an arbitrary
tribunal which sent men to prison without the interference of
a jury. The advocates, or those who thought themselves the
advocates, of liberty of trade were displeased by the restriction
placed upon the freedom of labour, whilst those whose great
commercial doctrine was the preservation of the precious
metals were horrified when they heard of the treatment to
which the coin had been subjected. On March 8, a
committee was ordered, not only to lay before the
Lords the complaint of the House against Mompesson, but to
demand, in set terms, an inquiry into the conduct of the
referees. l
That afternoon the Lords listened to the long complaint of
the Lower House. The grievances of the inns, of the con-
The cealed lands, and of the gold and silver thread,
Commons were recited in order. But not a word was said
inquiry into about the referees. This part of the charge had been
the condi i entruste(j to two iawyers, Sir Heneage Finch and
referees. Thomas Crew ; and either because they had no
definite information on which to found a charge, or for some
other reason, they held their peace. But Finch and Crew
were not allowed to persist in their prudential silence. They
were bidden to go back the next day, and to neglect to deliver
their message at their peril.2
It was all very well for Buckingham to shift the blame
from his own shoulders to those of the referees. But no such
course was possible for James. Whatever might be the exact
forms assumed by the inquiry into the conduct of Bacon and
Mandeville, it was plain that it would be, in effect, a revival of
the old parliamentary system of impeachment, which would
carry with it a reversal of the whole constitutional policy
of the Tudors. Within the memory of living man no minister
of the Crown had been practically regarded as responsible to
anyone but the Sovereign. For James, therefore, to allow
1 Commons' Journals, \. 546.
8 Ibid. L 547. Woodford to Nethersole, March 15, S, P. Germany.
i62i INQUIRY INSISTED ON, 49
the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Treasurer to be called in
question by Parliament would be to sacrifice that claim to
sovereignty for "which he had always so persistently struggled.
James, therefore, resolved to do his best to stem the tide.
On the morning of the day on which Finch and Crew were to
Mar. 10. return with the message which they had omitted to
r^silt^in? deliver, he summoned the Commons to appear be-
quiry. fore him in the Upper House. He wished to know,
he said, upon what they founded their claim to omnipotence ?
They had no precedents for what they were doing, excepting
from times of confusion and anarchy. What had such cases
to do with the age in which they were living ? The sceptre was
now in the hands of a wise and legitimate Sovereign, and it was
to him that the honour of directing the government should
be left.
" Before Parliament met," he added, " my subjects, when-
ever they had any favour to ask, used to come either to me or
to Buckingham. But now, as if we had both ceased to exist,
they go to the Parliament. All this is most disrespectful. I
will, therefore, tell you a fable. In the days when animals
could speak, there was a cow burthened with too heavy a tail,
and, before the end of the winter, she had it cut off. When
the summer came, and the flies began to annoy her, she would
gladly have had her tail back again. I and Buckingham are
like the cow's tail, and when the session is over you will be
glad to have us back again to defend you from abuses."
Never was a grave constitutional question argued in a
stranger way. The King's apologue, as may well be imagined,
made but very little impression on his hearers. The
of the first act of the Commons, on returning from the
Commons. j i /• i
scene, was to send messengers to make fresh ar-
rangements for the conference in the afternoon. The King,
who was still within the precincts of the House of Lords, was
deeply annoyed. Hurrying back in a passion, he seized upon
the first excuse that came to hand as a channel for his dis-
satisfaction. It happened that the Subsidy Bill, which was
to carry out the resolution passed a fortnight before, was
to have gone through committee in the Commons on that
VOL. IV. E
50 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
very afternoon. James chose to believe that by asking for a
conference, the Lower House was deliberately postponing the
relief of the Exchequer to its own grievances. With an angry
face, and a volley of oaths, he told the Peers that they must
forbid the Commons from meddling with any business what-
ever till the Subsidy Bill was passed. The Lords begged to
be excused. They had arranged, they said, that the conference
was to take place that afternoon, and they could not break their
word. If his Majesty wished, he could send the message himself.
James was accordingly driven to send his orders through the
Attorney- General. Coventry was received with all due respect
by the Commons. The conference, he was told, could not
now be abandoned. But as soon as it was over they would
return to their own House, and would take good care that the
Subsidy Bill should go through committee, if they sat till ten
at night.1
The Commons had shown that they at least knew how to
keep their temper, and James learnt that his resistance had
charge done him no service. In the afternoon Finch and
agaiKM&e Crew laid before the Lords their charges against the
referees. referees. It was then that a scene occurred which
showed how deeply the spirit of opposition had penetrated the
Upper House. Bacon and Mandeville attempted to reply to
the charges which affected them so deeply. As soon as they
had finished, Coke asked whether this reply was to be taken
as proceeding from the House. With one accord the Lords
who were present answered with a bare negative. Not a voice
was raised on behalf of the King's theory that the
March 12. _ . . . . . -11
Commons had no right to interfere with the con-
duct of his ministers. Nor was this all. At the next sitting
Bacon and Mandeville were taken sharply to task by Pembroke
for speaking at a conference without permission, and were
compelled to apologise to the House for their breach of its
1 Woodford to Nethersole, March 15, S. P. Germany. Salvetti's
Nfws-Letter, March *-. Salvetti's ignorance of the forms of the House
has led to some inaccuracies in his account of the affair of the Subsidy
Bill. But these mistakes are easily set right, and are not of a nature to
throw any doubt over the general correctness of his narrative.
1 62 1 WILLIAMS GIVES ADVICE. 51
rules. Even Pembroke's language was too respectful for the
members of his party. He had spoken of the offenders, in
the common language of the day, as ' two great lords.' At the
motion of Lord Spencer, the friend and warm political sup-
porter of Southampton, it was unanimously resolved that ' no
lords of this House are to be named great lords, for they are
all peers. ' J
These signs were not lost upon Buckingham. Though his
name had not been mentioned, he knew well that by a large
March Party in both Houses he was regarded with marked
Bucking- disfavour, and that in the private conversation of the
members, his downfall was not unfrequently spoken
of as the necessary sequence of the measures which had been
taken against the referees.2 As the readiest mode of escaping
the danger, therefore, he began to put forth his influence with
the King in favour of a speedy dissolution.
In his distress he turned towards Williams for advice. The
worldly-wise Dean of Westminster was shrewd enough to dis-
Advice of cern tne risks which attended the course upon which
Wiihams. h;s patron was entering. " Do not quarrel with the
Parliament," he said in effect, " for hunting down delinquents.
It is its proper work. Have no fear lest your reputation
should suffer. Put yourself at the head of the movement.
Swim with the tide, and you cannot be drowned. If, in order
to save some cormorants, you assist to break up this Parlia-
ment, which is now in pursuit of justice, you will pluck up a
sluice which will overwhelm yourself. The King will find it a
great disservice before the year is out. The storm will gather
again, and your counsel will be remembered against you.
Rather let those empty fellows, Mompesson and Michell, be
made victims of the public wrath. Cast all monopolies into
the Dead Sea after them. I have searched in the signet office,
and have collected almost forty. Revoke them all. Hearken
1 Commons' Journals, i. 550. Lords' Journals, iii. 42.
2 " II Signer Marchese . . . cerca di giustificarsi col Parlamento
dell' impressione che hanno di lui. II quale se sapra con venti tanto
contrarii guidare la sua barca non fara pcco." Salvetti's News-Letter,
March 9- . Compare the letter oi March ^.
19 26
E 2
52 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxin.
not to Rehoboam's earwigs, who would advise the King to levy
money otherwise than by a Parliamentary grant." l
Buckingham was charmed with this advice. He hurried
the dean off to James, who received the counsel as if it had
its accept- been a revelation from heaven. In appearance it
ance. coincided with that which Bacon had given before
the meeting of Parliament. That James should lead the
Commons rather than contend with them was an easy recom-
mendation. But it was one thing to advise the King to take
note of the current of popular opinion, and to anticipate com-
plaint by the correction of abuses. It was another thing to urge
him to turn upon the agents of those abuses, and to sacrifice
to popular clamour the tools whose misdemeanours might, for
the most part, be traced to his own carelessness and inefficiency.2
Bacon knew that it was at him that the blow was principally
1 Racket's Life of Williams, 50. In the speech as it there stands, the
following often-quoted passage occurs : — " Delay not a day before you
give your brother, Sir Edward, a commisFion for an embassage to some of
the Princes of Germany or the Netherlands, and despatch him over the
seas before he be missed. " Such is the prevailing ignorance of the details
of this reign, that even well-informed writers have allowed themselves to
believe that this nonsense is a genuine report of Williams's words. Of
course Williams said nothing of the kind. Villiers left England in January,
and returned in April. When he left there was no expectation of any dis-
turbance in Parliament. I suspect Williams said, "Keep your brother
from returning," or something of the kind. Some such plan was in con-
templation. Salvetti, writing on the — th of March, says, 'Villiers non
dovra ritornare cosi presto, o almeno fino che questa assemblea del Parla-
mento duri. "
The speech is, however, too characteristic to be altogether imaginary,
and was perhaps set down from memory, when the exact nature of the
advice given about Villiers was forgotten. In the same speech, " Lord
Posthumius " is of course a mere printer's or copyist's blunder, for L., i.e.
Lucius Posthumius, an error which would hardly be worth notice, if it
had not been sometimes supposed to be an allusion to Bacon. In the next
page Racket boldly states that ' Sir E. Villiers was sent abroad and re-
turned not till September following. ' This is an evident confusion arising
from a dim recollection of Villiers's second mission in the autumn.
2 We are not told what was the date of Williams's interview. But
judging from the change in the King's tone, I should suppose it to have
taken place on the nth.
i62i BUCKINGHAM COURTS THE COMMONS. 53
aimed. His old rival, Coke, had been accepted as a leader by
the House of Commons, and, as was always the case with him,
had thrown himself heart and soul into the part which for the
moment he happened to play. It was probably about this time
that Bacon appealed to the King in words which, if they were
spoken on his own behalf, conveyed his honest opinion on the
danger incurred by the Crown in abandoning its counsellors to
a Parliamentary inquiry. " Those that will strike at your
Chancellor," he said, " it is much to be feared, will strike at your
crown. I wish that as I am the first, I may be the last of
sacrifices." At the same time Bacon applied to Buckingham
for his good offices with the King. Buckingham told him that
he stood too high in his master's favour to need any aid from
him. " That may be true," replied Bacon, " but I have always
observed that, however bright a fire may be, it burns more
brightly if it is blown." l
If James was to shield the referees — and it ' is hard to see
how he could do otherwise, unless he was to abandon his whole
position as a king — he must show that he was on the side of
those who wished the destruction of the monopolies which the
referees had supported. This was precisely what he now made
up his mind to do. When he once came to know that Michell
The King's an(i Mompesson had abused their powers, he was
message. just as \fcQ\y to wish to see them punished as any
member of the Commons. On the i2th, he sent a message to
the Commons, thanking them for their alacrity in pushing on
the Subsidy Bill, and assuring them of his readiness to redress
their grievances. In the Upper House, Buckingham played
his part with the readiness of an accomplished actor. At a
March 13. conference which took place on the i3th he stepped
ham^s d?- forward to speak, though he was not a member of
ciaration ^g Committee.2 Before such a breach of order the
against
Monopolies, fault committed by Bacon and Mandeville shrank
into insignificance, and he was at once reduced to silence by
Southampton. But Buckingham was not to be restrained so
easily. He stepped back into the House, and returned with
leave to say what he pleased.
1 Bacon's Letters and Life, vii. 199. 2 Proceedings and Debates, i. 143.
54 THE MONOPOLIES. CH. xxxni.
When he came back he spoke with unexpected vehemence.
His brother Edward, he said, and his brother Christopher, had
been named in the complaints of the Commons. If his father
had begotten two sons to be grievances to the commonwealth,
he must tell them that the same father had begotten a third son
who would help in punishing them. It was the first time that
he had known what a Parliament was, and he was ready to do
everything in his power to further the welfare of the King and
of the nation.
Smarting under the humiliation which he had undergone
Buckingham hastened back once more to the House of Lords, to
complain of Southampton's interruption. Hot words
His quarrel ,,.-1 i • -11 1 r
with South- passed on both sides, and it was said that, but for
the interposition of the Prince of Wales, swords
would have been drawn. The arrogant favourite was obliged to
explain that he had been absent when the censure was passed
upon Bacon and Mandeville, and that he was consequently
ignorant of the order against which he had offended.
Very different was the bearing of the Lower House when
Buckingham's words were reported to them. The Commons
Th had no personal animosities to gratify. In their zeal
Commons for the public good they did not care to scrutinise
themselves too closely the motives of the magnificent favourite's
conversion. All thought of opposition to him was
at once abandoned. On the i4th, the Bill against Monopolies,
which had been brought in by Coke three days before, was
read a second time. On the i5th, the charge against
Mompesson was put into its final shape, and was carried up to
the House of Lords. This time not a syllable was breathed
against the referees.1
The Commons had shown that they were possessed of that
political tact which is of more value than any temporary suc-
cess. It is true that the right of inquiry into the conduct of
high officers of state was the keystone of their position. But,
for the time, it was of greater importance to define the law
1 Woodford to Nethersole, March 15, S. P. Germany. Meddus to
Mead, Harl. MSS. 389, fol 26b, Proceedings and Debates, i. 150. ii.
App. 6.
1 62 1 LEGISLATION REQUIRED. 55
than to punish offenders. , It was certain that they could not
proceed against the referees without alienating the King. If,
on the other hand, they could convert into law the
Monopoly Bill which was before them, it would never again be
in the power of any minister, however high in favour,
to divert disputes relating to commercial privileges from the
ordinary courts.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
THE FALL OF LORD CHANCELLOR BACON.
EVEN after the demand for an inquiry into the conduct of the
referees had been withdrawn, Bacon must have felt that,
Bacon's though the immediate danger had passed by, his
position. position was still insecure. In the House of Lords
his connection with Buckingham told against him. The Com-
mons, it is true, had withdrawn their charges against him in
deference to the King, but they were in no humour to criticise
very closely any accusation brought against him \vhich did not
involve an attack on the royal prerogative. Whatever may
be the judgment finally passed on his conduct with respect
to the patents, it is impossible that he can have been re-
garded by his political opponents, in the full blaze of the
revelations of Mompesson's villany, in any other light than in
that of a sycophant and a tyrant.
Since its appointment at the commencement of the session,
the committee for inquiring into abuses in courts of justice
had held its sittings regularly on Wednesday after-
noons. On February 28, its attention was drawn
in chancery. tQ the Delinquencies of the registrars of the Court
of Chancery. These men, amongst whom a certain John
Churchill was especially notorious, were accustomed to add
to their regular fees by the practice of forging orders, and
entering them as if they had been delivered by the Court.
Bacon's character was not affected by this discovery in the
slightest degree, but it gave the delinquents a special mo-
i62i CRANFIELD ATTACKS BACON. 57
live for purchasing impunity by informing against their
superiors. l
The Committee did not meet again till March 14. Cran-
field,2 who saw that, since Buckingham's speech on the pre-
March i ceding day, his opportunity of calling the referees
Bills of Con- to account was slipping away, led the attack against
Bacon by complaining of his practice of issuing
Bills of Conformity. These Bills, by which the Court of
Chancery had been in the habit of extending its protection
over insolvent debtors who were able to make out a case for
its interference, were attacked by the Master of the Wards in
the true spirit of a London shopkeeper. Cranfield even went
so far as to declare that, compared with these, Mompesson's
knaveries were but a trifle. " It were as good," he said, " a
man took away a purse as hinder him recover by justice his
due debt." Coke followed on the same side. He could not
believe that there were such proceedings in any court of justice.
Sir Dudley Digges, who had just returned from a mission to
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 109. These forgeries must, as a rule,
have related to matters of small weight, which would escape the notice of
the Court. On one occasion on which Churchill ventured to tamper with
a decree of importance he was, as will be seen, detected immediately.
2 In his anxiety to prove that there was a good understanding between
Buckingham and Cranfield, Mr. Hepworth Dixon (Story of Lord Bacon's
Life, 371) has said that Cranfield received a grant of ' a considerable share of
the fines which belonged of right to the officers of Bacon's court,' by which
he got 'a pretext for overhauling the Entry Books and scrutinising the
receipt of fees.' No doubt Mrs. Green, in her Calendar, states that Cran-
field received a grant of the alienation fines on Dec. 22, 1620. But her
statement that it was made to Lord Cranfield at once provokes suspicion,
as there was no such person in existence at the date, and a reference to the
Patent Rolls shows that she was led into error by a mistake in an old
index. The grant was made, not in 1620 but in 1621. It could not well
be otherwise, as the fines belonged not to Bacon's officers, but to Bacon
himself, and till he surrendered them after his sentence it was not in the
King's power to grant them to Cranfield. Mrs. Green's reputation for
accuracy stands deservedly so high that it is always worth while to notice
any of the slips which are to be found, few and far between, in that
calendar which few have had opportunity of testing so thoroughly as
myself.
58 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
Amsterdam on behalf of the East India Company, spoke the
sentiments of the more reasonable traders, who did not alto-
gether regard a debtor as a wild beast to be hunted down
without mercy. In old times, he said, there were certain
definite cases in which these bills had been granted, ' but
now, it is to be feared, that the latitude of the jurisdiction of
that Court had brought in many mischiefs.' He wished that
something might be done, in order that it might ' not lie in the
breast of one man, be it whosoever, to use so large a power,
but that he might be tied to the old rules and bounds of
Chancery, which is only to mitigate the rigour of the law.' l
Digges had evidently made out a case for inquiry. Dislike
of technicalities, and confidence in his own powers, were the
fertile sources of Bacon's errors. In his eagerness to supersede
the imperfections of the existing law, he sometimes forgot to
calculate the risk of pouring contempt upon law itself, or to
remember that it is only by the establishment of general rules
that progress is possible. In his desire to crush opposition to
the gold and silver thread patent, which had, as he firmly
believed, been established for the benefit of the common-
wealth, he had sanctioned the operations of an arbitrary
tribunal, which might in after times be imitated for the worst
of purposes, and it is by no means impossible that in the
hope of giving protection to a struggling debtor, he may have
countenanced measures which, if reduced into a rule, would
have made honest trade impossible.
Every day was thus increasing the alienation between
Bacon and the House of Commons. Yet there can have
been few amongst the members who did not feel
Bacon
charged with a shock when Christopher Aubrey appeared at the
bar with a petition in which the Chancellor was
directly charged with bribery.
Aubrey had many years previously been employed by
Sir William Brunker, as a receiver of certain fines, called the
Aubrey's Issues of Jurors, which had been leased to him by
the King. The two men had quarrelled, and an
action at common law resulted in a judgment in Aubrey's
1 Proceedings and Debates^ i. 157-159.
1 62 1 AUBREY'S CASE. 59
favour. Brunker appealed to the Court of Chancery, and in
April, 1618, the suit came on for a hearing before Bacon. On
the whole the Chancellor expressed himself in Brunker's favour,
but declined to give any positive opinion till the accounts had
been subjected to a strict examination.1 Some weeks passed
by, and no satisfactory explanation of his claims could be
extracted from Aubrey.2 It was not, it would seem, in the
correctness of his figures that the strength of his case was to
be found. He had already, unless he is grossly belied, bribed
and cajoled at least two witnesses to give evidence in his
favour. He now ventured on a bolder step. On June i, he
placed ioo/. in the hands of his counsel, Sir George Hastings,
and requested him to give it to the Chancellor himself. The
money, he was subsequently informed, had been given and
accepted, and he confidently looked forward to a favourable
decision upon his case. In less than a fortnight, however, he
was undeceived. On the i3th, " a killing order," as he after-
wards termed it, ejected him from his post, and appointed a
new receiver in his place. Under these circumstances, the
production of his accounts became a necessity. His case
occupied the court for more than two years ; and it was not
till November, 1620, that Bacon finally announced his award,
which acknowledged the justice of many of his claims, but
which, as it did not give him all that he had asked, left him a
dissatisfied man.3
Brooding over his injuries, Aubrey determined to appeal to
1 Affidavits of Brunker and Twine, Oct. 23, 1617, Chancery Affidavits,
Mich. T. 1617, Nos. 157, 158. Orders, Brunker v. Aubrey, Oct. 20,
1617; April 29, 1618, Order Book, 1617, A. fol. 71,955.
2 Orders, Brunker v. Aubrey, May 5, 16, 17, 1618, Order Book, 1617,
A. fol. 931, 937, 1246.
3 Affidavits of Ware, Jolly, and Worrall, April 21, June 25, July 24,
1618, Chancery Affidavits, Hil. T. 1617-18, No. 634; Trin. T. 1618,
Nos. 186, 211. Orders, Brunker v. Aubrey, June 13, 1618 ; Nov. 14,
1620, Order Book, 1617, A. fol. HOI, 1620, B. fol. 460. In Proceedings
and Debates, the date of the "killing order" is erroneously given as
July 13, and the bribe is said to have been given on July i. No doubt
both these should be June. The mistake would easily be made in tran-
scribing from Nicholas's shorthand notes.
60 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
the House of Commons. According to the petition which he
now presented, he had met with nothing but delay,
His petition
to the through no fault of his own. It was at Hastings's
advice that he had sent the TOO/, to the Chancellor.
But though the money had been taken, justice had not been
done.
Aubrey's petition at once called up Hastings, who happened
to be a member of the House. He denied that he had ever
Explanation given any advice of the kind. Aubrey had placed
of Hastings. jn his hands a box, which he presented to the
Chancellor, without knowing what was in it. Mr. Aubrey,
he had said, had been a bountiful client to him, and he there-
fore begged his lordship to accept the present. At the same
time he had asked him to do the poor man justice without
delay. Bacon had hesitated for a moment, had said that it
was too much, and had finally accepted it as a present from
himself, and not from Aubrey.1
Though the witnesses contradicted one another upon
points of detail, the story was sufficiently startling to arrest the
attention of the House. It was followed by revelations more
startling still.
Edward Egerton was one of those impracticable persons
who never fail to gather round them every element of dis-
Eariyhis- turbance, and who pass their lives in complaining
Edward °* misfortunes which are for the most part the fruit
Egerton. of their own wrongheadedness. He had inherited
from his father the estate of Wrynehill in Staffordshire, together
with other lands in the neighbourhood. Being burthened
with a load of debt, he applied for assistance to Sir John
Egerton, the head of the Cheshire family of Egertons, to which
he was very distantly related.2 Sir John consented to help
him, and paid his debts. Edward Egerton, in return, executed
two conveyances, by the first of which he assured to his bene-
factor the succession of his estates in case of his own death
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 160, 164, Bacon's Works, ed. Montagu,
xvi., note G. G. G.
- The common ancestor lived in the reign of Edward I. Ormerod's
History of Cheshire, iii. 350.
i62i EDWARD EGERTOWS CASE. 6l
without issue, and by the second, which was probably educed
by fresh assistance to him in his difficulties, he unconditionally
made over to Sir John the whole of his landed property. It
was noticed that the two men continued on friendly terms with
one another, and were frequently seen riding about in company.
Yet when Sir John died, in 1614, it was not without surprise
that his neighbours learned that, after making provision for
his widow, he had bequeathed the whole of his property to his
spendthrift cousin, to the entire exclusion of his own children. l
The heir, thus strangely nominated, took possession of the
whole estate, and Rowland Egerton, Sir John's eldest son, lost
no time in appealing to Chancery for redress.
In December 1615, Ellesmere delivered judgment, as far
as the case was then ripe for a decision. Sir John had, a few
His dispute years before his death, executed a deed by which a
Rowland large part of his lands, including the estate at Wryne-
Egerton. ^{i^ was conveyed to the trustees of his son Rowland's
marriage settlement, and Ellesmere had no difficulty in deciding
Eiiesmere's tnat tneir claim came before that of Edward Egerton.
judgment. j^s J-Q ^g remaining lands, which alone would be
affected by the will, he suspended his judgment till the validity
of that document had been tested in the Prerogative Court ;
and till this decision could be obtained, the claimants were to
remain in possession of those lands which had belonged to
their respective fathers.2
Fair as this judgment was, Edward Egerton was grievously
dissatisfied. He had made up his mind that the second con-
veyance, by which he had surrendered his own
Egerton's lands to Sir John, was a mere formality, and the dis-
covery that his kinsman had taken it in earnest, and
had, by including the manor-house at Wrynehill in his son's
marriage settlement, put it out of his power to return to the
1 Chancery Depositions, James I. E. 4, E. 15. Egerton v. Egerton.
Will of Sir J. Egerton, recited in the Inquisition, p.m., Chancery Inquisi-
tions, 21 Jac. I. Part 2, No. 104. It is only fair to E. Egerton to say that
he was not present when Sir John's will was made.
2 Orders, Egerton v. Egerton, June 28, 1614 ; Dec. 4, 1615, Order
Book, 1613 A. fol. 955 ; 1615 A. fol. 574.
62 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
home of his fathers, was a grievous blow. He determined to
spare no effort to overthrow the decision of the Chancellor.
He placed every obstacle in the way of the division of the lands,
and attempted to get into his possession the deed by which he
had relinquished his rights. Bacon's first action in the matter
after he received the seal, was to order that Egerton's application
for this document should be refused. All deeds were to remain
in Court till the question of the validity of the will had been
determined elsewhere.1
As soon as this order was delivered, Bacon may well have
thought that the question, so far as he was concerned, was
finally settled. The battle which had hitherto been
His attempt . J
to bribe carried on in the Court of Chancery, was to be trans-
ferred to the Prerogative Court ; and in the natural
course of things, the Court of King's Bench would be called
upon, if necessary, to pronounce a final sentence upon the
ownership. It was not, therefore, likely, that Bacon would
have anything further to do with the matter, except perhaps to
give his formal assent to the decision of other judges.
Eight days afterwards, Egerton asked to speak to Bacon,
and was told by Sir Richard Young, that the Lord Keeper was
too busy to see him. Upon this he produced a bag contain-
ing 4oo/., which Young took, and, in the presence of Hastings,
delivered to his patron. But for one circumstance, it is not
improbable that Bacon would at once have rejected the money.
It is true that it was the ordinary custom to present the Chan-
cellor with a gratuity at the conclusion of a suit. But it had
been Ellesmere and not Bacon who had given judgment on the
main point, and what little had been done by Bacon in the
matter, had not been of a nature to call for any extravagant
gratitude on the part of the suitor who was now waiting at the
door. It happened, however, that Edward Egerton had been
his client in the earlier stages of the dispute, and it was in this
1 Orders, Egerton v. Egerton, April 1 8, May II, 1616 ; May 28,
June 2, 1617, Order Book, 1615 A. fol. 647, 804; 1616 A. fol. 818, 798.
It was stated in the House (Proceedings and Debates, i. 184), that there
\\as another order, dated June 1 6. But of this I can find no trace in the
Order Books.
1621 EDWARD EGERTOWS CASE. 63
capacity that he now approached him. The money, Bacon was
told, was offered as a thankful remembrance from a client.
He was to buy with it a suit of hangings for his new abode at
York House. Yet even with this explanation, Bacon was sur-
prised at the largeness of the sum. Not long before, a present
of plate had been brought him by the same client.
accepts the He now took the purse, poised it in his hand, said
that it was too much, and that he could not accept
it. Yet at last he gave way to the repeated assurance that pay-
ment for past services was intended. He put the money aside,
and told Young to assure the donor that ' he had not only en-
riched him, but had laid a tie on him to do him justice in all
his rightful causes.' l
That the money was intended as a bribe it is impossible to
doubt. In a few months, the whole question was re-opened.
Revival of The will had been declared valid, but the two parties,
the suit. unwilling to prosecute the matter further in a com-
mon law court, begged the King to refer it to Bacon's arbitration.
When at last the Chancellor's decision was pronounced,
Egerton found, as Aubrey had found before, that his money
had been thrown away. By a statute of the reign of Henry
VIII., only two-thirds of such lands as were held by knight
service were devisable by will. Bacon accordingly decided
that two-thirds of the lands not included in the settlement were
to go to Edward Egerton, and the other third to Rowland.
The judgment, in the eyes of unprejudiced persons, was
unassailable. The validity of the disputed will had been ac-
knowledged, and everything was now done for Edward Egerton
that the law permitted. But in the eye of this litigious and
impracticable suitor all this was as nothing. He wanted the
reversal of Ellesmere's judgment and the declaration of the
nullity of his own conveyance to Sir John. As long as the
hated Rowland was master of Wrynehill, his life was embittered.
He at once refused to submit to the decree, and Bacon was
obliged to direct that the arbitration should be converted into
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 161 ; Baton's Works, ed. Montagu, xvi.
note G. G. G.
64 THE FALL OF BACON. CK. xxxiv.
a formal suit. At last, in 1619, he re-affirmed his previous
judgment in the shape of a binding decree.1
There can be no doubt that this decision was substantially
just. By Bacon's permission, Edward Egerton brought his
Further case in another form before the King's Bench ; and
Edward* m l620 judgment was given against him. In 1622
Egerton. jje appiied for redress to Williams, who had suc-
ceeded Bacon as Lord Keeper, and was by him referred
once more to the courts of common law, a permission which
was only rendered useless by Egerton's stubborn refusal to
try the case on any of the issues which were tendered to him.
In the next reign, after the disgrace of Williams, he lost no
time in applying to Coventry, the new Lord Keeper. The
judges to whom the matter was referred by Coventry, reported
against re-opening the case. Yet, in spite of this, he was
allowed a fresh hearing ; and once more he failed to make out
his claims. Seldom has any judgment been subjected to such
an ordeal, with such triumphant success.2
Such, as far as it is now possible to recover the truth, is the
history of the two cases which were brought before a Committee
Proceedin °^ t^ie wno^e House by the disappointed bribers. In
of the one respect, indeed, they differed widely from
Commons. • -r i_ i r i
ordinary cases of corruption. In both of them, the
complaint was, not that the Chancellor had decided for, but
that he had decided against, the person by whom the money
was given. Yet there was surely enough to justify further in-
vestigation, especially as Egerton produced written evidence to
prove that he had not only attempted to bribe the Chancellor,
but had promised to pay 6,ooo/. to one of Bacon's servants
named Davenport, and to Dr. Field, who had subsequently
become Bishop of Llandaff, as soon as they could procure a
judgment in his favour.
The case was not much altered by further inquiry. A fort-
1 Order, Egerton v. Egerton, June 16, 1619, Order Hook, 1618 A. fol.
1409.
* Report of Doderidge, Hutton, and Yelverton, Nov. 19, 1627.
Egerton v. Egerton, Masters' Reports. Order. Egerton v. Egerton,
June 1 6, 1632. Order Book, 1631 A. fol. 794.
i62i BACON CHARGED WITH BRIBERY. 65
night before, it seemed, Hastings had told Bacon that Aubrey
intended to bring a complaint against him. " Well,
March 15. ° r °
Further George," had been the Chancellor's reply, " if you lay
it on me, I must deny it on my honour ; " and, unless
his words had been misunderstood, he had recently made a
similar declaration with respect to Egerton's story. An attempt
was made by John Finch to turn the current of indignation
against Hastings. He believed, he said, that it was true that
Aubrey's money had been given to Hastings, but that Hastings
had kept it in his pocket. Such assertions were out of place at
this stage of the proceedings. The question was not whether
the charges against Bacon were true, but whether there was
sufficient evidence to make it worth while to further investigate
the matter. The Committee therefore wisely decided upon
reporting to the House that in both cases there were causes
depending in Chancery at the time when the money was given.
That the Commons were in some degree prejudiced against
Bacon on account of his conduct in the affair of the patents,
it would be impossible to deny. But there was no
March 16. . .
Feeling of wish to deal with him unjustly. On March 16, the
use' question of the disputed jurisdiction between the
Chancery and the Court of Wards came up for discussion.
The debate was opened by Cranfield with his usual arrogance.
But the House decided that there had been faults on both
sides, and forced a member who had cast aspersions upon
Bacon's character, to give a less offensive meaning to his
words. l
On the 1 7th, the report of the Committee on the charges
of bribery was brought in by Phelips. His language was sin-
gularly temperate. He reviewed the evidence at
March 17. & }
The debate some length, and pointed out the absolute necessity
cLrgts of of a complete investigation. "It is a cause," he
bribery. said, " of great weight. It concerns every man here.
For, if the fountains be muddy, what will the streams be ? If
the great dispenser of the King's conscience be corrupt, who
can have any courage to plead before him ? " He concluded
1 Commons' Journals, i. 558 ; Proceedings and Debates, i. 183.
VOL. IV. F
66 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
by moving that they should ' present this business singly to the
Lords, and deliver it without exasperation.' It would be im-
possible to get at the truth in any other way. The Commons
had no power to summon to their bar a peer of the realm, and
they were equally incapacitated from examining his accusers
upon oath. The best course for them to take would be to
leave the matter entirely in the hands of the Upper House.
So precisely did this proposal meet the exigencies of the
case, that Bacon's friends only wasted their breath in pointing
The are out discrepancies in the evidence. Calvert's sugges-
sent up to tion, that the King should be asked to institute an
the Lords. . _ t .. 1 p _^tl . _ .
inquiry, and the wild rants of Christopher Neville
about the Chancellor sitting ' like a minotaur in the labyrinth
of his court, gormandising and devouring all that came before
him,' were equally disregarded by the House. The feeling of
the vast majority was well expressed by Sir George More.
" Were the Lord Chancellor," he said, " never so great, never
so dear unto me, yet the Commonwealth, the mother of us all,
is to be preferred before all. I will not speak in favour, nor
against the Lord Chancellor. For, if it be gold, why should
we fear to try it ? I would have us go to the Lords, because we
cannot do the Chancellor right without it." To such reasoning
there was no reply ; and Phelips was ordered to lay the evi-
dence before the Peers, 'without prejudice or opinion.' l
Meanwhile Bacon was presiding for the last time in the
Upper House. The blow which now fell upon him was entirely
Bacon's unexpected. He seems to have had no conception
feelings. tnat any really well-founded charge could be brought
against him, and to have fancied that the Commons, baffled
in their assault upon him as a referee, were eagerly adopting a
few trumped-up stories in order to punish him for his support
of Mompesson.2 The conduct of the House was, therefore, in
his eyes, a mere factious attack upon authority, to be resisted
1 Commons' Journals, i. 560; Proceedings and Debates, i. 1 88.
2 Such is the feeling which seems to lie at the root of all his sayings at
this time, and to be the explanation of the words used by his secretary
Meautys, " He seeth the way is already chalked out." — Bacon's Works,
ed. Montagu, xvi. note G. G. G.
1 62 1 BACOWS APPEAL. 67
at all hazards. It was not merely his personal honour which
was at stake ; the highest interests of the Crown and of the
State were involved in the contest.
His first thought on March 14, the day on which Aubrey's
accusation was brought before the Commons, was to write
March 14. to Buckingham. Recently — probably in speaking of
S'lSc'k-31 tne a^aif °f tne referees — something had been said
ingham. about the Chancellor's being in purgatory, from
which the favourite perhaps wished him a speedy release.
"Your lordship," wrote Bacon, pouring out his feelings in a
letter which came straight from his heart, if any letter ever did,
"spoke of purgatory; I am now in it, but my mind is in a
calm, for my fortune is not my felicity. I know I have clean
hands, and a clean heart ; and, I hope, a clean house for
friends or servants. But Job himself, or whoever was the
justest judge, by such hunting for matters against him as hath
been used against me, may for a time seem foul, especially in a
time when greatness is the mark, and accusation is the game.
And if this be to be a Chancellor, I think if the Great Seal lay
upon Hounslow Heath nobody would take it up. But the
King and your lordship will, I hope, put an end to these my
straits one way or other. And, in truth, that which I fear most,
is, lest continual attendance and business, together with these
cares, and want of time to do my weak body right this spring
by diet and physic, will cast me down, and that it will be
thought feigning or fainting. But I hope in God I shall hold
out." !
It was perhaps at this time that he replied to some one
who recommended him to look around him, " I look above
me.
'2
That which Bacon feared was not long in coming upon
March is. nim- Under the pressure of anxiety, his health,
'His illness, never very strong at the best, broke down completely.
On the morning of the i8th he was unable to leave his house.
In this state he received a visit from Buckingham, who
1 Bacon to Buckingham, March 14, Letters and Life, vii. 213.
2 Bacon's Works, ed. Montagu, xvi. p. cccxxix.
F 2
68 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
found him, as he afterwards reported, ' very sick and heavy.' !
In one respect, the Chancellor's illness served him
Le^p weu<- ^ would have been impossible for him to
pointed to take his seat on the woolsack till the charges against
preside m
the House him were cleared up to the satisfaction of the Peers ;
and his sickness afforded a good excuse for the
temporary appointment of Chief-Justice Ley to preside in the
House of Lords during his absence.
The result of Buckingham's interview with Bacon may no
doubt be traced in the proceedings of the Commons. " His
Majesty," said Calvert, "hath understood of the
Th^King9' crimes that are laid to the Lord Chancellor's charge,
proposes an(j js sorry that a man whom he hath preferred
to take the • _ r
case into his should be guilty of such great crimes." He was,
own hands. . .
therefore, unwilling that accusations of such a nature
' should lie long on so great a person,' and was ready, in order
to expedite the business, to direct a special commission to six
members of the House of Lords and to twelve members of the
House of Commons. He would see that they took up the
matter vigorously, and that their inquiry was carried on during
the Easter vacation, which was now at hand. He accordingly
wished to have the opinion of the Commons on the course thus
proposed. If they approved of it, he would send a similar
message to the Lords. He hoped that the Chancellor would
be able to establish his innocence ; but if he failed, he was then
prepared ' to show himself a most just King.'
The proposal was no doubt made in all honesty. By his
conduct at the time of the attack upon the referees, James
had shown that he had no intention of sacrificing his ministers
to popular clamour. But the moment that a direct charge
of malversation was brought, he was as ready to consent to
a strict and impartial inquiry as he had six years before been
ready to consent to a similar inquiry in the case of Somerset.
All he asked was that he should have the appointment of the
judges.
No doubt there was much to be said in favour of the
scheme. The House of Lords was, with the single exception
1 Buckingham's Declaration, Lords' Journals, iii. 54.
1 62 1 A NEW TRIBUNAL PROPOSED. 69
of the House of Commons, the most unfit body in existence for
conducting a political trial. Of all its members, now that the
Lord Chancellor was set aside, Mandeville alone had received
a legal education. There were many honourable men amongst
them, though there were many who by no means deserved that
title ; but there were few, even among the best, who were
not swayed one way or another by party feeling, and who
could be depended upon to give a strictly judicial vote. If,
however, some of the peers were factious, and some were
servile, the House was still, as a body, tolerably independent,
and this was more than could be said of the new tribunal which
James proposed to create. That the innovation, if once per-
mitted to come into existence, would be converted into a pre-
cedent, was certain ; and it was no less certain that, whatever
confidence might be reposed in the fairness of the King's in-
tentions in the present instance, it would be highly unwise
to entrust the power of finally deciding upon the guilt or
innocence of Government officials to a shifting and tem-
porary court nominated from time to time by the Crown ;
especially as there would be no other check upon the natural
tendency of the Sovereign to support his ministers, than the
very slight difficulty which he might find in selecting eighteen
satellites of his own from so large a body as that of the two
Houses.
In spite of all the objections which might be brought
against his scheme, James very nearly carried his point.
Reception There was something enticing to superficial obser-
"osafbM-he va-ti°n m the proposal to give twelve votes out of
Commons, eighteen to members of the Lower House. Popular
speakers, like Perrot and Alford, gave in their adhesion to the
Coke's plan. But Coke, whose natural acuteness was on this
objection. occasion sharpened by his dislike of Bacon, threw
the weight of his authority into the opposite scale. " Let us
see," he said, " that this gracious message taketh not away
our parliamentary proceeding." It was not fit, he held, that
any answer should be returned till the Lords had been con-
sulted.
If there was a man in all that assembly qualified to express
70 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
the opinions of those moderate politicians who recoiled from
sir E extremes on either side, it was Sir Edward Sackville,
Sackriife. the brother and heir of the childless Earl of Dorset.
Pre-eminent in beauty of person, and in the vigour of a culti-
vated intellect, he wanted nothing to fit him for the highest
places in the commonwealth but that stern sense of duty
without which no man can be truly great. Protestantism, as
a great revolt from oppression, he could understand and
sympathize with. But Protestantism as a rule of life was be-
yond his ken. He had early broken away from the restraints
of marriage, and had followed the seductions of his roving
fancy wherever he was attracted by a bright eye or a tender
glance. One dark day had passed over him without startling
him from his evil course. His guilty love had in some way
or other entangled him in a quarrel with Lord Bruce of Kinloss,
which led to a challenge. The duel was fought on the frontier,
half-way between Antwerp and Bergen-op-Zoom, amongst the
grassy fields which stretch out their level surface to the low
horizon. Young Bruce was left bleeding to death upon the
sward, and Sackville returned to find the reward of his prowess
in the arms of the light wanton for whose sake he had stained
his sword with the life-blood of a fellow-creature.
Such deeds, it is true, are not always followed by penalties
of which the world takes cognisance. A man may do them,
and yet may die in the full possession of wealth, and of all
that wealth can give. But he who does such things is at least
morally the worse for them. The shape in which Sackville's
punishment came was, that when the great crisis arrived, and
England was marshalled into two opposing camps, he, the
man of splendid acquirements, the delight of listening senates,
could not choose but take the side on which the arousing
voice of Puritanism was hushed, and lived to be the minister
of Charles without adding weight to the cause which he had
adopted.
That time, however, had not yet arrived. Sackville's known
Supports good-will towards the cause of the German Protes-
Coke. tants, his recent determination to accompany Vere to
the Palatinate, which had been characteristically retracted on
1 62 1 THE NEW PLAN ABANDONED. 71
account of some personal affront, had given him the confidence
of the popular party ; whilst his respect for the prerogative
made him equally a favourite with those who looked with
dread on the encroachments of the House of Commons. He
had been chosen at the beginning of the session to the chair-
manship . of the Committee for inquiry into the Abuses in
Courts of Justice, and it had only been by ill health that he
had been compelled to resign its functions into the hands of
Phelips. He thoroughly detested everything that savoured of
violence or exaggeration ; and it might have been expected
that he would gladly have yielded to the apparent moderation
of the King's suggestion. His personal friendship for Bacon
was likely to draw him in the same direction. Yet, in spite of
all this, when he stood up it was to second Coke's motion,
with some unimportant modifications. No further resistance
was possible ; and the House resolved that the King should
be informed that if he would lay his scheme before the Lords,
they would be ready to join the Upper House in giving him a
joint reply. As a matter of course, Phelips was allowed to go
before the Peers with his demand for a conference on the
charges against Bacon.1
James's first thought upon hearing what had passed was
to prosecute his design. He told Calvert to thank the Com-
mons for their reply, and to assure them that he
plan re-ns had already sent to the Lords the message which
' they desired. If this was the case, his messenger
was speedily recalled. At all events, nothing more was heard
of the royal scheme. If Bacon were consulted on the matter,
it may well be supposed that he would be the first to point
out that it was now hopeless. If the Lower House could
have been induced to give a warm support to the Crown, the
Lords might perhaps have given way. But with the Commons
lukewarm or hostile, it was madness to suppose that the Peers
would relinquish one tittle of their ancient jurisdiction. Any
attempt to press the matter now would only be to the detri-
ment of the accused.
That very afternoon had been appointed for the conference
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 193; Commons' Journals, i. 563.
72 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
between the Houses. Not a word was breathed on the subject
which had been in agitation during the morning.
laidbe^re63 Phelips contented himself with laying before the
Upper House the evidence collected in the cases of
Aubrey and Egerton, and with respectfully demanding inquiry.1
After the conference was at an end, Buckingham hastened
to York House to inform the Chancellor of the events of the
, day. He found him more cheerful than he had
letter to the been of late, and full of confidence that the Lords
would do him justice. When he left, he carried
with him a letter in which the sick man begged for time to
answer his accusers, adding that he thought it likely that more
petitions would be put up against him ; but that he hoped that
they would not give any weight to the mere number of the
complainants. He had made more than 2,000 decrees yearly ;
and it was easy to make a great show by hunting for accusa-
tions. Whatever the charges might be, he trusted that time
would be granted him to answer them severally.
The next day the Lords resolved to proceed at once to the
examination of witnesses ; and at Southampton's motion an
answer, drawn up in rather curt terms, was returned
to the Chancellor's letter. Bacon was briefly informed
that justice would be done.2
Bacon was right in supposing that the attack thus com-
menced would not rest here. The next morning a
wharton's petition was presented to the Commons, demanding
inquiry into his acceptance of a bribe of 3oo/. from
Lady Wharton.
Lady Wharton — such is the story which may yet be gleaned
from the records of her endless litigations — had been three
times married. Her second husband, Sir Francis Willoughby,
had left her a considerable property, which had given rise to
long and bitter contention in the law courts. Her last ap-
pearance in Chancery, at least, had not arisen from any fault
of her own. A discontented servant, rummaging amongst her
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 194 ; Commons' Journals, i. 563. Lords'
Journals, iii. 51, 53. 2 Ibid. iii. 54.
i62i LADY WHARTOWS CASE. 73
papers, lit upon a deed by which Sir Francis, long before he
married her, had made over to his daughters by his first wife,
a large portion of those very lands which he subsequently be-
queathed to his widow. The man saw in his discovery an
opportunity for revenge, took a note of the contents of the
document, and, as soon as an opportunity offered, communi-
cated what he had learned to the husbands of Sir Francis's
three surviving daughters. The consequence was, that in the
spring of 1618 a Chancery suit was commenced by these three
gentlemen to compel the surrender of the deed, whilst Lady
Wharton filed a cross bill to obtain a judicial declaration of
its invalidity.
On October 30, 1619, Bacon delivered judgment in the
cause. Sir Francis, it appeared, had reserved to himself a power
Bacon's °f revocation ; and, though there was no legal proof
judgment. tnat fe nacl made use of any such power, there
was sufficient evidence that he had again and again acted in
such a way as to show that he considered the deed no longer
to be binding upon him. Upon these grounds the Chancellor
decided that the deed must be considered to have been
revoked, and that there were no grounds for compelling Lady
Wharton to surrender a document which was no longer of any
importance.1
The whole question was practically settled by this decision,
though Lady Wharton's demand for a formal condemnation of
the deed had yet to be heard. Accordingly, the lawyers on both
sides were summoned to York House to argue what must have
appeared to Bacon to be a question now devoid of interest.
The deed was produced, and Serjeant Ashley, the counsel for
Lady Wharton's opponents, brought forward some arguments
in favour of his clients which had not been used in court before.
Bacon, accordingly, was about to direct that the questions thus
raised should be formally argued before him, when Shute, who
1 Order, Willoughby v. Wharton, Oct. 30, 1619, Feb. 12, 1621,
Order Book, 1619 A. fol. 978, 1620 A. fol. 749. Miscellaneous Chancery
Proceedings ; Eliz. to James II. ; Bills and Answers ; Single Bills, 1620
-24, Part 33, No. 98. Dalston v. Willoughby, May n, 1622.
74 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
was acting as counsel for Lady Wharton, interposed His
opponents, he said, should have no benefit by his client's bill.
She would at once withdraw her demand for a declaration of its
invalidity. In fact, she had got all that she wanted. As she
was now entitled to keep the document in her own hands, it was
of no importance whatever to her whether its invalidity were
formally declared or not Upon this the lawyers on the other
side, who probably knew well enough that Serjeant Ashley's
arguments were worth little or nothing, expressed their willing-
ness to withdraw their bill also. Bacon, accordingly, agreed to
the dismissal of both bills by the consent of the parties, taking
care, however, to direct Churchill, the registrar, to see that, in
entering the order, the reasons which he had recently alleged
against the validity of the deed were allowed to appear. l
Bacon's decision had satisfied the lawyers, and had satisfied
the claims of justice ; but, as is not unfrequently the case, it
1 "E. Willoughby, Esqre. , "The Lord and Lady \Vhar-
Winifred his wife, W. Pargiter and ton, Sir R. Lovelace, and E. Mo-
Abigail his wife, M. Wood and lineux, Defendants, et e contra.
Frances his wife, Plaintiffs.
" William Pargiter maketh oath that My Lord Chancellor having ap-
pointed one counsellor of a side to attend him at his house, where Mr.
Serjeant Ashley, being of counsel with the plaintiffs, read a deed of my
lady's brought thither by Mr. Shute being of her counsel, and after the
reading of the said deed used some reasons to his Lordship on the plain-
tiffs behalf, which my Lord confessed he had not heard before ; where-
upon it was desired on the plaintiffs behalf, that my Lord would be
pleased to appoint a time to hear them, for those reasons were the sub-
stance of my lady's cross bill. His Lordship was well pleased so to do,
but Mr. Shute, being of counsel with my lady, refused to go to a hearing
upon that bill, affirming that the plaintiffs should have no benefit by my
lady's cross bill, for they would let it fall, and desired his Lordship to
dismiss it ; whereupon the counsel of the plaintiffs desired a dismission of
their bill also ; whereupon his Lordship did pronounce a dismission of both
bills, with some reasons to be inserted against the validity of the plaintiffs
deed ; and the Registrar, Mr. Churchill, did draw up an order for dis-
mission of both bills accordingly about the latter end of Michaelmas Term
last.
Intratum. Juratum 27° Junii, 1620.
Jo : Amye. "
Chancery Affidavits, Trin. T. 1620, No. 90.
i62i LADY WHARTOWS CASE. 75
had not satisfied the suitors. Nothing short of an absolute
condemnation of the deed, pronounced in the most formal
manner, would be acceptable to Lady Wharton. She would
not hear of the withdrawal of her bill. She carried Churchill
with her in her coach to York House, and entreated the
Chancellor to rescind his order, and to allow the suit to pro-
ceed. Nor was it only from Lady Wharton's side that the
pressure came. Her opponents, who knew that they had
nothing to lose by reopening the case which had hitherto gone
so completely against them, urged the same request. In face
of this united demand, Bacon was powerless. He withdrew
the order for the dismissal of the suits, and directed that the
judgment by which he had granted her the custody of the
disputed deed, should be entered on the books at once. Yet
upon this latter point he subsequently gave way, on a fresh
petition from the lady's opponents ; and the whole affair was
allowed to stand over as an open question till a future day.1
As it would not be long before a final decision must be
given, the concession was of no great importance. Such, how-
ever, was not the opinion of Lady Wharton. She was indignant
that her adversaries should have had any respite whatever,
and she convinced herself that the favour shown to them was
owing to some sinister influence. She fancied, as Aubrey and
Egerton had fancied before, that a bribe given to the Chancellor
would be followed by the utter discomfiture of her enemies.
She consulted with her attorney, a man named Keeling. The
result was that she put ioo/. in a purse, and, accompanied by
his servant Gardner, drove straight to York House. "What is
1 Churchill afterwards represented Bacon's agreement to rescind his
order for the dismissal of the suits as a special favour to Lady Wharton.
But the words of the order of Dec. 9, 1619, are decisive against this view
of the case. It commences thus : — " Upon a petition exhibited unto the
Right Honourable the Lord Chancellor on behalf of the said Pargiter and
others, the co-heirs of Sir Francis Willoughby, it was desired for the
reasons therein expressed that the lady might procure her cause upon her
cross bill to be heard in Court before his lordship the next term, &c."
— Order Book, 1619 A. fol. 370. Again, in an order of June I, 1620
(Order Book, 1619 A. fol. 1290), the delay is ascribed to a petition, not
from Lady Wharton, but from the plaintiffs.
76 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
that," said Bacon, as soon as she was admitted, " that you have
in your hand ? " It was, she replied, a purse of her own
working, which she hoped his lordship would accept. " What
lord," he said, " could refuse a purse of so fair a lady's work-
ing? " Before she left him, she told him that aoo/. more would
be at his disposal as soon as the decree was really passed.
Such was the scene which took place three days before
the 29th of June, the day on which the final argument of the
lawyers was heard. The result was what might have been
expected. Bacon adhered to the decision which he had
announced seven months before. The order of October 30
was to be passed and entered. A few days later, Lady Wharton
returned to York House with the promised sum of 2oo/. The
money was taken, and the long-delayed decree was entered on
the books.1
So much, at least, is clear. But it seems that, in pronouncing
judgment, on October 30 in the preceding year, Bacon had said
The falsified something which did not find its way into the books in
order. which the orders of the Court were entered by the Re-
gistrar ; and the Chancellor afterwards expressed his belief that
Lady Wharton's lawyer, that very Shute who had been so strongly
recommended by himself for the Recordership of the City, had
been tampering with Churchill, the Deputy Registrar. It was
not long before the audacity of the deceit was detected. An
attempt on the part of Lady Wharton's opponents to reopen the
case at common law, was met by an appeal to Chancery ;
and though Bacon, at first, granted the injunction asked for,
yet as soon as his attention was specially called to the order in
question, as having been drawn up ' contrary to the true intent
and meaning of the Lord Chancellor,' he acknowledged the
justice of the objection. The decree, he said, had been ' not
duly obtained ' ; and Lady Wharton must, therefore, either
show cause why the whole case should not be re-opened, or
must be content to fight out her battles at common law.2
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 203, 206. Order, Willoughby v. Whar-
ton, June 29, 1620, Order Book, 1619 A. fol. 1541.
• Orders, Willoughby v. Wharton, Feb. 12 ; Pargiter f. Wharton,
March 12, 1621, Order Book, 1620 A. fol. 749, 801. Compare two
l62i LADY WHARTOWS CASE. 77
What was the precise point upon which the order as entered
differed from the order which was actually delivered, we have
no means of knowing with certainty. Judging, however, from
what we do know, it seems probable that an appeal on some
question or other to the common law was intended to be
given ; and that Lady Wharton, who had impudently begun
by bribing the Chancellor to pronounce a decree in her favour,
ended by no less impudently bribing the Registrar to alter the
decree when she found it not altogether to her liking.
Lady Wharton had been playing a game in which it be-
hoved her to keep her counsel well, but she could not hold
The case her tongue. It was soon known to her opponents
thedcJm-re t^13-1 S^e had Pa'd 3°°^- mto Bacon's hands. It was
mons, soon no longer a secret that the lady had been to
Bacon to complain of the reopening of the case, and that he
had consoled her by reminding her that a re-hearing did not
necessarily imply defeat. Is it to be wondered that they came
to the conclusion that the whole affair was a swindle, carried on
between Lady Wharton and the Chancellor, and that the last
concession made to them was merely a device to put off the final
decision till Parliament was no longer sitting ? Under this im-
orders by Williams — Wharton v. Willoughby, Nov. 3, 1621, and Wil-
loughby v. Wharton, Feb. 2O, 1622, Order Book, 1621 A. fol. 88, 428.
The case was afterwards sent by Williams to the King's Bench for a deci-
sion on the validity of the conveyances. The decree which was tampered
with is stated expressly in the order of Feb. 20, 1622, to have been that of
Oct. 30, 1619, which is in fact the only substantive decree in the whole
case. The final order to enter it was only given on June 29, 1620, and
therefore any attempt to explain the story by supposing that the falsifica-
tion took place earlier may be rejected at once. We are now able to get
at the date of the payment of the money. Keeling said it was ' about the
time of the passing of the decree.' {Proceedings and Debates, i. 202.}
Gardner said more distinctly, 'three days before the decree was made
(Proceedings and Debates, i. 206), meaning, as appears from the con-
text, the decree of June 29, 1620. If there were any reason to doubt
this evidence it would be removed by Bacon's own confession that the
money was received " pendente lite." If the first ioo/. had not been
received till after his judgment of June 29, ordering the entry of the
October decree, he would surely have pointed out that, practically at least,
the case, as far as he was concerned, was closed.
78 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
pression, they heard how the House of Commons had listened
to the petitions of Aubrey and Egerton, and at once laid their
own grievances before the same tribunal.
Inquiry was accordingly made. Churchill was examined,
but was found to be too prudent to tell a story which would
and sent up compromise himself. Keeling and Gardner were more
Hou^e of explicit, and the fact of the acceptance of the 3oo/.
Lords. was established beyond dispute. Coke was delighted
at the turn which matters were taking. " A corrupt judge," he
said, " was the grievance of grievances." l Bacon's friends were
reduced to a general appeal to his character, and to a denun-
ciation of the little credit due to the informers. As a matter of
course, Phelips was ordered to bring this case too to the know-
ledge of the Lords.2
The Wharton case is undoubtedly the one upon which the
assailants of Bacon's good name may fairly elect to take issue.
In the Aubrey case it is impossible, in the present
Inquiry into .
Bacon's state of the evidence, to know with what words the
nakedness of the bribe was disguised. In the Eger-
ton case the disguise was such that, amidst the pressure of
business, it was not impossible that an honest man might have
failed to penetrate it. But in the Wharton case all was open.
No doubt the evidence laid before the Commons was mislead-
ing. Churchill, for his own purposes, represented Bacon as far
more pliant in Lady Wharton's hands than he really was. The
accidental circumstance that the last order reopening the case
was not delivered till after the meeting of Parliament, was
calculated to give rise to unfounded suspicions. But after all
deductions have been made for misrepresentation and mis-
understanding, the fact that money was actually taken from
a suitor before judgment was delivered remains unaffected by
any explanations, and was afterwards admitted to be true by
the Chancellor himself.
There were three ways in which, according to the notions
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, March 24, S. P. Dom. cxx. 38. The
writer does not state on what occasion the words were used. But it can
hardly have been at any other moment than when this revelation was mnde.
2 Proceedings and Debates, i. 208.
1 62 1 FEES AND GRATUITIES. 79
of the day, a public official 'might receive money. A bribe
was what it has always been in every age, money
Distinction . J . / ,
between given to influence the future action of the person in
maordesSof authority. A fee was a certain definite payment, the
payment. arnount of which was settled by custom or authority,
and which was regarded as the proper mode of obtaining pay-
ment for official services in an age when official salaries were
purely nominal. But besides these there had grown up a
class of payments, especially to persons high in authority, which
were neither fees nor bribes. Under the name of gratuities,
it was the custom to reward the Lord High Treasurer or the
Secretary of State with presents, undefined in amount, as a
reward for the trouble which they had taken, and as a retainer
of their good-will in case of necessity arising for troubling
them again. It was thus that, after the treaty with the Dutch
in 1619, Digby, who had taken a leading part in the nego-
tiations, openly received a present of plate from the East India
Company ; and that Carleton, who believed that he had con-
tributed, by his efforts at the Hague, to the success of the
negotiations, complained bitterly and without reserve that a
few hundred pounds had not been placed at his disposal by
the same body. Under any circumstances, such a custom
must have been attended by grave abuses. It reached its
height when adopted by a judge in a court of law; for
amongst the multiplicity of business it was always possible
that the most innocent transaction might be clothed with the
semblance of corruption. A suit once closed might be re-
opened, or the successful litigant might have a second suit on
hand with a third party. In either case the Chancellor who
accepted the gratuity as soon as his decision was pronounced,
was at any time liable to the discovery that the donor had
other objects in view than the simple payment for past ser-
vices.
If, therefore, all that could be said against Bacon was that
he had occasionally made mistakes, that he had fancied that
Gratuities in stuts were ended when they were not ended, or
chancery. that he ^a(j nO(; detected the intention with which
money, ostensibly given under other pretences, had in reality
8o THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
been offered, there would be cause for regret that he had not
been more sharpsighted, or that he had not endeavoured to
reform the abuses by the simple remedy of substituting fees
for gratuities ; but there would hardly be sufficient ground for
charging him with any deep moral culpability.
Unfortunately, however, in the face of Lady Wharton's case
no such explanation is' possible. Bacon knew perfectly well when
Bacon's ne took the purse that the suit was not concluded ;
and he was certainly not ignorant that to accept money
from a suitor under such circumstances was to do that which,
in any other person except himself, he would have been the
first to stigmatize as proof of the vilest corruption.
Yet, if no flaw is to be found in the evidence which shows
that Bacon's conduct was utterly inexcusable, it is by no means
HOW far was s° plain that he was aware at the time of the enormity
moraUor-°f of nis actions. Whatever Churchill might choose
ruption. to say^ jt js certain that it was not Bacon's fault that
the whole case was not closed six or seven months before he
touched a penny of Lady Wharton's money. He had dismissed
the whole affair, and had given a judgment which was entirely
satisfactory to the lawyers on both sides, when Lady Wharton's
litigiousness brought the case again before him. Again and
again his time had been occupied by this quarrelsome old
lady's folly. The approaching decision which he was to de-
liver in court, he may have argued, was a pure formality. His
decision had been given long ago, and all that he intended to
do was to reaffirm it. What, then, did it matter whether he
took the purse now or a week later ? It would not affect his
judgment one way or another.
That it did not affect his judgment is certain. All that
followed upon the reception of the purse was a direction that
an order given nine months before should be entered in the
books. Nor is it true that Lady Wharton's case was in any
way expedited by her gift. For on June i, at least three weeks
before the purse was given, he had fixed upon the 2gih as the
day on which he was to dispose of the affair.1
1 "Whereas Mr. Shute, being of the defendants' "i.e. Lady Wharton's
' ' counsel, came this present day and moved the Rt. Honble. the Lord
i62i FURTHER CHARGES. 81
The charge, therefore, that Bacon knowingly and corruptly
sold or delayed justice falls entirely to the ground. The only
possible explanation of his conduct is that, with his usual care-
lessness of forms, he contented himself with knowing that the
immediate reception of the money, which he believed himself
to have fairly earned, would not influence his decision ; in
other words, that, without a corrupt motive, he accepted money
corruptly tendered. The suspicions to which his conduct
would be exposed, and the evil lesson which he was teaching
to the anxious and unscrupulous crowd of suitors, did not enter
into his calculations.
As it was most improbable that the man who had taken
Lady Wharton's purse had not laid himself open to other
Cases of charges, the Lords can hardly have been surprised
and^mith- ^at wnen ^e c^56 °^ Lady Wharton was brought
wkk. before their House it was accompanied by two others.
As the Peers subsequently refused to entertain one of these
complaints, it may be taken for granted that it could not be
substantiated. The other proceeded from a merchant named
Smithwick, who asserted that he had improperly paid over 2oo/.
to the receiver of the Lord Chancellor's fines. It did not, how-
ever, appear that Bacon knew anything about the matter at the
time, and Smithwick himself allowed that he had petitioned the
Chancellor for relief, and that the money had been repaid.
Though these five complaints were all that were voluntarily
Chancellor for the signing and passing of a decree drawn up by the
Registrar upon the hearing of the said several causes the 3oth of October
last, the signing thereof hath been hitherto foreborne by reason, of the
petition preferred by the plaintiffs ; which decree his lordship would not
yet pass, being a matter of great moment in regard it hath rested so long
without the hearing of the plaintirt's counsel what they can say to main-
tain their suggestions contained in their petition. For which purpose it
is ordered that counsel on both sides shall attend in Court on the second
Tuesday in the next term, when such further order shall be taken touching
the passing of the said decree as shall be fit ; and the plaintiffs or one of
them are to have notice hereof ; to the end they may be provided at the
time aforesaid, and the cause to be entered into the paper of that day."-
Order, Willoughby v. "Wharton, June I, 1620. Order Book, 1619 A. fol.
1290.
VOL. IV. G
82 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
brought before the House by persons who felt themselves
Churchill's aggrieved, a long list of Bacon's evil deeds had been
list. drawn up by Churchill. The Commons knowing
well that a man who is anxious to divert attention from his
own misdemeanors is unlikely to be scrupulously accurate
about the faults of others, and acting in that spirit of fairness
which had characterized the whole of their proceedings in this
lamentable affair, took care to avoid all responsibility for the
assertions of the guilty registrar, and laid his paper before the
Ixjrds without note or comment1
Bacon had recovered his cheerfulness as soon as it became
plain that his conduct was not to be submitted to a vote of the
March 23. House of Commons, but to a judicial inquiry in the
Bacon House of Lords. " His most judicious friends," says
cheerfulness, a letter- writer of the day, " have already given him
for gone. Notwithstanding, himself is merry, and doubteth
not that he shall be able to calm all the tempests raised against
him." 2 His own feeling appears to have been one of bewilder-
ment. " When I look into myself," he wrote to the King, " I find
not the materials of such a tempest as is come upon
me." He had never, he said, ' been the author of any
immoderate counsel.' He had ' been no haughty, or intolerable,
or hateful man in ' his ' conversation or character.'
Of the charges brought against him he spoke like a man of
honour who is opening his eyes to the possibility that he may
have committed faults, but who is still blind to their heinous
nature. " For briberies and gifts wherewith I am charged," he
wrote, " when the book of hearts shall be opened, I hope I
shall not be found to have the troubled fountain of a corrupt
heart in a depraved habit of taking rewards to pervert justice,
however I may be frail and partake of the abuses of the times.
And therefore I am resolved, when I come to my answer, not
to trick my innocency, as I writ to the Lords, by cavillations
or voi dances ; but to speak to them the language which my
heart speaketh to me, in excusing, extenuating, or ingenuous
confessing ; praying God to give me the grace to see to the
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 206 ; Lords' Journals, Hi. 6 1.
* Brent lo Beaumo.it, March 23, Bacotts Works, ed. Montagu, xvi. 328.
i62i THE KING'S INTERVENTION. 83
bottom of my faults, and that no hardness of heart do steal upon
me under show of more neatness of conscience than is cause." l
It was perhaps in consequence of this letter of Bacon's that
James resolved upon addressing one of his usual discursive
March 26. speeches to the two Houses. The Commons, he
The King's saidj had at last learned to treat him with respect,
the Houses. The Lords had always behaved well. He was, there-
fore, glad to see his son sitting amongst them. The whole
world was talking of bribes, and he supposed that they had
bribed the Prince to plead their cause. He would at once call
in the obnoxious patents by proclamation. He would gladly
give his consent to a Bill against informers. Buckingham had
said that he had never had so much quiet as since the meeting
of Parliament, since he was now freed from the crowd of pro-
jectors and informers, who, at other times, miserably vexed him
at all hours. As for himself, he must acknowledge that in look-
ing upon the face of the government, he had thought, as every
man would have done, that the people were never so happy.
Yet it now seemed that the country resembled some of his own
coppices. When he rode round them they appeared orr the
outside very thick and well grown ; but when he entered into
the midst of them they were discovered to be full of plains and
bare spots. So it was with the kingdom. The external govern-
ment was good ; but he was ashamed, and it made his hair
stand upright, to consider how his people had been vexed and
polled.
James then proceeded to touch upon Bacon's case. He
doubted not, he said, that there were matters before them,
some complained of out of passion, and some out of just cause
of grievance. Let them weigh both, without allowing them-
selves to be carried away by the impertinent discourses of
those who named innocent men as well as guilty. Let their
judgment take hold of the guilty only. Let them proceed judi-
cially, and spare none where they found just cause to punish.2
1 Bacon to the King, March 25, Letters and Life, viii. 225.
2 Lords' Journals, iii. 68. In a letter written to Mead (Harl. MSS.
389, fol. 43) it is said that the King spoke directly of the Chancellor. This
does not appear from the printed speech. But the allusion is evident.
G 2
84 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
A speech like this may fairly be taken as a genuine ex-
pression of the King's feelings. With the House of Commons
Position of ne had every reason to- be well satisfied. It had, at
the Kmg. njs bJ(](iing) refrained from trenching upon his pre-
rogative by questioning the referees. It had granted two sub-
sidies with unprecedented alacrity. It had abstained from press-
ing upon him its undoubted opinion in favour of an immediate
declaration of war. The attack upon Michell and Mompesson
did not touch the rights of the Crown. Nor, though he evi-
dently wished well to Bacon, had he any desire to shelter him
from a well-founded accusation. To hold a chancellor re-
sponsible for his legal opinion given in good faith was one
thing ; to hold him responsible for corruption was another :
and, to do James justice, during the whole course of his reign
he never once allowed personal favour to shield anyone whom
he had reason to believe guilty of actual crime. What Bacon
asked for was a fair inquiry, and to secure him this was the
object to which the King addressed himself. In placing the
Houses in a good humour by assuring them of his intention to
cancel the obnoxious patents, he did everything in his power
to bring them to a temper which would enable them to con-
sider the question of Bacon's conduct upon its own merits.
Upon the first part of the King's speech the Upper House
was prepared to act That afternoon sentence was delivered
upon Mompesson in his absence. He was to be de-
upSnCMom- graded from the order of knighthood, and to be con-
demned to perpetual outlawry. His testimony was
never to be received in any court. He was to be exempted from
all general pardons. If ever he returned to England he was to
be imprisoned for life, and never to be allowed to come within
twelve miles of the Court. His property was to be forfeited,
and he was to pay, from what source does not appear, a fine of
io,ooo/. Lastly, he was to be held for ever an infamous person.
For the first time since the evil days of Henry VI. the
House of Lords had sat in judgment upon a subject
The Easter accused of official malversation. The revival of the
practice was undoubtedly an indirect censure upon
the Sovereign whose want of energy and circumspection had
i62i BUCKINGHAM'S ADVICE. 85
allowed Mompesson's oppressions to flourish under the shadow
of his name. But it was only for direct aggressions upon his
prerogative that James had eyes, and he was blind to the lesson
conveyed by the history which had been unrolled before him.
The Lords were in high spirits. They ordered that March 26,
the day of the King's last speech, should be yearly held as a
sermon day through all England. The two Houses then ad-
journed for the Easter vacation till April 17.
The Lords' committees appointed to examine into Bacon's
case were directed to remain sitting during the vacation.1
Three weeks would, however, pass before their report
March 30.
The patents could be made, and there would be time for the
led' animosities of party warfare to cool down. If the
charges against him had proceeded, as Bacon once thought, from
mere faction, James was doing everything in his power to allay
the resentment of the popular party. On March 30, he followed
up his recent speech by a proclamation cancelling the patent
for gold and silver thread, the patent for inns, and the patent
for concealed lands.2
There was one at least by James's side who was not con-
tent with such sober measures as these. With the headlong
impetuosity which was natural to him, Buckingham
advocates* had now thrown himself heart and soul into his
dissolution. frjencj's defence, and he was all the more eager
because rumours had reached him that there was a party in the
two Houses which had formed the intention of directing against
himself the weapons which had proved so serviceable against
Bacon. Once more the fears which had driven him to his
base desertion of the referees disturbed his mind He had
taken Williams's advice in vain. He had courted popularity
only to make the way to his ruin more easy. For the evil
which he dreaded there was but one remedy, — the immediate
dissolution of Parliament. Yet, unaccustomed as he was to
plead in vain, he now found the King's ear closed to his
appeals. Jarnes was indeed capable of quarrelling with a
Parliament upon some point of personal dignity ; but the
1 Lords' Journals, iii. 73-
2 Proclamation, S. P. Dom. clxxxvii. 91.
86 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
great wrong which his favourite now urged him to commit was
utterly distasteful to his nature. He would not allow the re-
presentatives of the people to return to their homes with the
tale, that when grave charges of peculation had been brought
against a minister of the Crown, their King had refused them
even the common justice of an investigation into the truth of
their complaints. So urgent had Buckingham's language
been, and so public was the rebuff with which he met, that for
some time it was believed at Court that the breach between
himself and his Sovereign was irreparable, and that the often-
foretold downfall of the arrogant favourite was at last at hand. l
It is hard work to follow out with accuracy the Protean
1 " Aspettiamo adesso 1'esito del resto, et sopra tutto della causa del
Gran Cancilliere, et forse d'altri di qualche qualita perche il dire che
fece il Re che non risguardassero a persona, non n'eccettando il suo pro-
prio figliuolo, ha dato loro tanto animo che sono d'oppinione che faranno
quanto potranno per essaminare le azioni del Signor Marchese di Buck-
ingham, et tanto piu quanto credono che questa franca permissione di
Sua Maesta proceda da stracchezza verso la parte, la quale se punto ap-
parisca, ognuno puol poi fare giudizio del resto." — Salvetti's News-Letter,
March 30
April 9 '
"II Gran Cancelliere se prepara per fare i suoi difesi ; ma con appa-
renza che gli habbino da servire a poco ; non scuoprendo nel Parlamento
inclinatione nessuna di ammettergliene, et contra del Marchese se bene
gli humori sono preparatissimi, credo pero che se la passerano con questa
voglia. " — Salvetti, April — .
" Si " le Parlement " eust dure davantage, le Chancelier eust eu le
sault ; et, comme j'entend, non sans subject, ayant fort malverse en sa
charge. Le Marquis de Buckingham 1'assiste de tout son pouvoir, et n'en
peult venir a bout, non plus que de la rupture du Parlement, qu'il a fort
souhaitee ; ce que fait juger a aucuns que ce Roy s'en veut deffaire par le
moyen dudict Parlement, comme il fist du Comte de Sommerset, et par le
moyen de la feue Reine sa femme ; soit que la longue conversation qu'il
en a cue luy a donne de disgoust, ou bien que, voyant qu'il est mal voulu
de tout, et luy pour son subject, il le veuille donner a la haine generale
pour se reconcilier les cceurs de ses subjects." — Tillieres to Puysieux,
April i, Bibl. Nat. MSS. Harl. 123, 17, fol. 47.
These extracts will, I hope, put an end to the theory which has had
extraordinary vitality, that Bacon's fall was caused by Buckingham's weari-
ness of him.
1621 BACON'S FEELING. 87
changes of such a mind as Buckingham's. Perhaps he took
counsel once more with the cautious Williams. Per-
Apnl.
Buckingham haps he was really influenced by the arguments ot
"ay" the King, or by rumours which may have reached
him of the disclosures which were being made before the Lords''
Committees. Before the vacation was at an end, he had com-
pletely shifted his ground. As he could not save himself by throw-
ing over the Parliament, he would try to save himself by throwing
over Bacon. He was sorry, he was now heard to say, that
the Chancellor's conduct had been so bad. He could not be
sorry for his disgrace, for that, at least, he had richly deserved.
There were not, however, wanting those who thought that
Buckingham was merely making a virtue of necessity, and that
he shrank from Bacon's defence merely because he saw that it
was impossible to save him.1
But, whatever the truth may have been, Buckingham's in-
sane demand for a dissolution had never been supported by
Bacon. Every letter that he wrote, every word that
quest foran he uttered, gave token of his readiness to see the
nce' charges against him sifted to the uttermost. At first
he had believed them to be pure inventions, trumped up to
gratify the malice of his enemies ; but as the vacation passed, and
rumours reached him of the progress of the investigation, he
1 " Pour le Chancelier il n'est remis sur le trottoir, mais il y sera
bientost avec asseurance de sa perte. Je 1'ay apris de M. le Marquis de
Bouquinguam, qui est son amy, et lequel m'a tesmoigne de recepvoir a
deplaisir non pas sa ruyne, car il dit qu'il 1'a bien meritee, mais son
mauvais gouvernement, estant homrne qui avoit de bonnes partyes, et mis
de sa main en la charge qu'il possede, mais que pour luy il est si affectionne
au service de son maitre et du bien de son pays, qu'il abandonneroit son
propre frere s'il avoit malverse. Quelqu'uns, croyent que ceste sincerite
n'est qu'en parolles, et qu'en effect il a fait son pouvoir pour le sauver,
mais qu'il ne 1'a peu, ce qui donne subject aux plusieurs autres considera-
tions de continuer 1'opinion que je vous ay mandee par quelques unes de
mes depeches de la defaveur dudit M. de Boquinguam, laquelle est fondu
sur des autres apparences, dont les unes sont entierement speculatives et
par un rapport du present au passe, les autres plus apparentes, mais toutes
incertaines."— Tillieresto Puysieux, ^f , BW. Nat. MSS. Harl. 223,
17, fol. 60.
88 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
was driven to abandon the ground which he had taken up.
He now could no longer deny that, at least through inad-
vertence, he might have erred. Being sufficiently recovered
to leave his house, he requested the King to grant him an
audience. James accorded his petition, having first taken the
precaution of informing the Council of his intention.
The papers on which the Chancellor jotted down the mem-
His memo- moranda of which he intended to avail himself, have
fortunately been preserved. " There be three causes
of bribery," he wrote, " charged or supposed in a judge.
" The first, of bargain or contract for reward, to pervert
justice.
" The second, where the judge conceives the cause to be
at an end by the information of the party or otherwise, and
useth not such diligence as he ought to inquire of it.
"And the third, when the cause is really ended, and it is
sinefraude, without relation to any precedent promise.
" Now, if I may see the particulars of my charge, I should
deal plainly with your Majesty, in whether of these causes my
particular case falls. But for the first of them I take myself to
be as innocent as any born upon St. Innocent's Day in my
heart. For the second, I doubt, in some particulars I may be
faulty ; and for the last, I conceived it to be no fault, but
therein I desire to be better informed, that I may be twice
penitent, once for the fact, and again for the error. For I had
rather be a briber than a defender of bribes.
" I must likewise confess to your Majesty that, at new year's
tides, and likewise at my first coming in (which was, as it were,
my wedding), I did not so precisely, as perhaps I ought, examine
whether those that presented me had causes before me, yea
or no. And this is simply all that I can say for the present con-
cerning my charge, until I may receive it more particularly." l
Accordingly on April 16, the last day of the vacation,
April 16. Bacon was admitted to an audience. How far he
view'wfth carried out the programme which he had laid
the King. down for himself we do not know, but there was
one point upon which he was specially desirous of the King's
1 Bacon's Works, ed. Montagu, xvi. note G. G. G.
i62i BACON'S FEELING. 89
assistance. Properly enough, he had not yet received a copy
of the charges made against him ; for till the witnesses had
been examined, it was impossible to say how far their state-
ments would be adopted by the House of Lords, and till the
Lords had adopted them, there was no formal accusation in
existence to which he could be called upon to answer.1
Bacon, however, seems to have feared lest he should be
judged in the dark. He therefore begged the King to request
the Lords to grant him a fair trial, and to allow him an oppor-
tunity of making his defence. To this very reasonable demand,
James at once acceded, so far as to direct the Lord Treasurer
to inform the House of what had passed between them.2
Accordingly, as soon as the Houses met on the following
day, the Lords were informed by Mandeville of Bacon's request,
and of the King's reply. Fresh witnesses were then
April 17 ° r J
Re-assembly sworn, and fresh names were added to the corn-
Houses. mittees.3 On the i8th it was resolved, at Arundel's
April 18. motionj ihat a report of the examinations should be
brought in on the following day, to the end their lordships
might give the Lord Chancellor such particulars of his charge
as their lordships should judge fit. The next morning, as soon
as the evidence taken by the committee over which Arundel
presided, had been read, Buckingham rose. The attitude
which he now assumed, after some vacillation, was that of an
advocate who, without venturing to deny his client's guilt,
watches the case with the intention of taking advantage of any
point that may be raised in his favour. The evidence just read,
he now pointed out, was altogether in the handwriting of the
persons who had been interrogated. There might, therefore, have
1 There has been considerable misunderstanding on this point, arising
probably from a careless supposition that Bacon had been impeached by
the Commons. This was not the case. No accusation had as yet been
brought against him The examination of witnesses was merely a pre-
liminary investigation for the purpose of giving information to the Upper
House. When the Lords had made up their minds to act upon it, then,
and not till then, Bacon would be put on his trial, and would have a right
to a copy of the charges.
2 Lords' Journals, iii. 75. * Ibid.
90 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
been a conspiracy amongst them to insert statements which had
April 19. never really been made. To this Arundel replied, that
han?stng" the answers had been written down in the presence
re sirdnt<Tth °f t^e c°mmittee, and that they tallied exactly with
Bacon. the spoken evidence. To this statement, confirmed
as it was by other members of the committee, no answer
was possible.1 The remainder of the reports was read, and
finally the three committees were amalgamated, in order to draw
up a connected statement of the whole evidence. The Peers
then adjourned to the 24th.2
The joint committee, thus constituted, consisted of sixteen
peers and prelates. Their names may be at once accepted as
Temper of a proof that the Lords, as a body, desired to approach
the Lords, j^g deiicate inquiry before them in a spirit of im-
partiality. The only section of the House not represented
upon the committee was that composed of the connexions
of the Villiers family, and of the sycophants who basked
in the favourite's smile. Arundel, Sheffield, and Neile
were there, ready to resist any excesses of factious animosity
against a faithful servant of the Crown, whilst the names of the
pure-minded Andrewes, of the virtuous Morton, and of that
Russell who, long afterwards, in times when few knew what
moderation was, carried to the grave, as Earl of Bedford, amidst
the regrets of all honest Englishmen, a well-earned reputation
for singular moderation and discretion, were a sufficient
guarantee that in the discussions which were impending,
nothing would be left undone to secure the furtherance of equal
justice without respect of persons.3
Of the general effect of the examinations read, some inkling
seems to have been carried to Bacon. From a fresh letter
April 20. which he addressed to the King on the 2oth, it is
wrheT again evident that his hope of being able to resist the ac-
to the King. cusations against him was growing faint. He trusted,
he said, that the Lords would be like his Majesty in imitating
Him who had refused to break the broken reed, or to quench
the smoking flax. " It is not possible," he concluded by saying,
1 Elsing's Notes, 9. 2 Lords1 Journals, iii. 78, 1 79.
* Lords' Journals, iii. 74.
i62i BACOWS ACKNOWLEDGMENT. 91
" nor it were not safe for me to answer particulars till I have
my charge ; which, when I shall receive, I shall, without fig-
leaves or disguise, excuse what I can excuse, extenuate what I
can extenuate, and ingenuously confess what I can neither clear
nor extenuate. And if there be anything which I might conceive
to be no offence, and yet is, I desire to be informed, that I may
be twice penitent— once for my fault, and the second time for
my error." *
Scarcely was this letter written, when some friendly hand
brought him a copy of the examinations which had been read
in the House of Lords. The effect was instantaneous.
Hnquishes All thought that he was struggling against a factious
opposition was now at an end. He saw, as in a
mirror, the hidden secrets of his life revealed. Actions which
had long ago slipped out of his memory, and which, at the
time, had seemed utterly unimportant, now stood out in strange
distinctness before him. In his last letter, he had talked of
excuse and extenuation. He now knew that he had done that
for which there was no excuse, and for which extenuation
would be of no avail.
Yet even in this hour of trial, conscious of the integrity of
his motives, and knowing well that if there had been corruption
in his actions, there had at least been none in his heart, he was
unable to realise the effect which the revelation would produce
upon others. He hoped that the Lords would be satisfied with
his resignation of the Great Seal, and would spare him any
further disgrace.
On the 2ist, therefore, he made one more appeal to the
King, praying him to use his influence with the Lords, to per-
suade them to be content with his general submis-
Appeaisto sion, to be followed by his resignation of the Seal,
the King, ,{ But),, he concluded) in words wm-ch showed that
his old buoyancy of spirit was still uncrushed, " because he that
hath taken bribes is apt to give bribes, I will go farther, and
present your Majesty with a bribe ; for, if your Majesty give me
peace and leisure, and God give me life, I will present you
1 Bacon to the King, April 20, Letters and Life, vii. 240.
92 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
with a good history of England, and a better digest of your
laws." * On the following day he made his promised submission
April 12. to the Lords. His words, he said, came from wasted
subnSS^n spi™ts an(l an oppressed mind. Yet, strange as it
to the Lords, might seem, though in the midst of as great affliction
as mortal man could endure, honour being above life, he would
begin with a profession of gladness ; for he could not but
rejoice that, for the future, the greatness of a judge would be
no sanctuary or protection of guiltiness (and that was, in a
word, the beginning of a golden world), and that magistrates
would learn, by his example, to fly from the very semblance of
corruption as from a serpent.
Even in his misery Bacon's first thoughts were for his
country. He then turned to his own case. " But to pass," he
wrote, "from the motions of my heart, whereof God is only
judge, to the merits of my cause, whereof your lordships are
judges under God and His Lieutenant, I do understand there
hath been heretofore expected from me some justification, and
therefore I have chosen one only justification, instead of all
other, out of the justifications of Job. For, after the clear
submission and confession which I shall now make unto your
lordships, I hope I may say and justify with Job, in these
words : — ' I have not hid my sin as did Adam, nor concealed
my thoughts in my bosom.' This is the only justification
which I will use.
" It resteth therefore that, without fig-leaves, I do ingenuously
confess and acknowledge that, having understood the particulars
of the charge, not formally from the House, but enough to in-
form my conscience and memory, I find matter sufficient and
full, both to move me to desert the defence, and to move your
lordships to condemn and censure me."
It was useless, he went on to say, to trouble them by sin-
gling out particulars against which he might justly except, to
raise scruples touching the credit of the witnesses, or to plead
extenuating circumstances. He was about to resign his office,
" and therefore," he ended by saying, " my humble suit to your
1 Bacon to the King, April 21, Letters and Lift; vii. 240.
l62i BACON'S SUBMISSION. 93
lordships is that my penitent submission may be my sentence,
and the loss of the Seal my punishment ; and that your lord-
ships will spare any further sentence, but recommend me to
his Majesty's grace and pardon for all that is past. God's
Holy Spirit be amongst you."1
Bacon had forgotten that it is not the business of a court of
law to inquire into motives, and that the Lords would only
April 24. stultify themselves if at this point they gave up the
sat?sfesthet mvestigation without recording their sentence upon
Lords. acts which he had himself admitted to be indefen-
sible. It was in vain, therefore, that his letter was brought
before them by a personage no less influential than the Prince
of Wales. As soon as it had been read, there was silence for
a long time throughout the House. Then Pembroke rose.
It was a question, he said, whether the Lord Chancellor's sub-
mission was sufficient for them to ground a judgment upon
without further inquiry. As soon as the House had gone into
committee to discuss the point thus raised, it became evident
that the submission would not be accepted in the form in
which it had been tended. Certain definite accusations had
been made, and the Lords wanted to know, in so many words,
whether they were true or not. The submission was therefore
unanimously rejected.
In the course of the discussion a new question had been
started by Spencer : — Was the Lord Chancellor to be summoned
to the bar to answer to the charges in person ? Buckingham
once more interposed in Bacon's behalf. He hoped, he said,
that they would make a charitable exposition of the case, and
would ' attribute this thing to the corruption of the time in
respect of the quality of the person.' The Chancellor had
already acknowledged himself to be guilty in general, though
not in particular. Let a message be sent to him, in order that
he might have an opportunity of making a full acknowledg-
ment of his fault, before they resorted to the extreme step of
sending for him in person. Arundel and Pembroke followed
in support of the same view. "Shall the Great Seal," said
1 Bacon to the Lords, April 22, Lords'1 Journals, iii. 84.
94 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
Pembroke, " come to the bar ? " It was in vain that Saye, then,
as ever, bitterly one-sided, urged that Bacon should be sent
for ; and that Suffolk, not unmindful of the day when the Lord
Chancellor had sat in judgment upon himself, argued on the
same side. Wallingford probably expressed the general opinion.
His lordship's submission, he said, was too short, and it was
unfit that he should presume to dictate his own punishment.
Nor was it becoming that he should throw the blame of his
faults upon the age rather than upon himself. He had all due
respect for the person of the accused man, but if a reformation
was intended, the proceedings should be as public as possible.
Yet, after all, how could the Chancellor come to the bar with
the seals ? The House, on this point, at least, felt with Pem-
broke and Wallingford, and it was decided that Bacon should
be applied to for a fuller answer.1 A copy of the evidence against
him was accordingly transmitted to him, together with the ar-
ticles of accusation as they had proceeded from the committee.2
The next day, after an unsuccessful attempt to re-open the
question of summoning the Chancellor to the bar, messengers
were sent to inquire into his intentions. " The
Lord Chancellor," they reported, "will make no
manner of defence to the charge, but meaneth to acknowledge
corruption, and to make a particular confession to every point,
and after that an humble submission." He desired, how-
ever, to add an explanation on some particular points. Five
days were accordingly allowed him to prepare his statement ;
and, in spite of Suffolk's renewed opposition, it was resolved
that this statement should be made in writing.3
On April 30, accordingly, the promised confession was
handed in, with some insignificant exceptions.4 The
April 30. .
Bacon's examinations of the witnesses have unfortunately not
on"tteents been preserved, but by those who have learned by
charges. experience to place unreserved confidence in Bacon's
truthfulness, his own declarations, together with the additional
1 Elsings Notes, 13. 2 Lords' Journals, iii. 85.
* Elsing's Notes, 18.
4 These are amongst the House of Lords' A1SS. and were published by
me in the Archceologia, vol. xlL
1621 BACON'S FAULTS. 95
light which can be thrown upon them by the help of the re-
cords of the Court of Chancery, will be sufficient to give a
tolerably clear idea of the nature of his delinquencies.
In answer to one at least of the charges, he could offer no
excuse. " He had given way," it was said, " to great exac-
Fauitsofhis tions by his servants." He at once acknowledged
servants. fa^ jt was a great faujt of neglect that he looked no
better to them.
From the remaining twenty-seven l articles, ten may, for all
practical purposes, be summarily excluded. They related to
Payments presents given after the closing of the various suits,
dole ofthfl and which were, therefore, according to the ideas of
suit> the day, to be regarded as legitimate payments.2
Cases where Of the rest, five cases may also be dismissed as of no
meVdy1' was rea^ importance. When Bacon accepted 5oo/. from
formal. gjr Rowland Egerton, it was in total ignorance that
the old question would be again stirred by Edward Egerton's
wilfulness. Smithwick's case has been already commented on :
it concerned the Chancellor's servants rather than himself.
The three remaining gifts of this class had been received from
rival companies which had submitted to his arbitration ; but this
was merely in accordance with the opinion of the day, which
held that an arbitrator ought to be rewarded for his trouble,
without fixing any scale of payment.
Cases more Still twelve cases remain, all of them open to grave
tioiSbie^60" objection, some of them to the severest reprobation.
Sir j From Sir John Trevor, Bacon had accepted ioo/.,
Trevor. ag a new vear's gift} but had neglected to inquire
whether his cause was ended or not. The truth was, that it
had been dismissed to a trial at common-law, but that as the
equity was reserved, it might again come before him judicially.
He had received 6oo/. or yoo/. from Lord Montague after
Lord Mon- ^e decision had been given. But the decision was
tague. resisted by the other party, and the case came up
again before him. He was obliged to acknowledge that he had
1 I adopt Bacon's numbering in preference to that of the Lords.
2 These were the gifts brought by Hody, Monk, Holman, Fisher,
Scott, Lenthall, Wroth, Dunch, Ruswell, and Barker.
96 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
received fair warning that this was likely to occur ; for when
the money was brought, the bearer told him, ' that my lord
would be further thankful if he could once get his quiet.' All
that Bacon was able to say in defence of his conduct was that
he had paid no attention to the message.1
From Sir John Kennedy he had received a rich cabinet,
whilst a suit was pending. Bacon had seen it, and had
sir j ordered it to be carried back. When he afterwards
Kennedy, heard that it was still in the house, he was offended
at the neglect of his orders ; but he had not insisted on obedi-
ence, and all that he could now say was that the cabinet was
ready to be returned to whom their lordships should appoint.
Aubrey, E. Of the cases of Aubrey, of Edward Egerton, and
am? tidy °^ Lady Wharton, enough has been said already,
wiiarton. jn one respect the case of Ralph Hansby re-
sembles that of Lady Wharton. There is the clearest evidence
that Bacon did that which was utterly indefensible.
Hansby.
But there is also the clearest evidence that the
money which he improperly received did not, in the slightest
degree, affect his judgment.
On July 17, 1617, Bacon had decided, in Hansby's favour,
a question respecting the validity of a deed by which he
derived a large estate from his uncle. There still, however,
remained a further question as to the property, upon which
certain legacies were chargeable. The point was referred by
Bacon to some of the Masters in Chancery, upon whose report
he would have to deliver his final judgment. Under these cir-
cumstances he accepted a present of 5oo/. from Hansby, in
whose favour the suit about the legacies was finally decided. In
itself, this last judgment was, no doubt, open to grave suspicion.
But, fortunately for his credit, Bacon had given the reasons
upon which it was based. The question turned upon the in-
tention of the old man at the time when he was signing the
deed in favour of his nephew, and it so happened that not only
1 The particulars of the case will be found in the Order Books, under
the heading " Dominus St. John v. Englefield. " In Trin T. and Mich. T.
1617, there are two Masters' Reports headed "Viscount Montague v.
Englefield."
1 62 1 CHARGES AGAINST BACON. 97
the lawyers who had drawn it up were unanimously in favour
of Hansby's interpretation of the clauses, but that evidence was
given to the effect that his uncle, before he signed the deed,
had entered into an explanation in which he spoke of other
property on which he intended that the legacies should be
charged, and by which, therefore, his intention to exonerate his
nephew was placed beyond a doubt. Once more then, in a
case in which the presumptions against Bacon are undoubtedly
strong, the evidence in favour of his integrity is overwhelming. '
The next case, if it had stood alone, was sufficient to pro-
cure Bacon's condemnation. In 1614, Ellesmere had decided
in favour of Peacock in a suit against Sir George
Reyneii. Reyne11.2 Difficulties arose in carrying out the
judgment, and interrogatories were administered to various
persons, with the view of ascertaining the facts of the case
with greater accuracy. Before sufficient time had elapsed for
raising the question again in court, the Great Seal was trans-
ferred to Bacon, and Reynell, who was connected with him by
marriage, brought him 2oo/. to buy furniture for York House,
of which he was then about to take possession. It was
not till the succeeding winter that Reynell made application
for a rehearing,3 and it was either on the following or on
some subsequent New Year's Day, that he brought to the
Chancellor a diamond ring, which was, as Bacon admitted,
of too great value for a New Year's gift. What
Peacock. . e
was still worse, before the suit was ended, Bacon
borrowed from Peacock i,ooo/., and submitted to receive an
assurance that no interest or written acknowledgment of the
debt would be required.
The case of Vanlore was similar to that of Pea-
Vanlore.
cock. It was proved that Bacon had borrowed from
him 2,ooo/. at a time when he was a suitor in the Court.
1 Orders, Hansby v. Hansby, Order Book, 1616 A. fol. 1257, 1617 A.
fol. 66 1, 965, 1051, 1228.
2 Order, Peacock v. Reynell, June 27, 1614, Order Book, 1614 A.
fok 1308.
3 Order, Reynell v. Peacock, Dec. 20, 1617, Order -Book, 1617 A.
fol. 389-
VOL. IV. V
98 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
Compton's case was more peculiar. He had been asked
by Bacon for a loan of SOD/., and had refused to lend it, on the
ground that the Chancellor had interfered with his
ompton. attempt to proceed to extremities against a debtor,
and that he now owed 400/. to a certain Huxley. Upon this
Bacon wrote to Huxley, begging him to refrain from pressing
his claim for six months ; and Compton accordingly retracted
his refusal, and lent the money which had been demanded.
By-and-by, however, Huxley repented of his concession, and
proceeded against Compton at common law. Compton
appealed to Chancery, alleging that he was merely a surety,
and that Huxley ought first to have applied to those who had
actually borrowed the money from him. Sir Charles Rich, one
of the Masters of the Court, reported that Compton's story was
a mere tissue of falsehoods, and Bacon ordered him to pay the
debt with costs. Unseemly as the Chancellor's position was
towards the plaintiff, it cannot be affirmed that there was any
denial of justice here.
The last case to be mentioned was an affair of a very
different kind. The Company of French Merchants had com-
The French plained to Bacon, that the London Vintners had en-
merchants. tered into a combination not to buy wine at reasonable
prices, and had offered him i,ooo/. as a reward for the services
which they expected him to render. Bacon at once drew up
a tariff 'by which he considered that the vintners would make a
profit of 61. a tun. His scheme was, however, rejected by the
vintners, and the merchants appealed to the King. James, on
the ground that his customs would be injuriously affected by.
the cessation of trade, commissioned Bacon to settle the dispute.
Thus authorised, he dealt with the vintners, as he himself ac-
knowledged, 'more stiffly and preremptorily.' He imprisoned
' for a day or two some that were the most stiff.' Unable to
resist such arguments as these, the vintners withdrew their op-
position, though they complained bitterly that they had been
forced ' to buy wines whereof they had no need nor use,' at
higher rates than they were vendible. The merchants on the
other hand, presented the Chancellor with the i,ooo/. which
they had promised him, assuring him that ' he had kept them
1 62 1 BACOWS CONFESSION: 99
from a kind of ruin ; ' and maintaining that ' the vintners, if
they were not insatiably minded, had a very competent gain.'
No candid person who reads Bacon's account of the matter
can doubt that he acted precisely as, with his notions on trade,
he would have been likely to act if he had never been offered
a penny for his trouble. But no candid person can deny that
in listening to the offer of payment before the service was ren-
dered, he did precisely what in the most corrupt times would
have been done by the most corrupt of ministers.
In every one of these cases additional inquiry tells the
same tale. The volumes of the Order Books may be searched
The bearing through, but they will never reveal an excuse for
evidence Bacon's actions. But wherever they throw any light
upon the upon his motives, that light is invariably favourable.
question of *• > o j
character. He takes Lady Wharton's purse, but he does nothing
but repeat a sentence delivered months before. He accepts a
sum of money from Hansby, but he decides on evidence
so conclusive that no other course is open to him. May it
not fairly be supposed that this result would hold good in
other instances, and that the misdeeds of the great Chancellor
were attributable to contempt of forms, to the carelessness of
haste, and to an overweening confidence in his own integrity?
His own language during the progress of the investigation
is in every respect honourable to his character. Believing at
first that no case can be established against him, his only
demand is for a fair and open trial. As day by day brings
fresh presumption against him, he reiterates his demand, adding
the assurance that no prevarication on his part shall stand in
the way of justice. When the blow falls it is a crushing one.
He sees the truth, and he makes no attempt to blind the eyes
of his judges. He never admits that his intentions had been
corrupt, nor does he ever affirm that his actions had been in-
nocent " I do again confess," — such are the words
His expres-
sion of with which his long answer closes, " that in the points
charged upon me, although they should be taken as
myself have declared them, there is a great deal of corruption
and neglect, for which I am heartily and penitently sorry." J
1 Bacon's confession, Lords' Journals, iii. 98.
H 2
ioo THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
As soon as this submission was read in the House, a com-
mittee was appointed to visit him, in order to learn whether
his signature was genuine. " My lords," was his reply, " it is
my act, my hand, my heart. I beseech your lordships be mer-
ciful unto a broken reed."
It was in the midst of racking pain, physical and mental,
that this cry of agony was wrung from him. He believed that
he was dying. He knew that few amongst his countrymen
would from henceforth regard him otherwise than as corrupt
in heart and feeling. Nor was this all. A man who is in act
innocent, may look forward to the day when it will be proved
that he never committed the crime of which he is accused.
No such proof could ever come for Bacon. To admit his in-
nocence men must read his heart, and must learn to look upon
the world with his eyes. " For my name and memory," he
declared in his last will, " I leave it to men's charitable speeches,
to foreign nations, and to the next ages." Yet he must have
known that the next ages would have a difficult task. They
would have to show, what of all things is the hardest to prove,
that his heart was pure whilst his actions were guilty.1
1 The following verses are valuable as giving an idea of the mode in
which Bacon's case was regarded by a not unfavourable looker on : —
" Vicecomes Sanctus Albanus Cancellarius Anglican us
Miris dotibus imbutus, ingeniosus et acutus,
Lingua nemini secundus (ah ! si esset manu mundus)
Eloquens et literatus repetundarum accusatus
Accusatus haud convictus (utinam baud rithmus fictus)
Tanquam passer plumbo ictus est segrotus, aut sic dictus,
Morte precor moriatur reus antequam damnatur,
Morte dico natural! (munus, non est pcena tali),
Ab amico accusatus ; miser tu, at es ingratus.
Actseon tu propriis manibus, praeda facta tuis canibus
Pereant canes hi latrantes te famamque vulnerantes.
Tua sors est deploranda, quid si culpa perdonata,
Fama est per orbem flata quod sigilla sunt sublata.
Mali semel accusatus, etsi poena liberatus,
Manet malum et reatus, absit hie sit tuus status.
Vive tu, si vitam cupis, vita cara ursis, lupis,
Et si quid fecisti male, redime et bene vale."
S. P. Dom. cxx. 39.
1 62 1 BACON RESIGNS THE SEAL. 101
With such inquiries the House of Lords had no concern.
They were called upon — not to solve a psychological problem,
May i. but to punish corrupt actions, in order that they
SedtakTn nught not be imitated for the future. Their first
from him. step was to ask the King to take away the Great Seal
from the man in whose custody it had been surrounded with
an atmosphere of venality. James at once assented. " I
would have done it," he said, "if I had not been moved
therein." The next day Mandeville, Pembroke, Lennox, and
Arundel were sent to the sick man to require the surrender of
the Seal. They found him 'very sick.' "We wish," said one
of them, "that it had been better with you." In his weariness
of life, Bacon replied, " The worse, the better." Then, after a
little, he added, " By the King's great favour I received the
Great Seal ; by my own great fault I have lost it." After this
melancholy scene the messengers departed, carrying with them
the symbol of the King's authority, which they had been directed
to retain in their own hands, as commissioners, till a perma-
nent successor was appointed.1 At the same time Ley was
anthorised to continue his attendance as Speaker of the House
of Lords.2
There were those amongst the peers who were not satisfied
even with this humiliation. The next day, at Southampton's
May 2. motion, the officers of the House were sent to
Bacon summon the late Lord Chancellor to the bar. The
attend the Great Seal, which had hitherto protected him, was
no longer his. But he was still able to appeal to the
weakness of his physical frame. He was in bed when the
officers arrived. He told them that they asked for an impossi-
bility. He was not making excuses. If he had been well, he
would willingly have come.
The excuse thus made was accepted without difficulty on
the following morning. The question was then put whether
May 3. the late Lord Chancellor was guilty of the matters
The with which he was charged, and it was agreed to
sentence °
debated. without a dissentient voice. The House then went into
committee to discuss the penalty to be inflicted upon him.
1 Elsing's Notes, 41. 2 Lords' Journals, iii. 103-104.
102 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
That it should consist of fine and imprisonment was accepted
without difficulty. Lord Sheffield moved, amidst signs of
approbation, that he should be incapable for the future of hold-
ing any office of judicature, or of a seat in the Privy Council.
Saye, ever rancorous in his indignation against guilt, pro-
posed that degradation from the peerage should be added.
Against this extremity, Arundel and Pembroke protested. It
soon appeared that Saye's proposal would be made a ques-
tion between the supporters of the Court and the Opposition. It
was adopted by Spencer and Southampton, the lattter of whom
took credit to himself for not having recommended the addition
of banishment, of which he declared the late Chancellor to be
worthy ; whilst Lennox, Mandeville, Hamilton, and the Prince
himself spoke in Bacon's favour. At last a compromise was
suggested by Hamilton. Let him be spared from personal
degradation ; but let him lose his right of sitting in the House,
or of coming to Court. After this, Arundel, who had earlier
in the debate acknowledged the foulness of the offence,
nevertheless again deprecated the idea of expulsion from the
peerage. It was not usual, he said, to degrade a peer except-
ing by Act of Parliament. Bishop Neile added a more pecu-
liar reason. It would be well, he said, to leave him his title,
that he might remember from whence he had fallen. To these
arguments no reply was made ; but Southampton, fearing
perhaps lest Bacon might escape altogether, rose again. " Is
it well," he said, " that he whom this House thinks unfit to be
a constable, shall come to the Parliament ? " After this the
exclusion from Parliament was voted without a dissentient
voice. As soon as it was carried, Buckingham, apparently
with the intention of averting any further addition to the sen-
tence, observed that Bacon was so sick that he could not live
long.
The House then resumed, and the sentence was formally
put into shape. The late Chancellor was to pay a fine of
4o,ooo/., to be imprisoned in the Tower during the King's
pleasure, to be incapable of any place or employment in the
State or commonwealth, and to be disabled from sitting in
Parliament, or from coming within twelve miles of the Court
1621 BACON'S SENTENCE. 103
An attempt made by Suffolk's son, Lord Howard de Walden,
to gratify the animosities of his family, by the suspension
during life of Bacon's titles of nobility, was thwarted by the
good sense of the House. Such a sentence would have been
more than a penalty for a crime ; it would have been a personal
disgrace inflicted upon the offender. The Prince and Buck-
ingham came to the aid of the fallen Chancellor, and it is said
that the Bishops voted as one man on the side of lenity. Their
efforts were successful, and the proposition was rejected by a
majority. The remainder of the proposed sentence was then
put to the vote, and was carried with a single dissentient voice
— the voice of Buckingham, who had found little to say in ex-
tenuation of such faults as those with which Bacon had been
charged, but had made it a point of honour not to abandon
his constant supporter in extremity.1
The Commons were then summoned to the bar, and the
judgement resolved upon was pronounced. It was a heavy
sentence, but not more heavy than the circumstances
unofde- of the case demanded. It was well that the House
of Lords should declare its opinion that the late Lord
Chancellor could no longer be employed with advantage in the
service of the State. The fine and imprisonment were, as every
one knew, worse in appearance than in reality. Such penalties
were in those days little more than a strong expression of
opinion : if the condemned person sought for a remission of
his sentence from the King in sufficiently humble terms, the
remission was almost certain to be accorded; and no one
could doubt that Bacon was likely to be humble, and that
James was likely to be forgiving.
When the history of the debate was told to Bacon, he
remarked ' that he was only bound to thank his clergy.' Some
weeks later, looking back upon the past in a more serious
mood, he said that though he was bound to acknowledge ' the
sentence just, and for reformation's sake fit,' yet that he had been
the justest Chancellor since his father's death. The judgment
thus recorded by himself may be accepted by history as final.
Thus fell Francis Bacon, Viscount St. Alban, from the
1 Elsing's Notes.
104 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. xxxiv.
highest eminence to which a subject could climb. Neither of
Bacon's ^e gr^at English parties which were so soon to spring
fal1- into existence could claim him as their own ; and as
long as the influence of those parties continued to lay its spell
upon history, his memory was left without a champion. His
name was used by satirists, who knew nothing of his life, to
point the commonplace moral that intellect dissociated from
virtue must fail to command success. In our own days, the
most brilliant of historians, exasperated by the absurdities of a
weak and ignorant panegyrist, took the case against Bacon
under his patronage, and in language which will be read as
long as the English tongue endures, painted the great statesman
and the great philosopher in colours as odious as they are
untrue to nature, because his thoughts and principles did not
square with the system of a Whig politician of the nineteenth
century.1 After this, it is hardly to be wondered at that a
great German chemist should have boldly declared him to be
a charlatan and an impostor, because he was neither a Kepler
nor a Faraday. It is time that Bacon should be known as
he really was. He was not the faultless monster which it has
pleased some of his too enthusiastic worshippers to represent
him. But far less was he that strange congeries of discordant
qualities which were never found united in any human being,
lie was not one man as a thinker, and another man as a
politician. In every part of his career he was indefatigable in
his pursuit of truth and justice. His faults as a philosopher, as
a statesman, and as a judge, arose alike from the same source.
" 1 have taken all knowledge for my province," he once ex-
1 It will be seen that I have little sympathy with Lord Macaulay's
view of Bacon's character. But there are wonderful flashes of common
sense in his essay. For instance, when have the writers who believe in
Bacons faultlessness, answered such an argument as this? — "It seems
strange that Mr. Montagu should not perceive, that while attempting to
vindicate Bacon's reputation, he is really casting on it the foulest of all
aspersions. He imputes to his idol a degree of meanness and depravity more
loathsome than judicial corruption itself. A corrupt judge may have many
good qualities. But a man who, to please a powerful patron, solemnly
declares himself guilty of corruption when he knows himself to be innocent,
must be a monster of servility and impudence."
i62i CHARACTER OF BACON. 105
claimed in the enthusiasm of youth. He laid himself open to
the criticism of chemists and astronomers, because he believed
that the whole intellectual world was at his feet, and that a
single generation would suffice to classify and arrange the
infinite phenomena of nature. He laid himself open to the
criticism of statesmen and lawyers, because, in his reverence
for the powers of intellect, he despised the checks upon the
exercise of sovereign power which in a free constitution are
necessarily placed in the hands of commonplace and ill-
educated men. He laid himself open to the criticism of the
moralist, by fancying that integrity of heart might be left to its
own guidance ; and that a vivid intelligence and a direct
honesty of purpose might safely dispense with the forms which
are needed for the guidance of smaller men, and might even,
on occasion, overstep the line at which courtesy passes into
insincerity. Yet, in the end, the wisest and greatest of his
generation had to learn that he too was fallible, and that even
for him forms were necessary.
The tragedy of Bacon's final catastrophe has branded itself
upon the memory of succeeding generations. Yet his failure
as a judge is not to be compared, in real interest,
as'a states- with his failure as a statesman. The one is attractive
man.
as a psychological problem; the other contains a
lesson to which it is well to give ear at all times and in all
seasons. In the speculative ideal which he set forth to the
world in the New Atlantis, he proposed that different tasks
should be distributed to different classes of labourers in the
cause of science, no one of which was to share in the duties
of another. The collector of facts was not to conduct
experiments. The conductor of experiments was not to
pronounce upon their value. It was to be the duty of a
body of men standing apart from the vulgar contamination
of the observatory and the laboratory, to make use of the
results by raising the scattered truths to the dignity of a higher
science. In the same spirit he would have assigned to all
men their position in the State. The country gentlemen
might administer a rude justice in their respective districts.
The judges might decide moot points of law bearing upon the
106 THE FALL OF BACON. CH. XXXIV.
rights of property. Parliaments might vote subsidies, might,
subject to the veto of the Crown, assent to laws for the benefit
of the commonwealth, and might give useful information of
the state of public feeling, or of the existence of popular
grievances. But, knowing as he did, that the highest work of
legislation and government calls forth the highest faculties of
man, he did not venture to confide the chief interests of the
nation to common hands. In the Sovereign who had recog-
nised his own merit, he saw, or fancied that he saw, a patriotic
king, who would control the hard technicalities of the judges
by his Court of Chancery ; who would supply the weakness of
criminal justice by his Court of Star Chamber ; and would
regulate, by means of his Privy Council, questions of high
policy with which Parliament was unfit to be trusted. How
it ended we all know. On the great questions on which his
advice would have been truly valuable, on the reform of the
law, on the Spanish alliance, on the war in Germany, he was
probably never seriously consulted during the four years of his
tenure of the Great Seal ; and his opinion, whenever, at long
intervals, he ventured to tender it, was certainly never adopted.
Yet it is not to the incapacity of James, or the arrogance of
Buckingham, that we must look for the heaviest condemnation
of Bacon's system. If ever a man was fitted, by nature and
study, to be the leader of a nation, it was he ; and yet this
man, great as he was, failed ignominiously, no less in that which
he did, than in that which he was compelled to leave undone.
Narrow as, in many respects, the commercial policy of the
House of Commons was, it was not so narrow as Bacon's. It
saw by instinct what Bacon could not see, — the intolerable
abuses which would necessarily spring from the powers which
he claimed for the Crown. In condemning Bacon it con-
demned, in a rude and accidental fashion, the theory of
government which draws a distinct line of separation between
the Executive and the representatives of the people, and which
affords no scope for that mutual play of special knowledge and
of popular instinct which may sometimes check the speed at
which an enlightened Government would fain advance, but
which has saved us from incalculable blunders on either side,
1 62 1 BACON AS A THINKER. 107
and which, above all, has made our slow progress more certain
than that of other nations, because it has ensured that the
amelioration of the laws shall go hand in hand with the growth
of the national conscience.
Yet, whatever we may think of Bacon's political ideas, it is
grossly unfair to him to confuse his devotion to monarchy with
the narrow-minded partisanship of the Cavaliers of
narchical the Restoration, or with the no less narrow-minded
theories of the non-jurors of a later age. In his eyes
the cause of monarchy was the cause of intellect in the eternal
battle against ignorance, pedantry, and routine. He believed
that, on the whole, the King would choose wiser servants than
a body so inexperienced as the House of Commons was likely
to do. He feared the encroachments of the popular party for
the same reasons as those which, in later times, led Canning
to throw his weight into the scale in opposition to the advocates
of popular reform. Then, as now, the victory was to be won,
not by mere declamation on constitutional privileges, or on the
rights of the people, but by the spread of political knowledge,
and of that moral self-restraint which, in every noble people, is
the surest result of increased responsibility.
io8
CHAPTER XXXV.
THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT.
UNCONSCIOUS of their high destiny, and utterly unembarrassed
by any theories about their constitutional position, the Corn-
May «. nions steadily pursued the course upon which they had
Sentence entered, and continued to strike at practical abuses.
upon
Micheii. The day after judgment had been delivered in the
case of the late Lord Chancellor, they were summoned to
the bar of the Upper House to hear Michell sentenced to de-
gradation from the order of knighthood, to imprisonment
during the King's pleasure, to a fine of i,ooo/., and to perpetual
exclusion from public office.1
Not many days before, a fresh case of corruption had been
laid before the Lords. It had been proved, to the satisfaction
Apni 24. of the Commons, that Sir John Bennett, the Judge
Charge of the Prerogative Court, had abused the opportuni-
against Sir ° . . . \ . .
j. Bennett, ties afforded by his jurisdiction, to extort large sums
from those who had, in due course, applied to him for letters
of administration.2
With these vigorous proceedings the King had no reason to
be displeased. With his usual indolence, he was glad enough
to see others labouring to detect abuses which he
ThePKing'on had never discovered himself. If he was jealous at
w?t°h the™3 all, it was rather of the form than of the substance of
authority. It was in this spirit that, on April 20, he
had addressed the Houses. They would do well, he said, to
1 Lords' Journals, iii. 89, 95, 108.
- Proceedings and Debates, i. 233, 241, 256, 279, 297 ; Lords' Journals,
iii. 87.
i62i CHANCERY REFORMS. log
take away all patents that were grievances, and likewise those
grievances of unjust judges. It was a happy thing for him to
be informed of such great abuses. But let them beware of
attacking his Ministers for private objects ; ] and above all, let
them see that they did not abridge the authority of the courts,
or of the Royal prerogative.2
These last words were evidently directed against a bill
which had just been read a first time in the Commons. Under
the modest title of 'An Act for the Reversing of
The Bill for ^ . _ , „ . . , .
chancery Decrees in Courts of Equity on just cause, it pro-
>rm' vided that, at the re-hearing of any case in Chancery,
the two Chief Justices and the Chief Baron should act as assis-
tants to the Chancellor, or, in other words, that the final deci-
sion in a court, the main value of which consisted in its readi-
ness to afford redress against the injustice committed by the
common law judges, should be entrusted to a body in which
those very judges composed the majority. Such a bill would
doubtless be highly satisfactory to Coke, as it would give him
back, at a blow, all the ground which he had lost in his dispute
with Ellesmere in 1616. But James, whatever his motives
may have been, did good service in opposing so retrograde a
measure.3
The House had, in the course of the session, given way too
often to the King's susceptibilities to make it probable that
offence would be taken at this last specimen of self-
supplies assertion. There were, however, some demands to
which it was impossible to assent. For the first time
for more than two months, James addressed a few words to the
Commons on the subject of the state of the Continent. He
was continuing to negotiate, he said, in hope of peace ; but in
the meanwhile it would be necessary to purchase arms and
to prepare for war. All this would require money ; and the
1 This was probably a reflection from his own mind of Bacon's belief
that he was attacked factiously. Bacon had not yet acknowledged his
faults.
2 Proceedings and Debates, i. 285.
3 Ibid. i. 274. There is a copy of the Bill amongst the MSS. of the
House of Lords.
no THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
subsidies which had been so freely granted were already spent.
He hoped, therefore, that an additional supply would not be
refused.
James had yet to learn, that the one way to gain support
from the Commons was to take them into his confidence.
Vague assurances of good intention were not enough, unless he
could openly invite their co-operation in carrying out a definite
policy. They accordingly received his demand with studied
silence, and returned no reply whatever.
It was evident that time was weakening any confidence
which, at the beginning of the session, the House may have
The patent been inclined to repose in the foreign policy of the
condoned?8 King- But in domestic affairs he was still, within
April 21. reasonable limits, able to have his way. The
very day after he had asked for a fresh subsidy, the patent for
alehouses, which had been virtually condemned weeks before,
but which had never been actually declared a grievance, was
brought up for discussion. Hard things were said of Mande-
ville, who had been one of the referees ; and there was every
sign that the House wished to call him to account for the part
which he had taken in the matter. But there was one obstacle
in the way. The patent had been already withdrawn by
proclamation ; and the King, who had so lately recommended
the House to be careful of infringing the Royal prerogative,
might take umbrage if they showed their distrust of his word
by passing a formal censure on an abuse which he had already
disposed of, or if they again stirred up the old question of the
responsibility of the referees. Phelips, impetuous as he was,
recommended, at least, delay ; but the resolution to proceed to
a parliamentary condemnation of the grant was supported by
men of such known moderation as Roe and Sackville, and they
had no difficulty in carrying their point1
James, as soon as he heard what had passed, showed every
sign of vexation. It was strange, he said to Cranfield, who was
The King's fast rising into the position of a mediator between the
displeasure. crown an(j the Commons, that the House could not
remember what he had said till the sun had gone once about.
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 297 ; Commons' Journals, i. 586.
i62i INQUIRY INTO THE PATENTS. in
Cranfield did what he could to pacify him. The House, he
replied, had done nothing but what was for his Majesty's
honour. James told him that he thanked them for that, but
that he wished they would not be so careful for his honour as
to destroy his service. He would not have the referees ques-
tioned, unless it could be shown that they had been influenced
by corruption. Any man was capable of making a mis-
take.
The Commons retreated, without loss of dignity, from the
position which they had assumed. They examined Mande-
APrii24. ville's certificate in favour of the patentees, and,
The Com- affecting to be thoroughly satisfied with it, passed on
way. to inquire into the conduct of the patentees them-
selves. Yet it was soon evident that there was no serious
intention of prosecuting the matter further. The offenders
were released on bail. They were examined by a committee,
and a report was presented to the House. It was then ordered
that the question should be taken into consideration at a future
day, and the matter was allowed to drop.1
Another difficulty, which arose about the same time, was
less easily settled. On April 18, Yelverton was, by the King's
April 18. permission, fetched from the Tower and examined
Yeiverton m the House of Lords upon his knowledge of the
blames the
King- circumstances attending the grant of the patent for
inns, and the patent for the manufacture of gold and silver
thread. Smarting under his imprisonment, he let fall some rash
words about his own punishment If ever, he said, he had
deserved well of his Majesty, it was by his conduct in the affair
of the patent for inns ; and yet his behaviour on that occasion
had been the cause of his present suffering.2
If James had been displeased with the Commons for their
April 24. attack upon Mandeville, he was furious with the
The King Lords for permitting such words to pass in silence.
demands ...
that he shall He fancied that he saw in their conduct evidence
be ques- - , ,
tioned. that they were ready to welcome an assault upon
Buckingham. He went down at once to the House, gave
1 Proceedings and Debates, i. 308, ii. 52.
2 Lords'1 Journals, iii. 77.
112 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
his own account of Yelverton's proceedings, and called upon
the Peers to punish him for the slander. l
Yelverton's spirit was now fully roused. Standing at bay,
he refused to explain away his words. He had done his best,
^ he said, to stop the proceedings of the Exchequer
Ye venon against the offenders who had kept open their inns
p^khig- in defiance of the patent It was for this that he
ham- had been threatened with the ill-will of the all-
powerful favourite, who stood ' ever at his Majesty's hand,
ready to hew him down.' Mompesson had brought threaten-
ing messages, telling him that, if he did not take care, he would
run himself upon the rocks, and that, unless he supported the
patent, he should not hold his place for an hour. " My Lord,"
it had been said to him, " has obtained it by his favour, and
will maintain it by his power." Yelverton then turned fiercely
upon Buckingham. " Howbeit," he said, " I dare say if my
Lord of Buckingham had but read the articles exhibited in this
place against Hugh Spencer, and had known the danger of
placing and displacing officers about a king, he would not have
pursued me with such bitterness." 2 At this daring outburst,
cries were heard on every side, bidding the speaker to hold
his peace. Buckingham, who was always more ready to bear
down opposition than to silence it, bade him haughtily to
proceed. " He that will seek to stop him," he said, " is more my
enemy than his." After some interruption, Yelverton was per-
mitted to go on, and concluded by asserting that he was ready
to prove all that he had said.
As soon as the prisoner was removed, Buckingham rose
again. Yelverton, he said, had objected to the proceedings in
the Exchequer, and his objections had been accepted by the
King ; but he had originally assented to them for the sake
of his fee of ten shillings upon each case. As for the charges
against himself, he threw himself upon the House ; but he
must beg their lordships to remember that Mompesson, who
was said to have carried the message, was absent, and could
not be examined.
1 Lords' Journals, iii. 81. Salvetti's News-Letter, ~Mayy',
2 Lords* Journals, iii. 121.
YELVERTON' S CASE. 113
After some further conversation, Yelverton was recalled, to
be further questioned upon his conduct relating to the patent.
As soon as the examination was at an end, Buckingham moved
that he might be committed a close prisoner to the Tower, for his
reflection upon the King's honour, in declaring that James had
allowed the Royal authority to be usurped by a subject. Against
this proposal Southampton protested. He was supported by
Saye, who pointed out that the words had been spoken, not
against the King, but against Buckingham. The House finally
decided upon sending Yelverton back to the Tower, without
mentioning the cause of his committal.1
The next day a message was brought from the King. He
had naturally been provoked by a comparison which implied a
Question parallel between himself and Edward II., and by the
Kh^ea"dhe suggestion that he had inflicted punishment upon
the Lords. Yelverton merely for his refusal to follow Bucking-
ham's caprices. At Buckingham's request, he said, he should
leave the insult which had been directed against his lordship
in the hands of the House ; but he should himself take care
to vindicate his own honour. Such a message, no doubt,
seemed simple enough to James, but there were some among
the Lords who replied that the King had no right to take out
of their hands the judgment of a fault which they were still
engaged in investigating. In spite of the opposition of Buck-
ingham and the Prince, these objections prevailed, and a re-
monstrance was drawn up to beg the King to allow the House
to deal with the whole matter. Before this remonstrance James
gave way, and signified his intention of leaving Yelverton entirely
to the Peers.2
It can hardly admit of a doubt that though many amongst
*he Lords took an ill-concealed pleasure at this attack
upon the favourite, Yelverton's unguarded speech had put
him completely at the mercy of the Court, and it was im-
possible to vote for his acquittal without entering into a direct
conflict with the Crown. Even under these circumstances,
a scene occurred which betrayed for a moment the passions
1 Elsing's Notes, 42. 2 Lords' Journals, iii. 104, 114.
VOL. IV. I
114 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
smouldering beneath the surface. The notes of Yelverton's
May s. attack upon Buckingham were read, and a question
Debate on was raised whether he should be heard in expla-
i civcnon s *•
case- nation of his words.1 Arundel rose to dissuade
the House from hearing the prisoner any further. We have
Quarrel his words, he said, and nothing more is necessary.
Grande! and ^n itself sucn a doctrine was not likely to meet with
Spencer. acceptance amongst the opponents of the Court,
and it was specially unpalatable as coming from one who, as
the representative of the Howards, might well seem to have
strayed from his natural position in swelling the ranks of the
supporters of the favourite. The feeling of the popular party
was felicitously expressed by Spencer. He was surprised, he
said, to hear such a doctrine from the Earl of Arundel, for he
remembered that two of his ancestors, the Duke of Norfolk
and the Earl of Surrey, had been unjustly condemned to death
without a hearing. Stung by the retort which he had called
down upon himself, Arundel sprang to his feet. " My Lords,"
he replied, with all the haughty insolence of his nature, " I do
acknowledge that my ancestors have suffered, and it may be
for doing the King and the country good service, and in such
time as when, perhaps, the lord's ancestors that spake last
kept sheep." 2 An insult so uncalled for was received with a
storm of reprobation on all sides. Suffolk attempted to inter-
pose. He was even more nearly related than Arundel to those
of whom Spencer had spoken, and he truly said that he thought
that he had heard nothing but what was to their honour. The
Prince then stepped forward, and demanded the adjournment
of the House. For more than a week no further reference
was made to the affair, and time was given for the angry pas-
., sions which had been excited to calm down. In the
May 12.
Discussion meanwhile Yelverton's case, which had been mter-
Yefvenon is rupted by Arundel's unseemly attack upon Spencer,
to be heard. ^ been brougnt agam before the Lords. On
May 12 Buckingham moved that the House should proceed
at once to censure him for his insult to the King. Again
1 Lord? Journals ', iii. Ill, 115 ; Elsing's Notes, 71.
* Words spoken in the House, May 8, S. P. Dom, cxxL 1 5.
1621 YELVERTOWS CASE. 115
voices were raised, demanding that he should first be heard
in his defence. Bishop Morton attempted to mediate. " The
words," he said, " were scandalous, whatsoever their meaning
was. But let us hear what meaning he places on them himself."
Against the suggestion thus made, Arundel rose defiantly. " Sir
Henry Yelverton," he said, "is not judged unheard. He
spake the words openly in this House. He had time to ex-
plain himself, and his speech we have in writing." But neither
Arundel nor Buckingham was able to carry the House with
him on such a question. The Lord Treasurer and the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury joined in protesting against a doctrine that
an accused person was not to be heard in his own defence.
Dorset, Suffolk, and Southampton followed in their wake. At
last, in order to satisfy the exigencies of the King, it was agreed
that the words spoken touched the King's honour as the House
did ' yet conceive.' 1 No final judgment was to be passed on
them till the prisoner had been heard.
Accordingly, on the i4th, Yelverton was brought to the bar,
to answer for himself. Unable to offer any legal proof that
Mompesson had not invented the messages which
Yelverton he had brought from Buckingham, he was reduced to
explain away his words as best he might. There must
have been many present who felt that the spirit of his accusation
was true. But there was no evidence before them to show that
it was literally true, and the Lords did not venture, perhaps did
not wish, to cast upon the King the stigma which would be im-
plied in a dismissal of the charge. Yelverton was accordingly
declared to have attacked the honour of the King. With regard
to the words spoken against Buckingham, the House was less
unanimous. All were willing to declare them to be scandalous ;
but a minority — we know not how large, nor of whom it
was composed — protested against declaring them to be false.2
The prisoner was then sentenced to pay ten thou-
May 16. • »
His sand marks to the King, and five thousand to Buck-
nce' ingham ; to be imprisoned during pleasure, and to
ask pardon for his offence.
On the following day the House proceeded to deal with
1 Elsing's Notes, 77. 2 Elsing's Notes, 79.
I 2
ir6 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
Arundel, whose indomitable pride was unconquered. To the
House, he said, he was ready to apologize. To Lord Spencer
Ma he had nothing to say. He persisted in his refusal,
Amndei and was sent as a prisoner to the Tower, from which
toThe' ' he was only released at the special request of the
King, and upon an engagement from the Prince of
Wales that he would see a reconciliation effected between the
two peers.1
By Buckingham the result of the proceedings against
Yelverton was regarded in the light of a personal triumph. He
was now, he was heard openly to boast, " Parliament-proof."
With that magnificent display of generosity which he knew
well how to assume towards a beaten adversary, he at once
remitted his share of the fine, and the Prince was requested
by the House to express a hope that the King would be
equally merciful.2
Not only had the favourite succeeded in bringing his own
barque into smooth waters, but he had carried his brothers with
Charges him into a safe harbour. With the abandonment of
Sucking- tne inquiry into the patent for alehouses, the charge
briers against Christopher Villiers fell to the ground, and
withdrawn. Sir Edward, who had lately returned from his mission
to Germany, was allowed to take his seat in the Commons
without further molestation, though he prudently declined to
avail himself of the permission till the storm had completely
blown over.3
Seldom has the unfitness of the Lords to act as a judicial
body been more clearly brought out than in the treatment
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, May 19, June 9, S. P. Dom. cxxi. 44, 88.
Salvetti's News-Letter, May ^-. It is worth while to compare this story, as
told at the time, with that which has been adopted by subsequent writers
from Wilson's history. Wilson makes Spencer follow Arundel with an
imaginary speech, "When my ancestors were keeping sheep, yours were
plotting treason," omitting all reference to Spencer's real words. Both
the letter and the spirit of the narrative are thus entirely sacrificed.
2 Lords' Journals, iii. 123, 124. Chamberlain to Carleton, May 19,
S. P. Dom. cxxi. 44.
* Lords' Journals, iii. 76 ; Proceedings and Debates, ii. 3
i62i FREEDOM OF SPEECH. 117
which Yelverton received at their hands. No real effort was
made to sound to the bottom that evil system of which Yel-
Liberty of verton's hints had disclosed the abysses. No attempt
speech. was ma(je to define the law which limited the free
expression of opinion on the actions of persons in authority.
It was enough that Yelverton had uttered or implied a con-
demnation of the King's proceedings ; and even those who
believed that what he said was true, shrank from pronouncing
a sentence in his favour.
Yet, in truth, though much may be done by the substitution
of trained and independent tribunals for a body composed, like
the House of Lords, of men either dependent on the Court, or
influenced by their own political feelings, the fault did not lie
entirely with the composition of the tribunal by which Yelver-
ton was tried. It is only when the great truth that liberty of
speech is a good thing in itself has sunk deeply into the national
conscience, that such scenes as those which attended Yelverton's
condemnation become impossible, and unhappily the Peers
did not stand alone in their ignorance of this corner-stone of
freedom.
During the early years of James's reign, indeed — except
when actual treason was supposed to have been committed —
little had been heard of penalties for words spoken
Proclama- . ...... _.
tion against or printed on political subjects. I he times were
;e speec . qujetj an(j t^ere was no general inclination to take
part in the quarrel which divided the Crown from the House
of Commons. With the attack upon the Palatinate, all this
was changed. The nation was resolutely bent upon following
one line of policy. The King was no less resolutely bent upon
following another. Hard words weie spoken everywhere, if
not of the King himself, of the King's ally, the King of
Spain ; and these words sometimes found their way into print,
or into sermons which, in those days, had a real political
Dec. 24 importance. James was sorely irritated. Of the *eal
1620. benefits of freedom of utterance he knew as little as
any of his contemporaries. He issued a proclamation l forbid-
1 Proclamation, Dec. 24, 1620, S.. P. Dom. clxxxvii. 87.
ii8 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
ding men to speak on State affairs. Scot, the author of the
clever pamphlet, Vox Populi, was forced to save himself by
flight.1 Dr. Everard, a London preacher, was summoned
1621. before the Council, and was committed to the Gate-
Ca^"'ofT' house, for inveighing in a sermon against the Spanish
|cot' , cruelties in the Indies.2 But the case which most
Jb-verard,
and Ward, justly attracted public attention was that of Dr. Ward,
of Ipswich, a man of considerable reputation as a preacher,
who possessed the unusual accomplishment of ability to express
his thoughts with his pencil as well as with his pen. He had
lately put forth his skill as a caricaturist upon a picture which
Gondomar had been able to represent as an insult to his master.
On one side was to be seen the wreck of the Armada, driven in
wild confusion before the storm. On the other side was the
detection of the Gunpowder Plot In the centre the Pope and
the Cardinals appeared in consultation with the King of Spain
and the Devil.3 Ward paid for his indiscretion by a short im-
prisonment, followed by an inhibition from preaching any more
at Ipswich. By the people he was regarded as a martyr, and a
story was freely circulated, telling how in reality he owed his
punishment to the manly stand which he had taken against
the election of a Papist as a knight of the shire for the county
of Suffolk.4
The invariable correlative of restraint upon speech is licen-
tiousness of action. The repression to which James had sub-
insuit to jected the spirit by which Englishmen were almost
Gondomar. universally animated, only caused that spirit to burst
out in irregular channels. As Gondomar was one day passing
down Fenchurch Street, in his litter, a saucy apprentice shouted
after him, " There goes the devil in a dungcart." Stung by
the taunt, one of his servants turned sharply upon the offender.
" Sir," he said, " you shall see Bridewell ere long for your
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 3. Locke to Carleton, Feb. 16,
S. P. Dom. cxix. 64, 99.
2 Mead to Stuteville, March 10, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 37.
* Description of Ward's Picture, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 13.
1 Mead to Stuteville, Feb. 24, ibid. 389, fol. 21. Petition of Ward,
May 31, S. P. Dom. cxxx. 127.
i62i FLOYD'S CASE. 119
mirth." " What ! " was the reply, " shall we go to Bridewell for
such a dog as thou ? " Suiting his action to his words, the lad
raised his fist, and knocked Gondomar's follower into the gutter.
The ambassador appealed to the Lord Mayor for justice, who,
sorely against his will, sentenced the apprentice,
and his companions who had supported him, to be
whipped through the streets. That an Englishman should be
flogged for insulting a Spaniard was intolerable to the London
populace. A crowd soon gathered round the cart, the youths
were rescued, and the officials whose duty it was to carry out
the sentence were themselves driven away with blows. Gondo-
mar once more complained to the Lord Mayor, but the Lord
Mayor, who in heart sympathized with the offenders, drily
informed him that it was not to him that an account of the
government of the City was to be rendered. James was next
appealed to, and at once responded to the appeal. He came
down in person to Guildhall. If such things were allowed, he
said, he would place a garrison in the City, and seize its charter.
The end of the affair was tragical enough. The original sen-
tence was carried out, and one of the apprentices died under
the lash.1
The feeling of indignation with which James's one-sided
severity was received spread to higher regions. Chafing under
the self-imposed silence which had for many weeks
April 30. .... - J
Floyd insults restrained their tongues from even mentioning the
and er name of the Palatinate, the Commons were in a
Elizabeth. temper to catch eagerly at the first opportunity which
offered itself to give vent to the thoughts which were burning
within. It was not long in coming. An aged Roman Catholic
barrister, named Floyd, who had been imprisoned in the Fleet
by the Council, had been guilty, as the House was informed, of
the heinous offence of rejoicing at the news of the battle of
Prague. "Goodman Palsgrave and Goodwife Palsgrave," he
had been heard to say, " were now turned out of doors." At
another time he had argued that Frederick had no more right
1 Meddus to Mead, April 6 ; Mead to Stuteville, April 7, Harl, MSS.
389, fol. 50, 48 : Council Register, April 2.
120 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
than himself to the Bohemian crown. Witnesses were called
to prove the truth of the story. Floyd denied that he had
ever said anything of the kind. The next day,
though additional witnesses corroborated the state-
ments previously made, Floyd persisted in his denial.
Then followed a scene, the like of which has seldom been
exhibited in an English Parliament. Phelips proposed that
Floyd should ride with his face to the horse's tail
Exaspera- , , . . . ,
tionofthe from Westminster to the Tower, bearing on his hat a
ons< paper with the inscription, "A popish wretch, that
hath maliciously scandalized his Majesty's children," and that
he should then be lodged in the horrible dungeon appropriately
known as Little Ease, ' with as much pain as he shall be able
to endure without loss cr danger of his life.' Terrible as
Phelips's suggestion was, it was not harsh enough for his
hearers. All consideration for the rights of free speech, all
thought of proportioning the punishment to the offence, was
lost in the whirpool of passion. A few words by Roe and
Digges, not on behalf of Floyd, but on behalf of the Lords of
the Council, who might resent any attempt to meddle with their
prisoner, were followed by an immediate explosion. "If we
have no precedent," said Sir George More, " let us make one.
Let Floyd be whipped to the place from whence he came, and
then let him be left to the Lords." " Let his beads be hung
about his neck," cried Sir Francis Seymour, "and let him have
as many lashes as he has beads." Sir Edward Giles hoped
that he might be pilloried at Westminster, and whipped. Sir
Francis Darcy was not content unless he might be twice
pilloried, and twice whipped. Each member, as he shouted
out his opinion, was more savage than the last. Let a hole be
burnt in his tongue. Let his tongue be cut out. Let him be
branded on the forehead. Let his nose and ears be lopped off.
Let him be compelled to swallow his beads. Another member,
with cruel irony, added that he had wished to recommend the
heaviest possible punishment, but that, ' as he perceived that the
House was inclined to mercy, he would have him whipped more
than twice as far as those who offended against the ambassador.'
At this stage John Finch, the future Lord Keeper of Charles I.,
i62i FLOYD'S CASE. 121
attempted to interpose. The House, he said, had no sworn
evidence upon which to act. This reasonable suggestion was
scouted by Walter, whose conduct on this day is the strongest
evidence of the criminal follies into which even an honourable
man may fall, in times when the principles upon which free-
dom and morality rest have not yet been engraved upon the
public mind. " Let Floyd's lands and goods," he said, " be
given to raise a force to recover the Palatinate. Let him be
whipped for laughing at the loss of Prague, thereby to make
him shed tears." Alone amongst the popular party, Sandys,
the veteran champion of liberty, showed some glimmerings
of sense. The real cause of Floyd's offence, he observed,
was the difference in religion. If in his punishment his
religion were touched, he would be looked upon as a martyr.
Nor was it proper to whip a gentleman. Though this was
not much to say, it had its effect. All thought of branding
and whipping was relinquished ; yet the poor old man, who had
committed no real crime, was sentenced by the House to be
Sentence pilloried three times, to ride from station to station
upon Floyd. on a bare-backed horse with his face to the tail,
and a paper on his hat explaining the nature of his offence.
Lastly, he was to pay a fine of ^ooo/.1
When the members came down to take their places for the
next morning's sitting, it was with the full expectation that they
Ma 2 would be able to feast their eyes upon the sufferings
Objections of Floyd as they passed through Palace Yard.
Nothing of the kind however was to be seen. They
were told by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the King
had commanded him to thank them for their care of his
honour, and then to ask them two questions. Could they show
that they had authority to inflict punishment upon anyone who,
not being one of themselves, had neither offended against their
House nor against any of its members ? And if they could
satisfy him on this point, would they inform him how they
could condemn a man who denied his fault, without being
able to take evidence on oath against him ? A record was
1 Commons' Joitrnals, i. 601 ; Proceedings and Debates, i. 370.
124 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
then handed in, from which it appeared that in the reign of
Henry IV. the Commons had acknowledged that they had
nothing to do with sentencing offenders.
Now that the excitement had passed off, there were few
whose opinion was of any value who did not recognise that
„ . . the assertions implied in the King's questions were
Hesitation
of the unanswerable. It was certain that over Floyd
Commons. , .....
the Commons had no jurisdiction whatever. In
fact, earlier in the session they had, in dealing with Mompes-
son, expressly renounced the right which they had now in-
temperately assumed. Noy, whose authority stood high on
such questions, after denying the supposed right of the House,
moved for a committee to search for precedents. Even this
was more than Hakewill was willing to concede. It would, he
said, be entirely useless. He had himself searched diligently for
such precedents, and he was certain that none were to be found.
Coke, who had been absent the day before, and who knew per-
fectly well what the law was, now interfered. He had no wish
to bolster up an indefensible position, but he feared lest, in its
recoil from a position which had been found untenable, the
House might surrender claims which were fairly its own. The
literal sense of the record presented to them would, he showed,
debar them from scrutinising even the conduct of their own
members. But they were not bound to acknowledge its force.
It was no Act of Parliament. " Let his tongue cleave to the
roof of his mouth," he ended by saying, in his magisterial way,
" who says that this House is no Co'.irt of Record. Though we
have not the power of judicature in all things, yet we have it in
some things." l
The only question which remained was, how to recede with
dignity. It was finally decided that the King should be asked
to put the sentence in force by his own authority,
Negotiations but that he should be told at the same time that
King and the Commons did not consider themselves bound by
the Lords. ^ recor(j which he had produced. Such a solution
could not be satisfactory to anyone. In requesting the King
to confer by his mere prerogative validity upon an invalid sen-
1 Commons' Journals, i. 603 ; Proccfdings and Debates, ii. 5, 13.
i62i FLOYD'S SENTENCE. 123
tence, the Commons were asking him to put forth powers which
in another cause they would have been the first to dispute.
After some further negotiation, James signified his intention of
leaving the matter in the hands of the Lords.
Accordingly the Lords, as a preliminary to their investiga-
tion of the matter, proceeded to clear up the question of juris-
diction. At a conference held on May c, Coke had
May 5. J ••"
much to say on the right of the Commons to punish
offences which affected their own House, but had nothing
better to say about Floyd's case than that the words against the
Electress ' were spoken against the members of the House of
Commons ; for a daughter is part of her father, and the King
May 16. is ever intended to be resident in that House.' The
Jhe result of the discussion was the acceptance by both
Commons . * *.
give way. sides of a declaration, which, under cover of leaving
the law precisely as it stood before Floyd's name was mentioned,
virtually gave the victory to the Lords.1
As far as the poor wretch who was the unwilling subject
of the dispute was concerned, it would have been better if he
May 26. had been left to the tender mercies of the Commons.
Floyd sen- The Lords, probably to show that they had no kindly
the Lords, feeling towards Papists, raised his fine from i,ooo/. to
5,ooo/., declared him an infamous person, whose testimony
was never to be received in any court of justice, ordered him
to be imprisoned for life, and to be whipped at the cart's tail
from London Bridge to Westminster Hall.2 It was no merit
of the Peers that the whipping was remitted by the King, at the
instance of the Prince of Wales.
Strangely enough this abominable sentence was, at least
according to the doctrine which has been ultimately adopted,
Doctrine ^ unconstitutional as that which had been pro-
finaiiy nounced by the Commons. The Lower House did
adopted »€
on the juris- not think it consistent with its dignity to prefer a
the Lords. definite charge against Floyd at the bar of the House
of Lords, and, ever since that evil day on which, surrounded
1 Commons'1 Journals, i. 604, 608; Lords' Journals, iii. 119, 124;
Proceedings and Debates, ii. 15, 19, 29.
2 Lords' Journals, iii. 134.
134 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
by a band of armed satellites, a misguided Sovereign attempted
to drag the leaders of the Long Parliament to a trial before the
Peers, it has passed into a political axiom that, except in
matters in which their own members are concerned, the Lords
can only exercise criminal jurisdiction upon the presentment
of the House of Commons. l
This doctrine, indeed, may be supported by arguments far
stronger than those which the lawyers of the seventeenth century
derived from the analogy between the functions of the House of
Commons and the functions of a grand jury ; for, by requiring
the co-operation of two independent bodies, it went far to lessen
the chances of hasty and passionate injustice. However the
evil of entrusting judicial functions to a political body might be
mitigated, it was none the less distinctly an evil, only to be
tolerated because at the beginning of the seventeenth century
the remedy would have been worse than the disease. Advis-
able as it might be that political prosecutions should be con-
ducted before judges and not before the House of Lords, there
were no judges in existence to whom the duty of conducting
such trials could safely be entrusted. Revocable at the pleasure
of the Crown and, since the overthrow of Coke, having the pro-
spect of dismissal ever dangling before their eyes, the majority of
the judges could not, as long as human nature is what it is, be
impartial in such matters. If it was a bad thing that a court
should be guided, like the House of Lords, by its political sym-
pathies, it would have been far worse to trust questions of high
political importance to a court warped by self-interest like the
King's Bench or the Common Pleas. Nor were there wanting
other reasons to justify, at least for the time, the renewed claim
of Parliament to exercise jurisdiction over state offences. The
time had come when the nation was beginning to watch with a
jealous eye the conduct of the high officers of state. The time
had not yet come when a vote of its representatives would be
sufficient to remove them from office. It was only by the fear
of a criminal charge that they could be in any way controlled,
and no tribunal of less authority than Parliament could deal with
1 Hale's Jurisdiction of the Lords, 95. See, for Floyd's case, Hai-
grave's preface to this work, xrL
i62i' THE LORDS AS JUDGES. 125
them at all. It was by giving us at once a body of independent
judges, and a House of Commons which was strong enough to
control the Executive Government, that the Revolution of 1688
introduced a new state of feeling, which before long virtually put
an end to parliamentary impeachments.1
The Lords had still two cases to dispose of. With the
Bishop of Llandaff they dealt mercifully. It was proved that
May 3o. he had taken from Edward Egerton a recognisance
lifsho °f ^or 6>ooc^- upon a promise to do his best to procure
Field for him the good-will of the Chancellor. But the
money had never been paid, and no service had been ren-
dered in return. Such arguments would have availed Floyd
but little. A member of the House of Lords was not likely
to appeal to the Peers in vaia They contented themselves
with handing over the offender to the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, who promised to admonish him publicly in convocation.
He did not, however, take the admonition seriously to heart,
for the first thing that he did after the Houses ceased to sit
was to implore Buckingham to promote him to a better
bishopric.2
Ma x Sir John Bennett was still to be kept in suspense,
and of Sir Time would not allow a complete investigation of his
iett' case, and he was released on bail, with orders to pre-
pare a reply to the depositions against him.3
Whilst the Lords had been mainly occupied with judicial
business, the other House had not been idle. Patents for the
May. sole engrossing of wills, for the levying of lighthouse
palms' con- tolls> for the importation of salmon and lobsters, for
demned by j^g making of gold-leaf, and for the manufacture of
the Com- .
mons. glass were voted to be grievances. A monopoly bill
had been passed by which the decision of the question, whether
the protected manufacture was a new invention or not, would
from henceforth be left to the ordinary tribunals. There had
been long and anxious debates upon the alleged decline of
1 The case of Warren Hastings was an exception, as a question of
Indian, not of English government.
2 Field to Buckingham, June (?), Harl. MSS, 7,000, fol. 57.
* Lords' Journals, iii. 143, 148.
126 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
trade, which seems to have been suffering temporarily from the
effects of the war in Germany ; and many rash and unwise
restrictions were proposed in a vain hope that, with their aid,
commerce might be restored to a flourishing condition. There
had been an attempt also to set on foot an inquiry into the
state of Ireland, which had been promptly checked by the King,
who held that this was a subject with which he was himself
perfectly competent to deal
On May 28, however, in the very midst of their toils, the
Commons were startled by a royal message directing them to
Ma 2g bring their labours to an end within a week. The
The King gentry, they were told, were wanted in their own
adjoJmi^1 neighbourhoods ; the lawyers were wanted in West-
minster HalL Yet the House need not fear that
their time had been wasted. There should be no prorogation
to compel them to recommence their work at their next meet-
ing. There would be a simple adjournment, and they would
thus be able to resume their business at the stage at which
they had left it
The House was taken by surprise. There could be little
doubt that more was intended than had been said. It may be
either that James was nettled at the contemptuous silence with
which his demand for a fresh subsidy had been met, and at
the pretensions of the Commons in their claim to jurisdiction
over Royd, or that he wished to hinder any renewed legislation
upon recusancy. Rumour, too, was busy in bringing to his
ear news of the proceedings of the opposition party in the
Upper House. Their ill-will against Buckingham, it was
told, had not relaxed, and suspicious meetings had been held
at Southampton's house in Holborn, to which members of the
House of Commons had been invited. It was even said that
a scheme had been concocted for diverting future subsidies
from the Exchequer, by sending them over directly to the fugi-
tive King of Bohemia.1
1 Compare the examinations in the Appendix to Proceedings and
Debates, with a letter by Ashley to Buckingham, May 12, Cabala, 2. How
anyone, in the face of this letter, can maintain that Buckingham had taken
part, except from timidity, in the overthrow of Bacon, I am unable to
understand.
1 62 1 PROPOSED ADJOURNMENT. 127
In vain the Commons appealed to the Peers to aid them
in obtaining a change in the King's intentions. All that James
allowed the Lords to say was, that if the Lower
May 29. J
Proposal of House wished to get ready a few bills by the end of
the week the King would give his assent to them, an
act which, according to the notions of the day, would bring the
session to a close, thus involving a prorogation instead of an
adjournment.
Such an offer, in truth, was entirely illusory. There was
not time to give a thorough discussion to the bills upon which
Dissatis- the Commons had set their hearts. The statement
theCooif made by the Lords was received with open discon-
mons. tent Tongues were loosed which had for four
months been placed under strict restraint "The country,"
said Sandys, "is in a dangerous state. Our religion is rooted
out of Bohemia and Germany. It will soon be rooted out of
France. Sandys then moved that nothing more should be done
that day. Their hearts, he said, were full of grief and fear.
Perhaps time might temper their passions. After this Cranfield
tried to speak, but the House refused to listen to him, and
Sandys's motion was adopted.
Reflection in this case did not bring a change of mood.
The next morning Phelips painted in mournful colours the evil
estate of religion abroad and at home, and urged that
one more appeal should be made to the House of
Lords. The Lords listened, but could give no hope whatever
of inducing the King to prolong their sittings. They would do
what they could. They would agree to the passing of an Act
declaring that, in this case at least, the royal assent to a few
selected bills should not prevent the resumption of business,
when they next met, at the stage at which it had been left.
But the Commons would not hear of such a compromise. To
an offer made by James to close the session after prolonging
their sittings for a week or ten days, they were equally deaf.
There was no time, they thought, left to do anything worthy of
the name of a session. They would prefer the adjournment
originally proposed. l
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 118-159; Lords' Journals, iii. 140, 148,
153.
128 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
Yet the last advances of James towards the Commons had
not been wholly thrown away. Their temper had been ruffled,
but only for a moment. They resolved to return
June 4. J J
The last thanks to the King for his offer of an additional
week.1 At their last sitting they listened with evi-
dent satisfaction to Cranfield's assurances that the burdens
under which trade was suffering should have the immediate
attention of the Government
There were those, however, present who felt that this was
not a fitting conclusion to the labours of the House. In the
stormy discussions of the past week words had again been
heard on that subject which the vast majority of the members
had most deeply at heart, but they had not been always
spoken wisely. For three months the House had disciplined
itself into silence, by its earnest determination to act if possible
in unison with the King. Carried away by the feelings of the
moment, Sandys and Phelips had let fall expressions by which
Gondomar might be led to imagine that England would no
longer present a united front to the enemy. A few moments
only now remained to wipe away such a conception. Accord-
ingly, whilst there was yet time, Sir John Perrot rose, in the
midst of a discussion upon the mode of levying customs at the
ports. It was Perrot who, at the commencement of the session,
had moved that the Commons should partake of the Commu-
nion together as ' a means of reconciliation,' and as ' a touch-
stone to try their faith.' * In a similar spirit he now addressed
Pen-ot's them. The House he said, had shown itself careful
motion. of the ports • but there was something still more
necessary, namely, to provide for that port which would be
the surest resting-place, and which would procure for them a
perpetual rest when the merchandise, trade, and traffic of this
life would have an end. True religion must be maintained.
Abroad it was in sad case. At home it was in danger. At
the beginning of the Parliament the King had declared that
if the Palatinate could not be recovered by treaty, he would
adventure his blood and life in its cause. Let them there-
fore, before they separated, make a public declaration that,
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 161.
• Commons' Journals, i. 508.
1 52 1 DECLARATION OF THE COMMONS. 129
if the treaty failed, they would upon their return be ready to
adventure their lives and estates for the maintenance of the
cause of God and of his Majesty's royal issue.
When Perrot sat down it was evident that he had touched
the right chord in the hearts of his hearers. " This declaration,"
said Cecil, " comes from Heaven. It will do more
withracda-e for us than if we had ten thousand soldiers on the
march." The motion was put and assented to
amidst universal acclamation. " It was entertained," says one
who took part in the scene,1 "with much joy and a general
consent of the whole House, and sounded forth with the voices
of them all, withal lifting up their hats in their hands as high
as they could hold them, as a visible testimony of their unani-
mous consent, in such sort that the like had scarce ever been
seen in Parliament." 2
A committee was at once appointed to prepare the declara-
tion. In a few minutes its work was done. " The Commons
assembled in Parliament," so ran the manifesto,
mons' d£" " taking into consideration the present estate of the
ciaration. King's children abroad, and the general afflicted estate
of the true professors of the same Christian religion professed
by the Church of England and other foreign parts ; and being
troubled with a true sense and fellow-feeling of their distresses
as members of the same body, do, with one unanimous consent
of themselves and of the whole body of the kingdom whom
they do represent, declare unto the whole world their hearty
grief and sorrow for the same ; and do not only join with them
in their humble and devout prayers to Almighty God to protect
his true Church, and to avert the dangers now threatened, but
also with one heart and voice do solemnly protest that, if his
Majesty's pious endeavours by treaty to procure- their peace
and safety shall not take that good effect he desireth, in the
treaty whereof they humbly beseech his Majesty to make no
long delay ; — that then, upon the signification of his pleasure
in Parliament, they shall be ready, to the uttermost of their
powers, both with their lives and fortunes, to assist him ; so
1 Edward Nicholas. * Proceedings and Debates, ii. 1 70.
VOL. IV. K
130 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
as, by the Divine help of Almighty God, who is never wanting
unto those who, in His fear, shall undertake the defence of His
own cause, he may be able to do that by his sword which by
peaceable courses shall not be effected."
Again, when the declaration had been read, the hats were
waved high in the air. Again the shouts of acclamation rang
out cheerily. Perrot had been just in time. The
Adjourn- - . _ , , .
mentofthe messengers from the Lords were at the door to
notify the King's order to adjourn to November 14.
The Commons answered that, according to custom, they would
adjourn themselves. Before the motion was put, Coke stood
up, and with tears in his eyes, repeated the prayer for the
Royal Family, adding, as he finished it, " and defend them
from their cruel enemies."
For a time the work of the House of Commons was at an
end. Complaints had been heard that the long months of
Review of labour had produced nothing with which the con-
ofethersL^art stituencies could be reasonably satisfied. With the
sion. exception of the Act by which the subsidies had
been granted, not a single Bill had been passed. So far as legis-
lation was concerned, monopolists were as safe as ever. The
claims of the prerogative were as undefined as at the com-
mencement of the session. Yet the Houses had not sat in
vain. They had rescued from oblivion the right of impeach-
ment, and had taught a crowd of hungry and unscrupulous
adventurers that Court favour would not always suffice to
screen them. They had made judicial corruption almost
impossible for the future. Yet the highest of their achievements
had not been of a nature to be quoted as a precedent, or to be
noted down amongst the catalogue of constitutional changes.
Far more truly than any member of that House dreamed, a
crisis had come in which Protestantism was to be tried in the
balance. There was a danger greater than any which was to
be dreaded from the armies of Spinoia or the policy of
Maximilian,— a danger lest moral superiority should pass over
to the champions of the reactionary faith. And it was at such
a crisis that the English House of Commons placed itself in
the foremost ranks of those who were helping on the progress
1621 CONDUCT OF THE COMMONS. 131
of the world. Cecil spoke truly when he said that their
declaration would do more good than if ten thousand soldiers
had been on the march. It showed that James and Frederick
and John George were not the utmost that Protestantism
could produce ; that it had given birth to men who might be
ignorant of much, but who were steeled with the armour of
self-denial and self-restraint, and who were willing to sacrifice
themselves for the common cause. It was of no political
advantage to England that they were dreaming. They formed
no schemes of national aggrandisement like Richelieu, they
cherished no personal ambition like Gustavus. They thought
of the poor inhabitants of the Palatinate, of the Bohemian
churches empty or profaned, of the silenced voices of the
ministers of the Gospel ; and, though they never more than
half- trusted James, they had the penetration to recognise the
fact that it was only under James's leadership that they could
help in averting the catastrophe. Therefore, they disciplined
themselves into silence, and restrained their zeal, lest by a
moment's ill-considered speech, they should alienate the man
who alone was in a position to give effect to their wishes.
They had done more than gain a victory. They had ruled
their own spirits.
When James first heard that a declaration on the affairs of
the Palatinate had been voted, he was much displeased ; but
as soon as he read it, his opinion changed. He
ac«pts the ordered it to be translated into the chief languages
declaration. Qf Europej m on}er that foreign nations might learn
to respect the loyalty of the English people.1
James was, no doubt, glad enough to regain his indepen-
dence of action. No candid person will complain of his deter-
Bacon's mination to moderate the harshness of Bacon's
men"iand sentence. He probably thought, as everyone else
release. thought, that his late Chancellor was far more guilty
than he really was ; but the memory of old friendship and of
years of devoted service indisposed him to harshness. For some
days after the sentence was pronounced, Bacon was allowed to
remain unmolested at York House, out of consideration for his
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 9, S. P. Dom. cxxi. 88.
K 2
132 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
health.1 But before the Parliament broke up, he was conducted
to the Tower.2 It was never, however, intended that he should
remain long a prisoner. A warrant for his release was sent to
him, with an intimation that he would do well not to use it till
after the Houses had risen. So great, however, was
his impatience that he could not wait, and came
away at once, before the last sitting had taken place. Sir John
Vaughan's house at Parson's Green was assigned him as a
temporary residence. As, however, the place was within twelve
miles of the Court, he could not be permitted to remain there
long. A little breathing-time was granted him to settle his
arTairs ; but on June 22, he was obliged, much
against his will, to betake himself to Gorhambury.
Any other man would have been crushed by the blow by
which Bacon had been surprised, and would have resigned him-
self, at least for a time, to lethargy. Bacon only saw
His History . ' . f ' ... 11.,&J ,,. . , J
of Henry in his exclusion from political life an additional reason
for throwing himself heart and soul into other work.
In less than five months after his liberation he had completed
that noble history of the reign of Henry VII. which stands
confessedly amongst the choicest first-fruits of the long harvest
of English historical literature.3
Two days before Bacon's removal to Gorhambury, the
sentence of the House of Lords upon an offender of a very
Degradation different kind was carried out. Sir Francis Michell
ofMicheii. was jn due form degraded from knighthood. The
spurs were hacked from his heels, the sword was broken over
his head, and the heralds proclaimed to the applauding by-
standers, that from henceforth he would be known as " Francis
Michell, Knave." He was conducted back, amidst the hoot-
1 On May 12 Southampton reminded the Lords that Bacon had not
yet been sent to the Tower, and 'hoped that the world may not thine
our sentence is in vain ; ' Buckingham replied that ' the King hath re-
spited his going to the Tower in this time of his great sickness.' — Elsing's
Notes, 79.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 2, S. P. Dom. cxxi. 69.
* Chamberlain to Carleton, June 9, ibid. cxxi. 88. Bacon to Bucking,
ham, May 31, June 5, 22, Letters and Life, vii. 280, 282, 292. Bacon to
the Prince of Wales, June 7, ibid. vii. 287.
1621 MEMBERS ARRESTED. 133
ings of the mob, to Finsbury Gaol, from which, about a fort-
night later, he was contemptuously set at liberty.1 Not long
afterwards, Mompesson's fine was granted to trustees, for the
use of his wife and child.2
Against this lenity to men for whose faults the Govern-
ment was more than half responsible, there would have been
juneie. little to be said, if it had not been sharply con-
South-°f trasted with harshness exercised in another direction,
nd James na^ been deeply annoyed at the consultations
which had been held between Southampton and
certain members of the Lower House, with the object, it was
said, of opening direct negotiations with Frederick and Eliza-
beth. On June 16, Southampton, as he rose from the council-
board, was ordered into confinement. On the same day,
Sandys and Seiden were arrested, the latter, though not a
member of Parliament, having, it is said, given offence by an
opinion delivered in support of the jurisdiction of the Commons
over Floyd.
Anything more impolitic it is impossible to conceive. At
once a belief in the unreality of the apparent concord between
the Crown and the Lower House began to spread. A story
was eagerly repeated that, when the searchers applied to Lady
Sandys for Sir Edwin's keys, she had answered that she wished
his Majesty had a key to her husband's heart, as he would
then see that there was nothing there but loyalty. It was to
no purpose that the world was carefully informed that the
prisoners were not called in question for anything done in
Parliament. Men shrugged their shoulders incredulously. The
wildest rumours flew about. Coke, it was said, had been sent
for. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Lich-
juiy 13. field had been imprisoned. It was not long before
ment'o?11" another nobleman shared in reality Southampton's
Oxford. fate. A year before, the Earl of Oxford had surprised
all who knew him by leaving those dissipations in which his
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 23, S. P. Dom. cxxi. 120. Meddus
to Mead, June 22, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 96. Michell's petition, June 30,
S. P. Dom. cxxi. 135.
2 Grant to St. John and Hungerford. July 7, Sign Manuals^ xii. 71.
134 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
youth had been passed, for the sake of hard service under Vere
in the Palatinate. But he did not remain long upon the Con-
tinent. In company with the more demure Essex, he hurried
back, as soon as the summer was over, to take his place in the
House of Lords, and he now thought himself justified by the
very moderate amount of hardship which he had undergone,
in grumbling about the thankless reception which had been
accorded to his services. One day he inveighed over his
wine against Popery and the Spanish match, and his words
being reported to the King, he was placed under arrest.1
James was sufficiently vexed to issue a fresh proclamation
' against excess of lavish and licentious speech of matters of
state.'2
Fortunately for James there was one amongst those to
whom he willingly listened, who was able to warn him against
the conseqences of such blunders as these. Since
Lord*"1 he had warded off a breach with the Commons,
Keeper Williams had found the King's ear open to him on all
occasions. His first thought had been to claim his own reward.
The see of London was vacant, and he lost no time in
asking for it.3 Before his pretensions could be satisfied, a
still more brilliant prospect opened itself before him. It was
necessary to provide a successor to Bacon. Ley and Hobart
had been pointed out by rumour as competitors for the office,
but it was soon understood that the King's choice would rest
upon Cranfield. Before, however, the selection had finally
been made, it happened that Williams, who had learned many
secrets as Ellesmere's chaplain, was consulted on a point of
detail relating to the profits of the place, and that James was
so struck with the ability of his reply, and with his thorough
knowledge of the subject, that he at once declared that he
would entrust the Great Seal to no one else.4
1 Examinations. App. to Proceedings and Debates. Meddus to Mead,
June 22. Mead to Stuteville, June 23, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 96, 98.
Chamberlain to Carleton, June 23, July 14, S. P. Dom. cxxi. 121; cxxii. 23.
2 Proclamation, July 26, 6". P. Dom. clxxxvii. 95.
» Williams to Buckingham, April (?), Cabala, 374.
4 Racket's Life of Williams, 52.
1621 PROMOTION OF WILLIAMS. 135
It is true that Williams was a clergyman only in name, and
that he was not likely to be tainted with those faults by which
so many ecclesiastical politicians have been ruined. Yet any
sovereign who in our days should be guilty of such a choice,
would justly be regarded as insane. For the last two centuries
the equity administered in the Court of Chancery has been
growing up into a body of scientific jurisprudence, which can
only be grasped by those who have received a special legal
training. It was far otherwise at the commencement of the
seventeenth century. It was the business of Chancery to
supply a correction to the highly artificial rules of the Common
Law, and until the time came for the growth of a better and
more coherent system, it was sufficient that the Chancellor
should be possessed of a mind large enough to grasp the
general principles of justice, and quick enough to apply those
principles to the case before him. He would bear, in fact,
very much the same relation to the other judges which is in
our day borne by a Secretary of State to the permanent officials
of his department. Such a man, when he is first appointed,
knows less of the details of business than his subordinates ;
but he brings to its transaction a mind less trammelled by
routine, and therefore more open to the admission of new and
enlarged conceptions.
As might have been expected, many objections were raised
against the King's choice. " I had thought," said Bacon, with
and Bishop a sneer, " that I should have known my successor,"
of Lincoln. Yet it does not appear that anyone complained of
Williams's ignorance of law. Some said that he was too young ;
and that it was unfair to others 'that so mean a man as a
dean should so suddenly leap over their heads.' To remedy the
last complaint as far as it was possible, James announced his
intention to translate Bishop Montaigne to the see of London,
and to give to Williams the bishopric of Lincoln, which would
be vacated by Montaigne. The Great Seal should not be
placed in his hands till after the conge (felire had been issued.1
On July 1 6, the new Bishop received the seal by the title
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 23, S. P. Dom. cxxi. 121.
136 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
of Lord Keeper. He had far too much tact not to be anxious
that his promotion should be as unostentatious as possible.
At his own request it was given out that he was appointed
on probation, and that some of the common-law judges would
take their seats with him on the bench as his assistants.1
Williams's next step was to apply himself diligently to the
study of law. Every day he shut himself up for hours with
Serjeant Finch, in the hope of making himself fit for the duties
of his office before Michaelmas term began.
In addition to the bishopric of Lincoln, he was allowed to
retain in commendam the deanery of Westminster and his other
ecclesiastical appointments. It was to them that he
How far was , , - ... /- i •
he fit for his must look for the means to maintain the state of his
office. The legitimate income of his post did not
exceed 3,ooo/. a- year, and he would not be allowed to eke out
this revenue from those questionable sources which had supplied
his predecessor. There must be no more taking of gratuities
under any pretence whatever. " All my lawyers," said James,
with pardonable exaggeration, "are so bred and nursed in
corruption that they cannot leave it." 2 Williams was the very
man to effect the necessary change. If his ideal of purity was
lower than Bacon's, in practical shrewdness he was far his
superior. He was never for a moment in doubt of that of
which Bacon was certain to be ignorant, — the precise light in
which any action was likely to be regarded by ordinary men,
and he shunned everything approaching to corruption like the
plague.
As an adviser in domestic affairs Williams was likely to
prove useful to the King. At a time when united action
between James and his people seemed once again to be pos-
sible, it was of no light moment that he should have some one
at his ear who was not overburthened with plans and concep-
tions of his own, but who was quick to detect the changes of
popular feeling, and who looked rather at what was practicable
than at what was theoretically in agreement with a certain set
1 Williams to Buckingham, July 27, Cabala, 260.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 23, S. P. Dom. cxxi. 121.
i62i WILLIAMS 'S ADVICE. 137
of maxims. Williams was now the first to discern the impolicy
of imprisoning such men as Sandys and Southampton. He
lost no time in whispering his apprehensions into Buckingham's
ear, and he did not whisper in vain. Nothing tickled the
favourite's vanity so delicately as the display of a public
forgiveness of his enemies. On the morning of July 16, he
hurried up from Theobalds, and visited all who for
liberation of one reason or another were supposed to lie under
his mortal displeasure. Within a few days the prison
doors were flying open on every side. Southampton, Oxford,
Sandys, Selden, Yelverton, and Floyd regained their liberty.
Nor was the boon confined to those whose offences were still
recent Northumberland, after fifteen years' detention, was
allowed once more to breathe the fresh air amongst the woods
of Petworth. Naunton, too, was released from the confinement
in which he had remained ever since the rash words which he
had spoken in January ; and even Captain North, whose
voyage to the Amazon had given such offence to Gondomar,
recovered his liberty at the same time.1
On another point Williams's remonstrances were less suc-
cessful. Arundel's services in the House of Lords could
hardly be forgotten. Amongst the old nobility
Arundel , . , , »»••«• • ,
Earl Mar- he alone had taken up Buckingham s cause with
warmth. On July 15 the Earl Marshal's staff
was placed in his hands. It was not long before two patents,
one confirming him in his office, the other assigning him
a pension of 2,000!. a-year, were brought to Williams to
be sealed. To the latter, remembering the penury of the
Exchequer, the Lord Keeper gave an unwilling assent. To
the former he entertained the strongest possible objection. By
the wording of the patent powers over all cases in which rank
and honour were concerned were conveyed, as it would seem,
with studied vagueness ; and of all men living, Arundel, with
his passionate haughtiness, was the least fit to be trusted with
authority of such a nature. Williams, however, uttered his
remonstrances in vain, and Arundel was formally authorised to
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, July 21, Aug. 4, 6". P. Dom. cxxii. 31, 60.
I3« THE JURISDICTION OF PARUAMJmu.. cri. xxxv.
repeat before meaner audiences those outbursts of insolence
which even in the presence of his peers he had not been able
to restrain.1
About this time accident brought Williams in contact with
a man who was hereafter to prove his bitter enemy. Little had
been heard of Laud since his injudicious proceedings
Laud made _., __ , . .,._,.
Bishop of at Gloucester. He had accompanied the King to
Scotland, and is said to have given offence by the
pertinacity with which he urged James to reduce the Church of
Scotland to a complete conformity with her English sister. It
is, however, not improbable that this story was invented at a
later date. But whatever the truth may have been, if there
was any estrangement between the Dean of Gloucester and the
King, it quickly passed away. On June 3, the day before the
adjournment of Parliament, James was heard speaking graciously
to him. " I have given you," he said, " nothing but Gloucester.
I know well that it is a shell without a kernel." At Court it
was understood that he was to succeed Williams in the deanery
of Westminster. According to a story which afterwards
found credence, Williams, bringing Buckingham to his aid,
entreated earnestly that Laud might have the bishopric of
St. David's instead. It has, with great probability, been
suspected 2 that Williams was actuated by the simple de-
sire to keep the deanery for himself. At all events, his
recommendation of Laud is said to have met with an
unexpected obstacle in James, who objected to the harsh
and impracticable nature of the maa At length the King
yielded to the pressure put upon him. " Take him to
you," he said, "but on my soul you will repent it." If the
whole story is anything more than a pure invention, it may be
that James, though he saw Laud's fitness for presiding over
the public services of such a church as Westminster, and ap-
preciated to the full his learning, his devotion to the throne,
and his hatred of Puritanism, was yet well aware that he was
1 Williams to Buckingham, Sept. i, Cabala, 261. Grant of Office,
Aug. 29. Grant of Pension, Aug. 30. Patent Rolls, 19 Jac. I. Parts 13
and I. Locke to Carleton, Sept. 22, Sept. 29, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 140,
152-
2 By Dr. Bliss, in his notes to Laud's Diary,
i62l ABBOTS MISFORTUNE. 139
singularly unfitted by nature for an office which, like that of a
bishop, demanded no ordinary temper and discretion.1
Before the new Bishops were consecrated, an accident oc-
curred which caused for some time a postponement of the
July 24. ceremony. It happened that the Archbishop had
accidental gone down to Lord Zouch's estate at Bramshill, to
homicide. consecrate a chapel. In the morning he was taken
out to amuse himself by shooting with a bow at the deer. Un-
fortunately, the deer at which he was aiming leapt up, and the
arrow, missing its mark, struck a keeper who was passing along
a sunken path out of the Archbishop's sight. In half an hour
the man was dead.
Not a shadow of blame was to be imputed to Abbot.
" No one but a fool or a knave," said James, as soon as he
heard of the accident, " would think the worse of him. It
might be any man's case." 2 The manner in which Williams
received the news was no less characteristic of the man. About
the moral nature of the action he did not trouble himself for a
moment. But he thought much of what people would say
about it. By the common law, he told Buckingham, the Arch-
bishop had forfeited his estate to the Crown. By the canon
law he had committed an irregularity, and was suspended from
all ecclesiastical functions. It was difficult to say what was to
be done. If the King were harsh, the Papists were certain to
find fault. If the King were lenient, the Papists would find
fault with that, too.3 Williams, at all events, took care that no
stain of irregularity should rest upon himself. He would not,
he said, be consecrated by a man whose hands were dipped in
blood ; 4 and his objection was shared by Laud, who bore no
good-will to the Archbishop.5
1 Hacket, 63. Some of the particulars of the story are in direct con-
tradiction with Laud's Diary (Works, iii. 136) ; and Hacket, even when
uncontradicted, is seldom to be fully trusted. But James's part in the
conversation is characteristic, and the story, as I have given it above,
may perhaps be hypothetically admitted.
2 Lord Zouch to Sir Edward Zouch, July 24. Digges to Carleton,
July 28, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 37, 47.
* Williams to Buckingham, July 27, Cabala, 260.
4 Mead to Stuteville, Sept. 19, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 118.
6 Chesterman to Conway, Aug. 28, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 94.
140 THE JURISDICTION OF PARLIAMENT. CH. xxxv.
The scruples of the two deans were respected, and Abbot
was not allowed to take part in their consecration.
Pardon of mi » i t_ • i i r j .
the Arch- The Archbishop s case was referred to a royal com-
bishop. mission, and by its recommendation a special release
from all irregularity was issued under the Great Seal1
Whilst Williams was thus engaged, upon the whole, in
assuaging enmities and in counselling moderation, Cranfield
July 9. was rising no less rapidly into favour. It is not likely
wSsed'tlfthe tnat ne ^ ^^ great disappointment at the preference
peerage. which had been shown to Williams. No one knew
better than himself that the Court of Chancery was not the
sphere in which he was best qualified to shine. It was as a
financier that he had risen, and it was as a financier that he
must retain his grasp upon power.
James took care to let him feel that it was not from ill-will
that he had passed him by. On the day before the Great Seal
was placed in the hands of Williams, the man who, not many
years before, had been a mere city apprentice, was enrolled, by
the title of Baron Cranfield, among the peers of England. It
was not the first time that men of comparatively humble origin
had won their way to that high place by sheer force of ability.
But Cranfield was the first whose elevation can in any way be
connected with success in obtaining the confidence of the
House of Commons. In the earlier part of the session, he had
placed himself at the head of the movement against the patents,
and he had lost no opportunity of bringing the policy of the
Crown into unison with that of the Lower House. In the last
stormy debates before the adjournment he had done more than
anyone to allay the existing irritation, by the readiness with
which he assured the House that all their wishes with regard to
trade would be carried out by the Government during the recess.
Accordingly, on July 10, the long deliberations of the
Council were followed by a proclamation which swept away at
July 10. a blow no less than eighteen monoplies and grants
Proclaim- of a similar nature. A list of seventeen was added,
tion against .
monopolies, against which anyone who felt aggrieved was at
liberty to appeal to a court of law. Other popular declarations
1 Hacket, 68.
1621 MONOPOLIES ABOLISHED. 141
followed. Informers were no longer to be tolerated. Excessive
fees were not to be taken in the Courts. Certain restrictions
placed upon trade by the merchant adventurers were to be
abolished. On the other hand, the exportation of wool was to
be prohibited, and that of the noted iron ordnance of England
was to be fenced about with additional precautions. As far as
trade and manufactures were concerned, James was content to
walk in the track which had been marked out by Parliament
142
CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE VOYAGE OF THE ' MAYFLOWER.'
IT would have seemed strange to any of those who had
taken part in the stirring events of this session, and whose
heads were full of questions about the Palatinate, or Parlia-
mentary privilege, to be told that there was not one of these
points from which the Englishman of future times would not
readily turn aside in order to contemplate the fortunes of a
little band of exiles who had lately made their way, unknown
and unheeded, across the stormy waves of the Atlantic.
It was religious zeal which had driven them from their
native land. Though, in many respects, their doctrines were
The early those of the stricter English Puritans, in one point
Separatists, ^gy were peculiarly their own. Whilst the Puritan
was anxious to reform, as far as possible, the existing Church,
these men had made up their minds to break away from it alto-
gether. Within its pale, they declared, was an unholy alliance
between good and evil, which was utterly abhorrent to their
minds. Their doctrine, indeed, was only a natural reaction
against the systems of Whitgift and Bancroft. In every age there
are found men who are discontented with the ordinary religious
standard of the day, and who demand a society of their own,
in which they may interchange their ideas and aspirations. To
such the Mediaeval Church offered the asylum of the cloister,
or the active service of the mendicant orders. In the England
of the nineteenth century, they would be at liberty to enter
into any combination amongst themselves which the most un-
1 62 1 THE SEPARATISTS. 143
restrained fancy could dictate. Religious societies and religious
sects would welcome their co-operation. But, in the first cen-
tury of the Reformed Church of England, nothing of the kind
was possible. The parish church, and nothing but the parish
church, was open to all. There the Puritan, who mourned
over the dulness or the entire absence of the sermon, and to
whom the Book of Common Prayer was not long enough or
flexible enough to give expression to the emotions with which
his heart was bursting, was seated side by side with men who
thought that the shortest service was already too long, and who
were only driven to take part in it at all by the ever-present fear
of a conviction for recusancy. If this had been all, — if, after
having paid due obedience to the law, the Puritan had been
left to himself, — if he had been permitted to meet with his
fellows for prayer in the afternoon as freely as other men were
permitted to dance on the green, or to shoot at the butts, he
might perhaps have been, to some extent, satisfied with the
arrangements provided for him. In his private intercourse with
neighbours like-minded with himself he would have found that
of which he was in search, and he might have come in time to
regard with reverence the large-heartedness of a Church which
refused to content herself with claiming as her children the
pious and the devoted, but which announced, in the only way
in which it was at that time possible to announce it, that the
ignorant and the vicious, the publican and the harlot, were
equally the object of her care with the wisest and best of her
sons.
This, however, was not to be. Whitgift and Bancroft,
Elizabeth and James, had set their faces against private asso-
ciations : and the consequence was that men were
1 heir oppo- '
sition to the found to declare that private associations were the
Church. , . , . ,
only congregations to which they were justified m
giving the name of churches. Feelings which might have
formed a support to the general piety, were left to grow up in
fierce opposition to the existing system. The Church, it was
said, was, by the confession of the Articles themselves, ' a con-
gregation of faithful men.' Such, at least, the Church of
England was not. Her bishops and archdeacons, her chan-
144 VOYAGE OF THE ' MAYFLOWER: CH. xxxvi.
cellors and ecclesiastical commissioners, existed mainly for the
purpose of forcing the faithful and the unfaithful into an un-
natural union. The time had come when all true Christians
must separate themselves from this antichristian Babylon, and
must unite in churches from which the unbelieving and the
profane would be rigorously excluded.1
Towards the end of Elizabeth's reign, it was calculated that
there were in England some 20,000 persons who had thus re-
nounced communion with the Church, and who were
*593-
Their un- popularly known by the name of Brownists. Such
popu »ty. men woui^ fin(j but |jttie sympathy even amongst
Puritans. To ordinary Englishmen they were the object of
contempt mingled with abhorrence. It was all very well, it
might be said, for those who cared for such matters to raise
questions about rites and ceremonies. But what was to be said
to men who asserted that none but those who came up to their
own arbitrary standard were sufficiently holy to take part with
themselves in the assemblies of the Church ?
Everywhere, therefore, the Separatist congregations were
suppressed. Their members were committed to prison, in
days when imprisonment was too often equivalent to
Persecution. ' *
the tortures of a lingering death ; and they rotted
away amongst the fevers which were rife in those infected
abodes of misery. A few, by a cruel perversion of the law,
were sent to the gallows. Some, who could not endure to re-
main at home and to wait for better times, made their way
across the sea to a land where no bishops were to be found,
1 "If Mr. Johnson confess . . . the Church of England a true Church,
he must be able to prove it established by separation in a separated body
in the constitution. He, with the rest, has formally defined ' a true visible
Church, a company of people called and separated from the world by the
Word of God,' &c. ; and proved the same by many Scriptures.
"And to conceive of a Church which is the body of Christ and house-
bold of God not separated from the profane world which lieth in wicked-
ness, is to confound heaven and earth, and to agree Christ with Belial,
and, in truth, the most profane and dangerous error, which, this day,
prevails amongst them that fear God. " — Robinson. Of Religious Com-
munion, Works, iii. 129.
1593 THE SEPARATISTS IN HOLLAND. 145
and cowered for refuge under the shelter afforded by the tole-
rant magistrates of Amsterdam.
The church thus planted did not prosper. It contained
within itself many persons of piety and integrity ; and one of
its ministers, Henry Ainsworth, was distinguished
The congre- * '
gation at no less by the suavity of his disposition than by the
Amsterdam. ' . ' , *
depth of his learning. There were, however, too many
amongst his congregation whose temper was hasty and unwise.
The very self-assertion and independence of character which
had made them Separatists, not unfrequently degenerated into
an opinionativeness which augured ill for the peace of the com-
munity. It was peculiarly difficult to train to habits of mutual
concession men who had already thrown off all restraints of
custom and organization at home.
Amongst such men causes of dispute were certain to arise.
Francis Johnson, who was associated in the ministry with Ains-
worth, had since his arrival married the widow of a
1604.
internal merchant. The lady, who had a little more money
isputes. t^an ^ other members of the congregation, gave
great offence by what in that straitlaced community was con-
sidered the magnificence of her dress. Whenever she made
her appearance she was pointed at as a disgraceful example
of female vanity. She had adopted the fashion of the day in
wearing cork heels to her shoes, and in stiffening her bodice
with whalebone. A deputation accordingly waited upon John-
son, to complain of the bad example set by his wife. The poor
man did not know what to do. In a strait between his wife
and his congregation, he tried to compromise the dispute.
The lady pleaded that it was impossible for her to spoil her
dress by making any alterations in its shape. But she promised
that, as soon as it was worn out, her new clothes should be cut
so as to give satisfaction to the complainants. l The congrega-
tion, however, was not to be bought off so cheaply as this, and
this miserable dispute was only the commencement of a pro-
longed quarrel, of which glimpses are to be obtained from
time to time in the fragmentary annals of the little community.
1 Bradford's Dialogue in Youngs Chronicles, 446.
VOL. IV. L
146 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
Two years later fresh seeds of contention were sown. In
1606 the Amsterdam Church was joined by a congregation
1606. which had emigrated from Gainsborough, under the
ofth?Ga?M- guida1106 of their minister, John Smith.1 He appears
con°rfh to nave been a man of ability and eloquence, but of
gation. a singular angularity of character. He had scarcely
set foot in Amsterdam before he had quarrelled with the
original emigrants. He finally adopted Baptist opinions, so far
at least as to assert the necessity of the re-baptism of adults.
Not being able, however, to satisfy himself as to the proper
quarter in which to apply for the administration of the rite, he
finally solved the difficulty by baptizing himself. He was not
one in whose neighbourhood peace was likely to be found.
The congregation which had followed him from England was
infected by his spirit, and it speedily broke up, and came to
nothing.2
These stories, which lost nothing when recounted by the
champions of the English Church, did not promise well for the
Tolerance future of the Separatists. In truth, there was a fund
ance'ofthe °^ intolerance inextricably involved in these men's
Separatists, opinions. The very principle upon which they had
separated from the Church was calculated to foster a pharisaical
spirit. Yet there were causes at work to draw them in an
opposite direction. The theory that it was the duty of Christians
to separate themselves from the profane and' ungodly multitude
led almost inevitably to the theory of the independence of each
congregation so separated. The Roman Catholic, the Angli-
can, and the Presbyterian differed with respect to the principles
upon which the Church ought to be organized ; but they
agreed in making that organization, whatever it might be, the
central point of their system. To the Separatist, the one point
of importance was, that a few faithful Christians had met
together to strengthen one another with their mutual prayers
and exhortations. He had, no doubt, a devout wish that others
might be as pious as himself ; but he was so far from entertain-
ing a desire to compel them to join him against their will, that
1 Hunter, Founders of Plymouth Colony, 32.
* Robinson, Works, iii. 1 68.
1603 RICHARD CLIFTON. 147
he would have regarded anyone who proposed such a course
with the utmost horror. He would, therefore, be the first to
take a stand against the prevalent belief that it was the duty of
a Government to enforce conformity by penal legislation.
That, not without occasional relapses, the better principle
became predominant was mainly the work of a little group of
men who had not yet made up their minds to forsake
Clifton at their native country, and of whom, as yet, the central
Babworth. was Richard Clifton, a man who is scarcely
known to us, excepting by the influence which he exercised
over others.1 At the end of Elizabeth's reign he was rector of
Babworth, a village in the north-east corner of Nottingham-
shire. He was devoted to his duties ; and his earnestness
attracted from the neighbouring villages all who were dissatisfied
with the ministrations of their own parishes. Amongst these was
William Bradford,2 at the time when James ascended
the throne a mere boy of thirteen, whose early piety
and precocious thoughtfulness seemed to mark him for future
eminence. The walk over the fields to Babworth from his
Yorkshire home at Austerfield was nine or ten miles, and this
distance he regularly paced backwards and forwards whenever
Clifton's voice was to be heard in the pulpit. On his way he
passed through the village of Scrooby, with its old manor-
house, once a country seat of the Archbishops of York, but
made over not long before by Archbishop Sandys, in a fit of
nepotism, to his eldest son. It was now occupied by William
Brewster, the postmaster of the place, which was a
station on the great road to Scotland and the North.3
Brewster was a man of congenial temperament with Bradford,
and doubtless took a kindly interest in the boy. He was not
without experience of the world. He had been attached to the
service of the Puritan Secretary, Davison, and had accompanied
him when he visited the Netherlands in 1585, to receive the
keys of the cautionary towns. Upon Davison's disgrace, Brew-
ster had returned to Scrooby, his native village, where he
obtained the appointment, which he held by means of the
1 Hunter, Founders of Plymouth, 40.
2 Ibid. 99. " Ibid. 66.
L 2
148 VOYAGE OF THE * MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
interest which he still retained at Court. He brought with him
the strong Puritan opinions which he had imbibed in Davison's
household ; but there is every reason to believe that as long as
Clifton was still preaching, he continued to regard himself as a
member of the Church of England, and that, like many others
in the neighbourhood, he made his way from time to time
across the fields to Babworth.
Evil days were in store for the non-conforming clergy.
Elizabeth and Whitgift had chastised them with whips, James
ifo and Bancroft would chastise them with scorpions.
Clifton The millenary petition was rejected. Its supporters
were driven with contumely from Hampton Court.
The Canons of 1604 passed through Convocation and re-
ceived the Royal assent. Conformity — thorough and unhesi-
tating conformity — was to be the unbending rule of the English
Church.
Like so many others, Clifton, it would seem, refused to
comply with the requirements of the new reign. He was
accordingly deprived of his rectory, and the voice was silenced
which had sounded like the messenger of God to so many
pious souls.1 To those to whom the parish church of Bab-
worth had been as the gate of heaven, there was a void which
nothing could replace. The system under which the preacher
whom they loved had been driven from his pulpit, grew more
odious to them every day. They saw in it faults which they
had never seen before. A conviction, ripening as the weeks
passed by, settled deeper and deeper in their minds, that the
Church which counted amongst her children the formalist and
the worldling, and which drove the Papist, under heavy penalties,
to take a hypocritical part in her most solemn rites, but which
could find no room for Clifton amongst her ministers, was
already condemned of God.
1 There is no direct evidence of the date of Clifton's ejectment. But
Cotton (Magnalia Christi Americana, ii. I, § 2) speaks of Bradford as
reading the Scriptures at the age of twelve, and as subsequently attending
Clifton's ministry. Bradford was twelve in 1602, and during the two
following years James had not yet broken with the Puritans. Nor is it
likely that Clifton could have escaped the clean sweep in the autumn of
1604, especially as we find him an ejected minister so soon afterwards.
1604 JOHN ROBINSON. 149
The blow which had fallen upon Clifton at Babworth, fell
at Norwich upon a man of equal piety, but of far superior abilities.
Robinson at John Robinson had long striven to do his duty with
Norwich. Sucj1 an amount; of compliance with the Prayer Book
as the Puritan clergy were accustomed to render. When he was
dismissed from his post, his heart clung to the Church, as the
heart of Wesley clung to it a century and a half later. He en-
treated the magistrates of the city to grant him the mastership
of the hospital, or at least to assign to him the lease of some
premises in which he might continue to render spiritual aid
to such of his old congregation as might be inclined to seek
his assistance. Even this was denied him, and with a heavy
heart he turned his steps towards Gainsborough, his native
town. l
For two years after Clifton's expulsion, nothing is known of
his proceedings, but it is certain that those who gathered round
X6o6. him grew more and more estranged from the Church.
Thecongre- The jme of demarcation between the ejected and
gation at . J
bcrooby. the ejectors was widening into an impassable gulf.
It is by no means unlikely that Clifton and his friends placed
themselves in communication with Smith and his Gainsborough
congregation. At all events, when Smith emigrated in 1606,
they determined to form themselves into a separate congrega-
tion. Brewster readily offered his house at Scrooby for their
meetings, and Clifton was, as a matter of course, chosen to be
the pastor of the little flock.2 Robinson, who, as may safely be
1 Hunter, Founders of Plymouth, 92. Hall, " Apology against the
Brownists," Works, ix. 91. Ashton's Life of Robinson, prefixed to the
collected edition of his works.
2 Morton (Memorial, i ) places the date of the formation of the Scrooby
Church in 1602. But this is most improbable in itself, and is contradicted
by the far better evidence of Bradford, who says : — " After they had con-
tinued together about a year, . . they resolved to get over into Holland"
(History of New England, i. 10). Mr. Palfrey, indeed (ibid. i. 135, note i)
observes, that Bradford perhaps reckoned from the time of Robinson's
joining the Church. But the more natural interpretation is corroborated
by another passage. In speaking of Brewster's death, in April, 1643,
Bradford says (Hist. 468), that he "had borne his part with this poor
persecuted Church above thirty-six years," i.e. from the winter of 1606-7.
150 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
conjectured, looked askance upon a man of Smith's quarrelsome
temper, had taken no part in the emigration of his fellow-towns-
men, but consented at once to act as Clifton's assistant at
Scrooby. Brewster was to be the Elder, an office for which he
was eminently fitted His quiet unobtrusive goodness, as well
as his position in the house in which the congregation met,
enabled him, without the risk of giving offence, to speak words
of kindly reproof, and to soften down those inevitable asperities
which were working such mischief at Amsterdam. Bradford was,
as yet, too young to take any prominent part in the community,
but his more practical nature was likely to stand it in good stead
when the time came for the exercise of the more energetic virtues.
The step which these men had taken was not without its
dangers. Everyone who met at Brewster's house knew that
l6o7> he was acting in defiance of the law. There was no
Determina- longer any peace for them in England. They were
emigrate. none of them rich men. For the most part, they
were engaged in agriculture, the pursuit which, of all others, is
the least suggestive of movement and change. Time out of
mind, their forefathers had ploughed the same fields, and had
been buried in the same green churchyards, under the shelter
of the old familiar churches. Their English homes were very
dear to them. To dwell in a foreign land was to be cut off
from all intercourse with those they loved, to a degree which,
in these days, we are hardly capable of comprehending. Yet
all this, and more than this, they were resolved to face. They
had made up their minds that it was their duty to go, and, in
spite of the hardships which awaited them, there was no shrink-
ing back.
If, however, it was illegal to hold their assemblies in Eng-
land, it was no less illegal to leave the country without the
Difficulties Royal licence.1 It was therefore necessary to make
m the way. their preparations in secret. At last all their difficul-
ties seemed to be at an end. A vessel was hired to meet them
1 By 13 Ric. II. stat. I, cap. 20, persons not being soldiers or mer-
chants might not leave the realm without licence, excepting at Dover or
Plymouth.
1607 ESCAPE OF THE SEPARATISTS. 151
at Boston. On the appointed day they moved down cautiously
towards the coast, and timed their journey so as to arrive at
the water's edge shortly after nightfall. They went on board at
once, fancying they had nothing more to fear. Even then
they were doomed to disappointment. The captain proved a
rogue. He had already pocketed their passage money, and he
wanted to be relieved from the fulfilment of his bargain. He
accordingly gave notice to the magistrates, and just as the
poor emigrants were watching for the weighing of the anchor,
the officers came on board, and hurried them on shore. The
unhappy men were stripped of everything which they possessed,
and were brought up for examination on the following morn-
ing. The magistrates, as frequently proved the case, were
disposed to be lenient to anything that bore the name of
Protestantism, but they were hampered by the necessity of
waiting for instructions from the Privy Council. In due time
these instructions were received, and it was only after long
imprisonment that the poor men were allowed to return to
their homes. Brewster and six of his companions were
detained still longer, and were only dismissed after having
been bound over to answer for their conduct at the next
assizes.
It is hard to stop resolute men. In the course of the
following year, they all, in one way or another, succeeded in
1608. effecting their escape. When, in the autumn of
They escape !6o8, they met together once more at Amsterdam,
to Amster- '
dam. there were few who had not some tale to tell of
sufferings endured. But even at Amsterdam there was no rest
possible for them. The little Church there was still distracted
by disputes, and it was not from a love of theological polemics
that they had left their homes. Smith and Johnson might
quarrel as much as they pleased ; but as for themselves, they
had come to Holland in search of peace, and, if peace was not
to be found at Amsterdam, it must be sought elsewhere. Accord-
1609. ingly, before they had been many months upon the
movaire Continent, they removed in a body to Leyden, leaving
Leyden. the theologians to fight out their battles amongst
themselves. Clifton, worn out by the trials of his life, and
152 VOYAGE OF THE i MAYFLOWER: CH. xxxvi.
sinking into a premature old age, was unable or unwilling to
accompany them, and his place was taken by Robinson.1
The years of residence at Leyden were, in every respect,
beneficial to the exiles. Whatever intolerance might be lurking
in their hearts was no longer influenced by the opposition of
an intolerant Church. It was true that in Holland, as well as
in England, they found themselves face to face with that world
from which they had done their best to separate themselves.
It was a world in which there was sin and error enough,
and in which evil men and evil habits were to be met at
every turn, but not one in which was to be found either a
Bancroft or a James. In their own little circle, the emigrants
might pray and preach as they pleased. There was no Court
of High Commission to visit them with fines, no informer to
dog their steps, no justice of the peace to send them to prison.
Was it strange that, although their recollections were still full
of bitterness towards the system under which they had suffered,
their sentiments towards individual men grew more kindly, and
that they were more ready to make allowances than they had
been before ? On the other hand, their position drove them
to grasp more firmly than ever their theory of the separation
between the spiritual and the temporal, upon which the prin-
ciples of toleration rest. Strangers in a foreign land, the
wildest fancy could not lead them to expect a time when they
might hope to win over the magistrates of the Republic to their
own peculiar views. They knew that as long as they remained
in Holland, they must either be tolerated or oppressed. Their
only safeguard lay in throwing their whole weight into the
scale of toleration, and in restricting to the uttermost the right
of the civil magistrate to interfere in spiritual questions. What
Knox and Calvin had failed to comprehend, was reserved for
these poor Separatists to teach.
At such a time, the presence of a man like Robinson was
invaluable to them. If the Leyden congregation was to be
influence of saved from the fate of the Church at Amsterdam,
Robmson. jt coui(j oniy be by the acceptance of some systema-
tized belief, and the task of laying the foundations of such a
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 16.
1609 THE SEPARATISTS AT LEYDEN. 153
system was one for which Robinson was eminently fitted It
was by him that the opinions of his companions were welded
into a coherent whole. Separation from sinners, resistance to
a dominant clergy, the right of individual congregations to
manage their own affairs, and the other peculiarities which the
current of events had brought to the surface, all assumed their
proper place in a theory so complete that those who accepted
it were able to imagine that it contained all wisdom, human
and Divine. Nor was it solely to his intellectual powers that
Robinson owed the influence which he had acquired. Even
amongst men who could measure gentleness of disposition
by Brewster's standard, he was noted for the kindness of his
heart.
Yet the exiles were not at ease even at Leyden. Their
sober industry kept them from want : but most of them had
l6l?. to struggle hard. Their fingers had been trained
pissatis- to handle the plough better than the loom, and it
faction with _ _ r
Leyden. was with difficulty that they were able to compete
with the skilled workmen by whom they were surrounded.
From their lodgings amidst the close alleys of the town they
looked back with sadness to the pure air and the pleasant hedge-
rows of their native England. Nor were other causes of dis-
content wanting. They had come to Holland in order to keep
themselves separate from the world. Were they sure that they
had succeeded ? Their longing for a land in which tares never
mingled with the wheat was still unsatisfied. Their children,
as they grew up, were not always content with the hard life of
their parents. Some of them had enlisted in the armies of
the Republic ; with what danger to their souls, who could tell ?
Some, still worse, had strayed into folly and vice. Even in
that land of Calvinism, the Sabbath rest was not observed as
they would fain have seen it. And so, again and again, the
question was raised, whether the world did not afford some
spot where the young might be preserved from contamination.
Nor was it only for themselves and for their children that they
were anxious. They knew that there were many still in Eng-
land whose opinions coincided with their own, and they had
fondly hoped that their little Church would prove the nucleus
154 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
round which a large number of emigrants would gather. But,
as long as they remained where they were, nothing of the kind
was to be hoped for. The spiritual advantages of becoming a
member of Robinson's congregation were of little weight with
the hundreds who shrank from the drudgery of daily life at
Leyden.1
All these considerations urged the exiles to seek another
home. The ideal of the pure and sinless community which
Determi- they hoped to found was still floating before their
"migrate to eYes' an(^ was drawing them on as it receded before
America. them. Let us not stop to inquire whether such an
ideal was attainable on earth. It is enough that in striving to
realise it, they did that which the world will not willingly
forget.
In what part of the globe was a home to be found for the
new Christian commonwealth? Very tempting were the ac-
counts borne across the Atlantic of the fertility of Guiana ; but,
even though Raleigh's hopes had not yet been wrecked on the
banks of the Orinoco, prudence forbade the exposure of their
scanty and unwarlike numbers to the hostility of the whole
Spanish monarchy. Harsh, too, as their treatment had been
in England, their hearts were still English, and not only
were they unwilling to settle themselves out of the do-
minions of the English Crown, but all their hopes of attract-
ing additional emigrants lay in their rinding some spot where
there was nothing to aggravate the ordinary difficulties in the
way of a free communication with the mother country. With
these hopes before them, their choice was limited to the Atlantic
coast of North America.
Even with this limitation they had a wide range before
them. From the Spanish possessions in Florida to the French
Choice of a colony in Nova Scotia, the little settlement at James-
spot, town was, with the exception of a Dutch factory on
the Hudson, the only spot where Europeans were to be found.
The Plymouth Company, to which the northern part of the
coast had been assigned, had accomplished nothing. At the
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 22. Winslow's Brief
Narrative, in Youngs Chronicle, 381.
1617 PLANS OF EMIGRATION. 155
time when the sister company was sending out the last settlers
1o Virginia, an attempt had been made to establish a colony as
far north as the mouth of the Kennebec. But the hardships
of winter in such a latitude had been too much for the emi-
grants, and no Captain Smith had been found in their ranks.
As soon as the summer weather enabled them to move, they
made the best of their way back to England with diminished
numbers. Fresh efforts were made by Smith, who, since his
recall from Virginia had transferred his allegiance to the
Plymouth Company, but from various causes all his attempts
at colonisation had proved abortive. All that he had been able
to do was to bring home a survey of the coast, and to give to
the land which he had hoped to fill with happy English homes
the now familiar name of New England.
Between the rival companies the exiles of Leyden hesitated
long. On the one hand, they were repelled by the known
severity of the northern climate. On the other hand, they
feared the neighbourhood of the Jamestown colonists, and
they fancied, not without reason, that the arrival of a body of
nonconformists would hardly be regarded with friendly eyes
by the Virginian adventurers.
At last they resolved upon a middle course. They would
come as far south as they dared without approaching too
near to Jamestown. Near the mouth of the Hudson, some-
where on the coast of the present State of New Jersey, they
might find a spot which would be free from both dangers.
It was just within the limits of the Southern Company, the
officials of which had practical experience in colonisation, and
which, as long as it counted Sir Edwin Sandys among its lead-
ing members, was likely to abstain from investigating too
narrowly the theology of the settlers who placed themselves
under its patronage.
Two messengers were accordingly despatched to England, to
enter into negotiations with the Virginia Company of London.
1618. With the support of Sandys they had little difficulty
Negotia- m obtaining a favourable hearing for their project,
England. but the King's assent was less easily won. Yet even
with James they did not meet the obstacles that might have
156 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
been expected. They hoped, they said, that he would allow
them to enjoy liberty of conscience in America. In return
they would extend his dominions and would spread the Gospel
amongst the heathen. James inquired how they meant to live.
" By fishing," they said. " So God have my soul," replied the
King, "'tis an honest trade ; 'twas the Apostles' own calling."
Their case was referred to the Archbishop of Canterbury and
the Bishop of London, and they were finally told that, though
they must not expect any public assurance of toleration, yet, as
long as they behaved peaceably, their proceedings would be
connived at In accepting this offer, they probably thought
that if they could only make good their footing in America, the
King's arm would hardly be long enough to reach them.
Further delay was caused by the dissensions with which the
company was at this time agitated, and it was not till the
l6ig. summer of 1619 that they obtained a patent from it
Patent from authorising them to establish a settlement near the
the Virginia
Company, mouth of the Hudson.1 As soon as the patent
arrived in Leyden, the first step of the congregation was to
hold ' a solemn meeting, and a day of humiliation to seek the
Lord for his direction.' In the midst of all their difficulties,
Robinson's presence was a tower of strength, and his words of
loving encouragement lingered long in their memories. As
soon as his sermon was ended, a consultation was held, in
order that the enterprise might be put into a practical shape.
About two hundred persons were present, and of this number
nearly half were willing to take part in the undertaking. The
rest, including Robinson himself, were prevented by various
causes from leaving Holland, though there were few who did
not express a wish that they might be able ultimately to find
their way to America. Even with their numbers thus reduced
they were forced to ask assistance, and to mortgage their future
prospects in order to secure a passage across the Atlantic.
With the necessity of borrowing came the necessity of yielding
to the terms of those who were willing to lend. The firm and
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 27-41. Winslow's Brief
Narrative, in Young's Chronicle, 382. The patent itself has not been
preserved.
1619 DEPARTURE OF THE EMIGRANTS. 157
steadfast step with which they had hitherto walked straight to-
wards their goal was now to be exchanged for uncertainty and
delay.
They had applied for money to Thomas Weston, a London
merchant, who had visited them at Leyden. He assured them
The Adven- that they should want for nothing. He would form
turers. a company to bear the risks of the undertaking, upon
the security of a certain share of the profits.
With the company thus formed an agreement was duly
signed, but difficulties in its interpretation were not slow' to
arise. Looking to the past history of colonisation, the share-
holders may well have felt that they were taking part in a
scheme of which the chances of failure were far greater than
those of success. The Leyden congregation had determined
that they would not fail, and the resolute purpose which was to
ensure success made them impatient of the doubts of others.
It was sadly against their will that they finally yielded to the
stringent conditions on which alone the money was to be had.1
In these negotiations, time, always precious to the poor,
was lost The autumn and the winter of 1619 passed slowly
away. The spring of 1620 came, and there was yet
The ' May- 3. possibility that they might reach America before
lout" at the summer was at an end. But the months were
ampton. suffered to slip away, and it was not till July that the
preparations were complete. At last, however, everything was
ready. The ' Mayflower,' a little vessel of 180 tons, had been
hired for the voyage, and was lying in Southampton Water.
The ' Speedwell,' of sixty tons, had been purchased, and it was
intended that she should be used as a fishing vessel on the
other side of the Atlantic. She was now despatched to bring
over the emigrants from Holland
Many precious lives would have been saved if the time
of departure could have been delayed till a more
fronTLey- favourable season ; but money was running short,
and the poor men could not afford to wait. The day
was fixed, a day sad both for those who were to go and for those
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 42-54.
158 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
who were to remain. Yet their sorrows were not unmixed with
such hopes as befitted their devout and sober piety. " So, being
ready to depart," wrote one who had then set his face towards the
wilderness, " they had a day of solemn humiliation, their pastor
taking his text from Ezra viii. 21 : 'And there at the river by
Ahava I proclaimed a fast, that we might humble ourselves
before our God, and seek of Him a right way for us, and for
our children, and for all our substance,' upon which he spent
a good part of the day very profitably and suitably to the
present occasion. The rest of the time was spent in pouring
out prayers to the Lord with great fervency, mixed with
abundance of tears. And the time being come that they must
depart, they were accompanied with most of their brethren out
of the city unto a town sundry miles off, called Delft Haven,
where the ship lay ready to receive them. So they left that
goodly and pleasant city which had been their resting-place
near twelve years ; but they knew they were pilgrims and
looked not much on those things, but lift up their eyes to the
heavens, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits. When
they came to the place, they found the ship and all things
ready ; and such of their friends as could not come with them
followed after them ; and sundry also came from Amsterdam
to see them shipped and to take their leave of them. That
night was spent with little sleep by the most, but with friendly
entertainment and Christian discourse and other real expression
of true Christian love. The next day, the wind being fair, they
went aboard and their friends with them, where truly doleful
was the sight of that sad and mournful parting, to see what
sighs, what sobs and prayers did sound amongst them, what
tears did gush from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced every
heart ; that sundry Dutch strangers that stood on the quay as
spectators could not refrain from tears. Yet comfortable and
sweet it was to see such lively and true expressions of clear and
unfeigned love. But the tide, which stays for no man, calling
them away that were thus loth to depart, their reverend
pastor falling on his knees, and they all with him, with watery
cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers to the
Lord and His blessing. And then, with mutual embraces and
1620 DEPARTURE OF THE EMIGRANTS. 159
many tears, they took their leaves one of another, which proved
to be the last leave to many of them." l
And so, lifting up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest
country, they parted one from another. Of those who re-
turned to Leyden, there were some who were, in due
Passage to .,,....
South- time, to follow in the footsteps of the emigrants.
There were others who, like Robinson himself, were
to leave their bones in the city which had sheltered them so
long. The 'Speedwell, 'laden with its precious freight, bore the
emigrants to Southampton, where they were joined by their
companions who had been sent before to complete the pre-
parations for the voyage, and to collect such recruits as were
willing to join them.
About one hundred and twenty persons, men, women, and
children, embarked as passengers on board the two vessels.
Brewster and Bradford were there, to represent the old Scrooby
congregation. Edward Winslow, a gentleman by birth, happen-
ing to pass through Leyden on his travels, had been attracted
by Robinson's preaching, and had thrown in his lot with the
despised Separatists. More peculiar was the position of Miles
Standish. He was not, nor did he ever become, a member of
their Church ; but he had willingly offered to share their exile,
and he brought with him the military skill of which they were
not unlikely to stand in need. He had, in all probability,
served some years as a soldier in the garrison of one of the
cautionary towns. He may have been actuated in his wish to
join the exiles partly by a daring spirit and a love of adventure.
But he was a man of sober worth, and he may well have clung
to the society of those of whom the congregation was composed,
even if he could not altogether adopt their tenets.
Precious time was again lost at Southampton in a vain
attempt to obtain better terms from the company. After a
The two delay of seven days, the two vessels dropped down
south- 'eave Past Calshot and the Needles into the Channel. It
ampton. was soon discovered that the ' Speedwell ' had sprung
a leak, and the exiles were forced to put into Dartmouth for
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 58. It is a pity that in
the fresco which adorns the Houses of Parliament, the realities of this
160 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER; CH. xxxvi.
repairs. Once more, as soon as the mischief had been
remedied, they weighed anchor with renewed hope. This
time they were out of sight of land before any complaint was
heard ; but the smaller vessel was overmasted, and the leak
was soon as bad as ever. With heavy hearts they put back to
Plymouth, where it was resolved to leave the ' Speed-
wen • leiff e well ' behind, and to get rid of those of their fellow-
passengers who were already growing sick of the
hardships of the voyage.
On September 6, just as the couriers were speeding to
England with the news of Spinola's attack upon the Palatinate,
September, the emigrants bade farewell to that lovely harbour
ofthe°^le- from whicn> three years before, Raleigh had started
flower.' in pursuit of his phantom of the golden mine.
Rame Head, and the Lizard, and the Land's End, the cold
grey bulwarks of unsympathizing England, one after another
dropped out of sight. At last they were alone upon the
Atlantic Behind them, save in a few distant Leyden garrets,
there were none to whom their failure or their success would
furnish more than a few hours' scornful gossip. Before them
was the stormy sea, and in the Far West lay that wilderness
which was only waiting for their approach to stiffen under its
winter frosts. Yet there was no sign of blenching. If God
were on their side, what mattered the coldness of the world,
the jeers of the sailors, or the howling of the Atlantic storms ? l
The voyage was chequered with few incidents ; but there
is one passage in the narrative in which Bradford has em-
balmed the story of those days of trial, too characteristic of
the writer and his companions to be passed over in silence.
" I may not," he wrote, " omit here a special work of God's
providence. There was a proud and very profane young
man, one of the seamen. He would alway be contemning
the poor people in their sickness, or cursing them daily with
grievous execrations, and did not let to tell them that he hoped
to cast half of them overboard before they came to their
scene should have been neglected for an imaginary parting on a beach
which never existed.
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 68-74.
1620 ARRIVAL IN AMERICA. 161
journey's end, and to make merry with what they had ; and,
if he were by any quietly reproved, he would curse and swear
most bitterly. But it pleased God before they came half seas
over to smite this young man with a grievous disease, of which
he died in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first
that was thrown overboard. Thus his curses lighted on his
own head, and it was an astonishment to all his fellows, for
they noted it to be the hand of God upon him."
On Novejnber 9 the emigrants caught sight of land.
The low shore of Cape Cod stretched away for miles in
front of them. From the spot at which they had
Nov. 9. *
Arrival at struck the coast, a short voyage of less than seventy
' ' miles would bring them to the place which they had
marked out for their settlement. The ship's course was ac-
cordingly altered in a southerly direction, and an attempt was
made to reach the mouth of the Hudson. They had not gone
far before they found themselves off Sandy Point, amongst
shoals and breakers white with foam. The captain declared
that the danger was too great to be faced, and altering the
ship's course once more he steered to the northward along the
coast On the nth, the 'Mayflower' rounded the extreme point
of the peninsula of Cape Cod, and dropped anchor in the
smooth water inside. Of the emigrants, one had died during
the passage, but their numbers were still the same as when
they left Plymouth harbour, a child, Oceanus Hopkins, having
been born on board. One hundred and two persons, of whom
about fifty only were full-grown men, looked out under the
bleak November sky upon the desolate shore, on which they
were, with as little loss of time as possible, to search for a home.
Before anyone was allowed to leave the ship, a meeting
was called, to take steps for the prevention of a danger which
NOV. it. threatened to sap the foundations of the infant
uffoml"1 c°l°ny- In one respect the breakers off Sandy Point
Government, had made a great alteration in their position. At
the mouth of the Hudson they would have been within the
limits of the Virginia Company's authority. At Cape Cod
those limits were passed, and the patent which had been ob-
tained with so much difficulty had suddenly been rendered
VOL. IV. M
1 62 VOYAGE OF THE < MAYFLOWER} CH. xxxvi.
useless. For many months it would be impossible to com-
municate with the northern company in whose territories they
now were, and it would be hazardous to establish a colony
without any recognised government to preserve order in its
ranks ; for already it had been discovered that among the
recruits who had joined them at Southampton, there were some
who were muttering that they might do as they pleased, since
there was no longer any legal authority which could call them
to account for their actions. It was to meet this difficulty that
a document framed in the following terms was laid before the
meeting for signature : —
" In the name of God, Amen. We, whose names are un-
derwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread Sovereign, King
James . . . having undertaken, for the glory of
ment'of ™ God and the advancement of the Christian faith, in
t- honour of our King and country, a voyage to plant
the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these
presents solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and
one another, covenant to combine ourselves into a civil body
politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance
of the ends aforesaid ; and by virtue hereof, to enact, con-
stitute, and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts,
constitutions and offices from time to time as shall be thought
most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony ;
unto which we promise all due submission and obedience."
To this declaration not one of the emigrants refused to set
his hand. The meeting next proceeded to choose
chosen as their first governor, John Carver, who had taken
an active part in the negotiations with the Company
in England.1
1 "After this," writes Bradford, " they chose, or rather confirmed, Mr.
John Carver for that year." — History of Plymouth Plantation, 90. Mr.
Deane, the editor of Bradford's History, suggests that " or rather con-
firmed," was written inadvertently. This is very unlikely. I have no
doubt that Carver was named to the office in the lost patent from the
Virginia Company. It will be remembered, that the first Council of
Virginia was nominated in England. That it was intended that the New
England colonists should elect their governor after the first year, appears
from Robinson's letter in Bradford's History, 66.
1 620 A GOVERNMENT FOUNDED. 163
In all this there was nothing new. The election of ad-
ministrative functionaries took place in every borough town in
England. What was really new was that whilst in England
each corporation was exposed to the action of the other forces
of the social system, in America the new corporation was prac-
tically left to itself. It was as if Exeter or York had drifted
away from the rest of England, and had been left to its own
resources on the other side of the Atlantic. The accident
which had deprived the colony for a time of all legal con-
nexion with the Home Government, was only a foreshadowing
of its future fortunes. Sooner or later the colonies would have
a social and political history of their own, which would not be
a repetition of the social and political history of England.
When once the first difficulties were at an end, there would be
a society in which no one was very poor, and no one was very
rich, and it was evident that to such a society many of the
provisions of the English constitution would be altogether in-
applicable.
For the present, however, there was work before the emi-
grants which left no time for the discussion of political prin-
Expioration ciples. Immediately after Carver's election, fifteen
of Cape Cod. or sjxteen of foeir number, who had been sent on
shore for wood, returned with a report that they had found soil
of rich black earth behind the sandhills. The next
day they kept their Sabbath, the first Sabbath in the
new world which was opening before them. On Monday morn-
ing they were anxious to commence the exploration
of the country, but the shallop which they had brought
with them for that purpose, was found to have been injured on
the voyage. Whilst it was being repaired, a party, under the
command of Standish, was sent on shore to explore the im-
mediate neighbourhood. They returned on Friday, bringing
with them some Indian corn, which they had found
in a deserted native village. This little stock was
invaluable to the settlers, as, by some extraordinary mis-
management, they had left all their seed corn behind them in
England.
Standish had hoped to find the shallop ready on his return ;
164 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
but the carpenter was lazy or careless, and contrived to consume
fourteen days upon what should have been at most the work of
six. It was not till the zyth that the exploring party
was able to start. The weather had now become
very bad. Winter had come down upon them in all its rigour.
The cold blasts pierced to the skin, and the snow fell thick
upon the houseless wanderers. The water near the shore was
so shallow that it was impossible to land, except by wading.
Time and means to dry their dripping garments were alike
wanting. Not a few owed their deaths to diseases the seeds
of which were implanted in the constitution during these
melancholy days. Yet they struggled on bravely. They
made their way to the southward along the inner shore of the
peninsula, sometimes in an open boat, sometimes on foot, over
hills and valleys, wrapped in a deep covering of snow. On
the evening of the 3oth they returned on board, footsore and
weary, and reported in favour of a spot near the mouth of the
Pamet River, not far from the place where the Indian corn had
been found.
Long and earnest was the consultation that evening on
board the 'Mayflower.' Many reasons concurred in recom-
NOV o mending the spot which had been selected by the
December, pioneers ; but the coast was shallow, and there was
Exploration . ..... ... ,.
of the main no running stream of fresh water in the immediate
neighbourhood. In the midst of the discussion, they
were told by the pilot of the ship that he remembered that,
when he was last on the coast, he had seen a good harbour on
the mainland opposite. Upon this, they resolved not to come
to a final resolution till a fresh exploring party had visited the
spot.
Accordingly, on December 6, ten of the emigrants, accom-
panied by six of the crew, set out to face the hardships of
another search. The weather had not improved. Their clothes
stiffened under the freezing spray, till they were like coats of
iron. Here and there as they coasted along, they stopped to
examine the nature of the soil. On the morning of the third
day, as they were rising from their bivouac, they were attacked
by Indians. With difficulty they regained their boat ; but they
1620 THE PILGRIM FATHERS. 165
had scarcely put off from the land when the wind rose to a hur-
ricane. Fortunately it blew in the direction of their course ;
but, as they swept along amidst the blinding snow, they began
to feel anxious lest they should be dashed against the coast,
which, as they knew, was not far in front. A huge wave
dashed over them, carrying away the rudder as it passed. As
they were steadying the boat with the oars, the pilot, peering
through the driving snow, caught sight of land, and cheered
them by announcing that he recognised the harbour of which
he had told them. He had scarcely uttered the words, when
the mast was broken short off by a sudden gust, and the fallen
sail, flapping as it lay against the side of the boat, so impeded
their movements, that, but for the flood tide which was running
strongly into the harbour, they would have been dashed to
pieces amongst the breakers. Yet even then the danger was
not over. The pilot fancied that he had mistaken the place,
and lost his presence of mind. With a wild cry of " The Lord
be merciful ! my eyes never saw this place before," he at-
tempted to beach the boat amongst the tumbling surf. Happily,
the other seamen interfered, and smooth water was gained at
last As the shadows of night closed in, the wanderers, wet to
the skin, and faint with watching, stepped on shore.
At midnight the wind shifted, and the stars shone clearly
out through the frosty air. When the morning dawned, the
Dec^n. emigrants discovered that they were on an island
Jthp'a-nd'ng *n tne midst of the spacious and landlocked bay,
mouth. to which Smith had given the name of Plymouth, a
name which they gladly retained in memory of the last spot
upon English soil on which their feet had trodden. Here they
remained for two days to recruit their exhausted frames. On
the morning of December n, a day never to be forgotten in
the annals of America, they made their way to the mainland.
The granite boulder on which they stepped as they landed
became an object of veneration to their descendants. Frag-
ments of it were treasured up in the homes of New England,
with a reverence scarcely less than that which in Catholic
countries is bestowed upon the relics of the saints. The Pil-
grim Fathers, as their children loved to call them, hold a place
166 VOYAGE OF THE < MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
in the annals of a mighty nation which can never be displaced.
It is not merely because they were the founders of a great
people that this tribute has been willingly offered to their
memories. It is because they sought first the Kingdom of
God and His righteousness, that honour and reverence have
been freely paid to them by descendants whose hearts have
warmed to the tale of spiritual heroism, all the more, it may
be, because their own life for a long time assumed, in its long
struggle with physical difficulties, a less ideal character.
The honours which were to be paid them in future times
were far from the thoughts of the exiles. With pleased eyes
Choice of a triey looked upon the clearings in the forest, and
upon the blades of Indian corn, which gave tokens
of human presence. They marked the rattling brooks which
promised a perennial supply of water, very different from that
which they had drunk from the ponds of Cape Cod ; and they
noted that the harbour was safe and deep. A hasty glance
was sufficient to satisfy them, and they hurried back to bear the
good tidings to their companions in the ' Mayflower.' To one
at least of their number the day on which he rejoined his com-
rades must have been ever remembered as a day of bitter
sorrow. As Bradford stepped on board, he was met by the
news that his wife had fallen overboard, and had perished before
help could reach her.
On December 16 the ' Mayflower ' cast anchor in Plymouth
Bay. Two or three days were spent in further exploration.
_ , On the iQth, 'calling upon God for direction,' the
December. ° r
Building of whole company decided in favour of the spot at
he village. which the pioneers had landed. It was . no holiday
employment which they had undertaken. On the 2oth, they
began to work. The next day it was blowing a hurricane.
Those who were on shore were drenched to the skin, and those
who had remained on board were unable to join their com-
panions. For two days the storm raged without intermission.
On the 23rd the weather moderated, and they were able to fell
and carry timber. Then came the Sabbath rest, the day on
which their trials were all forgotten — a rest which was this
time to be disturbed by an alarm, happily false, of approaching
1620 A HARD WINTER. 167
Indians. The next day was the 25th, Christmas- day in England,
" That day," says the journal of the exiles, with grim brevity,
" we went on shore, some to fell timber, some to saw, some
to rive, and some to carry. So no man rested all that day."
And so the narrative of their labours proceeds. The work was
l62I> often interrupted by the terrible weather, but they
February, struggled manfully on, and by the middle of February
sixteen log huts were ready for the reception of the families of
the builders.
It would have been well if these hardships had been the
worst against which they had to contend. But fatigue and
exposure had told heavily upon them. Before the
amongst the summer came, fifty-one persons, a full half of their
'rs' scanty number, had been struck down by disease.
Yet it was in the very depth of their suffering that the power of
Christian charity was seen. " In the time of most distress,"
wrote one who passed through that gloomy winter, " there was
but six or seven sound persons who, to their great commen-
dation be it spoken, spared no pains night nor day, but with
abundance of toil and hazard of their own health, fetched them
wood, made them fires, dressed them meat, made their beds,
washed their loathsome clothes, clothed and unclothed them —
in a word, did all the homely and necessary offices for them
which the dainty and queasy cannot endure to hear named —
and all this willingly and cheerfully, without any grudging in
the least, showing herein their true love unto their friends and
brethren. A rare example, and worthy to be remembered.
Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, their reverend
elder, and Miles Standish, their captain and military commander,
unto whom myself and many others were much beholden in our
low and sad condition."
Nor was it only to one another that they were ready to
show kindness. The sailors of the ' Mayflower ' had been rude
and scornful. When the disease was raging at Ply-
board"the _ mouth, the captain had refused to send on shore
even a little beer for the sick. At last his own men
were struck down, and, as he saw them dying around him, he
repented of his harshness. The settlers, he now said, might
i68 VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
have as much beer as they wanted, if he had to drink water on
his voyage home. A few of the passengers who were still on
board devoted themselves to nursing the sick. One of the
sailors was heard expressing his gratitude for the kindness he
received. "You," he said, "show your love like Christians
indeed to one another ; but we let one another lie and die like
dogs." »
At last the remnant of the emigrants was sufficiently estab-
lished to dispense with the ' Mayflower.' On the 5th of^April,
April. the vessel which had been their home for so many
thetl<1Maf- montns> sailed away for England. The blue waves
flower.' of Plymouth Bay rolled in once more unbroken to
the beach. The settlers were alone. Some twenty full-grown
men remained to encounter, as best they might, the dangers of
the wilderness. By their side were a few true-hearted women,
with their tender little ones clinging round them. At the end
of the short street were the graves of those they loved, who had
fallen before the blasts of that terrible winter, and beyond was
the illimitable forest with its unknown perils. Yet were they full
of hope. One danger at least proved less than they had expected.
From a few straggling Indians who found their way to the
village, they learned that the whole country had recently been
depopulated by an epidemic, and that they had only to deal
with the shattered remnants of the populous and warlike tribes
which had once been masters of the soil. As for themselves, a
turn seemed to have taken place in the tide of their fortunes.
The warm summer was coming on, and though deaths still
occurred, the mortality was rapidly diminishing.
Amongst those who died after the departure of the ' May-
flower,' was Carver. The colonists instantly elected Bradford
to the vacant post of governor. So well did he per-
eiectedT form the duties of the office, that he was chosen year
nor' after year with scarcely an interruption, till age un-
fitted him for further service. By his side, ever ready to support
his authority, was Standish, now formally installed as military
1 Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 81-93. Mourt's Relation,
in Young's Chronicles. The latter account is generally ascribed to Bradford
and Winslow.
i62i PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. 169
commander, and Winslow, not as yet holding any official posi-
tion, but recognised as the man whose tongue and pen could
be reckoned on if ever the infant colony should be menaced
with interference from the mother country. In the absence of
a regular minister, the services of the Church were conducted
under the presidency of Brewster.
For the present at least the exiles had gained the object of
their double emigration. With the exception of a few of their
number who had joined them at Southampton, they were, to
all appearance, men who were likely to keep at bay the tempta-
tions of the world. Peaceful and God-fearing, they had sought
to found a society from which evil should, as far as possible,
be excluded. How their hopes were disappointed ; how the
world, attracted by their success, came pouring in upon the
shores which they had marked as their own ; how they rose
above temptation, and showed that by sheer force of goodness
they could win the submission of the very men who had
wronged them most bitterly, as easily as they could resist with
brave endurance the famine and its attendant miseries which
burst in upon them once more through the ill-doing of the new
comers ; this, and more than this, is written in the first pages
of the history of New England. But from all this we are bound
to turn away. It is enough for us to ask how England itself
was likely to be affected by the principles which had conducted
the emigrants across the Atlantic.
That a country like England, with its old social distinctions,
and the many-sided life of its redundant population, should
ever permanently take the shape which commended
itself to the devout hearts of the Separatists, was
England. manifestly impossible ; and, but for the extraor-
dinary blunders of the Government in the next generation,
it would have been no less impossible for men possessed
by the spirit of Bradford and Brewster to have risen even
temporarily to authority in the land. But it was no slight
indication of the tendency of the age that, at a time when the
Robinson question of religious toleration lay at the root of so
and Seiden. many difficulties, two men, so opposite in every
respect as Robinson and Seiden, should have arrived indepen-
i;o VOYAGE OF THE 'MAYFLOWER? CH. xxxvi.
dently at the conclusion that the clergy had no right to require
the State to exercise coercive jurisdiction in support of their
opinions.1 No doubt this concurrence was brought about by
arguments of a very different kind. Selden would have re-
stricted the clergy to the use of moral suasion, because he
dreaded their encroachments upon the rights of the laity.
Robinson would have asked for the same change because he
dreaded lest they should interfere with the free exercise of
religious zeal. If Selden had had his way, there would have
been very little religious zeal left to interfere with. To such a
man the one-sidedness, the violence, the very excitement of
theological partisanship were eminently distasteful. He looked
upon the enthusiasm of Laud, and the enthusiasm of Robinson,
as equal nuisances to society. He never forgot that strong
feeling contains the germs of possible tyranny over the opinions
of others, and, in his heart, he fixed his hopes upon a calm and
philosophical religion in which, though there might be no fanati-
cism, there would be but little life. If Robinson, on the other
hand, had had his way, the English Church would have been
parcelled out into a number of independent congregations, the
members of which would have treated the mass of their country-
men as unworthy of the very name of Christians. In spite of his
own breadth of view, piety and devotion would have been found
1 Amongst the articles presented by the emigrants to the King before
they obtained leave to sail, and signed by Robinson and Brewster, were
some in which they agreed to respect and obey the bishops, but only on
account of their position as officers of the Crown.
" We judge it lawful," they say, " for his Majesty to appoint bishops,
civil overseers, or officers in authority under him, in the several provinces,
dioceses, congregations, or parishes, to oversee the churches and govern
them civilly according to the laws of the land, unto whom they are in all
things to give an account, and by them to be ordered according to god-
liness.
' ' The authority of the present bishops in the land we do acknowledge,
so far forth as the same is indeed derived from his Majesty unto them, and
as they proceed in his name, whom we will also therein honour in all
things, and he in them.
"We believe that no synod, classes, convocation, or assembly of eccle-
siastical officers hath any power or authority at all, but as the same by the
magistrate is given unto them." — S. P. Colonial, i. 43.
1621 PROGRESS OF THE COLONY. 171
accompanied in his followers by much narrowness of mind and
intolerance of spirit.
Fortunately for England, men like Selden and men like
Robinson were able to work together towards a common end.
The liberal ^n ^e great revolution which was approaching, it
anTthe'6" was Puritanism which was to play the part of the
Puritans. motive power. It was not enough that men should
hold theories about liberty. What was needed was that there
should be found those who were ready to dare anything and to
suffer anything on behalf of Him whom they called their Lord ;
men who could confront kings, as being themselves the servants
of the King of kings. When such had done their work, then
would come the part of the calm philosophic statesmen, of the
men whose minds were directed to the study of the natural
creation, rather than to the contemplation of the perfections of
the Creator, and who were quick to mark the moment at which
the enthusiasm of their allies blinded them to the laws of nature,
or hurried them on to demand the realisation of an ideal to
which the world would be unwilling to submit.
172
CHAPTER XXXVII.
THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
BY the declaration which had been voted so enthusiastically on
June 4, the Commons had left to the King that full liberty of
1620. action which he loved so dearly. They had also left
Ge^Itiy61 him ^e responsibility of acting wisely ; and, unfor-
battie'of tunately, partly through his own fault, but still more
Prague. through the faults of others, the chance that he
would be able to act wisely had been considerably lessened
by the events of the seven months which had elapsed since
the battle of Prague.
Between Ferdinand and Frederick nothing but distrust was
now possible. In the eyes of the Emperor his fugitive enemy
was a mere disturber of the peace whose flagitious
Ferdinand . . . , , ~, j T ,
and Fre- intrigues must be baffled at any cost In the eyes
of Frederick, Ferdinand was himself a pretender who
had been lawfully dethroned, and who now owed his success
to the armies and the gold of the King of Spain. Nor were
the views with which the rivals regarded their obligations as
members of the Empire less opposite to one another. Ferdi-
nand held that, in virtue of his office, he was the guardian
of the peace of the Empire, and that this peace had been
broken by the invasion of his dominions, and by the illegal as-
sumption of one of the seven Electorates. Frederick, on the
other hand, held that he had no quarrel with the Emperor as
such. He had merely defended against an Archduke of
Austria the throne which he held by legitimate election.
1620 WARLIKE PROSPECTS. 173
For years political controversy raged around these simple
points in an interminable circle. Masses of paper wearisome
to read, wearisome even to look at, were piled up by learned
controversialists on either side. As each party started from
premisses which were rejected by the other, both naturally
failed either in convincing their contemporaries or in instruct-
ing posterity.
Regardless of such technicalities, the vast majority of
German Protestants had maintained an anxious neutrality
during the Bohemian war. They saw clearly that
Views pre- -r-> i • i i i • • 111' i_
vaient In r rcdcnck s theories involved the permanent estab-
lishment of anarchy. If the Emperor was to be
nothing more than the nominal head of a federation, bereft
even of the authority needed for the repression of private war
amongst its members, order could never be preserved. Every
prince who coveted his neighbour's lands would easily find an
excuse for invading them, whilst the only authority known to
the constitution would be powerless to interfere.
Yet, strong as the disposition was to rally round the
Emperor, there were not wanting other considerations to lead
thinking men in an opposite direction. That strict law of
which Ferdinand had constituted himself the champion, was
almost certain to be ruinous to the very existence of Pro-
testantism in Germany. From declaring Frederick to be a
traitor, it was but a short step to the forfeiture of his lands
and dignities. If indeed Frederick, and such as Frederick, had
been alone exposed to danger, the world would easily have
borne the mishap. But the presence of a new Catholic
Elector at the Diets and Assemblies of the Empire, could hardly
fail to be attended with undesirable consequences, and it was
certain that a new Catholic Lord of the Palatinate would make
short work with the conscientious convictions of his subjects.
The next step would be to demand the restitution of the eccle-
siastical lands which had been seized since the peace of
Augsburg, and to convert each regained abbey and bishopric
into an outpost of Jesuitism. Even if, in respect for the letter
of the law, the triumphant Emperor stopped here, every Pro-
testant knew full well that the tide of religious aggression would
i?4 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvil.
not thus be stayed. Each Protestant prince would learn that
power had passed to Vienna, and that favour was to be ob-
tained there but in one way. If he would only consent to
abandon his religion, the restored ecclesiastical estates would
offer bishoprics and canonries for his younger sons. Partial
judges would be ready to listen with open ear to the complaints
of every Catholic who had quarrelled with his neighbours.
One by one, it was to be feared, the Protestant princes would
drop off into the seductive arms of the Church of Rome, as
the Protestant aristocracy were dropping off in France, and as
Wolfgang William of Neuburg had dropped off in Germany, at
the time when his claims upon the Duchy of Cleves stood in
need of Catholic assistance. Each apostate in turn would carry
with him the legal right of proscribing the religion which his
subjects had learned to cherish, and each defection would close
in more tightly the ever-narrowing circle within which Protes-
tantism could live, and within which alone the free moral and
intellectual life of the Germany of the future would be able to
develope itself.
Such were the thoughts, dimly and confusedly penetrating
the minds of the great majority of German Protestants. If
w akness of on^ J°^n George of Saxony had been capable of
the Elector translating their inarticulate feelings into prompt and
of Saxony. , . . & . , ^TTt u" ir
decisive action, he might have won himself a name
second to none in the annals of his country. If he could have
stood forward at the head of the Princes and people of Northern
Germany, to tell the Emperor that he might deal as he pleased
with Frederick, but that the frontier of Protestantism must not
recede, he would have found no want of support Unhappily he
did nothing of the kind. Knowing full well the double danger
of civil anarchy and ecclesiastical tyranny with which the Empire
was threatened, he wavered between the two. At one time
he was eager for Frederick's complete restitution. At another
time he was eager to see him completely crushed, and after
every disappointment, he was ready to take refuge in the solace
of the hunting-field and the bottle.
That which John George might have accomplished with
comparative ease, presented far greater difficulties to James.
1620 CONDUCT OF FREDERICK. 175
Of course, if he pleased, he might spend any subsidies which
Difficulties Parliament might be willing to grant him in increas-
in the way of ing the confusion which already weighed so heavily
upon distracted Germany. But if he wished to do
more than this ; if he intended to interfere in the quarrel in
the only way in which a foreign power can hope to interfere
to any purpose, namely, by giving strength and solidity to the
national will, he would have a hard task before him — a task of
which more than half the difficulty arose from the impracticable
temper of his son-in-law.
Unhappily for himself and for his country, Frederick was
still living in that dream-land which had so long usurped
Frederick the place of reality in his mind. To him the defeat
reenewsehily On the WhitG Hil1 WSS nOt the final r6Sult °f YearS °f
claims. anarchy. It was a mere accident of fortune, a mili-
tary check which with a little perseverance might easily be
repaired. His confident belief was still that others would be
ready to do that for him which he had made no serious effort
to accomplish for himself. "The hopes of the King and
Queen," wrote Conway, a few days after the battle, "are that
their father will do for them now, and not treat." 1
On November 7 the cavalcade of fugitives took refuge in Bres-
lau. On the i ith Frederick issued a manifesto in the form of a
letter to the Princes of the Union. Silesia and Moravia, he wrote,
were still true to him. Bethlen Gabor was ready to assist him
to recover all that had been lost. Let them see that they too
were ready to join heart and hand in his cause. If they now
refused, the Emperor would soon reoccupy the ecclesiastical
domains by force of arms.2 To James he was less explicit With
English aid, he said, his affairs would soon mend. Elizabeth,
as was her wont, spoke out her mind, and asked that the help
promised for the Palatinate might be extended to Bohemia.3
" I am not yet so out of heart," she wrote a fortnight afterwards
1 Conway to Buckingham, Nov. 18, Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 281.
2 Frederick to the Princes of the Union, Nov. II, Theatrum Euro-
pizum, i. 454.
3 Frederick to the King. Elizabeth to the King, Nov. 13, Ellis, Ser.
i. 3, in, 112.
176 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvn.
to her old friend Carleton, " though I confess we are in an evil
estate, but that, as I hope, God will give us again the victory ;
for the wars are not ended with one battle, and I hope we shall
have better luck in the next. The good news you write of the
King my father's declaring himself for the Palatinate, I pray
God they may be seconded with the same for Bohemia." l
Ruinous as her counsel was, it was well for her that her
brave woman's heart could beat so cheerily in the midst of
trouble. She was herself sent away to seek a refuge
December. J
He leaves at Custrin to give birth to a child, the little Maurice,
who was doubtless loved all the more tenderly for
the gloom amidst which his stormy life began. Bad news was
coming in almost every day. The Moravians, it seemed, were
ready to make their peace with Ferdinand. Frederick, blind
to much, could see that the ground was slipping from beneath
his feet. There were those in Breslau who were already mut-
tering that it would be better to come to terms with the Elector
of Saxony.2 Frederick's fears got the better of him. He
told the Estates of Silesia that he would leave them for the
present ; but he would soon be back with powerful allies to
support his cause. If they wished to send commissioners to
treat with the Saxons, he would make no objection. Such a
negotiation, he privately added to those who were in his con-
fidence, would serve to gain time till he was able to return
with an army at his back.3 On December 23, he left Breslau
for ever, not forgetting to despatch an embassy to John George
to demand a cessation of arms, and to ask for assistance to
drive the Emperor out of Bohemia. To this impertinence the
Elector replied by a solemn lecture on the recognition which
his adversary's right had received from Providence, and by a
well-timed admonition to make his submission to the Emperor
before it was too late.4
On January 12, the day before this answer was given at
1 Elizabeth to Carleton, Nov. 27, S. P. Holland.
2 Nethersole to Naunton, Dec. 4, S. P. Germany.
• Frederick to the Estates of Silesia, Dec. 12, Dec. 23, Londorf, ii.
237. Nethersole to Naunton, March 19, 1621, S. P. Germany.
* Theatrum Europaum, i. 462.
1 52 1 FREDERICK PUT UNDER THE BAN. 177
Dresden, the ban of the empire was pronounced at Vienna
against Frederick and his principal followers. They
januaiV. were declared to have forfeited their lands and digni-
pronounced ties, whilst the execution^ the sentence was signifi-
against him. cantiy entrusted to the Duke of Bavaria, who was
eager to put himself, if possible, in possession of both.
As soon as the news was published, a shriek of horror arose
from the whole circle of Frederick's partisans. It was only
after a legal trial, they said, that the ban could lawfully be
proclaimed. Ferdinand's reply was that this might well be the
case in time of peace ; but it was notorious that Frederick had
levied war against the Emperor, and it was no less notorious
that he had not the slightest intention of submitting to any form
of trial whatever. Whether Ferdinand were technically in
the right or not, it is certain that legal formalities had been
too often unblushingly disregarded by Frederick and his sup-
porters to justify them in interpreting the law very strictly in
their own favour.1
On the day on which the ban was pronounced Frederick
was riding out of Ciistrin to urge the princes of Lower Saxony
Ru<dorf's to take arms on his behalf.2 Yet he had not been left
advice. altogether without a warning. Rusdorf, one of his
ablest councillors, had written earnestly to dissuade him from
his imprudence. The foreign powers in which he trusted, he
told him, would be sure to fail him in the end. The wound
in Bohemia was mortal, and no recovery was possible there.
Of the Palatinate he could speak from personal experience.
1 The clause in the Capitulation which Ferdinand was said to have
^broken is the following one : — " Wir sollen und wollen auch furkomnien
und keines Wegs gestatten dasz nun hinfiiro jemand hohes oder niedriges
Stands Churfurst, Fiirst, oder anderer, Ursach auch unverhort, in die
Acht und Oberacht gethan, bracht, oder erklart werde ; sondern in
solchem ordentlichen Proeesz, und des H. R. R. in gemeldetem 55'" Jahr
reformirten Cammergerichtsordnung, und darauff erfolgter Reichs Abs-chied
in dem gehalten und vollzogen werde, jedoch dem Beschadigten seine
Gegenwehr vermog des Landfriedens unabriichig." — Limnseus, Capitula-
tioties, 591. See, for Ferdinand's view of the case, his reply to the Danish
Ambassadors, Londorp, ii. 392.
2 Nethersole to Naunton, Jan. 19, S, P. Germany.
VOL. IV. N
1 78 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvii.
Soldiers and officers were alike intent upon their own private
aims. There was not one amongst them who believed in the
goodness of the cause for which he was fighting. The country
was laid desolate by its own defenders. It was to be feared
that the inhabitants would, in sheer self-defence, break out
into open sedition. The Union, at all events, would certainly
break down as soon as it was exposed to real danger.1
To the truth coming from one of his own ministers
Frederick could refuse to listen. To Sir Edward Villiers, who
met him at Wolfenbiittel with a message from the
sirE ° King of England, he was unable to close his ears ;
for he knew well that, unless James took up his cause,
there would be few indeed amongst the princes of Germany
who would venture to declare in his favour.
Frederick listened to Villiers, and announced in a letter to
his father in-law the result of his conversation. " Whatever
Frederick's has been done," he wrote, "proceeded froii a good
promises. intention. If it had pleased God to grant me suc-
cess, the whole party of the religion would have been relieved ;
but since this has not been the will of God, it is for me to take
the good and the evil at His hand ; and although I hoped,
with His aid, and with the assistance of your Majesty and the
other princes and states of the religion, to regain what I had
lost, holding still, as I do, Silesia and several towns in Bohemia
yet, seeing by your letter that you incline rather to an accom-
modation I am ready to follow your good counsels and com-
mands." *
Even if Frederick had meant what he said, there was a
studied vagueness about his language which augured ill for the
success of James's negotiations. But the truth was, that the
engagement thus wrung from him was no indication
His letcer to of his real intentions. Two days after his promise
rdd~ had been given to his father-in-law he wrote to Mans-
feld to assure him that he would never surrender his kingdom
1 Rusdorf, Consilia <;/ Negotia^ 8. The same desponding feeling is to
be traced in the letters of Camerarius. Soltl, Religionskncg, iii. 105-
115.
2 Frederick to the King, Jan. 31, //a/7. MSS. 1583, fol. 219.
i62i FREDERICK'S AIMS. 179
of Bohemia. He had justice on his side, and he would soon
win back all that he had lost. l
Frederick was, within the limitations of his own narrow mind,
thoroughly consistent with himself. Utterly to destroy the
German branch of the House of Austria ; to convert the Empire
into a federation of independent princes, amongst which the
stronger would find no restrictions upon their desire to prey
upon their weaker neighbours ; and to establish the supremacy
of Protestantism, and especially of its Calvinistic form, by force
of arms, were the objects at which his father had aimed, and to
the attainment of which, with such reservations as sufficed to
conceal from his own mind the iniquity of his proceedings, he
had himself directed his course.
No doubt there are higher rights than those of kings and
emperors. No doubt injustice receives no consecration from
the successful efforts of pikemen and musketeers. But what
Frederick forgot was that his enemies were not confined to those
who looked for inspiration to Munich and Vienna. He had
alienated his own allies ; he had converted the lukewarm into
hostile antagonists ; he had dragged in the dust the great
cause of German Protestantism. Prudent politicians stood
aloof from his rash and impatient violence ; sober and religious
men shrank from accepting the advocacy of a champion whose
victory would have destroyed much and founded nothing.
Whilst Frederick was imagining that he had only to contend
with the armies of Ferdinand and Maximilian, he had in reality
a far harder battle to fight ; for he had to convince his fellow-
Protestants that he could protect their religious independence
without converting Germany into a den of thieves.
Meanwhile the King of Denmark and the other princes of
the Lower Saxon Circle were assembled at Segeberg to listen
to Frederick's proposals. The selfish and unprin-
sembiy of cipled Christian IV. thought of little else than the
Segeberg. retention of the secularised Church property which
he had got into his possession, and he was shrewd enough to
perceive how the settlement of that question had been retarded
! Frederick to Mansfekl, Feb. 2, Londorp, ii. 377.
X 2
i8o THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvu.
by Frederick's proceedings in Bohemia. "Who advised you,"
he called out savagely to the fugitive Prince, "to drive out
kings and to seize kingdoms. If your counsellors did so, they
were scoundrels." He then told him plainly, as Villiers had
told him before, that, if he wanted help, he must submit to the
Emperor. When he had done that, he might expect aid to
drive Spinola from the Palatinate.
A day or two after this scene, Christian had cooled down.
Frederick, ostensibly at least, consented to give up his claims
to Bohemia, and was informed in return that a Danish embassy
would be sent to ask for peace at Vienna. If that failed, the
princes of Lower Saxony would not desert him.1
Before the assembly broke up, Sir Robert Anstruther arrived
from England. He had come to ask Christian for a fresh loan
Anstruther's °f 25>ooo^> of which 5,ooo/. were to be at once
m ssion. repaid as interest due upon the loan of the preced-
ing summer, whilst the remainder was to be made over to
Elizabeth as a present from her father. Anstruther found that
the King of Denmark had little faith in the success of the
proposed embassy to Vienna, and that he was looking forward
to a campaign on the Rhine in conjunction with England and
the Netherlands. " By God," he said, laying his hand fami-
liarly on the ambassador's shoulder as he spoke, " this business
is gone too far to think it can be redressed with words only.
I thank God we hope, with the help of his Majesty of Great
Britain and the rest of our friends, to give unto the Count
Palatine good conditions. If ever we do any good for the
liberty of Germany and religion it is now time." 2
After some weeks' delay Anstruther obtained his money,3
and the 20,000!. was duly paid over to Elizabeth.
From Segeberg Frederick set out for the Hague,4 where the
Prince of Orange was waiting to receive him with open arms.
1 Muller, Forschungen, iii. 468.
2 Anstruther to Calvert, March IO, S. P. Denmark. The expressions
given are taken from different parts of a long harangue.
3 Slange. Gesch. Christians IV. iii. 1 70.
4 Carleton to Nethersole, March 5. Carleton to Calvert, March 8,
S. P. Holland.
1621 S//? E. VILLIERS'S MISSION. 181
It was not what his father-in-law would have wished. James had
March, charged Villiers to recommend him to betake himself
advises Fre- at once to ^6 Palatinate, and had sent orders to
wtheV-u80 ^-ar^eton to prevent him from coming to England.1
tinate. This advice, though doubtless in part inspired by
fear lest Frederick should place himself at the head of the
Parliamentary opposition, was probably, but for Frederick's
own weakness of character, the best that could be given. In
Holland the exile would be breathing an atmosphere of war ;
in England he would be far removed from the scene of action.
At Heidelberg his presence would have served to keep his
subjects in heart in their hour of trial, and would have given
emphasis to his assertions that he had ceased to seek for any-
thing beyond the preservation of his own domains.2
Frederick's reply to Villiers' proposition was not encourag-
ing to those who wished well to his cause. He must first, he
Frederick's sa^, go to the Hague, that he might place his wife
reply. an(j children in a place of safety. He would then
be ready to return to the Palatinate, " so that his Majesty may
be speedily assisted with a good army either of his Majesty of
Great Britain or of the States, that he may be able to bring
with him some comfort and ease to his subjects who languish
in expectation thereof. For, if he should go otherwise, and in
his own person only, that would get his Majesty very little
reputation, and would encourage the Marquis Spinola to assail
the Palatinate so much the more earnestly, and to send his
Majesty back thither whence he came with shame enough to
himself and to all them to whom his Majesty hath the honour
to be so nearly allied. And withal, if his Majesty should go in
that manner, the Princes of the Union would retire themselves
every one to his own house, leaving the defence of the Pala-
tinate, and the charge of the army, upon his Majesty 's hands,
which would undoubtedly cause the total ruin and subversion
1 The King to Carleton, Jan. 25. Calvert to Carleton, March I,
S. P. Holland.
2 It is curious that the Dutch, tor opposite reasons, did not wish him to
visit England. "We do not think," wrote Carleton, "the King will
discountenance his affairs in Germany by crossing the seas."
1 82 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvil.
of all his Majesty's estates and of his person, and would make
him at once lose all his friends and allies. Which considera-
tions being of consequence, his Majesty doth promise himself
that his Majesty of Great Britain, examining them maturely,
will not only approve them, but also esteem this his retreat into
the Low Countries to be good and necessary ; and favour him
so much with his forces that he may return into the Palatinate,
not only with reputation, but with some good effect, by God's
help, as he doth most humbly beseech his Majesty, promising
himself that such a resolution would serve for an example, not
only to the Union, but also to the King of Denmark, the
States, and others, to take a good and a vigorous resolution
together, which is very necessary for all those that have made
a separation from the Papacy." l
Frederick, it would seem, was Frederick still. No man
could be more eager to summon armies from the ends of the
earth to fight in his cause. No man could be more unable to
define satisfactorily what the cause was for which he wanted
them to fight. From a proposal that he should place himself
at the head of the troops of the Union, he shrank as he would
have shrunk from the plague. It would endanger his reputa-
tion. It would encourage his enemies to assail him more
bitterly. If Ferdinand had reasoned thus when Thurn was
thundering at the gates of Vienna, Frederick would still have
been in comfortable enjoyment of the delights of Bohemian
royalty.
Whatever may be thought of the advice given by James to
Frederick, nothing but sheer timidity can account for his beha-
Eiizabeth viour to Elizabeth. During her journey from Ciistrin
tiffing- to she had allowed it to be understood that she wished
land. to take refuge with her father.2 James was struck
with alarm. He had enough to do to keep the war party in
check, and he could not bear to think that his daughter's win-
1 The paper is at the end of the February bundle of the Holland State
Papers. It is without a date, but is in Nethersole's hand. As Nethersole
was in the train of Elizabeth, I suppose the answer must have been given
about the middle of M rch.
2 Carleton to Calvert, March 8, .9. P. HolLnd.
-62i FREDERICK IN HOLLAND. 183
ning smiles would be placed in the balance against him.1
Carleton was therefore told that the journey must be stopped
at all hazards.2 It is probable that some intimation of her
father's repugnance to her visit was conveyed to Elizabeth by
her friends ; for her language suddenly changed, and she now
declared positively that nothing on earth would induce her to
cross the sea to England.3
On April 4, escorted by a convoy of Dutch soldiers, the
King of Bohemia, as he still persisted in calling himself, rode
Frederick at mto ^e Hague. He was received with all honour,
the Hague. -phe prmce of Orange placed his own house at Breda
at his disposal ; and in the town itself, the mansion of Count
Frederick Henry was assigned to him as a residence.4
Wise intervention in German affairs was evidently not so
easy as the majority of Englishmen supposed. But, in the
Policy of main, James's policy was .undoubtedly the right one.
James. ^0 compel Frederick to renounce the crown of
Bohemia, and at the same time to form an alliance strong
enough to defend the Palatinate, was the only combination
which offered a prospect of success. As usual, it was in the
execution rather than in the conception that James's arrange-
ments broke down utterly. He ought to have forced his son-
in-law to notify to the world by a renunciation of the Bohemian
crown that he was ready to conform to the conditions under
which alone he could hope to maintain his hereditary domains.
He ought to have made such preparations for war as would
have convinced friends and enemies that now at last he was in.
earnest. Instead of this he allowed the weeks to slip away,
leaving everything to chance, and to the evil designs of men
1 Tillieres' despatch, March *-, Raumer, ii. 308.
2 The King to Carleton, March 13, S. P. Holland.
3 Nethersole to Carleton, March 24, ibid. Amongst these State
Papers, there is a note, in the handwriting of one of Sir J. Williamson's
clerks, stating that James had invited her and her husband to England.
This may have been taken from some letter now lost, but in the face of the
de patches just quoted, I cannot accept it as a true account of the case,
unless, indeed, on the unlikely supposition that an invitation was given
earlier and then retracted.
4 Thcatrum Europceum, i. 508.
184 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvu.
who wished for their own selfish purposes to see the prolonga-
tion of the war.
Amongst these, contrary to the general belief in England,
the Spanish Ministry was not to be reckoned. Early in
January, Philip, or those who acted in his name, had
Spain for expressed to the Archduke Albert the anxiety with
which the continuance of hostilities was regarded at
Madrid. Perhaps, wrote Philip, he might obtain repayment of
his expenses by means of the confiscations in Bohemia. Per-
haps a contribution might be levied in the Palatinate itself.
At any rate, it would be impossible for him long to continue
to bear this intolerable burden. As for the Elector Palatine,
if he was to be restored, he must renounce the crown of
Bohemia, and must forsake the Protestant Union. Care must
be taken to restrain the Duke of Bavaria from
pressing his claims to the Electorate. Perhaps the
difficulty might be arranged by allowing the two families
an alternative voice in the College.1 When such were the
opinions of the King of Spain, expressed not in formal diplo-
matic language, but in private and confidential intercourse, it
can haidly admit of a doubt that if Frederick had really given
up the shadow of the Bohemian crown, and had offered
guarantees for his peaceable behaviour in future, he might
have had anything else that he could reasonably ask for.
Philip's poverty, if not his will, would have given consent.
The burden of James's inertness fell heavily upon Morton,
who presented himself in the beginning of February before the
Februa Assembly of the Union at Heilbronn, having brought
Morton at with him 3o,ooo/., and a few vague promises. He
was told that the struggle could not be continued on
these conditions. It was true that the ban against Frederick
was illegal, and they had sent an ambassador to Vienna to re-
monstrate against it. But they had no money left The towns
were falling off from the cause. The troops were melting away,
and no more than 11,000 men were still under arms. They
1 Philip III. to the Archduke, Jan. -2- ; Philip III. to Onate, Jan. -9l
£— *6B, Brussels MSS.
March 8
i6ai THE DUTCH APPLY TO JAMES. 185
hoped, therefore, that the States would send them a force of
6,000 men, and James would allow them 3o,ooo/. a month till
he was prepared to do something more.1
By James the demand thus made was received with com-
plete indifference. His preparations for war had been limited
to an order to increase the stock of arms in the Tower, and to
an inquiry made through Carleton as to the possibility of pro-
curing in Holland the equipments of an army of 10,000 or
12,000 men.2
Very different were the feelings of the Dutch statesmen, by
whom the whole chart of continental politics was not unnatur-
january. ally regarded through the medium of their own
Dutch Com- quarrel with Spain. In January, the States-General
missior.ers in * l J J
England. had sent over to England a body of commissioners
charged to express their views. The truce with Spain, they
said, would be at an end in April, and for them at least war
was inevitable. Germany and the Protestant religion were in
the utmost danger, and they wished to know what were the in-
tentions of the King of England.
From such categorical demands James was always anxious
to escape. In his distress he caught at the excuse afforded
Reply of h*m by the state of affairs in the East. Though
james. the treaty of 1619 had been accepted by the Dutch
authorities in those seas, differences of opinion had arisen upon
the interpretation of some of its clauses. There was one dispute
as to the right of the Dutch to erect a fort at Batavia. There was
another dispute about the value of the captured goods to be
restored. The English Company had sent commissioners to
Amsterdam, but no satisfaction could be had. James, accord-
ingly, instead of giving a plain answer to the plain question put
to him, rated the Dutchmen soundly for having nothing to say
upon these points, or upon the equally difficult question of the
herring fishery.
In despair, the Commissioners applied to Buckingham.
1 Morton's Proposition. Memorial delivered to Morton, S. P. Ger-
many,
2 Caron to the States-General, Jan. n, Add. MSS. 17,677 K. fol. 91.
Calvert to Carleton, Feb. 17, S. P. Holland.
1 36 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvn.
He listened to their complaints, but, according to their report,
February, he did not seem to know much about the affairs of
They apply Germany. The King, he said, was ready to risk his
to Bucking- J . . '
ham. own life, and the life of his son, in the defence of
. the Palatinate ; but there was no hurry about the matter. " In
fact," he concluded by saying, " the Palatinate is by this time
pretty well lost. When a good opportunity arrives, the King
will try to recover it." Such was the tone in which Buckingham
allowed himself to speak of a question upon which depended
the peace of Europe for a generation.
Once more the Commissioners turned to the King. They
assured him that the States were ready to do their utmost in
The King's the defence of the Palatinate, and they begged Tames
final answer. j-o SUppOrt them by a diversion in Flanders, an opera-
tion which they represented as certain to be followed by the
recall of Spinola from Germany. J The same advice was repeated
at the Hague, with even more distinct emphasis, by the Prince
of Orange, in a conversation with Carleton.2
To Maurice, James did not vouchsafe an answer. To the
Commissioners he replied with studied rudeness. He informed
them that he had nothing to say to them about the truce, as
they understood their own affairs better than he did. As soon
as they had obtained full powers to treat about the herring
fishery, and other matters of the kind, he would be ready to
give them information as to his intentions respecting the Pala-
tinate.3
James's refusal to state his intentions was wholly unjusti-
fiable, but he was probably right in regarding with suspicion
The expira- the counsels of men who had so deep an interest in
truce°intthe the prolongation of the war in Germany, as they
Netherlands. were themselves likely to be engaged before long in
hostilities with Spain. In April the truce of Antwerp would
have run its course, and it was no secret that the Spaniards
intended, if possible, to wring from the Dutch the abandon-
1 Report of the Dutch Commissioners, Add. MSS. 22,863, fol. I-8S.
1 Carleton to Calvert, Feb. 26, ^. P. Holland.
* Answer of the Privy Council, ^^r5-, Add. MSS. 22,863, f°l- IO3-
1 62 1 THE DUTCH BREAK WITH SPAIN. 187
ment of the East India trade, the opening of the Scheldt, and
a guarantee of liberty of worship to the Roman Catholics as
the price of its renewal. In the meanwhile, Maurice, fearing
lest the inland provinces, which had less immediate interest
than Holland and Zealand in the commerce of the Republic,
might prove lukewarm when the time of temptation came,
was casting about for the best means of defeating the machi-
nations of his ancient enemy. Unexpectedly, the very oppor-
tunity which he sought was brought within his reach. There
was a certain Madame Tserclaes, an elderly lady, living at
Brussels, who had been frequently employed in
Intrigues of . , . . , , -
the Prince conveying secret political messages across the fron-
Orange. tje^ This time she was directed to seek out Maurice
himself, and to win him over, if possible, to second the designs
of the King of Spain. In the proposal Maurice saw nothing
but an attempt upon his fidelity to the Republic, and deter-
mining to meet guile with guile, he assured his visitor that he
longed for nothing more than a complete reconciliation with
Philip. The unexpected news was at once carried to Brussels,
and was transmitted without delay to Madrid. The bait was
eagerly taken. Madame Tserclaes spent her whole time during
the winter months in passing backwards and forwards between
Brussels and the Hague. Maurice redoubled his professions
of devotion to the King of Spain, and engaged to do all in
his power to induce the States to return to their allegiance.
Under other circumstances it is possible that his language
might have been regarded with suspicion even by Spaniards,
slow as they usually were to detect imposture when covered
by profuse declarations of devotion to the puppet sovereign
who nominally ruled them. Since the Arminian troubles they
had been accustomed to take for granted the extreme weakness
of the Republic, and they seem to have imagined that Maurice
was only using common prudence in attempting to escape
from the ruin of a falling house. l
1 The evidence of all this is contained in a series of letters, too nu-
merous to quote separately, in the Spanish correspondence of the Arch-
duke with Philip III. in the Brussels Archives. They are spread over
the whole of the winter months.
i88 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvn.
The consequences of the implicit faith now placed at
Madrid in the Prince of Orange were not long in showing
themselves. On March 8, it was announced that
March. . '
Pecquius at Pecquius, the Chancellor of Brabant, would shortly
arrive at the Hague with a proposition from the Arch-
dukes. Immediately it was seen that Maurice was right in
foreseeing a division in the counsels of the Republic. The
deputies of Holland and Zealand urged that not even bare
civility should be shown to the ambassador. The other five
provinces were in favour of exhausting all honourable means
before the prospect of a renewal of the truce was finally aban-
doned. Maurice, whose word on such a question was law,
gave his voice in favour of the reception of the ambassador
with all due respect. At the same time he took care to raise
expectation, by spreading the most favourable rumours of the
probable issue of the negotiation. Madame Tserclaes, he gave
out, had assured him that not only would peace be secured to
the Netherlands, but that all reasonable satisfaction would be
given with regard to the Palatinate.1
On the 1 2th Pecquius arrived. The next day he was
admitted to the Assembly of the States-General. To the utier
consternation of all but the one man who held the thread of the
intrigue, the ambassador made a formal demand that the Pro-
vinces should return to their allegiance. To such words there
could be but one reply. Pecquius was ordered to leave the
territory of the Republic without delay.2
Maurice had gained his end. The insult was resented
equally by Calvinist and Arminian, by the seamen of Holland
Renewal of anc^ tne farmers of Utrecht The Archduke had
the war. supposed that if his first proposition were rejected,
there would be time to negotiate upon a fresh basis.3 He now
found that he had roused a spirit which made all negotia-
tion impossible. The renewal of hostilities followed almost
immediately.
1 Carleton to Calvert, March 8, 10, 13, S. P. Holland.
2 Aitzema, Saken van Siaet en Oorlog, i. 36.
* The Archduke Albert to Philip III. ^eb' .20, Brussels MSS.
March 2
i62i DIGBY AT BRUSSELS. 189
Thoroughly as the Spanish ministers had been duped, it
was not for men whose whole diplomacy was one vast network
D- b . of intrigue, to complain of the wrong which they had
mission to received. Nor, to do them justice, did they show
Brussels. . . . .
any signs of vexation. When, on March 7, just as
Pecquius was starting for the Hague, Digby arrived at Brussels
on a preliminary mission before setting off to negotiate peace at
Vienna, he met with a cordial reception. He came to ask for
a suspension of arms in the Palatinate. The King of Spain, he
was told, would not be unwilling to restore the Palatinate, if he
could be assured that James would " contribute all good offices
of perfect amity and alliance, and particularly not more to
esteem the friendship of the Hollanders than his." l To this
Digby, who wanted to bring the Dutch to commercial conces-
sions through fear of Spain, and the Spaniards to political con-
cessions through fear of Holland, raised no objection. He
was then informed that the Archduke would give his good word
on behalf of Frederick's re-establishment in the Palatinate, and
would order Spinola to make arrangements for a suspension of
arms. Digby accordingly returned to London under the im-
pression that the Court of Brussels was "very desirous and
ready to give satisfaction." 2 Nor was he mistaken. For the
Archduke had just written to assure Philip that he had been
well satisfied with the prospect of a pacification opened by
Digby, as Spinola's troops would now be wanted nearer home.3
On March 21, the very day on which this letter was written,
the sovereign to whom it was addressed, breathed his last at
Madrid.4 Soon it was rumoured that whilst he was on his
Death of deathbed, words of no light import had fallen from
Phihp in. hjs jjps The infanta had been summoned to her
father's presence. " Maria," he said, " I am sorry that I must
die befoi e I have married you ; but your brother will take care
1 Digby to Buckingham, March 14, Clarendon State Papers, i. App. i.
2 Digby to Carleton, March 23. Answer of the Archdukes,
S. P. Flanders.
3 The Archduke Albert to Philip III. March ", Brussels MSS.
* Aston to Calvert. March — , S. P. Spain.
«r •
190 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvn.
of that." He then turned to his son. " Prince," he added,
" do not forsake her till you have made her an empress." l The
calculations and intrigues of so many years had been wiped
away by the approach of death. The promise which he had
given, six months before, to Khevenhiiller, that his daughter
should become the wife of the Archduke Ferdinand, the
future Emperor Ferdinand III., had alone branded itself upon
his memory.2
The new King, Philip IV., was a mere lad. Unlike his
father, he took delight in bodily exercises. His chief pleasure
was in the hunting-field. For politics he cared little
or nothing, leaving all matters of state to those who
understood them, whilst he was intent upon the higher work of
keeping himself amused. The favourite companion of his
pleasures was the Count of Olivares, and it was soon known
that the whole stream of honours and promotions would flow
through that channel. Affairs of state were committed to
Balthazar de Zufiiga, the uncle of the new favourite, a man of
ability and integrity, who had formerly served as ambassador at
the Imperial Court, and who was inclined from principle to do all
that could be done safely to advance the power of the House of
Austria and the Church of Rome.
Under these circumstances James naturally conceived some
anxiety, and directed Aston to inquire what were the intentions
. ., of the young king. The ambassador was met with
Aston overwhelming assurances of good-will, and was told
Jvfendiy that whatever the late sovereign might have said,
ces' Philip IV. was most anxious to go on vigorously with
the marriage treaty.3
Undoubtedly no one but James would have been likely
to accept these profuse expressions of good-will as conveying
the real feeling of the Spanish ministers. To a more cautious
politician, they would not have been without their use. Taken
in connection with the circumstances in which the Spanish
monarchy was placed, they would at least have served as indica-
1 Cabala, 223. 2 See Vol. III. p. 377.
3 Aston to the King, April 14, Harl. MSS. ijSo, fol. 8; Francisco
de Jesus, 32.
1621 THE TREATY OF MENTZ. 191
tions of the value which was placed at Madrid upon the friend-
ship of the King of England. In truth it was in Protestant
Germany far more than in Spain that the dangers
Thedisso- L }. e , ,. , \ . ,. .
lutionofthe were to be found upon which James s mediation was
likely to be wrecked. Frederick's obstinate retention
of the royal title on the one hand, and the menaces of Spinola
on the other, were beginning to produce their natural effect
upon the Union. The ardent Landgrave of Hesse Cassel had
been compelled to keep the peace by his own subjects, who
would not hear of his making war against the Emperor. The
cities were the next to give way. They had entered the Union
in order to defend themselves and their religion against aggres-
sion, and they had no idea of following Frederick in a crusade
against the Emperor, in which, to them at least, success or
defeat would be equally ruinous. Without the money and
supplies which the towns alone were able to furnish, the Princes
saw no prospect of being able to carry on the war ; and on
April 2, a treaty was signed at Mentz, by which they engaged to
withdraw their troops from the Palatinate, and to dissolve the
tie by which their Union had been formed. On the other
hand, Spinola ag-eed to suspend hostilities till May 4, and this
concession was expressly declared to have been granted at the
request of the King of England.1
Such was the ignominious end of the alliance which, under
better guidance, might have served as the advanced guard of
Protestantism in Germany. Many were the gibes, written and
spoken, which were circulated at the expense of that now con-
temptible body. Yet, if all that is known by us had been
known to contemporaries, they would have been less ready to
find fault with the leaders of the Union when they abandoned
what had become a hopelessly impracticable task, than when
they turned aside from their ostensible object — the defence of
German Protestantism — to extract from the pockets of peace-
loving and orderly citizens the means of carrying on an aggres-
sive and revolutionary policy.
The dissolution of the Union would not have been without
1 Habcrlin, xxv. 32 ; Londorp, ii. 382.
192 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvn
its good effects if Frederick had been induced by it to recon-
May. sider his own position. No doubt as long as he
perelsteln contented himself with fixing his eyes merely upon
opposition, j^g enemy's proceedings, there was every reason to
induce him to persist in his opposition ; for we may well believe
that it was something more than personal vanity which made
him loth to surrender the crown of Bohemia. The cause of
his fellow-Protestants, whose interests he had striven to serve
after his blind, ignorant fashion, was still at stake. If he did
not re-appear to save them, his trustiest supporters would soon
be hurried to the scaffold, and the clergy who had besieged
the gates of heaven with prayers for his success would be
thrust forth into poverty and exile. Nor was the position of
Protestantism in the Empire free from danger. It was now well
known that the Emperor intended to convoke an assembly of
German princes to meet at Ratisbon, and it was generally
believed that he would ask them to sanction the transference
of Frederick's electorate to the Duke of Bavaria. Yet if
Frederick really wished to prevent this unhappy consummation,
he ought to have been aware that, without assistance from his
countrymen, he was powerless to effect his purposes. From
one end of Germany to another, wherever public opinion had
found a voice to express it, a steady determination had been
manifested to remain faithful to the Emperor. On this point,
the burghers of Strasburg and Ulm were of one mind with the
Elector of Saxony, and with the knightly vassals of the Land-
grave of Hesse-Cassel. In the institutions of the Empire
they all saw the only remaining barrier against anarchy, the
only possible guarantee that disputes between the States would
be decided by some sort of law, and not by the sword.1 If
Frederick could satisfy this feeling, he might yet hope to stand
at the head of a powerful party of his countrymen. If he could
not, there was nothing left for him but to become the tool of
1 Watchwords are not worth much as an indication of purpose ; but
they point to the state of feeling in the public to which the appeal is made.
It is, therefore, worth noticing that whereas "Die Deutsche Libertat" is
the often-recurring formula in the State papers of one party; " Die Liebe
Justitia " is its correlative on the other side.
i62i FREDERICK AND THE EMPEROR, 193
foreign nations, who saw with delight whatever misery afforded
them a prospect of weakening the strength of Germany.
How ready a strong force would have been to rally round
him, is nowhere more apparent than in the reception accorded
Proposal for by members of the Imperial party to Ferdinand's
encerfnther" proposition for the transference of the Electorate.
Electorate. Amongst the Catholic prelates, there was none who
had stronger personal reasons for desiring the overthrow of
the great Calvinist prince, whose territories bordered so closely
on his own, than the Elector of Mentz. Yet the first hint
that the scheme had been seriously entertained at Vienna
was sufficient to fill him with alarm. He wrote at once
to Ferdinand to implore him to desist from so rash an
enterprise. It would, he said, be certain to throw into the
arms of Frederick many of those who had hitherto held
aloof. The Elector of Treves expressed himself in almost
similar terms. Onate, speaking on behalf of the King of
Spain, was as decided in his opposition ; and John George
of Saxony began to talk of the infringement of the Golden
Bull, which would be the result if the Emperor's intentions
were carried out. Even Ferdinand's own council recom-
mended at least the postponement of the measure. 1 It needed
two years of bitter experience to convince these men that
Frederick was indeed incorrigible, and that neither peace nor
order was possible so long as he was allowed to set foot within
the limits of the Empire.
Meanwhile, a few weeks after his arrival at the Hague,
Frederick issued a manifesto, in which he made known his
Frederick's intentions to his countrymen, and demanded that a
manifesto. general amnesty should precede the meeting of the
Assembly at Ratisbon. The difference between the amnesty
which he thus demanded, and the submission for which the
Emperor asked, may seem but slight. Yet in reality it con-
tained within its limits the whole matter in dispute. For sub-
mission implied that civil war between the states was a wrong
done to the Emperor, whilst an amnesty implied simply that
peace had been made between contending parties. In other
1 Hurter, CescA. Ferdinands II. ix. 155.
VOL. IV. O
194 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION, CH. xxxvu.
words, Ferdinand and Frederick were divided on the important
question, whether the Empire were a reality or a fiction.1
Of any readiness to sacrifice himself for the public good,
not a trace is to be found in Frederick's manifesto. Nor is
this to be wondered at, for he had recently sent
mi^sion^o6 s Nethersole to England, to beg for speedy aid for the
England. defence of the Palatinate ; and he had directed him
to suggest that when he renounced his own claims to Bohemia,
he should be allowed to reserve those of his son, who had been
elected as his successor during his occupation of the throne,
and to ask that he might not be required to promise to abstain
from fresh attacks upon the House of Austria.2
Infatuated as was Frederick's notion of fighting his battle
without winning the moral sympathies of his countrymen,
Proceedings there was equal infatuation in James's belief that the
of James. conflict could be allayed by words alone. He had
already obtained from the Archduke a prolongation of the
truce in the Palatinate, and, in addition to the money which
he had borrowed from the King of Denmark, he now sent to
his son-in-law a present of 2o,ooo/.3 But here his active in-
terference stopped. Long afterwards, Christian IV. bitterly
complained that James had blamed his warlike preparations as
a hindrance to the success of the English negotiations, and
that he had been driven to disband his forces by the coldness
with which his overtures had been received in London.4 In
the meantime not the slightest effort was made to secure the
co-operation of the Elector of Saxony, though his policy was
almost identical with that which James was now pursuing.
1 Frederick to the Electors, May -, Londorp, ii. 444.
2 " His Majesty of Bohemia may happily find it strange, that, in
setting down the heads of my proposition, I have wholly omitted a very prin-
cipal part of one of them, and maimed another ; to wit, the demanding
whether his Majesty should renounce the crown of Bohemia in the name
of his children as well as his own, and his desiring not to be obliged never
hereafter to attempt anything against the House of Austria. " — Nethersole
to Carleton, May 2, S. P. Holland.
8 The King to Frederick, April 16 (?), Add. MSS. 12,485, fol. 69.
4 Answer of Christian IV. to Dohna, Londorp, ii. 608. Christian IV.
to Frederick, May 2, S. P. Germany.
i62i MANSFELD IN BOHEMIA. 195
Yet, sluggish as he was, so clearly were James's ideas in
accordance with the public opinion of Germany, that it is not
improbable that if he had had to deal with nothing more
dangerous than the intemperate language of his son-in-law, he
would have been able to effect something by his mediation.
Unfortunately this was not the case. In his obstinate belief
that nothing could be done excepting by the sword, Frederick
had been drawing more closely the bonds which united him to
the man who was certain to bring his cause into greater disre-
pute than any folly of which he was himself capable.
Ernest Count of Mansfeld was a soldier of fortune.
Utterly deficient in those moral qualities which contribute so
character of much to the character of a great general, he was
Mansfeld. never willing to subordinate his own interests to the
public good. There is nothing which goes so far as the
power of self-abnegation to make a commander of the first
class. He must bear to be misrepresented and traduced, and
be ready to work in harmony with, or even in subordination
to, men whose behaviour is most distasteful to him. He must
form no schemes, however glorious, which he does not believe
himself capable of carrying into execution. He must be ready
to relinquish the most assured success, if he sees that it will stand
in the way of the ultimate interests of the cause for which he
is fighting. Of all this Mansfeld knew nothing. He was
capable of forming the most brilliant conceptions, but he was
equally capable of forgetting all about them before a week was
over. In the field, he was fertile in resources and daring in
action ; but personal animosities easily turned him aside, and
the mere lack of an intelligent interest in the cause to which
he had given his adhesion, made him blindly pass over
opportunities which would at once have been appreciated by a
general whose heart was in his work.
During the first months of his career in Bohemia, indeed,
he had shown the qualities of an active and serviceable officer.
His be- His capture of the strong fortress of Pilsen was
Bohemian*6 ^ onty rea^ success of the Bohemian armies, and
war- so long as his troops were paid, he had maintained
tolerable discipline. The time, however, soon came when all
02
196 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvii.
attempts on the part of the Bohemian Directors to find money
and provisions for their armies ceased entirely, and Mansfeld's
men were driven to supply themselves by plunder.
If, indeed, nothing more could be said against Mansfeld
than that his men were guilty of abominable excesses, it would
be unjust to blame him for evils which he was
the Thfrty unable to prevent. In those terrible years, no army
"*' marched into the field without perpetrating horrors
which in our day even the most depraved outcasts could
not look upon without a shudder. Liable to dismissal at
any moment, the soldier thought it no shame to transfer his
services from one side to the other with reckless impartiality.
No tie of nationality kept him faithful to the cause which he
happened to be serving for the moment, and against which he
might be fighting to-morrow. Even military pride, which has
sometimes been known almost to replace that lofty and
patriotic feeling, was wanting to him. He knew that he had
sold himself, body and soul, to his hirer for the time being,
and according to the law of our nature all other vices followed
in the train of that last degradation of which man is capable.
In those camps robbery, cruelty, and lust reigned supreme.
Smiling fields and pleasant villages were made hideous by
their presence. Blazing farmsteads marked the track of their
march, and the air was tainted by the mouldering corpses, not
of armed men, but of helpless peasants — of tender babes and
of delicate women, fortunate if they had escaped by the sharp
remedy of the sword a fate more horrible still.
With an army composed of such materials, a general's only
chance of maintaining even a shadow of discipline lies in the
power of furnishing his troops with regular pay and
subsequent regular supplies. This, however, was what Mans-
conduct. feld was unable to do After his defeat by Bucquoi,
in the summer of 1619, he had been at bitter feud with the
Bohemian magnates, whom he accused of deserting him in the
hour of danger. The revolutionary leaders had little money to
spare for their own troops, and none at all for Mansfeld's. He
had consequently held aloof at Pilsen during the campaign
of 1620, had entered into separate negotiations with the Im-
1 62 1 MANSFELD IN BOHEMIA. 197
jicrialists, and had probably by his inaction contributed more
than anyone else to the disaster of the White Hill. Since the
great defeat he had offered his sword to the highest bidder.
Whilst he was imposing upon Frederick by solemn speeches
about his loyalty to his king, and his fidelity to the Protestant
religion, he was offering to transfer his services to his old
master, the Duke of Savoy,1 and was assuring the Elector of
Saxony that if he still held some towns in Bohemia in Frede-
rick's name, it was merely that he might have in his hands a
pledge for the payment of the arrears due to himself and his
men.2 At the same time he was attracting fresh troops to his
standard by promising to allow them free liberty of plunder to
their hearts' content.3
The difference between Mansfeld and other generals of the
time was, not that his troops were more degraded than theirs,
Comparison Dut that he erected into a system that which
andWothnerhim wlt^ tnem was an evil which they were powerless
generals. altogether to control. It would be difficult to say
whether the wretched Bohemian peasants suffered most from
Bucquoi's Hungarians or from Mansfeld's troopers. There
was, however, no doubt that Bucquoi, serving a regular Govern-
ment, and acting with a distinct military object, would disband
his troops as soon as that object was attained, but with Mans-
feld there was no such hope. To him it mattered little whether
he were victorious or defeated. All he needed was to roam
about from one district to another, plundering and destroying
as he went. Every German territory would have to learn that it
was liable to attack, not in proportion to the good or evil which
it had done to one side or the other, but in proportion to the
fatness of its pastures, the comfort of its peasants, and the
wealth of its citizens.
Such was the man who was formally appointed by Frederick
He !s to the command of his armies in Bohemia. That
|eneraibdy lanc* had been already pillaged too thoroughly to
Frederick, make it a safe basis of operations for an army led on
1 Mansfeld's proposal, S. P. Savoy.
2 Mansfeld to the Elector of Saxony, Miiller, Forschungen^ ii. 60.
3 Miiller, Forschungen, ii. 43.
1 98 THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. CH. xxxvn.
these principles. One post after another surrendered to the
Imperialists. Pilsen itself was sold by its own garrison during
the temporary absence of Mansfeld.1 By the end of April,
Tabor and Wittingau alone remained in his hands ; and he
was himself driven to take refuge in the Upper Palatinate.
The question of Frederick's immediate abdication of the
Bohemian crown was therefore no mere point of diplomatic
Mansfeld at propriety. With such a commander still holding two
Waidhausen. fortified positions in the country, every day that he
retained his claim brought with it a fresh provocation to war.
It was impossible for Ferdinand, in spite of his past successes,
to feel any confidence for the future. The standard raised in
Frederick's name was, in reality, a standard of brigandage. The
dissolution of the army of the Union had come in time to
supply Mansfeld with throngs of fresh recruits, and, before the
end of May, a force of sixteen thousand men, without a country
or resources of their own, hung like a dark cloud amongst the
forest-clad defiles which command the passes from the Upper
Palatinate into Bohemia.
To Frederick, Mansfeld represented himself as only anxious
to stand on the defensive, but there were few who believed in
His inten- tne sincerity of his professions. Even in Protestant
tions. lands it was looked upon as certain that he was medi-
tating a vast aggressive movement The only doubt expressed
was whether the blow would fall upon Bavaria or Bohemia.2
Nor did he himself make any secret that he did not consider
himself bound to remain within the hereditary dominions of his
master. In forwarding to the Bavarian commander an extract
from a letter in which Frederick had directed him to conclude,
if possible, a suspension of arms in the Upper Palatinate, he
requested that the towns which still held out in Bohemia might
be included in the armistice, and threatened that in case of
refusal he should proceed to relieve them by force of arms.3
1 Kheuenhiiller, ix. 1304
2 Carpenter to Calvert, June 10, 17, 23, July I, S. P. Germany.
3 Extract from a letter from Frederick to Mansfeld. Mansfeld to
Tilly, May ^|, Uetterodt, Ernst Graf zu fcansfeld, 746.
1 62 1 THE UPPER PALATINATE. 195
Such a demand was of course regarded as totally inadmissible,
and both sides prepared for war.1 In the meanwhile the un-
happy inhabitants of the Upper Palatinate had to suffer from
the unwelcome presence of their protectors.2
1 This refusal is perpetually referred to in Frederick's letters as a
grievous wrong.
2 " Der iible Zustand in der Oberpfalz ist nicht zu schildern. Das
Mansfeldische Kriegsvolk haust iibel." Camerarius to Solms, May —
Sold, Religionskrieg, iii. 129. Printed " Unterpfalz," by an evident error,
as Onno Klopp has already pointed out.
200
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
LORD DIGBY'S MISSION TO VIENNA.
IN May 1621, after a ruinous delay of months, Digby at last
prepared to leave England. The instructions which he carried
with him were drawn up in a manly and self-reliant
pigby's strain, which stood in marked contrast with the hope-
ons' ful self-confidence stamped on every line of those
which had been prepared two years before for the guidance
of Doncaster. If internal evidence be worth anything, it leads
to the conclusion that the paper had been drawn up under
the eye of the ambassador himself.
Digby was first to demand of the Emperor the complete
restitution of all that Frederick had possessed before hfe thought
The resti- °f meddling with Bohemia. " But," James went on
Frederick's to say' " *°r tnat ^ ls not ukety tnat fortune, having
lands and so much favoured the Emperor's party this last year
dignities . . • • . J .
demanded, in Bohemia, and that he, being actually in possession
of a great part of the Palatinate, will be drawn to restore it
simply for our respect and friendship, but likewise that he may
be assured of the respect, amity, and due observance of our
son-in-law for the future, — we would have you, forasmuch as
concerneth us, to let him know our great propension and desire
of entertaining all friendship and amity with the House of
Austria, and more particularly by uniting ourselves strictly by a
match which we hope will take effect between the Prince our
Terms son ano^ tne Infanta of Spain ; and, forasmuch as
offered. concerneth our son-in-law, we will undertake on his
behalf that, upon the Emperor's revoking or disannulling of
1 62 1 JAMES'S TERMS. 201
the ban imperial against him, and the restoring of him in such
sort as it is above desired, he shall do all things that can justly
be required by the Emperor, and may stand with the honour of
a prince of his quality and birth. And for that it will be
necessary to fall from these generals unto particulars, we will
engage ourselves that he shall decline and depart from all pre-
tensions to the Crown of Bohemia and the annexed provinces
both for himself and his son, and shall make unto the Em-
peror all fitting and due recognition and acknowledgment, so
that he be not pressed to any such deprecation as shall be dis-
honourable or unworthy of his blood and rank."
If Ferdinand accepted these terms it would be well. " But,"
James proceeded to say, " in case you shall find the Emperor
resolved not to condescend to these our demands in
If they are . .
rejected, any real point either of our son s honour or inhen-
to'lpytoS tance, you shall then let him know that, as we should
have been glad that he would have laid hold of this
occasion of obliging us, so, by the contrary, he embarketh him-
self in a business which must make an immortal and irrecon-
cilable quarrel both betwixt us and our posterities, which we
shall be heartily sorry for ; but, in a case which toucheth us so
nearly both in honour and blood, and wherein we have not
omitted to essay all courses of friendship and amity, if they may
not prevail, we must betake ourselves to all other lawful means
which God shall give us for the righting of ourselves and our
children. And then you shall use all possible speed for the
transferring of yourself into Spain, where you shall insist upon
the same propositions unto that King, urging the hopeful
promises given by the King his father and his ministers to our
ambassador and agent there, both by word and writing. And,
in case you shall find them desirous to evade by transferring
the authority and power in this business unto the Emperor,
you shall then let that King know that the inheritances of our
children have been invaded, and remain yet possessed by
his army and under his pay, and no way but titularly belonging
unto the Emperor ; and therefore you shall in our name
earnestly move him that he presently withdraw his army out of
the Palatinate, and leave the Emperor to himself, which, if he
202 DIGBY^S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvin.
shall refuse to do, you shall then make it known that we shall
be little satisfied with that pretended evasion of having our
.children dispossessed of their inheritance by his army under the
commission of the Emperor, but must desire to be excused if
we address ourselves directly for reparation to the hand that
really and immediately hurt us. Our meaning briefly and
plainly is, that in case herein satisfaction shall be denied us,
you endeavour to fix the quarrel as well upon the King of
Spain as upon the Emperor. But this we would have you do
rather solidly than by any words of threatening or menace, and
rather to give us a just and good ground, when we shall see
occasion, to enter into a war than suddenly to embark us in it."
Finally, the ambassador was directed, if he found the King
of Spain unwilling to listen to reason, " without any further
treating of the match or anything else, fairly to take his leave."
Such terms as those which Digby was thus authorised to
propose are equally distasteful to zealots, who think that a
James's in- Protestant nation ought at all times and under all
tervention in circumstances to cast its sword into the scale on
Germany.
behalf of a Protestant population, and to theorists
who hold that interference in the affairs of foreigners is at no
time either lawful or desirable. Yet they will commend them-
selves to those who think that it is the duty of a great nation to
incur some risk in order to avert great evils, and who believe
that such intervention can only be attended with
May. . ...
success when it comes to give weight to a strong
national feeling which is smothered under the overwhelming
brute force of a foreign conqueror, or of a domestic faction in
league with the armies of a foreign sovereign. Such was the
intervention of William of Orange in England in 1688, and of
Napoleon III. in Italy in 1859. Such, as far as words went,
was the intervention undertaken by James in Germany in 1621. 1
Unfortunately it went no further than words. Backed by a
it needed compact and disciplined army well enough paid to
the support enable it to dispense with the necessity of plunder,
of an army.
Digby might have laid down the law in the Empire.
As it was, he had to soothe as he could, by the mere persuasive-
1 Digby's Instructions, May 23, S. P. Germany.
i62i MANSFELD'S PROCEEDINGS. 203
ness of his voice, two armies ready to fly at each other's throats.
On the one side was Maximilian, impatient to add the Upper
Palatinate to his hereditary dominions ; on the other side was
Mansfeld, whose disorganised forces combined the least pos-
sible power of resistance with the greatest possible amount of
provocation.
Even whilst Digby was on his way to Vienna, the danger of
an immediate collision was increasing, Mansfeld, now at the
June. head of 20,000 men, had seized and fortified Ross-
Mansfeid haupt, a strong post within the Bohemian frontier.
and Jagern- ° r
dorf. The Margrave of Jagerndorf, a kindred spirit, was at
the head of 7,000 men in Silesia, and was threatening, after
levying contributions from the territories of the Catholics, to
cross the mountains and to join forces with Mansfeld before the
gates of Prague. In Hungary, Bethlen Gabor was making head
against Bucquoi. On every side the wild terrors of the storm
which had been quelled for a moment threatened to burst forth
with redoubled violence.1
The seizure of Rosshaupt filled, in Maximilian's eyes, the
cup of Mansfeld's offences to the brim. It might now be seen,
he wrote to the Emperor, what was the real value of
Anger of the
Duke of the adventurer's protestations that he was only stand-
ing on the defensive. Ferdinand replied by autho-
rising him to put his troops in motion, whilst messengers were
hastily despatched to Brussels and Madrid to ask for Spinola's
co-operation on the Rhine.8
Mansfeld, at least, was determined to show his disregard
July. of all diplomatic attempts to bring about a peace.
treTtmenurf ^e turned sharply upon the Bishop of Bamberg
the neigh- an(j Wiirzburg, who was guilty of the offence of
bouring ° '
lands. having sent his troops into Bohemia in common with
other members of the League, and threatened to devastate
1 See especially, for Mansfeld's proceedings, the letters printed by Uette-
rodt, Ernst Graf zu Mansfeld, 328-353.
Menzel, Neuere Gesch. der Deutschen, vii. 531. Zuniga's Consulta
on Onate's despatches, Aug. (?}, Simancas MSS. 2506. The Duke of
Bavaria to Ferdinand II. June ^. Ferdinand II. to the Archduke,
Juneas Brussels MSS.
July 5
204 DIGBY'S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvin.
his territories with fire and sword.1 A sudden attack was also
made upon the Landgrave of Leuchtenberg, who had admitted
a Bavarian garrison into his dominions. The Landgrave him-
self was dragged away as a prisoner to Mansfeld's camp.2
Such was the crisis at which affairs had arrived when Digby
entered Vienna. If any man living was capable of pouring oil
July 4. upon the troubled waters it was he. For he pos-
amvai'at sessed, to a very great degree, the power of penetra-
vienna. ting the thoughts and intentions of others, and, in a
still higher degree, the power of instant decision in the midst of
conflicting perils.
Four months earlier Digby's presence would have been
invaluable. He could now hardly flatter himself that success
was otherwise than very dubious. Ferdinand had been con-
firmed, by recent events, in his belief that it was hopeless
to expect peace from Frederick, even if Frederick had the
power to control the army which had been created in his name,
and he had turned a deaf ear to the entreaties of the am-
bassadors from Denmark and the late Union, though they had
asked to negotiate on the basis of Frederick's abdication. It
was no wonder if he was incredulous ; for Frederick's secret
papers, which had fallen into the hands of the victors after
his defeat at Prague, had recently been published, and his
intrigues with Mansfeld and Savoy for the partition of the ter-
ritories of the House of Austria had thus been laid open to the
world.3
Digby saw that he had no time to lose. His only chance
was, that, as he could speak with the authority of the King of
Tul England, his engagements on behalf of his master's
Baby's pro- son-in-law might be accepted, though the promises
ons' of others had been rejected with disdain. On the
very day after his arrival, therefore, he asked the Emperor for
1 Mansfeld to the Chapters of Bamberg and Wurzburg, July -*-, S. P.
Germany.
1 The Duke of Bavaria to Ferdinand II., July *-, S. P. Germany.
3 The publication of the Anhaltische Canzlei, as it was called, is men-
tioned in Digby's letter of June 19. Compare, on this subject, Wotton to
Calvert, July 8, S. P. Venice.
r62 r DIGBY AND THE EMPEROR. 205
a declaration of his intention to restore Frederick to his lands
and dignities. The King of England would then obtain from
the Elector Palatine a recognition of his obedience. Upon
these terms he hoped that the further execution of the ban
would be suspended, and the truce in the Lower Palatinate
prolonged.
In three days he received his answer. The Emperor, he
was told, could decide nothing without consulting the Princes
of the Empire, who had been already summoned
The^m8 to Ratisbon. It was impossible to suspend hostili-
peror's ties any longer. Mansfeld had assailed Bohemia.
Jagerndorf had published a commission signed by
Frederick at the very moment when he professed to be treat-
ing. Yet, even now, if Frederick showed real signs of repent-
ance, the execution of the ban should be stopped.1
The concluding words were a symptom of the hesitation
which was gaining ground in the Emperor's mind. During the
Ferdinand's last few davs Dad news had been pouring in from
hesitation, every side. Bucquoi had been slain in Hungary,
and his troops were in full retreat. The first days of the cam-
paign in the Upper Palatinate had not turned out well for the
Bavarians. The Elector of Saxony had refused to attend
the assembly at Ratisbon, and his refusal was, with great pro-
bability, ascribed to his dislike of the plan of depriving Frede-
rick of his Electorate.2 Upon Maximilian the effect of the
intelligence was merely irritating. He at once concluded a
short truce with Mansfeld, which he hoped to turn to his
own purposes, and hurried off a courier to Brussels with
an urgent demand that Spinola might be ordered at once to
take the field.3 Ferdinand, whose territories were more imme-
diately exposed to danger, and who was at all times more
single-minded than Maximilian, began to hesitate. Was it
1 Digby to the Commissioners for German affairs, July 26. Digby's
Propositions, with the Emperor's reply, Clarendon State Papers, i. App. 2.
• The Elector of Saxony to Ferdinand II., -j""6 27. Ferdinand II. to
the Archduke Albert, July -, Brussels MSS.
24
* Minutes of the Duke of Bavaria's letter to the Archduke Albert,
July 1, Brussels MSS.
2o6 DIGBY'S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvin.
wise, he wrote to the Duke, to let the opportunity slip ? The
King of Spain was fully occupied with the Dutch war. If
Digby were dismissed without a satisfactory answer, it would
not be long before the Elector of Saxony, with the whole of the
North of Germany at his back, would be found fighting on
Frederick's side.1
Ferdinand's suggestion was not likely to meet with a
favourable reception. Maximilian was indignant that Digby
Maximilian ^ad been listened to for an instant. The Emperor,
protests he said, had solemnly promised that the Electorate
Digby *s should be his. He had come to his assistance when
he was in distress, and, if his wishes were now to be
disregarded, he would take no further trouble to preserve the
Austrian territories from their present danger. His language
did not fail in finding influential supporters at Vienna. The
Pope's Nuncio, and Hyacintho, a Capuchin friar, who had
lately arrived on a special mission from Rome, put forth all
their eloquence in the hope of persuading Ferdinand to break
off the negotiations, and to effect an immediate transference of
the Electorate to Maximilian.
The Emperor was not usually inaccessible to spiritual influ-
ences, and he was bound by every tie of interest and gratitude
to Maximilian, but his better nature shrank from
Ferdinand '
determines the prospect of interminable and perhaps hopeless
to treat. i • , • . /• , • » r
war which was opening before him. After some
days' hesitation, he told the Nuncio that he had made up his
mind to treat with Digby. " If the Pope," he said, " knew
what the position of affairs really is, he would be of the same
opinion with myself."
On July 21, therefore, Digby was informed of the Emperor's
determination. The blame of the recent outbreak of hostilities
was thrown upon Mansfeld and Jagerndorf. Let
Frederick relieve the Catholic Powers from all fear
of future aggression, and no difficulty would be thrown in the
way of the proposed negotiation Letters should be despatched
to Maximilian and Spinola, requesting them to abstain from
•
1 Ferdinand II. to the Duke of Bavaria, July -g, ibid.
r 62 1 DIG BY AND THE EMPEROR. 207
hostilities, if only they had reason 10 believe that they were
themselves safe from injury. It was for Frederick to revoke
any commission which he might have issued for an attack upon
the Emperor's dominions, and to prove to the world that his
lieutenants had acted without his authority. If he would do
this, all risk of war would be at an end.1
With this answer Digby was well satisfied. He had gained,
he said, in the despatch in which he recounted his proceedings,
Digby all that could reasonably be expected. He had
satisfied. hardly hoped that the Emperor would consent to
treat the transference of the Electorate as an open question.
Yet he was too clear-sighted not to be aware how many diffi-
culties were still to be surmounted. Everything, he said,
depended on the part taken by Spain. Yet if, like James, he
was inclined to hope for the best from the Court of Madrid, he
knew far better than James how unwise it would be to trust to
unsupported argument for success. " I must earnestly recom-
mend," he wrote, " the continuing abroad yet for some small
time Sir Robert ManselFs fleet upon the coast of Spain, which,
in case his Majesty should be ill used, will prove the best
argument he can use for the restitution of the Palatinate.2
Yet, in truth, if Digby had been able to speak with con-
fidence of Frederick's intentions, there would have been little
June. need of such an argument. The reception by the
Policy of the new Spanish Government of the first hint of the
new Spanish
Government. Emperor's proposal to transfer the Electorate to
Maximilian had been most unfavourable. Letters were at once
despatched in the name of the young King to the Archduke
Albert at Brussels, and to Onate at Vienna. The House of
Austria, wrote Philip, owed much to the Duke of Bavaria ; but
it would be unreasonable to continue the war solely for his per-
1 The Emperor's second answer, July -1, Londorp, Acta Publica, ii.
486. Digby to the Commissioners for German affairs, July 26, Clarendon
State Papers, i. App. 6. Gritti to the Doge, ^'y— , Venice MSS. Desp.
Germania. Extract from a letter from Vienna, July 30, S. P. Germany.
2 Digby to the Commissioners for German affairs, July 26, Clarendon
State Papers, ii. App. 6.
208 DIGBVS MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. XXXVIH.
sonal advantage. It was to be hoped, therefore, that the
Assembly of Ratisbon would lead to a speedy pacification.1
By the time that these despatches reached their destination
much had changed. Mansfeld's army was daily increasing in
Spinoia numbers, and Maximilian, by the Emperor's orders,
aidethedDuke was preparing to expel him from the threatening
of Bavaria, position which he occupied. To an inquiry whether
he would desert his allies at such a conjuncture, the Archduke
Albert could hardly reply otherwise than he did. He should
much prefer, he said, a general pacification ; but if the pro-
ceedings of Mansfeld made war necessary, he could not leave
the Duke of Bavaria to be crushed. The suspension of hos-
tilities would come to an end on July 22, and Spinoia
should receive orders to recommence the war in the
Lower Palatinate as soon as he heard that the Bavarians had
actually taken the field.2
This order was the last public act of the Archduke. On
July 3 he died, after a long and painful illness.3 With him the
nominal independence of the country came to an end. He left
1 It would be well, writes Philip to the Archduke Albert on Tune —
J 27,
to come to a settlement at Ratisbon, "para cuyo cumplimiento pareze
que la dificultad que ocurre es el haver pasado el Emperador tan
adelante con el Duque de Baviera en la promesa de la dignidad electoral
Palatina, pues es sin duda que el Duque dificultara contentarse con menos,
y el Rey de Inglaterra y los demas adjuntos del Palatino es de creer
estribaran en que permanezca en su persona la dignidad, y que no se quie-
taran sin esto ; y si bien es muy devido que se tenga con el Duque de
Baviera buenissima correspondencia ... si para esto effecto se huviesse de
renovar una guerra perpetua en Alemana, no sera possible que lo que el
Rey mi Senor y padre, que esta en el cielo, hizo por restaurar la religion,
y el Imperio, y los Reynos de Bohemia y Hungria, y provincias patri-
moniales se pueda continuar por sola una circumstancia de acrescen-
tamiento del dicho Duque ; pues, aunque es mucho lo que ha hecho, y
justo el reconocerselo, tambien es de considerar que hera caussa de todos,
y que si la religion y el estado se perderan en nuestra cassa, no quedara en
pie lo uno ni lo otro en la Baviera ; y no es razon que el Duque quiera
ponei lo todo en compromisso por su fin particular." Compare the King's
letter to Onate of the same date, Brussels MSS.
The Infanta Isabella to Philip IV., July g, Brussels MSS.
8 Trumbull to Calvert, July 3, S. P. Flatuiers.
i62I A CESSATION OF ARMS. 209
no children to succeed him, and his widow, the aunt of the
July 3. young King of Spain, was now again the Infanta Isa-
Ar?hdukfethe De^a> tne Spanish governor of the Spanish Nether-
Aibert. lands. Excepting that perhaps the Infanta was rather
more reluctant to embark in hazardous enterprises than her hus-
band had been, no change in the system of government was
observable.
She had not been long in possession of authority when she
learned that Mansfeld had attacked the Catholic States in his
The s anish neignDOUrriood, and that Maximilian's worst fears
operations were already realised. When Trumbull saw Spinola,
who had been recalled to Brussels to conduct the
preparations against the Dutch, he found him greatly excited.
" What," he said, " will the world think of us, if we make a
truce in the Palatinate whilst the throats of our confederates are
being cut ? " 1 A few days afterwards, however, Cordova, who
had been left in command of the troops in Germany, contrived
to intimate to Frederick's officers that, though the truce would
not be formally renewed, he should not take the field without
special orders from Brussels ; 2 and it was not long before a
letter arrived from Ferdinand conveying the intelligence that
negotiations had been opened with Digby, and expressing a
wish that, unless there were grave military reasons to the con-
trary, hostilities should continue in suspense till it was seen
whether Frederick's assent could be obtained to the terms pro-
posed by the English ambassador.3 Trumbull was
accordingly assured by Spinola, that if Frederick
were really in earnest he might have a truce for six months.4
It is therefore beyond all reasonable doubt that, at the
1 Trumbull to Calvert, July 21, S. P. Flanders.
2 Cordova to the Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, j^y 24, J. P. Ger-
many.
3 Ferdinand II. to Spinola, " ^ 2 , Londorp, ii. 487.
Aug. 5
4 Trumbull to Calvert, Aug. 13, S. P. Flanders. Spinola said that
the Emperor's letter had not arrived. Judging from the similarity of his
language with that held by Ferdinand, I doubt this ; but, if he spoke the
truth, it shows that the same conclusion was independently adopted at
Brussels and Vienna.
VOL. IV. P
210 DIGBVS MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvm.
beginning of August, the Duke of Bavaria stood alone in his
Frederick's desire to proceed to extremities. The Courts of
proceedings. Spain, of Brussels, of Vienna, and of Dresden might,
from various causes, and with different degrees of earnestness,
be counted amongst the supporters of Digby's pacificatory
negotiation. Unhappily Maximilian found one man who was
doing everything in his power to give effect to his warlike policy.
That one man was no other than Frederick himself.
That unhappy prince could see plainly enough that Maxi-
milian wanted to possess himself of the Upper Palatinate ; but he
could see nothing else. That his own retention of the Bohemian
crown was a gage of battle flung down at the feet of the Catholic
Powers, and that it alienated from him the sympathies of three-
fourths of the Protestant Powers, was a truth which he was
incapable of comprehending. His language when he heard of
the violent proceedings of Mansfeld and Jagerndorf, was the
language of hopeless incapacity. He had given them no
orders, but he could not blame them. It was all the fault of
Ferdinand and Maximilian. His lieutenants had been in the
service of the Bohemian Estates before they entered his. If
they had pretensions of their own in Bohemia, he could not
hold them back. He could not even say that they were in
the wrong in offering a helping hand to the oppressed Protes-
tants.1
It was quite true that the Bohemian Protestants were in evil
case, and it was impossible to blame Frederick for his sympathy
with his late subjects ; but it is certain that a wise man would
have attempted to help them in a very different way. If Bohe-
mian Protestantism was to be saved, it would only be because
German Protestantism was strong. Still, as three years before,
the only hope of strengthening German Protestantism lay in a
close union between Heidelberg and Dresden, and it was noto-
rious tha,t it was mainly by Frederick's aggressive ambition that
such a union had hitherto been rendered impossible. It was
therefore only by abdicating the throne of Bohemia that he
could hope to help the Bohemians.
In the mood in which Frederick was, it was inevitable that
1 Carleton to Calvert, July 19. Frederick to the King, July 28.
Frederick tc Digby, Aug. 13, S. P. Holland.
i62i FREDERICK IN HOLLAND. 21 1
he would do something foolish. Yet even those who thought
August, most meanly of his understanding, can hardly have
t^reei)"tchm been prepared for the gratuitous act of folly of
can)p- which he was now guilty. If he had made his way to
Mansfeld's camp, had placed himself at the head of his troops,
and had given orders to march upon Prague, there would at
least have been some method in his madness. But what was
to be said when he gravely proposed to join the camp which
the Prince of Orange was forming at Emmerich for operations
against the Spaniards ? Such a proceeding could do him no
possible good, whilst it was certain to be regarded at Brussels
and Vienna as an act of defiance. Carleton and Nethersole
were at their wits' end. Even Elizabeth, ready as she invari-
ably was to encourage her husband in any rational act of
manliness, joined in protesting against the step. It was some
time before the English envoys were able to discover what
Frederick's motive could be. At last it came out that he was
ashamed of the part which he had played at Prague, and that
he hoped, under Maurice's tuition, to learn enough of war to
qualify him for taking command of his own troops at some
future time. On August 16, he set out from the Hague, with
this childish fancy in his head.1
The real cause of Frederick's headstrong conduct, however,
lay far deeper. The news of Bucquoi's defeat, which had
He is re- alarmed Ferdinand, restored the confidence of his
Srosecute rival. Once more the fugitive prince was dreaming
the war. of entering Prague as a conqueror. " Our affairs,"
wrote Elizabeth to a confidential friend in England, " begin to
mend. The King of Hungary is master of the field Mansfeld
and Jagerndorf do daily prosper." 8 Carleton complained
bitterly that Frederick was 'less tractable than before.' In
fact, he was now possessed by the most extraordinary delu-
sion. Ferdinand's cause he believed to be hopeless. The only
1 Nethersole to alvert, Aug. 13, 6". P. Germany. Carleton to
Calvert, Aug. 13, 5. P. Holland. Nethersole to Calvert, Aug. 22, S. P,
Germany.
2 Elizabeth to Roe, Aug. 21, S. P. Germany. By 'the King of Hun-
gary ' she means Ferdinand, whom she refuses to acknowledge as a duly
elected Emperor.
212 DIGBY^S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvm.
question was, whether Bohemia should belong to himself or to
Bethlen Gabor, and he came to the conclusion that it was his
duty to prevent the surrender of Prague to an ally who way,
after all, a mere creature of the Turks. In this absurdity he
was encouraged by Mansfeld, in whose busy brain the idea
had perhaps originated.1
Already Digby, at Vienna, had been made to feel the
change. On August 4, Andreas Pawel, one of Frederick's
paweiat councillors, arrived to assist him in his negotiation.
Vienna. jje foun(j that the English ambassador had resolved
upon striking the iron whilst it was hot, by presenting for Fer-
dinand's approval a form of submission which Frederick should
be required to make, and that he proposed that in proof of
Iiis sincerity Frederick should surrender the two towns which
he held in Bohemia, on receiving a guarantee that the religion
of their inhabitants would be respected. To both these pro-
posals Pawel offered a determined opposition. For the present,
at least, he said, his master would not hear of the surrender of
the towns. Still less would he agree to make any kind of sub-
mission to the Emperor. By so doing he would acknowledge
that he had committed a fault. The truth was, that the ban
was a nullity, and he would never bring himself even to ask for
its revocation. " I think," wrote Digby to Calvert, " they would
have the Emperor ask them forgiveness for having wronged them
with so injurious a ban."2 Almost at the same time Frederick
was writing a despatch to Digby, in which he adopted these extra-
vagant pretensions. He would be ready, he said, to pay all due
respect to the Emperor, but he would make no submission.3
Deeply mortified as Digby must have been by Frederick's
unreasonableness, he knew that it was from another quarter
_. , , that the immediate danger was to be apprehended,
opinion of " As for the main business," he wrote to James,
" I am in great hope that in convenient time it
may be effected to your Majesty's good satisfaction ; and,
1 Mansfeld to Frederick, Aug. 2. Nethersole to Calvert, Aug. 13,
S. P. Germany.
2 Digby to Calvert, Aug. 12, Clarendon State Papers, i. App. 17.
* Frederick to Digby, Aug. 13, S. P. Holland.
1 62 1 MANSFELD S FORCES. 213
in the interim, a general cessation of arms both in the
Lower and Upper Palatinates might have been procured,
were it not in respect of the Count Mansfeld, whose present
condition is such that it hindreth and overthroweth all I
have in hand ; neither know I what course to take for the
redress of it, for when I proposed here a cessation of arms
in the Palatinate, until by treaty all things may be finally and
conveniently ended, it is answered me that the Emperor is not
averse thereunto ; so that it may be general as well in the
Upper as the Lower Palatinate, and that the Emperor's terri-
tories may not be assailed, for which I am very doubtful whether
the Prince Elector himself can do it For, although the Count
Mansfeld shelter himself under the name and authority of the
King of Bohemia, yet I doubt much, in case he should com-
mand him absolutely to disarm, or in the interim to stand upon
a pure defensive, whether therein he would obey him ; neither
see I, indeed, well how he could, for he hath now with him
above twenty thousand men, most of them adventurers, and in
case he should yield unto a cessation of arms, most of them
must either disband or starve. For the Upper Palatinate is
absolutely ruined and wasted, so that his army can no way
remain there, and if he shall attempt the living upon any other
neighbour country, it will be esteemed a public act of hostility ;
and as for the dismissing of his army, it is a thing impracticable
until the business shall be well settled, and there must be means
found for his payment before he will out of the Upper Pala-
tinate. Besides, he pretendeth great sums of money to be due
unto him by the estates of Bohemia, and for that debt pre-
tendeth to hold Tabor and Wittingau. So that, whereas it is
said that those towns hold for the Prince Palatine, I conceive
they are very willing to advantage themselves with that pretext
But, in case upon any composition he should command them
to be restored to the Emperor, I have just cause to doubt he
would not therein be obeyed. Insomuch that his name and
authority is used in that which is prejudicial to him. But
wherein it may be for his good and advantage, I fear he will
find his authority very limited." 1
1 Digby to the King, Aug. 12, S. P. Germany. " Cependant," wrote
214 "fGSrS MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvni.
Such were the unpromising elements of the problem which
Digby had undertaken to solve. Yet, strange to say, it was
not on the Bavarian frontier that the first blow
Lowe'rWa- was struck. Since the dissolution of the Union
the command in the Lower Palatinate had been
entrusted by Frederick to Vere, and Vere was beginning to
experience the same difficulties as those by which Mansfeld
was beset. His troops were ill paid and ill-provided. The
land was exhausted. In the presence of the spectre of war,
the peasants had not ventured to sow their fields, in order to
prepare a harvest which they would not be allowed to gather
into their barns. It was with famine staring him in the face
that Vere read the letters which reached him from Digby, from
Trumbull, and from Calvert, urging him to keep the peace at
all hazards. Though he was an Englishman, he was not in
the King of England's service. James had plenty of advice
to give, but he sent no money with which to alleviate the dis-
tress of the army. Frederick was equally unable to supply
him, and whatever advice he had to give was very bad. His
representative, the Duke of Zweibriicken, joined the council of
Heidelberg in urging that something should be done. Vere
was a good soldier, but he was not a statesman ; and in his
desperation he weakly consented to a middle course from which
no good could possibly come.1
The lands of the Bishop of Spires had been untouched by
the war, and Vere knew that it would be a great relief to his
The truce own mt;n ^ ^e could quarter one or two regiments
broken. upon the inhabitants. His soldiers, he believed,
were well under control. They would take nothing from the
people but provisions. No p'Hage should be allowed. In all
courtesy he would first ask the bishop for his consent. Upon
this scheme he acted. Making a virtue of necessity, the bishop
Mansfeld, a few days later, ''nous tascherons de fayre nos recreues, et
voir si vous pourrons avoir de Hongrie le secours demande ; que, si cela
est, nous sommes bastans pour tirer raison de nos ennemys de la pointe de
1'espee, et fayre nos affayres a la ruine de leurs." Mansfeld to Frederick,
5. P. Germany.
1 Vere to Carleton, Aug. 9, S. P. Holland.
1 62 1 VERB'S PROCEEDINGS. 215
gave the required permission, and sent a commissary to watch
the proceedings. But the peasants who were to find quarters
for the men did not take the matter so easily. They had a
strong suspicion that the soldiers would not prove quite as
lamblike as their commander reported. In one village resist-
ance was offered, and shots were fired. The troops forced their
way into the place, striking down in the fray those who at-
tempted to bar their path. l
In a moment the whole Catholic party was roused to in-
dignation. This, then, was what Frederick meant by peace,
stein seized Cordova at once declared that the truce was at an
by Cordova. en(j) seized the strong castle of Stein, which com-
manded the passage of the Rhine, and threatened Vere's weak
battalions with his superior force.
At last James was roused from his apathy. Upon his son-
in-law he bestowed a severe but not unmerited rebuke. If he
James ex- wished for any further aid from England he must
mthUFrede- ^cave tne Dutch camp ; he must recall all commis-
rick- sions by which his officers were empowered to take
any measures not needed for the defence of his own dominions,
and a copy of this revocation must be sent at once to Digby.
Above all, he must consent to make due submission to the
Emperor, and must leave it to the English ambassador to see
that it was not couched in degrading terms.2 At the same time
Calvert was directed to expostulate with Gondomar on Cor-
dova's precipitation.
It was somewhat of the latest. Digby felt deeply the want
of that support upon which he might fairly have counted. To
Calvert he poured out his sorrows. Everywhere
Dig^y's1 '' Frederick's commanders had been the aggressors,
complaints. tt j wm make nQ compiaint)» ne wrote, in the bitter-
ness of his heart, " but I must needs confess it hath been a
strange unluckiness." For every one of Frederick's servants
who desired peace, there were five who wished to drag England
1 Vere to Carleton, Aug. 7, S. P. Holland. Vere to Calvert,
Sept. 14 (?), S. P. Germany.
2 The King to Frederick, Aug. 28, 30, ibid. There are two letters of
the latter date.
2i6 DIGBY'S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvur.
into a war with Spain.1 If the King intended to carry out his
plans, " he must first reduce the business to such a conformity
that that which his faithful ministers shall have established in
one part be not overthrown by the malice or artifice of the
attempts of others in other parts, as hitherto hath happened."2
Whatever man could do was done by Digby. To the
Emperor's reasoning that he could not be expected to grant
an armistice unless it were to include the whole theatre of
the war, he had nothing to reply. But neither Mansfeld nor
Jagerndorf were under his orders, and it was more than doubt-
ful whether they would obey Frederick himself. Yet, unless he
took some responsibility upon himself, all chance of peace was
at an end. Accordingly he concerted with the Emperor a plan for
a pacification, and trusted to accident to enable him to realise it.
Ferdinand, according to this scheme, engaged to write once
more to the Infanta Isabella and the Duke of Bavaria, urging
them to suspend hostilities unless they could show
Sept. 3.
Digby'snew good reason to the contrary. Mansfeld would be
bound to respect the armistice which, it was hoped,
would then be signed, on pain of being treated by James and
Frederick as a common enemy. Frederick was to be induced
to revoke his commission to Jagerndorf, and to surrender the
towns in Bohemia. Negotiations for a peace were then to be
opened, and, as soon as the execution of the ban had been
suspended, Mansfeld's troops were to be disbanded on a pro-
mise from the Emperor that he would give three months'
notice before renewing the war.3
Digby's hopes of the success of his endeavours were not
high. He knew that he had not a single line under Frederick's
He leaves hand to authorise him to make the concessions which
Vienna. he regarded as indispensable, and he could hardly
suppose that the last arrangement, depending as it did upon
the consent of the Duke of Bavaria, would really take effect.
1 Calvert to Buckingham, Aug. 27, Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 160.
- Digby to Calvert, Sept. 5> S. P. Germany,
* Ferdinand II. to the Infanta Isabella, Sept. — , S. P. German v.
Answer given to Digby, Sept. — . Digby to the Commissioners for German
Affairs, Sept. 5, Clarendon Stale Papers, i. App. 4, 10, 14.
i62i 'MANSFELD ATTACKED. 217
He was now leaving Vienna, anxious to visit Maximilian on
his way home. " Of my proceedings here," he wrote to the
Prince of Wales before he started on his journey, " I will
only say this, that things have been so carried as if the chief
care and study had been to overthrow the treaty I had in
hand, and to renew the war ; which I doubt not we shall find
by experience will turn infinitely to the prejudice of the King's
son-in-law." l
A few days after these words were written, Digby's worst
fears were realised. Unsupported by Frederick, no engage-
ment into which he could enter could offer any solid
thJ Upper guarantee to the Imperialists. In recommending
the scheme of the English ambassador to Maximilian,
Ferdinand acknowledged that he was mainly influenced by the
despondent view which he took of his military position.2 Such
an argument was not likely to weigh much with Maximilian.
He had made up his mind to cut the knot with the sword, and
without waiting for any further instructions from Vienna, he
threw himself with all his forces upon the Upper Palatinate.
Then was seen on what a broken reed Frederick had
placed his confidence. The great adventurer, the would-be
conqueror of Austria and Bohemia, was not even in a condition
to defend the country which had been trusted to his care.
Unpaid and unprovided with supplies, Mansfeld's troops had
reimbursed themselves at the expense of those whom they had
been charged to defend. Rapine and violence had done their
work. The heart of the population was alienated from the
prince who had entrusted his subjects to the care of a pack
of wolves. The magistrates refused to provide for the defence
of the country. It was better, men were heard to say, that the
Duke of Bavaria should take the land than that Mansfeld should
remain in it a moment longer.3
As usual, Mansfeld sought to escape from his difficulties by
1 Digby to the Prince of Wales, Sept. 5, Clarendon State Papers, \.
App. 8. Wrongly dated Aug. 5.
2 Hurter, Gesch. Ferdinands II. ix. 40. His narrative is based upon
documents in the Vienna Archives, which I have not seen.
3 Mansfeld to Frederick, Oct. I, S. P. Germany.
2i8 DIGBY'S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvin.
trickery. In the spring he had invited his nephew Rene de
Chalon to come to him from Flanders, in order that he might
be the medium of an arrangement by which he then hoped to
sell his services to the Emperor. When Chalon arrived
Mansfeld had reinforced his army, and was looking forward to
the reconquest of Bohemia. He did not, however, let go the
thread of the intrigue, and while continuing to hold out hopes
to the Imperialists, took credit with Frederick for the firm-
ness with which he had resisted their seductions. He now
intimated to Maximilian that he was ready to sell his master's
Mansfeld interests. A treaty was drawn up by which he
du§band his en8age(^» ^n consideration of a large sum of money,
army. either to disband his army or to carry it into the
service of the Emperor. l
As chance would have it, Mansfeld, riding into Neumarkt
for the purpose of signing this infamous treaty, met Digby's
Hk meeting tram on ^ts way to Nuremberg. Putting a bold face
with Digby. on the matter, he asked the ambassador to accom-
pany him and to assist him with his advice. Digby answered
coldly that he had no authority to treat with the Duke of
Bavaria. Upon this Mansfeld began to defend his conduct.
His wants, he said, were great ; his forces were too weak to
hold head against the enemy ; the people of the country were
traitors ; all that he meant in treating with Maximilian was to
gain time in order to transfer his army to the Lower Palatinate.
To Digby such language was intolerable. He had seen, he
told him, the articles of the treaty by which he had bound
himself not to serve against the House of Austria. He knew
what was the exact sum of money for which he had sold his
master. " When I replied unto him thus," was Digby's account
of the scene, " I never saw so disturbed or distracted a man,
and he would have recalled many things he had said, and
began to swear nothing was concluded, but that things were to
be ended now with the Commissioners, and that he would do
nothing but with the consent of the Council of Amberg, who he
had likewise appointed to be there, and desired that Monsieur
1 Hurter, Gesch. Ferdinands II ix. 58. Villermont, Mansfeld, i. 304,
Uetterodt, Ernst Graf zu Mansfeld, 3-19.
i6.i MAXIMILIAN'S SUCCESSES. 219
Andreas Pawel might return with him to be present at their
meeting. Much passed betwixt us, for we were together almost
two hours. I concluded by telling him freely my opinion, that
the defence of the Palatinate being committed to him, and
being now only invaded for his cause in regard of his assailing
Bohemia, if he should now, with so great and flourishing an
army, abandon to the enemy a country for the defence whereof
his honour was answerable, especially for a mercenary reward
of money, I conceived that the Count Mansfeld would, from
one of the most renowned cavaliers of Christendom, become
the most vile and infamous ; and on these terms we parted, he
swearing he would do nothing but what would stand with his
honour ; but, my lords, I must confess that so perturbed a man
I never saw."1
So the two men separated : the one to his duty, the other
to his treason.
Under such circumstances the fate of the Upper Palatinate
could not remain long undecided. On the i5th of September
the strong military post of Cham had surrendered to
th°nupper° the Bavarians. Before the end of the month Maxi-
Paiatmate. mjijan>s troops were welcomed by the whole country
as deliverers from the tyranny of Mansfeld. Frederick's
general retained nothing more than the ground on which his
troops were encamped.2
It was not in the field alone that Maximilian was victorious.
The first news of his determination to appeal to the sword had
The Eiec- been followed by a total change of policy at Vienna.
secreti Ferdinand's hesitation was at an end. Whatever the
conferred prospects of the two armies might be, he had no
upon Maxi- . ° '
miiian. intention of deserting his old and tried friend fvr
such a will-of-the-wisp as the mere chance that Frederick, who
had never done a wise thing in his life, would now at last be
wise enough to adopt the terms to which Digby had consented
in his name. On September 12 he sent for the friar
Hyacintho, and placed in his hands, in the strictest secrecy, an
1 Digby to the Commissioners for German Affairs, Oct. 2, 6". P.
Germany.
* Nethersole to Calvert, Oct. g, ibid.
220 DIGBY^S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvni.
act by which he conferred the Electorate upon Maximilian.
The Archduke Charles, the Emperor's brother, was despatched
to Dresden, to gain over John George. Hyacintho himself was
to go to Madrid, to wring, if possible, an assent from the King
of Spaia !
Whatever Englishmen might think about the matter, it was
from Spain that the most strenuous opposition was to be ex-
pected. If the Spanish Government continued to take
Objections part in the war at all, it was only because Frederick's
folly made it impossible for them to withdraw with
honour. In June the Council of State at Madrid was look-
ing forward with hope to a general pacification. Then had
come the news of Mansfeld's excesses in Wiirzburg and Leuch-
tenberg, and it was necessary to take the change of circum-
stances into consideration. Zuniga was consulted, and his
advice was embodied in a despatch written by Philip to his
ambassador at Vienna, " By all means," such was the substance
of the letter, " take care to oppose the pretensions of the Duke
of Bavaria to the Electorate. Induce the Emperor, if possible,
to satisfy him by the cession of the district of Burgau, or
of some other Austrian territory. Every day increases the ne-
cessity for obtaining a settlement to which the Palatine will
agree. Probably the best solution is that which has been in-
dicated by a councillor of the Elector of Saxony. If Frederick
would abdicate the Electorate, his son might at once be accepted
as his successor, and educated at the Emperor's Court."2 A
few days later Philip wrote again, approving the sup-
Sept" x' port which Ofiate had given to Digby. It was ne-
cessary, he said, that the troops in the Lower Palatinate should
come to the assistance of the Bavarians, but he hoped that the
negotiations for a general pacification would not be postponed.3
The plan thus put forward by the Spanish Government is
the more noteworthy because it continued to be the object of its
1 Hurter, Gesch. Ferdinands II. ix. 158.
2 Consulta by Zuniga, Aug. (?), Simancas MSS. 2506, fol. 4. Philip IV.
to Onate, Aug. -, Brussels MSS.
3°
» Philip IV. to Onate, Sept. i» Brussels MSS.
i62i THE SPANISH PLAN. 221
desires till the course of events made the position which it now
took up altogether untenable. It sprang from a pro-
Recotnmen- ,. . . . • i T-> j • i
dationpf found conviction that with tredenck no peace was
fbdfmira5 possible. It had the advantage of offering a middle
ground upon which both parties might agree. It had
the disadvantage with which all the schemes proceeding from
the Catholic side were attended. It dealt only with the wrongs
of the princes, and forgot the wrongs of the people. That
education at the Emperor's Court involved a change of religion
it was impossible to doubt ; and as matters stood in Germany,
the voluntary conversion of a prince carried with it the forcible
conversion of his subjects. Perhaps if some neutral Protestant
Court had been substituted for Vienna as the place of education,
the plan might ultimately have been found to promise the most
satisfactory solution ; but it was evidently premature to expect
that it would as yet be acceptable to anyone.
If better terms were to be obtained, it was indispen-
sable that Frederick should be brought to his senses. Ac-
Mission of cordingly James, finding that his son-in-law paid
VtT to no attenti°n whatever to his letters, despatched Sir
Edward Villiers to Holland, with orders to insist
upon his return from the Dutch camp. Frederick saw the
necessity of obeying, and whilst Sir Edward was journeying
towards him by one road to the camp, he hurried back to the
Prague, like a truant schoolboy, by another. It was more
difficult to extract from him a promise that he would make the
required submission to the Emperor. He placed in Villiers'
hands a lengthy argument by which he proved, to his own
satisfaction, that such a step would be ruinous to his country
and dishonourable to himself. l At last, however, he yielded,
and protested that he would do as he was bidden.2
Nor did James stand alone in urging upon Frederick the
necessity of submitting. In a letter written to him about this
time by the Princes of Lower Saxony, the blame of all that had
occurred is distinctly ascribed to his own restlessness ; and his
1 Brieve deduction des Causes, &c., Sept. 29, S. P. Germany.
2 Frederick to the King, Oct. 3, S. P. Germany. Carleton to Trum-
bull, Oct. 4; Villiers to Carleton, Oct. 10, S. P, Holland.
222 DIGBY^S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvm.
obstinacy is characterised as the chief impediment to the peace
of Germany.1 Even Frederick's own subjects in the Palatinate
were of the same opinion. Men openly said that if he had but
written a few lines to the Emperor, all would have been well2
Experience was not very favourable to the hope that
Frederick would take these admonitions to heart Yet, consi-
Digby at dering the interests that were at stake, Digby was no
Heidelberg. (jOUDt right in refusing to throw up the game. He
had been summoned in haste to Heidelberg to assist in provid-
ing for the defence of the Lower Palatinate.3 He found the
troops in a pitiable condition. The Spaniards were masters of
the open country on both sides of the Rhine. Vere's little
force of three or four thousand men was fully employed in
garrisoning Heidelberg, Mannheim, and FrankenthaL The
troops at Frankenthal, which was soon actually besieged by
Cordova, were under the command of Sir John Burroughs, a
brave and skilful veteran. He was supported by the ardour
of the townspeople, who mainly consisted of Protestant emi-
grants from the Spanish Netherlands. Yet it was evident that,
unless succour came, he could not hold out long. Nor was
this the worst. There were symptoms that the same causes
which had produced the defection of the inhabitants of the
Upper Palatinate, were operating in the Lower. " The gentry
of the country were using means to be preserved in their estates
and goods." The people were groaning under their hardships,
and were seeking an accommodation with the enemy. Vere's
men were almost in open mutiny for want of pay, and food to
satisfy them was not to be had.
Such was the position of affairs when Digby arrived. He
was not the man to shrink from responsibility. Though without
orders, he would supply what was needed to carry
He supplies ' L
the council on the defence of the country. He borrowed money
on his own credit from the Nuremberg bankers. He
sent his plate to the melting-pot. In this way he got together
1 The Princes and States of Lower Saxony to Frederick, Oct. 20, .S. P.
Germany.
2 Camerarius to Solms, Sept. -^ |jj, Soltl, Religionskreig, iii. 133, 135.
8 The Council of Heidelberg to Digby, Sept. 21, Sherborm MSS.
i62i DIGBY' S ACTIVITY. 223
a sum of io,ooo/., which he at once placed in the hands of
the Heidelberg Council " If this sum," he wrote to his own
Government, " could be made up to 2o,ooo/., the garrisons
might still hold out. If not, everything would run a hazard."
2o,ooo/., supplied now, would do more than ioo,ooo/. afterwards. '
Digby, satisfied that he had done his duty, passed on to
Brussels. Strange news awaited him there. After all, Mansfeld
had come to the conclusion that Frederick's service
Mansfeld in
the Lower Was better than the Emperor's, and had made up his
Palatinate. . ,* ' ,
mind to continue steadfast to what he was pleased to
call his principles. Deceit and trickery cost him nothing. On
September 30, he disarmed the suspicion of his enemies by
signing the engagement to disband his army.2 Before the next
sun rose, he slipped away with his whole force, and marched
with all speed for Heidelberg.3
Digby had no confidence in Mansfeld. He knew that the
Bavarians would soon be at the heels of the force which had
October eluded them, and that even if the adventurer re-
mained master of the field, it was not likely that
he would consult any interests but his own. It was
useless to appeal to the Infanta. Personally in favour of a
general suspension of arms,4 she had been charged by the
Emperor to take no steps without the consent of Maxi-
milian, and that consent had not been accorded to her.
Nor was Digby in a very dissimilar position. He had no
authority to speak in Frederick's name. He contented
himself, therefore, with using strong language on his own
account. " I know not," he wrote to Calvert, " what I may be
held in England, but I am sure here I shall hardly ever be
1 Digby to the Commissioners for German Affairs, Oct. 2, S. P.
Germany. An unguarded expression of Lingard has induced many Con-
tinental writers to suppose that this money was given to Mansfeld, and
Hurter even grounds upon this supposition a thoroughly baseless charge
against Digby of connivance in Mansfeld's treachery.
2 The agreement in the Vienna Archives is cited by Hurter, Gesch.
Ferdinands II. ix. 59.
* The Council of Heidelberg to Digby, Oct. 8, Harl. MSS. 1581,
fol. 172.
4 The Duke of Bavaria to the Infanta Isabella, Sept. ^. The Infanta
,, ao
Isabella to Philip IV., Sept. £ Oct. -, Brussels MSS.
224 DIGB F5 MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvm.
held Spanish hereafter ; for I assure you I have dealt very
plainly with them." * It was in Spain, as he well knew, that,
so far as it was possible to do anything whilst Frederick and
His return Mansfeld were masters of the position, his work was
to England. to j-jg done. He accordingly hastened back to Eng-
land, to impart to James the knowledge which he had acquired,
hoping to start again for Madrid as soon as possible. Before
he left the Continent, he heard that Mansfeld had arrived in the
Lower Palatinate, and that Cordova had been forced to raise
the siege of FrankenthaL
A short breathing-time was gained. It was just possible
that it might yet be used to force reasonable terms on Frederick
and Maximilian alike. Perhaps, if Digby had been King of
England, this might have been done, for no man knew better
than he how little words could effect in such a case. The
firmness of will and the promptness of action which had saved
the Council of Heidelberg from ruin, might perhaps, if they
had been allowed free play, have saved Europe from war.
Everything depended on the impression of resolution which
James would be able to make upon the Court of Madrid.
Philip's ministers, after all, did not desire peace because they
had no wish to encroach in Germany, but because they were
afraid of the consequences. Unfortunately, during Digby's
absence, James had, as usual, been acting in the way most
calculated to remove any fear that he would ever take up an
independent position in opposition to Spain.
On November 2 7 in the preceding year, Mansell cast anchor
with his fleet of twenty ships in the roads of Algiers. He sent
jfiao. a formal demand to the Dey for the restitution of all
N£^mber. English vessels and English subjects in his posses-
Algiers, sion, and for the execution or surrender of the pirates
by whom they had been captured. He might have saved him-
self the trouble. The Algerines pretended extreme eagerness
to comply with his wishes, and released some four-and-twenty
captives. Mansell was well aware that such a handful of men
formed but a small instalment of the crews of the hundred and
1 Digby to Calvert, Oct. 22, 5. P. Flanders.
1621 MANSELL AT ALGIERS. 225
fifty English vessels which had been taken in the past six years :
but though he was ready to remonstrate, he was not prepared
to fight. Supplies promised from England had not reached him :
sickness was raging in his fleet, and he sailed away, leaving the
1621. town untouched. For five months, he did little or
He Hiirin nothing. It was not till May 2 1 that he re-appeared
an attack at Algiers. Three days afterwards, the wind at night-
upon the »
town. fall blew towards the shore, and he launched his
fire-ships against the pirate shipping. For a moment success
seemed to be within reach. In no less than seven places the
flames was seen shooting up amongst the rigging ; but the
English vessels which were to have supported the fire-ships had
been ill-supplied with ammunition, and in a few minutes they
had got rid of all their powder. The Algerines were not slow
to profit by the opportunity. Hurrying back to the mole, they
drove off their assailants, and with the timely assistance of a
shower of rain, succeeded in extinguishing the flames.
Not a breath of air was stirring, and, before the wind rose,
the harbour was rendered inaccessible by a boom thrown across
its mouth. The failure was complete, and there was nothing
left for Mansell to do but to sail away to Alicant. l
On his return to harbour he found orders to send
part of the back four of his ships to England. To this number
he added four others, which had become unservice-
able. Twelve only remained in the Mediterranean.2
It does not appear on what grounds the four vessels were
recalled ; but it was not long before a resolution of a more
The block- important character was taken. The outbreak of
Flemish*5 hostilities between Spain and Holland had been
po"s. accompanied by a renewal of the dispute about the
blockade of the Flemish ports. The Dutch claimed the right
of excluding all commerce from the enemy's harbours. James,
1 Mansell 's account of his proceedings, Dec. 1620, S. P. Barbary
States. Mansell to Buckingham, Jan. 13, 162.1, Harl. MSS. 1581, fol. 70.
Mansell to the Commissioners for the Expedition, Jan. 16. Mansell to
Calvert, Jan. 17, S. P. Barbary States. Mansell to Calvert, March 15.
S. P. Spain. Mansell to Buckingham, June 9, Cabala, 297.
2 Algiers Voyage, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 106.
VOL. IV. Q
226 DIGBY^S MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvin.
on the other hand, declared that they were not justified in
stopping anything under a neutral flag but contraband of war.
To this assertion the Prince of Orange refused to listen for
an instant. " These countries," he said one day to Carleton,
" will sooner cast themselves into the hands of the King of
Spain, than permit the trade of any nation to enter the ports
of Flanders."
Even if James's claim had been far better than it was, it
would have been unwise to have insisted upon it in the existing
July. state of his relations with the Continent. With
The rest of James such considerations were of little weight,
recalled. Before July was over, the remainder of Mansell's fleet
was recalled to maintain the supremacy of the English flag in
the Narrow Seas.1
In the course which he was now taking, James re-
hostiietothe ceivcdevcry encouragement from Buckingham. Again,
as in the previous summer, the Lord Admiral saw in
an injury done to an English ship a personal insult to himself.
Caron looked upon this state of things with sorrow, for he
knew the value of the English alliance to his country, and
though he could not recommend the opening of the Flemish
ports, he was aware that the long delay in sending the promised
commissioners to treat on the East India business was bringing
to Buckingham a support which would otherwise have failed
him. " I have seen the time," he wrote, " when the friends of
Spain were held here as open enemies ; but the King's sub-
jects are now so irritated by these East Indian disputes, that
they take part against us." Yet there was no lack of hostility to
Spain. James, he went on to say, thought himself as certain of
the restoration of the Palatinate as if he held it in his own hand.
Gondomar was growing in credit every day, and Buckingham
was entirely devoted to him. A few days ago, the favourite
had accompanied the Spaniard to his house in a litter. As
they passed through the streets, no man took off his hat, and
not a few muttered a wish that they might both be hanged.2
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, July 28, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 46. Calvert to
Carleton, Aug II, S. P. Holland.
2 Caron to the States-General, July -, Add. MSS. 17,677 K. fol.
140.
l62i A CHANGE OF TREASURERS. 227
It was not without reason that Caron spoke of the growth
of Gondomar's credit. It was at his request that the decision
September, had been taken to recall the fleet.1 In September,
of^ialTsen's nowever> he intimated that his master would prefei
fleet. a different arrangement, and that he wished twelve
ships to remain in the Mediterranean, whilst twelve others
were employed against the Dutch. What may have been the
motives of the King of Spain we do not know ; but we do
know that James made no objection to changing his plans
at the bidding of a foreign ambassador, that he bore down
all opposition in the Council, and that, but for the sudden
arrival of Mansell in the Downs, in obedience to previous
orders, Gondomar's plan would have been carried out to the
letter.2
The opposition in the Council had been headed by the
Lord Treasurer. Mandeville may have been a bad financier,
but he was a good Protestant, and he had a deeply
Mandeville's , . to , - • U IT Ti
enforced rooted aversion to the Spanish alliance. It was now
resignation. jntjmated tQ him fa^ fe must resjgn his office. If
he gave way without difficulty, his fall would be softened. The
post of Lord President of the Council, long disused, should be
revived in his favour, though, as Gondomar remarked, no one
knew what its duties were. At the same time, the 20,000!.
which he had given to the King for his appointment would be
acknowledged as a debt, for which Buckingham was ready to
become security. Mandeville was unable to struggle against
the pressure put on him, and accepted the terms without
difficulty. " My lord," said Bacon, when next they met, "they
have made me an example, and you a president." The jest
was made more tolerable by the spelling of the day, than it
could possibly be considered now.3
1 Philip IV. to Ciriza, f ay f . Gondomar to Philip IV., July ", St-
June 6 ' J J 21
mancas MSS. 2518, fol. 49; 2602, fol. 39.
2 Gondomar to Philip IV., Sept. , Simancas MSS. 2602, fol. 66,
67. Order in Council, Sept. 15, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 126.
3 Locke to Carleton, Sept. 29, S. P. Dom. cxxii. 152. Gondomar to
Philip IV., ^ g-, Simancas MSS. 2602, fol. 77 ; Bacon's Apophthegms ;
Works, vii. 181.
Q2
228 DIGBVS MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvm
„ , , , Almost as a matter of course, the white staff was
Cranfield
Lord Trea- placed in Cranfield's hands. A few weeks later the
surer, and . ,
Weston Chancellorship of the Exchequer, vacant by the re-
ofttTelsx01 signation of Greville, who had recently been raised
chequer. ^Q ^ peerage as Lord Brooke,1 was committed to
Sir Richard Weston.2
As far as the administration of the finances was concerned,
it was a happy change. If anyone living could restore order
rind economy it was Cranfield. But the manner of his appoint-
ment was of evil augury. The nation was thinking far more
of its religious sympathies with the German Protestants than of
its commercial rivalry with the Dutch, and it was well known
that, though Cranfield cared a great deal about the prosperity
of trade, he cared very little about the ruin of the Protestant
Churches on the Continent.
In the meanwhile Buckingham was hounding on the King
to an open declaration of war against the Dutch. Nor was he
Buckingham ^ess inclined to speak evil of Frederick. Sharp
wSew[ih tongues had been busy at the Hague, and it was
the Dutch, rumoured that, at the little court of the exiles,
Buckingham had been spoken of as a Papist and a traitor. In
revenge he placed in Gondomar's hands the letters which
Frederick and Elizabeth had written to the King, and assured
the pleased ambassador that not a penny should be sent from
England for the defence of the Palatinate.3
Such was the direction in which James, carried away as
usual by the feeling which happened to be uppermost for the
Digby in moment, had been tending during Digby's absence.
England. Yet, when the news reached him of the danger of
the Lower Palatinate, he roused himself to unwonted activity.
He not only promised to repay the money which had been
advanced by Digby to the Heidelberg Council, but he engaged
to add another io,ooo/.4 On October 31 Digby himself re-
turned to tell his story. James was moved at least to momen-
1 Jan. 29, Pat. 18 Jac. I., Part 2.
2 Nov. 13, Pat. 19 Jac. I., Part I.
8 Gondomar to Philip IV., -^-f, Simancas MSS. 2602, fol. 72.
4 Digby to the Council of the Palatinate, Oct. 24, S. P. Germany,
i62i PARLIAMENT SUMMONED. 229
tary indignation. The next day the Privy Council was
summoned to listen to the narrative, and James wrote to the
Emperor and the King of Spain to demand redress. The cry
for immediate action was loud.1 On November 3
Parliament a proclamation appeared, summoning Parliament,
summoned. ^idi had l;iiely bgen a(jjourned once more by the
King's orders, to meet on the 2oth of the same month.2
This time there was to be no hesitation. Steps were taken
which should have been taken at least ten months before.
Money was borrowed, and the promised io,ooo/.
offend by swelled into 3o,ooo/., which were immediately 3 de-
spatched to Frederick at the Hague. More was to
follow as soon as supplies had been voted by the Commons.
Frederick was again urged to put himself at the head of his
troops in the Palatinate. At the same time James wrote to the
Emperor, renewing his original demand for the restitution of
the lands and dignities of which his son-in-law had been
deprived, and engaging that he would relinquish the crown of
Bohemia, and, after making such full submission as might be
consistent with his honour, would renounce any confederacy
by which the peace of the Empire might be endangered. A
copy of this letter was sent to Frederick, in order that he might
signify, in writing, his consent to negotiate on the proposed
terms. If he did so, he was told, James would put forth his
whole strength in his behalf.4
For a few days Digby was the most popular man in Eng-
p ^ land. There may have been some who wondered
enthusiasm. w^y au fa[s had not been done long ago, but such
thoughts were drowned in the general enthusiasm. At last,
1 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, Nov. -, Simancas MSS. 2602,
fol. 80. Locke to Carleton, Nov. 3, S. P. Dom. cxxiii. 84; Salvetti's
Q
News-Letter^ Nov. — .
lo
1 Proclamation, Nov. 3, S. P. Dom. clxxxvii. 98*.
' The King to Carleton, Nov. 12, S. P. Holland.
4 Calvert to Carleton, Nov. 5, 10, S. P. Holland. The King to
Ferdinand II., Nov. -, Cabala, 239. The King to Philip IV., Nov. -,
12 12
Madrid Palace Library. The King to Frederick, Nov. ^- Add. MSS,
12,485, fol. 99b.
230 DIGBVS MISSION TO VIENNA. CH. xxxvni.
men said, the weary time of weakness and vacillation was at
an end. " God grant," wrote the Earl of Bedford, " that the
King's resolutions may be so propounded to the Parliament, as
they may with a general applause be seconded, and not dis-
puted, and that no past distastes breed such variance at home
as may hinder the speedy execution requisite for the good
success of what is to be done by us abroad." l
Even now, however, James unhappily did not know how
serious the crisis was. If everything else failed, the King of
Spain, he fancied, was certain to see him righted,
mission to His words had been for the moment the words of
Digby, manly, self-reliant, and far-sighted. His
thoughts were his own. Still, as ever, he hated trouble and
responsibility. He was the more disposed to confidence in
Spain because good news, or what he held to be good news, had
lately reached him of the progress of that foolish marriage treaty
of which he was so deeply enamoured. Early in the year
Lafuente had arrived at Rome, and had soon been joined by
George Gage, Conway's Roman Catholic cousin, who had been
sent to watch the negotiation on the part of the English Govern-
ment. There had been a delay at first in consequence of the
death of Paul V., and a further delay in consequence of the
death of Philip III. These obstacles were now surmounted.
A congregation of cardinals was appointed by the new Pope,
Gregory XV., to consider the propriety of granting the dis-
pensation asked for. Nor was it long before Gage was able to
report that, if only James could make up his mind to make
concessions to the English Catholics, no difficulties would be
thrown in the way of the marriage by the Pope.2
It was in the frame of mind resulting from his knowledge of
the progress which had been made in this affair, that James
prepared to meet his Parliament. At a moment
message to when he ought to have done his utmost to impress
nar' Gondomar with a sense of the firmness of his atti-
tude, he sent him a message, bidding him not to care for any-
1 Bedford to Carleton, Nov. 5, S. P. Holland.
2 Gage to Digby, Sept. i, S. P. Spain ; Francisco de fesus, 32-35.
l62i GONDOMAFS PROSPECTS. 231
thing that might be said in Parliament, as he would take good
care that nothing was done which would be displeasing to his
Catholic Majesty.1 With the dice thus loaded against him,
Digby had a hard game to play.
1 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, ^ ", Simancas MSS. 2558,
fol. 14.
232
CHAPTER XXXIX.
THE DISSOLUTION OF 1 62 1.
ON the appointed day, November 20, the Houses met. On
the 2ist, the Commons were called up to the House of Lords,
to hear a statement on behalf of the King, who
Nov. 20. D
Meeting of was detained at Newmarket by real or affected
ouses. jiiness> The proceedings were opened by Williams.
He spoke, men said, ' more like a divine than a statesman or
orator.' l He recommended the Commons "to avoid
Nov. 21.
Speech of all long harangues, malicious and cunning diver-
'iihams, sionS)» an(j to postpone all business, except the grant
of a supply for the Palatinate, till their next meeting in
February.2
Then Digby rose — the one man in England who could
avert, if yet it were possible, the evil to come. Of no party,
he shared in all that was best in every paity. With
the Puritans, he would have resisted the encroach-
ments of the Catholic Powers at home and abroad. With the
King he was anxious to put an end to religious war, and to grant
religious liberty to the English Catholics. On the Continent he
would have done that unselfishly, and in the interest of the world,
which Richelieu afterwards accomplished selfishly, and in the in-
terest of France. Such designs, so vast and so far-reaching,
might easily take root in the brain of a dreamer. But Digby
was no dreamer. He knew that there were times when the road
to peace lay through the gates of war, and that that time had
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Nov. 24, S. P. Dom. cxxiii. 122.
2 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 183.
i62i DIGBY'S STATEMENT. 233
almost come. Now or never Spain must be made to under-
stand that she must choose her side.
Digby's statement was a very simple one. He spoke of the
King's efforts to maintain peace, of the hopes of success which
had attended his own embassy at Vienna, of the terror inspired
by Mansfeld's army, of the change which, at the instigation of
the Duke of Bavaria, had come over the Emperor's intentions,
and of the consequent renewal of the war. The King, he said,
must now ' either abandon his children, or declare himself by a
war.' The King of Spain had written 'to the Emperor effec-
tually for peace,' and it was ' the fault of the Emperor that it
was not effected.' It remained, therefore, to be considered
what course was now to be pursued. The force of twenty
thousand men under Vere and Mansfeld, would be sufficient to
hold the Lower Palatinate during the winter. But if this were
to be done, money must at once be sent. Mansfeld's soldiers
were mere mercenaries, and if they were left any longer with-
out their pay, they would soon be in open mutiny. An addi-
tional army must be sent in the spring, and the cost of main-
taining such an army for a year would not be less than
900, ooo/.1
and of Cranfield followed, urging a liberal supply, with-
Cranficid. ou(- naming any precise amount
The next morning, it was arranged by the Commons that
the King's message should be taken into consideration on the
Freedom of 26th. In the meanwhile an objection was not un-
debate. naturally raised to some expressions which had been
let fall by Williams. They had been directed, said Alford, to
meddle with nothing but the supply for the Palatinate. It
would be an evil precedent if the King were permitted to
assume the right of prescribing the subject of their debates.2
In the same spirit Digges, whose facile and impressionable
nature made him ever ready to adopt the prevalent
impriLn- feeling of those with whom he was acting, drew
attention to the late imprisonment of Sandys. He
hoped, he said, that in the great debate to which they were look-
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 186 ; Lords' Journals, iii. 167.
z Proceedings and Debates, ii. 197.
234 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
ing forward, no exception would be taken to anything which
they might say in discharge of their consciences.
Sandys himself was not present, having been detained by
illness. Calvert, however, rose to explain that he had not been
imprisoned for anything that he had said or done in the House.
The statement, though literally true, was received with
general incredulity, and murmurs of dissatisfaction were heard
on every side. It was only upon Calvert's agreeing that his
words should be entered upon the clerk's book, that calm was
restored. It was evident, however, that a question had been
raised which, unless it were speedily settled, would give rise to
serious perplexities in the future.1
On November 26, a full House met to take part in the
great debate which was to decide the Continental policy of
NOV. 26. England for years to come. The zeal of the
Debate on Commons, it is true, may sometimes have outrun
the demand ' *
for a supply, discretion. Their knowledge of the policy and
designs of the Courts of Europe was defective. On the other
hand, their single-mindedness was undoubted. In their de-
liberations, that narrow patriotism which is only a larger selfish-
ness, had no place. All that they asked was to devote them-
selves to that cause which, as they honestly believed, was the
cause of God and man.
The House, it must be acknowledged, approached the
question under peculiar difficulties. Digby had told them the
truth, but not the whole truth. It is no wonder that there
were many amongst his hearers who were incredulous when
they heard of the efforts of the King of Spain in favour of
peace. What they knew was that it was only by the aid of
Spanish troops that the war had been possible. Yet how
could Digby offer them the key by which alone the mystery
could be unlocked ? Even if he had thought it wise to
publish to the world the follies of his master's son-in-law, would
not the blame which would deservedly be attributed to Fre-
derick fall in part upon his master himself?
The debate was opened by Digges. He hoped, he said, that
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 198.
1 62 1 FEELING OF THE COMMONS. 235
the House would support the Crown, but they must not forget
speeches of tnat it was the King of Spain who was seeking to
Digges ; bring all Europe into subjection. Without a war of
diversion no good would be done. Sir Benjamin Rudyerd
rose next. Lately appointed, by Doncaster's influence, Sur-
veyor of the Court of Wards, he was at this time
of Rudyerd ;
attached to that band of politicians who, with Pem-
broke at their head, hoped to reconcile a stirring foreign
policy with the fullest devotion to the Crown. He took no
notice of Digges's proposal for a war of diversion, but con-
tented himself with urging the House to grant the supply at
of Fleet- once. In the same strain Sir Miles Fleetwood
followed, adding a recommendation that the advice
of the Lords should be asked not only upon the amount re-
quired, but on the manner in which it should be expended.
Perrot came next. He was for a war on a large scale — a
war of diversion, as Digges had expressed it— a war, that is to
say, which would have sought out the sources of
of Perrot ; J . ° .
the strength of Spain in the Indies. Let them give
what was needed now, and increase their supply as soon as
war had been really declared. So far he had said nothing
which was in marked opposition to Digby's proposal. The
question of the mode of carrying on the war might well be left
for future consideration when war was actually commenced.
But in the eyes of the author of the declaration with which the
House had separated in June, the crisis was fully as much
religious as political. He ended, therefore, by reminding his
hearers that there were those at home whose hearts were at the
service of the King of Spain, and that it was necessary to take
precautions against their machinations.
Sackville saw that the discussion was getting upon dan-
gerous ground. Like Rudyerd, he had thrown himself heart
and of and soul into the cause of the German Protestants,
Sackville. an(j jj^g Ru(jyerd he knew that, excepting with the
good-will of James, it was impossible to put the forces of Eng-
land in motion to their assistance. The passing bell, he said,
was now tolling for religion. It was not dead, but it was dying.
Let them consider two things : first, what was fit to be done at
236 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
this time ; secondly, what was unfit to be now talked of. Let
them give at once what was needed for the present supply of
the troops. But for the present let them dismiss from their
minds all consideration of the larger grant which, as the Lord
Treasurer had told them, would be needed in the spring, if war
were then declared.
The House would probably have been wise if it had closed
Feeling wl^ ^is suggestion. It is true that little confidence
s^nUh6 could be placed in the King, but unless the Com-
match. mons were prepared to leave the Continent to its
fate, it was necessary to trust him at least to the extent of
Sackville's proposal.
Such would no doubt have been the view which a con-
summate political tactician would have taken of the situation ;
but it is seldom that such considerations have much weight
with a popular assembly, and, least of all, with an assembly
with no definite leadership. There was scarcely a member
there who did not sympathize from the bottom of his heart
with the thoughts which had found utterance in the speeches
of Digges and Perrot. No doubt their belief that the King of
Spain was aiming at universal monarchy was a gross exaggera-
tion ; but it was perfectly true that he was exercising an in-
fluence over the King of England which was justly intolerable
to every true-hearted English subject, and they knew that, un-
less a remedy were found for the mischief, it would not be long
before Philip would find in the wife of the future King a repre-
sentative whose soft accents would be even more persuasive
than the loud tones which were so readily at Gondomar's
command.
A feeling so universal and so deeply seated could hardly
fail to find expression in the debate. Gifted with an eloquent
Speech of tongue, and with every virtue except discretion,
Pheiips. Phelips, at least, was not the man to leave unuttered
the opinions which he shared with those around him. Their
enemies, he reminded his hearers, were the Catholic States.
There was the great wheel of Spain, and the little wheel of the
German Princes. Their own natural allies were the Protestants
of Europe. It had been said that the King of Spain was their
l62i AN ANTI-SPANISH DEBATE. 237
friend. But did not everyone know that he was the president
of that council of war by which the Palatinate had been in-
vaded. It was from his treasure that the attacking forces had
been paid. The Duke of Bavaria was but a petty prince.
God, he believed, was angry with them because they had not
kept the crown on the head of the King of Bohemia. Phelips
then turned to home affairs. Trade, he said, was ruined, and
the hearts and affections of the Papists were at the disposition
of the King of Spain. They had lately grown so insolent as to
talk of Protestants as a faction. They had begun to dispute
openly on their religion. Against such dangers the Commons
were bound to guard the country. Let the bills before the
House be proceeded with. Let them refuse to grant any
supply for the present. At their next meeting they might grant
subsidies, and prepare for a thorough war. Till that time the
defence of the Palatinate might be otherwise provided for. A
small sum would be sufficient to support Mansfeld during the
winter.
After a short speech in the same strain from Sir Edward
Giles, Calvert saw that it was time to interfere. In a few
Caivert weighty words he explained the policy of the Govern-
interferes. merit. " The friendship amongst princes," he said,
"is as their strength and interest is, and he would not have
our King to trust to the King of Spain's affection. As for the
delaying of a supply any longer, if we do it, our supply will come
too late. It is said our King's sword hath been too long
sheathed ; but they who shall speak to defer a supply, seek to
keep it longer in the scabbard." It was impossible to declare
more plainly that, in case of necessity, the proposed armaments
would be directed against Spain. If James, instead of loitering
at Newmarket, had been there to confirm his Secretary's words,
he would have carried everything before him.
For a short time it seemed as if Calvert's words had not
been without effect. Although, of the three speakers who rose
after him, not one recurred to Phelips's proposal to
who!* the withhold supplies, the distrust was too deeply seated
to be easily removed. Phelips found a supporter
in Thomas Crew, a lawyer of reputation for ability and
238 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
honesty. Before they gave anything, he said, they ought
to know who was their enemy. If at their next meeting they
could be assured that their money was to be used against
Spain, and if hope was given them that the Prince would
marry one of his own religion, they might then grant a liberal
supply.
Amongst the few who listened with dissatisfaction to the
introduction of this irritating topic was Sir Thomas Wentworth,
Sir T. Calvert's youthful colleague in the representation of
Wentworth. Yorkshire. Gifted with a clear and commanding in-
tellect, he looked with apprehension upon the renewal of the
religious wars of the past century, and he believed with Digby
that, if the King could make it clear that the nation was at his
back, Spain would be certain to give way to any reasonable
demand.1 Yet there were many reasons why, at this juncture,
Wentworth should have carried but little weight in
racter and the House. He would, it is true, have gone as far
as Phelips or Perrot in opposing the miserable
system by which the first place in the counsels of an English
Sovereign was held by the ambassador of a foreign prince. But
in the wide European sympathies of the leading members he
had no share. His policy was purely English, and it was
nothing more. In matters of domestic legislation he took the
deepest interest He seldom rose without urging the im-
portance of pushing on the bills before the House without
loss of time. Puritanism, and everything that savoured of
Puritanism, he regarded with loathing. For him religion must
be decorous and stately. Yet if he bitterly hated the restless-
ness of the champions of liberty, he hated still more bitterly
opposition to his own will. Proud of his ancient lineage, and
of the princely fortune which had descended to him from his
ancestors, his fierce resolute spirit brooked no resistance. The
clash of thought, the conflict of opinion out of which lasting
progress springs, was to him an object of detestation. Even
when, a few years later, he was throwing in his lot with the
Commons in their struggle against Buckingham, he was never
1 Wentworth to Darcy, Jan. 9, 1622, Str afford Letter st i. 15.
i62i AN ANTI-SPANISH DEBATE. 239
one in feeling with those with whom he was, for the time,
politically associated. The value which he set upon Parlia-
mentary discussion may be gathered from a curious passage
m a letter to a friend. He had just seen, he said, a statue
representing Samson in the act of killing a Philistine with the
jaw-bone of an ass. " The moral and meaning whereof," he
adds, " may be yourself standing at the bar, and there, with all
your weighty, curiously-spun arguments, beaten down by some
such silly instrument as that ; and so the bill, in conclusion,
passed, sir, in spite of your nose." l
Such was the man who now attempted to stem the tide
which was running strongly against the Government. He pro-
posed, with the evident intention of giving time to
He proposes . ..,__. , 111 11-1
an adjourn- communicate with the King, that the debate should
be adjourned for some days. It was not an unwise
suggestion, and if it had come from one with whom the House
could sympathize, it might perhaps have been adopted. As it
was, its rejection was certain. The renewal of the discussion
was fixed for the following morning.
The next day, therefore, the debate was resumed. Member
after member rose to urge the necessity of engaging in war with
Spain, and of putting in force the laws against the
Sackviiie's Papists, who were the chief supporters of Spanish
influence in England. Once more Sackville rose to
advocate compliance with the King's demands. " The King of
Spain," he said, " hath laid out his money to gain from us the
Palatinate. Let us, therefore, give some present supply towards
the keeping of that which is left us in the Palatinate ; and it
will not be long before we discover plainly whether the King of
Spain be our enemy or no ; which if he be, then will the King,
without question, understanding of our affections and inclina-
tions, proclaim a general war against him, and then shall we
have our desires."
Every hour the question was becoming more evidently than
before a question of confidence in the King. James had
1 Wentworth to Wandesford, June 17, 1624, Strafford Letters, i. 21.
The characteristic story of the Yorkshire election petition will be well
known to every reader of Mr. Forster's Life of Sir J. Eliot.
240 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
placed his supporters at a terrible disadvantage. He had asked
for a supply, but he had not disclosed his policy. Was there
any reason to believe, it might well be argued, that it was
worth while to make a fresh application to Spain? And if
such a reason existed, why had it not been communicated to
the House ? James could hardly indeed have been brought to
set forth in detail to his own condemnation all the blunders of
the past year. But it can scarcely be doubted that if he had
produced in substance the terms which he had submitted to
Frederick for his acceptance, and had declared that the refusal
of those terms, whether by Spain or by any other power, would
be followed by an immediate declaration of war, he would have
carried the House with him, and would have given a support
to his diplomacy which could be obtained in no other quarter.
James, however, was far away at Newmarket, and, whatever
his partisans might say, it was plain that they were speaking with-
out authority. For a time, indeed, Sackville seemed
Went worth , TT
supports to have made an impression. He was seconded by
Wentworth, who recommended an immediate grant,
leaving to the King the choice of a fit time for declaring war.
Weston and Heath followed on the same side.
The speeches which had hitherto been made in opposition
to the Crown may, in some particulars, have been indiscreet
Coke's ill- and exaggerated ; but they struck at real evils, and
humour. ^gy had been expressed in language which it
became the leaders of the English Commons to utter. Very
different was the tone assumed by the speaker who now rose
to address the House. On ordinary occasions Coke's rugged
independence was apt to degenerate into coarseness of thought
and language, and he had been too long accustomed to pour
out the vials of his wrath, amidst popular applause, upon
Jesuits and Papists, to approach the subject under discussion
with any degree of calmness. Nor were special causes of
irritation wanting. During the recess an attempt had been
made to punish him indirectly for the uncourtly part
Affair of r-vvvj^i • *v TT ^
Lepton and which he had taken in the House. Two men,
Ilth> named Lepton and Goldsmith, considered them-
selves to have been wronged by the decision of a committee of
r62i COKE ATTACKS SPAIN. 241
which Coke had been the chairman. They applied to Lady
Hatton for advice as to the best mode of revenging themselves
upon her husband. The result of their machinations was that
a bill was filed in the Star Chamber containing numerous
charges against him for misconduct in the days long past when
he was still upon the Bench. The affair had recently been
brought before the notice of the Commons, and a committee
had been appointed to inquire into what looked very like a
conspiracy to inflict punishment upon a member of the House
for the discharge of his duty. !
It was therefore under the influence of a not unnatural
feeling of indignation that Coke now rose. He went at length
over the old quarrel between Elizabeth and the Pope. The
Pope, he said, had discharged the Queen's subjects from their
allegiance. The Jesuits had never ceased to provoke her by
their conspiracies. They had practised to kill her ; they had
attempted to poison her. At the moment when English com-
missioners were treating for peace, Spain had sent the Armada.
The scab which was so destructive to sheep in England came
from Spain. The foulest disease by which mankind was
afflicted spread over Europe from Naples, and Naples belonged
to the King of Spain. From Spain nothing but evil was to be
expected. The Papists flocked to the house of the Spanish am-
bassador, and England was in danger as long as she nourished
Papists in her bosom. Let the House, therefore turn its
attention to the legislation before it. The sudden grant of
supply would do no good. He had heard nothing to make
him think that there was any necessity for giving money at
present.
Overjoyed at finding so thoroughgoing a supporter, Phelips
rose once more to reiterate the arguments which he had used
on the preceding day, but neither he nor Coke
ofThe""' could lead the House astray from the point at issue.
As before the adjournment, the vast majority were
determined that, if by any means it could be avoided, there
should be no breach with the King. It was resolved that
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 201, 248.
VOL. IV. R
242 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
the supply for which James had asked should be granted.1
The precise amount to be given, and the manner in which it
was to be raised, should be considered in committee. To this
resolution, which in itself was everything which the King could
desire, two instructions to the committee were appended at which
he might possibly take umbrage. The committee was directed
by the one to prepare a petition asking him to end the session
at Christmas, by passing the bills to which, in spite of the Lord
Keeper's intimation, they intended to devote their attention ;
and by the other to take into consideration the state of religion,
and to draw up a petition for the due execution of the laws
against the Papists.2
The next morning, accordingly, the House went into com-
mittee. The debate which ensued is memorable for the speech
NOV. 28. in which John Pym placed himself beyond question
Serch in m t^ie first rank amongst the leaders of the House,
the Com- Qf t^e King he spoke with the utmost respect : but
nut tee on ' . r
religion. he feared lest his goodness had been abused by the
Papists. It was his Majesty's piety which had led him to be
tender of other men's consciences. Yet it must not be for-
gotten that whilst there were errors ' seated in the understanding,'
1 " The Commons," says Mr. Hallam (Const. Hist, of England, ed.
1854,1. 364), "had no reason, perhaps, to suspect that the charge of
keeping 30,000 men in the heart of Germany would fall much short of the
estimate. Yet, after long haggling, they voted only one subsidy, amounting
to 7o,ooo/. , a sum manifestly insufficient for the first equipment of such a
force. This parsimony could hardly be excused by their suspicion of the
King's unwillingness to undertake the war, for which it afforded the best
justification." That such a sentence should have been penned by such a
writer would be truly astonishing, if it related to any other period of
history than one which has never hitherto been thoroughly investigated.
Every word is altogether at variance with the facts of the case. The
subsidy was not meant to have anything to do with the army of 30,000
men. When the answer had come from Spain and the Emperor, it would
be time enough to consider how to provide for that force which might never
be levied after all. What was now needed was to devote a special fund for
the pay of Mansfeld's men for one or two months, in addition to the money
which Frederick drew from the Dutch.
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 206-226 ; Commons' Journals, i. 644-
649.
r62i PYATS SPEECH. 243
misguiding ' practice and devotion in the manner of worship-
ping God,' there were others which produced effects ' to the
distemper of the State.' It was for this reason that it had
always ' belonged to the outward and coercive power of magis-
trates to restrain not only the fruit but even the seeds of
sedition, though buried under the pretences of religion.' By
' the same rules of faith from whence the Papists received the
superstitious part of their religion,' they were bound to opinions
and practices dangerous to all princes and states which did ' not
allow of their superstitions.' It was therefore to be understood
that 'the aim of the laws in the penalties and restraint of
Papists, was not to punish them for believing and thinking, but
that they might be disabled to do that which they think and
believe they ought to do.'
The speaker then proceeded to enumerate the dangers
which were impending over the country. " If the Papists," he
said, " once obtain a connivance, they will press for a tolera-
tion ; from thence to an equality ; from an equality to a
superiority ; from a superiority to an extirpation of all contrary
religions." He therefore advised that an oath of association
for the defence of his Majesty's person, and for the execution of
the laws made for the establishing of religion, should be taken
by all loyal subjects l ; and that the King should be asked to
issue a special commission for the suppression of recusancy.2
Such was the language which, as we can well believe, ' had
great attention, and was exceedingly commended, both in matter
and manner.'3 Even those who are unable to find
poihicai much to commend in its conclusions, may well find
position. jn -t groun(js Up0n which to base their respect for
the speaker.
It is evident that such a speech stands in striking contrast
with the gushing impetuosity of Phelips and with the snarl
of Coke. He who spoke these words was born to be a leader
of men. He was not a philosopher like Bacon, with anticipa-
1 This was exactly what Pym afterwards carried into effect, by the Pro-
testation of 1641.
2 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 2IO.
3 Chamberlain to Carleton, Dec. I, S. P. Dom. cxxiv. 2.
R 2
244 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
tions crowding upon his brain of a world which would not
come into existence for generations. His mind teemed with
the thoughts, the beliefs, the prejudices of his age. He was
strong with the strength, and weak with the weakness of the
generation around him. But if his ideas were the ideas of
ordinary men, he gave to them a brighter lustre as they passed
through his calm and thoughtful intellect. Men learned to
hang upon his lips with delight as they heard him converting
their crudities into well-reasoned arguments. By listening to
him they made the discovery that their own opinions — the
result of passion or of unintelligent feeling — were better and
wiser than they had ever dreamed. Nor was it by a mere dry
intellectual logic that he touched his hearers. For if there is
little trace in his speeches of that fertility of imagination which
in a great orator charms and enthrals the most careless of
listeners, they were all aglow with that sacred fire which changes
the roughest ore into gold, which springs from the highest faith
in the Divine laws by which earthly life is guided, and from the
profoundest sense of man's duty to choose good and to eschew
evil. Thus it came about that between this man and that great
assembly a strong sympathy grew up — a sympathy which it has
always refused to flashes of wisdom beyond its comprehension,
but which it grants ungrudgingly to him who can lead it worthily
by reflecting its thoughts with increased nobility of expression,
and by shaping to practical ends its fluctuating and unformed
desires.
In the speech which he had just concluded, Pym had placed
the duty of persecution upon a plain and intelligible basis.
No one had ever expressed so clearly the idea which
and in- had vaguely taken possession of his generation, and
nce' which was common to men whose minds were so
differently constituted as those of James of England and
Ferdinand of Austria — the idea, namely, that religious error
was not so much to be attacked because it was hurtful to the
soul and conscience, as because it undermined the constitution
of the State. It is true that, except as an indication of the
direction in which the current was setting, there was very little
importance in the distinction. To a man who was led to the
i62i EFFECTS OF THE SPANISH ALLIANCE. 245
scaffold, or immured in a prison, it was a matter of supreme
indifference whether he was told that he was suffering for an
offence against religion or for an offence against civil order.
There can, however, be no doubt that, unsatisfactory as it was in
itself, the indirect results of the new phase thus taken by per-
secution were most salutary. It served to impress upon men
the truth, that religious persecution was a bad thing ; and before
long they would open their eyes to the further truth that the
recusancy laws were only religious persecution under a more
subtle form.
If, indeed, Pym's lot had been cast in ordinary times, he
might have learned to oppose the precautions which he was
now advocating. But, in truth, the times were not
Spanish ordinary. It was indeed certain that a nation like
England, in which Protestantism had taken deep root,
would never voluntarily throw itself back into the stifling em-
braces of the Church of Rome. The human mind does not
work at random, and no such backward course is possible so
long as liberty of choice remains. But how long would such
liberty be left ? If no European people which had once heartily
embraced Protestantism had ever abandoned it but by compul-
sion, there had been many examples in which a forcible con-
version had been effected by the power of the sword. When
the leading minds of a people had been silenced, when thought
and speech were no longer free, it would be impossible to
answer for the constancy of those who were left desolate in the
face of temptation.
Who could tell how soon England might be exposed to such
a fate ? We are perhaps inclined to think hardly of Pym and
its effect on tne House of Commons for seeking, as Wentworth
opinion. once expressed it, to put a ' ring in the nose of Levia-
than ' l by fining the Catholic laity for their religion, by dragging
their children from the care of their parents, and by mewing
up within prison walls the devotion of the Catholic missionaries :
but, before we condemn, let us remember that it was James who
was encumbering the path of tolerance with obstacles. As if it
were a light thing that the Spanish ambassador was consulted
1 Wentworth to Wandesford, June 17, 1624, Stra/ord Letters, i. 21.
246 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
and trusted above all other men, a Spanish Infanta was to
become the future Queen of England, and the mother of a stock
of English kings. In the course of nature her child would
within forty or fifty years be seated on the throne of Henry and
Elizabeth. A Roman Catholic sovereign — for what else could
he be ? — would have the power of loosing the tongues of the
Jesuits, of stopping the mouths of the defenders of the faith.
All Court favour, all power of lulling men's consciences to sleep
by the soporific potion of place or pension, would be in his hands.
It was he who would make the judges ; it was he who would
make the bishops ; and who might, therefore, in the language
which has sometimes been attributed to James, make both law
and gospel. If all other means failed, he would have at his dis-
posal the arms of his Spanish kinsman — the lord, it
might be feared, by right of England's cowardice, of
half of Germany, and of the territory that had once been held
by the Dutch Republic.
Such must have been the thoughts which strove for utterance
in the hearts of the men who looked to Pym with visible
A petition tokens of approbation. They ordered that a petition
on religion, should be drawn up for presentation to the King,
and at the same time resolved without a dissentient voice, that
a subsidy should be granted for the support of the troops in the
Palatinate. To this subsidy recusants were to be assessed at
double rates, as if they had been aliens. l
On December i the petition was brought in by the sub-
committee which had been directed to prepare it. It began
Dec. i. by representing the causes of the apprehended
co^pu?ned danger. Abroad, the King of Spain was aiming at
of- an exclusive temporal monarchy ; the Pope at an
exclusive spiritual supremacy. Popery was built upon devilish
positions and doctrines. The professors of the Protestant re-
ligion were in a miserable plight. His Majesty's children were
treated with contempt, and the confederacy of their Popish
enemies was backed by all the armies of the King of Spain.
At home matters were as bad. The expectation of the Spanish
marriage and the favour of the Spanish ambassador had elated
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 241 ; Commons' Journals, i. 650.
1 62 1 THE PETITION ON RELIGION. 247
the spirits of the recusants. They resorted openly to the
chapels of foreign ambassadors ; they were thronging up in
large numbers to London ; they sent their children to the Con-
tinent, to be educated in Popish seminaries. The property
which had been forfeited by law was frequently restored to
them ; their licentious and seditious books were allowed to
circulate freely ; their priests were to be found in every part of
the kingdom. If something were not done they would soon
place themselves in opposition to the laws, and, strong in the
support of foreign princes, they would carry all before them
till they had succeeded in the utter subversion of the true
religion.
Let his Majesty then take his sword in his hand ; let him
gather round him the Protestant States upon the Continent ;
Remedies let him direct the operations of war by diversion or
proposed. otherwise, as to his deep wisdom should seem fittest,
and not rest upon a war in those parts only which would con-
sume his treasure and discourage the hearts of his subjects-
Let the point of his sword be against that prince who first
diverted and hath since maintained the war in the Palatinate ;
let a commission be appointed to see to the execution of the
laws against the recusants ; and for the frustration of their
hopes, and for the security of succeeding ages, let the Prince
be timely and happily married to one of his own religion. Let
the Papists' children be educated by Protestant schoolmasters,
and prohibited from crossing the seas ; let the restoration of
their forfeited lands be absolutely prohibited.1
The petition accepted by the Committee was taken into
consideration by the House on the 3rd. The debate turned
almost entirely upon the clause relating to the
Debate on Prince's marriage. It was opened by Sackville,
the petition. ^^ though his hatred of Rome was undoubted,
urged that any interference with the King's prerogative on a
point so delicate would give offence. As a matter of political
tactics, Sackville was undoubtedly in the right. If James
could be brought to declare war with Spain, the marriage treaty
would give no further trouble. It would be far better, there-
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 261.
248 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
fore, to avoid for two or three months longer a topic by the
introduction of which the King's touchy nature would be
wounded to the quick. Still it was hardly likely that the
House would allow its course to be determined on these
grounds. A great evil was impending over the nation, and it
was the duty of its representatives to discharge their consciences
by protesting against it They had granted a subsidy uncon-
ditionally. Even now they had no wish to impose terms on
the King. One member after another rose to point out that
their petition did not even require an answer. No man, during
the whole course of a long and active life, showed himself a
stouter champion of the prerogative than Heath, the Solicitor-
General. Yet Heath expressed his approval of the petition
it is adopted on tni§ very ground. He contented himself with
additional moving that an explanatory clause should be added
clause. to convey what was evidently the general sense of the
House. Phelips and Digges rose to support the proposal, and
it was at once adopted without a dissentient voice.
"This," such were the phrases with which the Commons
fondly hoped to sweeten the bitter medicine which they were
offering, " this is the sum and effect of our humble declaration,
which— no ways intending to press on your Majesty's most
undoubted and regal prerogative — we do with the fulness of
all duty and obedience humbly submit to your princely con-
sideration." '
Already, before the petition had been actually adopted,
some one had placed a copy in the hands of Gondomar. The
astute Spaniard had been invited by the King to
ie°ter°to the Newmarket,2 but had preferred to watch events in
London. He now saw that his time was come.
Long experience had taught him how to deal with James. The
letter which he wrote was one the like of which had never
before been placed in the hands of an English sovereign. In-
credible as it might seem, even his own past audacity was now
outdone.
1 Commons' Journals, i. 655 ; Proceedings and Debates, ii. ^65, 269.
2 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, Dec. —, Simancas J/SS. 2558,
fol. 9-
1621 INTERVENTION OF THE KING. 249
If it were not, he said, that he depended upon the King's
goodness to punish the seditious insolence of the House of
Commons, he would have left the kingdom already. " This,"
he added, " it would have been my duty to do, as you would
have ceased to be a king here, and as I have no army here at
present to punish these people myself." '
For such insolence as this James had no sensitiveness.
His annoyance with the Commons had for some days been
The King's on tne increase. He had already heard with dis-
dispieasure. pieasure that they had resumed their investigation
into the affair of Lepton and Goldsmith, and had ordered
Sandys to be questioned on the reasons of his imprison-
ment.2 He now, without waiting for the formal presenta-
tion of the petition, dashed off an angry letter to the
Speaker.
He had heard, he said, that his absence from his Parliament
had ' emboldened some fiery and popular spirits to debate and
His letter to argue publicly in matters far beyond their reach or
the Speaker. capacity, and so tending 10 ' his ' high dishonour and
to the trenching upon' his 'prerogative royal.' The House
was, therefore, to be informed that its members were not to be
permitted to meddle with matters of government or 'with
mysteries of state.' There was to be no speech of the Prince's
' match with the daughter of Spain,' or anything said against
' the honour of that king.' They must also forbear from inter-
fering in private suits 'which have their due motion in the
ordinary courts of justice.' As for Sandys, he would inform
them himself that his imprisonment had not been caused by
any misdemeanour in Parliament. He would have them, how-
1 " Yo avia escrito al Rey y al Marques de Boquinguam, quatro dias
antes, la sedicion y maldad que pasaba en este Parlamento, y que, sino
estuviera tan seguro de la palabra y bondad del Rey que lo castigaria y
remediaria con la brevedad y exemplo que convenia, me huviera salido de
sus Reynos sin aguardar a tercero dia ; deviendo hazello assi ciimpliendo
con mi obligacion, si el no fuera Rey de estas gentes, pues al presente yo
no tenia aqui exercito con que castigarlos." — Gondomar to the Infanta
Isabella, Dec. -~. ibid.
16
2 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 2.58, 259.
250 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
ever, to understand that he thought himself ' very free and able
to punish any man's dismeanours in Parliament, as well during
their sitting as after,' and that hereafter he should not be spar-
ing in his use of this power ' upon any occasion of any man's
insolent behaviour there.' If they had touched in their petition
upon any of the topics which he had forbidden they were to be
told that, ' except they reform it,' he would ' not deign the
hearing or the answering it' Finally, he was willing to end the
session at Christmas, and to give his assent to any Bills which
were really for the good of the commonwealth. If the Bills
were not good, it would be their fault and not his.1
On the morning of December 4 this letter was read in the
House. A peremptory refusal to accept the advice tendered
Dec would have created incomparably less consternation.
it is read in Even the denial of the right of the Commons to
meddle with matters of foreign policy, unless their
attention had been specially directed to them, might perhaps
have been passed over in silence, but it was intolerable that
the question of immunity from punishment for speeches uttered
1 The King to the Speaker, Dec. 3, Proceedings and Debates, ii. 277.
There is a letter from the Prince of Wales to Buckingham amongst the
Tanner MSS. printed in Goodman's Court of King James (ii. 209), which
seems to show that Charles went even beyond his father in his dislike of
the proceedings of the Commons.
"The Lower House this day," he wrote, "has been a little unruly,
but I hope it will turn to the best, for before they rose they began to be
ashamed of it ; yet I could wish that the King would send down a com-
missioner for that, if need were, such seditious fellows might be made
an example to others by Monday next, and till then I would let them
alone ; it will be seen whether they mean to do good or persist in their
follies, so that the King needs to be patient but a little while. I have
spoken with so many of the Council as the King trusts most, and they
[are] all of this mind ; only the sending of authority to set seditious fellows
fast is of my adding." The letter is plainly dated, " Fryday 3 No. 1621,"
•without erasure or tear, as I am informed, by the kindness of Mr. Hack-
man, to whom I applied in order that I might be quite sure that there was
no mistake. The date is of course impossible, as Parliament was not sit-
ting at the time, and I do not find any Friday during the debates to which
the Prince's remarks apply. The most likely day would be Dec. 3. But
that was a Monday.
1 62 1 FREEDOM OF SPEECH THREATENED. 251
in the House should be thus reopened. Practically, it was a
point of far greater importance than the other. If the King were
in need of money, he would always be obliged to listen to any-
thing that they might choose to say to him. If he were not in
need of money, he could always close their mouths by a pro-
rogation or a dissolution. But it was not to be borne that they
should have the semblance of freedom without its reality, and
that each member as he rose to speak should be weighted with
the knowledge that he might soon be called upon to expiate
in the Tower any uncourtly phrase which might fall from his
lips.
Such a letter, it was at once felt, must not be answered in
haste in a moment of irritation. Never, said Phelips, had any
matter of such consequence been before them. The
Adjourn- *
mentofthe members who had been despatched to lay the peti-
House.
tion before the King were at once recalled, and the
House rose for the day, in order that full consideration might
be given in private to the King's demands. " Let us rise," said
Digges, " but not as in discontent. Rather let us resort to our
prayers, and then to consider of this great business."1
The next morning, after a long debate, a committee was
Dec appointed to draw up an explanatory petition, and
Explanatory the House again adjourned, refusing to enter upon
any further business till their privileges had been
defended from further attack.
On the 8th, a second petition was ready to be despatched
to the King. It presented a marvellous contrast to the im-
perious tones of the royal rescript. It pushed con-
cession to the verge of imprudence. Touching but
lightly upon the claim put forward by the Commons to take
into consideration matters of general interest, it offered James
a loophole of escape from the position which he had rashly
assumed, by resting their right to discuss questions connected
with the penal laws and the Spanish marriage upon the simple
ground that they were involved in the question of the defence of
the Palatinate, which he had himself commended to their con-
sideration. They acknowledged distinctly that it was the King's
1 Pro:ccdings and Debates, ii. 278.
252 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
business, and not theirs, to resolve on peace and war, and to
choose a wife for his son. They merely asked him to read their
petition. It was only to the clauses which related to the re-
cusancy laws and to the passing of bills that they expected an
answer. "And whereas," they added, touching at last, as if
with reluctance, upon the burning point of their own privileges,
" your Majesty, by the general words of your letter, seemeth to
restrain us from intermeddling with matters of government, or
particulars which have their motion in courts of justice, the
generality of which words in the largeness of the extent thereof,
— as we hope beyond your Majesty's intentions, — might involve
those things which are the proper subjects of parliamentary action
and discourse; and whereas your Majesty's letter doth seem to
abridge us of the ancient liberty of parliament for freedom of
speech, jurisdiction, and just censure of the House, and other
proceedings there ; wherein, we trust in God, we shall never
transgress the bounds of loyal and dutiful subjects ; a liberty
which we assure ourselves so wise and just a King will not
infringe, the same being our undoubted right and inheritance
received from our ancestors, and without which we cannot freely
debate nor clearly discern of things in question before us, nor
truly inform your Majesty, wherein we have been confirmed by
your Majesty's former gracious speeches and messages ; we are,
therefore, now again enforced humbly to beseech your Majesty
to renew and allow the same, and thereby take away the doubts
and scruples your Majesty's late letter to our Speaker hath
brought upon us." l
The reception accorded to the members of the deputation
which carried this petition to Newmarket was far better than
D , they expected. The King, they found, had recovered
Deputation his temper, and it was only by a jest that he showed his
rlr'eit^d'b^6 deeply-rooted suspicion of the claims put forward by
the King. the jjouse. " Bring stools for the ambassadors ! " he
cried out to the attendants as soon as the members were intro-
duced, so as to give them to understand that he looked upon
the body from which they had come as asserting nothing less
1 Proceedings and Debates > ii 289-3^0.
i62i THE KING'S VIEW OF THE CASE. 253
than a right to sovereign power.1 He treated them with great
familiarity, and sent them away with a long rambling letter,
which he probably supposed to be sufficient to settle the ques-
tion at issue.
On the 1 4th the King's letter was read in the House. He
had expected, he said, to hear nothing but thanks for all his
Dec. 14. care to meet their wishes ; but he must tell them that
read^th? *ke clause which they had added to their petition was
House. contrary to the facts of the case. Whatever they
might. say, there could be no doubt that they had usurped upon
his prerogative, and had meddled with matters beyond their
reach. Their protestation that they did not intend to do this
was like the protest of the robber who took a man's purse, and
then said that he did not mean to rob him. Their excuse that
he had virtually invited them to discuss all questions bearing
upon a war in the Palatinate was ridiculous. Because he had
asked for money to keep up an army at present, and to raise
another army in the spring, it no more followed that he was
bound at once to declare war against Spain, and to break off
the marriage treaty, than it followed that, if he borrowed money
from a merchant to pay his troops, he was bound to take his
advice on the conduct of the war. It was all very well for them
to say that the welfare of religion and the state of the kingdom
were matters not unfit for consideration in Parliament ; but to
allow this would be to invest them with all power on earth, and
they would want nothing but the Pope's authority to give them
the keys of heaven and purgatory as well.
Having thus disposed of the pretensions of the House,
James proceeded to give his own account of the crisis on the
Continent, an account in which, to say the least of it, there was
as much truth as in that which had been accepted by the
Commons. It was Frederick, he said, who, by usurping the
1 "It seems they had a favourable reception, and the King played
with them, calling for stools for the ambassadors to sit down. "— Chamber-
lain to Carleton, Dec. 15, S. P. Dam. cxxiv. 40. Wilson makes James
say, ' ' Here are twelve kings come to me ! " and, as usual, the joke thus
spoiled has been repeated again and again by historians. James was
shrewd enough to ascribe the claim of royal power to the collective body,
not to individual members.
254 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
Bohemian crown, had given too fair an excuse to the Emperor
and the Pope to ill-treat the Protestants. He denied that it
was true that the King of Spain was aiming at universal mon-
archy. As to the Spanish marriage, he would take care that
the Protestant religion received no prejudice, but he was so
far engaged in it, that he could not in honour go back, unless
Spain refused to fulfil her obligations. It was a calumny to say
that he was cold in religion. It was impossible for them to
handle such high matters. Of the details of his diplomacy,
and of the intentions of the various Courts of Europe, they
were necessarily ignorant. If he were hampered by their inter-
ference, foreign princes would cease to put any confidence in
his word. They must therefore be satisfied with his engage-
ment that he would do everything in his power to propagate his
own religion, and to repress Popery. The manner and form
must be left to him. If he accepted their advice, and began a
hot persecution of the Catholics, they would soon hear of re-
prisals upon the Protestants abroad ; but no Papist who was
insolent should escape punishment, and he would do all that
was in his power to prevent the education of the children of
the English Catholics in foreign seminaries. Let them, there-
fore, betake themselves to the consideration of the bills before
them. As to their privileges, he added, although he could not
allow of their speaking of them as ' their ancient and undoubted
right and inheritance,' but had rather that they had said that
they were derived from the grace and permission of his ances-
tors and himself ; ' for most of them grew from precedents,
which shows rather a toleration than inheritance ; yet ' as long
as they contained themselves within the bounds of their duty,
he would be as careful as any of his predecessors to protect
their lawful liberties and privileges. All that they needed,
therefore, was to beware how they trenched on his preroga-
tive, so as to enforce him to retrench of their privileges those
'that would pare his prerogative and flowers of the crown.'
" But of this," he concluded by saying, " we hope there shall
never be cause given." l
1 The King to the House of Commons, Dec. II, Proceedings and
Debates, ii. 317.
i62i POSITION OF THE COMMONS. 255
It was indeed a hard matter to alienate the loyalty of the
Commons. "If the King's answer," said Phelips, "doth not
strike the affection and soul of every member of this
Reception *
of the King's House, I know not what will." " If anyone," ex-
claimed Digges, "be of opinion that our privileges
are yet touched, let us first clear that ; but my own opinion is
that our privileges are not touched." It was finally resolved to
take the King's answer into consideration on the following
morning.
Night, however, brought to many the belief that the crisis
was more serious than had been at first supposed. In the
D debate which ensued, indeed, all opposition to James's
Debate foreign policy was deliberately abandoned. His de-
claration that he would maintain the Protestant reli-
gion was singled out for special praise. Perrot's suggestion
that the King should be asked for fresh guarantees against
Popery, found no echo in the House. " If we had known
sooner," said Phelips, "how far his Majesty had proceeded in
the match of Spain, we should not, as I think, have touched
that string." If the House, however, was of one mind in its
resolution to trust the King to the end as far as actual questions
of policy were concerned, it was no less unanimous in its feeling
that to acknowledge his theory about their privileges would be
to surrender everything which made them worthy of the name
of a parliament. Henceforth they would be, as James had
roughly expressed it, like merchants who were asked for money,
but who had no voice in its disposal. The more moderate
their wishes were, the more intolerable was the King's inter-
ference ; for they did not ask him even to explain his policy to
them, unless he chose, much less to become in any way respon-
sible to them for his actions. All they wanted was that he
should recognise their right to lay their opinions humbly at the
foot of the throne, leaving him to deal with them as he pleased,
and that he should acknowledge the right of individual members
to freedom of speech, without which it would be impossible for
them as a body to come to an unbiassed conclusion as to the
advice which they were to tender.
The points thus at issue were, like so many other diffi-
256 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. en. xxxix.
culties, a legacy bequeathed by Elizabeth to her successor.
Precedents 1° the Middle Ages the Commons had never carried
que«fon. w^^ them sufficient weight to make the sovereign
think of imposing restrictions upon debates which he
had no reason to fear. With one exception in the distracted
times of Richard II., and another in the equally distracted
times of Henry VI.,1 no attack had been made upon the
House's right of free speech in political affairs. The object
at which the Commons had been aiming was freedom from
arrest upon civil process before the ordinary courts ; and
it was this that was finally conceded to them in the reign of
Henry VIII.2
If, however, the question of freedom of speech in affairs of
state was not openly discussed at the same time, it was simply
because the members of the House did not venture to enter
into a contest with the self-willed monarch. " Tell that varlet,
Gostwick," Henry was once heard to say of a member who had
ventured to criticize the conduct of Cranmer, " that if he do not
acknowledge his fault unto my Lord of Canterbury, and so
reconcile himself towards him that he may become his good
lord, I will sure both make him a poor Gostwick, and otherwise
punish him to the example of others." The threatened member
trembled and obeyed.3
It was by Elizabeth that the first serious attempt was
made to restrain liberty of debate upon principle. In 1562
Elizabeth's s^e contented herself with intimating her dislike of a
proceedings, proposal to settle the succession. In 1566 she sent
a message directing the House to lay aside an address on the
subject of her marriage. On this occasion, however, she
thought it prudent to give way, and the debate was suffered to
proceed. In 1571 she made use of fresh tactics. Instead
of issuing her commands to the House itself, she ordered a
member who had brought in an obnoxious Bill, to refrain from
1 Cases of Haxey and Young, Hallam, Middle Ages (1853), iii. 75,
102.
2 4 Henry VIII. cap. 8.
8 Morice's Anecdotes of Cranmer; Narratives of the Reformation.
(Camden Society), 254.
1621 THE PRIVILEGES OF THE HOUSE. 257
attending the sittings. Again the House protested, and again
the Queen gave way. In 1588 the tide turned. Two members
were committed to the Tower, where they remained till after
the dissolution, and in 1593 the same measure was dealt out
to a larger number.1
To an historian, the dates of these transactions speak for
themselves. In ordinary times the House had protested
against the Queen's assumptions, and the protestation had not
remained without effect. In times of excitement, as in 1588,
when the ports of Spain were swarming with the vessels of which
the Armada was to be composed, and in 1593, when the shouts
of triumph were still ringing in the ears of her subjects, she had
had her way. Such a view of the case, however, was not likely to
be taken by James. The right to interfere had been maintained
by his predecessor. His dignity would suffer if he abandoned it
on any pretext whatever. The Commons, on the other hand,
fell back on the necessities of their position, and the almost
uninterrupted practice of earlier generations.
During the debates on the vote of supply, and on the
petition for the execution of the recusancy laws, differences
Tr • • of opinion had not failed to show themselves in the
\j nanimity
of the House ; but on the question which James had now
House. . .
unwisely raised, there was no difference of opinion
whatever. It was no longer left to Phelips and Perrot to point
out the weak points in the policy of the Crown. The staunchest
supporters of the Government were of one mind with the
popular majority. During the whole of the session, Wentworth
and Sackville had distinguished themselves by the ability wilh
which they had enforced the necessity of keeping on good
terms with the King. Yet Wentworth and Sackville now
stood forth to declare that the liberties of Parliament were
the inheritance of Parliament ; and so strong was the cur-
rent, that even a mere courtier like Sir Henry Vane was carried
away by it. He had no doubt, he said, that their liberties
were their inheritance. Even Heath declared himself to be of
the same opinion. But if the House was of one mind in its
refusal to sacrifice its own independence, and the independence
1 Hallam, Const. Hist, of England, i. ch. 5.
VOL. IV. S
258 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
of future generations, it was no less of one mind in its desire
that a quarrel with the King should, if it were still possible,
be avoided. Wentworth threw out a suggestion that, instead
of carrying on an endless controversy with James, the House
should content itself with entering a protestation upon its own
journals.1 Coke said that perhaps the offensive words were a mere
slip of the pen, excusable at the end of so long a letter, and the
explanation thus offered was thankfully accepted by Calvert. It
was finally resolved that the House should go into committee at
its next sitting, in order to take its privileges into consideration.2
The following day was a Sunday, and James had thus suffi-
cient time to consider his position calmly. From his present
De difficulties Williams's ready tact might even now
Advice of have saved him, if he would have listened to reason.
The privileges of the House, wrote the Lord Keeper,
were originally granted by the favour of princes. But they
were now inherent in the persons of its members. I,et his
Majesty declare as much, and let him add that he had no wish to
impair or diminish them, and all controversy would be at an end.3
It was too late. Far away from such counsellors as Wil-
The Kin 's ^ams an<^ Digby, with Buckingham ever pouring
letter to poison into his ear,4 James was incapable of adopting
frankly the good advice which had been offered.5 It
was not in his nature to look a difficulty fairly in the face, and
though he had no wish to enter upon a quarrel with the Com-
1 So I understand the Notes in the Commons' Journals, and this inter-
pretation would be placed beyond doubt if a speech, which has been pre-
served in Edmondes's handwriting (S. P. Dom. cxxiv. 22) be, as I suppose,
the one which Wentworth uttered on this occasion.
- Commons' Journals, i. 664 ; Proceedings and Debates, ii. 330.
8 Williams to Buckingham, Dec. 16, Cabala, 263.
4 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, 2^_12, Simancas MSS. 2558,
J 3,11. I
fol. 8.
s "Miss Aikin," says Mr. Forster (Life of Pym, 24, note 2), "is in
error in supposing that this was written before the despatch of the King's
letter." It is not a point of any great importance, but the internal evidence
is in favour of the supposition that the King, in writing to the House, had
Williams's letter before his eyes. Nor is there any difficulty in supposing
that this was the case, excepting that Williams refers to something which
had passed in the afternoon. The King, however, was now at Royston, only
i62i THE PRIVILEGES OF THE HOUSE. 259
mons, he could not make up his mind either to define distinctly
the rights which he claimed, or to abandon a phraseology which
he considered to contribute to his dignity.
He had heard, he wrote to Calvert, of the intention of the
Commons to appoint a committee, and he therefore wished him
to tell them not to misspend their time. He was quite ready
to give an explanation of his words. The plain truth was that
he could not endure to hear his subjects using such an anti-
monarchical expression as when they called their liberties their
ancient right and inheritance, without adding that they had been
granted by the grace and favour of his ancestors. " But as for
our intention therein," he went on to say, " God knows we
never meant to deny them any lawful privileges that ever that
House enjoyed in our predecessors' times, as we expected our
said answer should have sufficiently cleared them ; neither, in
De^ r justice, whatever they have undoubted right unto,
nor, in grace, whatever our predecessors or we have
graciously permitted unto them ; and therefore we made
that distinction of the most part ; for whatsoever liberties or
privileges they enjoy by any law or statute shall be ever
inviolably preserved by us ; and we hope our posterity will
imitate our footsteps therein ; and whatsoever privileges they
enjoy by long custom and uncontrolled and lawful precedents,
we will likewise be as careful to preserve them, and transmit
the care thereof to our posterity ; neither was it any way in
our mind to think of any particular point wherein we meant to
disallow of their liberties, so as in justice we confess ourselves
to be bound to maintain them in their rights ; and in grace we
are rather minded to increase than infringe any of them, if they
shall so deserve at our hands." 1
Evidently, James fancied that he had made every reason-
thirty-eight miles from London, and if Williams despatched his messenger
at three o'clock the letter would be delivered at least by nine. That the
King's letter was written late, there is a piece of evidence which Mr.
Forster appears not to have seen. In a letter to Buckingham, written on
the following day (Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 120), Calvert speaks of it r.s
'that gracious letter which I received from his Majesty this morning,' and
it was therefore, without doubt, written the preceding evening.
1 The King to Calvert, Dec. 16, Proceedings and Debates, i;. 339.
s 2
260 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
able concession. He had, at Williams's suggestion, lowered
his demands till he asked for nothing more than a mere polite
acknowledgment of a historical fact. But he had not adopted
Williams's suggestion that he should himself acknowledge that
time had converted privileges which were once precarious into
rights inherent in the persons of the members of the House.
He allowed it to be seen that, though he had no intention of
putting forth his powers of interference with the present House,
he refused to abandon the rights which he supposed himself to
possess. What those rights precisely were he did not think fit
to state, and it is probable that if he had attempted to do so it
would have appeared at once that his pretensions were incom-
patible with those of the House. Now that the question had
been stirred, the Commons, with every desire to make their
peace with the King, were driven to ask for more than this.
No sooner, therefore, was the letter read in the House on
Monday morning, than Coke rose. Rugged and irascible
j~ as he was, he had an ingrained reverence for his
Coke's Sovereign, and from the very commencement of the
session he had aimed at bringing about a close
union between the King and the Houses, by the simple process
of inducing both to accept the doctrines which he himself
pronounced to be right. He now stood forth as a peacemaker,
by giving his support to the proposition which had been made
by Wentworth at the last meeting. The King's message, he
said, contained an allowance of all their privileges. For they
claimed nothing but what was theirs already by law, by prece-
cedent, and by Act of Parliament. What was needed now was
to know precisely what those privileges were. If they were to
set them down in writing, it would clear them of all these rubs.1
The next morning, just as the members were preparing to
Dec. 18. take Coke's proposal into consideration, they were
The King's met by one more letter from the Kiner. If they
offer to *
relinquish wished, he said, to have the session ended at Christ-
the subsidy. , , Tr , .
mas, they must go to business at once. If they did
that, he would be willing to postpone the passing of the Subsidy
Bill till the next session.2
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 341.
2 The King to the Speaker, Dec. 17, Proceedings and Debates* ii. 350.
i62i THE COMMONS' PROTESTATION. 261
Such a letter was a direct insult to the Commons. James,
it seemed, was prepared to bribe them into a surrender of their
privileges by relinquishing a grant of money which his ministers,
speaking again and again in his name> had declared to be abso-
lutely needed for the defence of the Palatinate. Yet such
was the temper of these loyal subjects, that they refused to see
what the King meant. They sent a deputation to thank him
for his gracious letter, and, after intimating that they would
prefer a simple adjournment, proceeded to appoint a sub-com-
mittee to draw up the protestation suggested by Wentworth
and Coke.
Those who were entrusted with the duty knew that their
time was short. The next morning the Parliament might be
adjourned or prorogued, and the opportunity would be gone.
It was, therefore, ordered that the House should meet in the
afternoon to receive the protestation.
By the dim candle-light in the gloom of that December after-
noon, the Commons — ready as they were, in the warmth of their
inflexible loyalty, to trust their King with everything save with
those liberties which, handed down to them from generations,
had been sometimes infringed, but never, save in a moment of
thoughtlessness, relinquished — laid claim to the rights which,
for the sake of themselves and their posterity, they dared not
abandon.
" The Commons now assembled in Parliament," so ran
The Pro- tms memorable protest, " being justly occasioned
testation. thereunto, concerning sundry liberties, franchises,
and privileges of Parliament, amongst others not herein men-
tioned, do make this protestation following : —
"That the liberties, franchises, privileges, and jurisdic-
tions of Parliament are the ancient and undoubted birthright
and inheritance of the subjects of England; and that the
arduous and urgent affairs concerning the King, state, and
defence of the realm and of the Church of England, and the
making and maintenance of laws, and redress of grievances,
which daily happen within this realm, are proper subjects and
matter of counsel and debate in Parliament ; and that in the
handling and proceeding of those businesses every member
262 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
of the House hath, and of right ought to have, freedom of
speech, to propound, treat, reason, and bring to conclusion the
same : —
"That the Commons in Parliament have like liberty and
freedom to treat of those matters, in such order as in their
judgments shall seem fittest, and that every such member of
the said House hath like freedom from all impeachment,
imprisonment, and molestation other than by the censure of
the House itself, for or concerning any bill, speaking, reasoning,
or declaring of any matter or matters, touching the Parliament
or Parliament business ; and that, if any of the said members
be complained of and questioned for anything said or done in
Parliament, the same is to be shewed to the King by the
advice and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament,
before the King give credence to any private information." l
In the preceding debates, it had been suggested by some
speakers that the protestation should be laid before the King.
The House would not hear of it. There was to
on "the" e' be no attempt to bandy words with their Sove-
ias' reign any further. He might, if he pleased, con-
sider that nothing more had been done than to carry out the
suggestions of his own letter. He should not be asked to
retract or to explain away his words. The protestation was
simply to be entered on their Journals, there to remain as of
record.2
The House by which this protestation was adopted was,
as James afterwards contemptuously asserted, not a full one.
Some may have stayed away through fear of offend-
ing the Court ; but there may well have been others
whose minds were distracted by opposing duties. There can
have been few who really expected anything else than a rupture
with the King after the step which was being taken, and it was
certain that a rupture with the King would cloud the prospects
of an English intervention in the Palatinate. Yet, much as
we must sympathize with the feeling which urged these men to
risk the loss of their own privileges in the defence of the Con-
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 359. 2 Ibid. ii. 360.
l62i THE COMMONS^ PROTESTATION. 263
tinental Protestants, it is indubitable that those who saw their
first duty in the needs of their own country, chose the better
part. Even if there had been more chance than there was
that anything worthy of England would be effected by James
upon the Continent, the cause of political liberty at home
was at least as worth struggling for as the cause of such re-
ligious liberty as was represented by Frederick abroad. It
is, indeed, true, that to us who look upon the dispute with the
assistance of a long series of historical investigations, there is
something unreal in the weapons which were used on both
sides. The privileges of the House, growing up as they did in
the midst of the living forces by which the constitution was
moulded, and swaying backwards and forwards with the for-
tunes of contending parties, were certainly not acquired, as
James asserted, by the mere grace and permission of the Crown.
Nor can they be said, at least to the extent to which they were
claimed by the House of Commons, to be the ancient and
undoubted inheritance of Englishmen. There had been times
when the Lower House had been far too weak to take up the
prominent position to which it was now entitled ; but in its
spirit, at least, the assertion made by the House of Commons
was true to the fullest extent. By the old constitution of
England, long before the Norman Conquest placed its mark
for good and for evil upon our polity, the burden of govern-
ment had been shared between the kings of English race and
that free assembly which was formed promiscuously, and as it
were by hazard, out of all classes of the community. Nor
had the change which followed upon the defeat of Hastings
effected any permanent alteration. If the voice of the ordinary
freeman was no longer to be heard, still the Great Council
gathered round the Sovereign, ready to vindicate, sword in
hand, any attempt to crush down into silence the voice of the
Norman Baronage. When once more the Commons ap-
peared by representation on the scene, it was not at first to
take the government of the nation into their hands, but to add
weight by their voices either to the Crown or to the nobility in
turn. That the position which they now claimed was in some
respects new it is impossible to deny. They, and not the
264 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
lords, stepped forth as the representatives and the leaders of
the English nation. All precedents of ancient freedom and
right now centred in them. It was nothing to them that their
predecessors in the Plantagenet reigns had sometimes spoken
with bated breath, and had often been reluctant to meddle
with affairs of state. It was for them to take up the part which
had been plaved by the barons who had resisted John, and by
the earls who had resisted Edward. Here and there, it might
be, their case was not without a flaw; but the spirit of the
old constitution was upon their side. The rights which they
demanded bad been sometimes in abeyance, but had never
been formally abandoned. What was more to the purpose, it
was absolutely necessary that they should be vindicated if
England was any longer to be a land of freemen. If they were
lost, the last refuge of free speech was gone. At the will of the
King the clergy could be disciplined, and the judges could be
dismissed. At the will of the King, books could be sup-
pressed, and their authors imprisoned. Within the walls of
Parliament alone could words be spoken which must reach his
ears, and not only did he refuse to listen to those words, but
he claimed the right of punishing those by whom they were
uttered. If this claim were allowed, all other liberties were at
an end. If it were successfully resisted, all other liberties, civil
and religious, would revive and flourish.
To lead his subjects, or to be thrust aside by them, is the
choice set before every man who attempts to govern men.
James, at his very best — and in listening to Digby's counsel he
was at his very best — could never govern England. All that he
could do was to set up barricades, by which to thwart and hamper
the onward march of those who were stepping into his place.
The last sitting of the House on the morning of the ipth
passed off quietly. The Commons were told that in com-
pliance with their request, Parliament would be ad-
Dec. 19.
The last journed till February. They were able to separate
with a dim hope that their efforts to serve both their
King and their country had not been thrown away.1
James took some days to consider what he would do. At
1 Proceedings and Debates, ii. 361.
i62i THE DISCUSSION IN THE COUNCIL. 265
last, when the Christmas festivities were over, he made up his
Dec. 3o. mind. He would be every inch a king. No tongue
The K.ing should move in England but by his permission. On
destroys the * r
protestation, the 3oth of December he "came to Whitehall, sent
for the journals of the House, and in the presence of the
Council and of the Judges, tore out with his own hands the
obnoxious page on which the protestation was written.1 Seven
years before he had presided over the operation of burning the
written arguments with which the leaders of the Commons
were prepared to assail his claim to levy impositions without
consent of Parliament, and he had heard no more about the
impositions. He hoped now that he would hear no more
about liberty of speech.
Although after such an act as this there could hardly be
any further question whether Parliament should be dissolved
Dissolution or not, James affected to seek the advice of his
menfde*" Council. There was, indeed, one argument against
cided on. a dissolution by which the King was touched most
nearly. The Subsidy Bill had not passed, and the Exchequer
would be the poorer by 7o,ooo/. Yet so decidedly had James
declared his wishes, that no one ventured openly to oppose
them. For some time the Councillors sat gloomily regarding
one another in silence. At last Pembroke's voice was heard.
" The King," he said, " has declared his will ; it is therefore
our business not to dispute but to vote." " If you wish to
contradict the King," replied Buckingham, tauntingly, "you
are at liberty to do so, and to give your reasons. If I could
find any reasons I would do so myself, even though the King
is present." Pembroke held his tongue. The assent of the
Council was given in silence to a measure which they justly
felt to be now inevitable. As soon as the decision had been
taken, Buckingham hurried to Gondomar, to congratulate him
on the result.2
With mingled scorn and exultation, the Spaniard had
1 Parliamentary History, i. 1362.
2 After the King had declared his intention, ' ninguno se atrebio a
contradizelle, mas de que el Conde de Fembruc, Comerero Mayor, gran
Puritano, dijo que havia que votar no disputar, pues el Rey havia declarado
266 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CK. xxxix.
been watching day by day this pitiable exhibition. " It is
Gondomar's certain," he wrote, a day or two after the adjourn-
trmmph. ment, "that the King will never summon another
Parliament as long as he lives, or at least not another com-
posed as this one was. It is the best thing that has
happened in the interests of Spain and the Catholic religion
since Luther began to preach heresy a hundred years ago.
The King will no longer be able to succour his son-in-law,
or to hinder the advance of the Catholics. It is true that
this wretched people are desperately offended against him ;
but they are without union amongst themselves, and have
neither leaders nor strong places to lean upon. Besides, they
are rich and live comfortably in their houses ; so that it
is not likely that there will be any disturbance." "The King,"
he wrote, a day or two later, " seems at times deeply distressed
at the resolution which he has taken to leave all and to attach
himself to Spain. Yet he sighs deeply, and says that if he
acts otherwise these Puritan malcontents will cause him to die
miserably." l
Even now James could not make up his mind to issue the
proclamation dissolving Parliament. As the critical moment
approached, he himself perhaps felt more keenly the impor-
tance of the step which he was about to take. Gondomar took
good care to widen the breach between the King and the
leaders of the House.2 He had lost no opportunity of urging
su voluntad, a que el Marques de Boquinguam replico que, si queria con-
tradezir a la voluntad del Rey, lo hiziese, y diese razones para ello ; — que
el hiziera lo mismo si las hallara, aunque su Magestad se hallava ally pre-
sente ; con que el Conde callo, y lo aprobo, y los demas ; y luego vino el
Marques a darme quanta de todo con gran gozo del subceso, y con razon,
porque a sido la Have para abrir y obrar todo lo bueno que de aqui se puede
esperar en servicio de Dios y de Vuestra Majestad sin oposicion, en que el
Marques de Boquinguam a tenido gran parte, y merece muchas gracias.'
Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. ", Simancas MSS. 2518, fol. 20.
1 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, ~c' 22' "3. 162^, Simancas MSS.
Jan. i, 2
2558, fol. 7, ii.
2 Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. — , 1622, Simancas MSS. 2518,
fol. 29.
1621 PARLIAMENT DISSOLVED. 267
James to punish them for their insolence, and his efforts were
unhappily crowned with success.
Coke was the first to be sent for. That a Privy Councillor
should have done what he had done was a special cause
for irritation. On December 27 he was com-
Impnson-
ment of mitted a close prisoner to the Tower, and Sir Robert
Coke, _ ...
Cotton and two other persons were commissioned to
search his papers. It was given out at first that he was not
questioned for anything that he had done in Parliament, but it
1622. was impossible long to keep up the deception. In a
January. few ^yg two otner members of the House, Phelips,
andMaiiory. who had been foremost in the onslaught upon Spain,
and Mallory, of whose special offence we are ignorant, fol-
lowed Coke to the Tower.1 Pym was also ordered to place
Treatment himself in confinement in his own house in London.
of Pym, Three months later he was allowed, on the plea of
ill health, to exchange the place of his restraint for his country
house in Somerset.2
For Sir Dudley Digges and one or two others a punishment
was invented against which they would find it difficult to
of Digges, complain. They were named members of a com-
and others. mission which was about to be sent over to investi-
gate the grievances of Ireland. It is true that their expenses
were to be paid ; but James judged rightly that they would
prefer keeping Christmas amongst their families, at their own
expense, to a compulsory tour in the depth of winter amongst
the Irish bogs.
After the imprisonment of Phelips and Mallory all James's
hesitation was at an end. In spite of Pembroke's renewed
Parliament entreaties, the proclamation dissolving Parliament
dissolved. appeared on January 6. That day had almost been
the last of James's reign. Riding in the park at Theobalds in
the afternoon, his horse threw him into the New River, so that
' nothing but his boots were seen.' Sir Richard Young jumped
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 4, 1622. Locke to Carleton, Jan. 12,
S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 8, 26. The three prisoners, as will be seen, were
released in the following August.
- Council Register, April 20, 1622.
268 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
into the water and pulled him out. He was well enough to
ride home, was put into a warm bed, and got up the next day
none the worse for the accident.
In the proclamation now issued, James attempted to throw
the blame of what had happened on a few of the leaders
of the Commons. "Some particular members," he
defence of said, " took such inordinate liberty not only to treat
uct' of our high prerogative, and of sundry things that
without our special direction were no fit subjects to be treated
of in Parliament, but also to speak with less respect of foreign
princes, our allies, than was fit for any subject to do of any
anointed king though in enmity and hostility with us." They
had disputed on ' words and syllables of ' his letters, and they
had claimed, 'in ambiguous and general words,' privileges
which derogated from the rights of the Crown, possessed not
only in the times of earlier kings, ' but in the blessed reign of
his 'late predecessor, that renowned Queen, Elizabeth.' 1
This at least must be conceded to James, that the rights
which he claimed were rights of which, as he said, ' he found
his crown actually possessed.' Unfortunately for him, he
could not see that the legacy which Elizabeth had left him was
one of a nature to do him more harm than good.
Of all to whom the dissolution of Parliament brought anxiety
and grief, there was not one who was more competent to
Digby's estimate the ruinous consequences of James's blunder
policy. than Digby. When he first returned from the Con-
tinent he soon discovered that his great designs would find
no favour with Buckingham. One day, it is said, as he was
speaking in the Council of the courtesy which he had received
from the Emperor, the favourite expressed his astonishment
that he had repaid it so ill. " When I receive courtesy as a
private man," answered Digby, with that quiet dignity which
never left him, " I strive to repay it by personal services ; but, as
a man of honour, I will never repay it at my master's cost." 2
1 Mead to Stuteville, Jan. 10. Meddus to Mead, Jan. n, HarL MSS.
389, fol. 127, 129.
1 Tillieres' despatch, Nov. ^, 1621, Raumer, ii. 319.
i62i DIGBY^S STATESMANSHIP. 269
One attempt Digby had made to avert the catastrophe
which he dreaded. On December 14 he had entreated the
Lords to demand a conference with the Commons, with the
object of pleading once more the imminence of the danger in
Germany. If money, he said, had been sent liberally to the
Palatinate, immediately upon his return, the whole face of
affairs would have been changed. The Princes of the late
Union, the Elector of Saxony, the Kings of Denmark and
Sweden would have rallied to the standard set up in opposition
to the encroachments of the Emperor. In the request thus
urged the Lords at once acquiesced. It was now, however, too
late, as Parliament had been adjourned before Digby could find
an opportunity of stating his case to the Lower House.1
The dissolution of Parliament was a crushing blow to
Digby. He at least knew better than to cherish the delusion
Hisvexa- which had imposed upon James. In conversation
tion. v;ith those friends in whose secrecy he could con-
fide, his language was most desponding. It had pleased the
King, he said, to quarrel with his subjects, and not even to
argue with them on the offers which they had made, with the
intention of doing him all the service that he could desire.
If he had listened to his Parliament, he might have laid down
the law in Europe. As it was, he would have to obey the
King of Spain ; and he must not be surprised if, now that he
had no other arms in his hands than supplications, his diplo-
macy turned out as badly at Madrid as it had done at Vienna.
To James himself Digby conveyed the same lesson in a more
courtly form. As long as there had been any doubt, he said,
of the turn which affairs would take, he had recommended that
England should remain on good terms with the enemies of
Spain. Now, however, he must tell him that he would ruin
himself if he did not place himself altogether in the hands of
the Spanish Government.2
1 Parliamentary History, i. 1365. Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella,
i62|, Simancas MSS. 2558, fol. 8.
2 Gondomar to the Infanta Isabella, ^ **, i62|, Simancas MSS.
2558, fol. 8.
270 THE DISSOLUTION OF 1621. CH. xxxix.
Whatever face he might put upon the matter in public,
Digby knew that he had failed, and that the victory had been
Comparison won by his Spanish rival. So signal, indeed, was his
D^tyand defeat, that, but for the credit which he subsequently
Gondomar. acquired by his resistance to the arrogance of an un-
popular favourite, his name would probably have passed out of
the memory of all but a few diligent students of the bye-paths
of history. Yet if the worth of a statesman be judged rather
by that which he is than by that which he is permitted by
circumstances to accomplish, it is absurd to think of a man like
Gondomar as entering into competition with him for a moment.
If it be the true test of statesmanship to know the wants
of the age, and to remove gently and firmly the impediments
which stand in the way of their satisfaction, then are all
Gondomar's momentary triumphs beneath contempt. With
great knowledge of human nature, and with a transcendent
power of playing upon the hopes and passions of his instru-
ments, he gained from fortune the fatal boon of success. He
wrested the solution of the great European problem from the
hands of the King of England, to transfer it to the hands of his
own master. But that was all. In the unreal atmosphere in
which he lived, in his utter blindness, not merely to the religious
strength of Protestantism, but to the physical forces which it
could command, he did his best to urge on the Spanish Govern-
ment and nation to an impossible enterprise — to the conversion,
half by force and half by cajolery, of all that remained Protestant
in Europe. With what results to Spain the effort was attended
it is unnecessary to say.
To Digby's clear eye such a blunder was impossible.
Weighing each element in the European crisis at its just
value, detecting the strength and the weakness alike of friend
and foe with singular impartiality, he turned neither to the
right nor to the left, from love of popular sympathy or from
the hope of royal favour. No statesman of his age held
opinions so little in harmony with the theories which pre-
vailed in the House of Commons. No minister of James
refused so utterly to compromise his dignity by stooping to
flatter Buckingham. And now, in 1621, the chance was
i62i DIGBY'S STATESMANSHIP. 271
offered him, a chance which was never to return, of settling
European society upon a permanent basis, whilst it was still
anexhausted by the prolonged agony of the impending conflict.
By fixing a territorial limitation to the two religions, he would
have removed the causes of religious war. That he would have
placed his own country at the head of European nations is indu-
bitable. But he would have done more than that. He would have
woven closely the bonds which still attached the hearts of the
people to the throne of the Stuarts. James's love of peace,
and the warlike zeal of the Lower House, would equally have
served his purpose ; for he would have taught the Sovereign
and his subjects to work together for a common end, and to
learn to bear each with the other's weakness, and to under-
stand each the other's strength.
It may be that in any case all this would have been but a
dream. Even Digby could hardly have hoped to bend all the
opposing elements of the strife to his will It was, perhaps,
not merely James's petulant vanity which ruined his hopes ;
but at least he deserved success as few have ever done. When
England looks around her for guides in the thorny path of
foreign policy, it would be well for her to think for a moment
of the forgotten statesman who, in more propitious times, would
have graven his name upon the tablets of history in lines as
firm as any which have been drawn by the Pitts and the
Cannings, whose names have become amongst us as household
words.
272
CHAPTER XL.
THE WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE.
THE new year opened under unpropitious auspices. There
were few who did not acknowledge with a sigh that the times
The new were ev^> an<^ tnat reformation was slow in coming,
year. « j am rea(jy to depart," said the dying Sir Henry
Saville, " the rather that having lived in good times, I foresee
worse." l The dissolution of Parliament fell like a blight upon
all who had fancied that England was to be an instrument for
good in Europe. Buckingham's passionate self-will, it seemed,
was to rule supreme, so far at least as he was anything more
than an unsuspecting tool in the hands of Gondomar.
One success alone was wanting to crown the diplomatic
career of the Spanish ambassador. He had, as everyone but
Gondomar's James knew, made active interference in the Pala-
break^rTg the tmate impossible. It would be a master-stroke of
blockade of policy if he could embroil England with the Repub-
the Flemish r J °
ports. lie of the Netherlands. He had watched with plea-
sure the preparations which James was making in defence of
what he called his honour in the narrow seas, and had con-
stantly urged him to lose no time in breaking the Dutch
blockade of the Flemish harbours. Nor was he content with
trusting to the uncertain activity of James. Some English
merchants, careless of public opinion, had proposed to allow the
ambassador to hire from them eight or ten ships ready manned,
to be employed in opening the ports. James at once gave his
consent ; and Gondomar, to whom anything was acceptable
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Feb. 16, 1622, S, P. Dom, cxxvii. 101.
i62i JAMES'S QUARREL WITH THE DUTCH. 273
which would bring Englishmen into collision with the Dutch,
threw himself heartily into the scheme. He had. however, for-
gotten to ask the consent of the English people. Not a sailor
would agree to serve on board his vessels, and in the end he was
compelled to abandon the design.1
Yet, if he was baffled here, Gondomar had still reason to hope
that his work would be done by James. The Dutch Commis-
November si°ners> whose coming- had been so long expected,
The Dutch arrived at last in November. After some delay a
sioners'Tn negotiation was opened for the restitution of the value
England. Qf ^ £ngiish gOO(js which had been seized in the
East. The Commissioners professed their readiness to make
good the losses of the East India Company ; but as the articles
in question had been brought to Europe by Dutch vessels, they
claimed to make a deduction of i^ol. per last for freight By
the English negotiators the justice of the demand was acknow-
ledged in principle ; but the amount claimed was pronounced
to be exorbitant : 25^., or at most 281., it was said, was the usual
1622. payment. They were, however, ready, for the sake
February. of peace, to go as far as 35/. The Dutch refused to
abate a penny of their original demand, and, for the time at
least, the negotiations were broken off.2
That James should have been deeply annoyed by the
exorbitant pretensions of the Dutch, was only natural ; but it
Jan showed little perception of the relative value of the
Proposed objects for which he was striving, that he should, at
theaNethe£ this critical moment, have revived the project for a
joint attack by England and Spain upon the territories
of the Republic. Yet there can be no doubt that before the
month of January was at an end, Digby had received instruc-
1 Philip IV. to the Infanta Isabella, g^— , 1621, Brttssels MSS. ; Sal-
vetti's News-Letters, {*"' 2S, Feb. -. Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. 2I>
' ieb. 4 ' ii ' J 31,
Simancas MSS. 2518, fol. 20. The Dutch Commissioners to the States-
General, Feb. £, Add. MSS. 17,677 K. fol. 192.
2 The Dutch Commissioners to the States-General, Feb. -, Add.
MSS. 17,677 K. fol. 192; Cotincil Register, Feb. 9.
VOL. IV. T
274 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
tions to bring forward such a proposal at Madrid as soon as
the marriage treaty was concluded.1
It would, however, be long before that period arrived ; and
in the meanwhile more legitimate efforts might be made to obtain
. redress. When James's ill-feeling was at its height,
Attempt to J
seize two news came that two Dutch ships returning from the
Dutch ships. r °
East had been seen passing Plymouth. Orders were
accordingly given to Oxford, who had been appointed to the
command of the fleet in the narrow seas, and who had hurried
down to Dover to take the command, charging him to do his
best to intercept them. But Oxford was either unlucky, or had
no heart in the business, and the vessels found their way safely
into a Dutch port.2
Unsuccessful as the attempt had been, it was not without
effect upon the Commissioners. They had no wish to see
their East India ships running the gauntlet of a hostile
squadron, and they wrote to the Hague, asking permission to
March yi^d the point at issue. Their request was at once
Capture of a granted. No sooner had the answer arrived, than
p' they went through the form of demanding an audi-
ence of James, and of assuring him that they withdrew their
pretensions, in deference to his superior wisdom. They were
just in time. Scarcely had the concession been made when
news arrived that a Dutch East Indiaman had been cap-
tured in the Channel by two ships of the royal navy. Fortu-
nately, James was now again in a good humour. He told
the Commissioners that their ship had been taken
Oxford re-
called, by mistake ; that it should be immediately restored ;
that he had recalled the Earl of Oxford ; and that he wished
1 The fourth point of his instructions, wrote Gondomar to Philip IV.
on Jan. — , " es tratar con V. Mag4, de la reducion de las provincias de
Olanda, y hazer para esto muy estrecha liga otfensiva y deffensiva, dan-
dole V. Mag*1, algo a este Rey desta empenada." The statement is corro-
borated by frequent cautious allusions in Digby's despatches, and by a
paper of instructions to him and to Buckingham, which will be men-
tioned in its proper place.
2 Salvetti's News-Letters, Feb. 21.
1622 THE EARL OF OXFORD IMPRISONED. 275
for nothing better than to be on good terms with the Re-
public. l
The negotiations with the Dutch were at once resumed.
The recall of Oxford was received with enthusiastic demonstra-
tions of joy, not because he was himself hostile to the Dutch,
but because he was known to be under orders to act against
them. So deeply had the hatred of Spain penetrated that
amongst those whose faces were beaming with delight were to
be seen merchants who had suffered considerably from the
unprovoked attacks of the Dutch in the East.2
Yet it was from no friendly feeling towards the Nether-
lands that James had decided upon recalling Oxford. Gondo-
mar had long been pleading for the removal of a commander
whom he had represented as a great Puritan, and a pensioner
of Holland.
Oxford was probably not a pensioner of Holland, and it is
certain that, excepting in the political sense of the word, he
His im- was n°t a Puritan ; but he detested Spain from the
prisomnent. bottom of his heart, and he at least knew well to
whose influence his recall was to be ascribed. He was not
a man to measure his words. England, he was heard to say,
was altogether ruined. They had a King who had placed his
ecclesiastical supremacy in the hands of the Pope, and his
temporal supremacy in the hands of the King of Spain. James
was now nothing better than Philip's viceroy. This violent
language was soon reported at Whitehall. The Earl was im-
mediately sent to the Tower, and James talked of bringing him
to trial for high treason, and of cutting off his head.3
Whilst still at large, Oxford had found an opportunity of
1 The Dutch Commissioners to the States-General, Feb. ", March Ig
21 29>
, Add. MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 192, 195, 204. Calvert to Carleton,
April
Feb. 7, March 6, 24, April 3. Carleton to Calvert, March 9, S. P.
Holland. Salvetti's News-Letter, March ~.
„ „ , .. -T j- ,, March 22
2 Salvetti's News-Letter, -I— ^ — .
April i
* Gondomar to Philip IV., May ~, Simancas MSS. 2603, fol. 35.
276 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
showing that his contempt for the King extended to the
Mania e of ^avou"te- Early in the preceding year it had been
Elizabeth rumoured that a bargain had been struck, in accord-
Norris. .1... - f i \ -\
ance with which a young gentleman of the bed-
chamber named Wray, who had managed to secure the good-
will of Buckingham, was to marry Elizabeth Norris, the daughter
and heiress of the newly-created Earl of Berkshire. Time
passed away, and a new arrangement was made. The young
lady was now to be the wife of Christopher Villiers, whose pre-
vious wooing had ended in grievous disappointment. The
match appeared to be the more advantageous as her father had
recently committed suicide, and had left her in actual possession
of his estates. As usual, however, the very name of Buckingham's
brother as a suitor was received with every mark of disappro-
bation by the lady to whom his addresses were paid. Elizabeth
Norris, it would seem, had not cared much for Wray ; but
anything was better than to become the wife of Christopher
Villiers. One morning she slipped away from the house of the
Earl of Montgomery, under whose charge she was living, and
before anyone had time to interfere, was married to her last
year's lover. Oxford, it was said, was privy to the plot ; and it
was in his house that the young couple took refuge as soon as
the wedding was over.
James was very angry ; but all that he could do was to turn
Wray out of his place in the bedchamber, and to leave the
unlucky wooer to console himself as best he might. Another
member of the great house, Sir William Fielding, the plain
country gentleman who had had the good luck to marry Buck-
ingham's sister in the days of her poverty, had in 1620 been
raised to the peerage as Baron Fielding. He was now to be
known by the higher title of Viscount Fielding, and had lately,
by Cranfield's resignation, become Master of the Wardrobe.1
Whilst the doors of the peerage were thus flung open to
Buckingham's relations, the favourite continued to measure
all public business by the scale of his personal interests
and antipathies. Not long after Bacon's return to Gorham-
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, March 30. Locke to Carleton, March 30.
S. P. Dom. cxxviii. 96, 97.
l62i BUCKINGHAM AND BACON. 277
bury, in the preceding summer, he had received an intimation
l62I- that his great patron was desirous of purchasing the
Bacon at remainder of his lease of York House. The proposal,
Gorham- . r .
bury. Buckingham may well have thought, was not likely
October, to meet with a refusal ; for the house was too large
the'sVie'of to be any longer suitable for Bacon in his straitened
rork House. cjrcumstances, an(j any other man in his position
would have been only too glad to rid himself of the incum-
brance. But Bacon, as was so often the case when any question
of expenditure was mooted, allowed his feelings to get the better
of his reason. The house had been his father's ; there he had
been born, and there he wished to die. His wife liked the
place, and he could not turn her out of doors.1 Buckingham
was highly incensed at the rebuff ; yet he did not break out
openly into a passion. He preferred putting himself ostenta-
tiously forward as Bacon's protector. At his intercession the
„ , ,. heavy parliamentary fine of ACXOOO/. was made over
isacpn s nne * • * _
remitted. to trustees of Bacon's own nomination.2 A few days
later, the virtual remission of the fine was followed
• genend** by a general pardon, which, though the penalties
imposed by Parliament were excepted from its opera-
tion, left him free from any further molestation on account of
irregularities committed during his official career ; 3 and this
pardon was obtained by Bacon in spite of the opposition of
Williams, who was naturally anxious, on the eve of the re-
assembling of Parliament, not to give offence to the House of
Commons.
Buckingham probably still hoped to carry his point by a
But is not mixture of friendliness and severity. He knew well
HveTndt° that the clause in Bacon's sentence which prohi-
London. bited him from coming within twelve miles of the
Court was most distasteful to him. At Gorhambury the cold
1 Buckingham to Bacon, Oct. 12 (?), 1621. Lennox to Bacon, Jan.
29. Bacon to Lennox, Jan. 30 (?), 1622. Bacon's Letters and Life, vii.
305. 326, 327-
* Grant to Hutton and others, Oct. 14, 1621. Patent Rolls, igjac. L,
Part 1 6.
3 Pardon, October 17, 1621. Patent Rolls, 19 Jac. I., Part 16.
278 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
blasts of winter were far too keen for his enfeebled constitution,
and he was now earnestly pleading for the extension of a tem-
porary permission to visit London which had recently been
accorded to him. In this, however, Buckingham, as he soon
found, would give him no help. He would not even see him.
Bacon might keep the lease of York House in his hands, if he
pleased, but he should not live under its roof.
For the time, indeed, there were special reasons for refusing
Bacon's request. Whilst Parliament was sitting, James might
well fear that the late Chancellor's presence in London would
' be a general distaste to the whole state ' ; but with the dissolu-
tion, this objection fell to the ground, without affecting Buck-
ingham's resolution in the slightest degree.
Luckily for Bacon, an opportunity presented itself, which
enabled him, in some measure, to soothe the wounded vanity of
the favourite. Lennox wrote to ask for the house.
1622.
January. Bacon replied that he was determined not to part
ibreYOTkam with it to anyone ; and that, if there were no other
House. obstacle in the way, he owed it to Buckingham not
to dispose of it to any other than himself.
The compliment was well aimed. Buckingham wrote at
once to say that he should be sorry to prevent him from dealing
as he pleased with his own property. As soon as it
February. .. . . . . . . - , .
was possible, he would move his Majesty to relax the
restriction upon his place of abode. As for himself, he was
already provided with another house.
Still, however, Bacon was left without permission to return
to London, which he so anxiously expected. At last, after some
weeks, he was told that he might come as far as
Highgate. Sackville, who was acting in the matter
as Bacon's friend, expostulated with Buckingham on the restric-
tion. " Sir Edward," was the answer, " however you play a
good friend's part for my Lord St. Alban, yet I must tell you I
have not been well used by him." It finally came out that
Cranfield wanted the house, and that Buckingham intended him
to have it. " If York House were gone," wrote Sackville to
Bacon, " the town were yours." Bacon bowed to necessity,
gave up the lease, and obtained in return permission to come
1 622 BUCKINGHAM AND THE HOWARDS. 279
to London as soon as he pleased ! It was not to Cranfield,
however, that the house was surrendered. Buckingham did not
lose much time in getting it into his own possession, and he
continued to occupy it during the remainder of his life. Already,
however, before the bargain was struck, the favourite had, for a
time, taken up his quarters at Wallingford House, which he
Buckin kad purchased from Lord Wallingford.2 He was now
ham's recon- again on thoroughly good terms with the Howards,
with the Suffolk's second son was created Viscount Andover ;
and, after an imprisonment of six years, Somerset
and his wife were released from, the Tower, and allowed to
come forth into a world which had almost forgotten their former
greatness.3
There was something more than a personal reconciliation
in these advances made by the favourite to the family which,
three years before, he had crushed down with an unsparing
hand. The Howards were all, more, or less, in close connec-
tion with the Catholics, and in his vexation with the House of
Commons and with the Court of the exiled Frederick, Buck-
ingham, with his usual impetuosity, was, for the time being,
a zealous protector of the Catholics. Nor was this all.
Those who were admitted to his confidence were well aware
that it was by no means impossible that before many months
elapsed he would himself be a declared member of the Church
of Rome. For the moment he was peculiarly susceptible to
domestic influences. His wife's conversion, in spite of the
eloquence of Williams, had been merely nominal, and his
mother had recently been giving ear to the persuasions of a
Jesuit, who was generally known by the assumed name of
Fisher.4 Lady Buckingham, in truth, was made of the very
stuff to be easily moulded by a Jesuit's hand. Without the
slightest wish to become either wiser or better, she was looking
1 Bacon's Letters and Life, vii. 304-347.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 19, S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 35. Inden-
ture between Wallingford and Buckingham, May 27, Close Rolls, 20 Jac. I.,
Part 27. The price given was 3,ooo/.
3 Commission to Sir A. Apsley, Jan. 17, S. P. Grant Book, p. 340.
4 His real name was Percy.
280 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
about for a religion to make her comfortable, and in an in-
fallible Church which would save her the trouble of thinking
she found exactly what she wanted.
At what time this selfish and unprincipled woman first gave
ear to Fisher's soothing strains is uncertain ; but on January 3
Confirmation a comedy was played which we shall hardly be wrong
hamUandnhis m ascribing to the King's remonstrances. Accom-
famiiy. panied by two or three courtiers, by his wife and
mother, by his sister, Lady Fielding, and his sister-in-law,
Lady Purbeck, by one kinswoman whom Lady
iary' Buckingham had just married to Serjeant Ashley,
and by another kinswoman whom she was anxious to marry to
anyone who might present himself with a long purse, Bucking-
ham went in state to dine with the Bishop of London. Before
dinner was served the whole party betook themselves to the
chapel, to receive the rite of confirmation.1 Such a demonstra-
Conference tion could have but little influence on the waverers,
ttsher61and an^> as a ^ast resource, it was suggested that it would
white. be well to invite the Jesuit to discuss with some
Protestant divine the main questions at issue between the
Churches. Dr. White, one of the Royal chaplains, was accord-
ingly selected for the purpose, and conferences were held on
several occasions, in the presence of the King, the Lord Keeper,
the Marquis, the Marchioness, and the Countess of Bucking-
ham. James himself entered into the strife, and produced
nine questions, which he called upon the Jesuit to answer.
As far as Buckingham's mother was concerned, it was soon
evident that any discussion of particular doctrines would be
absolutely thrown away. She considered, she said, 'that it
was not for her, or any unlearned person, to take upon them
to judge of particulars.' She wished to depend 'upon the
judgment of the true Church.' All that she required was to
be informed in which direction to look for the 'continual,
infallible, visible Church.' 2
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 4, 5". P. Dom. cxxvii. 8.
* Conference with Fisher, Lauds Workst ii. 2. See also Preface,
ix-xii.
1622 LAUD'S CONFERENCE WITH FISHER. 281
To the issue thus taken. Laud was called upon to reply
instead of White. It was not without reason that, in after
years, he recurred with satisfaction to the part which
May 24. * .
Conference he took on this occasion, ror a moment we may
FUheTand well forget the harsh and rugged disciplinarian in
Laud- the argument which he that day poured forth. He
pointed those who were seeking for truth to the Scriptures and
the creeds. Beyond these, he would admit of no infallibility,
of no irreversible decision. To him declarations of general
Councils were like Acts of Parliament. They were to be
accepted for the sake of order, but they were to be always open
to further investigation, always liable to be repealed, if proved
by argument to be faulty. Upon Lady Buckingham this
reasoning was utterly thrown away. Could she be saved in
the Church of Rome ? was the question which rose to her lips
as the disputants closed the discussion. Laud could not say
that it was impossible. Could she be saved, she then de-
manded, in the Protestant faith. "Upon my soul," replied
Fisher, " there is but one saving faith, and that is the Roman." l
Such an answer was decisive with one who was seeking, not for
truth, but for safety. For some time she continued to conceal
her resolution, and even received the Sacrament publicly in
the Royal Chapel ; but before the summer was at an end, she
announced that she had changed her religion, and was in con-
sequence ordered to abstain from presenting herself at Court.2
Buckingham himself was more tractable. Thirty years
later, if he had lived so long, he might perhaps have followed
his mother's example ; but he had not yet reached
Bucking- the age when men of his stamp become seriously
ham' alarmed for the safety of that soul the purity of which
they have done so little to guard. His choice was soon made.
He professed his satisfaction with Laud's arguments. He even
went so far as to offer to lay bare before him the secrets of his
heart, and to look to him on all occasions of difficulty for that
assistance which in Catholic lands a penitent is accustomed to
1 Conference with Fisher, Laud's Works, ii. 359-413.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, June 8, 22, Sept. 25, S. P. Dom. cxxxi.
24, 53, cxxxii. 24.
282 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
expect from his confessor.1 No doubt, amidst much bad advice,
Laud may frequently have whispered good counsel into the
favourite's ear ; but of what avail would be the wisest admoni-
tions so long as the man remained the same giddy, self-seek-
ing, passionate upstart that he had ever been ?
The religious opinions of Buckingham and his mother
were of importance only to themselves ; but Laud's reasoning
Laud's cannot be safely passed over by anyone who desires
repii^ous°n to trace the progress of opinion. It is true that
liberty. he had no thought of conceding to individuals
the right to promulgate independent doctrines, and that the
liberty of which he was the champion was not likely to be of
much practical use. The notion that truth would be advanced
by men who, for the sake of order, were ready to acquiesce
temporarily in the decrees of the last general council, and who
were contented to urge their objections in a quiet, respectful
way, in the mere hope that some day or other another general
council, better informed than the last, would meet to adopt
their suggestions, was an idea which could only have com-
mended itself to one who was better acquainted with books
than with men. From the fierce revolt against falsehood and
wrongdoing which arms the champions of truth against the
overlying weight of prejudice, and from the dust and din which
accompany the hammers clanging upon the anvil on which the
pure gold of a new thought is beaten out into forms of useful-
ness and beauty, Laud instinctively recoiled. Yet it was no
light thing that one to whom disorder was so hateful, should
have strenuously raised his voice against the doctrine which
declares that it is the duty of the individual to submit his
conscience without question to the authoritative decrees of an
ecclesiastical organization.
In no better way can justice be done to Laud's intellectual
position than by comparing it with that which had been assumed
M A DC by a man whose actions were, about this time, at-
Dominis. tracting considerable attention in England. Marco
Antonio De Dominis was a native of Dalmatia. He had been
1 Laud's Diary, June 15, 16, Works, iii. 139.
i6o2 ARRIVAL OF DE DOMINIS. 283
educated by the Jesuits at Padua ; but his active mind was
little suited for the unreasoning submission required by the
statutes of his order, and he quickly turned aside in search of
a more independent life. His abilities and industry soon
I6o2. brought him preferment, and in 1602, he became
Becomes Archbishop of Spalatro, and primate of his native
of Spaiatro. province. Three years afterwards, when the dispute
between Paul V. and the Venetian Republic broke out, he took
the warmest interest in the resistance made to the Pope's attack
upon the criminal jurisdiction of the state over the clergy.
With the miserable compromise by which Venice virtually
surrendered its rights, he was, no doubt, deeply dissatisfied,
for it was not in his nature to be swayed by mere
1605.
Takes in- considerations of policy. Plunging deep into the
dispute"^6 foundations of the controversy, he set himself to
Venice and master the history and the constitution of the early
the Pope. Church ; and, after long and anxious study, he
came to the conclusion that successive Popes had been guilty
not merely of encroaching upon the temporal jurisdiction of
the states of Europe, but of the far more heinous crime of
adding new and unwarrantable articles to the creed of the
Church. Before him, as he pursued his investigations, arose
that splendid vision which has dazzled the eyes of so many
well-meaning and pious inquirers — the vision of a Church
without either a visible head or internal disputes, of a Church
governed by an aristocracy of virtuous and learned prelates,
welcoming free discussion, but never coming to a wrong con-
clusion, and repressing the vagaries of error, not by the dun-
geon or the stake, but by the solemn force of unanswerable
reasoning.
At last, in 1616, De Dominis had prepared for publication
at least a part of the great work in which his principles were to
be set forth ; but he soon found that he could never
1616. .
His visit to hope to obtain a hearing m any corner of Catholic
England. EurOpe. In England he knew that an episcopal
Church was to be found, which, at least in its external organiza-
tion, answered to the ideal which he had formed ; and he had
learned, from his conversations with Wotton's chaplain, the
284 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
large-hearted and gentle Bedell, to hope that he would there
find a welcome for his ideas. He therefore made up his mind
to seek a refuge in England.
It was in no spirit of humility that the Archbishop of
Spalatro set foot upon our shores. To an abundant measure
of learning, he added all a scholar's vanity and ignorance of
the world. Where popes and churches had missed the road,
he alone saw clearly. To him England was no more than the
fulcrum which would enable him to overturn the whole system
of Papal religion. Let his book once be published, and Chris-
tendom, recognising its errors, would bow its head before his
teaching. Once more would be seen upon earth the spectacle
of an undivided Church, in which the Pope would find no
place.
As far as his personal reception was concerned, his highest
expectations can hardly fail to have been satisfied. Never
His recep- before had an archbishop sought refuge in England
tion. after forswearing the errors of the Church of Rome.
Crowds flocked round him, eager to catch a sight of the illus-
trious convert. Court was paid to him by the highest in the
land. Prelates and peers vied in offering him costly gifts.
The Archbishop of Canterbury received him into his house till
he was otherwise provided for. James gave him a hearty wel-
come, and presented him to the Mastership of the Savoy and
the Deanery of Windsor, two preferments which brought him
in an income of 4oo/. a year. l
In a short time, however, the popular enthusiasm died
away. De Dominis was at liberty to prosecute his studies
without .impediment, and to publish successive
His growing , ..., ,. /• i i i
dissatisfac- volumes amidst the compliments of the learned ;
but it was in vain that he looked for the slightest sign
of readiness on the part either of the Church of England or of
the Church of Rome to submit to his arbitration. Equally
displeasing to his personal vanity was the dissatisfaction which
1 Goodman's Statement (Court of Kingjames, i. 340) is confirmed by
the allegation of De Dominis himself, in a letter to the King (Feb. 16,
1622, 5. P. Dom. cxxviii. 103, xiii.), and must therefore be accepted in
preference to Racket's calculation of 8co/.
1616 DE DOMIN1S IN ENGLAND. 285
was aroused by his ignorance of English habits. His income,
though it was quite sufficient in those days to maintain an un-
married man in luxury, did not equal his desires. One day,
therefore, he took the unusual course of presenting himself to
a living in the gift of the Dean and Chapter of Windsor. At
another time he attempted to take advantage of a flaw in a
lease, so as to get a tenant's house into his own hands. He
next made the discovery that the leases of the Savoy lands were
legally forfeited to the King, and he proposed to James to pro-
ceed against the tenants, and to restore the institution to its
original purpose as a hospital for travellers. James, who knew
well enough what the English feeling was on the subject of
ecclesiastical property in lay hands, refused to listen to him for
an instant. "You are a stranger here," was his curt reply ;
" leave things as you found them."
Such stories as these, told with considerable exaggeration,1
were certain to detract from whatever popularity the Archbishop
yet retained. At last he fancied that an opportunity had arrived
of gaining the position to which he believed himself entitled.
He heard that the Archbishopric of York was vacant, and he
hastened down to Theobalds to beg James to give him the
second dignity in the English Church. To his mortification, he
was told that Archbishop Matthew was still living, and that no
foreigner would be permitted to occupy an English bishopric.
De Dominis was not long in learning that his blunder had
been one to bring upon him special ridicule ; for it was well
known to everyone but himself that the old archbishop was
accustomed from time to time to spread rumours of his own
death, in order to enjoy the excitement caused amongst the
crowd of suitors who were eager to step into his place.
Bitterly as these disappointments must have been felt by a
man so convinced of his own importance, there were causes of
a very different nature at work to render his position irksome.
The English Church was by no means that which his imagination
1 The original story about the Savoy, for instance, is evidently the one
which I have adopted from Goodman (i. 344). In Fuller it assumes a
much worse character.
286 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
had depicted. Upon his arrival he had been warmly welcomed
by the Archbishop of Canterbury and by those amongst the clergy
, who shared Abbot's admiration for the Calvinistic
His views of
the church theology. When they heard him denouncing the
Romish Babylon, and comparing the Pope to Pharaoh,
they were ready to applaud him to the echo ; but with these men
he had nothing in common excepting his dislike of the Papal
supremacy. His ideas were, in the main, those of Laud ; yet
between him and Laud there was a great gulf which neither
could pass over. Both believed that the Church of England
and the Church of Rome were branches of one Catholic
Church. Both looked hopefully to the power of argument, and
appealed to the decision of a general council. But Laud, the
child of the English Reformation, was contented if he could
persuade himself that he was living in a society which held the
doctrines current in the primitive Church, whilst his desire for
the reunion of a general council was little more than a pious
wish entertained because it was necessary for the completion
of his intellectual conception, but not likely to exercise any
practical effect upon his conduct. In the mind of De Dominis,
the pupil of the Jesuits, the necessity of a visible Church unity-
was foremost. In despair of effecting his object in England,
1622. he once more turned his eyes to Rome. Paul V.
He purposes was dead, and the new Pope, Gregory XV., who
to return to . ° } '
Rome. had been his friend in youth, might perhaps be
induced to reform the Church, and to allow free discussion on
controverted points, or might even be brought to acknowledge
that the Churches of Rome and England were already por-
tions of one undivided Church. It would then be easy for the
Pope to give his approbation to the Book of Common Prayer,
and to explain satisfactorily those practices which were most
repulsive to Protestants.
In the midst of these meditations De Dominis heard that
Gregory had expressed his readiness to welcome him to Rome,
and he at once made up his mind to accept the offer.
nouses MS On January 16, 1622, he announced his intention to
ons" the King. James was exceedingly angry, especially
as a rumour had sprung up that De Dominis was to go on a
1622 FATE OF DE DOMINIS. 287
special mission from himself, in order to reconcile England with
the Pope. Yet he contented himself with sending to inquire
the motives of his conduct. He himself refused to see him,
and, after allowing him time to make any explanations he wished,
ordered him to leave the kingdom within twenty days.1
Before he left England he received a visit from Bishop
Morton, who did what he could to dissuade him from his
Morton's re- design. " Do you think," said De Dominis, "that
monstrance. the pQpe and ^ Cardinals are devils, so that they
cannot be converted ? " " No," replied Morton ; " neither do
I think that you are God, to be able to convert them." 2
On his return, the stray sheep was welcomed back into the
fold with every mark of respect. At Brussels he was received
by the Papal Nuncio into the bosom of the Church.
De Dommis - , . . . .,.,,.
returns to In his journey through Italy his vanity, for some time
unused to adulation, was tickled by the long train of
horses and carriages placed at his disposal by the Pope, and by
the friendly greetings which met him on every side.3
Again the scene changed. Within a few months after his
arrival at Rome, the death of Gregory left him without a
His im protector. The new Pope handed him over to the
prisonment tender mercies of the Inquisition. The man who
had started from England buoyant with hope and
confidence was thrown into prison, and condemned to the un-
congenial task of refuting his own arguments. On the whole, he
appears to have behaved with honesty. Where his own opinions
had changed he made no difficulty in stating, for the use of
others, the considerations by which he had been influenced ;
but nothing would induce him to sign the decrees of the
1 The account given by Fuller (v. 504-530) is evidently prejudiced.
See testimony of Cosin (De Transubstantiatione, cap. 2, § 7), and Good-
man as cited above. His own words are the best indication of his
character, and the narrative of the transactions immediately preceding his
departure (S. P. Dom. cxxviii. 103) is especially useful as indicative of his
opinions. That Gondomar had anything to do with the Archbishop's
return to Rome, is very doubtful. It is hardly compatible with the nar-
rative above referred to.
2 Racket's Life of Williams, 102. * Daltymple, 145.
288 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
Council of Trent, or to surrender his favourite doctrine of the
essential unity of the Churches of Rome and England.
His posthu- - 1-1 11
mous con- After his death he was declared guilty of heresy, and
his body was burned by order of the Inquisition.1
Such a man was not likely to meet with anything but
obloquy. Men who could agree upon nothing else, combined
to speak of him as being utterly without any religious principles
whatever. Two years after he left England, Sir Edward
Sackville visited him in his dark and confined prison. " My
Lord of Spalatro," he said tauntingly, " you have a dark lodging;
it was not so with you in England. There you had at Windsor
as good a prospect by land as was in all the country ; and
ac the Savoy you had the best prospect upon the water that was
in all the city." " I have forgot those things," was the calm
reply ; " here I can best contemplate the Kingdom of Heaven."
" Do you think," said Sackville, after he had left the prison, to
the Rector of the English College, " that this man is employed
in the contemplation of heaven?" "I think nothing less,"
answered the priest, " for he was a malcontent knave when he
fled from us, a railing knave while he lived with you, and a
motley, parti- coloured knave now he is come again."2
The answer of the Rector was evidently inspired by party-
spirit. That, given by Andrewes, soon after De Dominis ar-
ms charac- rived m England, to some one who asked whether
he were a Protestant or no, was far more pertinent
" I know not," said the Bishop, " but he is a detestant of
divers opinions of the Church of Rome."3 Ignorant how
small a part of religious life is to be found in the logical
scaffolding on which it rests, and how thoroughly masses of
men are moulded by popular feeling, he thought that it was
possible by softening asperities of opinion, and by explaining
away the harshness of doctrine, to form a common belief
which all Christian men might agree to hold. As Rome
and England alternately repelled his presumption, his mind
1 Hacket, 103. Cosin, De Transubstantiatione, cap. 2, § 7.
2 Hacket, 104.
* Bacon's Apophthegms, Works, vii. 159.
1622 THE RIGHTS OF MINORITIES. 289
was filled with detestation at their refusal to settle down upon
the Procrustean bed which his own imagination had fashioned.
His vacillations and inconsistencies were more apparent than
real. In the main, his opinions remained unchanged, and he
died impressed with the same delusion which had led him
astray in life.
The fate of De Dominis is a standing warning to those
dreamers who count a union between the Churches of Rome
Question of an^ of England to be amongst the possibilities of the
toleration, future; but that such a dream should have been
entertained at all was one amongst many symptoms that a new
mode of regarding religious questions was taking possession
of the minds of men. The age did not need a restoration of
unity either by explaining away the distinctive differences of the
two creeds, or by the forcible conversion or extermination of the
members of either. What was needed was a change of system
which would enable Catholic and Protestant to live together in
peace, and to trust to argument and not to the sword for the
extension of their opinions.
Such a change was yet far distant ; but much had been
already done to limit the difficulties of the future, In spite of
Religious wnat was passing in Germany, one half of Europe was
minorities. no ionger banded together in confederacy against
the other. Catholic states and Protestant states had found it
possible to exist side by side without mutual recrimination.
The question now was narrowed to the amelioration of the
position of religious minorities in the various countries. Of
still greater importance was the change in the point of view
from which these difficulties were regarded. Every year there
was an increase in the number of those who, if they desired
the suppression of the adverse religion, desired it not because
its opinions were untrue, but because its existence was incom-
patible with civil government
It was in this light that the position of the English Catho-
lics had been viewed by Pym. If only they could keep aloof
The English a ^ew years from political combinations which were
Catholics. distasteful to the English nation, and, above all, if
they could resist the compromising assistance of the Spanish
VOL. iv. u
290 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
Amoassador, they might look forward with assurance to a
speedy alleviation of the pressure which weighed so heavily
upon them.
The condition of the French Protestants, far better in
appearance, was in reality less hopeful than that of the English
The French Catholics. By the Edict of Nantes, liberty of con-
Protestants. scjence was accorded to them in every part of France.
Liberty of worship was permitted in the houses of 3,500 gentle-
men, and in a large number of towns, whilst the right of main-
taining Protestant garrisons in certain strong places was con-
ceded to them as a security against the encroachments of the
Catholic nobility.
The last clause was perhaps necessary, but it was full of
danger for the future, since it offered a strong temptation to the
1621. Protestant body to form themselves into an indepen-
^ri°nml dent community, and to throw themselves in the
France. wav of tne organization of the monarchy. At last, in
the spring of 1621, civil war, long expected, broke out once
more. Whilst the more trusted leaders of the Reformed
Churches were proclaiming the necessity of submission to the
Crown, in spite of present grievances and future fears, the
Protestants of the towns, with their clergy at their head, had
persisted in maintaining, in the face of the Government, the
right of holding an illegal assembly at Rochelle. They had
sadly miscalculated their power. Taking the King with him,
Luynes swept down upon Protestant France. One town after
Quarrel be- another fell before him, and he was in the full
be^fami" career of conquest when Sir Edward Herbert pre-
Luynes. sented himself with an offer of mediation in his
master's name. He was treated with studied insolence. "What,"
said Luynes, "has the King your master to do with ot.i
actions ? Why does he meddle with our affairs ? " After some
altercation, Luynes burst out into a passion. " By God," he
said, "if you were not an ambassador I would treat you in
another fashion." Herbert, who was one of the most noted,
duellists in Europe, laid his hand upon his sword. " If I ai.i
an ambassador," he replied, " I am also a gentleman, and there
is that here which would make you an answer." After such a
1622 DONCASTER IN FRANCE. 291
scene, James had hardly any choice but to recall his am-
bassador.1 It would have been well if he had also desisted
from any further attempt to mediate in the quarrel, and had
opened his eyes to the fact that, by rousing the national sus-
ceptibilities of the French, he was doing the greatest possible
injury to the cause which he meant to serve.
This, however, was not James's opinion. Laying all the
blame upon Herbert's personal conduct, he despatched Don-
Doncaster's caster upon a special mission to plead the cause of
mission. peace. Personally the selection was a good one.
Always a warm partisan of France, Doncaster was more likely
than anyone else to obtain a courteous answer to his pro-
positions. Yet it was probably fortunate for him that, shortly
after his arrival in France, he was prevented by an attack of
fever from demanding an audience. When at last
October 17.
he was sufficiently recovered to carry on the nego-
tiation, the Royal forces had been checked in their career of
victory. The old Huguenot spirit had been roused at last,
and the southern Protestants were standing at bay behind the
walls of Montauban. Doncaster was accordingly told that
the King was ready to show mercy to the rebels, and to give
assurance that no attack should be made upon their religious
liberties, if they would only consent to make submission to him
as their Sovereign.2
Five days after this reply was given the siege of Montau-
ban was raised, and it seemed possible that Luynes's
Death of • ' * •
Luynes. failure to take the place would render him more con-
ciliatory. In less than six weeks, however, the all-powerful
favourite died, and whatever hopes of peace had been enter-
tained were suddenly blasted. Louis fell for the time
IO22.
Doncaster's into the hands of the party which was bent upon con-
tinuing the war, and Doncaster, finding his efforts
thwarted on every side, returned to England to give an account
of his failure.
Even this amount of humiliation was not sufficient for James.
1 Life of Lord Herbert of Cherbury. Herbert to the King, July 31.
Doncaster to the King, Aug. I, 1621, S. P. France.
2 Doncaster to Calvert, Oct. 26, 1621, S. P. France.
U 2
292 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
Doncaster, he resolved, must go back, to France. His was,
April. indeed, a thankless task. By the French ministers he
tacif to* was received with all courtesy ; but he was plainly
told that it did not stand with their master's honour
to allow a foreign sovereign to mediate in their internal disputes.
Tun On June 22, therefore, he took his leave without having
He returns effected anything whatever.1 Sir Edward Herbert
to England.
was ordered to return to Paris, the death of Luynes
having removed the obstacle in the way of his career.
There still remained a practical question awaiting the
decision of James. During the winter, commissioners from
... . Rochelle had been received by him with civility. He
Deputies _ * J
from RO- had given them permission to export provisions and
munitions of war, and he had authorised the bishops
to order a collection in all the churches in aid of the French
Protestants who had taken refuge in England.2 The Rochellese,
however, were not content with assistance of this moderate
kind. The Channel swarmed with their privateers, and every
July. week some fresh prize belonging to French owners was
brought into an English port. For some time the French am-
bassador, Tillieres, remonstrated in vain. At last the Council
received his complaints, and promised that redress should
be given.3 Orders were issued to seize the prizes which had
been brought into English harbours, and restore them to their
owners. Such orders, however, were not always executed with
punctuality. The sympathies of the inhabitants of the ports
were all on the side of the privateers, and it not unfrequently
happened that a Rochellese captain was able to sell his booty
at Plymouth or Dover, before the magistrates chose to open
their eyes to his presence.4
1 Doncaster to Calvert, June 26, 1622, S. P. France.
2 The Deputies to Calvert, 4Ml-14- Doncaster to Calvert, Oct. 26.
bept. 3
Order in Council, Oct. 12, S. P. France.
3 Remonstrances of Tillieres, S. P. France, 1621, 1622, passim.
* Mayor of Rye to Calvert, May I. The Council to Zouch, May 4.
Vivian to the Council, May 17. Fulnetby to Zouch, May 17. Petition of
R. Dure, May (?). The Council to Zoucn, July 1 1. S. P. Doni. cxxx. I,
1 6, 91, 92, 134, cxxxii. 28.
1622 FRANCE AND GERMANY. 293
By the mere force of inertness James had come to the wise
conclusion that it would be better not to interfere in France.
Affairs of Unhappily it needed very different qualities to bring
Germany. ^im j.Q a figfa judgment with respect to the war in
Germany. In no sense could the German quarrel be con-
sjdered as a merely internal dispute. Not only were the various
states of which the Empire was composed possessed of rights
which almost elevated them to the position of independent
sovereignties, but the interference of Spain had raised a
question which all European Governments were interested in
solving.
Yet, after all, different as might be the mode in which a wise
statesman would have dealt with the two countries, his prin-
ciple of action would have been the same. In both
Interference r
and non-in- France and Germany it would be necessary to avoid
terference. . ....,,
the slightest appearance of compromising civil order
by the protection given to religious liberty. In France inter-
ference was unwise because it would only serve to perpetuate
marchy. In Germany it would be wise in so far as it could be
made use of to make anarchy impossible.
It was this thought by which Digby's policy had been in-
spired. What difficulties he had met with from Maximilian's
ambition and from Frederick's self-will have been
already told. When he returned to England in the
autumn his game was all but ruined. One chance alone re-
mained. If James, putting himself at the head of the nation,
could force Spain and the League to respect his power, and
could at the same time compel his son-in-law to offer solid
guarantees that he would from henceforth refrain from break-
ing the peace of the Empire, all might yet be well.
With the dissolution of Parliament this last chance was
thrown away. Mere words would not go far to reassure the
peaceful populations of Germany, or to inspire Ferdinand with
the belief that his enemy could be safely entrusted with power,
or to crush in Frederick's bosom that ill-timed elation which
the slightest breath of success was certain to quicken into life.
How completely his cause was lost was the last thing
which James was likely to perceive. " I will govern," he said
294 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
triumphantly, "according to the good of the common weal,
James's self- but not according to the common will."1 Yet, as he
confidence, looked upon Germany, he might well have despaired;
everything there was in confusion. Mansfeld had hardly
reached the Palatinate when Tilly and the Bavarians,
IO2I. J
December, following hard upon his heels, planted themselves
The armies . e *\ •
in the Paia- securely in that fertile plain which stretches from the
forest-clad slopes of the Odenwald to the banks of
the Rhine. Mansfeld was in want of money and supplies, but
he had never far to look for plunder. The Bishopric of Stras-
burg, and the Austrian lands in Alsace, provided quarters for
his famished troops.2 Next spring, he gave out, he would not
stand alone. The air was full of rumours. The Margrave of
Baden, it was said, was arming, and would soon have more
than 20,000 men under arms. The Duke of Wiirtemberg would
bring 8,000 into the field. Christian of Brunswick, with 5,000
horse, was harrying the lands of the Bishop of Paderborn, and
would swoop down upon the Palatinate as soon as the fine
weather appeared.3 Such numbers would far exceed any force
that Tilly could bring against them, and James was easily per-
suaded that no great effort on his part was needed.
Yet at least he would do something. Immediately upon
the adjournment of the Houses, he had announced his inten-
tion of sending 8,000 foot, and 1,600 horse, to take
force to be part in the war. The Commons, he thought, would
be willing to grant the necessary supplies, when they
met again in February.4
The dissolution followed, and all hope of a Parliamentary
grant was laid aside. By a fresh stretch of the prerogative the
imposition on wine was doubled, and an extraordinary payment
of ninepence in the pound was laid upon all commodities
imported by aliens.5 Recourse, too, was once more had to a
1 Mead to Stuteville, Feb. 2, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 140.
1 Vere to Carleton, Dec. 20, 1621, S. P. Holland.
8 Vere to Carleton, Dec. 27, 1621, Ibid.
4 Nethersole to Carleton, Dec. 20, Ibid. Digby to Frederick, Dec. 30,
Collectio Camerariana, xlviii. 92. Royal Library, Munich.
s Council Register, Jan. 12. Locke to Carleton, Jan. 23. S. P. Dom.
cxxvii. 40.
ANOTHER BENEVOLENCE. 295
Benevolence. Wealthy men were again summoned, as they had
1622. been summoned in 1614, from every part of Eng-
The int^si- kmd, and were ordered, in the presence of the Council,
dons and the to name the sum at which they were willing to be
Benevo- *
lence. rated. The justices of assize, the magistrates of the
counties and the boroughs, were ordered to push on the contri-
bution, and to certify to the Government the names of those who
were hanging back. One nobleman, Lord Saye, who in the late
Parliament had begun his long career of pertinacious opposition
to arbitrary power, was committed to the Fleet for daring to ad-
vise his neighbours to keep their money in their pockets.1 At
first, even Digby believed, or assumed to believe, that the King
would obtain more from these irregular contributions than
Parliament would have been likely to give him.2 As the weeks
passed on, it became evident that the result of the appeal would
be far from equalling the expectations which had been formed.
At Court it had been supposed that 200,000!. would be obtained
with ease.3 Nine months passed away, and little more than
77,ooo/. had been paid into the Exchequer, a sum which, in the
course of the winter, was raised to 88,ooo/., and which, even
then, scarcely exceeded in amount the single subsidy which the
Commons had been ready to vote for the mere maintenance of
Mansfeld's army for two or three months.4
Nor was it only amongst those who were called upon to
pay heavily towards the Benevolence that maledictions were
Un o pronounced against James. Here and there angry
larityof words bubbling up to the surface testified to the
suppressed feeling of indignation which was seething
below. A year before, the prevailing dissatisfaction had vented
itself upon Gondomar. It was now directed against the King.
In January, ' a servant to one Mr. Byng, a lawyer,' was stretched
1 Council Register, June 6. Salvetti's News- Letter, June 7. South-
ampton, on the other hand, urged on the payment. Southampton to the
Council, May 5, S. P. Dom. cxxx. 19.
2 Digby to Uoncaster, Jan. 31, EgertonMSS. 2595, fol. 30.
3 Council Register, Feb. 4, March 31. Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan.
19. Locke to Carleton, Feb. 16, March 2. S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 35, 102 ;
cxxviii. 9. Salvetti's N^-Letters, Jan. £ ^ Feb. £ F*^
4 Receipt Books cf th« Exchequer.
296 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
upon the rack ' for saying that there would be a rebellion.' l
In February, 'a simple fellow 'was condemned to a traitor's
death for declaring that, though he was ready to spill his blood
for the King if he maintained religion, he would be the first to
cut his throat if he failed therein.2 A week later, James was
driven to the necessity of summoning the bishops, in order to
protest in their presence that he was sincere in his desire to
maintain the established religion.3
Nowhere is the change, which had in three short years
come over the popular feeling, portrayed more vividly than in a
" Tom Tell- coarse and scurrilous libel which, under the name of
" Tom Tell-Truth," was passed in manuscript from
hand to hand. James, said the writer, might, if he pleased,
style himself Defender of the Faith ; but it was the faith of the
Papists, not the true faith, that was defended by him. He
might be head of the Church, but it was of the Church dor-
mant, certainly not of the Church militant or triumphant. For
one health drunk to the King there were ten glasses emptied
to the success of his daughter and her husband. It was well
known that he allowed Gondomar to become master of the
secrets of his cabinet with the help of a golden key. Whilst he
was calmly looking on, Spain had become undisputed master
of the West Indies, and the Dutch, ' the very pedlars whom
we ourselves set up for our own use,' had become masters of
the East Indies. The Protestants of the Continent had been
left without a protector. The Deputies of Rochelle had been
neglected. Nothing had been done for the Palatinate. The
Papists were supreme in Europe. In the meanwhile, the writer
broadly hinted, James was frittering away his time, not merely in
reckless jollity, but even in the indulgence of the most hideous
vices of which human nature in its utmost depravity is capable.
Such was the explanation which many were now ready to
give to that which they had hitherto passed by as mere folly.
The coarseness of James's language, the rudeness of his merri-
1 Locke to Carleton, Jan. 12, S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 136.
2 J. Nicholas to E. Nicholas, Feb. 26, S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 133.
8 Inclosure dated March 8, in a letter from Mead to Stuteville, March
16. Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 157.
1622 ARGUMENT OF PAREUS. 297
ment, the indecency of his doting fondness for Buckingham,
were readily interpreted in the worst sense by men who were
only too glad to believe the foulest charges against the sovereign
whom they despised.1
Less startling from the nature of the utterance, but even
more alarming, on account of the quarter from which the at-
tack proceeded, was a sermon preached on April 14,
Knight's in the very midst of the loyal University of Ox-
ford. The preacher, a young man named Knight,
took for his subject the persecution of Elijah by Ahab, and
declared it to be his opinion that it was ' lawful for subjects
when harassed on the score of religion to take arms against
their Prince in their own defence.' When called to account by
the Vice-Chancellor for the language which he had used, he
replied that he had derived his opinions from a book written by
Pareus, the Professor of Divinity at Heidelberg, and that he
had also on his side the still higher authority of his Majesty,
who, if he was rightly informed, was about to assist the French
Protestants against their sovereign. Knight was accordingly
sent up to London, where he repeated his defence before the
Council. He was by them committed to the Gatehouse, where
he remained for two years, and was at last released on the score
of his youth at the intercession of Williams, whose voice was
always raised on the side of mercy.
James next proceeded, as he fancied, to strike at the root
of the evil. The libraries and the booksellers' shops were
Burning of searched for Pareus's Commentaries on the Epistle
Commen- to ^ Romans. One heap of the books thus col-
taries. lected was consumed at Oxford. At Cambridge and
June 6. in London the curiosity of the multitude was
amused by similar bonfires. A few days later the obnoxious
opinions were solemnly repudiated by the University
of Oxford. For the future none were to be allowed
to take a degree who refused to swear ' that they do not only
1 Tillieres' Letters, given by Raumer, are frequently appealed to as
conveying evidence against James ; but the letter of Jan. — shows that no
fact could be proved against him.
298 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
at present condemn and detest the proposition above mentioned,
but that they shall always continue of the same opinion.' l
In the original work of Pareus, the passage from which the
condemned propositions were taken followed upon a long and
sustained argument against the Pope's jurisdiction
Nature of . ,
his argu- over pnnces. It was an argument, however, which, if
left to. stand alone, would have exposed the writer
to a crushing retort. " What ! " some Jesuits might well have
answered, " do you mean to say that kings and princes are to
be subjected to no control whatever ? May they change the
laws and religion of their subjects at their pleasure ? May they
commit murder with impunity ? " The answer of Pareus to
this objection was singularly moderate. If a king, he said,
should with his own hands make an attack like a common
robber upon one of his subjects, he who is so treated may law-
fully defend his own person from injury. Against religious and
political tyranny only two remedies may be adopted. The
clergy may point out to a notorious tyrant that he is breaking
the laws of God and man, and, if he refuses to change his
conduct, may cut him off by excommunication from the com-
munion of the Church. Although neither the clergy nor pri-
vate persons may draw the sword against their Prince, subor-
dinate magistrates may take such measures as are necessary to
defend the country against horrible oppression, and, if security
cannot otherwise be obtained, may even resist and depose their
sovereign.
Such language, translated into the equivalent phrases ol
modern times, would not now be considered very appalling.
The liberty of speech and the legality of national resistance
have, in England at least, long been counted amongst the
commonplaces of politics ; but in the beginning of the seven-
teenth century they had a dangerous sound ; and it is no
wonder that the King, who had just dismissed his Parliament
in anger, and was scheming for a marriage which would, in all
probability, give him a Roman Catholic grandson, should have
been unwilling to listen to such reasoning with patience.
1 Collier's Ecclesiastical History, vii. 434. Mncket, 88. Wood, Hisi.
et Ant. Univ. Ox. i. 327.
1622 ACTION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. 299
Had the University of Oxford contented herself with answer-
ing the arguments of Pareus, it would have been well enough.
What she did was to present four propositions in a garbled
form l to her students, and to require them to swear that they
would never adopt them at any future time. Such an act was
as injudicious as it was tyrannical. If men were to swear that
they would disbelieve the arguments of Pareus, it was, perhaps,
as well that they should not read them. James, accordingly,
wrote to the Vice-Chancellor, when he first heard of
whrfoxford Knight's sermon, directing him to take care 'that
those who designed to make divinity their profes-
sion should chiefly apply themselves to the study of the Holy
Scriptures, of the Councils and Fathers, and the ancient school-
men ; but, as for the moderns, whether Jesuits or Puritans,
they should wholly decline reading their works.' 2
If James could have succeeded in putting an end to the
war in Germany, he would have had little need to trouble himself
Terms with the attacks of libellers or reasoners at home.
acoPteenf ^s ^ar as ^e was concerned, indeed, there were no
Frederick, signs of despondency. In the preceding November
he had at last laid before Frederick categorically the terms on
which he was willing to render him assistance. " The Count
Palatine," he had demanded, " shall, for himself and his son,
wholly renounce and acquit all pretence of right and claim
unto the crown of Bohemia, and the incorporated countries
thereof. He shall from henceforward yield all constant due
devotion unto the Imperial Majesty, as do other obedient
1 The first proposition as condemned at Oxford is as follows : —
" Episcopi et pastores magistrates suos impios aut injustos, si contumaces
sint, possunt et debent de consensu Ecclesise Satanse tradere donee
resipiscant." Wood, Hut. et Ant. Univ. Ox. i. 327. In Pareus's
Commentary, 1349, it stands thus: — " Episcopi et pastores magistratibus
suis impiis aut injustis possunt ac debent resistere, non vi aut gladio, sed
verbo Dei, arguendo eorum notoriam impietatem aut injustitiam, et ad
officium juxta verbum Dei et juxta leges faciendum eos cohortando,
contumacec vero de consensu Ecclesise etiam Satanse tradendo, donee
tesipiscant."
* Extract from the King's letter, April 24. Collier's Eccl. Hist. vii.
435
300 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
Princes, Electors of the Empire. He shall, upon his knee,
crave pardon of the Imperial Majesty. He shall not hereafter,
any manner of way, either unfittingly carry or demean himself
towards the Imperial Majesty, or disturb his kingdoms or
countries. He shall upon reasonable conditions reconcile
himself with other his neighbour princes and states of the
Empire, and hold good friendship with them ; and shall really
do all other like things as is above contained, and that shall be
reasonable or necessary." l
The terms thus laid down contained, indeed, all that the
most impartial arbitrator could suggest. On the one hand,
they denied to Frederick the right of private war, and they
placed him in a position of inferiority towards the Chief of the
Empire, to which the Princes of Germany had long been un-
iccustomed. On the other hand, they set a decided barrier
to the encroachments of the Roman Catholic Church upon
Protestant soil. Unhappily it was something more than wise
suggestions that were needed to quench the flames of the
German conflagration. Each party professed to be anxious for
peace ; but, in his heart, Frederick would be contented with
nothing short of the position of an independent sovereign ;
and, in his heart, Ferdinand would be contented with nothing
short of the predominance of his Church. It is true that
Frederick, not without allowing his dissatisfaction to be plainly
seen, accepted his father-in-law's terms,2 and that the Emperor
expressed his determination to send an ambassador to Brussels,
in order to treat with James for a suspension of arms, to be
followed by negotiations for a general pacification.3
About this time James was encouraged to take too favour-
able a view of the prospects of his mediation, by the sight of a
bundle of despatches from Vienna to Madrid, which
cep'teTde" had not many weeks before fallen into the hands of
spatches. Mansfeld. From these letters it appeared, indeed,
that there could be no longer the slightest doubt of Ferdinand's
1 The King to Ferdinand II., Nov. 12, 1621, Cabala, 239.
2 Frederick to the King, Nov. 25, S. P. Germany.
3 Ferdinand II. to the King, Jan. 4, 1622, Cabala, 241. Ferdinand II.
to the Infanta Isabella, Jan. 3, Brussels MSS.
1 622 FRESH DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS. 301
resolution to transfer the Electorate ; but it also appeared that
he anticipated the resistance of the Spanish Government to his
scheme. James was, therefore, right in calculating on the help
which it was possible for him to derive from Spain. Where he
was wrong was in supposing that he could count upon Spanish
aid one moment after he had ceased to inspire the Court of
Madrid with a belief in his intention of actually mingling in the
strife.
With the assurances which reached him from Spain James
was perfectly content. What mattered it, he thought, if Fre-
derick and Ferdinand should prove recalcitrant, if only Philip
were on his side. He accordingly ordered Weston to repair
to Brussels as soon as the conference was opened by the
Infanta, in order to settle the conditions for the suspension of
arms. At the same time he fancied that he was giving a great
proof of his vigour by authorising Vere to take the command
of the royal troops in the Palatinate, as soon as money could
be found to pay them.1
In truth, it was the want of money, far more than the want
of men, which was likely to be the stumbling-block in his path.
Frederick's Frederick's troops, even if they would, could not
troops. now carrv on the war otherwise than as brigands.
Without any basis of operations other than the ruined and
exhausted Palatinate — without money and without supplies —
what could they do but throw themselves, in search of livelihood,
upon one Catholic district after another ? War in those days
was terrible enough, at its best, and deeds of blood and shame
weigh heavily upon the memory of the Catholic armies. But
neither Spaniards nor Bavarians were forced to order their
movements in accordance with the sheer necessity of plunder-
ing. They were tolerably paid, and their commissariat was, at
least to some extent, provided for. To their leaders war was
not a necessity, and if the order for recall was given, there would
be no difficulty in enforcing its execution.
Of the sentiments which prevailed in Mansfeld's camp we
happen to possess evidence in a letter which was at this time
1 Commission to Vere, Feb. 16, 6". P. Germany.
302 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
written by one of his officers. " The Bishopric of Spires,"
he said, " is ours. We are plundering at our ease. Our general
does not wish for a treaty, or for peace. He laughs at the
March enemv- All his thoughts are fixed upon the col-
Mansfeidin lection of money, of soldiers, and of provisions. When
the spring comes, he hopes to have fifty thousand men
under arms. With this object he employs the strangest means
of levying money. The Union has promised to bring into the
field a force equal to ours. Knyphausen and the nobility of
the Palatinate are proposing, with the aid of the Landgrave of
Hesse, to attack the territories of the priests, and to pillage
them thoroughly before they retire. By this diversion the
enemy will be compelled to divide his forces. If we come
across a great square cap, we will take care to make it pay a
wonderful ransom." The letter ended by pointing out the ease
with which the territories of Spires, Worms, Mentz, and Alsace
might be cut up into principalities for the conquerors.1
Whilst Mansfeld was thus plundering the lands upon the
Upper Rhine, another adventurer was making havoc of the
Christian of Westphalian Bishoprics. Christian, the brother of
Brunswick. faQ Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbiittel, was the nephew
of the late Queen Anne. At the age of seventeen he had been
appointed Bishop or Administrator of Halberstadt, by one of
those arrangements which were frequently employed by the
heads of Protestant Houses, whenever they wished to provide
for their relations at the expense of the ecclesiastical domains
in their neighbourhood. The title assumed by him was purely
nominal, and there was nothing episcopal about him, excepting
his claim to enjoy the revenues of the see — a claim which, as
it was not under the guarantee of the Peace of Augsburg, he
would hardly be able to maintain in the face of a decisive
victory of the Imperialists in the Palatinate. As the cousin of
the exiled Queen of Bohemia, he affected to put himself forward
as her special champion. He carried in his cap a glove, which
she had once dropped, under which he bore the motto, " All
1 I have omitted portions of the letter. The whole will be found in
Villermont's Tilly, i. 160.
J.622 CHRISTIAN AND MANSFELD. 303
for God and her." Against the ecclesiastical principalities he
vowed a special hatred. Wherever he came the churches were
sacked, and the silver images were coined into pieces bearing
the inscription, " God's friend, and the enemy of the priests."
Fire and desolation marked his track, and the hovel of the
peasant and the home of the citizen were regarded as lawful
prey by the bands of ruffians in the eyes of whose commander
it was the worst of crimes to live under a bishop's rule.
Such were the commanders into whose hands the fortunes
jf German Protestantism had fallen. Ferdinand and Maxi-
Prospectsof rnilian were not so far wrong when they spoke of
a truce. peace as hopeless, excepting by a vigorous prose-
cution of the war. " I understand," wrote Vere, in language
which might well have startled James out of the fool's paradise
in which he was living, " by a chief officer of the Count Mans-
feld, that he believes that there will be a truce, and is so much
troubled at it, that he says it is intended to undo him, and is,
therefore, resolved withal not to lay down his arms." l About the
same time a letter reached James from Mansfeld himself. He
was ready, he said, to be included in the negotiations for peace;
but it must be remembered that his master owed him no less
than four million florins, and that there was not the slightest
chance that he would ever be able to pay him. He therefore
expected that Haguenau, an Austrian town in Alsace, which
he had lately taken, should be made over to him in full
possession.2
It was evident that the time had passed when James could
interfere with advantage. With his exchequer filled with
Chichester's parliamentary subsidies, he might have exercised
mission. some influence over Mansfeld and Christian. But
who was the King of England, that his mere word should
check the career of these needy adventurers? The deadly
combat between anarchy and despotism must be fought out
now to the end. James's attempts to carry on war were as
1 Vere to Calvert, March 15, S. P. Germany.
2 Mansfeld to the King, March, S. P. Germany. Misplaced amongst
the papers of 1623.
304 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XI.
futile as his attempts at diplomatic success. Already the ten
thousand men whom he had proposed to levy for the Palati-
nate were melting into air. Chichester, indeed, whose splendid
services in Ireland deserved a better fate, had been dragged
from his retirement, and ordered to betake himself to Heidel-
berg, that he might exercise a general supervision over his
master's interests.1 It was with no good-will that he prepared
for the bootless errand. He would rather, he said, give 5007.
to the Benevolence than go.2 His excuses were not ad-
mitted. March 20, the day on which Digby left London for
Madrid, was fixed for him to set out, carrying with him the sum
which would be needed for the supply of the intended army.
March 20 arrived, but Chichester was still detained. The
Benevolence came in slowly, and the money was not to be had.'
To hasten the payment, recourse was had to harsh and extreme
measures. Several persons who had refused to contribute
were told that they must make up their minds to accompany
Chichester to the Palatinate. Amongst these, an aged citizen,
who had formerly been a cheesemonger, was informed that his
services would be needed to supply the army with cheese.4
Yet so little did the threats of the Council effect, that March
and April passed away before Chichester was enabled to set out.
On April 3, Ferdinand's ambassador, the Count of Schwar-
zenberg, arrived in England.5 James was overjoyed at seeing him
April. The Palatinate, he declared, would soon be restored.
berg^Eng- Spain was putting forth all its influence in favour of
land. peace ; and, in spite of the Duke of Bavaria, the
Emperor would be forced to submit.6 Schwarzenberg's imme-
diate mission was, however, one of mere compliment. He had
to inform James that, after the suspension of arms had been
1 Locke to Carleton, Jan. 19, S. P. Dom. cxxvii. 36.
* Locke to Carleton, Feb. 4, 6". P. Dom. cxxvii. 67.
» Salvetti's News-Letters, Feb. IJ, March 4- Calvert to Carleton,
25 18
March 24, S. P. Holland.
4 Mead to Stuteville, Feb. 2, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 140. Chamber-
lain to Carleton, March 30, S. P. Dom. cxxviii. 96.
5 Calvert to Carleton, April 3, S. P. Holland.
* balvetti's News-Letter, April ^-.
r622 SCHWARZENBERG IN ENGLAND. 305
concluded, the Emperor would open negotiations for a general
peace at Brussels, Cologne, or Frankfort. After remaining a
few days in London, he proceeded to Brussels in order to take
part in the conference which was soon to commence.
Yet, short as his visit was, he was not left in ignorance
of the light in which his master's proceedings were popularly
winmffe's regarded in England. Dr. Winniffe, one of the
Prince's chaplains, preaching on the ' lusts which
war against the soul,' took the opportunity of illustrating the
attack of the devil upon the soul by the attack of Spinola
upon the Palatinate. The bold preacher was at once committed
to the Tower, from which he was soon afterwards set free at
Schwarzenberg's request. l
So well satisfied was James with the position of affairs that
he ostentatiously granted permission to Gondomar to levy one
regiment in England, and another in Scotland, for
regiments the Spanish service, under the command of Lord
>r Spam. yaux an(j fae £ar] of Argyle. The employment was
popular amongst the Catholics, and in a few days the whole
number required was ready to cross the sea.2
Both at this time and at a later period it was the settled
conviction of the English people that Ferdinand was not in
earnest in his desire for peace; and if it is meant by this, that
he had no desire for a peace to which Frederick would have
been willing to submit, the charge is undoubtedly correct. He
had made up his mind to the transference of the Electorate
as an act to which he was bound by his promise to Maximilian,
and by his duty to the interests of the Catholic Church, and he
therefore took good care to warn the Infanta that she was by
no means to allow any question upon this point to be raised at
Brussels. With regard to the restitution of Frederick's heredi-
tary dominions, he had, in all probability, not come to any
definite conclusion. As far as it is possible to discover his in-
tentions from his private correspondence, it would seem that
1 to Meade, April 12, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. .168.
2 Locke to Carleton, April 6, 20, S. P. Dom, cxxix. 7, 50. Salvetti's
News-Letters, April — ' —
15 22
VOL. IV. X
306 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. xv.
if Frederick had been willing to submit to his terms, to engage
to give guarantees that he would abstain from hostilities for the
future, and to accept the subordinate position which the old
constitutional theory allotted to the Princes of the Empire, he
would willingly have given way. On the other hand, in common
with all reasonable men at the time, he had a strong opinion that
Frederick would do nothing of the sort, and he sometimes ex-
pressed himself as if he was resolved upon continuing the war
whatever might happen.
In the meanwhile, however, Mansfeld was playing his old
game in Alsace. With all gravity he was negotiating with
Raville, an emissary from Brussels, an engagement
ManslehTs by which he promised to change sides for the con-
sideration of a large sum of money for his troops,
and of high honours for himself ; purposing all the while, as he
informed Vere, ' to keep off that side from further levies by the
hope they have of his turning unto them.' l
From Mansfeld 's mode of carrying on war, Vere at least
expected but little good. " His means," he wrote, on April i,
Military " grow here so short that he can subsist very little
prospects. ionger in these parts. Whither he will direct himself
is to himself, I believe, most uncertain ; but most conceive it
must be where he may find least opposition."2
It was a dangerous policy in the face of the enemy whom
he was now to confront Tilly's soldiers, indeed, were not the
Tilly in the orderly and inoffensive warriors which it has pleased
Palatinate, partisan writers to represent them. They, too, knew
full well how to burn villages and to cut the throats of innocent
peasants ; but in comparison with the hordes who followed
Mansfeld's banner, their discipline was perfect. Tolerably paid,
and with supplies from the rear at their disposal, the Bavarian
army was under no necessity of roaming about in search of
plunder. Nor was its commander a man who was likely to
march 'where there was least opposition.' Thoroughly con-
vinced of the goodness of the cause for which he was fighting
1 Vere to Calvert, March 15, S. P. Germany.
1 Vere to Calvert, April i, ibid.
1622 TILLY AND MANSFELD. 307
Tilly united to those military qualities which raised him to a
place amongst the most consummate generals of the age a rare
single-mindedness and honesty of purpose. Believing that the
cause of order and peace was entrusted to his keeping, he had
devoted his life to the suppression of that anarchy which was
in his eyes the worst of crimes. Yet, if his bearing was firm,
he did not underrate the strength of his opponents. To the
south of the post which he had taken up between the
His military Odenwald and the Rhine lay the two strong fortressej
of Heidelberg and Mannheim, whilst the western
side of the great river was guarded by Frankenthal. Behind
these positions Mansfeld could operate in security, having
the bishopric of Spires and the Austrian lands in Alsace ai
his mercy. Beyond the Main. Christian of Brunswick, who
had been repulsed in the winter, was again gathering his forces
and hanging upon his rear. If the States of the dissolved
Union should listen, as was by no means unlikely, to Mans-
feld's voice — if Baden, Wiirtemberg, Hesse-Cassel, and the
Protestant towns should spring to arms — the forces which could
be brought against him would be overwhelming.1 To make
matters worse, he was by no means certain of the cordial co-
operation of his Spanish allies. Ever since the prospect of a
suspension of arms had been opened, Cordova, acting no doubt
by instructions from Brussels, had been turning a deaf ear to
the demands for aid which had been addressed to him by the
Bavarian commander.
Against these dangers Tilly was able to oppose his own
military skill, a well-disciplined army, and the advantages of a
Moral and central position. Yet all this would have availed
qSi'sdoiat ^m nothing but for the moral superiority of his
issue. cause. Nowhere in Germany could the slightest
enthusiasm for Frederick be discovered. In the Protestant
States men might fear the consequences of a Catholic victory,
but they feared disorder and organised plunder more. The
authority which Ferdinand would exercise might be a stern
1 See the calculations of Maximilian in his letter to the Emperor,
Tan. -„ Hurter, Gcsch. Ferdinands II. ix. 633.
26
308 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
one ; the religion which would follow in its train might be
utterly unacceptable ; but the immediate danger did not lie
there. The pretensions of Frederick to meddle with Bohemia
had never yet been publicly renounced, and it was felt that
those pretensions carried with them the germs of an intermin-
able war. Protestants who had long grumbled against the in-
terference of the Emperor in religious disputes shrank from
giving support to an opposition which proclaimed no law but
that of the strongest, and to a prince who had collected round
his standard a band of hungry adventurers, who were utterly
unable to support themselves except by pillaging their neigh-
bours. The price which Germany was called upon to pay for
ridding itself of the Imperial authority may well have seemed
too high. From henceforth, if Frederick were victorious, every
petty prince would know that if he wished for honour and dis-
tinction, he had nothing to do but to gather round him a band
of hardy ruffians, and to live at his ease amidst the despair of
plundered citizens and the agony of burning towns.
To all this Frederick was as blind as ever. He could not
see that the one hope for his cause lay in the possibility of
disentangling the prospects of Protestantism from the progress
of anarchy. If he could do this a mightier Union than that
which had sunk ingloriously the year before would arise to
support him. The great Protestant States of the North would
stand forward as one man to defend the cause of religious
independence and political order. With a war such as that
which was being waged by Mansfeld and Christian, they would
have nothing to do.
To the hopeful predictions which reached him from time to
time from Mansfeld's camp, Frederick's ears were ever open.
Now that so great an army was gathered round his
Frederick 1,11 i • •
goes to the standard, he thought it was time to show himself
in the field. Issuing a manifesto calling the princes
of Germany to arms,1 he suddenly left the Hague. Making
his way across France in disguise, he unexpectedly appeared,
on April 2, in Mansfeld's camp at Germersheim. He found
1 Theatrum Europaum, i. 622.
1622 FREDERICK IN THE PALATINATE. 309
the commander in earnest conversation with Raville, and appa-
rently about to conclude a convention which would have
placed his whole army at the Infanta's disposal. Mansfeld, as
he had probably intended from the beginning, announced to
the astonished emissary that all negotiations must now be at
an end.
James had given a hearty consent to the journey of his son
in-law, under the impression that he would be able to exercise
authority over Mansfeld, and would forbid him from
Frederick ..... ,. , .. ,
and Mans- hindering the prospects of the conference by any
attack upon the neighbouring States. Yet to sup-
pose that Frederick could do anything of the sort was to mis-
understand utterly the character of the man, and the condi-
tions under which Mansfeld's army could be maintained.
Frederick's first words upon his arrival at Germersheim had
shown how little he thought of anything but war. " I will have
nothing to do with a suspension of arms," he said, turning to
Raville as he spoke, " for that will be my ruin. I must have
either a good peace or a good war." l Nor did he want allies.
The Margrave of Baden rose at his summons, and the combined
forces marched to attack Tilly, who had already opened the
campaign by a series of assaults upon the smaller posts by
which Heidelberg was surrounded.
If Frederick had been at the head of a well-disciplined and
well-commanded force, such a step would have been the best
for him to take. His subjects were being butchered
Mansfeld 01-
takes the almost before his eyes, and it was certain that he
would have a better chance of being listened to in
the approaching negotiations if he could present himself as
undisputed master in his own dominions. It was not long
before the unhappy prince was taught by bitter experience
what was the meaning of making war with Mansfeld in com-
1 The Infanta Isabella to Philip IV., ^77, Brussels MSS.
2 Theatrum Europceum, 1.621. "At one place taken by Tilly, we
hear that half the citizens were also slain ; the rest for the most part
wounded to death. Many women and children were also slain. The
women did great hurt by throwing of hot scalding water." Advertisement,
April 19, S. P. Germany.
310 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
mand. His first operations, indeed, were crowned with suc-
cess. Near Wiesloch the united Protestant army fell
April 17.
Combat at upon the Bavarians, and inflicted a severe loss upon
Wkiloch.
the enemy. Tilly, retreating to \\ impfen on the
Neckar, called upon Cordova for assistance, and in the face of
so imminent a danger he did not call in vain. Yet though, in
spite of the junction of the Imperialist commanders, Fre-
derick's forces were still more numerous than the enemy, he
was unable to profit by this advantage. There was no unity of
action in his camp. The Margrave proposed that the enemy
should be kept in check till the arrival of Christian enabled
them to overwhelm him by sheer force of numbers. To this
plan Mansfeld was unwilling or unable to accede. For an
army such as his it was a physical impossibility to occupy the
same position for more than one or two days without starvation.
In spite of all remonstrances, he marched away, with the inten-
tion of seizing the passage over the Neckar at Ladenburg, after
which he would make a sudden swoop upon Cordova's bridge
over the Rhine at Oppenheim. The Margrave remained at
Wimpfen, to make head against the enemy as best he might.
As might have been expected, Tilly profited by the oppor-
. tunity. Gathering all his strength, he fell upon the
The battle of troops which had been deserted by Mansfeld. On
impfen. ^ evenmg of April 26, the Margrave of Baden was
flying in headlong rout from the battle-field of Wimpfen.
In the meanwhile Mansfeld had taken Ladenburg, but he
had done nothing more. Cordova, he heard, had, immediately
Retreat of after tne battle, marched straight for Oppenheim,
Mansfeld. an(j jn faat quarter nothing was to be effected. On
the day of the battle there had been no more than two days'
provisions in Mansfeld's camp. He had, therefore, now no
choice before him but to beat a hasty retreat from the Palati-
nate, even if he had not been desirous to transfer his army to
Alsace for reasons of his own. For he already looked upon
Haguenau as a place destined to be the capital of the princi-
pality, to which he hoped to entitle himself by the sword, and
he knew that siege had been laid to it by the Emperor's
brother, the Archduke Leopold, who, rash and incompetent as
1622 THE CONFERENCE AT BRUSSELS. 311
he was, was always better pleased to be at the head of an
army than to preside in episcopal vestments in the cathedrals
of Strasburg or Passau, of which sees an unwelcome fate had
condemned him to call himself the Bishop. It was seldom,
however, that his military efforts were crowned with success,
and on this occasion he was only just in time to fly in hot haste
before Mansfeld's superior forces.1
On April 23, three days before the rout at Wimpfen,
Weston set out for Brussels. The temper in which he entered
April 23. uPon his embassy was only too likely to bring with
Weston sets ft grievous disappointment ; for he seems to have
Brussels. expected that, because he was himself sincerely
desirous of peace, all difficulties would give way before him.
Yet he ought to have known that the position of the Infanta
was by no means an easy one. Fully empowered by the
Emperor to negotiate the suspension of arms, and for the
present, whatever her ulterior objects might be, enlisted in
favour of the success of the negotiations, she could not fail to
perceive that the news from the Palatinate was not favour-
able to peace. She had just heard of Frederick's arrival, of
the rash words in which he had explained to Raville that he
would not hear of a suspension of arms, and of his junction
with the Margrave of Baden. She wrote despairingly to Philip,
that before the negotiations could come to an agreement a whole
year would have passed away.2
A preliminary difficulty about the form in which the
Emperor's authority to treat was couched, was soon got over,
May. upon a promise made by the Infanta's ministers that
rtTne"^^- a d°cument> drawn up in proper form, should be
tions. forthcoming before the eonsultations were brought
to an end. When it came to Weston's turn to produce his
powers, a more formidable obstacle presented itself. He had
brought with him an assurance from James that he would take
care that his son-in-law conformed to his wishes ; but from
1 Nethersole to Calvert, April 26, 29, May 5. Narrative by the Mar-
grave of Baden, April. Wrenham to , May 6, S. P. Germany.
"• The Infanta Isabella to Philip IV., ^' ", Brussels MSS.
312 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
Frederick himself he could not produce a line ; still less could
he show that he had authority to make any engagement on
behalf of either Mansfeld or Christian ; and whatever might
be the nominal position of those commanders, no one at
Brussels doubted for an instant that they were practically their
own masters.1 At last, on May 16, Weston was allowed to
despatch a courier to the Palatinate, to request that Frederick
and his generals would send representatives, to give him their
advice at the conference. By this means he fondly hoped all
obstacles would be overcome.2
Whilst Weston was struggling to disentangle the diplomatic
web, Frederick had gone through many changes of opinion.
Fredericks I*1 truth, the dilemma into which he had brought
difficulties, himself, was one which admitted of no escape.
Without either money or supplies, it was impossible for him to
keep together an army in sufficient numbers to defeat the
enemy. It was equally impossible for him to support his army
without ravaging the neighbouring territories. It would be well
with him if he could drive Tilly back to Bavaria. It would
also be well with him if he could sign a peace which would
enable him to disband his troops. A mere suspension of arms,
which would oblige him to keep his forces together, but which
would not enable him to feed them, was fraught with disaster.
" A truce," he wrote to James, before he heard of the defeat
of his ally at Wimpfen, " will be my utter ruin. The enemy
will supply his army with food and money. We are in a ruined
• •ountry, and we have no mines in the West Indies to fall back
upon." 3 Even the bad news that followed did not alter his
opinion.4 At last a sharp letter from James, coming simulta-
neously with Mansfeld's determination to abandon the attack
upon Oppenheim, shook his resolution. On May 3 he wrote
1 Weston to Calvert, May 15, 5. P. Flanders.
2 Weston to Nethersole, May 1 6, S. P. Germany. Weston 's Report,
fol. 2, Inner Temple MSS. vol. 48.
» Frederick to the King, jj£-^, S. P. Germany.
1 Vere and Nethersole to Calvert, June n, S. P. Germany,
1622 FREDERICK AT DARMSTADT. 313
to assure his father-in-law that he was now ready to consent to
a truce for a month.1
This mood did not last long. On the i8th, he met the
Margrave of Baden at Spires, who assured him that, in spite of
His warlike his defeat, he was still able to bring 7,000 men into
tendencies, ^ fiei(j. A fresh bargain was struck between them,
and Frederick promised to agree to no terms without the consent
of the Margrave. Christian was known to be at last approach-
ing the Main, and it was settled that the two armies should
again combine in order to effect a junction with the new
comers.
The day after this agreement had been made Weston's
despatch arrived. Frederick coolly answered that he was now
under an engagement to the Margrave, and that till the opinion
of his ally had been taken, he could say nothing about the
conference at Brussels.2
On the evening of the 22nd, the whole force marched out
of Mannheim. The next morning the troops were before the
gates of Darmstadt. Unable to resist, the Landgrave
uponaDarm- Louis invited the leaders into the town, where he en-
tertained them hospitably, whilst the soldiers without
were driving off the cattle from the fields, and plundering the
houses of his subjects. As a Lutheran, who had warmly taken
the Emperor's part, he was especially obnoxious to Frederick.
He now tendered the advice that it would be well to submit
to the Emperor ; but Frederick was in no humour to think
of yielding. He was now, he said, at the head of a powerful
army. He would have nothing to do with sub-
guageTothe mission. His quarrel was not with the Emperor in
Landgrave. yg jmperjaj capacity. He had only to do with an
Archduke of Austria. If he was to have a peace, the arrears of
his soldiers' pay must be satisfied ; the Electoral dignity and
1 Nethersole to Carleton, May 2 ; Frederick to the King, May — '
S. P. Germany.
7 Nethersole to Weston, May 22 ; Nethersole to Calvert, May 22,
S. P. Germany.
314 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
the whole of the Palatinate must be restored ; the privileges and
religion of the Bohemians must be guaranteed afresh.1
Such words proceeding from a conqueror thundering at the
gates of Munich or Vienna would have been in their place.
Coming from Frederick, they were most disastrous to the cause
of which he had made himself the champion. We can fancy
the grim smile of scorn with which they would be received in
every Catholic town in Europe. The proscribed prince, it
would be said, was incorrigible. This, then, was the meaning
of the negotiation opened at Brussels, and of the promise to
accept the decision of his father-in-law. If he was so elated
by the capture of an undefended town, as to talk of re-opening
the question of the government of Bohemia, what security
could there possibly be that, if he were re-instated in his heredi-
tary dominions, he would not use the power thus conceded to
him for a renewed aggression upon his neighbours ?
Frederick did not stop here. The Landgrave of Darm-
stadt had a fortified post at Russelheim, which commanded a
passage over the Main. He was now ordered to place
Imprison- • • i i j r i * * TTII
ment of the it in the hands of his importunate guest. Unable to
mdgrave. res^ LOUJS sought safety in flight His movements
were soon discovered, and he was captured, and brought back to
the town. Frederick, and his instigator, Mansfeld, soon found
that they had gained but little by their violence. Turning to
bay, the Landgrave refused to comply with their demands,
and was carried off as a prisoner when the army marched
towards the Main.
In spite of Louis's refusal, Mansfeld directed his course
towards Russelheim, hoping to overawe the commander of so
Mansfeid's small a post The man, however, proved staunch
retreat. to j^g duty, and Mansfeld turned aside towards
AschafTenburg, searching for a passage across the broad river
which divided him from Christian. He had not gone far be-
fore bitter news was brought. Tilly had received a strong
reinforcement, and was on the watch to intercept him. The
next moment the great army of which Frederick had spoken
1 The Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt to the Elector of Mentz, May 29,
S. P. Germany.
1622 CHICHESTER /A THE PALATINATE. 315
so boastfully was in full retreat. Its rearguard was attacked
near Lorsch, and suffered some loss ; but the remainder of the
force contrived to find an inglorious shelter behind the walls of
Mannheim.1
At the moment of the fatal raid upon the Landgrave, what
little chance of an accommodation still remained melted into
May 3o. the air. After all that had passed, it was perhaps
Frederick's a ^Snt thing for Frederick that the Emperor or the
cause. Duke of Bavaria should steel their hearts against
him. It was the last hope of summoning Protestant Germany
to his aid which he had dashed aside. In the beginning
of May, there had been signs that the neutral states were
alarmed at the progress of the Imperialists. The Duke of
Wiirtemberg had offered his mediation ; the King of Denmark
had sent a fresh embassy to plead the cause of the proscribed
Elector ; and, what was more significant still, the Elector of
Saxony himself had written to Ferdinand, to urge him to a
complete restitution of all that Frederick had ever possessed.2
The imprisonment of the Landgrave of Darmstadt, and the rash
words which Frederick had uttered about Bohemia, put an end
to these well-meant efforts. The King of Denmark and the
Duke of Wiirtemberg submitted to the rebuff which had be-
come inevitable ; and, before two months were over, John
George was giving his warmest approval to the Emperor's
scheme of transferring the Electorate to Maximilian.3
The day before Frederick's return to Mannheim, Chichester
arrived from England.4 After long waiting he brought with him
Chichester's sucn money as the Benevolence had afforded ; and
arrival. j^e hacj instructions to require Frederick to remain
within the Palatinate, and to abstain for the future from any
aggression upon the territories of his neighbours.
To Chichester's military eye nothing could be more deplor-
1 Nethersole to Calvert, May 27, June 2, S. P. Germany. Vere to
Carleton, June 2, S. P. Holland.
2 The Elector of Saxony to the Emperor, May 4, Londorp, ii. 605.
Q
3 Hohenzollern to the Emperor, July --, Khevcnhiiller, ix. 1763.
4 Vere to Carleton, June 2, S. P. Holland.
316 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL
able than the aspect of the troops which he saw defiling past
The long train of baggage, and the crowds of wretched women
who had been dragged or enticed from their devastated homes,
did not bode well for the future operations of the army. It was
'ill disciplined,' he wrote, 'and ill armed.' As for the skirmish
at Lorsch, ' considering the advantages which the enemy had,
and the assurance which they had to give an absolute de-
feat, I hold it for a very happy and honourable day for the
King"
For some time Chichester pleaded in vain with Frederick.
The army was again about to retire into Alsace, and the unhappy
June. prince refused to remain in the Palatinate alone. A
He attempts letter from Weston, however, changed the current of
to negotiate . °
an armistice, his thoughts. The Infanta, it seemed, had consented
to request Chichester to negotiate a short armistice, in order to
give time for the discussion of the arrangements for a permanent
suspension of hostilities, and had written to Cordova and Tilly,
asking them to accept the terms proposed by him. To an armis-
tice thus demanded, Mansfeld was willing to agree ; for he had
no longer any hope of beating Tilly in the field, and he supposed
that the Infanta would still be ready to buy off his opposition
at his own price. Frederick, who was now entirely in Mansfeld's
hands, turned round once more. He was ready, he said, to
consent to an armistice for three weeks. The troops would be
able, for so short a time, to shift for themselves, without leaving
the Palatinate, He would himself send an agent to Brussels
and his allies would do the same.2
Chichester next turned to the Imperial commanders. The
moment was ill chosen to talk of an armistice. Provoked
its rejection by tne attack upon Darmstadt, they were little in-
by TUiy. clined to halt in their career of victory. Nor were
better reasons wanting to hold them back from accepting the
proposal of the English ambassador. At last Christian, laden
with the plunder of the Westphalian Bishoprics, was drawing
1 Chichester to the King ; Chichester to Carleton, June 2, S. P.
Germany.
2 Chichester to Weston, June 5 ; Chichester to the King, June 6,
S. P. Germany.
1622 CHICHESTER IN THE PALATINATE, 317
near. It was not even pretended that he had agreed to suspend
hostilities, and they had no wish to see him effecting a successful
junction with Mansfeld. Cordova, accordingly, taking advan-
tage of a phrase in the Infanta's letter by which the granting of
the armistice was made -conditional on the military situation,
answered that he could do nothing without the consent of the
other commanders, and prudently omitted to forward the letter
which had been intended for Tilly.1 Tilly's course was thus
made plain before him. He had heard nothing, he said, from
the Infanta ; and without an express order from the Emperor
he could do nothing. He should, however, be glad to be in-
formed where the troops of Mansfeld and Christian could find
quarters which would enable them to abstain from attacking
the Emperor's allies, and what assurance could be given that
they would observe an armistice if it were agreed upon.2
Of the treatment to which he was subjected, Chichester
complained bitterly ; but in his calmer moments he could not
chichester's deny that Tilly's doubts were not unreasonable. " I
Sack's observe," he wrote to Calvert, on June 1 1, " so much
forces. of the armies of the Margrave of Baden, and of the
Count Mansfeld, which I have seen, and of their ill discipline
and order, that I must conceive that kingdom and principality
for which they shall fight to be in great danger and hazard.
The Duke of Brunswick's, it is said, is not much better
governed, and how can it be better, or otherwise, where men
are raised out of the scum of the people, by princes who have
no dominion over them, nor power, for want of pay, to punish
them, nor means to reward them, living only upon rapine and
spoil, as they do ? I pray God to preserve the Duke of Bruns-
wick and his forces ; for if they receive a blow, as I have cause
to doubt, all that is left to the Prince within the Palatinate will
be in danger. His towns are ill-victualled, his garrisons weak,
and the soldier discontented, his weekly pay being so small, by
1 Weston's Report, fol. 4 b, Inner Temple MSS. vol. 48. Weston to
Calvert, June 22, S. P. Germany.
o
2 Tilly to Chichester, June —•, Chichester to the King, June II,
S. P. Germany.
3iS WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
raising of the value of money, that it can hardly buy him bread
to sustain nature. These and other miseries which I daily
behold with grief, together with the strange carriage of the
Emperor's chiefs since the receipt of the Infanta's letters, make
me to doubt the good success of our part by arms. I pray
God it was otherwise." l
Already, the day before these prescient words were written,
the blow which Chichester feared had fallen upon Christian.
Tune 10. Rapidly marching upon AschafFenburg, the combined
Battle of forces of Tilly and Cordova had crossed the Main,
at the very spot at which Mansfeld had hoped to
pass the river a few days before. Wheeling to the left, they
took their way with all speed along the further bank. At
Hochst they found Christian utterly unprepared for the attack.
After a short struggle, his troops were driven in headlong rout
across the stream. Gathering together the scattered remnants
of his beaten army, he contrived to make his way to Mansfeld
at Mannheim.2
Frederick was in evil plight. Twenty-five thousand men
were still collected round him ; but with such an army he could
neither wage war nor make peace. The Margrave
of Baden was the first to slink away without a word,
leaving his troops to extricate themselves from their
difficulties as best they could.3 Mansfeld and Christian were
in haste to be gone, far away from the terrible sword of Tilly.
Whilst they remained at Mannheim, their troops had consumed
the provisions which had been laid up for the garrison, and
there was nothing but starvation before them if they remained.
Chichester saw clearly that, if peace was to be had at all,
Frederick must be separated from the adventurers into whose
He deter- hands he had fallen. He begged him, therefore, to
i^aveVhe stay behind at Mannheim. Finding that his reasoning
Palatinate. was without effect, he produced an indignant letter
which James had written on the first news of his son-in-law's
1 Chichester to Calvert, June II, S. P. Germany.
2 Vere to Calvert, June n ; Nethersole to Calvert, June 18, S. P.
Germany.
;1 Chichester to Weston, June 22, S. P. Germany.
1622 FREDERICK'S FAILURE. 319
refusal to take part in the conference at Brussels.1 It was all
to no purpose. Frederick was resolved to go. If his father-
in-law, he said, knew the state in which he was, he would not
press him to remain. He was ready to submit to the treaty.
He would do no hostile act ; but his person was not safe at
Mannheim. If the King did not like him to accompany the
army, he would go to Switzerland. On the i3th, he rode out
of Mannheim with the troops of Mansfeld and Christian on
their retreat to Alsace.2
Never again was Frederick to look upon his native soil till he
returned in the train of a mightier deliverer, to find himself, in
victory as in defeat, a mere helpless waif upon the current He
was not wholly selfish or unprincipled. His weak and unstable
nature had been stirred to its shallow depths by the passions of
his age ; but his mind was of that temper that everything
seemed easy to him which was yet to be undertaken, and every
obstacle seemed insuperable when he was brought face to face
with its difficulties. It was his sad destiny never to see any-
thing as it really was, and never to count any enterprise im-
possible till he was called upon to engage in it. The popular
commonplaces about German liberty and religious freedom
were ever on his lips, whilst he never for a moment thought it
worth his while to test their meaning, or to ask himself how far
they represented valuable ideas, or how far they had been
encrusted with notions and opinions which were altogether
destructive and indefensible. Even now, after all his past ex-
perience, he could not discern that, whatever his countrymen
might be ready to do in future days after they had felt the full
weight of the Emperor's yoke, they were not yet prepared
to cast down the imperial edifice which, time-worn and
shattered as it was, was yet their only shelter against high-
handed injustice and never-ending strife. The strength of
Ferdinand and Maximilian lay in the position which they
occupied as supporters of order, and as champions of national
unity. The rash appropriation of the Bohemian crown, the
1 The King to Frederick, June 3, Add. MSS. 12,485, fol. 133 b.
The King to Chichester, June 3, Sherborne MSS.
* Chichester to the King, June 23, S. P. Germany.
520 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE, CH. XL.
refusal to acknowledge the consequences of defeat, and above
all, the employment of Mansfeld and his freebooters, had left
Frederick without a reputable friend in the Empire.
From such a spectacle it is well to turn for a moment
to the calm devotion of the English commander. No man
Vere's knew better than Vere how hopeless his military
position. position was. Yet it was not of the overwhelming
forces of the enemy that he complained the most. During the
days which Frederick had spent at Mannheim, that unhappy
prince had continued to see with Mansfeld's eyes and to hear
with Mansfeld's ears. To Vere, who was ready to sacrifice
everything in his cause, he refused even the courtesy of a seat in
the council of war.1 Of his plans and desires he left him in as
complete ignorance as the meanest soldier in the camp. And
now when, with the help of the money which Chichester had
brought, Vere was able to fill up the ranks of his garrisons, the
same evil influence met him at every turn. Mansfeld's men
had consumed the provisions on which he had depended to
carry him through the siege. "If we be attempted," he wrote
despairingly to Carleton, " I shall doubt very much of the event.
Besides, Count Mansfeld hath taken a great part of our service-
able men from us, and put the most poor in their places that
ever I saw."2 It could not well be otherwise. Licence to
rove unheeded in quest of fresh stores of plunder, was the
bait by which Mansfeld attracted round him his demoralised
soldiery. Hard blows for the sake of a prince who himself re-
fused to share the dangers to which his followers were exposed,
were all that Vere could offer.
The crisis seemed to be rapidly approaching. On June 20,
seven days after Frederick turned his back upon Mannheim,
siege of Tilly appeared before Heidelberg, and shots were
fcun'ancf exchanged with the garrison. To Chichester's de-
inten-upted. mand that he should refrain from attacking a town
held by the troops of the King of Great Britain, he returned a
curt answer, that he should not change his plans without an
express order from the Emperor This time, however, the
1 Vere to Carleton, June n, S. P. Holland.
2 Vere to Carleton, June 24, S. P. Germany.
1622 THE PALATINATE RAVAGED. 321
danger passed away. The Imperialist commanders came to
the conclusion that as long as Mansfeld was at large, it would
be dangerous to undertake the siege. It was always possible
that the adventurer might recross the Rhine, and make a dash
at the unplundered homesteads of the great Bavarian plain.
Tilly, therefore, marched southwards to bar the way, leaving
Cordova to make the return of the enemy into the Palatinate
Cordova's impossible. The Spaniard did his work with pitiless
ravages. severity. From behind the walls of Mannheim,
Chichester, fretting under the enforced inaction, was able to
trace his progress by the rolling flames which sprung aloft
kom the villages which had once been the happy homes of a
contented peasantry. If Mansfeld should attempt to return he
would find nothing but a blackened wilderness, unable to supply
food to his army for a single day.1
To the peasant, who saw the result of his lifelong toil drift-
ing away amidst smoke and flame, it mattered little whether
Discussion his rum was to be ascribed to Cordova or to Mans-
abourtUtShels ^e^- To all who were looking anxiously into the
powers ; future, it made a great difference whether these atro-
cities were committed with a definite military object or not.
When that object had been attained, Cordova's ravages would
cease, whilst the evil deeds of Mansfeld's bands would never
come to an end as long as his army remained in existence.
When, on June 15, the conferences were re-opened at Brussels,
Weston soon discovered that his position was changed for the
worse. The letter of credence which he now produced from
Frederick was at once rejected, and formal powers, as binding as
those which had by this time been received from the Emperor,
were demanded by the Infanta's commissioners. It was in vain
that Weston stood up for the sufficiency of his master's guarantee.
His arguments, he found, had little weight with men who knew
that Frederick, in his conversation at Darmstadt, had flung his
promises to the winds, and had positively declared that he had
no intention of submitting to the Emperor at all. A fresh
1 Chichester to Carleton, June 26, July 10, 22. Tilly to Chichester,
JH?±£5 s p Germany,
July 5
VOL. IV. Y
322 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE. CH. XL.
difficulty, which arose from the probability that if Frederick
consented to sign the powers required, he would insist upon
styling himself King of Bohemia, was got over by an agree-
ment that James should issue a fresh commission, and that
it should be sent to his son-in-law, to be confirmed by the
simple signature— Frederick. At the same time it was agreed
that Mansfeld and Christian should be asked to send special
powers, binding themselves to submit to the arrangements made
at Brussels.1 As there would be some delay in obtaining the
fresh commission from England, Weston took advantage of the
courier who carried these demands, to ask Frederick to send
full powers at once, which, even if they were rejected on
account of the title used by him, would at least serve to show
that he was in earnest in submitting to the negotiation in pro-
gress.
The next few days only served to bring out more clearly
the real difficulties of the case. Christian of Brunswick had
and about held back from taking any part in the conferences
in|ofSMans- whatever. Mansfeld had sent a Captain Weiss to
feid's troops, consult with Weston, with instructions to ask not
only for a pardon for himself and his followers, and for permis-
sion to retain the places which he held in the Empire till the
conclusion of the final treaty of peace, but also for a con-
siderable sum of money, to enable him to disband his troops.
This last request was justly considered as exorbitant by Pec-
quius. " They who have employed the Count," he said to
Weston, " ought to satisfy his demand for money." Nor was
it only from the difficulty of treating with such a commander
Despair of as Mansfeld that the Infanta began to despair of the
the infanta. success of her efforts at mediation. Every letter
which reached her from Vienna conveyed a fresh assurance of
Ferdinand's resolution to deprive Frederick of the Electorate,
whatever he might do about the territory ; and an objection
made, at the request of the Imperial ambassador, to the use of
the word " Elector " in James's commission, had been met by
1 Weston to Calvert, June 22, S. P. Germany. Narrative of the
Conference, J-^^, Brussels MSS.
' July 4
1 622 FREDERICK DISCONTENTED. 323
an announcement from Weston, that his master required
the restitution of the honours as well as of the patrimony of his
son-in-law.1
To no one did the pretensions advanced on both sides give
greater disquietude than to the Infanta. On the one hand,
she insisted on rejecting Mansfeld's demand for money ; on
the other hand, she wrote to Oriate, begging him to urge the
Emperor to desist from his design, and to tell him plainly that
if he refused to do so, he must give up all hope of peace.
It was in the midst of this entanglement that news arrived
from Alsace, which, for a time, seemed likely to extricate the
Frederick in English negotiator from his difficulty. A few weeks'
experience in Mansfeld's camp was beginning to tell
even upon Frederick. It was evidently not by aimless wander-
ing in pursuit of booty that the Palatinate would be recovered.
When Weston's demand for powers reached him on June 28,
he was in no mood to raise any further obstacle. The next
day he forwarded to Brussels two copies of the
plaints of the document required, one with, and the other without
the only seal which he possessed — the seal of the
Kingdom of Bohemia. In a letter to Chichester, which was
written on the same day, he bitterly complained of his position.
" I hope," he wrote, " that the excesses committed here will
not be imputed to me. I am very sorry to see them, and I
wish for nothing better than to be away from them." The day
before he had expressed himself in stronger terms. " As for
this army," he said, " it has committed great disorders. I
think there are men in it who are possessed of the devil, and who
take a pleasure in setting fire to everything. I should be very
glad to leave them. There ought to be some difference made
between friend and enemy; but these people ruin both alike."2
1 Weston to Calvert, June 30, S. P. Germany. The Infanta Isabella
to Philip IV., JiElfi Brussels MSS.
July 4 '
2 Frederick to Chichester, June 28, S. P. Germany. The following
extract from a letter from Frederick to his wife will be found misplaced
amongst the Holland State Papers of December, 1622. It is evidently the
decypher of part of a paragraph in cypher from a letter written about this
time, the first clause being imperfect : — " Le disordre parniy la soldatesque
Y 2
324 WAR IN THE LOWER PALATINATE, CH. XL.
Yet, what to do, Frederick hardly knew. At first he talked of
July. returning to Mannheim ; but this plan he surren-
He dismisses dered in the face ofMansfeld's objections, and he
it from his , J '
service. finally determined to take refuge with the Duke of
Bouillon at Sedan. On July 3, therefore, he left the army, after
issuing a proclamation by which he dismissed the troops from
his service, assigning as a motive his inability to find means to
pay them. As far as he was concerned, the garrisons which
still held out in Heidelberg, in Mannheim, and in Frankenthal,
were left to their fate.
qui pilloit tout sans respect ny difference avec autres inormitez, il estoit a
craindre que 1'ennemie le poursuivant il serait force a se retirer en Lorain,
et nos soldats y faire autant d'insolences commes ils ont accoutume, ainsois
je ferois sans nulle utilite plus d'ennemis, et estoit a craindre une mu-
tination, a faute d'argent et vivres. Mansfeld a desire que le Roi de
Boheme le licentia et donnast permission de chercher autre part condition,
menant toutes les officieres. Je luy ay donne cela par escrit, n'ayant aucun
moyen de les entretenir. II dit me pouvoir plus servir par diversion ; le
Due de Brunswic a bien bonne intention, si le Prince d'Orange luy pouvoit
envoyer quelqu'un pour 1'assister de bon conseil."
325
CHAPTER XLI.
FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY.
Now that a separation had been effected between Frederick
and Mansfeld, Western saw a door of escape from his difficul-
ties. He had lately asked in vain for a suspension
Weston .. , -iiii
presses for a of arms in the Palatinate alone, and had been told
in^pSI- that, unless he could engage that the whole of the
forces on his side would remain quiet, the Infanta
was utterly without power to restrain the armies of the Em-
peror.1 As soon, therefore, as the news reached him, he
hurried to Spinola, and told him what had hap-
July 12.
pened. To his surprise, Spinola did not seem to
think the intelligence of any great importance. The army, he
said, was less by one man only, the same commanders and the
same enemy being still in the field. Most likely the whole
affair was a trick. Against this insinuation Weston protested
loudly. His master's son-in-law, he said, was now ready to
conform to anything. The King of England had no command
over those who were not his subjects nor in his pay. If it was
desired, he would join his arms with those of the Emperor
against the perturbers of the public peace ; but if a suspension
of arms were not granted in the Palatinate without reference to
Mansfeld, and if Heidelberg and the other towns were as-
saulted, his Majesty would take it as a declaration of war
against himself. " The treaty," Spinola replied, " were it not for
the point of the auxiliaries, might be most easily and speedily
1 Weston to Calvert, July 6, S. P. Flanders.
326 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
concluded ; but if, while these men spoil our countries, we shall
stand with our hands tied, all the world will deride us." l
It was not only from the language addressed to his repre-
sentative at Brussels that James learned that he would not
be allowed to have everything his own way. He
assembly at had already received a letter from the Emperor,
x>n' announcing that he intended to hold at Ratisbon, on
August 22. the 22nd of August, an assembly composed of the
**' five loyal Electors, together with three Protestant
and three Catholic Princes, for the purpose of settling the
conditions of a permanent peace ; and this announcement was
coupled with an invitation to send an English ambassador to
take part in the negotiations.2
That James should have been startled by this letter was
only natural. Of the eleven members of whom the assembly
would be composed, the three ecclesiastical Electors, with the
Duke of Bavaria, the Archbishop of Salzburg, and the Bishop
of the two sees of Bamberg and Wiirzburg, were most unlikely
to take a lenient view of Frederick's proceedings. Nor were
the names of the Protestant minority more reassuring. The
Elector of Saxony, the Elector of Brandenburg, the Landgrave
of Hesse-Darmstadt, and the Dukes of Brunswick and Pome-
rania were all either hostile or indifferent to the fugitive
Elector Palatine. An announcement such as that which now
reached James ought surely to have driven him to reconsider his
position. If it was true, as rumour said, that the first proposition
submitted to the meeting would be one for the transference of the
Electorate, it would be well for James to ask himself how it had
become possible for Ferdinand to expect that his policy would
find support in a body in which Protestant Germany was so
largely represented. The answer was, in truth, not difficult to be
found by anyone who knew how to look for it. That Mansfeld,
and such as Mansfeld, should have the free range of the Empire,
to burn and plunder where they would, was an intolerable evil.
In the /ace of danger the nation was clinging to the Imperial
organization as the only centre of unity which it possessed. No
1 Weston to Calvert, July 13, S. P. Flanders.
8 Ferdinand II. to the King, June ^, 5". P. Germany.
1622 A LOST CAUSE. 327
foreign prince who tried to break up this unity, loose as it was,
would have a chance of being heard, unless he could provide
for the restoration of civil order. For the moment, the religious
question was in abeyance. These, however, were not the
thoughts with which James's mind was occupied. In the
Emperor's letter he saw nothing more than a gross personal
insult to himself. Ferdinand, he declared, had promised to treat
with him on equal terms. What right then had he to make
his decisions in any way dependent upon the wishes of the
Princes of the Empire ? It was derogatory to the honour of a
King of England that his ambassador should be summoned to
dance attendance upon an assembly so composed.1
It was no: only on this point that James failed to compre-
hend the situation of affairs. It was impossible for any candid
mind to dissociate the proceedings of Frederick from
Frederick's , ,. ^ « i • <• • .» «!• i 11
cause hope- the proceedings of Mansfeld. Spinola was no doubt
in the wrong when he spoke of Frederick's proclama-
tion, by which his troops had been disbanded, as altogether illu-
sory ; but the question to be considered was not whether the
exiled Prince meant what he said now, but whether he would
say the same thing if he found himself restored to his ancient
position. If the capture of an undefended town had led him
to reject with scorn the suggestion made by the Landgrave of
Hesse- Darmstadt, that he should submit to the Emperor, what
was to be expected if he found himself once more in the pos-
session of the Palatinate ? How long would it be before he
took some new offence at one or Other of his neighbours. Then
would be seen the consequences of Imperial lenity. Fresh
hordes of brigands, unpaid and unprovided, would pour forth
once more to seek their prey, and the whole work of repression
would have to be done over again.
Such was the wide-spread feeling which at this conjuncture
led Protestant and Catholic alike to give their support to Ferdi-
nand. As far as Frederick was personally concerned, the argu-
ment was unanswerable. Every year his power for doing good
had grown less and less. One by one, he had thrown away his
chances. In 1619, by refusing the crown of Bohemia, he might
1 The King to Ferdinand II., July 8, .S". P. Germany,
328 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
probably have secured the religious liberty of that country. At
the close of 1620, by renouncing the throne which he had lost,
he might have secured the religious liberty of Protestant Ger-
many. In 1621, by cordially accepting Digby's mediation, he
might at least have obtained, under very stringent conditions, the
restitution of his own states. And now even that hope was gone.
From the moment of his attack upon Darmstadt he had nothing
left but abdication.
As usual, in James's unhappy reign, the true policy of
England is to be found not in the manifestoes of its sovereign,
January. °r in the despatches of its ministers, but in the
Desireof memorials in which Spanish statesmen expressed
peace. their apprehensions. The Council of State at Madrid
was still divided between its desire to further the interests of the
Catholic Church in Germany and its dread of provoking a war
with England. Of the necessity of peace for the best interests
of the monarchy, none could be more clearly convinced than the
ministers of Philip. " If we go on with the war in the Lower
Palatinate," the Infanta Isabella had written towards the close of
the preceding year, " we shall have before us a struggle of the
greatest difficulty. We shall be assailed by the whole force of
the opposite party, and the burden will fall with all its weight
upon Spain. It will hardly be possible to bring together suffi-
cient forces to meet the enemy. It will, therefore, be better to
agree to a suspension of arms for as long a time as possible,
leaving each side in possession of the territory occupied by it,
in the hope that time will show what is best to be done." *
In the same spirit the Council of State utterly rejected a
suggestion thrown out by one of the Emperor's councillors at
, Vienna, to the effect that the brother of the Kine,
Rejection of
a proposed the Infant Charles, might marry the eldest daughter
theSLpw°er of the Emperor, receiving a new kingdom, to be com-
ate' posed of Franche Comte', Alsace, and the Lower
Palatinate.2 Onate was directed to inform Ferdinand that
1 The Infanta Isabella to Philip IV., Dec. y, 1621, Brussels MSS.
24
8 Minutes of Onate's despatch, Nov. — , 1621, Simancas MSS. 2403
fol. 8.
1622 SPANISH IDEAS. 329
Spain wished for no extension of its territory. It was by posi-
tive declarations that nothing of the kind was intended, that
the King of England had been induced to refrain from taking
part in the war, and the promise thus solemnly made must
not be broken. The Council then proceeded to
Plan for the . _ . . . .. ,, _ . _.
settlement adopt Zuniga s scheme m full. Let the Electorate
Germany. and the ^Q paiatinates be transferred from Fre-
derick to his son. Let the boy be educated as a Catholic,
either at Vienna or at Munich, and be married either to the
daughter of the Emperor or to the niece of the Duke of Bavaria.
The administration of the territories might be confided to
Maximilian as long as the young prince was under age, in order
that he might be able to pay himself for the expenses of the
war. A pension might be assigned to Frederick for his sup-
port. His son would be a Catholic, and his states would soon
be Catholic also.1
That such a proposal should ever have been made is only one
more proof of the ignorance of the Spanish ministers of a world
which was not their own. It must, however, be acknowledged
that James at least had done his best to blind them to the diffi-
culties of a scheme which would satisfy the dynastic interests
of his family, but would sacrifice the religious independence of
the inhabitants of the Palatinate. Yet even thus Zuniga shrank
from openly proposing the adoption of his plan. It would, he
said, be accepted at once by James and his son-in-law, but they
would add a stipulation that the boy should be educated at
Dresden instead of at Vienna.
That the policy thus indicated was the only sensible policy
for James to adopt there can be no reasonable doubt. It would
leave the boundary between the two religions untouched, at the
same time that it would afford the surest guarantee for the
future peace of the Empire. Unfortunately, its very wisdom was
enough to place it out of the question with James.
Whilst Spain and England were thus both employed in
1 Consulta of the Council of State, Jan. - , Simancas MSS. 2403,
£8
28'
fol. 8. Philip IV. to Onate, Jan. -, Brussels MSS.
330 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
offering impossible compromises, Ferdinand, without making
Hyacintho UP his mind upon the future disposition of Frederick's
at Madrid. territOry, was doing his best to obtain the consent of
the King of Spain to the transference of the Electorate ; and it
was not long before the friar Hyacintho arrived at Madrid,
bearing with him the despatches of which the copies had been
intercepted by Mansfeld. To all outward appearance, he failed
in the object of his mission. Fresh despatches were sent to
Onate, directing him to support an arrangement which would
confirm the son of Frederick in the Electorate. But he was
March. privately assured by Zuniga that the King had no
special predilection for the proposal made in his
name, and that if the Emperor could only manage to carry out
his wishes without implicating Spain in the affair, he need fear
no opposition at Madrid. All that was really wanted was that
they should be able to make James believe that the thing had
been done against the wish of the King of Spain. So secret
was this declaration to be kept that not even the Council of
State was acquainted with its purport. 1
Such were the circumstances under which Digby set out
from London to return to Spain.2 The hopes which he had
cherished four short months before were gone for
return to ever. The vision of an English army in the Palati-
Spam' nate well disciplined and well paid, strong enough to
inspire respect, and unencumbered with the necessity of plun-
dering in order to maintain itself in existence, had melted into
air ; but it was still possible, he thought, to secure the co-
operation of Spain by a strong representation of the evils which
would necessarily result from a renewal of the religious struggle
of the past century, and by threats of the imminence of war
if any support were given to the aggressive designs of the
Emperor. Yet it is easy to perceive, from the tone of his
despatches, that he felt that he had come as an ambassador and
not as a statesman. In every line is to be traced the fearless
1 Khevenhiiller, ix. 1765-1771. Philip IV. to Onate, March -5 >
May ^, Brussels MSS.
2 Calvert to Carleton, March 24, S. P. Holland.
1622 DIGBY* S RETURN TO SPAIN. 331
independence of a man who is capable of forming his own
opinions ; but he is no less careful to show that he comes to
carry out a policy which has been shaped by others, and the
success of which will mainly depend upon measures over which
he has no control.
Not only was the mission on which Digby now started
hopeless, but he altogether failed to penetrate the motives and
intentions of the Spanish Government. It was not that he
did not give himself extraordinary pains to discover the secret
intrigues of the ministers. He found means of acquainting
himself with the debates in the Council of State, and of get-
ting a sight of the orders which issued from the Royal Cabinet.1
Trickery and falsehood he was prepared to meet ; but even
his long residence at Madrid had not prepared him for the wild
hallucinations by which the Spanish statesmen were actuated.
It was possible, he thought, that Philip and Zuniga might
embrace the prospect of maintaining that peace of which the
monarchy stood so much in need. It was also possible that
they might be carried away by religious zeal to throw in their
lot with the Emperor ; but that they should fancy it possible
to convert the Palatinate by force, and at the same time to
remain on a friendly footing with a Protestant nation — that
they should look forward with satisfaction to the frustration of
the hopes of James by the interposition of the Pope's veto upon
the marriage treaty, without expecting to wound his suscep-
tibilities, was so utterly ridiculous, that Digby could never bring
himself to believe that the policy of a great nation could be
moulded on so wild a fancy. Yet it was at nothing less than
this that Zuniga was aiming.
The truth was, that Spanish politicians were walking upon
enchanted ground. Nothing seemed in their eyes to be what
Policy of it really was. The old illusion of Philip II., that
zumga. Spain could beat down all opposition by force, had
only been surrendered to make way for the still stranger illu-
sion that Spain could gain her objects without using force at
all. Yet the statesman who now directed the counsels of the
1 Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1623, S. P. Spain.
332 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
monarchy was incomparably superior to any minister who had
been known in Spain for many years. With Lerma and Uzeda
the first thought had been how to fill their own pockets. With
Zuniga the first thought was how to make his country prosper-
ous at home and respected abroad. Vigorous attempts had
been already made to effect at least some improvement in the
shattered finances, and to encourage population and industry
by every measure which the political knowledge of the day was
able to suggest.1 Such reforms, indeed, were not likely to go
far as long as the social and intellectual habits of the people
remained unchanged ; but they were certain, as Zuniga was
well aware, to be entirely thrown away if Spain engaged in a
fresh continental war.
To a certain extent, Zuniga's opinions were shared by the
other members of the Council of State. Like him, they were
anxious to maintain peace with England ; like him, they
thought that peace would not be broken even though Protes-
tantism were stamped out in the Palatinate ; but they refused
to believe that it would not be broken if the dynastic in-
terests of James were affected by the transference of the Elec-
torate.2
In this difference of opinion between the Council and the
chief minister the judgment of the King was of no weight
Character of whatever. Philip IV., at this time a lad of seven-
Philip iv. teen, had no mind for anything but amusement. He
was fond of bull-fights and hunting ; he was no less fond of
Court festivities and of dissipation of a more degrading kind ;
but he never could be induced to take a moment's thought
for serious business.3 Whatever Zuniga recommended he was
ready to say or do. Further trouble than that he utterly refused
to take.
Yet even with this advantage, Zuniga did not venture openly
1 Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de Espana, xvi. 21-28.
2 The difference of opinion is scarcely indicated by Khevenhiiller at
this time. But from a later passage which will be afterwards quoted, in
which he describes the cause of Zuniga's death, it is evident that it already
existed.
3 Rdazioni Venete, Spagna, i. 600.
1 622 ZUNIGA AND DIGBY. 333
to oppose the decisions of the Council of State. Composed, as
this body was, of men of high birth, who had many
th^councii of them taken a share in its deliberations for a long
State' series of years, he seems to have doubted whether
even Philip's nonchalance would be proof against an open
breach between himself and the Council. At all events, he
preferred not to face the storm. The decisions of the Council
were to be taken to the King to be converted into royal ordi-
nances, or to be recommended to the Spanish ambassadors at
foreign courts as the basis of their diplomacy, whilst he was all
the while watching with satisfaction the current of events which
would make the policy which he ostensibly adopted impossible,
or was even intriguing to defeat the measures to which he had
himself publicly assented.
Such was the strange chaos of wild hopes and incompatible
designs across which Digby, strong only in his honesty of
purpose and his knowledge of the laws by which the
Digby asks conduct of ordinary men is guided, had come to lay
anrce"bouT a road firm enough for human beings to walk with-
treea^!mage out danger of being engulfed in the depths beneath.
Believing, as he did, that even Spaniards would
hardly go on seriously with the marriage treaty unless they
meant to give satisfaction to his master in Germany, he made
it his first object to discover their intentions on this important
point. It was not long, therefore, before he spoke plainly to
Zufiiga on the subject. It was now, he said, two years since
Lafuente had left England in order to make a demand for the
dispensation at Rome. As nothing had as yet been done, he
wished to know whether the Spanish Government would ob-
tain a decision one way or another, in order that, if the diffi-
culties proved insuperable, his master might bestow his son
elsewhere.
Zuniga, in truth, would have been glad enough if the car-
dinals could have been persuaded to continue the discussion
of the marriage for twenty years instead of two ; but he did
not venture to say so, and after giving Digby every assurance
of his personal good- will, asked him to repeat the question to
the King himself.
334 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
Philip accordingly, being well tutored, gave the most satis-
factory of answers. The proposition, he said, was very grateful
Philip's to him. He desired the match as much as his father
answer. ^ad fton^ an(j there should be no want on his part
in bringing it to a speedy conclusion. If it had not been begun
by his father, he would himself have been the beginner of it.
He only hoped that the King of England would be well satisfied
with the expected decision of the Pope.1
Digby was, however, too well versed in the arts of courts
to put his trust in words alone. The test which he selected
of Philip's sincerity was derived from his intimate
h knowledge of Spanish manners. In those Southern
1 anta' countries it was considered the height of impropriety
to allow a lady to receive the addresses of a suitor before her
parents or guardians had made up their minds to allow the
marriage to take place. The ambassador, therefore, asked
leave to visit the Infanta, and stated as his motive that he had
a message to deliver from the Prince. His request was imme-
diately granted, and he was allowed to assure the lady ' that as
there was not the thing in the world which ' the Prince ' more
desired than to see the treaty effected, so he hoped it was
agreeable to her, and that she would aid in it.' " I thank the
Prince of England much for the honour which he does me,"
replied the Infanta, and the interview was at an end.
Upon this visit Digby laid no little stress in his report of
the sentiments of the court. Yet he was not altogether at his
ease. He added a request for positive instructions to come
away at once, the moment that he was able to discover the
slightest inclination to delay the conclusion of the treaty. If,
however, he could believe the assurances that were given him,
there was no reason why the Infanta should not be in England
in the spring.2
May. For the moment, however, the Spaniards had a
recaii°ma ' valid excuse for delay. They could not treat about
the marriage till a definite decision arrived from Rome ; they
' Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1623, S. P. Spain.
2 Digby to Calvert, June 30 ; Digby to the Prince of Wales, June 30,
S. P. Spain.
1622 CONDOM AR LEAVES ENGLAND. 335
could not treat about the Palatinate till Gondomar, who had
been recalled to Spain as the only man fit to cope with Digby,
arrived at Madrid.1
Gondomar's departure from London had been accompanied
by a general shout of exultation from the English people. No
more unpopular ambassador has ever left our shores. In
addition to the evils which he undoubtedly caused, his
memory was saddled with countless crimes of which he was no
less undoubtedly innocent Yet, after every deduction has
been made, enough remains to justify the popular verdict He
had stood in the way of the national resolve ; he had induced
James, by alternately wheedling him and bullying him, to
carry out the behests of the King of Spain. No other ambas-
sador, before or since, succeeded so completely in making a
tool of an English king. So thoroughly had he earned the
hatred of the people amongst whom he had been living, that
his successor, Don Carlos Coloma, was for the moment almost
popular in England. An honest soldier who had served in
many a hard fight under the flag of his country was, it was
thought, not likely to be an adept in those arts of dissimulation
which had served Gondomar so well.
Meanwhile the course of events was bringing small comfort
to Digby. One courier after another brought bad news from
Germany. First it was the attack upon Darmstadt ;
Digby then it was the dismissal of Mansfeld's troops, and
cIEa'tion'of the isolation of Frederick ; lastly, he heard of the
ties' threatened siege of Heidelberg. Yet he did not
allow himself to be discouraged at the consequence of the
neglect of his advice. " For my part," he wrote on July 13, " I
have been long of opinion, and so continue still, that this busi-
ness will never be brought to any good conclusion but by the
absolute authority of these two kings, who must agree of such
conditions as they shall judge reasonable, and reciprocally
oblige themselves to constrain both parties to condescend unto
them ; for all other particular treaties will still be overthrown
1 This is the explanation given in a despatch of Philip to the Infanta
Isabel'a, March , Brwsels MSS.
336 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
either by the inconstancy of the parties who will, from time to
time, alter and change upon the advantage of accidents of war,
or else be interrupted by continual jealousies and new provoca-
tions. This course I hope one day to see set on foot when
once the business of the match is fully resolved and concluded ;
for I esteem that must be the basis and foundation upon which
all the good correspondency and mutual exchange of good
offices betwixt England and Spain must depend, and that once
taking effect, I shall not much doubt of the other." l
A few weeks later Digby was able to give a satisfactory
report of his negotiation. Gondomar had arrived and had
August, thrown his whole weight into the scale in his favour.
Jhecci°unncfi The question of the Palatinate had been referred to
of state. the Council of State, and it had been decided, after
a full discussion, that complete satisfaction should be given to
the King of England.
No doubt Digby greatly over-estimated the value of this
decision. He did not know what was the extraordinary ar-
Digby's rangement supposed by the members of the Council
the Assent to ^e ^ely to §^ve satisfaction to James; still less
bly- did he know what was the wilder scheme which
had approved itself to Zufiiga ; but, in fact, it mattered very
little whether the Spaniards were speaking truth or not. If
James and Frederick could win the confidence of Protestant
Germany, they might dictate their own terms to the Emperor ;
if not, they must take whatever the Courts of Vienna and
Madrid would be pleased to give. With his master's foolish
objections to the assembly at Ratisbon, therefore, Digby had
no sympathy whatever. "It is a weakness," he wrote, "to
think that this business can be ended without a Diet" He
felt truly that his part had been done. Sincerely or not, the
Spanish Government had consented to take up Frederick's
cause ; it was James's business, not his, to make that cause
palatable to the German nation.2
For all this, however, James had no eyes. That it was
1 Digby to the Prince of Wales, July 13, S. P. Spain.
2 Digby to Calvert, Aug. 9, 6". P. Spain.
1 622 A NEW PROPOSAL. 337
necessary for him to take any trouble about the matter, beyond
that of writing occasionally a scolding letter to his
throws ail son-in-law, never entered into his mind. Just as he
biiityupon had dealt with Raleigh five years before he now pro-
posed to deal with Philip. All responsibility for the
restitution of the Electorate and the Palatinate was to be left
to the King of Spain. If he succeeded, James would reap
the benefit ; if he failed, he would declare war upon him, just
as he had punished Raleigh's failure by sending him to the
scaffold.
It was while he was in this temper that James received infor-
mation from Weston of an important proposal which had been
July 14. unofficially made to him at Brussels. Let Heidel-
p™P°|et^e' berg, it was suggested, be neutralised, and assigned
of the towns to Frederick as a residence, on condition of the sur-
in the Pala- '
tinate. render of Mannheim and Frankenthal to the Infanta,
who would engage to restore them to the English garrisons
whenever the peace negotiations were brought to a close one
way or other. " If peace and restitution be concluded," said
Pecquius, in supporting the scheme, " yet however the Prince
Palatine promise, and his Majesty oblige himself, it may be
thought there shall be demanded some places of caution at
least for a time ; and, if it should come to that, I know not in
whose hands they could more safely be deposited." l
To the proposal thus made James refused to give even a
moment's consideration. It was contrary, he declared, to his
honour, and it did not offer sufficient security for the future.
No doubt this was true enough ; but what better could he do ?
He had already protested against Ferdinand's invitation to
send an ambassador to Ratisbon as a breach of the Emperor's
engagement to enter into direct negotiations with himself.2
If he would neither negotiate with the Emperor nor fight
with him, there was nothing left but to throw himself unre-
servedly into the arms of the King of Spain, and to pick up
the crumbs which fell from his table.
In one respect at least Weston was an excellent servant. The
1 Weston to Calvert, July 19, S. P. Spain.
* The Kin** to Ferdinand II., July 8, S. P. Germany.
VOL. IV. Z
338 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
absurdity of the position in which he was placed never dawned
upon him for an instant. He gravely continued to
Westoncon- l. ° J
tinueshb reiterate his masters demands for a suspension of
arms in the Palatinate alone, which would have left
Mansfeld free to strike his blows elsewhere in whatever direc-
tion he pleased.
To such a demand the Infanta had no power to assent. Ferdi-
nand had commissioned her to come to terms with Frederick, on
the supposition that he was able to dispose of the forces which
he had raised. The Emperor would never, as she knew full
well, ratify any agreement which would leave the roving bands
of Mansfeld free to wander at their pleasure in search of booty.
Nor was the danger by any means at an end since Mans-
feld's dismissal by his nominal master. While Weston was
Mansfeld in wasting his breath at Brussels, that captain of
Lorraine. brigands had been offering his services to the highest
bidder. If his assurances were to be believed, he was equally
ready to serve the Emperor, the Infanta, the King of France,
or the Dutch Republic. But answers were slow in coming in,
and Alsace, stripped as by a swarm of locusts, no longer sufficed
to support his army. The Archduke Leopold, too, who com-
manded the Emperor's forces in those parts, had received
reinforcements from Tilly, and was ready to make head against
him. Taking Christian of Brunswick with him, he hastily
evacuated that Haguenau which he had hoped to make his
own for ever, and flung himself suddenly upon Lorraine. Be-
fore crossing the frontier, however, he wrote to the Duke ask-
ing permission to pass through his territories on his way to
France, in which country he hoped to find entertainment for
his troops. It was impossible, however, he added, to keep his
men to their duty unless they were fed, and he must therefore
request that rations might be provided for twenty- five thou-
sand men, His soldiers, he went on to say, received but little
pay, and were accustomed to commit great excesses. For this
reason it would be well if the inhabitants were ordered to carry
off their property to the fortified towns, in which they would
be able to defend it.1
1 Mansfeld to the Duke of Lorraine, July, 6". P. Holland.
1 622 MANSFELUS RAVAGES. 339
Mansfeld's candid avowal was fully justified by the con-
duct of his men. As he passed the border they set fire to the
town of Pfalzburg. Farther on, his march was lighted by the
flames of thirty blazing villages. Famine and desolation
marked his track. From Lorraine his soldiers spread over the
bishoprics of Metz and Verdun ; and even Sedan, the little
nook of land where Frederick was cowering under his uncle's
protection, was not safe from their devastating tread. "We
are here, " wrote the Duke of Bouillon, " in the midst of an
army, without arms, without leaders, without discipline or fitness
for war. Those who hold out their arms to these men, or
attempt to ameliorate their condition, are treated worse than
could be expected from the most exasperated enemy." l
Ferdinand's indignation, when he heard of this fresh aggres-
sion, was unbounded. Now, at least, he wrote on July 25 to
Ferdinand's the Infanta Isabella, there could no longer be any
indignation, do^ that the enemy was only talking about a
suspension of arms in order to gain time.2 His own posi-
tion was indeed a strong one. Frederick and Mansfeld had
been doing his work only too surely. From every side de-
spatches were pouring in, with acceptances of his invitation
to the assembly at Ratisbon, which had been postponed till
September 2i.3 At this moment James's protest
Hiriepiyto agamst the assembly reached him. He at once
James's pro- replied that he was not to blame. It was Frederick
who had caused the failure of the negotiations at
Brussels. The basis of those negotiations had been the pro-
mise of the deprived Elector to make due submission to the
Emperor, and yet he had plainly told the Landgrave of Darm-
stadt that he had no intention of fulfilling his engagement.
In the meantime the Empire had been exposed to spoil and
pillage, and he had therefore summoned the princes to consult
for its safety. To James's request that he would order his
troops to abstain from attacking the places in the Palatinate, he
1 The Duke of Bouillon to Carleton (?), Aug. ^, S. P. Holland.
2 Ferdinand II. to the Infanta Isabella, -[-y— 5, Brussels MSS.
Aug. 4
' October i, N.S.
Z 2
340 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
returned an evasive answer, referring him to the negotiators at
Brussels. l
In fact, Ferdinand had thoroughly made up his mind as to
the course he would pursue. As soon as the assembly met, he
His inten- would announce the transference of the Electorate
tions. wjtri every prospect of obtaining its assent. He
would leave it to the Princes to decide how the territory was
to be disposed of, and how the expenses of the war were to
be paid. He knew that he would have more chance of gain-
ing his object if the strong towns, which were garrisoned by
the King of England's troops, were in his hands before the
Princes arrived at Ratisbon. On August 13, therefore, two
days after he had answered James's letter, he despatched a
courier to Tilly, ordering him to proceed at once to the siege of
Heidelberg.2
Whilst Ferdinand's messenger was speeding across Germany,
Weston was doing his best at Brussels to separate the cause of
Weston's Frederick from the cause of Mansfeld. On August 15,
proposition, j.^ presented to the Infanta's commissioners a pro-
position for settling the points at issue. Let the towns in the
Palatinate, he said in effect, be allowed to remain in the posi-
tion in which they are, and the King of England will engage to
make war upon Mansfeld and Christian, if they should be so
ill-advised as to return to that part of Germany ; and he will
also promise that if, whenever the negotiations for peace are
seriously taken in hand, those adventurers still refuse to submit
to reasonable conditions, he will ' declare himself their enemy
and jointly employ his forces against them, as against the per-
turbers of the common repose of Christendom.' 3
Such a proposal could hardly be seriously entertained by
1 Ferdinand II. to the King, Aug. — ; Simon Digby to Calvert, Aug.
14, S. P. Germany.
• Ferdinand II. to Khevenhiiller, Aug. -g ; Onate to Philip IV.,
Aug. — , Simancas MSS. 2403, fol. 218, 217; Simon Digby to Calvert,
Aug. 14, 15, 22, S. P. Germany.
1 Weston's Proposition, Aug. 15, Weston's Report, Inner Temple
MSS. vol. 48.
1622 MANSFELDS MARCH. 341
the Infanta. The time had long passed since either Frederick's
Mansfeid's engagements to make peace, or James's engagements
troops. j.Q make war) had been regarded as having any prac-
tical bearing upon the course of events. Rightly or wrongly,
every Catholic in Europe was fully persuaded that in Frederick's
hands the strong places garrisoned by Vere would be a basis of
operations for Mansfeld and his marauders, and whatever might
be the ulterior designs cherished at Brussels and Vienna, there
was no hesitation in the resolution formed to hinder them from
again taking root in the Palatinate. There was not the slightest
reason to suppose that Mansfeld was likely to be less dangerous
than he had been before. Even Weston acknowledged that it
was certain that the adventurers had no intention of submitting
to any terms whatever. They had begun, he said, by demand-
ing unreasonable conditions. They had sent him no powers to
treat, and for some time had not even troubled themselves to
answer his letters.1
In fact, it was no longer possible for them to remain where
they were. The Duke of Nevers, whilst pretending to negotiate
with Mansfeld the terms upon which he was to enter
He attempts r .
to join the the French service, had rapidly collected a force
strong enough to bar the road into France. An
attempt to make a dash for the Lower Rhine, made early in
August by Christian, had failed, not so much from the resistance
offered by the Spanish Governor of Luxemburg, as from the
mutinous spirit of his own men.2 Under these circumstances
an offer which reached Mansfeld from the States- General was
eagerly seized. Things had not been going well with the Re-
public since the re-opening of the war. In the winter Juliers
had surrendered to the Spanish arms, and Spinola had now sat
down before Bergen-op-Zoom, with every prospect of conduct-
ing the siege to a successful conclusion. In order to avert such
a blow, the States offered to take Mansfeld into their service
for three months.
Mansfeld leapt at the offer. Leading his men by a cir-
1 Weston to Calvert, Aug. 15, S. P. Flanders.
2 Advertisement from Sedan, Aug. 8, S. P. Holland.
342 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLL
cuitous route, he hoped to slip unperceived across the Spanish
AU st i Netherlands, and to join the Prince of Orange at
Battle of Breda; but on the evening of August 18 he found
that his way was barred by Cordova, whose forces
had been recalled in hot haste from the Palatinate. At day-
break on the following morning, he prepared for action ; but
scarcely was the word given when two of his regiments broke
out into mutiny, shouting for money. Of the troops which re-
mained faithful, many had sold their arms for bread, and many
had thrown them down in sheer weariness. Yet, deficient as
he was in those moral qualities without which no man can
conduct a campaign to a successful issue, Mansfeld showed on
this day that he was possessed in an eminent degree of that
dogged courage and cool presence of mind which befit a leader
of banditti Riding up to the mutineers, he adjured them, if
they would not fight, at least to keep together, so as to im-
pose upon the enemy. Receiving a favourable reply, he placed
them in a body amidst a crowd of camp-followers, so as to
present the appearance of a formidable array. With the rest of
his force he dashed at the Spaniards. Three times he was re-
pulsed ; but at last Christian, with that impetuous bravery which
has blinded half the world to his want of all other virtues,
drove the enemy's cavalry before him in headlong rout. But
in the midst of his charge, he received a wound in the arm,
and his followers, when they saw him led away from the field,
made their leader's misfortune an excuse for refusing to take
any further part in the battle. The Spanish army was saved
from almost certain annihilation. Mansfeld was able to pursue
his march, and to join the Dutch camp at Breda.1
The wound in Christian's arm was unskilfully tended,
and he was forced to submit to amputation. He ordered the
trumpets to be sounded whilst the operation was being per-
formed. Not long afterwards he replaced the lost member with
a substitute skilfully constructed of cork and silver. " The arm
which is left," he boastfully declared, " shall give my enemies
enough to do."
1 Theatrum Europ<zumt i. 666. Carleton to Buckingham, Aug. 27,
S. P. Holland.
1622 MANSFELD JOINS THE DUTCH. 343
His companions in arms were not yet ready to take the
field. The starving wretches needed to be re-armed and re-
Mansfeid at clothed before they could be made available against
Breda. Spinola. But the garrison of Bergen would be likely
to fight the more manfully now that they knew that relief was
at hand.
The change of Mansfeld's quarters inspired Weston with
renewed hopes. Now, at least, he urged, there should be no
longer any difficulty in granting the suspension of
again°asks arms. Mansfeld and Christian had transferred their
AanatSm. services to the Dutch, and would no longer stand in
the way of an accommodation. The siege of Heidel-
berg, he had heard, was being actively carried on, and he there-
fore hoped that the Infanta would give orders for the suspension
of hostilities. Yet, in spite of all that Weston could say, the
Infanta knew that she had no power to agree to any cessation of
hostilities in which Mansfeld and Christian were not included.
It was notorious that the adventurers had only taken service with
the States for three months, and no one at Brussels doubted that
they would return to ravage Germany in the winter. Weston
was, therefore, obliged to content himself for the present with
hearing that fresh letters would be sent to Tilly and the Arch-
duke Leopold ; but he was plainly told that it was not likely
that they would do any good. l Excepting in the garrisons on the
left bank of the Rhine, there were no longer any Spanish troops
in the Palatinate,2 and there were therefore no forces in the army
before Heidelberg under the immediate orders of the Infanta.
At last, on September 8, Weston received a formal reply
to his proposition. He was told that nothing could be done
, unless he could obtain an assurance from Mansfeld
September.
The in- and Christian that they would not again attack the
5 reply' obedient princes of the Empire ; and that it was ex-
pected that they would also engage to abstain from assailing
the territories of Spain.
1 Weston to Calvert, Sept. 3, S. P. Flanders.
• The Infanta Isabella to Cordova, Aug. ^, Harl MSS. 1581,
fol. 177.
344 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
" Likewise," the Infanta proceeded, referring to the Flemish
extraction of the adventurer, " seeing the same Mansfeld hath
refused to accept the grace and pardon of his Majesty, whereby
he might have turned to his royal service, and to his own na-
tural obedience, and hath withal drawn from this city him whom
he hath sent hither to treat on this his behalf ; l seeing also how
little he can hope for from the Hollanders, and how his pride
will not let him remain in Holland, there being withal particular
advertisements that his end and purpose is to trouble the affairs
of Germany : —
" Lastly, seeing the Duke Christian will take the same
course, as he hath also expressly declared ; there is none that
seeth not clearly the truth of that which hath been said, and
that it is now more necessary than ever to provide for the
general assurance."
The Infanta ended by saying that, though she herself saw
no way out of the difficulty, she would gladly listen to anything
that Weston had to propose.2
To the question thus put, Weston had very little to reply,
as he was perfectly aware that the adventurers really contem-
Mansfeid's plated a return to Germany as soon as their engage-
plans, ment with the Dutch was at an end. " I must tell
you," Mansfeld had written to him a fortnight before, " that you
are labouring in vain. For you will never accomplish anything
where you are. When those people get a thing between their
teeth, they never let it go unless after the loss of a great battle.
You ought, therefore, to advise his Majesty to recall you ; for
I see well enough that there is no remedy unless we begin the
war in Germany afresh." 3
Weston was therefore obliged to content himself with
weston's reiterating his opinion, that Mansfeld had no longer
answer to any connection with Frederick, and with renewing
the Infanta. . , . . . .
his declaration that his master was ready to join the
Emperor in opposing his designs. As for the demand that
1 i.e. Captain Weiss.
2 Answer to Weston's Proposition, Sept. 8, Weston's Report, fol. 16.
Inner Temfle MSS. vol. 48.
8 Mansfeld to Weston, 4' -S1- P. Germany.
1622 RECALL OF WESTON. 345
Mansfeld should be prevented from attacking Spain under the
orders of the Prince of Orange, he could only say that the
King of England was quite ready to mediate a treaty between
Philip and the Dutch.1
Baffled and discontented, Weston had for some time been
earnestly pleading for his recall. His denunciations of the
Hisdissatis- Infanta 's perfidy were loud enough to please the
stoutest Puritan in England. He had gone to
Brussels under the impression that he had an easy task before
him. He had shared with many of his countrymen the be-
lief that Spain was everything and Germany was nothing ; and
he could not conceive it to be possible that the destinies of
the Empire were determined at Vienna rather than at Madrid.
On the 1 5th, Weston had his last audience of the Infanta.
He had orders, he said, to return home unless either the siege
Weston'sre- of Heidelberg were raised, or the suspension of arms
granted. He was again made to understand that he
was asking for that which it was no longer in her power to
accord. The King of England, the Infanta said, ' had deserved
a crown of palm by his royal carriage ; ' and she would never
cease to do all that she could to give him satisfaction.2
The long negotiation was at last brought to an end. That
the Infanta was earnestly desirous to conduct it to a better
, termination cannot be doubted for an instant. As
Character of
Msnegotia- late as August 27 she had written again, to press
the Emperor to abandon his design of transferring
the Electorate. James, however, had never been sufficiently
alive to the absolute importance of guaranteeing the Empire
against anarchy. His own inability to provide pay for his son-
in-law's army, Frederick's rash words at Darmstadt, and the
ravages of Mansfeld, had by this time thoroughly confirmed
Ferdinand's conviction that peace was only to be obtained by
the establishment of the absolute supremacy of his own party
in the Empire. To this conviction James had nothing to
1 Western's Reply, Sept. 12, in his Report, fol. 19, Inner
MSS. vol. 48.
2 Weston to Calvert, Sept. 16, 5. P. Flanders.
346 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
oppose. He had no watchword by which to rally the North
German Protestants. He had no real power over his son-in-
law's actions, still less over those of Mansfeld. All that he
could do was to bluster about keeping Mansfeld quiet by
force ; and when he found that no credit was given to his
protestations, he had no other resource but to call upon Spain
to help him out of the mire into which his blunders had so
hopelessly plunged him.
The months during which the comedy was being played
out at Brussels had brought increasing exasperation to the
English people. Even if the whole truth had been
English feel- laid before them, there would have been more than
enough to cause the most serious disquietude amongst
all with whom the interests of Protestantism were worth a
moment's consideration. It was impossible to deny that, wher-
ever the blame was to be laid, the very existence of Protestantism
was seriously endangered over a large part of the Continent.
In reality, the great mass of Englishmen knew very little of
the real facts of the case. Of Frederick's helplessness and
vacillation, of Mansfeld's atrocities, of the abominable anarchy
which was certain to be the result of the victory of such allies,
they were utterly and hopelessly ignorant. What they saw was
only a new phase of the eternal conflict between virtue and
vice, between freedom and tyranny ; and, imperfect as this
view of the case undoubtedly was, they were at least clear-
sighted enough in marking the evil which had arisen from their
Sovereign's faults. It was only in the pulpit that these feelings,
freely expressed in private conversation, could find vent in
public, and it is no wonder that a man like James, in his
dislike at the free language which was springing up around
him, took refuge in sending the obnoxious preachers
mem of to prison. Dr. Everard, who had been committed
in the preceding year to the Gatehouse for abusing
the Spaniards in a sermon, now found his way into the Mar-
shalsea. Another preacher, Mr. Clayton, was sent to prison
for reproducing Coke's scurrilous allusion to the introduction
of the scab by sheep imported from Spain ; and a third, Dr.
Sheldon, was thought lucky to have escaped with a reprimand
1622 CLERICAL ACTIVITY. 347
for some harsh reflections upon the people who worshipped the
beast and his image.1
Nor was it only against abuse of Spain that James had
decided upon making war. He was now disquieted, as many
wiser men than he have often been disquieted, by
Calvmists , . . , * . . . }
and Armi- the bitterness of theological polemics. Armimamsm,
silenced in Holland, had taken firm root in England,
and had been welcomed by those who were most under the
influence of the reaction against Puritanism. Of necessity,
the new views were received with deep distrust by all who
attached value to the Calvinistic theology. In every corner of
the land, the pulpits rang with declamations on predestination
and the final perseverance of the saints. Till lately, at least,
James had regarded with favour the doctrine in which he had
been educated. But he hated turmoil, and he thought, in spite
of Barneveld's example, that he might succeed in laying the
storm by directing Abbot to issue a few well-meant instructions
Directions to to tne preachers. From henceforth, no one under
preachers. the degree of a bachelor of divinity was to 'presume
to preach in any popular auditory the deep points of predes-
tination, election, reprobation, or of the universality, efficacy,
resistibility or irresistibility of God's grace ; but leave those
themes to be handled by learned men, and that moderately and
modestly, by way of use and application rather than by way of
positive doctrine, as being points fitter for the schools and
universities than for simple auditories.' '2
As mere advice, no exception can be taken against such
words as these. But, coming as they did, as an attempt to
enforce silence on the great religious question of the
day, they only served to embitter the quarrel which
they were meant to calm. Left to itself, the tendency of the
age was undoubtedly in favour of the Arminians. For what-
ever may be the theological or philosophical value of their
opinions, they were doing the same work in the domain of
1 Chamberlain to Carleton, Aug. 10, S. P. Dom. cxxxii. 91. Mead
to Stuteville, Sept. 14, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 228.
* Hacket, 89. The King to Abbot, Aug. 4 ; Abbot to the Bishops,
Aug. 12, Sept. 4, Wilkins's Concilia, iv. 465.
348 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
thought which Digby with his doctrine of territorial sovereignty
was doing in the domain of practical politics. They were
finding a middle course, which might put an end to that
violent opposition which existed between the contending
churches. It was to the decrease of theological virulence that
they owed their existence as a school of thinkers. It was to
their habits and modes of thought that the growth of a spirit of
toleration would be mainly due. The greatest service that
could be done to them was to allow them to win their way by
argument. The greatest injury that could be done to them
was to enable them to silence their adversaries by force. Men
who could preach about nothing but predestination, and who
could use no language better than coarse invective, were no
doubt a great pest to the community ; but, after all, liberty
of thought is better in the end than correctness of reasoning
or moderation of expression, and it is impossible for anyone
external to the modes of a preacher's thoughts to judge of the
intimate connection which exists in his mind between the
abstract doctrines which he professes and the practical lessons
which he desires to enforce. The great battle of the sixteenth
century had been waged between Catholicism and Protestantism.
The great battle of the seventeenth century, as yet felt rather
than understood, was to be waged on behalf of mental and
personal liberty. It was the great misfortune of James's
character, that, whilst both in his domestic and foreign policy
he was far in advance of his age in his desire to put a final end
to religious strife, he was utterly unfit to judge what were the
proper measures to be taken for the attainment of his object.
Unfortunately it lay in his power to a great extent to decide
whether the Arminians should range themselves, on the whole,
on the side of the advancing or of the retrograde party
amongst their countrymen. Laud, disputing with a Jesuit or a
Calvinist, was a true Protestant, a genuine successor, according
to the altered conditions of the age, of Luther and of Knox.
Laud, entrusted with power to silence his opponents, to forbid
the study of books which he considered objectionable, and to
restrain the preaching of sermons which he held to be mischie-
vous, would be upon the side of the Jesuits and the Pope.
1622 ARMINIANS AND PURITANS.
349
It was thus that James's efforts at repression resulted, against
his will, in giving new life to Puritanism. Invigorated by the
restraints under which he placed it, it rose up once
New in- ... , ..- ,
vigoration of more with giant strength to suffer and to dare in the
lsm' name of law and of religion. It gained the alliance of
many a man who had no sympathy with the narrowness of its
tenets, but who found, in the lofty and noble spirit by which it was
pervaded, the strength which would enable him to shake off the
weight which pressed so heavily upon the energies of the nation.
Little as the English people knew of what was passing at
Rome and at Madrid, they were well aware that James had.
lowered the dignity of the English crown till the laws
the catholic of England had been made a subject of treaty with
iers' foreign statesmen and foreign priests. In the eyes
of his contemporaries he had been guilty of sacrificing the
national independence, the great cause of which Henry VIII.
and Elizabeth had been the champions. In the eyes of pos-
terity, he is guilty of defiling the sacred cause of religious
liberty by making bargains over it for Spanish gold and Spanish
aid. Even now an act, with which in itself no one can possibly
find fault, had been contaminated by the mode in which it was
accomplished. Writs were issued in August to set free from
prison crowds of Catholics, who were suffering for their religion.1
In defence of the act thus done, Williams was able to produce
the most admirable arguments, and to plead the wisdom of
showing mercy to the Catholics, at a time when the King was
demanding mercy for Protestants abroad.2 Yet all his argu-
ments fell flat on the world, because men knew that the prisoners
owed their release to Gondomar's intercession,3 and that it was
likely to be a prelude to a long series of favours to be granted
to Spain. Never, wrote the Venetian ambassador about this
time, was the Catholic religion more freely exercised in England.
But the Spaniards were not content. They wanted to have
everything or nothing.4
1 \Villiams to the Judges, Aug. 2, S. P. Dom. cxxxii. 84.
2 Williams to Annan, Cabala, 269.
3 Ciriza to Aston, v°e 2?, S. P. Spain.
July 7 '
4 Valaresso to the Doge, Aug. — , Venice MSS.
350 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
James gained no fresh popularity by giving directions,
within a week after the Catholics had been set free, for the
Liberation of liberation of Coke, Phelips, and Mallory from the
Pheitps and 1 ower> on condition that they, like Pym, would
Maiiory. place themselves under restraint not to travel more
than a limited distance from their own houses in the country. '
The measure was in all probability dictated by a desire to be
prepared to meet a Parliament, if the negotiations at Brussels
should prove abortive. In Coke's case, at least, nothing
that now could be done was likely to soothe his exasperation.
An unwise attempt to prosecute him in the Court of Wards
upon some private offence which he was supposed to have
committed had broken down completely, and he had been
declared innocent by the unanimous decision of all the judges
to whom the legal question involved in the case had been
referred.2 Nor, in the existing state of popular feeling, did it
Punishment ava^ tne Government much that Sir John Bennett,
of Bennett. who na(j escaped punishment through the dissolution
of Parliament, was now prosecuted in the Star Chamber for the
faults which had brought an impeachment upon him, and was,
before the year ended, condemned to a fine of 2o,ooo/., to
imprisonment during pleasure, and to perpetual disability from
office.3
All through August, the news from Brussels had been
growing worse and worse. At last, when the confusion was at
its height, James was startled by the unexpected
August 25. ° ' J *
Arrival of arrival of Gage, the Englishman who had been com-
missioned to watch the course of the marriage nego-
tiations at Rome, and who had now come to announce that, if
the Pope was to be satisfied, new and unheard of concessions
must be made.4
It was now about a year since, on August n, 1621, a con-
1 Privy Council Register, Aug. 6.
2 Chamberlain to Carleton, July 13, 5. P. Dom. cxxxii. 38.
8 Chamberlain to Carleton, July I, Locke to Carleton, Nov. 30.
S. P. Dom. cxxxii. I ; cxxxiv. 39.
4 Valaresso to the Doge, Aug. *•. Venice MSS.
i62i GAGE'S MISSION. 351
gregation of four cardinals had been formed for the purpose of
i6zi examining the articles of the marriage treaty. They
The Cardi- were not long in coming to the conclusion that the
marriage articles were altogether insufficient. Care had been
taken for the religion of the Infanta and her house-
hold, but nothing was said about the general body of English
Catholics. Unless something were done for them, it would be
the duty of the Pope to refuse the dispensation. The vague
promises which James had given in the preceding year, were
flouted, as utterly insufficient. The cardinals had set their
hearts upon the conversion of England, and it was certain that
the conversion of England would never be effected by a mere
promise that the Catholic missionaries should for the future
escape the scaffold, and that the penal laws should be executed
October, with moderation. Before the end of October, there-
fore, they had decided that nothing short of complete liberty
of worship would suffice, and that for this they must have some
stronger guarantee than the mere word of the King of England.
Before the end of the year, however, the cardinals discovered
that their course was not so easy as they had supposed. The
news which reached them of the first proceedings in
to£s°nd Ga"ge the House of Commons after the adjournment, was
England. not favoura^ie to ^g supposition that the changes
which they contemplated could be accomplished without
opposition. It was not till they heard of the dissolution of the
1622 Parliament, of the quarrel with the Dutch Commis-
sioners, and of the imprisonment of the Earl of Oxford, that
they finally made up their minds to send Gage back to England,
with orders to lay the Pope;s decision before the King.
Accordingly, on July 4, 1622, Gage was summoned before the
congregation to receive his instructions. The King of England
said Cardinal Bandino, in the name of the others
July.
instructions who were present, had read many Catholic books, and
him' he had no doubt discovered that it was impossible
for the Pope to grant a dispensation in such a case as this with-
out the hope of some great public good. As, however, nothing
of the kind was to be found in the articles which had been
sent from Spain, they had determined to ask for a general
352 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
liberty of worship in all his kingdoms, and for a satisfactory
guarantee of its maintenance. They had been informed, that
it would be better that this change should proceed from a
voluntary act of the King himself, and they therefore hoped
that he would inform them what he was willing to do for his
Catholic subjects. The Cardinal then proceeded to touch
upon a still more delicate subject. It was utterly impossible,
he said, to imagine that one so versed as the King was in
controversial theology could be ignorant that the holy and
apostolic Roman faith was the only true and ancient faith in
which men could be saved. If, therefore, he did not openly
declare his belief, it could only be from a fear of incurring
disgrace by changing a religion which he had professed so
many years, or from a dread of the personal consequences to
himself. As for the first, he should remember that Henry IV.
had gained honour by his conversion ; and, as to the second,
he need not be afraid. God would certainly protect him.
Half his subjects, and the majority of his nobility, were
Catholics already, and, if more were needed, the forces of the
King of Spain, and of all Catholic princes, would be at his
service. The Roman see would be ready to load him with
honours. If he chose to pay a visit to Rome, a legate should
be sent to meet him in Flanders, and the Pope himself would
go as far as Bologna to welcome him. If he could not
make up his mind to his own conversion, let the Prince of
Wales be encouraged to take the step from which his father
shrank. l
The articles, as they were returned ta Gage, contained
several important alterations. All the Infanta's servants were
Alteration in °f necessity to be Catholics. Her Church was to be
the articles. Open to ^\\ who chose to enter, and not merely to
her household. The priests were to be under the control of
a bishop, and were to be freed from subjection to all laws
excepting those which were imposed by their ecclesiastical
superiors. The Infanta must have the education of her
children ; of the girls, till the age of twelve, of the boys, till the
age of fourteen.
1 Francisco at Jesus, 33-40.
1622 JAMES APPEALS TO SPAIN. 353
The cardinals had, at least, done James one service by this
plain-spoken declaration. He could no longer be in any doubt
as to the views with which the marriage was regarded
August. ° °
Reception of at Rome. In truth there was something very similar
in the attitude taken by the Pope and that taken by
the Emperor, on the two great questions of the day. Both
Gregory and Ferdinand had definite objects in view, and from
them neither friend nor enemy would have much difficulty in
discovering precisely what was to be expected. To deal with
them, all that was necessary was to form an equally definite
plan of operations, to be ready to give way where it was possible
to yield, and to organize opposition where opposition was
needed. All this, however, required thought and trouble, and
James preferred the easier course of throwing the burden upon
Spain, and of trusting to Philip's friendliness and sagacity to
help him out of his difficulties.1
Gage arrived in England on August 25. On September 9,
James poured out his distress in a letter to Digby. Everything
September, was going wrong at Brussels. He now expected,
James sends therefore, that as nothing was to be done with the
his answer <->
to Digby. Emperor, the King of Spain would actually give his
assistance in the recovery of the Palatinate and of the Electo-
rate. As for the proposals brought from Rome by Gage, the
Infanta's servants were to be nominated by the King of Spain,
and there was now no object in insisting upon the omission
of the words obliging them to be Catholics. It was unimpor-
tant whether the superior minister were to be a bishop or not.
The other demands were of greater consequence. The cardinals
ought to have known that it was out of his power to concede a
public church, and that the exemption claimed for the eccle-
siastics from the law of the land was a strange one, and was
not universally allowed, even in Roman Catholic countries. He
would bind himself to allow the children to remain under their
mother's care till the age of seven, though the time might be
extended if it were found necessary for their health. As to the
demand made for the general good of Catholics, he had gone as
1 Resolutions upon the Marriage Articles [Sept. 9]. The King to
Digby, Sept. 9. Prynne's Hidden Works of Darkness, 14, 16.
VOL. IV. A A
354 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
far as he possibly could by his letter of April 27, 1620, in
which he had promised that no Roman Catholic should again
suffer death for his religion, or should be compelled to take
any oath to which capital penalties were attached, whilst the
existing penal legislation should be mitigated in practice.1 If
these terms were not accepted by Spain within two months, the
treaty must be considered at an end.
James's formal despatch to his ambassador was accom-
panied by a confidential letter from his favourite to Gondomar,
Bucking- m which the embarrassments of the hour were de-
w Gondo-er picted as in a glass. " As for the news from hence,"
mar. wrote Buckingham, "I can in a word assure you
that they are in all points as your heart could wish. For here
is a king, a prince, and a faithful friend and servant unto you,
besides a number of your other good friends that long so much
for the happy accomplishment of this match, as every day seems
a year unto us ; and I can assure you, in the word of your
honest friend, that we have a prince here that is so sharp set upon
the business, as it would much comfort you to see it, and her
there to hear it. Here are all things prepared upon our part ;
priests and recusants all at liberty ; all the Roman Catholics
well satisfied ; and, which will seem a wonder unto you, our
prisons are emptied of priests and recusants and filled with
zealous ministers for preaching against the match, for no man
can sooner now mutter a word in the pulpit, though indirectly,
against it, but he is presently catched, and set in strait prison.
We have also published orders, both for the universities and the
pulpits, that no man hereafter shall meddle, but to preach Christ
crucified. Nay, it shall not be lawful hereafter for them to
rail against the Pope, or the doctrine of the Church of Rome,
further than for edification of ours ; and for proof hereof, you
shall, herewith, receive the orders set down and published.
But if we could hear as good news from you, we should think
ourselves happy men. But, alas ! now that we have put the
ball at your feet, although we have received a comfortable de-
spatch from his Majesty's Ambassador there, yet from all other
parts in the world the effects appear directly contrary."
Buckingham then went on to recite the causes of his discon-
' See Vol. III. p. 346.
1622 BUCKINGHAM'S EXPOSTULATION. 355
tent. The new conditions sent from Rome were such as could
tend to no other end but to bring his master in jealousy with the
greatest part of his subjects. At Brussels Weston had been
flouted by the Infanta, and the siege of Heidelberg was still
going on.
" And now," he continued, " let me, I pray you, in the
name of your faithful friend and servant, beseech you to set
apart all partiality in this case, and that you would be pleased
as well, like a true Englishman, indifferently to consider of the
straits we are driven into. If the Emperor shall in this fashion
conquer the whole Palatinate, the ancient inheritance of his
Majesty's children, what can be expected but a bloody and un-
reconcilable war between the Emperor and my master, wherein
the King of Spain can be an auxiliary to the Emperor against
any other party but his Majesty ? And, therefore, as my master
lately offered to the Infanta for satisfaction of her desire, that
in case the auxiliaries would not be contented with reason, but
still perturb the treaty, he offered, in that case, to assist the
Emperor and her against them ; so can he in justice expect no
less of the King your master, that, if the Emperor will, contrary
to all promises both by his letters and ambassadors, proceed in
his conquest and refuse the cessation, that the King your
master will in that case, and in so just a quarrel, assist him
against the Emperor, in imitation of the King my master's just
and real proceedings in this business from the beginning, who
never looked, as you can well be witness, to the rising or falling
hopes of his son-in-law's fortunes, but constantly kept on that
course that was most agreeable to honour and justice, to the
peace of Christendom, and for the fastening of a firm and in-
dissoluble knot of amity and alliance betwixt the King your
master and him, which was begun at the time of our treaty with
France, and then broken at your desire that we might embrace
this alliance with you. You are the person that many times
before your departure hence besought his Majesty once to
suffer himself to be deceived by Spain.1 We, therefore, do now
1 Meaning, perhaps, that Gondomar had answered James's complaints
that he had been deceived by the renewal of the war in 1621, by begging
him to suffer it for once, and that all would come right in the end.
A A 2
3$6 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
expect to find that great respect to honour in your master that
he will not take any advantage by the changing of fortune and
success of time, so to alter his actions as may put his honour in
the terms of interpretation.1 You see how all the rest of Chris-
tendom envy and malign this match and wished conjunction.
How much greater need then hath it of a hasty and happy dis-
patch ? And what comfort can the Prince have in her, when
her friends shall have utterly ruined his sister and all her babes?
You remember how yourself praised his Majesty's wisdom in
the election of so fit a minister as Sir Richard Weston in this
business ; but you see what desperate letters he writes from
time to time of their cold and unjust treating with him in this
business. You could not but wonder that any spark of patience
could be left us here. And to conclude this point in a word,
we ever received comfortable words from Spain ; but find such
contrary effects from Brussels, together with our intelligence
from all other parts of the world, as all our hopes are not only
cold but quite extinguished here."
The writer then returned to the subject of the marriage.
Gondomar, he said, could not but remember how, when the
match was first moved, he had assured the King ' that he should
be pressed to nothing in this business that should not be agree-
able to his conscience and honour, and stand with the love of
his people ; ' and he then went on to warn the Spaniard that if
the match were to be broken off, ' his Majesty would be im-
portunately urged by his people, to whose assistance he must
have his recourse, to give life and execution to all the penal
laws now hanging upon ' the heads of the Catholics.
" It only rests now," he concluded, " that as we have put
the ball to your foot, you take a good and speedy resolution
there to hasten the happy conclusion of this match. The
Prince is now two and twenty years of age, and is a year more
than full ripe for such a business. The King our master
longeth to see an issue proceed from his loins, and I am sure
you have reason to expect more friendship from the posterity
which shall proceed from him and that little angel, your Infanta,
1 That is to say, as may make it necessary for him to explain his actions,
his honour having become doubtful and needing interpretation.
1622 BUCKINGHAM'S EXPOSTULATION. 357
than from his Majesty's daughter's children. Your friends here
are all discomforted with this long delay, your enemies are ex-
asperated and irritated thereby, and your neighbours that envy
the felicity of both kings, have the more leisure to invent new
plots for the cross and hindrance of this happy business ; and
for the part of your true friend and servant Buckingham, I have
become odious already, and counted a betrayer both of King
and country.
" To conclude all, I will use a similitude of hawking. I
told you already that the Prince is, God be thanked, extremely
sharp set upon the match, and you know that a hawk, when she
is first dressed and made ready to fly, having a great will upon
her, if the falconer do not follow it at that time, she is in danger
to be dulled for ever after.
"Take heed, therefore, lest in the fault of your delays
there, our Prince and falcon gentle, that you know was thought
slow enough to begin to be eager after the feminine prey,
become not so dull upon these delays as in short time hereafter
he will not stoop to the lure, though it were thrown out to him.
" And here I will end to you, my sweet friend, as I do in my
prayers to God : — ' Only in thee is my trust,' and say, as it is writ-
ten on the outside of the packets, — Haste, haste, post haste ! " l
Excepting so far as they throw light upon the character of
one whose influence was so ruinous to those who trusted him,
Buckingham Buckingham's momentary expressions of opinion
and James. during the reign of James are of no importance
whatever. Whilst, like his still more versatile son, he was
" everything by turns, and nothing long," it was only when the
shifting tide of passionate impulses happened to coincide with
some turn of his master's thoughts, that he had any chance of
moulding the general policy of the Crown in accordance with
his wishes. For the time, however, there was a complete
agreement between the two ; for if the words of the letter were
the words of Buckingham, the thoughts were the thoughts of
James. If, amongst the many miseries with which history
teems, there is one more sad than another, it is to see so noble
1 Buckingham to Gondomar [Sept 9], Cabala, 224. The holograph
draft is in Hart. M^S. 1583, fol. 353.
358 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XL1
a policy as that of which Digby had been the mouthpiece, so
utterly discredited and mishandled. It cannot be but that the
historian, who has to tell, almost as a matter of course, of so
many windy schemes and criminal follies, should feel a special
regret when he is called upon to recount the failure of a wise
and beneficent idea, in something of the same spirit as that
which led the early poets to regard with peculiar sorrow the
deaths of youthful warriors, the promise of whose lives was for
ever to be unfulfilled, whilst they accorded but a few words of
perfunctory sympathy to those whose existence had passed
through the ordinary fortunes of men. To settle the war in
Foreign and Germany by guaranteeing the independence of the
d°iTceSof Protestant States in religious matters, at the same
James. time that the civil authority of the Emperor remained
intact, and to settle the domestic difficulty by the gradual re-
laxation of the penal laws, was a policy worthy of the most
consummate statesman. James, unhappily, was never able
to appreciate either the greatness of his own projects, nor the
magnitude of the obstacles which he would have to surmount.
If he ever admitted lofty principles into his mind, it was always
by their smallest side that he approached them. If he had
judged rightly with respect to the contest for the Bohemian
crown, it was simply because the large issues which were in-
volved in it presented to him a narrow, technical idea which he
was competent to grasp. If he now struggled for the religious
independence of the Palatinate, it was not because he had
formed any adequate notion of the requirements of the states
of the Empire, but simply because the heirs of that territory
happened to be his own grandchildren. In comparison with
the claims of his daughter and her sons, all considerations of
policy, all considerations for the cause of Protestantism, passed
for very little in his eyes. And as it was with his foreign
policy, so it was with his domestic policy. The great work of
fostering the growth of a more tolerant spirit in the hearts of
Englishmen, was thrown into the background in favour of a
scheme for getting a richly dowered wife for his son, or for
obtaining the co-operation of the King of Spain in a settlement
of the German difficulties, to which, excepting under com-
1622 A FUTILE POLICY. 359
pulsion, Philip could never give his consent without losing
every feeling of self-respect.
As far as words could go, no man could be more unbending
than James. Whatever might be the feeling of the English
Contrast be- nation, it was to accept from him precisely that
w>rdsanSd system of religious toleration which happened for
actions. ^g moment to suit his own personal or political
interests. Whatever might be the feeling of the German
nation, or of Continental governments, they were to accept,
without modification, precisely that arrangement of their dis-
putes which happened to be consonant with the claims of
his own family. If indeed he had shared in the beliefs which
prevailed in the House of Commons, if he had thought with
Phelips and Coke, that Frederick was an innocent martyr to
the Protestant faith, he might well have used the language that
he did. Nothing, however, was further from the true state of
the case ; for no one knew better than James how ruinous every
act of his son-in-law's had been to the cause which he imagined
himself to be serving. All Frederick's headstrong rashness, all
his impracticable perversity and despicable incompetence, lay
before him as in a book. In spite of all this he saw the solu-
tion of the question by which Germany was distracted, not
in a mediation between the religious parties, not in a policy
shaped in accordance with the public opinion of moderate
men of all parties, but simply and solely in the complete re-
stitution of his son-in-law, at whatever hazard to the future
interests of the Empire.
After all, James's fixity of purpose was confined to words
alone. Ready at a moment's notice to issue hazy manifestoes
in which the most praiseworthy maxims were shrouded in an
almost impenetrable veil of loose verbiage, he never ceased to
expect that the plans which he had formed should be carried
out by others rather than by himself. He resembled no one
so much as that unfortunate wight in the well-known legend,
who, finding a horn suspended by the side of a sword at a
castle-gate, summoned the warder to admit him by a long blast,
and was swent away to destruction by a whirlwind issuing from
360 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
the opening gates, with the terrible sentence ringing in his
ears : —
" Woe to the wretch, that ever he was born,
Who durst not draw the sword before he blew the horn."
Already the stroke which James dreaded had fallen upon
the Palatinate. The siege of Heidelberg, interrupted by the
necessity of watching Mansfeld's steps, had been
The feii of recommenced by Tilly on August 1 s. That com-
Heidelberg. ' ,
mander had, however, under-estimated the difficulties
of his task, and the artillery of which he could dispose was so
weak that during the first three days of its employment he only
succeeded in killing a cat and two hens. During the succeed-
ing fortnight the attack made little progress, and the besieged
were beginning to speak more hopefully of their prospects.
An attempt made on September 5 to carry the place by storm
ended in complete failure ; but that very evening the more
powerful artillery of which Tilly was in need reached the camp
of the besiegers. During the whole of the next morning the
fortifications by which the western suburb was defended were
subjected to a crushing fire, and it so happened that on that
very day the money with which the garrison was paid had come
to an end. The German mercenaries being what they were,
the mere offscourings of the armies of Mansfeld and the Mar-
grave of Baden, were mutinous and discontented. When,
therefore, the enemy made a rush to storm the walls, it was
found that in many places the defenders, instead of meeting
the attack, threw down their arms and cried for quarter, The
governor, Van der Merven, seeing that the suburb was lost,
attempted to open negotiations with Tilly for the surrender of
the town itself ; but the keys of the place had been mislaid,
and before they could be found the gate was blown open by
the assailants, and the town was in their hands. Collecting
such forces as he could, and surrounded by a huddled crowd of
citizens and peasants, Van der Merven took refuge in the castle.
Those who remained without were subjected to all those atro-
cities which in that age were the lot of a town taken by storm.
Women were outraged, men were cut down in the streets, or
i622 THE FALL OF HEIDELBERG. 361
tortured to force them to reveal the places in which their real
or supposed wealth was hidden.
The castle was incapable of prolonged resistance. A strong
outwork on the eastern side had been committed to the charge
Surrender of °f two English and Dutch companies under the com-
the castle. mand of gjr Gerard Herbert, a kinsman of the Earl
of Pembroke. Nowhere did the enemy find so stout a resist-
ance ; but the little force was terribly outnumbered. Herbert,
in whose hands four pikes had been broken, was killed by a
shot, and the party, bringing away with them their guns and
the bodies of the slain, retreated grimly into the fortress. It
was in vain that they attempted to continue the struggle. The
frightened citizens, who had fled for refuge to the castle, clung
round the remains of Herbert's band, and refused to allow
them to exasperate the enemy by firing another shot. Under
these circumstances the governor replied to Tilly's summons
by a request to be allowed to consult with Vere at Mannheim.
Vere could give him no hope of support, and on the 9th the
castle surrendered to the Bavarian commander. The troops
were allowed to march out with the honours of war, on con-
dition that they were not to join their comrades at Mannheim
01 at Frankenthal. The citizens were left to their fate.1
Tilly marched straight upon Mannheim. Placed at an
angle between the Rhine and the Neckar, that renowned
, fortress was only accessible on its southern side, and
The siege of '
Mannheim was for this reason justly regarded as the strongest
commenced. , . _ —,-, , ,
post in that part of Germany. To Vere these ad-
vantages were likely to prove of small avail His provisions
and his money were running low ; his men, exposed without
hope of succour to the fury of the enemy, were showing signs
of a thoroughly mutinous spirit. An unusually dry summer
had lowered the water in the fosse, and his soldiers, even if
they had been inspired with the confidence which had animated
the burghers of Leyden, were far too few to man the vast extent
1 Theatrum Europtzum, i. 647. Van der Merven's Relatio Historica.
Verantwortung der . . . Stadt Heidelberg. Londorp, ii. 743. Vere
to Calvert, Sept. 7. Chichester's relation of the loss of Heidelberg, Sept.
14. Burlamachi to Calvert, Sept, 12, 14, 6". P. Germany.
362 FRESH EFFORTS OF DIPLOMACY. CH. XLI.
of fortification entrusted to his care. His first thought, there-
fore, was to call in Sir John Borough with the garrison of
Frankenthal, in order that he might oppose to the enemy the
utmost possible resistance at the point where resistance was
likely to be of most avail. That, as a military man, he had
judged correctly is beyond a doubt ; but the citizens of Fran-
kenthal refused to be abandoned. Sprung from the Pro-
testant refugees who had fled from Alva's cruelties in the
Netherlands, they were bound together by a bitter hatred
against the foe, which was hardly shared by the German in-
habitants of Heidelberg or Mannheim. Every man amongst
them had arms in his hands, and they were proud of the part
which they had taken in the short siege of the preceding year.
The moment, therefore, that Burroughs showed signs of moving
they gave him plainly to understand that not a single soldier
should leave the town alive. They were fighting for a common
cause; and they must live and die together.
Under these circumstances, Vere reluctantly abandoned
his intention. " I believe," he wrote to Calvert, " no man's
estate can be more miserable. I am as careful as
Veresdes-
perateposi- may be to smother these my opinions, knowing it
a great weakness to suffer them to appear. But to
your Honour, to whom it is proper to be informed in a busi-
ness of this weight, I hold it fit to be rather free than other-
wise. I endeavour myself, so far as means will give me leave,
to keep the enemy at a far distance ; but if he press strongly
upon me, as I perceive he goes about, I shall then be forced, to
my great grief, to draw my small numbers into a straiter room,
for such is the vastness of the town and works, in many places
unfinished, and by the now dryness of the ditches much
weakened, as would require an army to defend them." 1
Vere could, at least, find some relief in the punctual per-
formance of his duty. To Chichester, condemned to pass his
Chichester time m enforced idleness at Frankfort, even this
at Frankfort. soiace was denied. Charged with the mission of
protesting at Ratisbon against the Emperor's audacity in daring
1 Vere to Calvert, Sept. 23, S. P. Germany.
1622 CHICHESTER DESPAIRS. 363
to consult the Princes of the Empire on a German question,
instead of making a private arrangement with the King of
England, he had been compelled by a taunting message from
the governors of Worms and Spires to leave Frankenthal for
the neutral territory of the Imperial city. They wished to
know, they said, what he was doing amongst their master's
enemies. If he were an ambassador, why did he not deliver
his message to the Emperor ? He was now subjected to gibes
of an opposite description. Men did not shrink from saying
to his face that all the misery around had been caused by the
King of England's negotiations. If Frederick had not been
forced to dismiss Mansfeld, his army might, ' by living upon
the Bishops' countries and United Catholics, have ruined them,
and have been at hand to have succoured and relieved his
distressed towns and country.' Chichester knew not what to
do. There was no certainty whether the Emperor would go to
Ratisbon or not. He therefore took the resolution of despatch-
Nethersoie's mg Nethersole to England to lay the state of affairs
mission. before the King. Nethersole had accompanied
Frederick in his ride across France in the spring, and had only
left him when he retreated for the last time into Alsace. He
was therefore in a position to give an accurate account of all
that had passed, and he would be certain not to be remiss in
the conveyance of Chichester's warning, that vigorous and im-
mediate action was indispensable, if the Palatinate was not to
be abandoned altogether. He was to pass through the Hague
on his way, and to consult with Elizabeth and the Prince of
Orange.1
1 Chichester to Calvert, Sept. 14, S. P. Germany.
CHAPTER XLII.
THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER.
ON September 24 Nethersole landed in England. The bitter
tidings of the fall of Heidelberg had preceded him by four days.
The new James's mind was distracted with other matters, and
earis. j^g jja(j no immediate attention to bestow on so dis-
tasteful a subject. As if he had foreseen that it would be a
long time before the clouds with which the sky was overcast
would roll away, he had signalised by a grand creation of peers
the breathing-time whilst the courier with the evil news was still
on the way. Digby was rewarded for his many services with
the earldom of Bristol. Doncaster was consoled for his late
diplomatic failure with the earldom of Carlisle. Cranfield,
snarling like a watch- dog over the Treasury, had quarrelled with
Digby about his allowances before he started, till the harsh
words " traitor's blood," and " pedlar's blood," flashed forth on
either side, and had lately made an unprovoked attack upon
Williams, bringing against him charges of malversation, which
were proved to be utterly without foundation. Yet, cross-
grained and ill-tempered as he was, his fidelity to his master's
interests was unimpeached, and he now stepped forth with the
lofty title of Earl of Middlesex. When such promotions were
in the air, the Villiers family could hardly be forgotten, and
Buckingham's brother-in-law, Fielding, was entitled to style
himself Earl of Denbigh.
Serious as was the aspect of the times to ordinary English-
men, there was high festivity at Court. Buckingham had just
james at completed the purchase of the splendid mansion of
New
Hail. j^ew jj^ m Essex, from the Earl of Sussex, and the
King, who had gone down to take part in the revelries with
1622 BUCKINGHAM ADVISES WAR. 365
which the new owner entered into possession, ordered Nether.
sole not to speak of business till the festivities were over
The delay, however, was not a long one. After a day or two
the King removed to Hampton Court ; and on the 27th Nether-
Buckingham sole had an interview with Buckingham, which gave
su-on^mea- mni no ^ess pleasure than surprise. The news from
sures. Heidelberg had rooted itself painfully, for the mo-
ment, in the shifting sands of the favourite's imagination ; and
his voice was now to be heard amongst those raised most
loudly for war. He was very confident, he said, that the King
would now perform everything that he had promised. As
for himself, he would use all the credit he had in hastening
matters to a satisfactory conclusion, and it should not be his
fault if he did not go in person to the wars. " Tell the Queen
your mistress," he added, that though I cannot undertake to do
so much as the Duke of Brunswick hath done for her service, I
will show my good will not to be behind him in affection."
Nor did Buckingham stand alone in his eager desire for war.
Those who had hitherto favoured negotiation were now of
one mind with Pembroke and Abbot in believing that the time
for negotiation had passed by ; and Weston's arrival was eagerly
expected, in order that a vigorous resolution might be taken
when a fuller knowledge of the state of affairs at Brussels had
been obtained.1
Whether Buckingham would now be mo?'e successful in
forcing an energetic policy upon James than on those former
occasions when he had happened to be in a warlike
Buckingham , , i i
and the mood, might well be doubted ; but it was certain
that he would have on his side the warm support of
the Prince of Wales, and with the aid of the son he might not
unreasonably hope to have at least a chance of conquering the
reluctance of the father.
It was by his position far more than by his character
that the Prince was likely to serve him. Charles had now
Character of nearly completed his twenty-second year. To a
Charles. superficial observer he was everything that a young
prince should be. His bearing, unlike that of his father, was
1 Nethersole to Carleton, Sept. 28, S. P. Holland.
366 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
graceful and dignified. His only blemish was the size of his
tongue, which was too large for his mouth, and which, especi-
ally when he was excited, caused a difficulty of expression
almost amounting to a stammer. In all bodily exercises, his
supremacy was undoubted. No man in England could ride
better than he. His fondness for hunting was such that
James was heard to exclaim that by this he recognised him as
his true and worthy son.1 In the tennis-court and in the tilting-
yard he surpassed all competitors. No one had so exquisite
an ear for music, could look at a fine picture with greater ap-
preciation of its merits, or could keep time more exactly when
called upon to take part in a dance. Yet these, and such as
these, were the smallest of his merits. Regular in his habits, his
household was a model of economy. His own attire was such
as in that age was regarded as a protest against the prevailing
extravagance. His moral conduct was irreproachable ; and it
was observed that he blushed like a girl whenever an immodest
word was uttered in his presence. Designing women, of the
class which had preyed upon his brother Henry, found it ex-
pedient to pass him by, and laid their nets for more susceptible
hearts than his.2
1 Relazione di G. Lando, Rel. Ven. Ingh. 263.
2 Lando describes him (Rel. Ven. Ingh. 261,) as "O vincendo e
domando, o non sentendo li muti del senso, non avendo assaggiati, che si
sappia, certi giovanili piaceri, ne scoprendosi che sia stato rapito il suo
amore, se non per qualche segno di poesia e ben virtuose apparenze,
arrossendo anco come modesta donzella se sente a parlare di materia poco
onesta. Onde le donne non lo tentano ne anche, come facevano col
fratello, che tanto pregiava le bellezze, ed era seguitato e rubato da
ognuna."
In the face of this, it is impossible to pay any further attention to the
vague gossip which Tillieres thought worthy of a place in his despatches.
It is, however, well known that it is generally believed that Jeremy
Taylor's second wife was a natural daughter of Charles, born before this
time. Against this story Lando's evidence is of some weight, and it is
certain that his opinion was shared by many others, as in a letter, ad-
dressed to Charles by Digby, on the 1 2th of Augu t, 1621 (Clarendon State
Papers, i., App. xvi.), there is mention of a wide-spread belief in Ger-
many that the prince was physically incapacitated from ever becoming a
father. The story rests upon family tradition, but anyone who reads
1622 PRINCE CHARLES. 367
Yet, in spite of all these excellencies keen-sighted observers,
who were by no means blind to his merits, were not diposed to
prophesy good of his future reign. In truth, his very virtues
were a sign of weakness. He was born to be the idol of school-
masters and the stumbling block of statesmen. His modesty
and decorum were the result of sluggishness rather than of self-
restraint. Uncertain in judgment, and hesitating in action, he
clung fondly to the small proprieties of life, and to the narrow
range of ideas which he had learned to hold with a tenacious
grasp ; whilst he was ever prone, like his unhappy brother-in-
law, to seek refuge from the uncertainties of the present by a
sudden plunge into rash and iil-considered action. With such
a character, the education which he had received had been the
worst possible. From his father he had never had a chance of
acquiring a single lesson in the first virtue of a ruler — that love
of truth which would keep his ear open to all assertions and to
all complaints, in the hope of detecting something which it
might be well for him to know. Nor was the injury which his
mind thus received merely negative ; for James, vague as his
political theories were, was intolerant of contradiction, and
his impatient dogmatism had early taught his son to conceal
his thoughts in sheer diffidence of his own powers. To hold
his tongue as long as possible, and then to say, not what he be-
lieved to be true, but what was likely to be pleasing, became
his daily task, till he ceased to be capable of looking difficulties
fully in the face. The next step upon the downward path was
but too inviting. As each question rose before him for solution,
his first thought was how it might best be evaded, and he
usually took refuge either in a studied silence, or in some of
those varied forms of equivocation which are usually supposed
by weak minds not to be equivalent to falsehood.1
Heber's Life of Taylor, will see that the traditions of that family were often
vague, and sometimes incorrect. The lady, it seems, was very like Charles
in personal appearance, and it is by no means improbable that some one
may have accounted for the chance likeness in this way, and that in due
course of time the story was accepted, if not by herself, at least by her
children, who, in those days of Royalist enthusiasm, would feel a sort of
pride in tracing their descent from the Royal Martyr.
1 Rel. V&n. Ingh. 2^2.
368 THE MISSION OF END YMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
Over such a character, Buckingham had found no difficulty
in obtaining a thorough mastery. On the one condition of
making a show of regarding his wishes as all im-
portant, he was able to mould those wishes almost as
fluence with he piease(j TO tne reticent, hesitating youth it was
a relief to find some one who would take the lead in
amusement and in action, who could make up his mind for him
in a moment when he was himself plunged in hopeless uncer-
tainty, and who possessed a fund of gaiety and light-heartedness
which was never at fault.
For the Spanish marriage, or indeed for any other marriage,
Charles had long cared but little, though he had openly de-
clared himself well satisfied with the provision made
His thoughts
about the by his father for his future life. One of the feelings
which he had retained from his childhood was a
warm attachment to his sister; and it is by no means improbable
that he had come to regard the match proposed for him mainly
as the mode in which, as he was told, the restitution of the
Palatinate might most easily be obtained. It was certainly
hardly with a lover's feelings that he consented at last to play a
lover's part. One day, after he had been paying compliments
in public to a portrait of the Infanta, he turned to one of his
confidential attendants as soon as he thought that his words
would be unheard. " Were it not for the sin," he said, " it
would be well if princes could have two wives ; one for reason
of state, the other to please themselves." l
At length, however, apparently after the dissolution of
Parliament, a change seems to have taken place, partly, perhaps,
because his increasing years brought a growing de-
His promise .... ,
to visit sire for marriage, partly, no doubt, because what he
looked upon as the factious proceedings of the House
of Commons, threw him, together with his friend Buckingham,
more than ever into the arms of Spain.
Accordingly, during the last months of Gondomar's stay
in England, the bonds between the Spanish embassy and the
Prince of Wales were drawn more closely. It was one of the
final triumphs of that ambassador, that he induced Charles not
1 Rel. Ven. Ingh. 265.
1622 A VISIT TO SPAIN PROPOSED. 369
only to admit Sir Thomas Savage, a known Roman Catholic,
amongst the commissioners by whom his revenue was managed,
but even to adopt this course after Savage had decidedly refused
to take the oath of allegiance.1 Before he left London, the
ambassador had drawn from the Prince an offer to visit Madrid
incognito, with two servants only, if, upon his own return to
Spain, he should see fit to advise the step.2
That, in angling for this promise, Gondomar was influenced
by the idea that, when once Charles was under the spell of
Gondomar's ^e Roman Catholic ceremonial, it would be easy
to induce him to profess himself a convert to the
religion of his bride, there can be no doubt whatever. Years
before, when the marriage was first discussed, the suggestion
that the Prince's presence at Madrid might in this way be
turned to account, had been made by the Spanish ambassador.3
It afterwards formed the groundwork of the complaint against
Buckingham that he had been a fellow-conspirator with the
Spaniard in an attempt to turn away his master's son from
the Protestant faith ; but it is almost inconceivable that he can
seriously have entertained any such notion, though it is not
impossible that just at that moment when what faith he had was
trembling in the balance, when he was listening with one ear to
his wife and his mother, and with his other ear to Laud, he may
have uttered some rash words which cannot fairly be taken as
affording a safe clue to his subsequent conduct. It can hardly
be doubted that he looked upon the expedition as a bold dash-
ing exploit, and that as such he represented it to Charles, who
would naturally be captivated by the part which he would him-
self be called upon to play.
Since that conversation with Gondomar, however, much had
1 Gondomar to Philip IV., Jan. "i 1622, Simancas MSS. 2518,
fol. 20.
2 " Este Principe me ha offrezido en mucha confian^a y secreto que, si
llegado yo a Espana le aconsejase que se vaya a poner en las manos de V
Mag"1, y a su disposicion, lo hard y llegara a Madrid yncognito con dos
criados." Gondomar to Philip IV., May -, Simancas MSS. 2603,
fol. 35-
3 See Vol. II, p. 316.
VOL. IV. B B
370 THE MISSION OF END YM ION PORTER. CH. XLII
passed. As bad news came in from Brussels and from Heidel-
berg, Charles began to doubt whether his sister's inheritance
F.ndymion was to be regained by the aid of Spain, and he was
Porter. heard complaining loudly of the tricks which the
Spaniards had been playing.1 It was under this impression of
uncertainty that Buckingham's last letter to Gondomar had
been written,2 and it was with the same feeling that the two
young men determined, as soon as the fall of Heidelberg was
known, that the next despatch should be carried by a confidential
person who might be trusted with the delicate task of reminding
Gondomar of the Prince's promised journey, and of bringing
back a faithful report of the language of the Spanish ministers.
The messenger selected for this purpose was Endymion
Porter. By a strange destiny he had passed the early years of
his life in Spain, in the service of Olivares.3 He had after-
wards returned to England, where he had attached himself to
Buckingham, and had risen high in his favour. Report said
that he had amassed a large fortune by the bribes for which
he had sold his master's goodwill.4 He was now a gentleman
of the Prince's bedchamber, and was occasionally employed
by Buckingham to conduct his Spanish correspondence.
This man had already, on September 18, written by Buck-
ingham's direction to Gondomar, to assuie him that the Lord
Hisproposed Admiral was getting a fleet ready, and that ' he in-
mission, tended to take his friend with him in secret, to bring
back that beautiful angel.'5 These words, almost the only
ones in the letter which have been preserved, show that the
intention of the Prince to visit Madrid accompanied by only two
servants had been for the time abandoned. If the plan now
proposed was not without elements of rashness, it was wisdom
itself as compared with the wild scheme ultimately adopted
For if, as was evidently pre-supposed,6 Buckingham was to sail
1 Valaresso to the Doge, Sept. -, Venice MS S. Desp. Ingh.
2 See p. 354.
3 Interrogatories to be administered to Porter, 1627, Sim-borne MSS.
As these questions proceeded from Bristol, I can hardly be wrong in taking
them as equivalent to assertions of fact. 4 Rel. Ven. Ingh. 244.
b Interrogatories administered to Porter, 1627, Skerfortte MSS.
* The p!an was adopted immediately upon Porter's return.
1622 A SUMMONS TO SPAIN. 371
in command of the fleet which was to bring the Infanta home,
he would certainly not leave England till the marriage articles
had been finally agreed upon, and there would therefore be no
danger that the Spaniards would be emboldened to raise their
terms by the Prince's presence at Madrid. "
Whether James was at this time informed of the project or
not, it is impossible to say.1 It is at all events certain that the
Sept. 29. Privy Council knew nothing about the matter. On
dml'^Wes- September 29, that body met to receive fromWeston
ton's report, ^g report of his mission. After a long and anxious
deliberation, extending over four days, it was decided that a
direct summons should be addressed to the King of Spain.
Seventy days were to be allowed him to obtain from
Summons to ,_, , . t /• -r-r • i n * • /-
be addressed the Emperor the restitution of Heidelberg, and if
hlhp' during that time it should happen that either Mann-
heim or Frankenthal were taken, it was to be restored as well.
Philip was also to engage that the negotiations for a general peace
should be resumed on the basis laid down in the preceding
winter, and to bind himself by an express stipulation that, if the
Emperor refused to consent to these terms, he would order a
Spanish army to take the field against him, or, at least, would
give permission to an English force to march through Flanders
into the Palatinate. If, within ten days after this resolution
was laid before Philip, he had not given a favourable answer
under his hand and seal, Bristol was to leave Madrid at once,
and to declare the marriage treaty broken off.
The despatch2 containing the demands thus put forward
by the Council was entrusted to Porter,3 and served well
enough to cover the secret mission with which he
lau-uage at was charged. In a few weeks, therefore, James, un-
less he were sadly disappointed, would know what
his position really was. Yet it is hardly likely that anyone
except the King looked upon an armed alliance with Spain
1 The reasons for setting aside Clarendon's story, at least in part, will
be given later.
- The King to Bristol, Oct. 3, Cabala, 238.
3 The Dutch Commissioners to the States-General, Oct. — , Add. MSS.
17,677 K, fol. 229.
372 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
against the Emperor as coming within the bounds of possibility.
The language used in the Council breathed of war, and of war
alone. An army of 30,000 or 40,000 men was to be ready ii.
the spring to march into the Palatinate, under the command
of the Prince of Wales. Parliament was to be summoned to
meet in January, to vote the necessary supplies. Even Charles's
head was for the moment full of dreams of military glory. He
would be the ruin of anyone, he was heard to say, who attempted
to hinder the enterprise. l
Yet, in spite of the warlike din which was sounding in his
ears, and in spite of the extravagant demands of the Pope and
the Cardinals, James could not bear to relinquish
Sept. 30. ' J
James writes his hopes of peace. Gage, he resolved, should at
ope' once return to Rome, bearing a letter in which,
passing by in silence the foolish language which had been used
about his own conversion, he adjured the Pope to employ his
undoubted influence with the Catholic sovereigns to put a stop
to the bloodshed by which Christendom was being desolated.
" Your Holiness," he wrote, " will perhaps marvel that we,
differing from you in point of religion, should now first salute
you with our letters. Howbeit, such is the trouble of our
mind for these calamitous discords and bloodsheds, which for
these late years by-past have so miserably rent the Christian
world ; and so great is our care and daily solicitude to stop
the course of these growing evils betimes, so much as in us
lies,' as we could no longer abstain, considering that we all
worship the same most blessed Trinity, nor hope for salvation
by any other means than by the blood and merits of Our Lord
and Saviour Christ Jesus, but breaking this silence to move
your Holiness by these our letters, friendly and seriously, that
you would be pleased together with us to put your hand to so
pious a work, and so worthy of a Christian prince."2
If James's nerve and judgment had only equalled the
excellence of his intentions, he would indeed have carved
1 Nethersole to Elizabeth, Oct. 3, S. P. Holland. Salvetti's News-
Letter, Oct. -. Message sent by Porter, Simancas MSS. 2849, fol. 84.
2 The King to Gregory XV., Sept. 30, Cabala, 376.
1622 PROFESSIONS OF SPAIN. 373
out for himself an enduring monument amongst those of the
benefactors of humanity. Yet, even as it was, it was well that,
amidst the turmoil of the strife, a voice should be
and the" heard from England, to warn, however vainly, the
Head of that Church which styles itself Catholic,
not to debase his high office to the miserable work of stirring
up the elements which fed the lurid flames of religious war.
On October 3 the despatch which Porter was to carry was
placed in his hands, and he would have started on the following
_ , day if he had not been delayed by the unexpected
October. * J J r
Cottington's arrival of Cottington, who had been recalled from
his attendance upon the embassy at Madrid to enter
upon his new duties as secretary to the Prince of Wales. As
he had been specially detained in Spain till Bristol was able to
obtain some certain intelligence of the progress of the marriage
treaty, everyone was naturally eager to hear what he had to say.
It was not much that he was able to tell. Commissioners,
amongst whom were Zufiiga and Gondomar, had been appointed
Spanish pro- to treat with Bristol, and they had loudly expressed
fessions. \he\r disapproval of the additions which had been
made at Rome to the Articles, and had declared that the King
of Spain would, without doubt, reduce his Holiness to reason. '
In addition to the news which he brought, Cottington had with
him a letter from Gondomar to the King, in which he expressed
his hope to bring the Infanta with him in the spring, by which
time all difficulties would be overcome. If it proved otherwise,
he would come himself to England to confess his fault in having
deceived his Majesty, and to offer himself as a sacrifice for the
wrong which he had done.2
The Council, however, was unanimous in declaring that
there was no ground for changing its resolution. James indeed
Charles and was> as usual, inclined to hope for the best, and
Bucokjendah^m expressed an opinion that good might yet be expected
the King. frOm the Spanish overtures ; but he soon found that
he stood alone. Buckingham and the Prince led the cry for
1 Bristol to the King, Sept. 13, S. P. Spain.
1 Salvetti's News-Letter, Oct. -.
374 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
active measures, and the Council voted as one man upon their
side. l
It was a new position for James. Parliamentary opposition
he could silence by a dissolution. The Council he could refuse
to listen to. But never before had his son and his
October 4. . .
Bristol or- favourite combined against him. For the present,
porthis°re however, he was able to maintain his tranquillity;
answer. for ^e na(j contrived to pospone the immediate solu-
tion of the difficulty as long as possible, by despatching a second
courier on the 4th, with orders to Bristol not to come home in
case of receiving an unsatisfactory reply, but simply to report
the fact to England.2 At the same time he told Porter to inform
the ambassador that if he were hard pressed he might secretly
consent to the extension of the age of the children's education
to nine years, though the limit was still to be stated in the
public articles as having been fixed at seven.3 In the mean-
while he took care to inform the Council that, till Porter's
return, no active steps were to be taken to form any alliance
with the Continental Protestants.4
At last, on October 7, Porter was ready to start on the
mission which, as was fondly hoped, would settle the question
Porter leaves one wav or another. As he left the royal presence,
England. au j-^g bystanders cried out with one voice, " Bring
us war ! bring us war ! " 5
Porter had not long been gone when news arrived that the
vessel in which he crossed the Straits had been driven
laye'daf" on shore in an attempt to enter Calais harbour in
a storm, and that he had himself slipped as he was
leaping into a boat, and had seriously injured his shoulder.
1 The Dutch Commissioners to the States-General, Oct. ' Add.
20
MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 234. Valaresso to the Doge, Oct. ", Venice MSS.
2 The King to Bristol, Oct. 4, Prynne's Hidden Works of Darkness, 2O.
3 Calvert to Bristol, Oct. 14, ibid. 21.
4 The Dutch Commissioners to the States-General, Oct. -°, Add.
MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 234.
5 "Quando el Don Antonio Porter salia por el lugar, todos le gritaban
— Traiganos guerra, — Traiganos guerra. " Message brought by Porter.
Simancas MSS. 2849, fol. 48.
1622 A BENEVOLENCE SUGGESTED. 375
It would, therefore, be some days before he was able to continue
his journey to Madrid.1
Immediately after Porter's departure the King had returned
to Royston, happy enough to be set free from the anxieties of
Bucking- business. To a request from the Council that he
neS for a?r would at once give orders for the issuing of writs for
tion. a parliament, he returned a distinct refusal. He
would do nothing, he said, till he heard again from Spain.
Buckingham, as eager now for war as ten months before he
had been eager to make war impossible, chafed under the
delay. Why, he asked of his fellow-councillors, should not
a fresh Benevolence be raised? Then it would be easy to
lay in a store of arms and munitions, and to make all neces-
sary preparations for the expected campaign. The councillors
shook their heads at the proposal.2 They all felt that in the
present temper of the nation a Benevolence was impossible.
In the autumn of 1620, and in the autumn of 1621, the King's
declarations had been received with universal enthusiasm ; but
no one believed in such declarations any longer. Rumours
were abroad that Porter had been entrusted with some special
message, and no one doubted for an instant that the result of
that message would be to prolong the existing suspense. If
the King's object had been merely to send an ordinary despatch
to Spain, why should he have selected Porter, of all other
men, to perform the work of a common courier.3
If war there was to be, it was of evil omen that the
thoughts of those who were likely to be entrusted with its
management turned once more in the direction of
with Mans- Mansfeld. According to his habitual practice, James
feld. . ' 1-1
was anxious to carry out his plans at the expense of
others, and he actually had the effrontery to ask the Prince of
Orange to keep Mansfeld and his troops in the pay of the
States for a month after their engagement was at an end, in
1 Meade to Stuteville, Oct. 19, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 243. Nethersole
to Carleton, Oct. 18. S. P. Germany.
- Nethersole to Carleton, Oct. 24, S. P. Holland.
3 Nethersole to Carleton, Oct. 18, S. P. Germany.
376 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
order that, if Porter brought back an unsatisfactory reply, they
might then be ready to enter the English service. l
This amazing request was, of course, met by a courteous
but distinct refusal. The finances of the States-General were
by no means prosperous, and they had just succeeded
Bergen-op- in achieving the object for the sake of which they
Zoom. ,
had secured the adventurer s services. At the ap-
proach of Maurice with Mansfeld in his train, Spinola had
suddenly raised the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom, and all further
danger from the Spanish armies was at an end for the year.
Nor was it only on land that Spain had failed to maintain her
position. A large squadron, posted in the Straits of Gibraltar
to destroy the Dutch fleet as it issued from the Mediterranean,
had been compelled to allow the enemy to sail out in safety.
About the same time, another large fleet of twenty-
A Spanish
fleet in the two galleons suddenly appeared on the English coast,
Channel. ,
eager to make havoc amongst the Dutch trading
vessels which thronged the Channel. In the hope that a safe
basis of operations might be gained, Coloma was instructed to
demand shelter for his master's ships in the English ports.
This time he asked in vain. In the excitement caused by the
loss of Heidelberg, James forgot his old design upon Holland,
and the demand was peremptorily refused. In a day or two
the mighty fleet which had terrified England with the prospect
of a new armada, sailed back without striking a blow.2 The
misfortunes of Spain did not end here. The Mexico fleet
was overtaken by a storm before it left the West Indies, and
the damage suffered was so great as to cause the postponement
of the voyage to another season. This winter the Spanish
Treasury would have to do as best it might, without the annual
influx of silver.
Such a combination of disasters was not without its influence
upon the members of the Council of State at Madrid, rendering
1 Calvert to Carleton, Oct. 9, S. P. Holland. Calvert to Bucking-
ham, Oct. 12, Harl. MSS. 1580, fol. 175.
2 The Dutch Commissioners to the States-General. Oct. — . Add.
MSS. 17,677 K, fol. 229. Salvetti's Neu<s-/*tt<:r, Oct. x-.
1622 POSITION OF OL1VARES. 377
them more than usually impatient of a policy which threatened
September, to prolong and enlarge the war in which Spain was
thefi(founcii en§aged- It was therefore with surprise not unmingled
of State. with indignation, that they accidentally discovered
that Zuniga had been playing them false, and had been en-
couraging the Emperor in his design of bestowing Frederick's
Electorate upon Maximilian. Khevenhiiller had recently re-
ceived instructions to explain to Philip that the Emperor's re-
solution was unalterable, and Zuniga had again replied that the
course proposed would be most agreeable to the King of Spain,
though he doubted its practicability in the face of the opposition
which was certain to arise. If the Imperial ambassador would
promise to keep the whole affair a profound secret, he would be
allowed to state his wishes before the King.
Not long after this conversation, Zuniga was seized with a
fever, and as he lay tossing on his sick-bed, he pointed out to
Dea-h of an attendant a bundle of papers w^hich were to be
laid before the Council, amongst which had been
placed by mistake the memorial to the Imperial Ambassador.
When the mystery was thus unexpectedly revealed, those mem-
bers of the Council who were opposed to his policy did not
measure their words in reprobating the concealment which had
been practised. It was thought that the harsh language then
used had a serious effect upon his health. At all events from
that moment he grew rapidly wrorse, and on September 27 he
died.1
By the death of his uncle Zuniga, Olivares obtained the
virtual control of the government of Spain. Hitherto he had
been content to be what Buckingham was in England,
Olivares sue- .
ceedstohis the channel through which the favours of the Crown
were distributed. He now became the medium for
all political communications between the King and the various
councils by which the affairs of the Spanish monarchy were
conducted. From henceforth it was by Olivares that the
opinions of these consultative bodies were laid before Philip,
and it was through his hands that the orders passed by which
iller, ix. 1780-1784.
378 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
such resolutions as proved acceptable were carried into execu-
tion. With a sovereign, who, like Philip, hated the very name
of business, such a position was equivalent to the possession of
Royal power. Olivares was now practically king of Spain, as
Lerma had been king before him.
In many respects, the new minister was far superior to the
avaricious favourite of Philip III. He had a ready tongue and
His charac- a quick apprehension. Caring little for pleasure and
amusement, he turned his back upon everything that
might stand in the way of his devotion to state affairs, excepting
so far as he was required to join in the diversions of the King. '
To bribes he was entirely inaccessible, and, in the opinion of
those who were best able to judge, he was honestly desirous
of doing good service to his king and country.2 If he was
incapable of rising to those heights from which a genial states-
man, raised, like Bristol, above the passions and prejudices of
the world, looks serenely down upon the strife of men, he was,
at least within the limitations of his age and country, an
intelligent and resolute politician. If there were many things
which he did not see at all, he was at least able to see clearly
whatever came within the sphere of his vision ; and even if he
had not been the favourite of his sovereign, he might have
ruled the Spanish councils by virtue of that supremacy which
the ancient proverb assigns to the one-eyed man in the king-
dom of the blind. Suddenly raised in youth to the direction
of affairs, he had never had an opportunity of learning to
estimate the weight of opposition which would be brought
against him by men of other races and of other principles
of action than his own. He was consequently, when by his
uncle's death he was brought face to face with the problems of
actual politics, in a position not unlike that of a theoretical
mathematician of recognised ability, who might be called upon
to conduct the siege operations of an army in real warfare.
It has frequently been taken for granted by those who have
1 Relaziote Venete, Spagna, i. 650.
2 " II fine delle sue intenzioni non credo che non sia il servizio del Re."
" II Conte Duca . . . non riceve doni, vuole il servizio del Re."
Ibid. i. 653, 686.
1622 BRISTOL'S DIPLOMACY. 379
judged only by the result, that the policy of Olivares was a
warlike policy from the beginning. It was nothing
of the sort. If there was any object for which he
earnestly strove in order to heal the economical wounds of his
country, it was peace, and especially peace with England. But
he had clearly made up his mind that even war was to b^
preferred to national dishonour, whilst, on the other hand, he
never arrived at anything like an accurate conception of the
terms upon which peace was to be obtained. The limits of
Protestantism, he imagined, could be driven back in Germany
with the assent of the German Protestants ; and the religion of
England could be undermined and overthrown without wound-
ing the susceptibilities of Englishmen. It was possible, he
thought in his youthful ardour, to secure all the fruits of victory
without the risks and anxieties of war.
The day before Zuniga's death, some days before Porter left
England, the despatch which had been written in London on
Bristol's September 9 was placed in Bristol's hands.1 He im-
confidence. mediately demanded an audience, to lay his master's
requirements before Philip. He wrote at once to Calvert that
he would do everything in his power. For any want of fidelity
in himself, he would ' willingly undergo all blame and censure.
But for the errors of other men, as the indirect course taken
from Rome, or what was done in Germany,' he could not be
answerable. He understood that there were some in England
who held him responsible for the success of the business. " I
know," he said, " I serve a wise and a just master, whom I have
and ever will serve honestly and painfully. And I no way fear
but to give him a good and an honest account both of myself
and my proceedings. And, whereas it is 'objected that I have
written over confidently of businesses, I write confidently of
them still, if our own courses mar them not by taking alarms
and altering our minds upon every accident." He concluded
by saying that the two months within which he was ordered
to expect the conclusion of the marriage treaty, would hardly
be sufficient for the purpose. Letters to Rome must be
1 Page 353.
380 THE MISSION OF ENDYM1ON PORTER. CH. XLII.
written and answered, and he hoped to receive instructions not
to break with Spain for a month, more or less.1
On October 3, Bristol, accompanied by Aston, was received
by Olivares at the Escurial, with the most profuse expressions
October. °f good-will As soon as he had explained his
Assurance master's annoyance at the addition of new and un-
given to *
Bristol. heard of demands to the original marriage articles, the
Spanish minister assured him that the Pope should be brought
to reason. Then passing to the larger question, he declared
that the Emperor's proceedings were entirely disapproved of at
Madrid, and that, if it were necessary, Philip would come to
James's aid, and ' would infallibly assist his Majesty with his
forces.' Being then introduced to the presence of the King,
Bristol repeated his complaints. The same language was used
by Philip which had previously been employed by his minister.
According to Bristol's report of the interview, 'he expressed
an earnest desire that the match should be concluded, and
that therein no time should be lost. He utterly disliked the
Emperor's proceedings, and said he would procure his Majesty's
satisfaction, and when he could not obtain it otherwise, he was
resolved to procure it by his arms.'
The very next day the ambassador was officially informed
that the Pope's resolutions upon the marriage articles would at
once be taken into consideration. But before any-
capu.re of thing could be done, news of the fall of Heidelberg
k"8' reached Madrid, and Bristol, who saw in the intelli-
gence an excellent opportunity for putting the Spanish professions
to the test, at once wrote to Olivares requesting that the King's
garrisons in the Palatinate might be ordered to co-operate with
Vere in maintaining Mannheim and Frankenthal against the
Emperor.2 To an assurance that a letter had been written to
the Infanta Isabella, he replied that he had had enough of vague
declarations of orders given, and that he should not be content
unless the despatch were placed in his hands, to be sent by a
courier of his own. He must be allowed to read it, in order
that he might see whether it really contained instructions to the
1 Bristol to Calvert, Sept. 28, 29, S. P. Spain.
* Bristol Memorial, Oct. 3, Bristol to Calvert, Oct. 8, S. P. Sfain,
1622 ORDERS TO THE INFANTA ISABELLA. 381
Infanta to intervene by force if Tilly refused obedience. His
resolute bearing was not without its effect. His demand was
taken into consideration by the Council of State, and it was
there unanimously resolved, ' that, in case the Emperor should
not condescend unto reason, this King should then assist his
Majesty with his arms for the restitution of the Prince Pala-
tine.' Even this, however, was not sufficient for Bristol. He
found that the Spaniards wished to interpret this resolution as
referring to assistance to be given at some future time, and that
they were proposing, so far as immediate action was concerned,
to content themselves with what they called 'earnest and press-
ing mediation.' He told them plainly that he would not accept
an answer in such terms. His demand was at once acceded to.1
Letters were despatched immediately to the Emperor and the
Duke of Bavaria, urging them to the concessions required, whilst
another letter, intended for the Infanta at Brussels, was entrusted
to Bristol's courier, so that the English ambassador might be able
to assure himself that she was really directed, in case of Tilly's
refusal to raise the sieges of Mannheim and Frankenthal, to
employ Spanish troops in support of the beleaguered garrisons.2
Nor was it only in Bristol's presence that the Spanish
Government drew back from the position which had been
assumed by Zuniga. Khevenhiiller was distinctly
used to the told that whatever message had been carried by
the friar Hyacintho must be understood at Vienna
as it was interpreted by Ofiaie and the Infanta Isabella;
1 Bristol to Calvert, Oct. 21, S. P. Spain.
2 " Caso que los que governaren las dichas armas pongan alguna
difficultad en el cumplimiento dello, V.A. les hard decir que, sinolo execu-
taren, no permitira otra cosa ; y, si fuere necessario, mandcra V. A. de
la gente de guerra que por mi horden se entretiene en el Palatinado, que
no solo tenga muy buena correspondencia con la que alii ay del Rey de la
Gran Bretaiia, pero que si conveniere se entreponga y procure que no
recivia dano de otro ; porque es justo se vea que de nuestra parte se hace
esto, y todo lo que se puede." Philip IV. to the Infanta Isabella, Oct. — ,
S. P. Spain. The original is in the Archives at Brussels. It might be •
suspected that the instructions here given were countermanded by a secret
despatch ; but this is put out of the question by the Infanta's reply of
Nov. 4, Brussels MSS.
1 6'
382 THE MISSION OF END YM ION PORTER. CH. XLII.
or, in other words, that the King of Spain would give no sup-
port, open or secret, to the transference of the Electorate.
Philip, it was added, hoped that whatever was done would be
done in agreement with the Princes assembled at Ratisbon. If
his advice were not followed, no further assistance was to be
expected from Spain.1
A year afterwards, the declaration made by Philip, that he
would assist the King of England, if necessary even with his
arms, was made the subject of grave complaint in England. The
King of Spain, it was said, had engaged to compel the Emperor
to restore the Palatinate to Frederick, and in refusing to fulfil
his obligations he had violated his most solemn promises. It is,
indeed, impossible to acquit Philip and Olivares of concealing
their wishes and intentions. But it cannot be said that, in this
matter at least, they were guilty of wilfully deceiving James.
It was not the question of the ultimate disposal of the Palatinate
which was now before them. It was the question of enforcing
a suspension of arms in order to make room for subsequent
negotiation. And that, for the moment at least, they were
ready to fulfil their promises is evident from the language which
they used in their despatches.
Of many things the Spanish ministers were grossly ignorant;
but they saw clearly that the settlement of Germany was only
Recall of possible if it proceeded from Germany itself. If
Chichester. james could have understood this, it would have
mattered little that the concessions made to Bristol had been
wrung from the fears of Olivares against his secret wishes. Had
he been able to send a minister to Ratisbon to announce that
he had secured his son-in-law's resolution to abide by the terms
which had been offered in the preceding winter, he might perhaps
have won over to the side of peace most of those who were
present. Unless he could do this — if Frederick still cherished
designs of continuing the war, or if he refused to make that
submission which was considered by a great majority of the
princes of Germany to be nothing more than the Emperor's
due — James had better wash his hands of the whole affair.
1 Khevenhuller, ix. 1784.
1622 PORTER'S RECEPTION. 383
As usual, he preferred leaving the future to chance. On the
first news of the fall of Heidleberg he had recalled Chichester
to England. When the Assembly met, it would meet without
the presence of a single representative either of Frederick or
of James. If Ofiate was there to counsel moderation on
the part of Spain, it was not from him that a guarantee for the
future good behaviour, or even for the present intentions, of the
exiled Elector, could proceed. It would be left to Frederick's
enemies to proclaim his misdeeds, and judgment would go
by default.
In the meanwhile the junta appointed to consider the
marriage articles had been proceeding seriously with its work.
Discussion Gondomar who, since Zuniga's death, was, without
rkgeea™ar" dispute, the ablest man among the commissioners,
tides. naci been of opinion from the beginning that, in
order to effect the conversion of England, it was unnecessary
to resort to those startling demands which were regarded
at Rome as indispensable. Under his influence, therefore,
the junta lent itself without difficulty to Bristol's sugges-
tions, and the ambassador, finding that his objections to the
requirements of the Cardinals were regarded with a favour-
able ear, was enabled to augur well of the result of the
negotiation.1
Such was the position of affairs when, on the first day of
November, Porter made his appearance at Madrid. The letter
which he brought for Gondomar from Buckingham
Porter at was well received, and the bearer was assured that
lnd' the Prince would be welcome in Spain. To the
demand for instant action in the Palatinate, it was less easy to
obtain an answer. The King was away, hunting in the moun-
tains, and for some days nothing could be done. Forgetting
that he was a messenger, and not an ambassador, and fancying
that Bristol was lukewarm in the business, Porter went straight
to Olivares, and asked for an engagement that the Spanish forces
in the Palatinate would give their support to Vere.
Such a demand, coming from such a man, roused all the
1 Bristol to Calvert, Oct. 21, S. P. Spain.
384 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
indignation which, in his conversations with Bristol, Olivares
had so carefully suppressed. It was preposterous, he
His conver- . , . , ,, . - ~
sation with said, to ask the King of Spain to take arms against
Ohvares. ^s uncjCji fae Catholic League, and the House of
Austria. " As for the marriage," he ended by saying, " I know
not what it means."2
It was not long before the Spaniard repented the passionate
outburst in which his secret feelings had been so openly laid
bare. To Bristol's inquiries, he answered coolly that Porter
was not a public minister, and that it was unfit to entrust state
secrets to such a man. A day or two afterwards, as if to repair
his minister's error, the King expressly reiterated to Aston his
assurance that, if necessary, the aid of his armies should not be
wanting in the Palatinate.3
It was now Bristol's turn to test the intentions of the
Spanish Court. On November 18, he presented a formal de-
mand for the restitution of the towns in the Palatinate,
Nov. 1 8.
Bristol's de- within seventy days. The summons, he soon found,
mauds about , . , . , . .
the Paia- was received with an universal outcry of disapproba-
tion. The King of Spain, he was told, was as firmly
resolved as ever to abide by the resolutions which he had taken.
But to ask him to engage that Heidelberg and Mannheim
should be restored within seventy days was a mere insult.
" When these instructions were given you in England," said
one of the Spanish ministers to Bristol, " they must have been
very angry." In reporting what he heard to Calvert, the Eng-
lish ambassador expressed his opinion that the Spaniards still
wished to give satisfaction to his master, but that they were ' in
great confusion how to answer to the particulars.' 4
Bristol, in truth, was unwilling to acknowledge to himself
1 The mother of Philip IV. was the Emperors sister.
- Bristol afterwards asserted that the phrase about the match had not
been reported to him, ' as far as he remembereth ' (Hardwicke State
Papers, ii. 501) ; but it seems likely enough to have been said. Porter's
own story (S. P. Spain) was adopted by Buckingham in the narrative
which he drew up for the Parliament of 1624.
3 Hardwicke State Papers, i. 504.
« Biistol to Calvert, Nov. 26, 5. P. Spain.
j622 BRISTOL'S POLICY. 385
how untenable his position was becoming. His original policy
of an alliance between Spain and England, grounded
becoming011 upon mutual respect, and used for the benefit of
untenable. EurOpean peace, had broken down completely when
the Parliament of 1621 was dissolved. He had then warned
James how thoroughly the conditions of his mediation had
changed. England could no longer meet Spain upon equal
terms. She must supplicate for peace now that she was no
longer in a position to demand it. That in Spain there was i
great dread of war, and above all, of war with England, he
had every reason to know, and he believed that, partly by ap-
pealing to that feeling, partly by holding out hopes that the mar-
riage treaty would be accompanied by benefits to the English
Catholics, he could still induce Spain to throw her weight into
the scale of peace.
That this policy was a rational one under the circum-
stances few candid persons will deny. Its weak point was that
it depended for success altogether upon the behaviour of
Frederick and his allies. Unless James could so restrain the
words and actions of his son-in-law as to make it evident to
the world that the restoration of the Palatinate would not be
the signal for a fresh war, leaving the Imperial forces to do all
their work over again, it was ridiculous to expect that either
Spain or the Emperor would consent to the terms proposed.
Above all, it was most absurd that James, who had shown him-
self utterly unable to control his son-in-law's proceedings, should
now be urging the Spanish Government to sacrifice all its prin-
ciples and interests, by taking up arms against its own allies in
such a cause.
Between the hallucination of James, that the Spaniards
would fight for the re-establishment of his son-in-law, and the
hallucination of the Spaniards that the Protestants of Europe
would look on unmoved whilst the heir of the Palatinate was
being educated in the Roman Catholic faith, Bristol's negotia-
tion was in evil plight. Yet the mere fact that the Spaniards
had promised at all to employ force for the preservation of
the towns in the Palatinate from the Imperialist armies, is suffi-
cient proof that if his master had been able to control events
VOL. iv. c c
386 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
upon the Protestant side, it was not at Madrid that any serious
opposition would have been encountered.
A few days after Bristol's demands were presented, news
arrived that Mannheim had fallen into the hands of Tilly.
With a garrison of fourteen hundred men, Vere had found
it impossible to defend the extensive fortifications of the place ;
and, after setting fire to the town, he had retired into
October 28.
Fall of the castle. Even there his troops were all too few
for the work before them. Mansfeld had long before
swept away the stores which had been laid up for the siege ; and
the blockade had been too strict to permit of the introduction of
fresh supplies in sufficient quantity. Provisions and fuel were
running short, and there was only powder enough to last for six
or seven days. Hope of succour there was none, the German
soldiers were beginning to talk of surrender, and Vere had
every reason to suppose that they would refuse to stand to their
guns. Under these circumstances, there was nothing to be
done but to come to terms with the enemy, and a capitulation
was accordingly signed which allowed the garrison to march
out with the honours of war.1
Immediately after receiving the keys of the citadel, Tilly
marched upon Frankenthal, the only place still occupied in
Frederick's name. Advanced as the season was, he
Frlmken- at once commenced the siege, in the hope of re-
ducing the place before winter came. To a letter from
Brussels, acquainting him that it was the King of Spain's wish
that he should leave the place untouched, he had replied with
a blunt refusal to accept orders from anyone but the Emperor.
If the Infanta had now been prepared to carry out the
orders which she had received from Madrid, she would at once
November. nave given directions to the Spanish troops to break
fenta^re- UP ^e siege by force. But there were limits even to
»ai to re- the power of a King of Spain. The Infanta informed
garrison. her nephew that he had given orders which it was
impossible to execute. The few Spanish troops left in the Pala-
tinate were not sufficiently numerous to relieve the garrison 01
1 Vere to Calvert, Oct. 30, S. P. Germany, Carleton to Calvert,
Dec. 27, S, P. Holland,
1622 AN APPROACHING CRISIS. 387
Frankenthal ; and even if this had not been the case, it was
preposterous to imagine that Spain could ever be found fighting
against the Catholic League. She hoped that his Majesty would
use all good offices in favour of peace ; but assuredly he could
do nothing more.1
In truth, no one but James could ever have dreamed of
anything else. It was his business to make peace desirable.
At the head of the neutral Protestants of Germany his word
would have been worth listening to ; but it was mere fatuity to
expect the Spaniards to extricate him from the difficulty into
which his own indolence had brought him.
The Infanta's letter, reaching Madrid at a time when Bristol
was pressing for an answer to the demand which he had been
Difficulties instructed to make, was not calculated to diminish
Spanish the hesitations of the Spanish ministers. Nor was
Ministers. faQ\r course rendered less difficult by the arrival of
a despatch from Onate, announcing that the Emperor was not
to be moved from his design of conferring the Electorate upon
Maximilian.2 Evidently the problem of keeping on good terms
with James and Ferdinand afthe same time was becoming more
insoluble every day.
It was not only from the side of foreign politics that danger
was to be apprehended to the good understanding which
The infanta Olivares wished to establish between the Courts of
Maria. London and Madrid. The Infanta Maria, whose
hand was to be the pledge of its continuance, had now entered
upon her seventeenth year. Her features were not beautiful,
but the sweetness of her disposition found expression in her
face, and her fair complexion and delicate white hands drew
forth rapturous admiration from the contrast which they pre-
sented to the olive tints of the ladies by whom she was sur-
rounded.3 The mingled dignity and gentleness of her bearing
1 The Infanta Isabella to King Philip IV., Nov. -2-, ^. Memoir for
A. de Lossada, Brussels MSS.
2 Ciriza to Philip IV., Nov. ^ Simancas MSS. 2507, fol. 21.
3 Bristol to the Prince of Wales, Dec. 25, 1622 ; Feb 22, 1623,
S. P. Spain.
CC 2
388 THE MISSION OF END YMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
made her an especial favourite with her brother. Her life
was moulded after the best type of the devotional piety of her
Church. Two hours of every day she spent in prayer. Twice
every week she confessed, and partook of the Holy Communion.
Her chief delight was in meditating upon the Immaculate Con-
ception of the Virgin, and preparing lint for the use of the
hospitals. The money which her brother allowed her to be
spent at play, she carefully set aside for the relief of the poor.
Her character was as remarkable for its self-possession as
for its gentleness. Excepting when she was in private amongst
her ladies, her words were few ; and though those who knew
her well were aware that she felt unkindness deeply, she never
betrayed her emotions by speaking harshly of those by whom
she had been wronged. Anyone who hoped to afford her
amusement by repeating the scandal and gossip of the Court,
was soon taught, by visible tokens of her disapprobation, to
avoid such subjects for the future. When she had once made
up her mind where the path of duty lay, no temptation could
induce her to swerve from it by a hair's breadth. Nor was her
physical courage less conspicuous than her moral firmness.
At a Court entertainment given at Aranjuez, a fire broke out
amongst the scaffolding which supported the benches upon
which the spectators were seated. In an instant the whole
place was in confusion. Amongst the screaming throng the
Infanta alone retained her presence of mind. Calling Olivares
to her help, that he might keep off the pressure of the crowd,
she made her escape without quickening her usual pace.1
There were many positions in which such a woman could
hardly have failed to pass a happy and a useful life; but it is
October, certain that no one could be less fitted to become
Her aversion the wife of a Protestant King, and the Queen of a
to tne mar-
riage. Protestant nation. On the throne of England her
life would be one continual martyrdom. Her own dislike of
the marriage was undisguised, and her instinctive aversion
was confirmed by the reiterated warnings of her confessor. A
heretic, he told her, was worse than a devil. " What a cona-
1 Description of the Infanta, by Toby Matthew, June 28, 1623, 6". P.
Spain.
1622 THE INFANTAS RESISTANCE. 389
fortable bedfellow you will have," he said. " He who lies by
your side, and who will be the father of your children, is certain
to go to hell." 1
It was only lately, however, that she had taken any open
step in the matter. Till recently, indeed, the marriage had
hardly been regarded at Court in a serious light.
She remon- J
strateswith The case was now altered. A junta had been
appointed to settle the articles of marriage with the
English Ambassador, and although the Pope's opinion had
been given, it seemed likely that the junta, under Gondomar's
influence, would urge him to reconsider his determination.
Under these circumstances the Infanta proceeded to plead her
own cause with her brother. She found a powerful support in
the Infanta 2 Margaret, the youngest daughter of the Emperor
Maximilian II., who had retired from the world to a Carmelite
nunnery at Madrid. This lady now put forth all her influence
to induce the King to return to the scheme which had received
his father's approval,3 to marry his sister to the Emperor's son,
the Archduke Ferdinand, and to satisfy the Prince of Wales
with the hand of an archduchess.4
1 Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1623, S. P. Spain.
2 So termed at Madrid, though strictly speaking she should be called
the Archduchess Margaret. Her mother was a Spanish Infanta.
3 Vol. i. p. 351.
4 " Ho anco inteso per sicurissima via che scrive il Nontio di Spagna
trattarsi in quella Corte nell apparenza molto alle secrette questo matri-
monio con Inghilterra, et ch'era molto portato dal Conte di Codmar," i.e.
Gondomar, ' ' dicendosi d'alcuni che seguira certo, et da altri che tutta era
una fmtione per addormentar Inghilterra, et che lui ne ha parlato secret-
tissamente con detto Conte, et con li ministri, accio che non si faccia
senza la saputa del Pontefice, et cosi ne havea riportato parola et pro-
messa ; — che questa voce era arrivata sino all' Infante, et che si dovesse
presto preparar per quel Regno ; la qual ne mostrava dispiacere, ma che
era stata consolata dalla Contessa di Lemos, et dal Infante Cardinale, et
da tutte le dame del Palazzo, essortandola ad andar allegramente ; — che
all' Ambasciatore Inglese era stato promesso il vederla e visitarla, et che
all' officio lei mai rispose, tenendo sempre gli occhi in terra ; — che
1 ''infante Discalza," i.e. the Infanta Margaret, "insieme col Re pur
le hanno parlato di queste nozze, dicendole essa Discalza che le pensasse
bene, poiche si trattava di lei sola ; et che lei habbi detto al Re che in
390 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
The tears of the sister whom he was loth to sacrifice were
of great weight with Philip ; but she had powerful influences
to contend against Olivares, upon whose sanguine mind the
hope of converting England was at this time exercising all its
glamour, protested against the change ; and Philip, under the
eye of his favourite, made every effort to shake his sister's
resolution. The confessor was threatened with removal from
his post if he did not change his language ; and divines of less
unbending severity were summoned to reason with the Infanta,
and were instigated to paint in glowing colours the glorious
and holy work of bringing back an apostate nation to the
faith.
For a moment the unhappy girl gave way before the array
of counsellors, and she told her brother that, in order to
serve God and obey the King, she was ready to submit to
anything.1
In a few days, however, this momentary phase of feeling
had passed away. Her woman's instinct told her that she had
November, been in the right, and that, with all their learning,
The in- the statesmen and divines had been in the wrong.
fanta s reso-
lution. She sent to Olivares to tell him that if he did not
find some way to save her from the bitterness before her, she
would cut the knot herself by taking refuge in a nunnery ; 2
and when Philip returned from his hunting in November, he
found himself besieged by all the weapons of feminine
despair.
Philip was not proof against his sister's miser}'. Upon the
gratia non le lasciasse ; onde persuadeva essa Discalza che, gia che si vede
non mostrar questa figliuola inclinatione a quest nozze, ben sara maritarla
in Germania, et dar la figliuola dell' Imperator ad Inghilterra, onde da
questi concetti dubbiosi che si introducono si va argomentando che possino
Spagnoli in fine, quando non possino far altro, et cavatone il frutto che
desideranno, liberarsi dalla promessa col dir che la figliuola don vuole
maritarsi in Inghilterra, et addonar a lei tutto." — Zen to the Doge,
£^? Venice MSS. Desp. Roma.
.Nov. 8
1 Corner to the Doge, °^ *%, Venice MSS. Desp. Spagna. Bristol to
the King, Aug. 18, 1623, S. P. Sfzin.
* Francisco de Jesust 48.
1 622 THE MARRIAGE TO BE BROKEN OFF. 391
political effect of the decision which he now took he scarcely
NOV 25. bestowed a thought. It was his business to hunt
ktte'rPto boars and stags, or to display his ability in the tilt-
oiivares. yard ; it was the business of Olivares and the Council
of State to look after politics.
The letter in which he announced his intention to Olivares
was very brief. " My father," he wrote, " declared his mind
at his death-bed concerning the match with England, which
was never to make it ; and your uncle's intention, according to
that, was ever to delay it ; and you know likewise how averse
my sister is to it. I think it now time that I should find a way
out of it ; wherefore I require you to find some other way to
content the King of England, to whom I think myself much
bound for his many expressions of friendship " l
Such a letter as this would have been irresistible, even if
the minister's own opinions had remained unchanged ; but
NOV. 28. during the last fortnight much had occurred to
Olivares' shake his determination. On the one hand, Bristol's
Change of
policy. peremptory demand for immediate co-operation
against the Emperor had been presented ; on the other hand,
it was now known at Madrid that Tilly had not paid the
sHghtest attention to the Infanta's remonstrances, and that
nothing would induce the Emperor to postpone any longer the
transference of the Electorate. Under these circumstances it
was evident that it was necessary to reconsider those wide-
1 This letter is only known from an English translation. It was after-
wards shown to the Prince of Wales by Olivares ; but he was not allowed
to take a copy. The letter as printed here differs from that to be found in
many collections. It is from a paper amongst the Spanish State Papers, in
the Prince's own handwriting, with interlineations and corrections which
leave scarcely any doubt as to its being the original draft which Charles is
said to have written down immediately after the interview. The letter as
usually given (in Cabala for instance, p. 314,) is longer. The changes
may have been added for the purpose of making it clearer to an English
audience, as when "Your uncle" becomes " Your uncle Don Baltazar,"
or they may have been simply added on further consideration. It is
perfectly immaterial which view is adopted, as in all essential points the
two letters agree. The question of the date will be discussed in a note to
P- 393-
392 THE MISSION OF END YMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
reaching plans which had a few weeks before seemed so easy
of accomplishment, and the result was a memorial addressed
by Olivares to the King, and laid before the Council of State
for its approval.1
" Sir," he began, " considering the present state of the treaty
of marriage between Spain and England, and knowing certainly,
His me- as ^ understand from the ministers who treated of the
moriai. business in the time of our lord the King Philip III.
— may he now be in glory, — that his meaning was never to
effect it unless the Prince became a Catholic, but only with
respect to the King of England to prolong the treaty, and the
consideration of its articles, till it could obtain the conditions
at which he aimed ; and also to retain the amity of that king,
which was desirable in every way, and especially on account of
the affairs of Flanders and Germany and the obligation under
which he has placed us as regards the latter ; and suspecting
likewise that your Majesty is of the same opinion, although
you have made no demonstration of any such intention, yet
founding my suspicions on the assurance which I have received
that the Infanta Donna Maria has resolved to enter a nunnery
the same day that your Majesty shall press her to make the
marriage without the above-mentioned conditions, I have
thought fit to present to your Majesty that which my zeal has
suggested to me on this occasion, and which I consider will
give great satisfaction to the King of Great Britain."
The minister then proceeded to show that James was in-
volved in two difficulties : the one that of the marriage ; the
other, that of the Palatinate ; and that it was not to be sup-
posed that, even if the marriage were effected, he would cease
to require the restitution of his grandchildren. If therefore,
the Infanta were married before the other question was settled,
his Majesty would find himself in a dilemma ; for, argued
Olivares with every show of reason on his side, "it will be
necessary for you to declare against the Emperor and the
Catholic League, a thing which even to hear, as a mere possi-
bility, will offend yuur Majesty's pious ears ; or to declare your-
self for the Emperor and the Catholic League, as certainly you
Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1623, 5. /'. Spain.
1622 SCHEME OF OLIVARES. 393
will, and to find yourself engaged in a war against the King of
England, and your sister married to his son." Any other
supposition, he went on to say, was inadmissible. Neutrality
would be out of the question. The King of England had made
up his mind that he was to recover the Palatinate with the
help of Spain ; the Emperor, on the other hand, would not
give way, at least as far as the Electorate was concerned. It
was, therefore, by no means easy for Philip to escape from the
situation in which he was placed ; and, if something were not
done at once, it would be impossible for him to extricate himself
at all. Olivares ended by proposing once more the old plan
which had found favour with Philip III. — the marriage of the
Prince of Wales with the Emperor's daughter, and a Catholic
education for Frederick's eldest son at Vienna, with the prospect
of the hand of an archduchess when he came of age. Thus
everybody would be satisfied, and Europe would be at peace. '
Never before, in all probability, had so visionary a scheme
been found side by side with such sturdy common sense,
character of Olivares at least saw plainly that the great difficulty
the scheme. Qf ^Q day was the German war, and that all ques-
tions about family alliances and the amelioration of the condi-
tion of the English Catholics were insignificant in comparison ;
yet, true Spaniard as he was, he could not rise, as Bristol had
risen, to a position from which the two parties could be re-
garded with an equal eye. His own religion was to resume its
due superiority almost without a struggle. Protestanism was not
a religion at all ; certainly not one for which anyone was likely
to fight, excepting from selfish motives. All that was needed
was to throw a little dust in the eyes of the princes. Let
Frederick be persuaded that his son would regain the inheri-
1 The date of this memorial is always given in the English translations
as Nov. 8. l.ut the original Spanish (Francisco de Jesus, 48) gives Dec. 8,
that is to say. • ov' ' . and this is confirmed by Bristol's letter of Aug. 18,
Dec. 8
1623. Evidently the translator altered the month from the new to the
old style, and forgot to change the day. The same will hold good of
Philip's letter to which I have assigned the date of ~^~> instead of
Nov. — . In the English copies all references to the Prince's becoming a
Catholic are omitted. Was this deliberate excision Charles's work ?
394 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLU
tance of his family, and he would not stop to haggle over
such a trifle as his education at a Roman Catholic Court. Let
James be persuaded that his dynastic interests would be secured,
and he would surely not trouble himself about religious changes
in the Palatinate.
Utterly absurd as was Olivares' estimate of the power of
resistance which Protestantism still possessed, he was un-
doubtedly in the right in holding that, with all her antecedents,
Spain could not separate herself from the Emperor. Yet, when
his memorial was read in the Council of State, that body unani-
mously refused to endorse it.1 Objecting to the path upon
which Olivares was entering, as ultimately leading to war with
England, the councillors were nevertheless incapable of striking
out an antagonistic policy. With the instinct of weak men,
they preferred blundering on in the old track, in the hope that
some lucky accident would occur to set them free from the
consequences of their long duplicity.
When OUvares met with opposition in the Council of State,
he never allowed his displeasure to be seen. To all outward
intrigues of appearance he gave way to its decision. It was in
oiivares. ^jg Spirit that he now set to work. Every public
act was to be in accordance with the supposition that the
marriage treaty was not to be abandoned. In consequence of
this resolution, the negotiations with Bristol went on as before.
The junta reported the result to the King, and the King
formally expressed a satisfaction which he was far from feeling.
Royal letters were written to the Spanish Ambassador at Rome,
urging him to hasten the dispensation by every means in his
power. These letters were allowed to fall into Bristol's hands,
so as to remove all possible doubt of Philip's sincerity from his
mind ; but all this was only a solemn farce. On the day after
his memorial was written, Olivares sent for Khevenhiiller, and
requested him to lay his plan before the Emperor.2 Of that
which to ordinary eyes constituted the main difficulty, Olivares
had no fear at all ; of the popular resistance which was certain
to arise in England, he had simply no conception whatever ;
1 Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1623, S. P. Spain.
2 KheVinhiiller, ix. 1789.
1622 SANGUINE EXPECTATIONS. 395
nor did he even fancy that there would be any indignation
aroused by the failure of the marriage treaty. The Pope had
declared that without liberty of worship he would not grant the
dispensation ; and if there was any fear of his giving way, it
would be easy to convey to him a private hint that the despatches
from Madrid were not intended to be seriously regarded, and
that if he wished to please the King of Spain, he must refuse
the petitions which were presented by his ambassador.1
Such was the strange compound of audacity and cajolery
with which the affairs of Spain were from henceforth to be
conducted. In all seriousness, Gondomar went backwards
and forwards between Bristol and the junta. At last, on
1 " It is true that the Conde of Olivares, upon some scruple which the
Infanta seemed to make to marry with a Prince of a different religion, but
especially for that he feared that if the match with the Infanta should be
made, and the business of the Palatinate not be compounded, they should
hardly obtain their end of a peace, which they chiefly aim at, projected and
thereupon wrote a kind of discourse, how much fitter it would be for this
King taking a daughter of the Emperor's to match her with the Prince,
and thereby both to make an alliance, and to accommodate the troubles of
Germany ; and he proceeded so far in this conceit that privately he pro-
cured a commission from the Emperor to treat and conclude that match
with me if occasion were offered. But when this discourse of his came to
be seen in the Council of State, it was utterly disliked by all, and resolved
that it should in no ways interrupt the going forward to a present conclu-
sion of the match for the Infanta with me .... And divers of the
Council have told me that this discourse was upon a false ground, pre-sup-
posing that neither the last king nor this intended to proceed in the match
unless the Prince would turn Catholic, which point had long before been
cleared, and the mistake merely grew out of this Conde of Olivares being
absolutely new in the business." — Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1623, JT.
P. Spain. Of course Bristol may have been misinformed, but I do not
suppose he was. The difference of opinion between the Royal family and
the ministers is corroborated by a despatch of the Venetian Ambassador at
Rome, who says that he was informed by Cardinal Ludovisi that the mar-
riage ' sia molto consigliato dalli ministri, ma che pero gli parenti, et quelli
del sangre, non lo consigliano, ma piutosti nel figliuolo dell Imperatore.'
Zen to the Doge, Jan. — , 1623, Venice MSS. Desp. Roma. Though
Olivares is not directly mentioned, there can be no doubt that he took the
part of the< Infanta, and it will be seen that, some time after this, he con-
tinued to be a warm advocate of the German marriage.
396 THE MISSION OF END YM ION PORTER. CH. XLII.
December 2, Bristol received what, as he supposed, was the
December, final resolution of the Spanish Government. On the
Sge^ides question of the church in London, he was informed
amended. fa^ £ne King of Spain was ready to give way, and to
restrict its publicity to the household of the Infanta. But he
was told that it was impossible to allow the ecclesiastics who
were to attend her to be 'subject to the laws of England. If
James pleased, he might have the option of banishing any one
of them who might offend against his laws, and a private
assurance would be given that if, in any very foul case, he
chose to proceed to actual punishment, the King of Spain
would wink at the violation of the article. With respect to the
education of the children, James's secret engagement to leave
them in the hands of their mother till the age of nine would be
accepted, though it was hoped that one more year would be
added. The last point to be decided was the difficult one of
the protection to be afforded to the English Catholics. What
James had offered was a general promise that the penal laws
should be mercifully administered, and that no one should
surfer death for his religion. The least that the Pope had
asked was that liberty of worship should be granted, and liberty
of worship was understood at Rome to mean the free use
of a public church in every English town.1 Gondomar now
proposed a middle course. Let James, he said, promise in
general terms to avoid all persecution of the Catholics as long
as they occasioned no scandal, or, in other words, let him con-
sent to permit them the free exercise of their religion within the
walls of their own houses. If he would do that, it would be
unnecessary for the stipulation to be included in the marriage
treaty. A letter containing the engagement, and signed by the
King and the Prince of Wrales, would be sufficient.
With this declaration Bristol professed himself so far satis-
fied that he would gladly see the articles thus modi-
semytore fied sent to Rome. Till he had received fresh in-
structions from home, it would be impossible for him
to give a formal assent to the changes proposed ; but he was
1 Zen to the Doge, I;jf-^, Venice MSS. Desp. Roma.
1622 THE SPANISH OFFERS. 397
unwilling to cause any further delay. Promises were accor-
dingly given to him that pressure should be put upon the Pope
to induce him to accept the treaty as it now stood, and to give
a final answer before the end of March or April. In the mean
time, the questions relating to the Infanta's portion .and dowry
might be discussed and settled, and the marriage might take
place before the spring was at an end.1
With respect to the Palatinate, a less decisive answer was
given. Everything, it was said, should be done to satisfy the
King of England, but it would be unseemly to call
Answer , . . ,
about the upon the Emperor to surrender the towns in the
Palatinate. -,-, , . j , • -vT .
Palatinate at seventy days notice. Nor was it pos-
sible for the King to take any decided resolution till a reply
had been received to his last despatch.2
Of all this Bristol was inclined to take a favourable view.
He could not see, he said, how the Palatinate could be re-
BHstoi covered without the aid of Spain, and it was ridicu-
thTad™ption ^ous to suPP°se that Philip would send his sister, and
of the coo.oooZ. as well, to a country with which, if he did
amended J ' '
articles. not mean honestly about the Palatinate, he would
certainly be at war in a very short time. The only real
question, therefore, was whether the marriage was intended or
not.
In expressing his belief that the Spanish Council of State
was in earnest about the marriage, Bristol did not form his
conclusions rashly. He had received good information of the
language used by the members of that body at their sittings.
He had seen their reports presented to the King, and he had
also seen the notes written by Philip's own hand, by which
those proceedings were approved.3 Was it possible to suppose,
he might well argue, that a king would carry out a deception
so systematically, not only with foreign ambassadors, but even
1 Bristol to Calvert, Nov. 26, Nov. 28, Dec. 4 ; Bristol to the King,
Dec. 10, S. P. Spain. The accommodation of the differences in religion. —
Answer given to Bristol, Dec. — . Prynne's Hidden Works of Darkness,
22, 23.
2 Verbal answer given to Bristol's Memorial, S. P. Spain.
3 Bristol to the King, Aug. 18, 1623, S. P. Spain.
398 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLll.
with his own ministers ? And even if he did, what use would
it be to him to trick the whole world, when he was certain to
be unmasked in a few months at the latest ?
Such arguments would have been sound enough, if Spanish
statesmen had been governed by the rules which ordinarily
influence human conduct. What it was impossible for Bristol
to conceive was, that Gondomar, who was openly and honestly
advocating the marriage, was under the delusion that the
promised visit of the Prince of Wales would end in his con-
version to the Catholic creed, and that Olivares, who was
secretly opposing the marriage, was fully convinced that it was
possible to break it off, and to obtain the education of the
young Prince Palatine as a Catholic, without giving the slightest
offence to James.
Accordingly, Gage, who had been sent to Madrid to watch
the progress of the negotiation, was ordered to start at once for
Porter's re- Rome, and on December 13, Porter at last set out
turn. for England, carrying with him the amended articles,
and a secret message from Gondomar, joyfully accepting the
offer of a visit from the Prince.
On January 2, Porter arrived in England. On two of the
alterations, that relating to the additional year for the education
1623. of the children, and the more important one, which
Tiiifamend- exempted the ecclesiastics of the Infanta's household
mentdab fr°m secular jurisdiction, James had already given
the King. way on the first intimation from Bristol that these
changes were desired in Spain.1 No further difficulty was
therefore made. James and Charles at once signed the articles,
as well as a letter in which they engaged that Roman Catholics
should no longer suffer persecution for their religion, or for
taking part in its sacraments, so long as they abstained from
giving scandal, and restricted the celebration of their rites to
their own houses, and that they should also be excused from
taking those oaths which were considered to be in contradic-
tion with their religious belief. This letter, however, was to
1 The King to Bristol, Nov. 24, 1622, Prynne's Hidden Works of
Darkiuss, 22.
1622 FRANKENTHAL BLOCKED UP. 399
be retained in Bristol's hands till the dispensation had actually
arrived. l
Whilst James and his son were thus signing away the in-
dependence of the English monarchy, his subjects were re-
garding the proceedings of their sovereign with
Revels at the scarcely concealed disgust. This time it was reserved
for the young lawyers of the Middle Temple to give
utterance to the feelings which the preachers now hardly dared
to mutter. At their Christmas supper, one of them, we are told,
' took a cup of wine in one hand, and held his sword drawn in
the other, and so began a health to the distressed Lady Eliza-
beth ; and, having drunk, kissed the sword, and laying his
hand upon it, took an oath to live and die in her service ; then
delivered the cup and sword to the next, and so the health and
ceremony went round.' 2
Such opposition would have been harmless enough if
James had had any real understanding of the political situation.
The seques- But the news which Porter had brought lulled him
Fran°kt°thai once more to sleep, and he was now ready, not
asked for. merely, as Bristol advised him, to make use of the
good offices of Spain for whatever they might be worth, but to
give himself up blindly into the hands of the Spanish Govern-
ment. He had already taken up warmly the plan for the se-
questration of Frankenthal which he had denounced, a few
months before, in no measured terms, and had been surprised
to find that the Infanta was not quite so ready to accede to
his wishes as she had been when the walls of Heidelberg and
Mannheim were still guarded by his soldiers.3 Accordingly
he appealed directly to Philip. Tilly had broken up the siege
on November 24, but the town was still blocked up by the
troops of his lieutenant Pappenheim, and even if it were not
assaulted by force, it would be compelled to surrender from
want of provisions before the end of March.4
1 Calvert to Gage, Jan. 5, Prynne's Hidden Works of Darkness t 2$.
- Meade to Stuteville, Jan. 25, Harl. MSS. 389, fol. 274.
3 Coloma to the King, ^-^f, Harl. MSS. 1583, fol. 305. De la
Faille to Trumbull, Dec. $., S. P. Germany.
4 The King to Bristol, Jan. 7 ; Calvert to Bristol, Jan. 7, Pryniie's
hidden Works of Darkness, 27, 28.
400 THE MISSION OF END YM ION PORTER. CH. XLII.
In this matter, at least, James had hardly any choice. With
the best will in the world it would be impossible for him to
send an English army into the Palatinate before the end of
March. His fault was, not that he advocated the sequestration
of Frankenthal, but that he had allowed affairs to fall into such
a deplorable state that nothing better could be done.
Yet even now news came from Germany which would have
been grateful to anyone with a clear perception of the position
of affairs. For it was now known that the Elector of Saxony,
who in July had been thrown into the arms of the Emperor by
Frederick's ill-advised proceedings at Darmstadt, was beginning
in October to doubt the wisdom of the course which he had
been pursuing.
Ferdinand, elated with success, had thought that the time
was come to take one more step in the reduction of Bohemia
o t ber to ^"s own re%i°n- In ^e spring he had expelled
Expulsion of the native Bohemian clergy from the country, and he
cierg^Vrom" now gave orders that the German Lutheran churches
Bohemia. s^ou\^ t,e closed, and that the last of the Protestant
clergy should be sent into exile. Against this the Elector of
Saxony protested. Special promises, he said, had been made
to him that Lutheranism should be left untouched in Bohemia.
He was answered, that those promises had only been given on
condition that the Bohemians made their submission peaceably.
As, however, it was riotorious that this had not been the case,
Ferdinand had as much right as any other of the Princes of the
Empire to provide as he pleased for the religious teaching of
his subjects. The special arrangements made in Silesia by the
Elector in the name of the Emperor would be respected, but
no interference with the other states of the Austrian monarchy
could be permitted.1
The theory which strained to the uttermost the rights of
territorial sovereignty in matters of religion, had been too long
State of the l^e basis of the whole political system in Germany to
Palatinate. make it probable that John George would do more
than make empty remonstrances against the persecution which
1 Londorp, ii. 630-653. Hurter, Gesck. Ferdinand* //., ix. 213.
Pescheck, Gegenreformation in Bohmen, ii. 36.
1 622 MANSFELD IN EAST FRIESLAND. 401
was setting in in Bohemia. But it was different with the Pala-
tinate, which was not yet legally in the hands of a Catholic
sovereign. Tilly's first act after the surrender of Heidelberg
had been to found a college for the Jesuits there, and it was
not long before the churches were filled with Catholic priests.
Unless something were done shortly, the Palatinate would be
lost to Protestantism for ever.
Unfortunately, John George was no more likely than James
to strike out a new and vigorous policy in accordance with the
Difficult altered circumstances of the time. Yet the diffi-
the neutnj curies which beset him in common with the other
Protestants, neutral Protestants, were not altogether of his own
creation. In leaning to the side of Ferdinand, he had been
defending the cause of order against anarchy. If he was to
change his attitude and to defend the cause of the religious in-
dependence of the Protestant States against the Emperor, what
assurance could he have that he was not bringing back the
anarchy which he detested ? Nor was this a mere theoretical
question, as, long before the end of the year, Mansfeld, at
the head of his free companies, was once more at his work of
plunder and destruction within the limits of the Empire.
With the relief of Bergen-op-Zoom the need for Mansfeld's
services in the Netherlands had come to an end, and it was not
Mansfeld likely that the States-General, in the midst of their
blStherged own financial necessities, would keep in pay an army
States. which they no longer wanted, merely to suit the con-
venience of James. Mansfeld was accordingly discharged on
October 27, and sent over the frontier to find support as best
he could. An attempt upon the Bishopric of Miinster brought
him face to face with the enemy in superior force,1 and he
turned his steps towards East Friesland. To him it
His proceed- .. f . ,._ . ,,,
ings in East was a matter of perfect indifference that he had no
cause of quarrel whatever with the unlucky Count of
East Friesland or his subjects. It was enough for him that
the country was rich in meadows and in herds of cattle, and
that, surrounded as it was by morasses, it would form a natural
1 Carleton to Calvert, Nov. 5, S. P. Holland.
VOL. IV. D D
402 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLIL
fortress from which he might issue to plunder the neighbouring
territories at his pleasure. He at once sent to the Count to
demand quarters for 15,000 men, a loan of 30,000 thalers, and
the possession of Stickhausen, a strong fort on the Soest, which
commanded the only road by which the country was accessible
from the south.1 Before an answer could arrive, he made
himself master of the place ; and in a few days his troops
had spread over the whole country. The aged Count himself
was placed under arrest with his whole family, and his money
was confiscated for the use of the army. Heavy contributions
were laid upon the landowners and farmers, whilst the soldiery
were suffered to deal at their pleasure with the miserable in-
habitants.2
Such were the proceedings of the man who, if James had
listened to the unwise advice of the Prince of Orange, would
have been furnished with English gold, and sent to
He looks to . „ , . , TT , , .
France for reconquer the Palatinate. •> He was now looking to
France for aid ; for Louis had at last made peace with
his Huguenot subjects, and it was understood that the French
ministers were beginning to view with jealousy the increasing
vigour of the House of Austria.
Meanwhile Frederick had once more returned to the Hague.
Still floating aimlessly, like a cork on the tumbling waves, he
was as irresolute and as impracticable as ever. His
Frederick 111-
returns to own wishes would have led him to give full support
to Mansfeld, and to proclaim war to the knife against
the Emperor and Spain ; but he was absolutely penniless him-
self, and there were no signs that his father-in-law would
support him in any such enterprise. In the midst of his
sorrows, the news of the change in the Elector of Saxony's
feelings came like a gleam of sunshine across the watery sky ;
but Frederick never knew how to profit by his advantages when
they came. He could not see that he must choose once for
1 Carleton to Calvert, Nov. 18, S. P. Holland. Uetterodt's Mansfeld,
525-
* Uetterodt's Mansfeld, 526.
* The Prince of Orange to the King, Nov. ^, S. P. Holland.
1622 FREDERICK APPEALS TO SAXONY, 403
all between anarchy and order, and that alliance with Mansfeld's
brigands and the hordes with which Bethlen Gabor was again
proposing to sweep over the Empire,1 was utterly incompatible
with the friendship of John George, and of those unenthusiastic
princes and populations who wished to see the Emperor
powerful enough to put down with a strong hand such atrocities
as those of which Mansfeld had recently been guilty in East
Friesland.
Under these circumstances, the long letter which Frederick
despatched to the Elector of Saxony was only calculated to
1623. produce an effect the very opposite to that which he
Frederick's desired. Scarcely touching upon the catastrophe of
letter to the Bohemia, he dwelt at length upon the wrongs which
Elector of ' '
Saxony. he had suffered at the hands of the Emperor. He
had just been unjustly put to the ban, unheard and uncon-
demned. His towns had been seized and plundered ; his
subjects ruined, and debarred from the exercise of their religion.
The Emperor and the League were not in earnest when they
spoke of peace. Yet, much as he had been injured, he was
ready, at the request of his father-in-law, to surrender his private
pretensions. John George, he was certain, would acknowledge
that the ban was utterly illegal, and would do his best to induce
the Emperor to withdraw it and to issue a general amnesty.
In that case, if not required to do anything contrary to his
honour and his conscience, he would be prepared, as soon as
he was perfectly restored to his lands and dignities, to acknow-
ledge all due respect and obedience to the Emperor.2
That Frederick should have entertained such views of his
rights and duties is not to be wondered at ; but it is strange
Terms pro- that he did not see that John George's alliance was
unaccem-11"" nOt tO ^6 WOn °n SUCn terms J f°r tne QUCStion
able. whether his submission was to be made before or
after the grant of the amnesty, involved the whole matter at
issue, not merely with Ferdinand, but also with the great
majority of the Princes of the Empire. Before giving any
1 Chichester to Carleton, Nov. 25, S. P. Holland.
2 Frederick to the Elector of Saxony, Jan. — , Londorp^ ii. 653.
D D 2
404 THE MISSION OF END YM ION PORTER. CH. XLII.
support to the injured Protestants of the Palatinate, the German
neutrals wanted to know whether Frederick had renounced
the right of making war upon any other prince who happened
to displease him ; and unless he could assure them on this
point, he had small chance of obtaining a hearing wherever
the right of private war was regarded as an intolerable nuisance.
Nor was it only by reference to the existing political necessities
of Germany that Frederick stands condemned, for he had
distinctly promised his father-in-law to accept peace on the
principles which he now repudiated, and he had never informed
James that he had retracted his promise.
How fatal an enemy Frederick was to his own cause was
now, not for the first time, to be seen. On November 14
ig22 Ferdinand had reached Ratisbon, eager to force
November, upon the assembly which he had summoned the
sembtyat acceptance of the act by which he had privately
Ratisbon. conferred the Electorate upon the Duke of Bavaria.
The ill-treatment of the Bohemian Lutherans had robbed the
gathering of its character as an impartial representative of
the two religions. The Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg
were present only by their ambassadors. The Dukes of
Brunswick and Pomerania were not present at all. The only
Protestant who appeared in person was the Landgrave of
Hesse- Darmstadt.
From an assembly thus constituted Frederick could hope
for little favour. Yet scarcely had the Emperor announced
his intention than opposition arose on every side.
January. It was not till January 20 that the answer of the
to'the'iTm- assembly was delivered to him. Ferdinand's treat-
peror> ment of Frederick was approved of; but he was
nevertheless recommended to lay the question of his deposition
before the Electoral College ; and a strong opinion was ex-
pressed as to the impolicy of passing over his immediate rela-
tions in favour of Maximilian.
Such an answer from such a body leaves no doubt that the
peace of Germany was in Frederick's hands. If he had sent
a representative to Ratisbon to offer any reasonable guarantees
of his intention to keep the peace, he could by no possibility
1623 THE ELECTORATE TRANSFERRED. 404
have failed in carrying the assembly with him. But Frederick
made no sign, and James, accustomed as he was to make the
most lavish promises on behalf of his son-in-law, had, on a foolish
punctilio, refused to allow Chichester even to appear at the
assembly. Amongst the foreign ambassadors, Onate stood
alone in protesting against the transference of the Electorate.
As it was, the conflict of opinion was embittered by the
obstinate firmness of the Emperor. On February 13 Ferdinand
February, pronounced his final decision. Whenever Frederick
rfth^Tiec-6 thought proper to seek for pardon, he would gladly
torate. gjve ear to his request for restoration to his lands
and territories ; but he would never tolerate him again in the
Electoral College. He would, however, content himself with
limiting the Electorate which he was about to confer to the
lifetime of Maximilian. In the meanwhile, the rights of
Frederick's children and relations should be subjected to
judicial inquiry, in order that they might receive their due
after the death of the Duke of Bavaria.
Two days afterwards, the Electorate was solemnly conferred
upon Maximilian, in spite of the protests of the ambassadors of
Spain, of Saxony, and of Brandenburg. l
The significance of the act which had thus been accom-
plished in spite of all opposition, could hardly be fully appre-
ciated at the time. To those who witnessed it, it seemed an
act of triumph, proclaiming Ferdinand's ascendancy in the
Empire. Of the six Electors who would now gather round
his throne, two only would in future be Protestants. Yet, in
reality, in the eyes of those who could penetrate beneath the
surface, that day was of evil augury for the fortunes of the
Empire. On it the seeds were sown which were to ripen to a
bloody harvest at Leipzic and Lutzen. It was now that the
first open blow was struck which was to dissipate the idea to
which Ferdinand owed his strength, — the idea that his throne
could ever become the fountain of justice and the centre of
unity to a distracted nation. In his battle against turbulence
and disorder, it was in the spirit of a partisan that he had
1 Hurter's Geschichte Ferdinands II., ix. 152-180.
406 THE MISSION OF END YM ION PORTER. CH. XLIL
conquered ; it was in the spirit of a partisan that he would
maintain the high place which he had gained. Therefore it
was that the work which has now been accomplished by the
Hohenzollerns fell to pieces in the hands of the descendants of
Rudolph of Hapsburg.
If either of the two remaining Protestant Electors had been
men of energy and decision, something might yet have been
weakness of done to save the Empire from the obstinacy of
lranden*nd Ferdinand and the pertinacity of Frederick. Un-
burs- happily both John George and George William were
without earnestness of purpose or strength of will. They saw
that they could not aid Ferdinand without countenancing the
encroachments of the Catholic clergy. They saw that they
could not aid Frederick without countenancing anarchy. After
blustering for a few months they settled down lethargically
into silence, well content if, as they fondly hoped, they could
avert the ruin from their own dominions.
Utterly futile as was Frederick's notion of reconquering his
position by Mansfeld's help, it was at least not so futile as
January. James's notion of reconquering it by the help of
ro" Spain. Already Frederick had been begging his
es- father-in -law for a large sum of money to enable him
tration of to take Mansfeld into his pay, and had been protest-
thai, ing vigorously against the plan for the sequestration
of Frankenthal. l At last, on January 23, James vouchsafed
him an answer. He had now, he said, received information
from the Infanta, that she was ready to accept the sequestration
on his own terms, and that she would engage to restore it if the
negotiations for a general peace should come to nothing. It
was impossible to preserve the town in any other way. As for
Mansfeld, he wanted 5oo,ooo/. a year, and such a sum was not
to be found in the exchequer. He was sorry to discover that
his son-in-law had been listening to bad advice, and was giving
ear to projects which were not likely to bring him any good.2
Frederick was deeply annoyed by this letter. In his reply,
1 Calvert to Carleton, Dec. 16, S. P. Holland.
2 The King to Frederick, Jan. 22, ibid.
1623 THE TROUBLES IN GERMANY. 407
he recapitulated all the wrongs which he had suffered from the
Emperor, and expressed an opinion that it was im-
Repiy of material whether Frankenthal fell into the hands of
Frederick.
ready to do anything that his father-in-law wished ; but he
must say that, in his opinion, a very small force would suffice
for the relief of Frankenthal. No one could be more desirous
of peace than himself ; but peace was to be best won by arms.
He certainly did not expect 500,0007. a year, but he hoped to
have some smaller sum allowed him.1
From two such men what hope of success could possibly
be entertained ? Frederick's only notion of policy was by a
succession of petty acts of brigandage to force the Emperor to
beg his pardon for proscribing him. James's only notion of
policy was to sit still whilst Spain induced Ferdinand to re-
admit the unrepentant Frederick to the Electorate. He was
quite right, no doubt, in judging that it was useless tc suppose
that England was strong enough to overcome the resistance of
Germany ; but, in spite of his dissatisfaction with the incoherent
schemes of his son-in-law, it never occurred to him to suggest
that Frederick's abdication in his son's favour would be the
shortest path to the pacification of Europe.
The only spot in the political horizon upon which the
English opponents of the Spanish alliance could look with
pleasure was the close of the long dispute with the
Settlement Dutch Commissioners upon the East India trade.
ind^di?' On January 25 an accord was signed, by which an
putes- indemnity, far less than was claimed, was assigned to
the English Company,2 and it was further agreed that the island
of Pularoon, which had been seized by the Dutch soon after
Courthope's death, should be given back to its rightful posses-
sors, and that the English should be allowed to erect a fort
in the neighbourhood of the rising town of Batavia.3 Such
agreements, unhappily, were of little worth. It had taken many
1 Frederick to the King, Feb. ^-, S. P. Holland.
* Add. MSS. 22,866, fol. 466 b!*
1 Bruce's Annals of the East India Company, i. 235.
408 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
weary hours of hot debate to wring these concessions from a
few cool and wary diplomatists.1 What chance was there
that they would still the strife which was once more waxing
loud amongst the rude mariners and the sturdy factors of
the two great companies in the East ? Proud of the vigour
with which they had driven the Spaniards from those wealth-
producing shores, of their own maritime superiority and com-
manding position, the servants of the Dutch company never
ceased to look down upon the English as interlopers. A rooted
feeling of hostility on the one side, and of distrust on the other,
made all real confidence impossible. Under these circum-
stances, the treaty of 1619, and the accord of 1623, could only
serve to aggravate the evil, by bringing into close commercial
intercourse the rivals whom it would have been wise to keep at
the greatest possible distance from one another.
James's mode of dealing with the mercantile antagonism of
the Netherlands was, in truth, an exact counterpart of his mode
similarity of of dealing with the religious antagonism of Spain.
anVcommer ^n both instances, in spite of occasional inconsisten-
ciai policy of cjes ne looked upon bloodshed and contention as a
James.
hateful and unnecessary concomitant of the prevail-
ing differences. On both these points his views were rather in
accordance with those which prevail in the nineteenth century
than with those which found credence in the seventeenth.
But, with characteristic thoughtlessness, he leapt far too
hastily at the conclusion at which he was anxious to arrive.
To prepare the way for toleration, in order that toleration
might in its turn give way to religious liberty, would have been
a task which might well have taxed the energies of the wisest of
statesmen. To lay down a territorial limitation for the posses-
sions of England in the East, which might in time have led to
the acquisition by England of a fair share in the trade of the
Indian Archipelago, would have been an achievement which
would have adorned the annals of the most illustrious reign.
By grasping at too much, James ruined his own cause. He
began at the end instead of at the beginning. He sought, not
1 Aerssen's Journal. Aerssen's Report. Add. MSS. 22,864-65-66.
1623 VERES RETURN. 409
merely to put an end to the strife between the two religions, by
a gradual relaxation of the penal laws, but to bring them face
to face in the closest and most intimate alliance of which
human nature is capable ; and, in the same manner, instead of
contenting himself with seeing that the English Company and
the Dutch Company did not come to blows, he attempted to
fuse them into one under the most unequal and irritating condi-
tions. The foundations of his work were laid upon the shifting
sands, and were ready to be swept away by the returning tide.
For the present, however, nothing could be further from
James's thoughts than the evil which was already knocking at
Vere's rece t^ie doors. The negotiations for the sequestration of
tion. Frankenthal were going gaily on, and Boischot, one
of the Infanta's commissioners at the conference at Brussels,
was to come over to England to agree upon the terms of its
surrender. As if all danger of war had been thereby averted,
Vere was ordered to disband the soldiers of the late garrison of
Mannheim, which he had brought with him as far as Holland. J
He was himself received in England with a full acknow-
ledgment of his long and meritorious services.2 At
Buckingham , . „, . , , , . ,
to fetch the the same time, Chichester was honoured with a seat
nta' in the Privy Council.3 Whilst, however, those -who
were the warmest advocates of a war policy were treated with
respect, it was taken for granted that warlike preparations
were entirely unnecessary. Orders were given to get ready a
Conway fieet °^ *en smPs to fetch the Infanta home, and it was
secretary. publicly announced that Buckingham, as Lord High
Admiral, was to command in person.4 There can be no better
evidence of the want of earnestness with which the dark and
threatening future was regarded than is furnished by the choice
of a secretary. Naunton had at last been dismissed from office,
though he was consoled with the promise of a grant of land,
1 Calvert to Calverton, Dec. 28, 1622 ; Carleton to Calvert, Jan. 17,
20, 1623, 5. P. Holland.
2 to Meade, Jan. 31, ffarl. MSS. 387, fol. 276 ; Chamberlain to
Carleton, Feb. 10, S. P. Dom. cxxxviii. 23.
3 Privy Council Register, Dec. 31, 1622.
4 Chamberlain to Carleton, Jan. 4, S. P. Dom. cxxxvii. 5.
410 THE MISSION OF ENDYMION PORTER. CH. XLII.
which was afterwards commuted for a pension of i,ooo/. a
year. This arrangement had first been made at the time when
Buckingham had turned away from Spain ; and he had then
entreated for a respite on the ground that Lady Naunton was
about to give birth to a child, and that she had in the preceding
year been frightened into a miscarriage by a rumour that he
was to lose his office. His prayer had been granted at the time ;
but the child was now born, and the father was able to tender
his resignation without further anxiety. His successor was
Sir Edward Conway, a man whose opinions, so far as he
had any, had been usually supposed to be in favour of a close
alliance with the Dutch. But it was soon understood at Court
that he had in reality no opinions of his own. His thoughts
as well as his words were at the bidding of the great favourite.
In an age when complimentary expressions which in our time
would justly be considered servile were nothing more than
the accustomed phrases of polite society, Conway's letters to
Buckingham stood alone in the fulsome and cloying flattery
with which they were imbued. He had attracted much atten-
tion, and had caused some amusement, by his efforts to fasten
upon the favourite the title of " Your Excellency," which had
hitherto been unknown in England, and he afterwards scan-
dalised grave statesmen, who were accustomed to regard the
Crown as the only fountain of official honour, by addressing
Buckingham as " his most gracious patron." Yet it was not so
much by such trifles as these, as by the agility with which his
views changed with every shifting fancy of the great man to
whom he owed his office, that his utter want of independence of
character was shown. Not, indeed, that he was, in any sense
of the word, a bad man. He was not one of those who acquire
power by cringing to the great, in order that they may enjoy
the satisfaction of trampling upon the small. He was neither
extortionate nor harsh. All that was amiss with him was that
he had no ideas of his own, and that he was impressed by
nature with the profoundest admiration for any feather-brained
courtier who happened to enjoy the favour of the King.
Such was the man who was at once admitted to the strictest
intimacy by James and Buckingham. Calverc was to remain
-
1 623 JAMESES OUTLOOK. 411
in London, to write despatches, to confer with foreign ambas-
sadors, and to attend to the details of business. Conway was
to be the private and confidential secretary, to move about
with the Court, to convey the wishes of the King to his more
experienced colleague, and to jot down, in his own abominable
scrawl, whatever information it might please James to entrust
fo his keeping.
It is, indeed, intelligible enough that James should have
been unwilling to admit any one of moral or intellectual
The news superiority to his intimacy. Even Calvert, accus
from Spain, tomed to obey orders as he was, could not avoid
intimating that the time was come for a more decided policy
in Germany ;' and though the news from Madrid was decidedly
favourable to the prospects of the marriage, it required all
James's supereminent power of shutting his eyes to the facts of
the world around him not to see that, unless he could raise up a
party in Germany for his son-in-law, all that Spain could do for
him would be absolutely thrown away.
It was hardly possible that the day of disenchantment could
be postponed much longer. If James succeeded in bringing
the representatives of his son-in-law and of the Emperor to meet
in a diplomatic encounter, even he might perhaps learn that
diametrically opposite opinions are not to be reconciled by
well-intended commonplaces ; and then, if not before, he would
discover how little good he was likely to derive from his con-
nection with Spain. Yet, foolish as James's policy was, there
was a lower depth of folly to be disclosed. If the Spanish
match and its accompanying advantages were a pure delusion,
he had at least never projected anything so hopelessly insane
as the scheme which had been gradually ripening in the mind
of his favourite and his son.
1 Expressions to this effect are constantly occurring in his correspond-
ence with Carleton, S. P. Holland. I may take this opportunity of
stating that it is quite a mistake to suppose that, because Calvert afterwards
became a Roman Catholic, he was ready to betray English interests into
the hands of the Spaniards.
END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME.
Spottis^uoode &° Co., Printers, New-street Square, London
LOED MACAULAY'S WOEKS.
AUTHORISED EDITIONS.
HISTORY of EMLAND, from the ACCESSION of
JAMES the SECOND :—
Student's Edition, 2 vols. crown 8vo. 12s.
People's Edition, 4 vols. crown 8vo. 16s.
Cabinet Edition, 8 vols. post 8vo. 48s.
Library Edition, 5 vols. 8vo. £4.
CRITICAL and HISTORICAL ESSAYS witli LAYS
Of AICIENT ROME, in One Volume :_
Authorised Edition, crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. or 3s. Gd. gilt
edges.
Popular Edition, crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.
CRITICAL and HISTORICAL ESSAYS:—
Student's Edition, 1 vol. crown 8vo. 6s.
People's Edition, 2 vols. crown 8vo. 8s.
Cabinet Edition, 4 vols. post 8vo. 24s.
Library Edition, 3 vols. 8vo. 36s.
ESSAYS, which may be had separately, price 6d.
each sewed, Is. each cloth : —
Addison & Walpole.
Frederick the Great.
Croker's Bos well's Johnson.
Hallam's Constitutional History.
Warren Hastings.
The Earl of Chatham (Two
Essays).
Eanke & Gladstone.
Milton & Machiavelli.
Lord Bacon.
Lord Clive.
Lord Byron & The Comic Dramatists of the Restoration.
The Essay on Warren Hastings annotated by S. HALES, Is. 6d.
The Essay on Lord Clive annotated by H. COTJRTHOPE-BOTVEN, M. A. 2s. 6d
LAYS of ANCIENT ROME :—
Illustrated by G. Scharf, fcp. 4to. 10s. Qd.
— — — Popular Edition, fcp. 4to. 6d.
sewed, Is. cloth.
Illustrated by J. E. Weguelin, crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. cloth
extra, gilt edges.
Cabinet Edition, post 8vo. 3s. Qd.
Annotated Edition, fcp. 8vo. Is. sewed ; Is. Gd. cloth, or
2s. Qd. cloth extra, gilt edges.
London: LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
LORD MACAULAY'S WORKS AND LIFE,
AUTHORISED EDITIONS.
SPEECHES, corrected by Himself :—
People's Edition, crown 8vo. 3s. Qd.
MISCELLANEOUS WRITTOS :-
People's Edition, 1 vol. crown 8vo. 4s. Qd.
Library Edition, 2 vols. 8vo. Portrait, 21s.
MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS and SPEECHES :—
Student's Edition, in ONE VOLUME, crown 8vo. 6s.
Cabinet Edition, including Indian Penal Code, Lays o
Ancient Rome, and Miscellaneous Poems, 4 vols. post
8vo. 24s.
The COMPLETE WORKS of LORD MACAULAY.
Edited by his Sister, Lady TREVELYAN.
Cabinet Edition, 16 vols. post 8vo. £4. 16s.
Library Edition, with Portrait, 8 vols. demy 8vo. £5. 5s.
SELECTIONS from the WRITIMS of LORD
MACAULAY. Edited, with Occasional Notes, by the Right
Hon. G. 0. TREVELYAN, M.P. Crown 8vo. 6s.
The LIFE and LETTERS of LORD MACAULAY.
By the Right Hon. G. O. TKEVELYAN, M.P.
Popular Edition, 1 vol. crown 8vo. 6s.
Cabinet Edition, 2 vols. post 8vo. 12s.
Library Edition, 2 vols. 8vo. with Portrait, 36s.
London : LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
SIEIPTIEIMIIBIEIR, 1885.
GENERAL LISTS OF WOEKS
PUBLISHED BY
MESSES. LONGMANS, GEEEN, & CO.
PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.
HISTORY, POLITICS, HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, &c.
Arnold's Lectures on Modern History. 8vo. 7*. 6d.
Beaconsfield's (Lord) Speeches, edited by Kebbel. 2 vols. 8vo. 32*.
Boultbee's History of the Church of England, Pre-Reformation Period. 8vo. 15*.
Bramston & Leroy's Historic Winchester. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Buckle's History of Civilisation. 3 vols. crown 8vo. 24*.
Chesney's Waterloo Lectures. 8vo. 10*. 6d.
Cox's (Sir G. W.) General History of Greece. Crown 8vo. Maps, 7*. 6d.
— • — Lives of Greek Statesmen. Fcp. 8vo . 2*. 6d.
Creighton's History of the Papacy during the Reformation. 2 vols. 8vo. 32*.
De Tocqueville's Democracy in America, translated by Keeve. 2 vols. crown
8vo. 16*.
Doyle's English in America. 8vo. 18*.
Epochs of English History, complete iu One Volume. Fcp. 8vo. 5s.
Epochs of Ancient History : —
Beesly's Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla, 2*. 6d.
Capes's Age of the Antonines, 2*. 6d.
Early Roman Empire, 2*. 6d.
Cox's Athenian Empire, 2*. 6d.
— Greeks and Persians, 2*. 6rf.
Curteis's Rise of the Macedonian Empire, 2*. 6d.
lime's Rome to its Capture by the Gauls, 2*. 6d.
Merivale's Roman Triumvirates, 2s. 6<i.
Sankey's Spartan and Theban Supremacies, 2*. 6d.
Smith's Rome and Carthage, the Punic Ware, 2*. 6d.
Epochs of Modern History : —
Church's Beginning of the Middle Ages, 2*. 6d.
Cox's Crusades, 2*. 6d.
Creighton's Age of Elizabeth, 2*. 6<J.
Gairdner's Houses of Lancaster and York, 2*. 6d.
Gardiner's Puritan Revolution, 2*. 6<J.
— Thirty Years' War, 2s. 6d.
— (Mrs.) French Revolution, 1789-1795, 2*. 6d.
Bale's Fall of the Stuarts, 2*. 6d.
Johnson's Xormans in Europe, 2*. Bd.
Longman's Frederick the Great and the Seven Years' War, 2*. 6d.
Ludlow's War of American Independence, 2s. 6d.
M'Carthy's Epoch of Reform, 1830-1850, 2*. 6d.
Morris's Age of Queen Anne, 2*. 6d.
Seebohm's Protestant Revolution, 2*. 6d.
Stubbs's Early Plantagenets, 2s. Gd.
Warburton's Edward III., 2*. 6d.
London: LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works.
Freeman's Historical Geography of Europe. 2 vols. Svo. 31*. 6<f.
Fronde's English in Ireland in the 18th Century. 3 vols. crown 8vo. 18*.
— History of England. Popular Edition. 12 vols. crown 8vo. 3*. Sd. each.
Gardiner's History of England from the Accession of James I. to the Outbreak
of "the Civil War. 10 vols. crown 8vo. 60*.
— Outline of English History, B.C. 55-AJ). 1880. Pop. 8vo. 2*. Gd.
Grant's (Sir Alex.) The Story of the University of Edinburgh. 2 vols. 8vo. 36*.
Greville's Journal of the Eeigns of George IV. & William IV. 3 vols. 8vo. 36*.
Hickson's Ireland in the Seventeenth Century. 2 vols. 8vo. 28*.
Lecky's History of England. Vols. 1 & 2, 1700-1760, 8vo. 36*. Vols. 3 & 4,
1760-1784, 8vo. 36*.
— History of European Morals. 2 vols. crown 8vo. 16*.
— — — Rationalism in Europe. 2 vols. crown 8vo. 16*.
— Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland. Crown 8vo. 7*. 6d.
Longman's Lectures on the History of England. 8vo. 15*.
— Life and Times of Edward HI. 2 vols. 8vo. 28*.
Macaulay's Complete Works. Library Edition. 8 vols. 8vo. £5. 5*.
— — Cabinet Edition. 16 vols. crown 8vo. £4. 16*.
— History of England :—
Student's Edition. 2 vols. cr. 8vo. 12*. I Cabinet Edition. 8 vols. post 8vo. 48*.
People's Edition. 4 vols. cr. 8vo. 16*. | Library Edition. 5 vola. 8vo. £4.
Macanlay's Critical and Historical Essays, with Lays of Ancient Rome In One
Volume : —
Authorised Edition. Cr. 8vo. 2*. 6d. I Popular Edition. Cr. 8vo. 2*. 6<i.
or 3*. 6d. gilt edges.
Macaulay's Critical and Historical Essays : —
Student's Edition. 1 vol. cr. 8vo. 6*. I Cabinet Edition. 4 vols. post 8 vo. 24*.
People's Edition. 2 vols. cr. 8vo. 8*. | Library Edition. 3 vols. 8vo. 36*.
Macaulay's Speeches corrected by Himself. Crown 8vo. 3*. 6d.
Malmesbnry's (Earl of) Memoirs of an Ex-Minister. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Maxwell's (Sir W. S.) Don John of Austria. Library Edition, with numerous
Illustrations. 2 vols. royal 8vo. 42*.
May's Constitutional History of England, 1760-1870. 3 vols. crown 8vo. 18*.
— Democracy in Europe. 2 vols. 8vo. 32*.
Merivale 'B Fall of the Roman Republic. 12mo. 7*. Sd.
— General History of Rome, B.c. 753-A.D. 476. Crown Svo. 7*. 6<f.
— History of the Romans under the Empire. 8 vols. post Svo. 48*.
Noble's The Russian Revolt. Fcp. Svo. 5*.
Rawlinson's Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy— The Sassanians. Svo. 28*.
Seebohm's Oxford Reformers— Colet, Erasmus, & More. Svo. 14».
Short's History of the Church of England. Crown Svo. 7*. 6<i.
Smith's Carthage and the Carthaginians. Crown Svo. 10*. 6rf.
Taylor's Manual of the History of India. Crown Svo. 7*. 6d.
Walpole's History of England, 1815-1841. 3 vols. Svo. £2. 14*.
Wylie's History of England under Henry IV. Vol. 1, crown Svo. 10*. 6<J.
BIOGRAPHICAL WORKS.
Bacon's Life and Letters, by Spedding. 7 vols. Svo. £4. 4*.
Bagehot's Biographical Studies. 1 vol. Svo. 12*.
London, LONGMANS, GKEEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works.
Bray's (Charles) Autobiography. Crown 8vo. 3*. Gd.
Carlyle's Life, by Froude. Vols. 1 & 2, 1795-1835, 8vo. 32*. Vols. 3 & 4,
1834-1881, 8vo. 32*.
— (Mrs.) Letters and Memorials. 3 vols. 8vo. 36*.
Grimston's (Hon. R.) Life, by P. Gale. Crown 8vo. 10*. 6d.
Hamilton's (Sir W. R.) Life, by Graves. Vols. 1 and 2, 8vo. 15*. each.
Havelock's Life, by Marshman. Crown 8vo. 3*. Gd.
Macaulay's (Lord) Life and Letters. By his Nephew, G. Otto Trevelyan, M.P.
Popular Edition, 1 vol. crown 8vo. 6*. Cabinet Edition, 2 vols. post8vo.
12*. Libraiy Edition, 2 vols. 8vo. 36*.
Mendelssohn's Letters. Translated by Lady "Wallace. 2 vols. cr. 8vo. 5*. each.
Mill (James) Biography of, by Prof. Bain. Crown 8vo. 6*.
— (John Stuart) Recollections of, by Prof. Bain. Crown 8vo. 2*. Gd.
Autobiography. 8vo. 7*. 6«J.
Mozley's Reminiscences of Oriel College. 2 vols. crown 8vo. 18*.
— — Towns, Villages, and Schools. 2 vols. cr. 8vo. 18*,
MUller's (Max) Biographical Essays. Crown 8vo. 7*. Gd.
Newman's Apologia pro Vita Sua. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Pasolini's (Count) Memoir, by his Son. 8vo. 16*.
Pasteur (Louis) His Life and Labours. Crown 8vo. 7*. Gd.
Shakespeare's Life (Outlines of), by Halliwell-Phillipps. Royal 8vo. 7*. Gd.
Southey's Correspondence with Caroline Bowles. 8vo. 14*.
Stephen's Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography. Crown 8vo. 7*. Gd.
Taylor's (Sir Henry) Autobiography. 2 vols. 8vo. 32*.
Telfer's The Strange Career of the Chevalier D'Eon de Beaumont. 8vo. 12*.
Trevelyan's Early History of Charles James Fox. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Wellington's Life, by Gleig. Crown Svo. 6*.
MENTAL AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, FINANCE, &C.
Amos's View of the Science of Jurisprudence. Svo. 18*.
— Fifty Tears of the English Constitution. 1830-1880. Crown Svo. 10*. 6d.
— Primer of the English Constitution. Crown Svo. 6*.
Bacon's Essays, with Annotations by Whately. Svo. 10*. Gd.
— Works, edited by Spedding. 7 vols. Svo. 73*. 6d.
Bagehot's Economic Studies, edited by Hutton. Svo. 10*. Gd.
The Postulates of English Political Economy. Crown Svo. 2*. Gd.
Bain's Logic, Deductive and Inductive. Crown Svo. 10*. 6d.
PART I. Deduction, 4*. | PART II. Induction, 6*. Gd.
— Mental and Moral Science. Crown Svo. 10*. Gd.
— The Senses and the Intellect. Svo. 15*.
- The Emotions and the Will. Svo. 15*.
— Practical Essays. Crown Svo. 4*. 6d.
Crozier's Civilization and Progress. Svo. 14*.
Crump's A Short Enquiry into the Formation of English Political Opinion.
Svo. Is. 6d.
Dowell's A History of Taxation and Taxes in England. 4 vols. Svo. 48*.
Green's (Thomas Hill) Works. (3 vols.) Vol. 1, Philosophical Works. Svo. 16*.
London, LONGMANS, GKEEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works.
Hume's Essays, edited by Green & Grose. 2 vols. 8vo. 28s.
— Treatise of Human Nature, edited by Green & Grose. 2 vols. 8vo. 28*.
Lang's Custom and Myth : Studies of Early Usage and Belief. Crown 8vo. Is. 6d.
Leslie's Essays in Political and Moral Philosophy. 8vo. 10*. 6d.
Lewes's History of Philosophy. 2 vols. 8vo. 32*.
List's Natural System of Political Economy, translated by S. Lloyd, M.P.
8vo. 10*. 6d.
Lubbock's Origin of Civilisation. 8vo. 18*.
Macleod's Principles of Economical Philosophy. In 2 vols. Vol. 1, 8vo. 15*.
Vol. 2, Part 1. 12*.
— The Elements of Economics. In 2 vols. Vol. 1, crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
— The Elements of Banking. Crown 8vo. 5*.
— The Theory and Practice of Banking. Vol. 1, 8vo. 12*.
— Elements of Political Economy. 8vo. 16*.
— Economics for Beginners. 8vo. 2*. 6<2.
— Lectures on Credit and Banking. 8vo. 5s.
Mill's (James) Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind. 2 vols. 8vo. 28*.
Mill (John Stuart) on Representative Government. Crown 8vo. 2*.
on Liberty. Crown 8vo. 1*. Id.
— — Dissertations and Discussions. 4 vols. 8vo. 46*. Gd.
Essays on Unsettled Questions of Political Economy. 8vo.
6*. Gd.
Examination of Hamilton's Philosophy. 8vo. 16*.
Logic. 2 vols. 8vo. 2.'5*. People's Edition, 1 vol. cr. 8vo. 5s.
Principles of Political Economy. 2 vols. 8vo. 30*. People's
Edition, 1 vol. crown 8vo. 6*.
— — Subjection of "Women. Crown 8vo. 6*.
— — Utilitarianism. 8vo. 5*.
Three Essays on Religion, &c. 8vo. 5*.
Miller's (Mrs. Fenwick) Readings in Social Economy. Crown 8vo. 2*.
Sandars's Institutes of Justinian, with English Notes. 8vo. 18*.
Seebohm's English Village Community. 8vo. 16*.
Bully's Outlines of Psychology. 8vo. 12*. 6d.
Swinburne's Picture Logic. Post 8vo. 5*.
Thompson's A System of Psychology. 2 vols. 8vo. 36*.
Thomson's Outline of Necessary Laws of Thought. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Twiss's Law of Nations in Time of War. 8vo. 21*.
in Time of Peace. 8vo. 15*.
Webb's The Veil of Isis. 8vo. 10*. 6d.
Whately's Elements of Logic. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.
— — Rhetoric. Crown 8vo. 4*. 6d.
Wy lie's Labour, Leisure, and Luxury. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Zeller's History of Eclecticism in Greek Philosophy. Crown 8vo. 10*. 6d.
— Plato and the Older Academy. Crown 8vo. 18*.
— Pre-Socratic Schools. 2 vols. crown 8vo. 30*.
— Socrates and the Socratic Schools. Crown 8vo. 10*. 6<2.
— Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics. Crown 8vo. 15*.
London, LONGMANS, GKEEN, & CO.
Gsneral Lists of Works.
MISCELLANEOUS WORKS.
A. K. H. B., The Essays and Contributions of. Crown 8vo.
Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson. 3.?. Gd.
Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths. 3s. Gd.
Common-Place Philosopher in Town and Country. 3*. Gd.
Critical Essays of a Country Parson. 3*. 6d.
Counsel and Comfort spoken from a City Pulpit. 3s. Gd.
Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson. Three Series. 3*. Gd. each.
Landscapes, Churches, and Moralities. 3*. Gd.
Leisure Hours in Town. 3s. GJ. Lessons of Middle Age. 3*. Gd.
Our Little Life. Essays Consolatory and Domestic. Two Series. 3*. Gd.
Present-day Thoughts. 3s. Gd. [each.
Recreations of a Country Parson. Three Series. 3,?. Gd. each.
Seaside Musings on Sundays and Week-Days. 3». Gd.
Sunday Afternoons in the Parish Church of a University City. 3*. Gd.
Arnold's (Dr. Thomas) Miscellaneous Works. 8vo. 7*. Gd.
Bagehot's Literary Studies, edited by Hutton. 2 vols. 8vo. 28*.
Beaconsfleld (Lord), The Wit and Wisdom of. Crown 8vo. 3s. Gd.
— (The) Birthday Book. 18mo. 2s. Gd. cloth ; 4*. Gd. bound.
Evans's Bronze Implements of Great Britain. 8vo. 25*.
Fan-air's Language and Languages. Crown 8vo. 6$.
French's Nineteen Centuries of Drink in England. Crown 8vo. 10*. Gd.
Froude's Short Studies on Great Subjects. 4 vols. crown 8vo. 24*.
Macaulay's Miscellaneous Writings. 2 vols. Svo. 21*. 1 vol. crown 8vo. 4*. Gd.
— Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches. Crown Svo. 6*.
— Miscellaneous Writings, Speeches, Lays of Ancient Rome, &c.
Cabinet Edition. 4 vols. crown Svo. 24*.
— Writings, Selections from. Crown Svo. 6*.
MUller's (Max) Lectures on the Science of Language. 2 vols. crown Svo. 16*.
— — Lectures on India. Svo. 12*. 6d.
Smith (Sydney) The Wit and Wisdom of. Crown Svo. 3*. Gd.
ASTRONOMY.
Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy. Square crown Svo. 12*.
Nelson's Work on the Moon. Medium Svo. 31*. Gd.
Proctor's Larger Star Atlas. Folio, 15*. or Maps only, 12*. Gd.
— New Star Atlas. Crown Svo. 5*. Orbs Around Us. Crown Svo. 7*. Gd.
— Light Science for Leisure Hours. 3 Series. Crown Svo. 7*. Gd. each.
— Moon. Crown Svo. 10*. Gd.
— Myths and Marvels of Astronomy. Crown Svo. 6*.
— Other Worlds than Ours. Crown Svo. 10*. Gd.
— Sun. Crown Svo. 14*. Universe of Stars. Svo. 10*. Gd.
— Transits of Venus, Svo. 8*. Gd. Studies of Venus-Transits, Svo. 5*.
Webb's Celestial Objects for Common Telescopes. Crown Svo. 9*.
— The Sun and his Phenomena. Fcp. Svo. 1*.
THE 'KNOWLEDGE' LIBRARY.
Edited by RICHARD A. PROCTOR.
How to Play Whist. By Five of Clubs (R. A. Proctor). Crown Svo. 5*.
The Borderland of Science. By R. A. Proctor. Crown Svo. 6*.
Science Byways. By R. A. Proctor. Crown Svo. 6*.
The Poetry of Astronomy. By R. A. Proctor. Crown Svo. 6*.
Nature Studies. Reprinted from Knowledge. By Grant Allen, Andrew Wilson,
&c. Crown Svo. 6*.
Leisure Readings. Reprinted from Knowledge. By Edward Clodd, Andrew
Wilson, &e. Crown Svo. 6*.
The Stars in their Seasons. By R. A. Proctor. Imperial 8vo. 5*.
London, LONGMANS, GKEEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works.
CLASSICAL LANGUAGES AND LITERATURE
The Eumenides of. Text, -with Metrical English Translation, by
J. F. Davies. 8vo. 7$.
Aristophanes' The Acharnians, translated by R. Y. Tyrrell. Crown 8vo. 2*. Gd.
Aristotle's The Ethics, Text and Notes, by Sir Alex. Grant, Bart. 2 vols. 8vo. 32* .
— The Kicomachean Ethics, translated by Williams, crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
— The Politics, Books I. III. IV. (VII.) with Translation, &c. by
Bolland and Lang. Crown 8vo. 7s. Gd.
Becker's Charides and Gallus, by Metcalfe. Post 8vo. Is. Gd. each.
Cicero's Correspondence, Text and Notes, by R. Y. Tyrrell. Vol. 1, 870. 12i.
Homer's Iliad, Homometrically translated by Cayley. 8vo. 12*. Gd.
— — Greek Text, with Verse Translation, by W. C. Green. VoL 1,
Books I.-XII. Crown STO. 6s.
Mahaffy's Classical Greek Literature. Crown 8vo. VoL 1, The Poets, 7s. Gd.
Vol. 2, The Prose Writers, 7s. Gd.
Plato's Pannenides, with Notes, &c. by J. Magnire. 8vo. 7s. Gd.
Simcox's Latin Literature. 2 vols. 8vo. 32*.
Sophocles' Tragcedise Superstites, by Lin wood. 8vo. 16*.
Virgil's Works, Latin Text, with Commentary, by Kennedy. Crown 8vo. 10*. Gd.
— jEneid, translated into English Verse, by Conington. Crown 8vo. 9*.
— Poems, — — — Prose, — — Crown 8yo. 9*.
Witt's Myths of Hellas, translated by F. M. Younghusband. Crown 8vo. 3*. Gd.
— The Trojan War, Fcp. 8vo. 2*.
— The Wanderings of Ulysses, Crown 8vo. 3*. 6ef.
NATURAL HISTORY, BOTANY, &. GARDENING.
Allen's Flowers and their Pedigrees. Crown 8vo. Woodcuts, 7s. Gd.
Decaisne and Le Maout's General System of Botany. Imperial 8vo. 31*. Gd.
Dixon's Kural Bird Life. Crown 8vo. Illustrations, 5*.
Hartwig's Aerial World, 8vo. 10*. Gd. Polar World, 8vo. 10*. 6d.
— Sea and its Living Wonders. 8vo. 10*. Gd.
— Subterranean World, 8vo. 10*. 6rf. Tropical World, 8vo. 10*. 6d.
Idndley's Treasury of Botany. Fcp. 8vo. 6*.
Loudon's Encyclopaedia of Gardening. 8vo. 21*.
Plants. 8vo, 42*.
Rivera's Orchard House. Crown 8vo. 5*.
— Rose Amateur's Guide. Fcp. 8vo. 4*. Gd.
Stanley's Familiar History of British Birds. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Wood's Bible Animals. With 112 Vignettes. 8vo. 10*. Gd.
— CommoB British Insects. Crown 8vo. 3*. Gd.
— Homes Without Hands, 8vo. 10*. Gd. Insects Abroad, 8vo. 10*. Gd.
— Insects at Home. With 700 Illustrations. 8vo. 10*. Gd.
— Out of Doors. Crown 8 vo. 5*.
— Petland Revisited. Crown 8vo. 7s. Gd.
— Strange Dwellings. Crown 8vo. 5*. Popular Edition, 4to. Gd.
London, LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works.
THE FINE ARTS AND ILLUSTRATED EDITIONS.
Dresser's Arts and Art Manufactures of Japan. Square crown Svo. 31*. Gd.
Eastlake's (Lady) Five Great Painters. 2 vols. crown Svo. 16*-.
— Household Taste in Furniture, &c. Square crown Svo. 14*.
— Notes on the Brera Gallery, Milan. Crown Svo. 5*.
— Notes on the Louvre Gallery, Paris. Crown Svo. 7*. 6d.
— Notes on the Old Pinacothek, Munich. Crown Svo. 7s. Gd.
Jameson's Sacred and Legendary Art. 6 vols. square Svo.
Legends of the Madonna. 1 vol. 21*.
— — — Monastic Orders 1 vol. 21*.
— — — Saints and Martyrs. 2 vols. 31*. Gd.
— — — Saviour. Completed by Lady Eastlake. 2 vols. 42*.
Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome, illustrated by Scharf. Fcp. 4to; 10*. 6d.
The same, with Ivry and the Armada, illustrated by Weguelin. Crown Svo. 3*. Gd.
Moore's Irish Melodies. With Itil Plates by D. Maclise, B. A. Super- royal Svo. 21* .
— Lalla Eookh, illustrated by Tenniel. Square crown Svo. 10*. Gd.
New Testament (The) illustrated with Woodcuts after Paintings by the Early
Masters. 4to. 21*. cloth, or 42*. morocco.
Perry on Greek and Roman Sculpture. With 280 Illustrations engraved on
Wood. Square crown 8vo. 31*. Gd.
CHEMISTRY, ENGINEERING, & GENERAL SCIENCE.
Arnott's Elements of Physics or Natural Philosophy. Crown Svo. 12*. Gd.
Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine. Crown Svo. 7s. fid.
— Examples of Steam, Air, and Gas Engines. 4to. 70*.
— Handbook of the Steam Engine. Fcp. Svo. 9*.
— Recent Improvements in the Steam Engine. Fcp. Svo. 6*.
— Treatise on the Steam Engine. 4to. 42*.
Buckton's Our Dwellings, Healthy and Unhealthy. Crown Svo. 3*. Gd.
Culley's Handbook of Practical Telegraphy. Svo. 16*.
Fairbairn's Useful Information for Engineers. 3 vols. crown 8vo. 31*. Gd.
— Mills and Millwork. 1 TO!. Svo. 25*.
Ganot's Elementary Treatise on Physics, by Atkinson. Large crown Svo. 15*.
— Natural Philosophy, by Atkinson. Crown Svo. 7*. Gd.
Grove's Correlation of Physical Forces. Svo. 15*.
Haughton's Six Lectures on Physical Geography. Svo. 15*.
Beer's Primaeval World of Switzerland. 2 vols. Svo. 12*.
Helmholtz on the Sensations of Tone. Royal Svo. 28*.
Helmholtz's Lectures on Scientific Subjects. 2 vols. crown Svo. 7s, Gd. each.
Hullah's Lectures on the History of Modern Music. Svo. 8*. Gd.
— Transition Period of Musical History. Svo. 10*. Gd.
Jackson's Aid to Engineering Solution. Royal 8vo. 21*.
Jago's Inorganic Chemistry, Theoretical and Practical. Fcp. Svo. 2*.
Kerl's Metallurgy, adapted by Crookes and Rbhrig. 3 vols. Svo. £4. 19*.
Kolbe's Short Text-Book of Inorganic Chemistry. Crown Svo. 7*. Gd.
Lloyd's Treatise on Magnetism. Svo. 10*. Gd.
Macalister's Zoology and Morphology of Vertebrate Animals. Svo. 10*. Gd,
London, LONGMANS, GBEEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works.
Macfarren's Lectures on Harmony. 8vo. ] 2s.
Miller's Elements of Chemistry, Theoretical and Practical. 3 vols. 8vo. Part I.
Chemical Physic?, 16*. Part II. Inorganic Chemistry, 24*. Part III. Organic
Chemistry, price 31*. Gd.
Mitchell's Manual of Practical Assaying. 8vo. 31*. 6d.
Korthcott's Lathes and Turning. 8vo. 18*.
Owen's Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Vertebrate Animals.
3 vols. STO. 73*. Gd.
Payen's Industrial Chemistry. Edited by B. H. Paul, Ph.D. 8vo. 42*.
Pieese's Art of Perfumery. Square crown 8vo. 21*.
Beynolds's Experimental Chemistry. Fcp. 8vo. Part 1. 1*. 6d. Part II. 2*. Gd.
Part III. 3*. Gd.
Schellen's Spectrum Analysis. 8vo. 31*. Gd.
Sennett's Treatise on the Marine Steam Engine. 8vo. 21*.
Smith's Air and Eain. 8vo. 24*.
Swinton's Electric Lighting : Its Principles and Practice. Crown Svo. 5*.
Tilden's Practical Chemistry. Fcp. 8vo. 1*. 6<f.
Tyndall's Faraday as a Discoverer. Crown 8vo. 3*. Gd.
— Floating Matter of the Air. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
— Fragments of Science. 2 vols. post 8vo. 16*.
— Heat a Mode of Motion. Crown 8vo. 12*.
— Lectures on Light delivered in America. Crown Svo. 7*. Gd.
— • Lessons in Electricity. Crown Svo. '2s. Gd.
— Kotes on Electrical Phenomena. Crown Svo. 1*. sewed, 1*. Gd. cloth.
— Notes of Lectures on Light. Crown Svo. 1*. sewed, 1*. 6d. cloth.
— Sound, with Frontispiece and 203 Woodcuts. Crown Svo. 10*. 6d.
Watts'g Dictionary of Chemistry. 9 vols. medium 8vo. £15. 2*. 6d.
Wilson's Manual of Health-Science. Crown Svo. 2*. Gd.
THEOLOGICAL AND RELIGIOUS WORKS.
Arnold's (Eev. Dr. Thomas) Sermons. 6 vols. crown Svo. 5*. each.
Boultbee's Commentary on the 39 Articles. Crown Svo. 6*.
Browne's (Bishop) Exposition of the 39 Articles. Svo. 16*.
Calveit's Wife's Manual. Prayers, Thoughts, and Songs. Crown Svo. 6*.
Colenso on the Pentateuch and Book af Joshua. Crown Svo. 6*.
Gender's Handbook of the Bible. Post Svo. 7*. Gd.
Conybeare & Howson's Life and Letters of St. Paul :—
Library Edition, with all the Original Illustrations, Maps, Landscapes on
Steel, Woodcuts, &c. 2 vols. 4to. 42*.
Intermediate Edition, with a Selection of Maps, Plates, and Woodcuts.
2 vols. square crown Svo. 21*.
Student's Edition, revised and condensed, with 46 Illustrations and Maps.
1 vol. crown Svo. 7*. 6d.
Davidson's Introduction to the Study of the Xew Testament. 2 vols. Svo. 30*.
Edersheim's Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah. 2 vols. Svo. 42*.
— Prophecy and History in relation to the Messiah. Svo. 12*.
Ellicott's (Bishop) Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles. Svo. Galatiaiis, 8*. Gd.
Ephesians, 8*. Gd. Pastoral Epistles, 10*. Gd. Philippians, Colossians and
Philemon, 10*. Gd. Thessaloiiiaus, 7*. Gd.
London, LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works.
Mticott's Lectures on the Life of our Lord. 8vo. 12*.
Ewald's Antiquities of Israel, translated by Solly. 8vo. 12*. 6d.
History of Israel, translated by Carpenter & Smith. Vols. 1-7, 8vo. £3.
Hobart's Medical Language of St. Luke. 8vo. 16*.
Hopkins's Christ the Consoler. Fcp. 8vo. Zs. 6d.
Jukes's New Man and the Eternal Life. Crown 8vo. 6.?.
— Second Death and the Restitution of all Things. Crown 8vo. 3*. 6d.
— Types of Genesis. Crown 8vo. It. 6d.
— The Mystery of the Kingdom. Crown 8vo. 3«. Sd.
Lyra Germanica : Hymns translated by Miss AYinkworth. Pep. 8vo. 5*.
Macdonald's (G.) Unspoken Sermons. Second Series. Crown 8vo. Is. 6d.
Manning's Temporal Mission of the Holy Ghost. Crown 8vo. 8*. 6<f.
Martineau's Endeavours after the Christian Life. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
— Hymns of Praise and Prayer. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. 32mo. 1*. 6<J.
— Sermons, Hours of Thought on Sacred Things. 2 vols. 7s. 6d. each.
Monsell's Spiritual Songs for Sundays and Holidays. Fcp. 8vo. 5*. 18mo. 2*.
Miiller's (Max) Origin and Growth of Religion. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
— — Science of Religion. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Newman's Apologia pro Vita Sua. Crawn 8vo. 6s.
— The Idea of a University Defined and Illustrated. Crown 8vo. 7s.
— Historical Sketches. 3 vols. crown 8vo. 6*. each.
— Discussions and Arguments on Various Subjects. Crown 8vo. 6s.
— An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine. Crown 8vo. 6*.
— Certain Difficulties Felt by Anglicans in Catholic Teaching Con-
sidered. VoL 1, crown 8vo. 7s. &d. Vol. 2, crown 8vo. 5s. 6d.
— The Via Media of the Anglican Church, Illustrated in Lectures, &c.
2 vols. crown 8vo. 6s. each
— Essays, Critical and Historical. 2 vols. crown 8vo. 12*.
— Essays on Biblical and on Ecclesiastical Miracles. Crown 8vo. 6*.
— An Essay in Aid of a Grammar of Assent. 7*. 6d.
Rogers's Eclipse of Faith. Fcp. 8vo. 5*.
— Defence of the Eclipse of Faith. Fcp. 8vo. 3*. 6d.
Sewell's (Miss) Xight Lessons from Scripture. 32mo. Zs. 6d.
— — Passing Thoughts on Religion. Fop. 8vo. 3.?. 6d.
— — Preparation for the Holy Communion. 32mo. 3*.
Smith's Voyage and Shipwreck of St. PauL Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Supernatural Religion. Complete Edition. 3 vols. 8vo. 36*.
Taylor's (Jeremy) Entire Works. With Life by Bishop Heber. Edited by the
Rev. C. P. Eden. 10 vols. 8vo. £5. 6s.
TRAVELS, ADVENTURES, &c.
Aldridge's Ranch Notes in Kansas, Colorada, &c. Crown 8vo. 5s.
Alpine Club (The) Map of Switzerland. In Four Sheets. 42s.
Baker's Eight Years in Ceylon. Crown 8vo. 5*.
— Rifle and Hound in Ceylon. Crown 8vo. 5*.
Ball's Alpine Guide. 3 vols. post 8vo. with Maps and Illustrations : — I. Western
Alps, 6.?. 6d. II. Central Alps, 7s. 6d. III. Eastern Alps, 10*. 6d.
Ball on Alpine Travelling, and on the Geology of the Alps, 1*.
London, LONGMANS, GEEEN, & CO.
10
General Lists of Works.
Bent's The Cyclades, or Life among the Insular Greeks. Crown 8vo. 12*. 6d.
Brassey's Sunshine and Storm in the East. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
— Voyage in the Yacht ' Sunbeam.' Crown 8vo. Is. 6d. School Edition,
fcp. 8vo. 2*. Popular Edition, 4to. 6d.
— In the Trades, the Tropics, and the ' Roaring Forties.' Edition de
Luxe, 8vo. £3. 13*. 6d. Library Edition, 8vo.2L».
Crawford's Across the Pampas and the Andes. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Dent's Above the Snow Line. Crown 8vo. 7t. 6d.
Hassall's San Remo Climatically considered. Crown 8vo. 5*.
Howitt's Visits to Remarkable Pi-ices. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Maritime Alps (The) end their Seaboard. By the Author of ' Vera.' 8vo. 21*.
Miller's Wintering in the Biviera. Post 8vo. Illustrations, 7s. 6d.
Three in Norway. By Two o£ Them. Crown 8vo. Illustrations, 6*.
WORKS OF FICTION.
Antinous : an Historical Romance of the Roman Empire. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Beaconsfield's (The Earl of) Novels and Tales. Hughenden Edition, with 2
Portraits on Steel and 11 Vignettes on Wood. 11 vols. crown 8vo. £2. 2*.
Black Poodle (The) and other Tales. By the Author of 'Vice Versa.' Cr.Svo. 6*.
Harte (Bret) On the Frontier. Three Stories. 16mo. 1*.
— — By Shore and Sedge. Three Stories. 16mo. 1*.
Sewell's (Miss) Stories and Tales. Cabinet Edition. Crown 8vo. cloth extra,
gilt edges, price 3*. 6<i. each :-
Amy Herbert. Cleve Hall.
The Earl's Daughter.
Experience of Life.
Gertrude. Ivors.
A Glimpse of the World.
Katharine Ashton.
Laneton Parsonage.
Margaret Percival. Ursula.
The Modern Novelist's Library. Crown 8vo. price 2*. each, boards, or 2s. 6<2.
each, cloth : —
By the Earl of Beaconsfield, E.G.
Lothair. Coningsby.
Sybil. Tancred.
Venetia.
Henrietta Temple.
Contarini Fleming.
Alroy, Ixion, &c.
The Young Dnke, &c.
Vivian Grey.
Endymion.
By Bret Harte.
In the Carqninez Woods.
By Mrs. Oliphant.
In Trust, the Story of a Lady
and her Lover.
By Anthony Trollope.
Barchester Towers.
The Warden.
By Major Whyte-Melville.
Digby Grand.
General Bounce.
Kate Coventry.
The Gladiators.
Good for Nothing.
Holmby House.
The Interpreter.
The Queen's Maries.
By Various Writers.
The Atelier du Lys.
Atherstone Priory.
The Burgomaster's Family.
Elsa and her Vulture.
Mademoiselle Mori.
The Six Sisters of the Valleys.
Unawares.
By James Payn.
Thicker than Water.
In the Olden Time. By the Author of ' Mademoiselle Mori.' Crown 8vo. 6*.
Oliphant's (Mrs.) Madam. Crown 8vo. 3*. 6<J.
Stnrgis' My Friend and I. Crown Svo. 5*.
London, LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
General Lists of Works. 11
POETRY AND THE DRAMA.
Bailey's Festus, a Poem. Crown 8vo. 12*. Gd.
Bowdler's Family Shakespeare. Medium 8vo. 14*. 6 vols. fcp. 8vo. 21*.
Dante's Divine Comedy, translate! by James Innes Minchin. Crown Svo. 15*.
Goethe's Faust, translated by Birds. Large crown 8vo. 12*. Gd.
translated by Webb. 8vo. 12*. Gd.
— — edited by Selss. Crown 8vo. 5*.
Ingelow's Poems. Vols. 1 and 2, fcp. 8vo. 12,?. Vol. 3 fcp. 8vo. 5*.
Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome, with Ivry and the Armada. Illustrated by
Weguelin. Crown 8vo. 3*. 6d. gilt edges.
The same, Annotated Edition, fcp. 8vo. 1*. sewed, 1*. Gd. cloth, 2*. Gd. cloth extra.
The same, Popular Edition. Illustrated by Scharf . Fcp. 4to. Gd. swd , 1*. cloth.
Macdonald's (G.) A Book of Strife : in the Form of the Diary of an Old Sonl :
Poems. 1 2n 10. 6*.
Pennell's (Cholmondeley) 'From Grave to Gay.' A Volume of Selections.
Fcp. 8vo. 6*.
Header's Voices from Flowerland, a Birthday Book, 2*. Gd. cloth, 3*. Gd. roan.
Shakespeare's Hamlet, annotated by George Macdonald, LL.D. 8vo. 12*.
Southey's Poetical Works. Medium 8vo. 14*.
Stevenson's A Child's Garden of Verses. Fcp. 8vo. 5*.
Virgil's 2Eneid. translated by Conington. Crown 8vo. 9*.
— Poems, translated into English Prose. Crown 8vo. 9*.
AGRICULTURE, HORSES, DOGS, AND CATTLE.
Dunster's How to Make the Land Pay. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Fitzwygram's Horses and Stables. 8vo. 10*. Gd.
Horses and Roads. By Free- Lance. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Lloyd, The Science of Agriculture. 8vo. 12*.
London's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture. 21s.
Miles's Horse's Foot, and How to Keep it Sound. Imperial 8vo. 12*. 6d.
— Plain Treatise on Horse-Shoeing. Post 8vo. 2*. 6d.
— Remarks on Horses' Teeth. Post 8vo. 1*. 6rf.
— Stables and Stable-Fittings. Imperial 8vo. 15*.
Nevile's Farms and Farming. Crown 8vo. 6*.
— If orses and Riding. Crown 8vo. 6*.
Scott's Farm Valuer. Crown 8vo. 5*.
Steel's Diseases of the Ox, a Manual of Bovine Pathology. 8vo. 15*.
Stonehenge's Dog in Health and Disease. Square crown 8vo. 7*. 6d.
— Greyhound. Square crown 8vo. 15*.
Taylor's Agricultural Note Book. Fcp. 8vo. 2s. Gd.
Ville on Artificial Manures, by Crookcs. 8vo. II*.
Youatt's Work on the Dog. 8vo. 6*.
— — — — Horse. 8vo. 7*. Gd.
SPORTS AND PASTIMES.
Campbell-Walker's Correct Card, or How to Play at Whist. Fcp. Svo. 2*. M.
Dead Shot (The) by Marksman. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.
Francis's Treatise on Fishing in all ite Branches. Post Svo. 16«.
London, LONG-MASS, GREEN, & GO.
12 General Lists of Works.
Jefferies' The Bed Deer. Crown 8vo. 4s. Gd.
Longman's Chess Openings. Pep. 8vo. 2*. 6<Z.
Peel s A Highland Gathering. Illustrated. Crown 8vo. 10*. Gd.
Pole's Theory of the Modern Scientific Game of Whist. Fcp. 8vo. 2*. Gd.
Proctor's How to Play Whist. Crown 8vo. 5*.
Eonalds's Ply-Fisher's Entomology. 8vo. 14*.
Verney's Chess Eccentricities. Crown 8vo. 10*. Gd.
Wilcocks's Sea-Fisherman. Post 8vo. 6*.
ENCYCLOP/EDIAS, DICTIONARIES, AND BOOKS OF
REFERENCE.
Acton's Modern Cookery for Private Families. Fcp. 8vo. 4*. Gd.
Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge. Fcp. 8vo. 6*.
Blackley's German and English Dictionary. Post 8vo. 3*. Gd.
Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art. 3 vols. medium 8vo. 63.s.
Cabinet Lawyer (The), a Popular Digest of the Laws of England. Fcp. 8vo. 9*.
Cates's Dictionary of General Biography. Medium 8vo. 28*.
Contanseau's Practical French and English Dictionary. Post 8vo. 3*. 6d.
— Pocket French and English Dictionary. Square 18mo. 1*. Sd.
Gwilt's Encyclopsedla of Architecture. 8vo. 52*. Gd.
Keith Johnston's Dictionary of Geography, or General Gazetteer. 8vo. 42*.
Latham's (Dr.) Edition of Johnson's Dictionary. 4 vols. 4to. £7.
— — — — — Abridged. Royal 8vo. 14*.
Liddell & Scott's Greek-English Lexicon. 4to. 36*.
Abridged Greek-English Lexicon. Square 12mo. 7s. Gd.
Longman's Pocket German and English Dictionary. 18mo. 2*. Gd.
M'Culloch's Dictionary of Commerce and Commercial Navigation. 8vo. 63*.
Maunder's Biographical Treasury. Fcp. 8vo. 6*.
— Historical Treasury. Fcp. 8vo. 6s.
— Scientific and Literary Treasury. Fcp. 8vo. 6*.
— Treasury of Bible Knowledge, edited by Ayre. Fcp. 8vo. 6*.
— Treasury of Botany, edited by Lindley & Moore. Two Parts, 12*.
— Treasury of Geograpay. Fcp. 8vo. 6*.
— Treasury of Knowledge and Library of Reference. Pep. 8vo. 6*.
— Treasury of Natural History. Fcp 8vo. 6*.
Quain's Dictionary of Medicine. Medium 8vo. 31*. Gd., or in 2 vols. 34*.
Reeve's Cookery and Housekeeping. Crown 8vo. 7*. Gd.
Rich's Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities. Crown 8vo. 7*. Gd.
Roget's Thesaurus of English Words and Phrases. Crown 8vo. 10*. Gd.
Tire's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, and Mines. 4 vols. medium 8vo. £7. 7*.
White & Riddle's Large Latin-English Dictionary. 4to. 21*.
White's Concise Latin-English Dictionary. Royal 8vo. 12*.
— Junior Student's Lat.-Eng. and Eng.-Lat. Dictionary. S<j. 12mo. 5*.
Spnaratplv I The English-Latin Dictionary, 3*.
weiy | The Latin-English Dictionary, 3*.
Willich's Popular Tables, by Marriott. Crown 8vo. 10*.
Yonge's English-Greek Lexicon. Square 12mo. 8*. Gd. 4to. 21*.
London, LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
Spottiiwoode & Co. Printers, A'eic-street Square, London.
University of California
SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
Return this material to the library
from which it was borrowed.
I JAN 1 3 2003
1
A 000 589
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11