• APR 9,9. 1904 *
SCHi^Frp h. B., LL. fi).
THE HISTORY
OF
THE ENGLISH BIBLE
EXTENDING FROM THE
EARLIEST SAXON TRANSLATIONS
TO THE PRESENT
ANGLO-AMERICAN REVISION.
SECOND EDITION.
REVISED, ILLUSTRATED, AND ENLARGED.
BY
BLACKFORD CONDIT, D.D.
A. S. BARNES & COMPANY,
NEW YORK.
Copyright, 1881, 1896, by A. S. Barnes 6* Co,
Dedication to First Edition.
tDl)O0e Interest in i\)c I^xoqxcqq of tl)ese JJagea
1)00 been scarcely less tljan m^ omn
Cf)i0 Volume 10 affectionatelg
3[n0Ctil)eD*
Dedication to Second Edition.
TO
PROFESSOR GEORGE E. DAY, D.D.
A Membep of the late American Committee on Revision of the
Old. Testament, also Secretary of the late Ameriear^
Committees on Revision of the Old. and Ne^w
Testaments, this Volume is MostJ
Respectfully Dedicated
BY the: author
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION.
THE following chapters had their origin in the desire to
trace the influence of the Bible upon the English
ianguage. Dr. Noah Webster, in the preface to his
"Amended Bible," 1838, says: ^^The language of the Bible
has no inconsiderable influence in forming and preserving our
National language." A slight acquaintance with the subject
showed that this influence could not be understood without
tracing back the history to the earliest Saxon and English
translations. All praise is due to King James' revisers for
their wisdom in approving as well as improving the labors of
previous translators. Their design was not to make a new
translation " nor yet to make of a bad one a good one, but to
make a good one better, or out of many good ones, one prin-
cipal good one." Our English Bible of to-day, therefore,
comprises in itself the labors of the best scholars during a
period of two and a half centuries, together with a correspond-
ing growth of the English language.
In the Louvre gallery at Paris the history of painting is
illustrated by grouping the pictures on the walls in chrono-
logical order. Something of this plan may be found in the
VI PKEFA CE.
following pages by way of illustrating the history of the
English language. Speciniens of the various Saxon and
English versions of the Scriptures have been inserted in
chronological order, and in their original spelling. All quo-
tations'from early English authorities are given literally as to
wording and orthography, and in each case, so far as practi-
cable, preference has been given to the earliest editions.
Another agreeable surprise in this investigation, was the im-
portant part the Anglo-Saxon language has played in the strug-
gle between the rights of the people and Romanism, before as
well as since the Norman Conquest. The ascendancy of the
Latin tongue meant practically the ascendancy of Rome not
only in language and literature, but in religion and politics. It
was the struggle of a David with a Goliath. And the victory
was all the more remarkable because incidental. At the first
the Reformers did not perceive the intimate relation between
language and religion. Hopeless ignorance of the Latin on
the part of the people was reason enough for translating the
Scriptures into English. But afterward they learned that the
Latin language was the stronghold of the Romish Church.
The Latin tongue was imperial by birth, and seemed destined
through its connection with victorious Rome to become the
universal language. It was stately and magnificent, and in
its movement it had something of the pomp and pride of a
victorious Roman legion. Possibly it may be too much to
affirm that the Latin, into which the Bible had for very many
years been translated, exerted a powerful influence in Roman-
izing the Christian Church, since so little is known of the
inner workings of that sad history. But we are safe in stat-
ing that leading bishops in the very beginning as well as in
PREFACE. VU
the after development of the Roman Catholic Church, found
the Latin language adapted to their ambitious purposes.
Cons3quently when in after years their deep-laid, plans were
endangered by Vernacular versions of the Holy Scriptures, they
erected their Latin barriers around both Bible and Church,
and pronounced it heresy to translate or read the Bible save
in the Latin tongue now chosen and ordained to be the
sacred language of the Church. Pagan Rome failed in carry-
ing out her ideal of Universal Empire, but Papal Rome,
clothed with the same imperial language and inspired with
the same imperial ideal, hoped to succeed. She still has
faith in her destiny notwithstanding serious checks upon her
power. The first of these checks was in the domain of lan-
guage through Vernacular Versions of the Bible, which marks
the rise and progress of Protestantism in its struggle with
Romanism.
Intimately connected with the religious stands the literary
element in this conflict of languages. At the period of the
Norman Conquest the Saxon tongue had a hard struggle for
mere existence. It was driven from the court and palace, but
it took refuge around the firesides of the peasantry. The
Latin tongue even down to the Elizabethan age was the
literary language. But during this same period the English
language had become a power, and by its inherent vitality
was already the giant that succeeding centuries have proved it
to be. And prominent among the causes which lie at the
foundation of this victory of the English over the Latin
tongue we must recognize the fact of early translations of the
Scriptures into the language of the people. The design of
the following chapters was not to treat this subject at large,
VUl PREFACE.
but in giving an account of the several translations to note in-
cidentally the literary influence of these versions.
In order to bring down the history of English translations
to the present time, an extended account will be found in the
following pages, of various public and private attempts to-
wards translations and revisions since that of King James'
Bible, 1611. The great majority of these efforts were by
private individuals and consequently of no special impor-
tance. There were other attempts made by public authority,
and hence of greater significance. By far the most important
of these, is the Anglo-American revision undertaken by the
authority of the Convocation of Canterbury and with the ex-
press design of superseding King James' version. Whether
it will accomplish this design must remain, for the present at
least, an open question. It must be confessed, however, that
in the history of English translations no version ever
attracted so wide-spread expectation. And then it carries
with it the recommendation of the most profound English
and American scholarship— a scholarship in every way com-
petent to deal with original authorities and to make the
best use of all critical helps. While this is true of the New
Testament revisers whose labors have just closed, it is equally
true of the Old Testament revisers whose labors will not be
completed for some three years to come.
At the expense of burdening the page with foot-notes, care
has been taken to give credit to all authorities quoted — an
honest though laborious mode of acknowledging indebtedness.
The historic field of English Bible translations has been sadly
neglected by Church historians. Foxe, the martyrologist, is
PREFACE. iX
an honorable exception. The early Black Letter editions of
his " Acts and Monuments," are mines of wealth in the rich
mass of facts he has brought together including original
documents bearing upon the external history of the English
Bible. Rev. John Lewis was the original pioneer in this
special field ; and in every bibliogi'aphical list, chronologically,
his work must stand first. Lewis' "History of English
Translations of the Bible " was first published as an introduc-
tion to Wycliffe's "Translation of the New Testament," 1731.
The work was issued separately in 1739. He crowded so
much into so small a space, to the general reader his account
seems heavy ; but to the searcher for facts his work, though
not reliable in every particular, is most invaluable. Ander-
son's " Annals of the Bible " have been severely criticised, and
yet they render most acceptable service in honoring the
memory of the ever-memorable William Tyudale. The work
was first published in 1845, in two octavo volumes. The ear-
liest editions were burdened with extended sketches of the
civil history of the times, which interfered seriously with the
simple narrative. These sketches were afterwards omitted in
the revised edition put forth by his nephew in 1862. " A
General View of the History of the English Bible," by Canon
Westcott, pubhshed in 1868 and 1872, together with the two
noble volumes by Dr. Eadie, entitled, " The English Bible ; an
External and Critical History of the Various English Trans-
lations of the Scriptures," 1876, leave scarcely anything to be
desired in the way of an extensive and critical account oi
English translations of the Holy Scriptures.
My thanks are hereby extended to the Librarians of the
following Libraries — Boston Public, Boston Athenaeum, Har-
X PKEFACE.
vard College, Watkinson, Wabash College, and Lane Semi-
nary, for special favors. My personal acknowledgments are
also due to many friends for aid and encouragement, but to
none more than to my friend and former teacher. Prof.
George E. Day, D.D., of New Hayen, Conn.
BLACKFORD CONDIT,
Terre Haute, Nov., 1881.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
THE first edition of this work contained important par-
ticulars respecting the revision of the Old Testament,
such as lists of Committees, both English and American, and
the rules by which they were to be governed ; but a full
account could not be given, since the revision was not issued
until some four years later. Hence the necessity of an appen-
ded chapter to complete the history of the Old Testament
revision, and of the Eevised Bible as a whole.
The importance of the work of the Old Testament revisers
is appreciated the more one becomes familiar with it. Almost
every page bears evidences of improvement. Many passages
where the meanings were obscure, have been made clear;
while some that were quite misleading, have been corrected.
Beyond the efforts of the revisers a wide field opens up to
the critical student of the Hebrew and its cognate languages,
for the application of somewhat the same rigorous tests that
were made in dealing with the Greek of the Kew Testament.
When, therefore, this field shall have been conscientiously
worked and the results submitted to the public, as in the case
of the New Testament, doubtless the resultant will have an
important bearing upon the text of the Old Testament. For
the present, however, the revisers have done all that seemed
wise, in the way of changes in the Hebrew text, to bring out
the intended meaning of the sacred writers.
Xll PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
While grateful acknowledgments are due to a generous pub-
lic for their appreciation of the first edition, possibly a higher
sense of gratitude should be felt towards those who kindly
called attention to some needful corrections.
Among the illustrations that add materially to the interest
of this volume, the noble head of William Tyndale will attract
the attention of those who are more familiar with his fame
than with his face. Special attention is also called to the
frontispiece of the first edition of the Authorized version,
which carries with it a peculiar interest. The same may be
said in respect to the frontispiece of the Great Bible of 1539,
attributed to Hans Holbein. These panel pictures are his-
torical, portraying as they do the activity of the times in the
circulation of the Bible. The scenes are most remarkable
when we call to mind the fact that only fourteen years had
elapsed since all England was burning Tyndale's New Testa-
ments.
The appended chapter, while it brings down the history of
the work of revision to date, and indicates the gradual growth
of public sentiment in favor of the revision, is yet compelled
to leave the question of the ultimate adoption of the Kevised
Bible as still an unanswerable question.
THE AUTHOK.
Terre Haute, Jan., 1896.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
SAXON AND ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF THE SCRIPTURES BEFORE THE
TIME OP WYCLIFFE, a. d. 597-1324.
PAGE
Christianity as first introduced among the Saxons.— Rome not as yet op-
posed TO the Bible in the Language of the People.— Colman and Wil-
FRiTH,— The Whitby Synod.— C^edmon.—Bede's Account of.— C^dmon's
Paraphrase. — Specimen. — Guthlac's Psalter. — Specimen. — Aldhelm,
" THE Good Author." — His Version of the Psalms.— Bede.—Alcuin.—In-
tasion of the danes.— king alfred.— extent of his bible translations.
— Specimen.— Saxon Versions of the Four Gospels.— Specimen.— .^lfric.
—His Heptateuch.— Specimen.— Close of the Saxon Period. — Saxon Lan-
guage IN RELATION TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST.— ThE BEGINNING OF THE ENG-
LISH Language and its Literature.— A New Era of Bible Translations.
— The Ormulum.— Specimen.— Sowle Hele.— Schorham's Version of the
Psalms.- Probably the Earliest Prose Version.— Specimen.-Richard
Rolle's Version of the Psaims.— Specimen.— Early English. — Vernacu-
lar Versions of the Bible, an Offense to the Hierarchy. —The Way
PREPARED for JoHN WyCLIFFE , , 17
CHAPTER II.
WYCLIFFE AND THE WYCLIFFITE VERSIONS, A. D. 1380.
Birth of John de Wycliffe.— His Education.— Civil and Canon Law.— Mo-
nastic Orders. — Wycliffe's Attack upon the Mendicants. — Church and
State.— Wycliffb defends the Parliament.— Wycliffe at Bruges.— His
Lectures on Divinity. — Wycliffe before the Council.— His Defense. —
John Ball and Wat Tyler. —Wycliffe as a Reformer. — At Lutter-
worth.—He Translates the Bible.— Latin Language and Roman Catholic
Church.— Romish Hatred of the English Bible.— Earlier and Later
Texts of the Wycliffite Versions.— Wycliffe and Hereford. — Speci-
MENS of the Earlier Text. — John Purvey. — The Author of the
Later Text.—" W^ycliffe's Glosser."— Specimens of the Later Test.
— Forshall and Madden's Wycliffite Versions, 1850. — The Bisnar's
XIV COI^TEKTS.
PA.QE
Ebgistees.— Mantscripts of Single Books op the Bible.— Antiquated
Forms and Obsolete Words.— Wtclifpe's Superior Renderings. — Exam-
ples.—Relation OP Vernacular Versions op the Bible to Language and
Literature.— Influence of Wtcliffite Versions upon Religion and Lan-
guage.— Character op Wyclifpe. — Wycliffe and Chaucer, — Death op
John Wycliffe.— His Epitaph 53
CHAPTER III.
TYNDALE AND HIS TRANSLATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, A. D. 1525.
Retvtval op Learning in the Fifteenth Century.— Printing introduced into
England.— Greek and Latin New Testament of Erasmus.— Opposed bt
Romish Priests.— Bishop Standish Appeals to the King and Queen.— The
Way prepared for the New Testament in English.- William Tyndale. —
Removes to Cambridge. — Acts as Tutor in the Family of Sir John Walsh.
—Tyndale in London. — Departs to Hamburgh. — Cologne.— Worms. —
Printing op the First English Testaments.— Hanseatic Ships contet
THEM to London.— English Testaments concealed in Thomas Garrett's
House.— "Diligent Search" instituted.— New Testament Distributers
ARRESTED. — BURNING OP NeW TESTAMENTS. — StORY OP AnTHONT DaLABER. —
Bishop ToNSTAL AT Antwerp.— The Search for Tyndale. — "Bitter Days
OF Persecution."— Martyrdom op John Fryth.— Tyndale 's Revised New
Testament, 1534.— Examples by Way op Comparison.— Specimens of Tyn-
dale's Translation.— With Spelling Modernized.— The English Lan-
guage OF THIS Period.- Tyndale's Relation to Wycliffe.- Latinisms. —
Examples. —Familiar Expressions.— Examples.— Obsolete Words.- Ar-
chaic Forms.— Old English Idioms.— Tyndale's Second Revision, 15.36.—
His Translations of Portions op the Old Testament.- Tyndale's Be-
trayal AND Arrest.— His Letter prom Prison.— Trial and Martyrdom. —
His Character and Life Work 81
CHAPTER IV.
COVERDALE'S BIBLE, A. d. 1535.
The New Testament op Erasmus.— Religious Awakening. — Society ov
"Christian Broders."— Tyndale's New Testaments. — Prior Bucking-
ham's Sermon.— Hugh Latimer's Answer.— Myles Coverdale.— A Pupil op
Dr. Barnes.— His Sympathy with Latimer and Bilney.— Revival at Bum-
STEDE. — Gospel Meetings.— Coverdale before the Bishops.— Is with-
drawn PROM Public Notice. — Enters upon the Work op Translating the
Bible.— Cromwell's Patronage —Council called.— Henry VIII. presedhs.
— Opposition to the Scriptures in English. — Latimer's Letter to the
Kjng.— Demand op the People for the Bible in English.— Crantier's ef-
forts unsuccessful.— Coverdale's Bible.— The Dedication.— Cromwell's
Injunctions.— Bishops in Council.— Coverdale as a Translator.— His
Version of the Psalms and Prophetic Books.— Specimens.— In Originai.
AND Modern Spelling — Quaintness in Style —Familiarity en Expres-
CONTENTS. XV
PAGB
siON. — Archaic Forms AND Obsolete Words.— Romish Opposition.— " Eng-
lish BiBLERS."— The Diglott New Testament.— Coverdale in England. —
Arrangements for a New Translation.— Matthewe's Bible appears in
England 139
CHAPTER V.
MATTHEWE'S BIBLE, a.d. 1537.
Confusion in the Accounts of the Several Editions of the English Bible. —
Origin op the Name op Matthewe's Bible.— John Rogers.— His Intimacy
with Tyndale.— Editor op Matthewe's Bible. — This Bible Printed at
Antwerp.— Introduced into England by Grafton.- Cranmer's Zeal fob
its Circulation.— Cromwell's Proclamation.— His Injunctions.— Romish
Opposition.— Occasions op Offense.— This Version the Basis of subse-
(^uentReyisions.— Title.— Prefatory Matter.— Taverner's Bible.— Pref-
atory Matter.— This Revision instigated by the Printers.— Taverner a
Scholar and Lay Preacher.— Second Edition op the New Testament. —
The Edition op 1549. — "In Sundry Partes."'— Becke's Taverner, 1551. —
Petyt and Redman's Edition op Matthewe's Bible, 1540. — Becke's
Matthewe, 1549.— Specimens of the Translation.— Reprint op Matthewe's
Bible by Hyll and Reynolds.— ''Faultily Done."— Nycolas Hill's Edi-
tion, 1551.— Specimens. — Nicknamed the "Bug Bible."— A New Enterprise
projected 172
CHAPTER VI.
BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME, a. d. 1540.
Cromwell's Beble. — Edited by Myles Coverdale.— Grafton and White-
church IN Paris.— Letters to Cromwell. — Threatened by the Papists. —
Printers and Presses brought over to London.— First Edition published
April, 1539. — Holbein's Frontispiece.- Prefatory Matter.— Specimens op
THE Translation.— Condemnation op Lambert.— Cranmer against the
"Bloody Six Articles."— Monastic Houses dissolved.— Henry VIH. fa-
vors THE Scriptures in English.— Cranmer's Bible, 1540.— Prologue.—
Edited by Coverdale. — " Supplementary Clauses." — Changes not al-
ways Improvements.— Examples — Character of Cromwell. — Novembkb
Edition op the Great Bible.— Convocation, 1542.— Gardiner's Scheme for
A Latinized English Beble.— List of Latin Words to be Retained.— Cran-
mer's Successful Opposition.— Latin Language and Latin Church.—
Latin the Language of Literature.— English Language at this Period.
—Persecution.— Reign op Edward VI.— Sir John Cheke's Translation op
Portion of New Testament.— His Purism.— Orthography.— Specimens op
his Translation.— English Language growing in Importance.— Roger
Ascham.— His " Toxophilus" and " Schole Master "—Progress of Bible
Truth during the Reign of Edward VI— Retaliations against the Prot-
estants during the Reign op Queen Mary.— Persecution and the Gene-
van Bible 109
XVI CONTENTS.
CHAPTEK VII.
THE GENEVAN BIBLE, a.d. 1560.
PAGE
William Whittingham.— His Revision of the New Testament, 1557.— Verse
Divisions.— Originality op Whittingham"s Version. —Specimens.— Prot-
estants OF Geneva.— The Genevan Bible, 1560.— Dedication.— Address to
THE Reader.— Not an Independent Translation.— Specimens from O. T. —
An Improvement on Preceding Translations.— The Genevan Bible and
the Puritans.— Chief Characteristics.— Marginal Notes.- Excessive Use
OF Commentaries.— How to read the Bible.— " Mappes."— Wood-cuts. —
Extended Circulation of the Genevan Bible.— Its Saxon Language.—
English Versions of the Bible and the English Language.— Influence
of Pagan Rome upon Literature and Social Life. -Ltly's " New-fangled
English." — Literary Influence op the Genevan Bible. — English Lan-
guage at this Period. — Religious and Social Influence of the English
Bible. — Antiquated and Obsolete Terms.— Examples.-Title-page of
the New Testament of 1560.— Specimens op the Translation.— Lawrence
Tomson's Revision op N. T., 1576.— His Rendering op the Greek Article.
— Examples.- Enlargement of the English Vocabulary.— New Words
NOT Traceable to the Rheims Version.— Examples.— Annotations.— Ex-
cerpts FROM Tomson's N. T.— Popularity op the Genevan Version. — Oppo-
sition BY English Bishops.— A New Version proposed by Archbishop
Pabkeb. — Genevan and Authorized Versions 254
CHAPTER VIII.
THE BISHOP'S BIBLE, a.d. 1568.
Queen Elizabeth's Reign.— Order in the State and Unipormtty in the
Church.— Ecclesiastical Part yism.— Evangelical Spirit among Clergy
AND People.— Manners and Morals.— Sabbath Reform. — Influence op
the English Bible.— Parker's Plan for a New Revision.— Rules Pre-
scribed.—Co-operation of the Bishops.— Why called the Bishop's Bible.
—Title-page,— Preface.— The Revision based upon Cranmer's Bible,
1540.— But few Changes in the O. T.— Examples. — Specimens op the
Translation. - Scholarship op the N. T.— Collation showing Changes
roB THE Better. — Specimen op the Translation. — Affectation in Lan-
guage.—Resisted BY THE Revisers of this Bible.— Commonplace Wokds
AND Phrases.— Collation op.— Explanatory Phrases. — Examples.-Latin-
isMS.— Examples.— Obsolete Words.— Examples.— Vulgar Terms avoided.
—Passages to be Omitted in Public Reading.— Marginal Notes.— Circu-
lation Limited.— This Version a Link in the Chain op Authorized Re-
vision.—Romish Hatred.— Fulke's Reply to Martin.— Mtles Covekdai.e.
—His Life and Labors.— His Death, 1569
COISTENTS. XVII
CHAPTER IX.
EHEIMS NEW TESTAMENT, a. d. 1582. DOUAY BIBLE, A. D. 1609.
PAGB
Reasons for Pitblishing the Douat Bible.— Gregory Martin the Chiep
Translator.— The New Testament first Printed.— Title-page. — Pre-
face.—Fulke's Refutation —Whx Translated from the Vulgate,— Un-
translated Words.— Examples.— Dark Phrases.— Examples.— Specimens
OF THE Translation.— Latinized English. — Examples.— Rhemish Version
and Scripture Vocabulary. — Illustrations.— Saxonisms.— Examples.—
An Untruthful Translation.— Papistical Notes.— Collation of.— Cart-
wright's Confutation. — The Controversy.— The Old Testament.— Trans- '
LATED FROM THE VULGATE. — RiVAL EDITIONS OP THE VULGATE. — ClEMENTINB
Edition, 1592, adopted.— Title-page.— Limited Circulation.— The Latin
Text the Foundation of the Wycliffite Versions.— The Vulgate thb
Source of Early Religious Knowledge.— Influence of the Vulgate
UPON English Theological Speech. — Examples. — Office of the Wyc-
liffite Versions. Nary's Translation of the N. T.— His Design.— Dr.
Wetham''s Version, 1730-33.— Dr. Challoner's Revised Edition of Douay
Bible, 1749-50. — Specimens.- Dr. Murray"'s Edition, 1825. — Conformed to
the Authorized Version.— Dr. Lingard's Four Gospels. — Tendency to
Liberality among Modern Catholic Revisers.— The Roman Catholic
Bible of To-day not that of 1609-1635.— Its Circuxation among American
Catholics 295
CHAPTER X.
THE AUTHORIZED VERSION, A.D. 1611.
AccEssioTT OF James I.— Hampton Court Conference.— A New Translation
resolved upon —Committees Appointed.— Their Eminence for Scholar-
ship.— Rules for their Guidance.— Title-page.— Dedication.— Preface. —
Opposition to the New Translation.— Hugh Broughton.— Dr. Gill.—
"Authorized Version." — " King James' Bible.'"— The Bishop's Bible the
Basis of the Revision.— Latin Versions Accessible.— Recent Vernacular
Versions.— Hebrew Bibles Extant.— Soncine and Bomberg's. — Complu-
TENSIAN AND ANTWERP POLYGLOTTS.— TeXT OF ERASMUS. — THIRD EDITION OF
Stephens.— Text op Beza.— -'Textus Receptus."— Relation of King James'
Bible to previous English Versions.— Changes for the Better.— Some-
times FOR the Worse. — Illustrations. — Greek Article. — Examples.—
Single Greek Word translated by Several English Words.— Examples.
—Several Greek Words by Single English Word.— Exastples.- Punctua-
tion.—Examples.— Saxon Element of oxtr Language re-established in
King James' Bible. — Literary Influence.— The Bible the Book of the
Household.— Words in ation.—LATitJ Derivatives displaced by Saxon
Words.— Milton.— Shakespeare.— Religious Influence. — Typographical
Errors.— Illustrations.— Corrupted Bibles.— Corrected Editions.- He-
braisms.—Old English Idioms. — Examples.— Archaisms.— Obsolete Words.
—Examples.— Relation of the English Bible to Textual Criticism.—
XVlll CONTENTS.
PAGE
Earliest Greek MSS.— Collation of Facts, and Second Thoughts op
Biblical Scholars.— Results op Textual Criticism in its Application to
our English Bible.— Examples.— Doubtpul Passages.— Tntegritt op our
English Bible. — Yet a Revised Edition desirable,— The Anglo-American
Revision now in progress 324
CHAPTEE XI.
REVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE a.d. 1611.
D=^AND FOR A Revision op King James' Bible.— Early Attempts.— Proposals
BY Henry Jessey and Prop. Rowe, 1650-55. — Resolutions in the Long Par-
liament, 1653-58.— Era op the Restoration.— Its Underlying Principles.
—King James' Bible pirmly Established.—" Tide op Glowing Panegy-
ric."—Influence, Literary AND Religious, op King James' Bible.— Mace's
Version op the N. T.— " A Doughty Translation."— Purver's Transla-
tion, 1764.- Undertaken por the Society op Friends.— Harwood's N. T.,
1768.— Its " Elegance " in Language.— Blayney's Edition of the Bible,
1769.— A corrected English Text.— Dr. Lowth's Translation op Isaiah,
1778. — Dr. Geddes' Translation op Parts of the O. T., 1780-97. — Dr.
George Campbell's Four Gospels, 1789.— Wakefield's Translation op
N. T., 1791.— Unitarian.— Dr. Newcome's N. T., 1796.— Scarlett's Version,
1798._Favors the Doctrine op Univeksalism.— McRea's Revision op the
Bible, 1799.— Improved Version op the N. T., 1808.— Unitarian.— Bellamy's
New Translation, 1818-1821.— Alexander Campbell's Version of N. T.,
1826.— Noah Webster's " Amended Bible," 1833.— Rodolphus Dickinson's
'• Elegant Translation" of the N. T., 1833.— Its Fashionable Language.
—Alexander's Revision op the Pentateuch, 1833.— Indelicate Words
AND Phrases corrected. — American Bible Society Revision, 1851.— A
Standard Copy adopted.— Public Dissatisfaction.— Standard Revoked,
1858.— Examples of Changes proposed. — Critical Revision of the Gospel
OF John, etc., bt Five Clergymen, 1857. — Sawyer's N. T., 1858.— American
Bible Union Revision, 1850-1860.— Revision by Convocation op Canter-
bury.—Begun IN 1870.— English Old and New Testament Companies.—
Rules Adopted.— Scholarship and Catholicity of the English Revisers.
— Formation op American Companies, 1871. — Constitution Adopted. —
Changes in American Companies. — Progress op the Work.— The Revision
International and Interdenominational. — The Unanswerable Ques-
tion.—Publication AND Reception op the Revised Version.— Title-page
AND Prefatory Matter.— Treatment of Debatable Passages.— Correct
Treatment op Greek Tenses.— Improvements from an Amended Greek
Text.— Translation of Greek Articles and Prepositions. —Impkovemenjps
prom Displacing Obsolete Words.— Language of the Revised Vebs»&.—
New Wobds Introduced.— The American Appendix
CONTENTS. XIX
CHAPTER XII.
THE REVISED VERSION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE REVISED
BIBLE AS A WHOLE, a. d. 1881-1885.
PAGE
Interest in the Revision.— Reception of Revised Old Testament.— Antiq-
uity OP the Hebrew Language.— Preservation op the Sacred Writ-
ings OP THE Jews.— Higher Criticism in its Application to Books op
THE Old Testament.— Date of Old Testament Manuscripts.— Standard
Manuscripts.— Transcribed by Jews.— Printed Hebrew Bibles.— Cele-
brated Editions op.— The Septuagint.- Preparation for Greek op the
New Testament. —The Accepted Bible of Christ and His Apostles. —
Purpose of the Revision op the Old Testament.— Massoretic Text. —
The Word Peoples.— Conservation op the Saxon Element in our Lan-
guage.—Archaic Words. — Familiar Passages Disappointing by Reason op
Changes.— Marked Improvements.— Examples op.— Book op Job — Book op
Psalms.— Doctrinal Changes.— Inspiration Emphasized. — Cooperation
op American Scholars.— Demand for Revision Originated with Bibli-
cal Scholars.— Underlying Motive.— Earliest Promoters.— Organized
Effort.— Expenses op Revision.— List of American Finance Committee.
—Revised Bible the Inheritor of the Excellencies of the Authorized
Version.— Attacks upon.— Double Task of the Revisers.— Estimate of,
IN England.— How Regarded in America.— Evidences of Some Progress.
—Revised Bible Come to Stay.— Re-revision out op the Question.— An
American Revised Edition Possible but not Probable.— Apocrypha.— No
Place in Hebrew Bible.— Revised by British Committee.— Issued in
Uniform Size with Revised Old and New Testaments 494
CHAPTER I.
SAXON AND ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF THE SCRIPTURES,
BEFORE THE TIME OF WYCLIFFE. A. D. 597-1324.
CHRISTIANITY was first introduced among the Anglo-
Saxons by Roman missionaries in the year 597. ^ These
"strangers from Rome" landed on the island of Thanet.
They immediately sent word to King Ethelbert that they came
to declare the glad tidings of the Gospel. The king, through
his Christian wife, Bertha, and Bishop Luidhard, the pre-
cursor of Augustine, had heard of the Gospel, yet, being
suspicious of strangers, he met them in the open air, lest
they should impose upon him by their magic. At his bidding,
they approached in an orderly procession, bearing a silver
cross, also an image of the Saviour painted on a board, and
singing the litany. After listening to the address of Augus-
tine, the king answered : *^ Your words and promises are very
fair, but as they are new to us, and of uncertain import, I
cannot approve of them so far as to forsake that which I have
so long followed with the whole English nation. But because
you are come from far into my kingdom, and, as I conceive,
are desirous to impart to us those things which you believe to
be true, and most beneficial, we will not molest you, but give
you favorable entertainment, and take care to supply you with
' The date of the first introduction of Christianity into Britain is
quite another question. The general impression prevails that it was
planted as early as the first century. But Thomas Wright, in his
Celt, Roman and Saxon, asserts that Christianity could not have been
established at so early a period, since " among such an immense num-
ber of altars and inscriptions of temples, and with so many hundreds of
Roman sepulchres and graves as have been opened in this country, (Eng-
land), we find not a single trace of the religion of the Gospel." p. 353.
18 SAXOK AKD EN"GLISH VEKSIOI^S. [CHAP. I.
your necessary sustenance ; nor do we forbid yon to preach
and gain as many as you can to your religion." ^
Augustine brought with him a Latin Bible, in two volumes,
which is said to have been extant in the time of James I. ; a
Psalter with the creed and several Latin hymns ; two copies
of the Gospels ; another Psalter with hymns ; a book of
Legends of the Sufferings of the Apostles ; another volume of
Martyrology ; an Exposition of the Gospels and Epistles ; and
Gregory's Pastoral Care.^ Bede, in enumerating a variety of
articles sent by Pope Gregory to his missionaries in Britain,
mentions: '^many books." ^ But, however well Augustine
may have been furnished for his enterprise, and however fair
may have been his promises, the Christianity planted by him
and his followers among the Saxons, was a Latin Oliristianity.
"It was a compound," says Sharon Turner, "of doctrines,
ritual, discipline, and polity, derived partly from the Scrip-
tures, partly from tradition, partly from the decisions and
orders of former councils and popes, and partly from popular
customs and superstitions, which had been permitted to inter-
mix themselves."^ It w^as a Christianity that, from the first,
was marked by pious frauds and feigned miracles. It is re-
lated of Laurentius, the successor of Augustine, when he was
about to quit Britain on account of the Saxons relapsing into
idolatry, that "in the dead of night, the blessed Prince of the
Apostles appeared to him, and scourging him a long time with
apostolical severity, asked of him, ' why he should forsake the
flock which he had committed to him ? ' Lauren-
tius, the servant of Christ, being excited by these words and
stripes, the very next morning repaired to the king, and tak-
ing off his garment, showed the scars of the stripes which he
had received. The king, astonished, asked, 'Who had pre-
sumed to give such stripes to so great a man ?' And was
^ Bede's Ecclesiastical History, p. 38, Bohn's ed. Sharon Turner gives
this in the original Saxon. See Hist. Anglo-Saxons, I., 330, note.
* Ibid, p. 38, note. See also Turner, Hist. A. 8., I., 333, note.
3 lUd, p. 54.
< History of the Anglo-Saxons, I., 331. London, 1823.
616.] ROME AS YET KOT OPPOSED TO THE BIBLE. 19
much frightened when he heard that the bishop had suffered so
much at the hands of the Apostle of Christ for his salvation." ^
This pious fraud was successful. King Eadbald was converted
and baptized. He renounced his idolatry, and sought in every
way to promote the interests of the Church.
But though it was a Latin Christianity introduced among
the Anglo-Saxons, it was not the thoroughly Romanized Chris-
tianity of later times. There was as yet no claim by the
papacy to infallibility; nor was there any prohibition on the
part of either pope or council against the right of the people
to have the Holy Scriptures in their own language. Not until
the Council of Thoulouse, 1229, was there any such restraint,
when it was shamefully enacted : '' We forbid that Laymen be
permitted to have the books of the Old and New Testaments ;
unless some out of Devotion desire to have the Psalter or
Breviary for Di\ine Offices, and the Hours of the Blessed
Virgin ; but even these, they may not have in the Vulgar
Tongue." 2 The Roman hierarchy, up to the time of Inno-
cent III., the beginning of the thirteenth century, entertained
no serious designs against the Scriptures translated into the
language of the people. "It is remarkable," says Neander,
"that pope Innocent the Third was originally inclined rather
to encourage than to suppress the reading of the Bible by the
laity, till, influenced by the principles of the church theocracy,
of which he was the representative, he was led, by the conse-
quences growing out of that tendency, to contend against it." ^
There was a lurking danger in Vernacular versions of the
Scriptures which the hierarchy did not at first apprehend.
But from the time of Innocent III. its Romish policy was
settled. The enactment of the Council of Thoulouse shall
henceforth be rigidly enforced. As yet, however, the Bible was
regarded " as furnishing the best means of nourishment for the
soul, and the surest remedy for all the disorders of the soul."*
> Bede's Ecclesiastical History, p. 79, Bolm's ed., London, 1871.
« Neander's Church History, IV., 324, note. Boston, 1853.
8 Ibid, p. 321. * Ibid, p. 323.
20 SAXOi^ AND ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
At this time even popes rejoiced that the Bible, by means
of translations, found its way among the people. This was
especially true of Gregory the Great, who was so zealous in the
conversion of the Anglo-Saxons. "The Scriptures," said
he, "are infinitely elevated above all other instructions; they
instruct us in the truth ; they call us to heaven ; they change
the heart of him who reads them The sweetness and con-
descension of the Holy Scriptures comfort the weak and im-
perfect; their obscurity exercises the strong They seem
to expand and rise in proportion as those who read them rise
and increase in knowledge. Understood by the most illiterate,
they are always new to the most learned." ^ It was this same
Gregory who compared the Scriptures "to a river, in some
places so shallow, that a lamb might easily pass through them ;
in others so deep, that an elephant might be drowned in
them." 2 To hearty eulogy, Gregory added exbortation to the
reading and study of the Scriptures. To a physician he wrote :
" Study, meditate, the words of your Creator, that from them
you may learn what is in the heart of God towards you, and
that your soul may be inflamed with the most ardent desires
after celestial and eternal good." ^ Such sentiments, however,
could not have been shared by his missionaries in Britain,
otherwise they would have translated, at least, portions of the
Bible into the Saxon language. But they depended more
upon rites and ceremonies, than upon the Bible, for success in
converting the Saxons.
But to understand the relation of Christianity to the uncon-
verted Saxons, we must take into the account the influences
brought to bear upon them by the Irish Church. Previous to
the conquest of Britain by the Saxons, Christianity had been
carried into Ireland, where it was received with enthusiasm.
'^The science and Biblical knowledge which fled from the
Continent took refuge in famous schools which made Durrow
and Armagh the universities of the West Patrick, the first
1 Townley's Biblical Literature, I., 210, 211.
■ Ibid, p. 210. 3 j^ia,^ p. 211.
664.] THE WHITBY COUNCIL. 21
missionary of the island, had not been half a century dead
when Irish Christianity flung itself with a fiery zeal into battle
with the mass of heathenism which was rolling in upon the
Christian world For a time it seemed as if the course of
the world's history was to be changed, as if the older Celtic
race that Roman and German had swept before them had
turned to the moral conquest of their conquerors, as if Celtic
and not Latin Christianity was to mould the destinies of the
Churches of tlie West."i In the year 565, Columba, a native
of Ireland, founded the monastery of lona, on an island of
the same name,2 off the west coast of Scotland. In this abbey
Oswald, king of the Northumbrians, was educated; and
through his influence Culdee missionaries were sent to preach
among the Saxons. Bishop Aidan was the most noted of
these missionaries. He founded the monastery of Lindisfarne,
or Holy Island, off the northeast coast of Northumbria, about
the year 636. Aidan, according to Bede, was " a man of sin-
gular meekness, piety, and moderation." He was zealous in
preaching the Gospel, and for this purpose traveled on foot
from place to place. Even before he had learned the lan-
guage, "it was most dehghtful," says Bede, "to see the king
interpreting for liim when he spake publicly to the peoi3le."
Besides Lindisfarne other monasteries were founded.
Among these was Streaneshalch, afterwards called Whitby,
founded by Abbess Hilda on the east coast of Deira. This
monastery is celebrated as the place where the synod was held
to decide the vexed questions of the tonsure,^ and the time of
Easter. Hitherto the monks of Lindisfarne, and other re-
ligious houses whose ecclesiastical relations were with lona,
^ Green's Short History of the English People, p. 58. New York, 1 877.
^ The ancient name was Hi, or /, or Aoi, which was Latinized into
Eyona, or lona. Compare Bede's Ecclesiastical History, p. 113, note.
Bohn's edition.
^ The Romans shaved the crown of the head and considered the
circle of hair left as a figure of the crown of thorns worn by the
Saviour. The Scots shaved only the front of the head in the form of a
crescent. Compare Liugard's History of England, 1., ICO. Boston, 1853.
22 SAXON AND ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
followed the usages of lona rather than of Kome. The con-
troversy ran high between the Oi3posing parties, until Oswj,
king of the Northumbrians, determined to call a council to
meet at Whitby, to decide their differences. This council con-
vened in 664. Bishop Colman, the successor of Aidan, sup-
ported the usages of lona; while Abbot Wilfrith plead for the
usages of Rome. The former appealed to the authority of
Columba, the latter to that of St. Peter. In the course of the
debate, Wilfrith quoted Matt. xvi. 18 : Thou art Peter, and
upon this rock I will build my church ; and the gates of hell
shall not prevail against it. And I will give unto thee the
keys of the kingdom of heaven. Upon which the king said :
" Is it true, Colman, that these words were spoken to Peter by
our Lord ?" He answered : " It is true, 0 King 1 " Then says
he, " Can you show any such power given to your Columba ?"
Coleman answered, "None." Then added the king: "Do
you both agree that these words were principally directed to
Peter, and that the keys of heaven were given to him by our
Lord ? " They both answered, " We do." This ended the dis-
cussion ; the king and all present determined henceforth to
conform to the authority and ritual of Rome.^
But previous to the meeting of this synod, there arose one
whose name gave still greater notoriety to this monastery. It
was none other than Csedmon, the cowherd of Whitby, whose
name is honored in ancient literary annals, as the singer of
the first great English song. So in tracing the history of
Saxon versions of the Bible, the paraphrase of Caedmou
stands chronologically at the head of the list. Bede's ac-
count of Caedmon partakes something of a monastic tinge,
yet it is the original source of our information concerning
him. Bede declares in substance that Caedmon belonged to
the monastery of Whitby, then under the rale of Abbess
Hilda, as a cowherd, whose business it was to look after the
horses and cattle. He was no singer, and when at entertain-
' See this controversy fully treated of in Bede's Ecclesiastical History,
pp. 153-160. Bohu's edition.
680.] C^DMOK, THE COWHEKD OF VrHITBT. 23
ments the harp, in turn, was passed to him, he would rise from
the table and go home. On one such occasion, after retiring
to rest in the stable where he had charge of the horses, " a
person appeared to him in his sleep, and saluting him by his
name, said, ' Caedmon, sing some song to me.' He answered,
* I cannot sing ; for that was the reason I left the entertain-
ment, and retired to this place, because I could not sing.'
The other who talked to him, replied, ' However you shall
sing.' * What shall I sing ? ' rejoined he. ' Sing the beginning
of created beings,' said the other. Hereupon he presently
began to sing verses to the praise of God which he had never
heard." ^ In the morning he informed the steward, his
superior, of his dream, and of the gift he had received ;
whereupon he was conducted to the abbess, where, in the
presence of learned men, he related his dream, together with
the verses composed in his sleep. They immediately con-
cluded " that heavenly grace had been conferred upon him
by our Lord. They expounded to him a passage in holy
writ, either historical or doctrinal, ordering him, if he could,
to put the same into verse." Returning the next morning he
gave it to them in most excellent verse. By the order of the
abbess he was instructed *Ho quit the secular habit, and take
upon him the monastic life." ^ They taught him the principal
facts of the Old and New Testaments, which in turn he put
into poetic phraseology. " He sang the creation of the
world, the origin of man, and all the history of Genesis;
and made many verses on the departure of the children of
Israel out of Egypt, and their entering into the land of
promise, with many other histories from holy writ ; the in-
carnation, passion, resurrection of our Lord, and his
ascension into heaven ; the commg of the Holy Ghost, and
the preaching of the apostles; also the terror of future
judgment, the pains of hell and the delights of heaven." ^
By which he sought to turn men from the love of vice to the
love of virtue. He died in the year 680.
^ Bede's Ec, Hist., p. 217. ' Ibid, pp. 318-219. ^ /j^-^^ p, 219.
24 SAXON" A^Jy EN^GLISH VERSIOI^S. [CHAP. I.
The metrical paraphrase of Caedmon though not to be
ranked as a translation, holds an important place in the his-
tory of Anglo-Saxon versions, as being the first attempt to
set forth any portion of the Scriptures in the Saxon tongue.
The following fragment, preserved in Alfred's Saxon version
of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, is a paraphrase of the first
verse of the first chapter of Genesis. A comparison with
the translation will show that while the Saxon language of
the seventh century is to us an unknown tongue, yet our
present English is deeply embedded in its Saxon original.
Sharon Turner pronounces this to be the most ancient piece
of Anglo-Saxon poetry that we possess.^
Now we sliould praise Nu we sceolan lierigean
The Guardian of tlie heavenly Heafon rices weard ;
kingdom ;
The mighty Creator, Metodes mihte,
And the thoughts of his mind, And his mod gethanc.
Glorious Father of his works ! Weorc wuldor faeder !
As he, of every glory Swa he wuldres gehwaes
Eternal Lord ! Ece drihten !
Established the beginning ; Ord onstealde ;
So he first shaped He aerest gescop
The earth for the children of Eorthan bearnum
men.
And the heav'ns for its canopy. Heofon to rofe.
Holy Creator ! Halig scyppend !
The middle region, Tha raiddan geard,
The Guardian of Mankind, Mon cynnes weard,
The eternal Lord, Ece drihtne.
Afterwards made ^fter teode
The ground for men. Firum foldan;
Almighty Ruler ! Frea Almitig !
Caedmon made no change in the form of Saxon verse. His
style is the same as that of the old Saxon war song, which by
its energy and force was suited to the spirit of Old Testament
1 Turner's History of Anglo-Saxons, IIL, 260. Csedmon's poem was
published by Junius in 1655 ; and by Benjamin Thorpe in 1832. In the
above transcript the Saxon characters give place to Roman letters.
680.] C^DMOX'S PARAPHRASE. 25
history. "The temper of Csedmon," says Green, "brings
him near to the early fire and passion of the Hebrew, as the
history of his time brought him near to the old Bible history
with its fights and wanderings." ^
The following extracts are from Sharon Turner, who refers
them to the original Oaedmon in opposition to Warton and
others who would assign to them a much later date. In re-
ferring to this paraphrase Mr. Turner says : " It was published
by Junius as the work of the ancient Casdmon .... It
treats on the first part of the subjects which Bede mentions
to have been the topics of the elder Caedmon ; but it is pre-
sumed by Hickes not to be so ancient as the poet mentioned
by Bede. I confess that I am not satisfied that Hickes is
right in referring it to any other author than the person to
whom Junius ascribes it." " The following soliloquy of Satan
illustrates the bold fiincy of the poet, and not unfrequently re-
minds us of the grandeur so pecuUar to Milton's descrip-
tions : ^
Why should I contend ? strong companions !
I cannot have who will not deceive me
any creature for my superior ! in this contention.
I may with my hands Warriors of hardy mind !
so many wonders work ! they have chosen me
and I must have great power for their superior ;
to acquire a more godlike illustrious soldiers !
stool, with such, indeed,
higher in the heavens ! one may take counsel !
Yet why should I with such folk
sue for his grace ? may seize a station !
or bend to him My earnest friends they are,
with any obedience ? faithful in the effusions of their
I may be mind.
a god, as he is. I may, as their leader,
Stand by me, govern in this kingdom,
^ For an estimate of Caedmon as a poet, see Green's Short History
of the English People, p. 63. New York, 1877. Also Taine's English
Literature, I., 48. New York, 1874.
2 History of the Anglo Saxons, III., 308. London, 1823.
8 im, pp. 313, 314.
26
SAXOK AND ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
So I think it not right,
nor need I
flatter any one,
as if to any gods
a god inferior.
I will no longer
remain liis subject.
After the defeat of Satan and bis followers, the poet thus
graphically describes their fall and abode in the lower
The fiend, with all his fol-
lowers,
fell then out of heaven ;
during the space
of three nights and days ;
the angels from heaven
into hell ; and them all
the Lord turned into devils ;
because that they
his deed and word
would not reverence.
They suffer the punishment
of their battle against their
Ruler ;
The fierce torrents of fire
in the midst of hell :
brands and broad flames ;
so likewise bitter smoke,
vapour and darkness.
One other extract will suffice, taken from another of Satan's
speeches.2
Is this the narrow place,
unlike, indeed, to the others
which we before knew,
high in heaven's kingdom,
that my Master puts me in ?
He hath not done us right,
that he hath filled us
with fire to the bottom
of this hot hell,
and taken away heaven's king-
dom.
This is to me the greatest sor-
row.
that Adam shall,
he that was made of earth,
my strong like stool possess.
He is to be thus happy,
while we suffer punishment ;
misery in this hell !
Oh that I had free
the power of my hands,
and might for a time
be out ;
for one winter's space,
I and my array 1
but iron bonds
lay around me !
knots of chains press me down !
I am kingdomless !
hell's fetters
History of the Anglo-Saxons, IH,, p. 314.
2 Ibid, 315.
725.] GUTHLAC'S PSALTER. 27
hold me so liard, above and beneath ;
so fast encompass me ! I never saw
Here are mighty flames A more hateful landscape.
Guthlac, the first Saxon anchoret at Croyland, flourished in
the early part of the eighth century. He is reputed to have
made an Anglo-Saxon version of the Latin Psalter. At least
there is an ancient Psalter preserved in the British Museum
among the Cotton MSS,^ which is said to have "well-grounded
pretensions " as being one of the books sent by Pope Gregory
the Great to Augustine in Britain. The original text is Latin,
and "is written in that thin, light hand which characterises
MSS. penned in Italy." 2 This Psalter contains an interlinear
Saxon translation, but by whom it was done remains a matter
of doubt. And yet from its antiquity it is referred by com-
mon consent to Guthlac. Moreover, during the reign of
Henry VIIL there was in the Croyland Abbey Library an
ancient copy of the Psalter in Saxon, wbich was kept as a
reUc and called St. Guthlac's Psalter. John Lambert's testi-
mony is, however, that this translation was made by a Saxon
king and copied by Guthlac.^ The twenty-second Psalm is
here transcribed, with the characters peculiar to the Saxon
changed to ordinary letters.'*
Ps. XXII. 1. dryht receth me & ne wiht me wonu bith
2. in stowe leswe ther mec ge-steathelade ofer weter ge-
reodnisse a-ledde mec
3. sawle mine ge-cerde ge-laedde me ofer stige rehtwis-
nisse fore noman his
4. weotud-lice & thaehe ic gonge in midle scuan deathes ne
on-dredu ic yfel for-thon thu mid -me erth, gerd
thin & cryc thin hie me froefrende werun
5. thu gearwades in ge-sihthe minre biod with him tha
swencath mec thu faettades in ele heafud min, &
drync thinne in-dreneende swithe frea-berht is
' Edited by Stevenson for the Surtees Society, 1843.
' Baber's Preface to Wydiffe's JV. T., p. Iviii. London, 1810.
3 See his answer to Article 26, in Foxe's Acts and Monuments, y> 1273.
'• Aiiglo-Saxon and Early English Psalter. By Rev. J. Stevens, Sur-
tees Society. Boston Athenaeum Library.
28 SAXON AND ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
Ps. XXII. 6. & mil - heortniss ttiin efter - fylgeth mec allum degum
lifes mines tliaet ic in-eardie in huse drylit' in leuger
dega
Bishop Aldhelra was by birth a West Saxon, and was related
to King In a. In 675 he was made Abbot of Malmsbury. He
composed both Latin and Saxon verse, and is described by Bede
as one ^' most learned in all respects, for he had a clean style,
and was, as I have said, wonderful for ecclesiastical and liberal
erudition." ^ In his own day he was renowned as :
Tlie man skilled in books ;
The good author
Aldhelm, the noble poet,
He was also
In the country of the Anglo-Saxons,
A bishop in Britain."^
Besides his notable tract on the Praise of Virginity, Aldhelm
composed a number of songs in which passages of Scripture
were " ingeniously interspersed " ; and being skilled in music,
he sang them standing on a bridge, surrounded by crowds of
people. He afterwards became Bishop of Sherborne, and
about the year 706 translated the Psalter into Saxon. By some
this version is thought to have been lost during the incursions
of the Danes ; but by others, that a copy of it was found in
the Eoyal Library at Paris, at the beginning of this century .^
The following miracles were attributed to Aldhelm, which in-
dicate the credulity of the age and also as well the reputed
piety of the man. It is recorded that " a beam of wood was
once lengthened by his prayers " ; also that " the ruins of the
church he built, though open to the skies, were never wet with
rain during the worst weather"; also that " one of his gar-
ments, when at Eome, once raised itself high in the air, and
was kept there a while, self-suspended " ; and that " a child,
* Ecclesiastical History, pp. 267, 268. Bohn's ed.
2 Turner's Hist. Anglo-Saxons, III., 327. Transcribed from Wanley's
Catalogue, p. 110.
3 Edited by Thorpe. Liber Psalmorum, &c.
700.] INFLUENCE OF LATIN CULTURE. 29
nine days old, at his command, once spake to clear the calum-
niated pope from the imputation of being its father." ^
Aldhelm may be regarded as an illustration of the fact of
Latin culture, at this period, on the character not only of in-
dividuals, but of the nation at large. He was a native Saxon,
but educated as a Roman. As an author his genius remained
Saxon, though his language was Latin. As a learned bishop,
he appreciated the art and culture of Rome, yet he did not
forget his Saxon simplicity and the love of his native tongue.
Somewhat so Roman civilization touched upon the Saxon people.
The Saxons, when they first invaded Britain, despised the
Latin culture of the Britons ; but afterwards they were influ-
enced both by their manners and speech. " I believe, indeed,"
says Mr. Wright, "tliat when the Angles and Saxons came into
Britain, they found the people talking not a Celtic dialect, but
Latin, and hence when they formed the English language,
the foreign words introduced into it were not Celtic but Latin." 2
A very small class of words are thought to have been intro-
duced at this early period, through Celtic Latin, into Saxon
English. As examples we have cester, a common ending of
the names of English towns, describing them as fortified, from
the Latin castrum, a fortified camp. The word coin, is another
common ending of the names of towns, describing them as
originally settled by a colony. This is doubtless derived
from the Latin colonia.^ Again, in this coming of Augustine,
Anglo-Saxon genius resists Roman influences. Ecclesiastically,
there is introduced the form of worship with its language and
art culture, and Saxon character is influenced ; but the eflcct
is only external. Had it been otherwise, it is probable that
the descendants of the Saxons to-day would have been Latin,
both in their religion and language.
' Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, III., 876.
2 Wright's {Thos.) The Gelt, The Roman and The Saxon, p. 460. Lon-
don, 1875.
3 Compare Marsh's {O. P.) English Language and Literature, p. 60.
New York, 1860.
30 flATO^r AI^D EIJ^GLISH VEESIONS. [CHAP. T.
It is claimed that the Venerable Bede, who lived in the early
part of the eighth century, translated the whole Bible into
English. " For if worldli clerkis," says the author of the pro-
logue to the Wycliffe Bible, " loken wel here (their) croniclis
and bokis, thei shulden fynde, that Bede translatide the bible,
and expounide myche in Saxon, that was English." ^ Lewis,
in quoting Eoxe's dedication of his work to the Queen, says :
^•that our countryman Bede did translate the whole Bible in
the Saxon tongue a little before his departure." But the
probabilities are that Bede's translations were confined to the
Lord's Prayer, select passages from several books of the Bible,
and the Gospel of John.^ The last is justly regarded as the
earliest effort to translate the Bible into Saxon. This work of
Bede, with his other literary labors, were accomplished at the
monastery of Jarrow. " The region in which this monastery
was situated" (in the time of Bede), says Eadie, "was quiet,
lone, and thinly peopled," (but) "is now planted with a
forest of furnaces, throwing out fire and smoke, and soiled
with unsightly mounds of cinders and igneous refuse, while
the din of heavy hammers is ever resounding, as great iron
vessels are built in succession, by swart and busy myriads." ^
Hallam bestows merited praise, when he declares that " the
Venerable Bede, as he was afterwards styled, early in the
eighth century, surpasses every other name of our ancient
literary annals ; and, though little more than a diligent com-
piler from older writers, may perhaps be reckoned superior to
any man whom the world then possessed."* Bede's most
celebrated work is his Ecclesiastical History. He was a great
student of the Scriptures. He possessed some knowledge of
the Greek and Hebrew languages, and employed much of his
' Forshall and Madden's edition, I., 59. Oxford, 1850. This Pro-
logue dates back to the close of the fourteenth century.
2 Dr. Marshall's judgment is that Bede's Translation of John's Gospel
is preserved in Parker's edition of the Four Saxon Gospels, published In
1571.
3 History of the English Bible, I., 11. New York, 1874.
^ Introduction to the Literature of Europe, I, 29.
806.] IN^VASION OF THE DAI^^ES. 31
time in writing Biblical commentaries. In a letter to Egbert,
Arelibishop of York, he wrote : " Above all things avoid use-
less discourse and apply yourself to the Holy Scriptures,
appoint presbyters in each village, to instruct and administer
the sacraments : and let them be studious that every one of
them may learn, by heart, the Creed and the Lord's Prayer ;
and that, if they do not understand Latin, they may repeat
them in their own tongue, I have translated them into Eng-
lish, for the benefit of ignorant presbyters." ^ Bede died on the
27th of May, 735, at the age of fifty-nine years, having spent
his whole life in the same monastery. Though celebrated as a
scholar, and warmly urged by the pope to visit Eome, it does
not appear that he ever left England.
Such scholars as Aldhelm, Bede, and Alcuin, gave to Eng-
land, at this period, a reputation throughout Europe as a seat
of learning. Alcuin was a disciple of Bede, and was distin-
guished as a poet, scholar, and teacher. In 780 he was in-
vited by the Emperor Charlemagne to his court, where, among
other duties imposed upon him, was that of correcting the
current Latin Bible, "which through the negligence and
ignorance of transcribers had in many cases become wholly
unintelligible." 2
But even before the death of Alcuin, 806, learning in
England began to fall into neglect. The incursion of the
Danes in their barbarous warfare, rolled back the tide of
civilization three and a half centuries. In their first invasion
they ravaged the country with fire and sword, sparing neither
sex nor age, leaving nothing in their savage war-path but
famine and distress. And when, in years after, they came to
conquer that they might occupy the country, their barbarities
were, if possible, more cruel. "From this period," says
Turner, "language cannot describe their devastations. It
can only repeat the words plunder, murder, rape, famine and
distress. It can only enumerate towns, villages, churches and
^ Milner's Church History, p. 432. Edinburgh, 1842.
' Neander's Church History, HI , 155. Boston, 1854.
32 SAXOI^ Ai^^D ENGLISH VERSIOi^^S. [CHAP. I.
monasteries, harvests and libraries, ransacked and burnt." ^
The following sad picture of the times was di'awn by a
contemporai-y Saxon bishop : " We perpetually pay them (the
Danes) tribute, and they ravage us daily. They ravage, burn,
spoil and plunder, and carry off our property to their ships.
Very often they seize the vrives and daughters of our
thanes and cruelly violate them before the great chieftain's
face Soldiers, famine, flames and effusion of blood
abound on every side The poor men are sorely seduced
and cruelly betrayed, are sold far out of this land to
foreign slavery The right of freedom is taken away ;
the rights of the servile are naiTowed, and the right of charity
is diminished." ^ This terrible state of affairs continued for
over three-fourths of a century, till King Alfred came to the
throne ; who for months after his accession was compelled to
contend with the invading Danes. But singularly enough,
'•' when the wild burst of the storm was over, land, people,
government reappeared unchanged, the Danes sank
quickly into the mass of those around them
Kowhere over Europe was the fight so fierce, because nowhere
else were the combatants men of one blood and one speech.
But just for this reason the fusion of the Northmen witli
their foes was nowhere so peaceful and so complete." ^
With the accession of Alfred, in the year 871, light again
breaks upon the page of English history. King Alfred is justly
celebrated as a statesman, warrior, scholar and Christian man.
He had a care for the intellectual and religious as well as for
the political interests of his people. It has been claimed that
Alfred translated the whole Bible into the vernacular of the
people. But a serious objection to this is, that no manuscript
of any such translation is extant. As has been suggested,
'• the selections which he made for his own use appear to have
^ History of tJie Anglo-Saxons^ I., 505.
2 Ihid, IL, pp. 321, 332, note.
3 Green's Short History of English People, p. 78. New York, 1877.
871.] KING Alfred's translation. 33
been confounded with a general translation." ^ The probable
extent of Alfred's translations are selections from different
books of the Bible, particularly the Psalms. Very early
testimony in respect to this, is found in the prologue to
Wycliffe's Bible, which was written about the year 1380. It
reads : " King Alured that foundide Oxenford, translatide
in hise laste dales the bigynning of the Sauter into Saxon,
and wolde more if he hadde lyued lengere." ^ He translated the
Ten Commandments and placed them at the head of the
laws of his kingdom. The following is transcribed from
Wilkins' Leges Saxonica,^ as a specimen of Alfred's work
and the language of his time. The Saxon characters are
changed to Roman to make the text more intelligible.
Ex. XX. 1. Drihten waes sprecende tliaes word to Moyse, & thus
cvvsetli ; Ic earn Drihten tliin God. Ic the ut gelsedde of ^gypta
londe, & of heora theowdome ; Ne lufa thu othre fremde godas
ofer me :
2. Ne minne naman ne cig thu on idelnesse, forthon the thu
ne bist unscyldig with me, Yif thu on idelnesse cigst minne
naman.
3. Gemine th thu gehalgie thone reste dseg ; wyrceath eow
eyx dagas, & non tham seofothan restath eow, thu & thin sunu,
& thine dohter, & thin theowe, & thine wylne, & thin
weorcnyten, & se cuma the bith binnan thinan durum ;
Fortham on syx dagum Cryst geworhte heofenas, & eorthan,
saes, & ealle gesceafta the on him synd, & hine gereste on
thone seofothan daege ; & forthon Drihten hine gehalgode :
4. Ara thinum feeder and thinre meder tha the Drihten sealde
the, th thu sy thy leng libbende on eorthan;
5. Ne slea thu:
6. Ne stala thu :
7. Ne lige thu dearnunga:
8. Ne ssege thu lease gewitnesse with thinum nehstan:
9. Ne wilna thu thines nehstan yrfes with unrihte:
10. Ne wyrc thu the gyldene godas oththe seolfrene.
* Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, II., 96.
2 Forshall and Madden's edition, I., 59. Oxford, 1850.
•^ From a copy in the Watkinson Library, Hartford, Conn. London,
1731.
34 SAXON AN^D EXGLISH VERSIOlfS. [CHAP. I.
The following is a word for word translation of the above :
Ex. XX. 1. Lord was speaking this word to Moses, and thus saith; I
am Lord thy God. I thee out led of Egypt land, and of their
thralldom : Not love thou other strange gods beside me :
2. Not my name not utter thou in vain, for that thou not art
guiltless with me, if thou in vain utterest my name.
3. Be mindful that thou hallo west the rest day, work ye six
days ; and on the seventli rest ye, thou and thy son, and thy
daughter, and thy man servant, and thy maid servant, and thy
cattle, and (those) who come who shall be within thy gate. For
in six days Christ created heavens, and earth, seas, and all
creatures that in them are, and him rested on the seventh day.
And therefore God him (it) hallowed.
4. Honor thy father and thy mother whom the Lord hast given
thee, that thou may be therefore long living on earth.
5. Not kill thou.
6. Not steal thou.
7. Not commit thou adultery.
8. Not say thou false witness against thy neighbor.
9. Not desire thou thy neighbor's inheritance with un-
righteousness.
10. Not make thou the golden gods or silver (gods).
The language of Alfred's time was the old Saxon. When
in the guise of a minstrel he entered the Danish camp his
language did not betray him. i As a literary and spoken
language the Saxon, at this period, attained its highest per-
fection. Its literature comprised works in poetry, history
and science, either in original works or in translations.^ The
Franks and the Normans, though they became conquerors
and lords of the soil, lost their language and nationality, but
the Saxons retained both of these as did no other Teutonic
race.
There is so much confusion as to the dates of Saxon
manuscripts, that it is difficult to determine how early Bible
truth was disseminated in Vernacular yersions among the
^ Though this story may be nothing more than a pleasant legend as
some suppose, all that is claimed in the above reference is verisimilitude.
- Schlegel's History of Literature, p. 168. Bohn's edition, 1873.
750-950.] saxo:n versiojs^s of the four gospels. 35
people. But from the fact that learning was confined to the
few, even in the days of Aldhelm and Bede, there could have
been but little demand for Saxon versions of the Bible — a
demand which would almost confine itself to such presbyters
as were ignorant of the Latin language. The Anglo-Saxon
versions of the Four Gospels may be referred to the age of
Alfred; though the manuscripts differ widely in their prob-
able dates, ranging as they do all the way from the time of
Bede to that of the Norman Conquest. The earliest of these
versions 1 have been published several times ; first, under the
superintendence of Archbishop Parker, by Foxe the martyr-
ologist, in 1571. They were printed in Saxon type, and ac-
companied by the English version of the Bishop's Bible. On
account of the inaccuracies both in the transcribing and
printing of this volume, it was revised and republished by
Junius in connection with Dr. Marshall in 1638-1665.
These Four Gospels were again published by Benjamin
Thorpe in 1842 ; by Bosworth in 1865 ; and more recently by
Skeat.
These Saxon Gospels were originally translated from the
Latin, either of the Old Italic, or of the Vulgate. In the
work of translation they found many words in the Latin, for
which the Saxon had no equivalent ; but instead of adopting
the Latin words, so jealous were the translators for their
native speech, that they coined new words, for their transla-
tion. In referring to the purity in language of these Saxon
Gospels, Marsh says that while our common Bible is com-
paratively free from Latinisms yet it adopted a large number
of Latin words, wiiereas the Anglo-Saxon employed instead
native words framed for this special purpose. " Thus for
prophet f we have w i t e g a, a wise or knowing man ; for scribe,
b o c e r e, book-man ; for sepulchre, b y r g e n, whence our word
hury, and the word harrow in the sense of funeral-mound ;
' Six of these original manuscripts are still in existence. One of the
earliest is preserved in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge ; the others
among the Cotton MSS., British Museum.
36 SAXOK AKD ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
for centurion, b u n d r e d-m an; for haptize, f u 1 1 i a n ; for
syjiagogue, gesamnung, congregation; for resurrection^
86 r i s t, uprising ; for disciple, leorningcniht, learning-
youth ; for treasure, g o 1 d-h o r d ; for pharisee, sunder-
li al g a, over-holy." ^ As a specimen of the translation of the
Anglo-Saxon Gospels the Lord's prayer is here transcribed.^
Matt. VI. 9 Faeder ure thu the eart on heofonum, si thin nama
gehalgod :
10. To-becume thin rice ; gewurthe thin willa on eorthan
Bwa swa on heofonum :
11. IJrne dseghwamlican hlaf syle us to-dseg :
12. And forgyf us ure gyltas, swa swa we forgyfath urum
gyltendum :
13. And ne gelsed thu us on costnunge ac alys us of yfle
Sothlice.
To this period belongs also another Saxon version of the
Gospels known as the Durham Book, St. Cuthbert's Gospels,
or Lindisfarne Gospels. The original Latin manuscript dates
about the year 680. The text is in a good state of preserva-
tion. It is written in a round Eoman letter, and is the work
of Eadfrid, a monk of Lindisfarne, and after the Latin
version of Jerome. This volume was highly ornamented
with gold and precious stones, and decorated with illumina-
tions of most elaborate workmanship. The book was first
deposited in the church of Lindisfarne, but when the mon-
astery was ravaged by the Danes, 793, it is said that the
monks, in making their escape with it, let it fall into the sea
in their passage to the main land. The book was recovered
and placed in the monastery of Chester, where it remained
for two hundred years, when it was transferred to the mon-
astery of Durham. Here the monks, on account of its re-
covery from the sea, pretended that it possessed miraculous
powers, and thus imposed upon the ignorance and credulity
^ Lectures on English Language^ p. 199. New York and London,
1860.
2 Oothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels. By Rev. Joseph Bosworth, Vol. I.
London, 1865. From a copy in the Boston Athenaeum Library.
750-950.] SAXois" VERSioiq's of the four gospels. 37
of the people, deriviDg therefrom a considerable revenue for
the monastery. The ornaments that remain are, " pictures of
the Evangelists, prefixed to their respective Gospels; many
capital letters beautifully illuminated ; and four tessellated
tablets, each most laboriously executed and containing a
fanciful design of the cross painted with a rich variety of
brilliant body colours. "1 This manuscript is regarded as the
finest specimen of Saxon caUigraphy and decoration extant.
But that which gives special interest to this Latin manu-
script, is its interlinear Saxon translation made by Aldred, a
priest. There is some difference of opinion as to the date of
the translation. It is thought by some to belong to the
earlier part of the eighth century ; and by others to the
middle of the tenth century. This confusion arises, in part,
from the fact of there being more than one priest bearing the
name of Aldred. The learned Wanley assigns the translation
to the time of Alfred. The original manuscript is still pre-
served among the Cotton MSS. in the British Museum. The
translation was written in red ink, which is now much
faded. As a specimen of this translation the Lord's prayer is
here inserted."^
Matt, VI. 9-13. Fader usaer thu arth or thu bist in heofnu or in
lieofnas sie gehalgad noma thin ; tocymeth ric thin ; sie willo
thin suae is in heofne and in eortho ; hlaf userne of wistlic sel us
todseg ; & f gef us scylda usra suae woe f 'gefon scyldgum usum ;
& ne inlaed usih in costunge ah gefrig usich from yfle.
Another celebrated Saxon version of the Gospels which
dates back to the tenth century, and possibly to the age of
Alfred, is preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and is
known as the Rushworth Gloss.^ It contains the four Gospels
in Latin written by an Irish scribe named Macreogol, in a
^ Townley's Biblical Literature, I., 233. London, 1821.
2 Anglo-Saxon Gospeh, Surtees Society, Vol. XXVIII., 1854. Wat-
kinson Library, Hartford, Conn.
•* So called from the fact that it belonged formerly to John Rush-
worth, Esq., and was presented by him to the Bodleian Library in the
middle of the seventeenth century.
38 SAXOK AKD ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
large hand similar to that of the Durham Book, with an
interlinear Saxon translation. At the end of Matthew's
Gospel is added : " Farmen Presbyter thas boc thus gleosode."
Also at the close we find : "The min bruche gibidde fore
Owun the thas boc gloesede Faermen thsBm preoste set
Harawada." That is: "He that of mine profiteth bead
(pray) he for Owen that this book glossed, and Farman the
priest at Harewood." ^ From which we may conclude that
this Saxon translation was the joint production of Farmen
and Owen. After this there follows in Latin text : " Macregol
delineated this gospel, whoever hath read and understood its
recital, pray he for Macregol the writer." During the middle
ages, when the multiplication of books depended upon
copyists, these subscriptions were common. Besides a certain
degree of meritoriousness was attached to the act of copying
particularly the Holy Scriptures. In the way of correctness
every thing depended upon the copyist, and hence authors
were wont to express their anxiety, as did ^Ifric when he
wrote: "I pray now if any one will write this book, that he
make it well from this example, because 1 would not yet
bring into it any error through false writers. It will be then
his fault, not mine. The un-writer doth much evil if he will
not rectify his mistake." ^
The ornaments of this volume of the Gospels consists in
"delineations of the four Evangelists, and divers colored
initial letters." The translation of Matthew is thought to
have been an independent translation, while the other Gospels
are supposed to be transcripts of the Durham Book. The
Lord's prayer is here given as a specimen.^
Matt. VI. 9. Feeder ure tliu tlie in lieofunum earth beo gehalgad thin
noma.
10. cume to thin rice weorthe thin willa swa swa on heof una
swilce on eorthe,
1 Baber's Preface. WyclifFe's N. T., p. Ix. London, 1810.
2 Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, III., 400. London, 1823.
"^ Anglo-Saxon Gospels, Surtees Society, Vol. XXVIII., 1854. Watkin-
son Library, Hartford, Conn.
975.] ^LFRIC'S HEPTATEUCH. 39
Matt. VI. 11. hlaf userne or ure daegliwaemlicu or in stondenlice sel ua
tod£ege.
12. & forlet us ure scylde swa swa we ec forleten tlisB the
scyldigut with us.
13. & ne gelaet us gelaede in costongae ah gelese us of yfle.
-^Ifric was a Saxon abbot, who lived at the close of the
tenth century. He was eminent for his piety, learning, and
the abundance of bis Biblical labors. He ^'Englished" a
large portion of the Old Testament, and was tbe first to make
accessible to Saxon readers the historical books of the Bible.
The list of his translations includes the Pentateucb,i Joshua,
Judges,^ parts of the books of Kings, Esther, Job, Judith,
and the whole of Maccabees. The chief sources of informa-
tion respecting ^Ifric, are his prefaces, dedications, and
homilies. These last he composed and distributed among the
priests to be read from their pulpits. Many of his transla-
tions were undertaken at the instigation of others; but he
protests that he labored not for the gratification of kings and
ealdormen alone, but " for the edification of the simple, who
know only this (Saxon) speech ;— ' We have therefore put it
not into obscure words, but into simple English, that it may
easier reach the heart of those who read or hear it.' " ^
The Saxon Church was episcopal in form but evangelical in
spirit. It was even Puritan in its tendency, since King
Alfred took the Bible as the foundation of his laws. The
Bible was not only translated into "simple English," but
the people were exhorted to read it. In other words the
religious life of the Saxons was founded on a knowledge of
the Holy Scriptures. A single extract from one of ^Ifric's
homilies will show the high estimation put upon the truths
of the Bible : " Whoever would be one with God,'' he
wTote, " must often pray, and often read the Holy Scriptures.
^ Genesis together with the other books are incomplete.
^ The Heptateuch together with parts of Job and Judith were pub-
lished in 1698, by Thwaites ; and recently by Greiner in his Library of
Anglo-Saxon Pros3.
^ Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, III., 471, note.
40 SAXOi^ AND ENGLISH VEr.SIOXS. [CHAP. I.
For when we pray, we speak to God; and when we read
the Bible, God speaks to us. The reading of the Scriptures
produces a two-fold advantage to the reader. It renders
him wiser, by informing his mind ; and also leads him from
the vanities of the world to the love of God, Happy
is he then, who reads the Scriptures, if he convert the
words into actions. The whole of the Scriptures are written
for our salvation, and by them we obtain a knowledge of
the truth."!
For the specimen of ^Ifric's translation given below, the
reader is indebted to the kindness of F. J. Child, Professor
of Anglo-Saxon in Harvard College, who by request tran-
scribed it from iElfric's Heptateuch,^ and at the same time
changed the characters peculiarly Saxon into English letters.
Ex. XX. 1. God spraec thus :
2. Ic eom Drihten thin God. ......
4. Ne wire tliu the agrafene Godas.
5. Ne ne wurtha. Ic wrece faedera unriht wisnysse on
bearnum.
6. And ic do mildlieortnjsse tham the me lufiath, and mine
bebodu healdath.
7. Ne nem thu Drihtnes naman on ydel ; ne byth unscyldig
se the his naman on ydel nemth.
8. Gehalga thone restedaeg.
9. Wire six dagas ealle thine weorc.
10. Se seofotha ys Drihtnes restedseg thines Godes ; ne
wire thu nan weore on tham daege, ne nan thara the mid
the beo.
11. On six dagon God geworhte heofenan and eorthan and
S3e and ealle tba thing the on him synd, and reste thy
seofothan daege, and gehalgode hyne.
12. Arwurtha faeder and modor.
13. Ne sleh thu.
14. Ne synga thu.
15. Ne stel thu.
16. Ne beo thu on liesre gewitnysse ongen thinne nehstan.
^ Townley's Biblical Literature, I., 341. London, 1821.
2 From a copy in Harvard College Library, edited by Thwaites.
1086-71.] AKCIENT SAXO^q- AXD MODERiT ENGLISH. 41
17. Ne wilna tliu tliines nehstan liuses, ne thu his wifes, ne
liis wyeles, ne his wylne, ne his oxan, ne his assan, ne nau thara
thinga the his synd.
With ^Ifric closes the Saxon period of Bible versions.
Critically these Saxon translations are not without their im-
portance, since they were made from early Latin versions while
yet in their comparative purity.^ But as a matter of fact
these ancient Saxon have no special relation to succeeding
English versions. And this is traceable to the fact of the
]N"orman Conquest, which proved a fearful epoch in the
history of the language, in that it so wrought upon the Saxon
that it soon became almost an unknown tongue. It is a
singular fact in the history of the Anglo-Saxons, that while
they resisted the influences of Rome, first through the per-
son of the Early Britons, and afterwards through that of
the Roman missionaries uuder Augustine, yet when Roman
influences came through the Teutonic Normans, the Saxon in
his language, religion, laws and manners, succumbed to the
conquerors; and yet only for a season, for in the end the
Saxon obtained the ascendency. The language, therefore, of
the Anglo-Saxon and his descendants, though more or less
tinged by Latinisms is still Saxon. The language of our
Saxon forefathers may be to us an unknown tongue, yet their
speech is still our heart language, our mother tongue. The
tree of modern English, in its body and main branches, is a
Saxon tree. Cuttings from other languages may have been
grafted into it, from time to time, yet the sap which gives
them their vitality is Saxon sap. By a wonderful energy and
inherent capacity the Saxon tongue has showed itself able
to appropriate words from other languages, and thus adapt
itself to the wants of the Anglo-Saxon race though it has be-
come widespread and highly cultured. So that while modern
Anglo-Saxon versions of the Bible cannot be said to touch
^ "Both Mil] and Tischendorf refer to Anglo-Saxon versions of the
Scriptures in connection with textual criticism." Eadie's History of the
English Bible, I., 17, note.
42 SAXOis^ AN"D ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
yisibly upon ancient Saxon versions, yet the real life and ex-
cellency of modern versions arise from an inseparable relation
existing in the oneness of the language and genius of the
race.
While it is correct in the main, to regard the period of the
Norman Conquest as the turning point in the history of the
Saxon tongue, yet for years previous to this, causes had been
silently at work, which had much to do with the final result.
"In the year 652," says Warton, ^4t was the common practice
of the Anglo-Saxons to send their youth to the monasteries of
France for education." ^ This custom prevailed for years, and
became very common in the days of Edward the Confessor.
He came to the English throne in 1042, but remained Norman
both in his sympathies and speech. From the first "he set
Norman families in the highest posts in Church and State."
As a natural result the French language and customs were
adopted by the English court. But back of all this, both as
to time and influence, there was a marked superiority in
Norman literature, architecture and tradesmanship, a superi-
ority in general culture, which was appreciated and appro-
priated by the Saxons. And thus the way for the Norman
Conquest was prepared, which completed what had already
been done.
At first William took quiet possession of the throne, desir-
ing to reign not as a conqueror but as a king. No changes
were made either in the laws or customs. It is even said,
that the king attempted, though without success, to learn the
English tongue, that ^'he might administer justice, person-
ally, to the suiters in his court." But this quiet was soon
broken. In the revolt of the people, the true character of
the king was revealed. He swore an oath of revenge, and
fulfilled it most cruelly with fire and sword. Foxe, in describ-
ing this change in policy, says: "He chaunged the whole
state of the gouernaunce of this comen weale ; and ordeyned
new lawes at his owne pleasure, profitable to him selfe, but
^ History of English Poetry, I., 3. London, 1774.
1175.] SUKVIVAL OF THE SAXOIS" TOKGUE. 43
greuous and hurtfull to the people." ^ In ecclesiastical affairs
the king's tyranny was especially felt. Saxon bishops were
removed and foreigners put in their places. So degraded be-
came the Saxon name that it was regarded as a reproach to
be called an Englishman. The language was despised, and
was driven from the court, castle and pulpit. Children at
school were forbidden the use of their native tongue and in-
structed in the knowledge of the Norman only. For a season
it seemed as though the nationality of the people would be
swallowed up. William the Conqueror and his descendants
for four generations were not Englishmen.^
But if the language was driven from the court of the king
and the castles of the barons, it took refuge around the fire-
sides of the peasants. And if civil and religious liberty
seemed to have been banished the country, yet the love of
liberty still lived in the hearts of the people. During these
days of darkness it is impossible to trace the intricate conflict
of race and language, and tell where and when the elements
of each coalesced. Yet results show, there was such a
coming together that new elements were formed whose chief
characteristics, both as to race and language, were Saxon and
not Norman. During this long night of a century and a half,
broad foundations were laid in the departments of language,
religion and government, upon which the Anglo-Saxon race
arose anew. The survival of the Saxon language, is seen in
the Brut of Layamon, a poem written in Semi-Saxon in the
latter part of the twelfth century. ^ For although it com-
' Acts and Monuments, p. 222, folio, 1596.
' " Tkis apayringe of the birthe tonge is by cause of tweye thinges ;
oon is for cliildren in scole, agenes the usage and maner of alle other
naciouns, beth compelled for to leve her ovvne langage, and for to con-
Btrewe her lessouns and her thingis a Frensche, and haveth siththe that
the Normans come first into England. Also gentil mennes children
beth ytaugt for to speke Frensche, from the tyme that thei beth rokked
in her cradel, and kunneth speke and playe with a childes brooche."
As cited by Tyrwhitt in preface to Chaucer's Woi'ks, I,, 17. London, 1798.
3 Compare Marsh's Origin and History of English Language, p. 156.
New York, 1862.
4:4: SAXOi^ AND ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
prises more than thirty thousand lines, yet it is said to con-
tain "less than fifty Norman words." With the Brut of
Layamon begins the new English literature. Again the re-
vival of the Saxon love of freedom is seen in the Great
Charter so reluctantly signed by King John in 1215, in which
English liberty finds no mean origin. Although this Charter
was but the embodiment of the principles of freedom already
existing in the written and in the unwritten law of England.^
With the thirteenth century the history of modern England
begins. Upon these early foundations the descendants of the
Saxons have ever since built. All English speaking peoples
are interested in these facts, for had the Saxons been sub-
jugated permanently, our language would have been Romance,
and our religion Roman Catholic. Prominent among the
causes which underlaid this victorious struggle of Saxon
over Norman, was the inherent character of the Saxon. By
nature he was strong, courageous and independent. Saxon
character was remarkable for its simplicity and seriousness.
A disposition which Mr. Taiue declares predisposed him to
Christianity " with its gloom, its aversion to sensual and reck-
less living, its inclination for the serious and sublime." ^ Be-
sides, Mr. Taine is inclined to ridicule this serious and Hebraic
spirit which he finds to be common both to the Bible and to
Saxon character. Such derision is not to be wondered at,
since the essence of this spirit is so antagonistic to French
ideals. And yet this constitutional seriousness is a tower of
strength to individuals and nations of Saxon descent.
With this new historical period, which began a hundred
and fifty years after the Norman Conquest, there arose not
1 "But in itself," says Green, "the Charter was no novelty, nor did
it claim to establish any new constitutional principles The
Great Charter marks the transition from the age of traditional rights
to the age of written leorislation, of Parliaments and Statutes,
which was soon to come." Short History of English People, p. 153.
New York, 1877.
2 English Literature, I., 44. New York, 1874
1200-50.] THE OEMULUM. 45
only a new era of Anglo-Saxon literature, but also of Bible
translations. If the old Saxon versions began with the
metrical paraphrase of Caedmon, the new English versions
begin with the poetical paraphrase of Ormin. This work, ac-
cordiog to Tyrwhitt, belongs to the middle of the thirteenth
century. But according to Dr. White, it belongs to the first
rather than the middle of the century. Although this para-
phrase, like that of C^edmon, is not to be ranked as a transla-
tion, yet it deserves attention as the first attempt in this new
period, to render the Scriptures into the vernacular of the
people. The Ormulum, which takes its name from the au-
thor, is a metrical paraphrase of selections from Gospel histo-
ries; or as Dr. White describes it, *^a series of Homilies in an
imperfect state, composed in metre without alliteration, and,
except in a few cases, also without rhyme ; the subject of the
Homilies being supplied by those portions of the New Testa-
ment which were read in the daily service of the Church." ^
There remains but a single manuscript of the Ormulum,
which is preserved in the Bodleian Library. " It is a foho
volume, consisting of ninety parchment leaves, besides
twenty-nine others inserted, upon which the poetry is written
in double columns .... and without division into verses. "^
The Ormulum was edited by Dr. White in two vols. 8vo, 1852,
from the Bodleian manuscript. Thomas Tyrwhitt was the
first to point out the metrical character of the Ormulum.^
The following is inserted as a specimen in which the Saxon
characters give place to English letters.^
Affterr thatt tatt te Laferrd Crist
After that that the Lord Christ
Wass cumenn off Egyppte
was come from Egypt
^ Craik's English Literature and Language, I., 212. New Fork, 1863.
2 Ihid, p. 211.
3 Chaucer's Works, Introduction, I., 40. Oxford, 1795.
* Marsh's English Language and Literature, pp. 180, 185. New York,
1862.
46 SAXOK AND e:n^glish yeesioks. [chap, l
Inntill the land off Galileo,
into the land of Galilee,
Till Nazarsetliess chesstre,
to Nazareth's town,
Thserafliterr seggth the Goddspellboc
Thereafter eaith the Gospelbook
And sithtlienn o thatt yer thatt Crist
And afterwards in the year that Christ
Wass off twellf winnterr elde
was of twelve winters age
Theyy comenn inntill Gerrsalaem
they come into Jerusalem
Att teyyre Passkemesse,
at their Passover,
& Jesu Crist wass thser withth hemm
and Jesus Christ was there with them
& affterr thatt te tid wass gan
and after that the time was gone
Theyy wenndenn fra the temmple,
they wended from the temple,
An dayyes gang till efenn,
a day's journey till evening,
& ta theyy misstenn theyyre child,
and then they missed their child,
& teyy tha wendenn efft onngaen
and they then turned back again '
thatt dere child to sekenn,
that dear child to seek,
& teyy himm o the thridde dayy
and they him on the third day
thaer fundenn i the temmple
there found in the temple
Bitwenenn thatt Judisskenn flocc
among the Jewish flock
Thatt Iseredd wass o boke ;
that learned was in book;
1175.] SOWLE HELE. 47
& he tha gede forth withth hemm
and he then went forth with them
& dide hemm heore wille,
and did them their wDl,
& wass withth hemm till thatt he wass
and was with them tUl that he was
Off thrittig winnterr elde.
of thirty winters age.
During this period and even earlier, a number of Scripture
paraphrases were produced. The most remarkable is that
which is ^^ cald in Latyn tonge, Salus AnimoB,^^ and in EngHsh
tongue, 8oivle Hele. The manuscript of this version is pre-
served in the Bodleian Library, and was the gift of Edward
Vernon. It is a translation of the Old and New Testaments
into verse, and is supposed to have been made before the year
1300. The manuscript is highly illuminated. The following
is inserted as a specimen of this paraphrase.^
Our ladi and hire suster stoden under the roode,
And seint John and Marie Magdaleyn with wel sori moode ;
Vr ladi bi heold hire swete son i brouht in gret pyne,
Ffor monnes gultes nouthen her and nothing for myne,
Marie weop wel sore and bitter teres leet,
The teres fullen uppon the ston doun at hire feet.
Alas, my son, for serwe wel off seide heo
Nabbe iche bote the one that hongust on the treo ;
So ful icham of serwe, as any wommon may beo.
That ischal my deore child in all this pyne iseo ;
How schal I sone deore, how hast I yougt liven withouten the,
Nusti nevere of serwe nougt sone, what seyst you me ?
Then spake Jhesus wordus gode to his modur dere,
Ther he heng uppon the roode here I the take a fere,
That trewliche schal serve ye, thin own cosin Jon,
The while that you alyve beo among all thi son ;
Ich the hote John, he seide, you wite hire both day and niht
That the Gywes hire son ne don hire non un riht.
The earliest English prose version of any portion of the
^ Warton's History of English Poetry, I., 19. London, 1774.
48 SAXOl?' AND ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
Scriptures was that of the Psalms, by William de Schorham,
Vicar of Chart-Sutton, near Leeds, iu Kent. He was admit-
ted to tliis vicarage in 1320. The manuscript, therefore, be-
longs to the earlier half of the fourteenth century. The ver-
sion is attributed to Schorham, principally on the ground that
in several parts of the manuscript -^the welfare of his soul is
commended to the prayers of the devout reader." The trans-
lation is pronounced to be, for the most part, "faithful and
literal, except that the words of the gloss are frequently sub-
stituted for those of the text." The following is transcribed
as a specimen of the translation. ^
Ps. XXII. Our Lord gouemeth me, and nothyng shal defailen to me ; in
the stede of pasture, he sett me ther.
He norissed me vp water of fylljnge ; lie turned my soule
fram the fende.
He lad me vp the bistiges of rigtfulness ; for his name.
For yif that ich haue gon amiddes of the shadowe of deth ;
Y shal nougt douten iuels, for thou art wyth me.
Thy discipline and thyn amendyng ; comforted me.
Thou madest radi grace in my sight ; ogayns hem that
trublen me.
Thou makest fatt myn heued wyth mercy ; and my drynke
makand drunken ys ful clere.
And thy merci shal folwen me ; alle dales of mi lif .
And that ich woune in the hous of our Lord ; in lengthe of
dales.
During this same period, but a few years later, appeared
Richard Eolle's version of the Psalms. He was chantry priest
at Hampole, and was often called the hermit of Hampole.
He died in 1349. " The business of whose life," says Baber,
" was devotion, and whose amusement was study." ^ In his
prologue Hampole gives some account of the Psalms, and
describes them as comprehending " al the elde and newe Testa-
ment and teching pleynly al of it, and the Misteries of the
' Preface. Forshall and Madden 'sTF^c/(/^^e Versions, I., iv.
* Preface. V(jc\\f£e'^ New lestament. Baber's ed. , p. Isvi. London,
1810.
1349.] KOLLE'S YERSI02S' OF THE PSALMS. 49
trynyte and Christ's incarnation." At the close of the pro-
logue, he says : " In this werke, I seke no straunge Ynglys,
hot lightest and communest, and swilk that is most like unto
the Latyne ; so that thai that knowes noght the Latyne be the
Ynglys may come to many Latyne wordis. In the translacione
I felogh the letter als-mekille as I may, and thor I fyne no
proper Ynglys, I felogh the wit of the wordis In the ex-
powning I felogh holi Doctors." ^ The following Psalm corres-
ponds with number XXIII. of our version. It was transcribed
by Mr. Baber from a manuscript of the British Museum, and
is here inserted as a specimen of Hampole's version.^
Ps. XXII. Our lord gouerneth me and nothyng to me shal wante ;
stede of pasture thar he me sette.
In tlie water of tlie hetyng forth he me brougte ; my soule
he turnyde.
He ladde me on the streetis of rygtwisnesse for his name.
For win yif I hadde goo in myddil of the shade we of deeth ;
I shal not dreede yueles, for thou art with me.
Thi geerde and thi staf ; thei haue coumfortid me.
Thou hast greythid in my sygt a bord ; agens hem that
angryn me.
Thou f attide mine heued in oyle ; and my chalys drunkenyng
what is cleer.
And thi mercy shal folewe me ; in alle the dayes of my lyf.
And that I wone in the hous of oure lord in the lengthe of
dayes.
Besides the above there are other extant manuscripts bear-
ing the name of the hermit of Hampole. One of these is in
the Bodleian, and the other in the Sydney College Library.
The Sydney manuscript is regarded as the oldest, and is proba-
bly the original. The Bodleian manuscript has prefixed to it
some verses which give an account of the original version
made by Kichard Kolle about a hundred years before. These
verses state that he made the translation at the instigation of
^ Preface. Wycliflfe's New Testament. Baber's ed., p. Isvi. London,
1810.
2 Ihid, p. Ixvii.
3
50 SAXON AND ENGLISH VERSIONS, [CHAP. I.
one Margaret Kirkby, and that the original manuscript at that
time, 1422, was preserved in the nunnery of Hampole, where
it was chained to the tomb of Rolle ; also that the evil Lollards
had copied the same, and in their comments had engrafted
upon it their heretical opinions. The following is a short ex-
tract which comprises some of these particulars : ^
Tlierfore a worthy liolj man, cald Rycliard Hampole,
Whom the Lord, that all thingus can, leryd lely on his scole,
Glosed the Sauter that sues here, in Englysch tong sykerly.
At a worthy recluse prayer, cald dame Merget Kyrkby.
This same Sauter in all degre, is the self in sothnes.
That lygt at Hampole in surte, at Richards own berynes,
That he wrote with his Sondes, to dame Merget Kyrkby,
And ther it lygt in cheyn bondes, in the same nonery.
In Yorkshyre this nonery ys, who so desires it to know,
Hym thar no way go omys,
Copyed has this Sauter ben, of yuel men of Lollardry,
And afturward hit has bene sene, ympyd in with eresy.
And sclaundrid foule this holy man, with her wykked waryed wyles,
Hier fantom hath made mony a son, thoro the fend that fele begiles.
In translating the Scriptures a decided preference was given,
during this early period, to the book of Psalms. There was in
the combined spiritual teaching and poetical flow of the Psalms
that which both pleased and met the religious wants of the
people. Other portions of the Scriptures were translated by
those " among the clergy who were studious of the spiritual
welfare of the flock over which they were appointed " ; espe-
cially such portions " as the church in its service brought
more immediately into public notice."^ The following be-
longs to this period, or somewhat earlier, and is taken from
" Specimens of Early English," edited by Morris and Skeat.^
' Preface. Forshall and Madden's Wycliffite Versions, I., v. Oxford,
1850.
2 Baber's Preface. WycliflPe's N. T., p. Ixvii.
3 Part n., p. 105. Oxford, 1873. The Saxon changed to English
characters.
1350.] SPECIME]S-S OF EAKLY ENGLISH. 51
Matt. VI. 9-13. Vader cure tliet art ine lieuenes, y-lialged by tlii
name, cominde thi riclie. y- wortlie tlii wil, as ine
lieuene ; and ine ertlie. bread oure ecliedayes ;
gef ous to day. and uorlet ous oure yeldinges ; ase
and we uorleteth oure yelderes. and ne ous led
naght ; into uondinge, ac vri ous vram queade,
(evil.) guo by hit.
The specimens giyen below are from a maDuscript of the
New Testament supposed to belong to the fourteenth century,
and not far from the time of Hampole, though the language
seems to indicate a much later date. Lewis makes special
mention of the English of this version, as that spoken after
the Conquest, though he fixes upon no definite period. The
manuscript comprises the Gospels of Mark and Luke, and the
Epistles of St. Paul.i
Mark I. 7. And be prechyde sayande, a stalwortber thane T schal come
eftar me of whom I am not worthi downfallande, or
knelande, to louse the thwonge of his Chawcers.
VI. 22. When the Doughtyr of that Herodias was in-comyn and
had tomblyde and pleside to Hnroicde, and also to the
sittande at mete, the kynge says to the wench.
XII. 1. A man made a vynere, and he made aboute a hegge, and grose
a lake & byggede a tower.
38. Be se ware of the scrybes whylke wille go in stolis and be
haylsede in the market and for to sit in synagogis in
the fyrste chayers.
Luke II. 7. . . . and layde hym in a cratche ; for to him was
no place in the dyversory.
Among the evidences that this manuscript belongs to the
age of Hampole is that the comments upon it are very like
those he made upon the Psalter. But the language, as before
suggested, places it later in the century. If so, its place is
nearer to Wycliffe than to Hampole.
Thus far, in tracing the history of Saxon and English ver-
sions, we have found that translations confine themselves, for
the most part, to single portions or books of the Bible. Not-
* History of Translations of Eng. Bible, p. 16. London, 1739.
52 SAXON AND ENGLISH VERSIONS. [CHAP. I.
withstanding this, as historic monuments these early versions
are of the highest importance, ilkistrating as they do the Eng-
lish language in its Saxon origin. They further show that the
eyangelical idea prevailed, which sought to have the Holy
Scriptures in the language of the people. Indeed, this was
the unquestioned right of the people until the beginning of
the thirteenth century, when the Eomish decree of the Council
of Thoulouse forbade the reading of the Holy Scriptures by
the laity — a decree which required little or no authority to
enforce, on account of the intellectual darkness of the people.
But from the latter half of the fourteenth century, the trans-
lation of the whole Bible and the reading of the same, became
living questions. For already there had begun an intellectual
awakening : Edward the Third reigned, Mandeville traveled,
and Chaucer wrote. In a word, the way was prepared for the
labors of John Wycliffe, the sworn enemy of priestcraft, the
translator of the Bible, and the forerunner of the Keformation
of the sixteenth century.
CHAPTER II.
WTCLIFFE AND THE WTCLIFFITE VERSIONS.
A. D. 1324-1525.
JOHN WYCLIFFE was born in 1324,i in a village
'^caiillid Wiclif," from which he received his family
name. But little is known of his early boyhood. Although
doubts have been thrown upon the date of his entering
Queen's College, and upon the statement of his removal to
Merton College, yet we are safe in accepting the fact of his
early connection with the University of Oxford. In many
respects the age was favorable for education. Schools were
estabUshed for youth, not only at Oxford and Cambridge, but
in every borough. However, a significant sign of the times
was, that no person could act in the capacity of a school
teacher unless licensed by a priest.^ Wycliffe studied at Ox-
ford as a student, he also taught there as a professor. In fol-
lowing the example of his predecessor Grosstete, who, in the
previous century, resisted the arbitrary will of the pope in his
disposal of Church benefices, Wycliffe possessed superior ad-
vantages, drew a keener sword, and maintained a more suc-
cessful struggle against the inroads of the papacy. If, like
Kichard of Armagh, Wycliffe contended with the Mendicant
orders, he sought not like that good bishop to reform them,
but to exterminate them. Again, if like Geoffrey Chaucer,
Wycliffe had confidence in his native tongue, and by his
writings helped to give the English language a fixed place in
literature, yet, unlike Chaucer, he gave to his age not works
of poetry but the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments.
^ The probable date of his birth.
2 Vaughau's Tracts and Treatises of Wydiffe. Introduction, p. iii
London, 1815.
54 THE WTCLIFFITE VERSIONS. [CHAP. II.
Wycliffe was a master of the accepted learning of his times.
He especially gave himself to the study of the civil and canon
law. The former was a system of jurisprudence which had
descended from the times of the Roman Empire, and even of
the Eepublic. It was feudal in its characteristics, and most
unfavorable to the liberties of the people. "However wise it
may have been," says Vaughan, ^*in some of its provisions as
relating to questions between man and man, it was in every way
unfavorable to liberty as between sovereign and subject." ^
The latter, the canon law, was made up of the decrees of
councils and popes. It was supreme in all ecclesiastical mat-
ters, and not unfrequently it infringed upon the civil power.^
The temporal power of the papacy was both strenuously as-
serted and denied in the time of Wycliffe. The writings of
Wycliffe show how zealously he embraced the cause of civil
^ Vaughan's Tracts and Treatises of Wycliffe. Introduction, p. vi.
^ The following are a few selected tenets of the canon law which
show the assumptions and fearful power of the Romish Church :
I. Princes' laws, if they be against the canons and decrees of the
bishop of Rome, be of no force nor strength.
II. The see of Rome hath neither spot nor wrinkle in it, nor can-
not err.
III. The bishop of Rome may excommunicate emperors and princes,
depose them from their states, and assoil (absolve) their sub-
jects from their oath of obedience to them, and so constrain
them to rebellion.
rV. The bishop of Rome may open and shut heaven unto men.
V. The bishop of Rome may give authority to arrest men, and im-
prison them in manacles and fetters.
VI. The bishop of Rome may compel princes to receive his legates.
VII. The clergy ought to give no oath of fidelity to their temporal
governors, except they have temporalities of them.
VIII. Kings and princes ought not to set bishops beneath them, but
reverently to rise against them, and assign them an honor-
able seat by them.
IX. He is [no] manslayer which slayeth a man which is excommuni-
cate. (The no is ' ' wanting in the C. C. C. MS. ") See Cran-
mer's Writings and Letters, pp. 68-75. Parker Soc. edition,
1846.
1360.] wycliffe's opposition to the mendicants. 55
freedom in its struggle with ecclesiastical tyranny. Next to
the mastery of the civil and canon law, Wycliffe distinguished
himself in the study of the philosophy of his times. This
was the old system of Scholasticism, which had been recently
revived by the renowned Ockham. Wycliffe, though naturally
practical in his tendencies, was gifted with a speculative mind,
and was thus fitted to wield the scholastic sword in the con-
flict with his opponents. By his book on the Reality of Uni-
versal Conceptions "he had created," says Neander, "an
important epoch extending into the fifteenth century."^ His
writings on subjects purely religious show how much he was
influenced by this scholastic method. But Wycliffe, unlike
other prominent school-men, made the Scriptures the supreme
authority in all disputes, and insisted on their being inter-
preted in accordance with their plain meaning, in opposition
to the "sentences of the Doctors, or the philosophy of
Aristotle." 2
The life of Wycliffe was one of conflict. As early as the
year 1360, he distinguished himself as an opponent of the
Mendicant friars. It is an evidence both of his ability and
courage, that, single-handed, he dared to attack a Monastic
order of such power and authority in the Romish Church.
Two of these orders, the Dominican and Franciscan, ruled
the Roman Catholic Church throughout Europe for nearly
three centuries, with an absolute sway. And that too against
the united influence of prelates and princes. These two
orders were to the Romish Church and to the world, before
the Reformation, what the Jesuits have been since that time.^
Devoting themselves to the interests of the papacy, they en-
joyed peculiar immunities. They trampled upon the rights
of the regular clergy and ignored their authority. By the
' Church History, V., 135. Boston, 1854.
^ Singularly enough Scholasticism made Aristotle the interpreter of
St. Paul.
3 Warton's History of English Poetry, I., 294. London, 1774.
56 THE WYCLIFriTE VERSIONS. [CHAP. 11.
sole condition of professed poverty, they assumed to them-
selves all riches. They begged for bread, yet lived in luxury.
They professed to be the humblest of the humble, yet exalted
themselves above kings. Though a servant of servants, yet
they claimed that the dignity of the friar was above that of
the bishop. " For they say," says Wycliffe, " that each bishop
and priest may lawfully leave their first dignity, and after be
a friar ; but when he is once a friar, he may in no manner
leave that, and live as a bishop, or a priest, by the form of the
Gospel." 1 By their zeal and show of piety, they grew in au-
thority among the people ; and so infatuated did many become
that they regarded the very garments of the friars as possessing
miraculous powers ; and hence " made it an essential part of
their last wills, that their carcasses after death should be
wrapped in ragged Dominican or Franciscan liabits, and in-
terred among the Mendicants," ^ in the belief that they might
the more readily obtain mercy in the day of judgment if
they should appear thus associated with these friars.
The occasion of WycMe's first attack upon the friars was
their successful attempt to entice the students from Oxford
into their convent schools. To such an extent were they suc-
cessful, that parents refused to trust their children at the Uni-
versity, lest they should be inveigled by the monks into their
convents. In tliis contest Wycliffe appeared in behalf of the
University, and dealt heavy blows against the friars. As a
reward for his services, as well as in testimony of his ability,
the mastership of Balliol College was bestowed upon him by
the University in 1361.3 WycMe's opposition to the friars
did not stop here. But from the pulpit and by his pen he at-
tacked the very foundations of the Order, showing up the un-
lawfulness of their begging and the baseness of their religious
pretensions. For all this the people were prepared, for the
land w^as burdened by these abuses as by a curse.
^ Tracts and Treatises, p. 319. London, 1845.
2 Moslieim's Church History, I., p. 390. New York, 1851.
3 Baber's Preface, Wycliffe's New Testament, p. xi. Loudon, 1810.
1369.] CHURCH A-^D STATE. 57
At the same time Wycliffe, with a supreme regard for
right, stood in readiness to defend it, in the State as well as in
the Church, against the demands of the hierarch3^ And the
opportunity soon presented itself. In 1365 Urban V. revived
the papal claim of tribute of a thousand marks, with arrear-s
that had occurred since 1332, " as a feudal acknowledgment
for the sovereignty of England and Ireland." i Edward III.
refused the demand and referred the matter to his Parliament.
The Parliament decided to resist by every means possible this
proposed usurpation. About this time, there appeared an
anonymous pamphlet, which maintained that the sovereignty
of England had been forfeited to the pope by the failure to
pay the annual tribute. And Vaughan justly remarks, " We
may judge of the celebrity of WycHffe at this time, from the
fact that he is called upon by name (in this tract) to show the
fallacy of these opinions." ^ The challenge was promptly ac-
cepted. Wyclifife's reply, which he put in the form of a debate
in the House of Lords, took strong grounds against this claim,
also against the ecclesiastical theory of the Middle Ages, that
the State is but the child of the Church, consequently that
kings are but vassals of the pope. This reply of Wycliffe is
interesting, indicating as it does the intelligence of the age,
since the arguments he puts into the mouths of his speakers
are supposed to be their own sentiments. It shows, too, the in-
trepidity and disinterestedness of Wychffe, in that just at this
time his own preferment is subject to the good will of the
pope. Wycliffe had received the appointment of Warden of
Canterbury Hall in 1365, which was superseded by the act of
Ai'chbishop Langham in 1367. The appeal of this question
to Eome was as yet undecided. But notwithstanding this,
Wycliffe, in this reply, boldly opposes papal assumptions, and
thus imperiled his private interests at Eome."^
' Wycliffe's Tracts and Treatises. Intro., p. xviii. London, 1845.
2 lUd, p. xix.
* The appeal was lost. The pope confirmed the sentence against
Wycliffe in the year 1370. Compare Milman's Latin Christianity, VII.,
p. 865. New York, 1874.
58 THE WYCLIFFITE YERSIOJTS. [CHAP. II.
Day by day Wycliffe used greater plainness of speech in por-
traying the scandalous conduct of the friars. He was equally
plain in showing up the arbitrary interference of the papacy
in conferring church offices upon foreigners, many of whom
were wholly unfitted for such positions. Such an appointment
was that of Louis Beaumont as Bishop of Durham. This
Beaumont was an illiterate French nobleman. He is reputed
to have been so ignorant that he was unable to read the bulls
announced at his consecration. In his attempt, it is said that
he stumbled at the word metropoliticcB. After trying in vain
to pronounce it, he said in French, "Suppose that said."
Again, when he came to the words, in mnigmate, he called out,
as before : " By St. Louis, it could be no gentleman who wrote
this stuff." 1 Frequent remonstrances by the English Crown
against this gross usurpation effected but little. The celebrated
acts of Parliament against pro visors, in 1350, and of praemunire,
in 1353, the former of which WTCsted from the papacy the
right of disposing of all benefices, and the latter vindicated
" the right of the State of England to prohibit the admission or
the execution of all Papal Bulls or Briefs within the realm "2
— these acts, however bold and salutary, had become virtually
dead letters. Romish spoliation was now greater than ever
before. Hence, to save the property of the whole realm from
being swallowed up by the hierarchy, embassies were sent out
in 1373 and 1374, to treat with the pope and his nuncios, and
remonstrate still further against papal "reservation of bene-
fices in the Anglican Church." ^ Wycliffe was a member of
the latter commission, which met at Bruges and sat for two
years, but accomplished comparatively nothing. The insight,
however, which Wycliffe gained during the sittings of this
commission into the spirit and policy of Rome, doubtless
1 Townley's Biblical Literature, II., p. 3. London, 1821.
2 Milman's Latin Christianity, VII., p. 354. The custom existed " of
appealing on questions of property from the decision of the English
courts to the courts of the pontiffs,"
3 Tracts and Treatises of Wicliffe. Intro. , p. xxix.
1381.] WYCLIFFE BEFORE THE POPISH COUiTCIL. 59
strengthened his convictions in respect to the necessity of
further reformation.
The prominent part which Wycliffe took in the controversy
between the king and the pope excited the bitterest hatred
against him. But if he lost with the pope, he gained with the
king. His influence is now at its height at court. He is
already the king's chaplain. Royal patronage is bestowed
upon him. As an example, the rectory of Lutterworth is nota-
ble, since he occupied it till the time of his death. At the Uni-
versity of Oxford he was regarded almost as an oracle. His
lectures in Philosophy and Divinity attracted students even
from the Continent.^ His influence was not confined to his
lectures at Oxford, but extended abroad through his writings,
which were extensively read at the University of Prague.
John Huss declared in a paper written about the year 1411,
that for " thirty years the writings of Wycliffe were read at
Prague University, and that he himself had been in the habit
of reading them for more than twenty years." 2 if Wycliffe is
summoned before papal councils, he is protected by powerful
friends at court. In the Councils of London, 1377, and Lam-
beth, 1378, he was thus protected. But afterwards, when, in
the spirit of a true reformer, he attacked the fundamental
doctrines of the Church of Rome, his court friends desert him,
and clouds big with wrath gather around his unprotected head.
Even the Duke of Lancaster, heretofore a firm supporter, now
*• advised him to submit in all doctrinal matters to the judg-
ment of his Order." But Wycliffe did not so understand his
duty. And now that he is deserted by his political friends,
his enemies are exultant. They flatter themselves that he will
now retract his heretical opinions. They hasten, therefore, to
summon him before an ecclesiastical court at Oxford. The
court assembles, and is made up of archbishops, bishops, chan-
^ " Bohemians studied in Oxford, and were tliere seized with enthusi-
asm for the doctrines of Wicklif." Neander's Church History, V., 241.
Boston, 1854.
2 lUd, p. 242.
60 THE WTCLIFFITE YEKSIONS. [CHAP. II.
cellors, doctors, with many of the inferior clergy. Before this
array of dignity Wycliffe stands alone. But in pleading his
own cause, he is inspired with such consciousness of right,
with such clear insight of truth, and with such force of native
genius, that his defense extorts from his adversaries nought
but praise. From this scene Wycliffe returned to Lutterworth,
where, though silenced, he continued to lift up his voice against
the false doctrines and base practices of the Eomish Church.
The reign of Edward III. was briUiant with mihtary, com-
mercial and social successes. But towards its close, sad re-
verses set in. Great prosperity bred moral corruption. In-
stead of victory on the battle-field there was defeat. Then
financial troubles ensued, which involved burdensome taxes,
conflict between capital and labor, and the interference of
legislation with the rights of the laborer. And in addition
to all this there were repeated visitations of that fearful
scourge, known as the Black Death, which paralyzed every
nerve of the social system. In its ravages through towns and
villages, about one half of the population was swept away.
And the end was not yet, for hard upon this scourge followed
organized systems of beggary and outlawry. The beggar and
the bandit stalked independently through the land. This
state of things worked a class jealousy between the rich and
the poor; and matters were brought to a crisis by the uprising
of such men as John Ball and Wat Tyler, who preached and
headed insurrections among the people. This was the period
of England's shame ; a period when the priests of religion did
most to dishonor religion ; a period that cried aloud for refor-
mation ; a period that called for such an one as John Wycliffe,
who, though driven from the court and the University, yet in
taking up his permanent abode at Lutterworth found coadju-
tors, who were one with him in sympathy, persecution and
labor. Here he organized a preaching ministry. He declared
preaching to be the duty of the priestly office. " Mattins,
masses and chantings," he wrote, were " man's ordinances,"
1380.] WTCLIFFE AT LUTTERWORTH. 61
but the preaching of the Gospel was of " Divine obligation."^
One of " the deceits '"■ of the times which Wycliffe exposed
was that priests should give themselves to prayers rather than
preaching. " These enlightened views/' says Vaughan, " con-
cerning the paramount importance of preaching exhibit the
mind of Wychffe as some two centuries in advance of his
age."^ Besides he had no respect for the kind of preaching
practiced by the Romish priests, and in order to improve upon
their methods he said: "If begging friars stroll over the
country preaching the legends of saints and the history of the
Trojan war, we must do for God's glory what they do to fill
their wallets, and form a vast itinerant evangelization to con-
vert souls to Jesus Christ." ^ The followers of Wycliffe, in de-
rision styled Lollards, increased rapidly in numbers towards
the close of Wycliffe's life. And the secret of their power was
that they bore in their hands, and hearts, and upon their
tongues, the Scriptures in the language of the people. As to
the exact time when Wycliffe conceived and executed his
translation of the Bible we have no means of determining.
But it was about the year 1380, and was the great work of
his life. It was a permanent step in the way of reformation,
the preparation of spiritual seed which his followers might
sow, and from which year after year grand harvests might be
reaped.
The translation of the Bible into English was an offense
to the hierarchy. Xot that the Eoman Catholic Church
had discarded the Bible, but rather had consecrated it as a
thing of the Church, consequently a thing too sacred for the
people to handle. The very language of the Bible, which for
^ thousand years had been Latin, was sacred because it was
the language of the Church service ; to handle it, therefore, by
way of translating it into a vulgar tongue, was sacrilege in the
' Tracts and Treatises of Wycliffe, p. 14 London, 1845.
'^ lUd, p. 24.
8 CUed by D'Aubigne's Hist, of Bef, V., 91. N. D., New York.
62 THE WTCLIFFITE YERSIONS. [CHAP. IL
eyes of the Church. There had akeady grown up a fixed re-
lation between the Latin language and the Romish Church.
So mutual had become this relation that they must stand or
fall together. History plainly shows that Eome has relied
upon the Latin Bible as a stronghold of defense. Hence
Wycliffe's desire to give the Holy Scriptures to the people in
their own language, and to deprive the Church of Rome of one
of its chief sources of superstitious reverence. Hence also the
violent opposition of the Romish Church to English versions
of the Bible. The Gospel, said the papists, is the peculiar
property of the Church " which Christ had entrusted with the
Clergy and Doctors of the Church, that they might minister
it to the Laity and weaker sort according to the exigency of
the times." But now they bewailed the fact that through
Wycliffe's translation, the Church was robbed of its " Evan-
gelical Pearl," which was now cast out " and trodden under
foot of swine," and that by this means, "the Gospel was
made vulgar, and laid more open to the Laity and even to
women who could read, than it used to be to the most learned
of the Clergy." ^ These words of Knyghton, a canon of
Leicester, and a cotemporary with Wycliffe, have been quoted
often and deserve 'to be set forth again and again, since they
show what has been the spirit of Rome from the first, in with-
holding the Bible from the people.
The English version of the Bible by Wyclifie was such an
offense, that a bill was introduced into the House of Lords in
1390, to suppress it. In the course of the debate the Duke of
Lancaster is reported to have said : " We will not be the dregs
of all ; seeing other Nations have the Law of GOD, which is
the Law of our Faith, written in their own Language
That he would maintain our having the Law in
our own tongue against those, whoever they should be, who'
^ Lewis' History of English Translations of the Bible, p. 21. Lon-
don, 1729.
1415.] ROMISH HATRED OF THE BIBLE i:S ENGLISH. 63
first brought in the Bill." He was sustained by others, and
finally the ''Bill was thrown out of the House." ^ Soon after
the death of Wycliffe, the papists in their wrath sought to
prohibit further translations of the Bible, and to destroy
those already made. The constitution of Arundel, which
Foxe calls " a cruel constitution," ordained in solemn council
at Oxford in 1408, among other decrees, " that no man here-
after by his owne authoritie, translate any text of the Scripture
into English, or any other tongue by way of a boke, libell, or
treatise ; and that no man read any such boke, libell or
treatise, now lately set forth in the tyme of John Wycliflfe,
or sithens, or hereafter to be set forth, in parte or in whole,
pri^dly or appertly ; upon payne of the greater excommuni-
cation, until the sayd translation be allowed by the ordinary
of the place, or (if the case so require) by the councell
prouinciall : He that shall do contrary to this shall likewise
be punished as a fauourer of errour and heresie."^ In the
year 1389 the followers of Wycliffe separated themselves
from the Eomish Church, and in their public services used
not only the Scriptures in English, but also the breviary,
missils and j)rimer. Hence the alarm and severe action of
this council, which as an instrument of terror was held
suspended over the heads of all who dared to translate, or
even read, the Holy Scriptures in English. But instead of
intimidating the Lollards and banishing their heretical
opinions, their numbers were multiplied and their courage
increased. So enraged was the archbishop on account of
the spread of Lollardism, "that he solicited the Pope to
grant him the privilege of burning the remains of Wycliffe."
This fiendish request was not then granted ; but in a few
years afterwards the council of Constance, 1415, condemned
Wyclifife as a heretic, and decreed the '' burning of his
books, also the exhuming and burning of his bones, if they
might be discovered and known from the bodies of other
' Lewis' History of English Translations of the Bible, p. 28.
^ Acts and Monuments, p. 627. Black Letter copy, 1596.
64: THE WYCLIITITE VERSIOi^S. [CHAP. II.
faithful people.'* But even tliis sentence was not executed
until some thirteen years after, when, by the order of the
pope, the grave was opened and the bones burnt and the
ashes cast into the brook called the Swift.
We have Wycliffe's testimony concerning the bitter hatred
of the papists of the Scriptures in English. In one of his
homilies he writes: "And algates (always) they dyspysen
that men shulden knowe Cryste^s lyfe, for tbenue prestes
schulden schome (be ashamed) of hyre lyves, and specially
these hye prestes, for thei reversen crist bothe in worde and
in dede. And herfore on (one) gret byschop of englelond^ as
men sayen, is yuel payed (pleased) that Godde's lawe is
written in englysche to lewede (ignorant) men." ^ Again in
Wycliffe's Wickett we read : " They say it is heresy to speak
of the holy scripture in English, and so they would condemn
the Holy Ghost that gave it in tongues to the apostles of
Christ." 2 And in his tract written to expose the friars he
says : " And thus they pursue priests both to bren (burn)
them and the Gospel of Christ written in English." ^
In respect to the English version of the Bible made in the
time of Wycliffe, friend and foe concur in attributing the
translation to Wycliffe. And while it is difficult to determine
with certainty his share in the work, there is no question but
that its accomplishment must be traced to his zeal, encourage-
ment, and devotion. ^ That there should be obscurity as to the
exact date of the enterprise, and to the persons engaged in it,
is by no means surprising, since it was undertaken in times of
danger and persecution. The principal data, upon which to
base an opinion regarding the time of the translation, must be
found in the writings of Wycliffe, in which he defends the
right of the people to the Scriptures in English, both as indi-
cating his interest in the work and the opposition against it.
And further, as intimating that the New Testament in whole
' T-.ewis' History of English Translations of the Bible, p. 32.
2 Tracts and Treatises of Wycliffe, p. 275. ^ j^icl, p. 247.
1380.] EAKLIER AJ^D LATER TEXTS. 65
or in part had already been set forth. Tracts of WycHffe con-
taining such references are frequent after the year 1378. The
year 1380 is the accepted date of the Wycliffe versions, and is
probably the nearest approximation that can be made to the
true date.
It has long been understood by those who have had to do
with the Wychffe MSS. that there were evidences of an earlier
and a later version, and that probably one was but the revision
of the other. And yet great confusion has existed as to which
was the earlier and which the later version. The question,
however, has been most satisfactorily settled by the admirable
edition of the Wycliffite versions by Forshall and Madden,
1850.1 In their preface they give the credit to Henry Whar-
ton as the one who first determined the respective authorships
and dates of the two versions. Wharton assigned the earher
to Wychffe, and the later version to the author of the General
Prologue. Dr. Waterland rejected this theory, and took as
the earlier that which in fact was the later version. Lewis,
who edited the New Testament of Wycliffe, unfortunately
adopted the opinions of Waterland, and Mr. Baber followed
his example. But in the examination of a large number of
manuscripts, these last editors found one or two manuscripts
containing a part of one and a part of another text, and that
the earlier text occupied the first place. Again, they found
fewer of the earlier MSS. extant; also, that the language of
the earlier MSS. was somewhat more antiquated, and the style
more involved.^ But the chief evidence is found in the Gen-
eral Prologue, where it speaks of ^^ the English bible latetrans-
latidy^ From which we may infer not only an earlier version,
but also that the author of this Prologue was the author of
the later version.
While it is now generally accepted that the earlier text of
the New Testament is that of Wycliffe, there are evidences
^ Preface, Wycliffite Versions, by Forshall and Madden, I. , p. sxi. Ox-
ford, 1850.
■^ Ihil, p. xxii. 2 11)1^^ Prologue, p. 58.
66 THE WYCLIFFITE VERSION'S. [CHAP. TI.
that go to show that the earlier text of the Old Testament is
the work of Nicholas de Hereford, who was a coadjutor of Wyc-
liffe, and a prominent leader of the Lollard party. His name
is intimately associated with those of WycUffe, Reppington,
and others, who were denounced as base heretics. In 1382,
on the 18th of May, Hereford was summoned before the
Synod of Preaching Friars, in London, for trial, and at an
adjourned meeting in July he was excommunicated. He ap-
pealed from this sentence to Rome, where he was thrown into
prison. Obtaining his release he returned to England, only
to be again imprisoned ; but in 1387 he was at liberty, and
engaged in disseminating Lollard opinions.^ The original copy
of this Hereford manuscript of the Old Testament is preserved
in the Bodleian Library, and is ''corrected throughout by a
contemporary hand." There is also a second copy in the same
Library which contains at the end a note, in a different hand,
and in paler ink, which assigns by name this version to Here-
ford. Both of the manuscripts end with Baruch iii., 20.^
This abrupt ending, together with Hereford's apprehension in
1382, form a coincidence which so far helps to confirm the
fact of authorship as rightly belonging to him. Moreover,
from this break in the third chapter of Baruch, the translation
is by another hand, which is judged to be that of Wycliffe.
One of the grounds of this judgment is, that certain words of
the text have a uniform rendering with the same words in the
earlier text of the New Testament, while these same words are
rendered differently in the portion of the Old Testament as-
signed to Hereford. 3 In respect to the earlier version then,
the New Testament text, and that portion of the Old Testa-
ment which follows Baruch iii., 20, is the work of Wycliffe.
The following excerpts are from Forshall and Madden's Wyc-
liffite versions, and are here inserted as specimens :
Matt. VI. 9-13. Forsothe thus ye shulen preyen, Oure fadir that art
in lieuenes, halwid be thi name ; thi kyngdom cumme to; "^be
^ Preface,Wycliffite Versions, by Forsliall and Madden, I., p. ^vM.,note.
2 Ihid, p. xvii. ' Ihid, p. xviii., note.
1380.] wycliffe's choice of words. 67
tlii wille doa as in lieuen and in erthe; gif to vs this day oure
breed ouer otlier substaunce ; and forgeue to vs our dettis, as
we forgeue to oure dettours ; and leede vs uat in to temtacioun,
but delyuere vs fro yuel. '^Amen, that is, ^so be it.
1 Cor. XIII. 1-13, If I speke with tungis of men and aungels, ""sothli
I baue not cbarite, I am maad as bras sownnynge, or a sym-
bal tynkynge. And if I schal baue propbesye, and liaue
knowun alle mysteries, and al kunnynge, \r science, and if I
schal haue al feith, so that I ^bere ouere hillis, yro o x>lnce to
another, forsoth if I ^schal not ^haue charite, I am nogt. And
if I schal departe alle my goodis into metis of pore men, and
if I schal bytake my body, so that I brenne, forsothe if I ^schal
not haue charite, it profitith to me no thing. Charite is pa-
cient, it is benygne, ^or of good will, charite enuyeth not, it
doth not gyle, it is not inblowyn \Dith pride, it is not ambi-
cious, ^or coueitous of worschipis, it sekith not tho thingis that
ben her owne, it is not stirid to wraththe, it thenkith not
yuel, it ioyeth not in wickednesss, forsoth it ioyeth togidere to
treuthe ; it suflfrith alle thingis, it bileueth alle thingis, it
hopith alle thingis, it susteyneth alle thingis, Charite fallith
not down, where prophecyes schulen be voydid, ether lan-
gagis schulen ceesse, ether science schal be distroyed. Forsoth
of party we han knowen, and of party we prophesien ; forsothe
whanne that schal coma that is perfyt, that thing that is of
party, schal be avoydid, Whanne I was a litil child, I spak
as a litil child, I undirstood as a litil child, I thougte as a litil
child ; forsoth whanne I was maad man, I auoydide tho
thingis that weren of a litil child. Forsoth we seen now by a
myrour in a derknesse, thanne forsothe face to face ; now I
knowe of party, '^thanne forsoth I schal knowe, as I am knowyn.
Now forsothe dwellen feith, hope, and charite, thes thre ; for-
soth the mooste of thes is charite.
The above extracts show but in part the excellencies of
Wychffe as a translator. There is a marked simplicity in his
phraseology which has been peculiar ever since to English ver-
sions of the Scriptures. It is true that the English language
at that period was favorable in the " simplicity of its vocabu-
lary and verbal combinations," which corresponded in these
particulars to the Greek and Hebrew of the original text.
Then Wycliffe's ideal in the choice of words was to adapt the
Scriptures to the common people ; and though he translated
68 THE WYCLIFFITE YERSIOXS. [CHAP. II.
from the Latin Vulgate he did not follow it literally either as
to the order or the form of its words.
Hereford, on the contrary, was a literal translator. He fol-
lowed closely the order of the Latin text in his desire to make
a correct translation. He introduced many Latinisms; and
yet so comparatively free was he from them that Mr. Marsh
refers to him as a resuscitator "of obsolete Anglo-Saxon
forms." Marsh further suggests that Hereford might have
been familiar with an Anglo-Saxon version of a part at least of
the Bible. ^ This is no unimportant point in the history of
English translation, since, if it can be established, our English
Bible of to-day may be traced back, with scarcely a broken link,
to its Saxon origin. While there can be no question in regard
to the fact that when the Wycliffite versions were first circu-
lated there was no other English version extant, yet may there
not have been a copy or copies of iElfric's Heptateuch not only
in existence but accessible to such scholars as Wycliflfe and
Hereford ? In assuming an affirmative answer to this ques-
tion there is involved nothing improbable, since the Hepta-
teuch is assigned to the first quarter of the eleventh century;
the period therefore intervening from ^Ifric to Wyclifife
would be less than three hundred and fifty years. A very
old tract, written about the year 1400, mentions "a Bible
possessed by one Wering, of London, which had been seen by
many, and seemed two hundred years old."^ If any depend-
ence can be placed upon the presumed age of this Bible, it
must have been not only a very early version, but possibly a
copy of ^Ifric's Heptateuch. The following specimens are
here inserted from tlie earlier version attributed to Hereford : ^
Gen, XXII. 1-19. Aftyr that tlies tliingis weren doon, God tern tide
Abraham, and seide to hjm, Abraham ! Abraham ! He an-
sweride, I am nygh. He seide to hym, Tak thin oonlie gotun
sone, whom thow louest, Ysaac, and go into the loond of
^ English Language and Literature, p. 360. New York, 1862.
2 Preface, Forshall and Madden 's Wycliffite Versions^ I., p. xxi., note.
3 lUd. Extracts from, in loco.
1382.] HEREFOED's tra:n"slatio:s'. 69
visioun, and tliere offre hym into sacrifice al brent, vpon oon
of the hillis wliiclie I shal sliewe to thee. Thanne Abraham
on the nyght with rysynge, dighte his asse, ledynge with hym
two yong men, and Ysaac his sone ; and when he had hewid
his wode into brent sacrifice, he gede to the place which com-
aundide hym God. And the thrid day, the eyen heued vp, he
sawe a place ^a feer ; and seide to his children, Abydith here
with the asse, I and the child vnto thidir goynge, aftir that
we hann onowryd, we shulen com agen to yow. And he toke
the wode of the sacrifice, and putte vpon Ysaac, his sone ; he
forsothe bare in his hondis fier, and a swerd. And whanne
thei two geden to gideris, seide Ysaac to his fadir, My fadir !
And he answeride, What wilt thow, sone? Lo ! he seith, fier
and wode, where is the sacrifice of that that shal be brent ?
Abraham seide, God shal puruey to hym, my sone, the sacri-
fice of that that shal be brent. Thanne thei geden togider,
and comen to the place whom God shewide to hym, in the
which he bildide an auter, and aboue made the wode ; and
whan he had bound un Ysaac, his sone, he putte hym in the
auter, vpon the heep of wode. And he strawghte his honde,
and toke the swerd, that he myght offre his sone. And loo !
the aungel of the Lord fro heuene cryede, seiynge, Abraham !
Abraham ! The which answeride, I am nygh. And he seide to
hym, Strecche thow not thin bond out vpon the child, and do
not eny thing to hym ; now I haue knowun that thow dredist
God, and thow hast not sparid to thin one goten son for me.
And the aungel of the Lord clepide
Abraham eftsouys fro heuene, seiynge, Bi my sylf I swore,
seith the Lord, for thow hast do this thing, and thow hast
not sparid to thin oon gotun sone for me, I shal blis to thee,
and I shal multiply thi seed as sterris of heuene, and as grauel
that is in the brenk of the see ; thy seed shal weeld the gatis
of his enemyes; and al folk of the erthe shal be blessid in thi
seed, for thow hast obeishid to my vois. And Abraham
turnyde agen to his children, and gede to Bersabee togider,
and he dwellide there.
Compare the following, whicli is also a specimen of the ear-
lier version of Hereford, with the translations of the same by
Schorham and Hampole, inserted above.^ The numbering of
the Psalms, in the Wycliffe versions, follows the Latin Yulgate,
' See pages 48, 49, above.
70 THE WYCLIEFITE VERSIONS. [CHAP. II.
which, with the Septuagint, differs from the Hebrew Bible.
Consequently, Number XXII. here corresponds with Number
XXIII. of our present English Bible, which, in its numbering,
follows the Hebrew: ^
Ps. XXII. 1-6. The Lord gouerneth me, and no thing to me shal
lacke ; in the place of leswe where he me ful sette. Ouer
watir of fulfilling he nurshide me ; my soule he conuertide.
He broghte doun me vpon the sties of rightwisnesse ; for his
name. For whi and if I shal go in the myddel of the shadewe
of deth ; 1 shal not dreden euelis, for thou art with me. Thy
gerde and thy staf ; tho han confortid me. Thou hast maad
redi in thi sighte a bord ; agen hem that trublyn me. Thou
hast myche fattid in oile myn hed ; and my chalis makende
ful drunken, how right cler it is. And thi mercy shal vnder-
folewe me ; alle the dayis of my lif. And that I dwelle in
the hous of the Lord ; in to the lengthe of dayis.
The later version, by John Purvey, is in part a revision,
and in part a new translation. The date of the work is vari-
ously estimated, some ascribing it to the year 1388, others
putting it as late as 1396. The former is probably nearer the
correct date.^ In the New Testament, and that portion of the
Old Testament translated by Wycliffe, few changes compara-
tively were made; but in that part of the Old Testament
attributed to Hereford the changes are more marked. Before
^ The Septuagint and Vulgate join the IX. and X. Psalms, thereby
making the X. to correspond with the XI. of the Hebrew Bible ; and so
on to the CXIV. of the Hebrew, where the Septuagint and the Vulgate
unite two Psalms into one, that is, the CXIV. and CXV. of the Hebrew,
so that in the Septuagint and Vulgate the CXIV. corresponds with the
CXVI. of the Hebrew Bible. But as the Septuagint and Vulgate end the
CXIV. Psalm with the ninth verse, and number the remaining portion
as the CXV. Psalm, in numbering they are only one behind the Hebrew
Bible till they come to the CXLVII,, which they divide at the twelfth
verse, thereby making the CXLVIiI. Psalm to correspond as to number
in each of the three versions. So also in Wycliffe's version, and that of
our Authorized version ; the former of which follows the Vulgate, and
the latter the Hebrew numbering.
•^ Forshall and Madden's WycUffite Versions, Preface, pp. xxiii,, xxiv.
1388.] JOHJ^ PURVEY, "WYCLIFFE'S GLOSSER." 71
entering upon the work of reyision, Purvey states that he
made a new Latin text by first gathering " manie elde biblis
... .to make oo (one) Latyn bible sumdel trewe."^ He then
compared it with the glosses of learned commentators, and
'• speciali Lire on the elde testament, that helpide ful myche
in this werk; the thridde tyme to counseile with elde grama-
riens, and elde dyuynis of harde wordis, and harde sentencis.
The iiij tyme to translate as cleerli as he coude to the
sentence, and to haue manie gode felawis and kunnynge at the
correcting of the translacioun."^ From this we learn that he
had fellow-helpers, and that he sought to make thorough work.
John Purvey was a leader in the Lollard party after the death
of Wycliffe. He was learned and eloquent, and was an able
defender of the Wyclitfite doctrines. Knyghton describes
him as being intimately associated with Wycliffe, and a boarder
in his house.^ Falling into the hands of Archbishop Arundel,
he was imprisoned and forced to abjure, after which he was
|)romoted by that wily bishop. But it was all in vain, for
Purvey coming again to his right mind relapsed into his former
opinions, and was again deprived of his liberty, and probably
died in prison. Thomas AValden, though an enemy of the
Lollards, graphically describes John Purvey as "the Library
of the Lollards and Wiclif's Glosser, an eloquent Divine, and
famous for his Skill in the Law."^
The question settled that John Purvey is the author of the
General prologue of the Wycliffite versions ; the fact is thereby
established that he is the author of the later version.^ But
so soon was this revision undertaken after the first was set
forth ; and as it w^as done by one who was familiarly styled,
" Wycliffe's Glosser ; " by one who was a boarder in his house ;
by these and other facts put together, we are constrained to
^ Forshall and Madden's Oeneral Prologue, p. 57.
2 lUd, p. 57.
3 Lewis' History of English Translations of the Bible, p. 34.
4 lUd, p. 35.
^ See the several steps bv which this conclusion is reached in the
Preface to the Wycliffite Versions, p. 25. Forshall and Madden's ed., 1850.
72 THE WTCLIFFITE YERSIOi^S. [CHAP. II.
believe that in its origin at least, this later version was largely
due to John Wycliffe. Though it is true, that he could not
have witnessed much of its progress, as he died in 1384. The
following is inserted for the sake of comparison, from the
later version, though it but imperfectly illustrates the im-
provements made by Purvey.
Gen. XXII. 1-19. And after tLat these tliingis weren don, God
assaiede Abraham, and seide to liym, Abraham ! Abraham !
He answerde, Y am present. God seide to him, Take thi
"^sone oon gendrid, whom thou louest, Ysaac ; and go into the
lond of visioun, and offre thou hym there in to brent sacri-
fice, on oon of the hillis whiche Y schal schewe to thee.
Therfor Abraham roos by night, and sadlide his asse, and
ledde with hym twey yonge men, and Ysaac his sone ; and
whanne he hadde hewe trees in to brent sacrifice, he gede to
the place which God hadde comaundid to him, Forsothe in
the thridde dai he reiside hise iyen, and seiy a place afer ;
and he seide to his3 children. Abide ye here with the asse, Y
and the child schulen go tbidur ; and after that we han wor-
schipid, we schulen turne agen to you. And he took the trees
of brent sacrifice, and puttide on Ysaac his sone : forsothe he
bar fier, and swerd in hise hondis. And whanne thei tweyne
geden togidere, Isaac seide to his fadir, My fadir ! And he
answerde. What wolt thou sone ? He seide, Lo ! fier and
trees, where is the beeste of brent sacrifice ? Abraham seide,
My sone, God schal puruey to hym the beeste of brent sacri-
fice. Therfore thei geden togidere, and camen to the place
which God hadde schewid to hym, in which place Abraham
bildide an auter, and dresside trees aboue ; and whanne he
hadde bounde togidere Ysaac, his sone, he puttide Y^saac in
the auter, on the heep of trees. And he helde forth his hond,
and took the swerd to sacrifice his sone. And lo ! an aungel
of the Lord criede fro heuene, and seide, Abraham ! Abra-
ham ! Which answerde, I am present. And the aungel
seide to hjon, Holde thou not forth thin honde on the child,
nether do thou ony thing to him ; now Y haue knowe that
thou dredist God, and sparidist not thin oon gendrid sone for
me Forsothe the aungel of
the Lorde clepide Abraham the secounde tyme for heuene,
and seide, The Lord seith, Y haue swore bi my silf, for thou
hast do this thing, and hast not sparid thin oon gendrid for
1850.] FOESHALL AI^D MADDEX'S EDITION". 73
me, Y schal blesse thee, and Y sclial multiplie thi seed as
the sterris of heuene, and as grauel which is in the brynk of
the see ; thi seed shal gete the gatis of hise enemyes ; and
alle the folkis of erthe schulen be blessid in thi seed, for
thou obeiedist to my vois. Abraham turnede agen to hise
children, and thei geden to Bersabee togidere, and he dwellide
there.
Forshall and Madden's noble yolumes ^ from which the
above was taken, render accessible a mine of wealth hereto-
fore closed except to a favored fcAV. A mine rich in speci-
mens not only of the earliest English Scripture versions, but
of the English language of the fourteenth century. This
edition was published in 1850, and furnished for the first time
the Wycliffite versions of the whole Bible in print. The
later version of the New Testament was published by J.
Lewis in 1731 ; which was reprinted by H. H. Baber in 1810.
Again this later version was published by the Messrs. Bagster
in the English Hexapla, 1811, from a manuscript now in the
collection of the earl of Ashburnham. The earlier version
was not printed till 1848, when it was published by Mr. Lea
Wilson. The Song of Solomon was the only portion cf the
Old Testament of the Wycliffite versions published previous
to 1850. This was printed by Dr. Adam Clarke in his Com-
mentary, 1810-1825.^ The Messrs. Forshall and Madden in
preparing their edition of the Wycliffite versions, examined,
over a hundred and fifty manuscripts. In giving an account
of their work they say: "The texts have been printed from
the MSS. with scrupulous exactness ; " that four copies were
selected in the earlier version, and the text formed from
these, was collated with nineteen other manuscripts. For the
later text one manuscript was followed, but it was compared
1 The Holy Bible, ivith the Apocryphal Books in the Earliest English
Versions, by John Wycliffe and his Followers. With the General Pro-
logue ; also with an invaluable Preface and Glossary, 4 vols. 4to.
Edited by Rev, Josiali Forshall, and Sir Frederic Madden. Oxford,
1850.
•^ Ibid, I., Preface, p. 1, note.
4
74 THE WYCLIFFITE VERSI0:N^S. [CHAP. II.
with ''no less than thirty-four other copies." ^ The majority
of the manuscripts examined by these editors were transcribed
about the year 1420 ; while some date as early as 1390.
From the large number of the Wycliffite MSS. still pre-
served in the public and private libraries of Great Britain, it
is evident that the later manuscripts soon displaced the earher
ones. It is likewise evident that this Manuscript English
Bible of Wycliffe enjoyed a wide circulation, notwithstanding
the fiery persecution waged against its friends. A dark page
in the history of these times was recorded by Foxe when he
published extracts from the Bishop's Kegisters, which were
filled with the names of the accused, with an account of the
cruel penalties inflicted upon them. Margery Backster was
accused on the ground of inviting Joan Clifieland, her maid,
to come to her chamber " to hear her husbande reade the lawe
of Christ vnto them, which law is written in a booke that
her husbande was wont to reade to her by night, and that her
husbande is well learned in the Christian verity." ^ The ac-
cusation against Kichard Fletcher reads : " A most perfect
doctour in that sect, and can very well and perfectly expounde
the Holy Scriptures, and hath a booke of the new law in
English." ^ Those thus accused were forced to abjure their
opinions, or suffer imprisonment or some humiliating pen-
ance. Notwithstanding all this, the people during these evil
times, eagerly sought and read the Scriptures. To meet this
demand manuscripts were transcribed containing separate
books, particularly those of the New Testament. "These,
because writing was dear and expensive," says Lewis, "and
copies therefore of the whole New Testament not easy to be
purchased by the generality of Dr. Wiclif's followers, were
often written in small Volumes. One of these little books in
1 Ibid, I., p. 34.
2 In 1429, Nicholas Belward was accused for possessing a New Tes-
tament which he bought in London for 4 marks and xl. pence ; equal
to £2 16s. 8d. , or about fourteen dollars in American money. Compare
Foxe's Acts and Hon., p. 788, folio edition, 1596.
3 Hid, p. 788.
1400.] AKTI^UATED FOKMS AIS^D OBSOLETE WORDS. 75
24*^ I have; it contains St. John's Gospel, the Epistles of St.
James, St. Peter, St. John, St. Jucle, and the Apocalyps." ^
By reference to the Bishop's Registers it will appear that
these little books were numerous, as they are often specified
as being found upon the persons of those accused. Some-
times the Gospels are spoken of either separately, or together;
or it is the book of Acts, or the Epistle of James, or the
Apocalypse that is specified. It appears also from these
Registers, that many of those who possessed these little
volumes were either servants or tradesmen. And it is not an
unfair inference to suppose that there were those who were
both able and willing to bear the expense of copying the
manuscripts for distribution among the people.
In these WycliflBte versions, which are now five hundred
years old, there are, as we might expect, antiquated forms of
speech, peculiarities in spelling, and obsolete words, which
unite in making the printed page somewhat obscure. And
yet it is quite noticeable that when the spelling is modernized,
so simple is the style and Biblical the phraseology, that the
text is easily read and understood, though a certain quaint-
ness remains. The following list will illustrate how words
most familiar become strange through their orthography, and
consequently obscure the text: Asaught, assault ; eeris, ears ;
earnys, earnest; felough, follow; fend, fiend; gestis, gue^t^-,
hole, whole ; hoo, who ; iche, each ; iye, eye ; kilden, killed ;
ligyng, lying; maad, made ; meest, most; nogt, nought ; not-
ther, neither ; oo, one; cost, host; patvme, palm ; pite, piety;
j9n*e, pray; schoon, shnn ; thennis, thence ; ly things, tidings;
unpesiUe, unpeaceable; waast, waste; tvolun, will; ynough,
enough.
The above were selected from the glossary attached to Mr.
Saber's edition of " Wychffe's New Testament," printed in
1810. A glance at this glossary shows also a large number of
words, at that time considered obsolete or strange, which are
1 History of Translations of Eng. Bible, p. 39. 1739.
76 THE WYCLIFFITE VEKSIOi^S. [CHAP. 11.
now familiar ; which argues incidentally, that we are draw-
ing nearer in know^ledge and use of language, to the age of
Wycliffe and Chaucer. There are, how^ever, in the Wycliffite
versions many obsolete w^ords, which divide themselves into
two classes ; those that have changed their meaning, but not
their form, and those that have changed both form and mean-
ing. In the first class we have such words as catel, substance
or goods; castel, town or village; cofyns, baskets; deyarte,
divide; lecliis, physicians ; o;??/mo^/7^, rumor ; sad, firm, and
sadnesse, firmness or steadfastness ; oppresse, stop ; clarified,
glorified; tent, attention, heed; ^ree, wood; Z>i7a^e, deliver;
gahhe, lie ; all of which may be found below in their several
connections.^
Matt. IX. 35. And Jhesus compaside aboute alle citees and castels.
X. 35. Sothely Y cam to departe a man ageins his fadir.
XIV. 20, . . . twelue cofyns ful.
XXIV. 9. Thenne thei schulen hitake you ""in to tribulacioun and
thei scliulen slee you.
Mark XIII. 7. Sotlili whanne ye schulen heere batels and opyniouns of
bateils, drede ye not.
Luke VI. 48. . . . for it was foundid on a sad stoon.
VIII. 43. . . . which hadde spendid al hir catel in to lechis,
nether myghte be curid of ony.
XI. 53. . . . and oppresse his mouth "^of many thingis.
John XV. 8. In this thing my fadir is clarified.
Gal. I. 20. . . bifore God for I lye not, ^or gnbhe not.
I. Tim. IV. 16. Tak tent to thi silf and doctryn.
II. Tim. II. 20. But in a greet hous ben not oneli vessels of gold and of
siluer, but also of tree and of erthe.^
II. Pet. III. 17. . . . bi errour of vnwijse men, falle awey fro youre
owne sadnesse.
In the second class, which is made up of words obsolete
both in form and meaning, we have such examples as aisel,
vinegar; arettide,rQckonQ^; ane7itis, with.', cJiatucers, shoes;
clepe, call ; contakes, reproaches ; dyteris, writers ; eft-soone,
' These examples are from the Earlier version, See Forshall and
Madden's ed. in loco.
^ This from the Later version. Ibid, in loco.
1400.] IKFLUEXCE UPON SUBSEQUENT TRANSLATIONS. 77
again; egre, sour or sharp; faage, flatter; grees, steps or
stairs ; lieriynge, praising ; herbore, lodging ; liestis, commands,
though tlie word lives in leliest ; liyne, laborer ; hitte, cut ;
hnytcliis, bundles; lepis, baskets; maivmetis, idols; querne,
mill ; rewme, kingdom ; rochet, cloak ; scot, payment, though
it lives in scot-free ; sotlieli, truly ; thilke, that ; thral, servant
or slave, though the word lives in thralldom ; ived. a pledge,
though it lives in wedding; ivonne, custom; this change,
however, is only in form, as it is the same as wont ; woot,
know.
While the Wycliffite versions were translated from the Latin
Vulgate, and in many instances may be obscure, yet not a few
passages might be cited to show the possible influence of these
versions upon subsequent translations. Passages also are not
wanting which show a superiority in rendering over more re-
cent translations. Something of this superiority and influence
will appear in the following passages from Forshall and Mad-
den's Wycliffite versions:
Matt. VII. 14, How streit is the gate and narewe the weye, taat leditli
to lijf, and Hhere ben fewe that fjnden it.^ This
reading is followed by Tyndale and the A. V.
XVI, 23. And Petre took hym, and bigan to blame him, and
seide, Fer be it fro thee. Lord ; this thing schal not
be to thee, 2 The Genevan version reads : Master,
looke to thy self ; and in Tyndale's version the read-
ing is : Master, faver thy selfe. The A. V. reads
after Wycliffe • Be it farre from thee Lord,
John III. 3. . . . Treuli, treuli, I seye to thee, no hut a man
schal be born agen, he may not se the kyngdom
of God.2 Tyndale reads : except a man be boren a
newe ; while the Genevan version has : begotten
againe. The A. V. follows Wycliffe. Though pos-
sibly Tyndale furnishes the preferable reading.
IV. 23. But the our cometh, and now it is, whanne trewe
worschiperis schulen worschipe the fader in spirit
and treuthe ; forwhi and thefadir sekith suche, that
* Earlier version, ^ Later version, ^ Earlier version.
78 THE WTCLIFFITE VERSIOiJ^S [CHAP. II.
John IV, 33. schulen worsclupe Mm.' This is followed by the
A, V. But Tyndale has : requyreth such ; and is
followed by the Genevan version.
Rom. VIII. 15. . . . but ye han taken the spirit of adopcioun
of sori,es? This is followed by Tyndale, the Ge-
nevan version, and the A. V. But in common with
Wycliflfe, they are all indebted to the Vulgate.
XII. 1. . . . that ye gyue youre bodies a i^?^2/n^e «acn-
fice.^ This is followed by the A. V. But Tyndale
renders: aquicke sacrifice; which is adopted by
the Genevan version.
I, Cor. II. 10 the depe thingis of God^ Tyndale
translates : the hottome of God's secretes. Wycliife's
rendering is followed by the A. V.
X. IQ.TJiecuppeofUessynge^hsichichiDehlessen. This is
followed by Tyndale, also by the Genevan and
the Authorized versions.
n. Cor. VI. 14. . . . or what/^^6»zc«c7iip of lig-httoderknessis?
This rendering is adopted by the A. V. Tyndale
has: company ; and is followed by the Genevan
version. The Vulgate has : societas, showing that
in this instance Wycliffe was not indebted to the
Vulgate.
VIII. 1. But, britheren, we maken knowun to you the grace of
God. This reading is preferable to that of Tyndale,
who translates : 1 do you to icit brethren ; and is
followed by the Genevan and Authorized versions.
In the time of Tyndale and even when our present
translation was made, the word do was used in
the sense of make, and to wit in the sense of to
knoio ; hence the phrase at the time was intelligi-
ble though now obsolete.
James I. 5 and xpbraydith not. This was fol-
lowed by the Authorized version. Tyndale trans-
lates ; and casteth no man in the teth ; which is
followed by the Genevan version.
The above passages and others that might be added, look
' Earlier 'cerslon.
2 Earlier and Later icersions.
2 Later 'cersion.
"* This with the remaining examples, belongs in common to both
versions.
1514.] LITERARY IKFLUEI^fCE OF BIBLE YERSIOIJ^S. 79
very much as though there was an intimate relation between
the Wychffite versions and subsequent translations of the New
Testament. But as this is questionable the matter will come
up for consideration in another connection. ^
There is an important relation existing between Ver-
nacular versions of the Scriptures and the languages into
which they are translated. So marked is this influence where
such translation is made, that it constitutes an epoch in the
literary and in the religious history of a people. " The trans-
lation of the Bible into Latin," says Schlegel, "created an
epoch altogether new in that language, constituting a late
and, in some instances, a rich after-crop of Latin literature.
On the extinction of the old literature there was an
almost universal literary dearth, until the period when Chris-
tian writers made their appearance, in the fourth and fifth
centuries. ''2
What is true of the Latin is likewise true of the German
language. Luther's translation of the Bible lies at the founda-
tion of German literature as well as the Reformation of the
sixteenth century. Schlegel speaks with authority when he
says: "It is remarkable that no other modern tongue has
adopted so many Biblical terms and phrases, and introduced
them into common language. My own opinion quite coin-
cides with that of the critics who hold this circumstance to
be most felicitous, to which I think I am justified in ascribing
some portion of that continuous intellectual energy, life and
simplicity, which preeminently characterize the diction of our
most distinguished German writers." ^
Now what Latin and German versions did for their respec-
tive languages, English versions of the Bible have done for
the Enghsh tongue. It was a bold stroke on the part of
' See on pages 136, 127, below.
2 History of Literature, p. 142. Bolm's edition. London, 1873.
3 lUd, p. 339.
80 THE WYCLIFFITE VERSIONS. [CHAP. II.
Wycliffe to set forth the Scriptures in the language of the
people, but the results far exceeded his fondest expectations.
In all simplicity he thought to give the word of God to his
own age, but in fact he kid the foundation for the Eeforma-
tion in England, and for the permanence and excellence
of the EngUsh language. To understand the influence of the
AVycliffite manuscript yersions upon the religion of those
times, as well as years afterwards, we have but to trace the
history of the Lollards from the age of Wychffe to that of
Tyndale. For in this history of almost a century and a half,
we shall find that the religious life of the persecuted Lollards
was based upon these Wycliffite versions of the Holy Scriptures.
Even in the closing years of this period, in the reign of Henry
Vin., it was adjudged a crime to read or possess the Scriptures
in the English tongue. One of the charges against Eichard
Hunn, who suffered martyrdom in 1514, was "the kepyng
diners Englishe bookes, prohibited and dampned by the law ;
as the Apocalips in Englishe, Epistles and Gospels in
Englishe, Wickleffe's dampnable workes, and other bookes
conteyning infinite errours, in the whiche hee hath bene long
tyme accustomed to read, teach, and study dayly." ^ So in
the case of James Brewster, who was burned at the stake in
1511. One of the items against him was the " hauing a certaine
litle booke of Scripture in Englishe of an old writyng almost
worne for age, whose name is not there expressed." ^ Like-
wise William Swetyng, who suffered martyrdom with Brewster,
was charged with "having much conference with one Wil-
liam Man of Boxstede, in a booke, which was called
Mathewe." ^ These Wycliffite versions are the visible links
which connect the Reformation of the sixteenth with that of
the fourteenth century, " Wickliffe is the greatest English
reformer," says D'Aubigne, ^' he was in truth the first re-
former of Christendom, and to him, under God, Britain is
indebted for the honor of being the foremost in the attack
^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 931, 1596.
2 Ibid, p. 944. 3 jftj^, p. 944.
1365.] EEVIYAL OF THE TEUTONIC ELEMENT IN SPEECH. 81
upon the theocratic system of Gregory YII. The work of the
Waldenses, excellent as it was, cannot be compared to his.
If Luther and Calvin are the fathers of the Reformation,
Wickliffe is its grandfather." ^ Yea, so long as Protestantism
means, separation between Church and State, hatred of
spiritual hierarchies, the love of Jesus Christ in the heart,
and the love of his word in the language of the people, the
name of John Wycliffe will stand the first among its founders,
and the chief among its supporters.
If there was in the time of Wycliffe a revival of the Teu-
tonic in opposition to the Latin in religion, so there was in
language. And if the influence of the former reached for-
w^ard into the centuries, even into the sixteenth century, so
likewise did the influence of the latter. And in both cases
the influences were kept alive and extended by means of
these old, brown, and much used manuscripts of the Wyc-
liffite versions. True, Wycliffe wrote much in Latin. It was
the learned language of his times, and he used it in addressing
the learned. But in addressing the people, whether in writ-
ing or speaking or in translating the Bible, he used the
language of the people. The reign of Edward III. was a
transition period, to which may be traced a new beginning
of intellectual life and activity. It was this Edward who
enacted, about the year 1362, that the English language should
be restored to the courts, that is, "• that all pleas .... in any
courts whatsoever, shall be pleaded, showed, defended,
answered, debated, and judged, in the English tongue." The
reason for this action was assigned in the preamble that, " the
French tongue was too much unknown." ^ This was a grand
step in advance, favoring the people's rights, for as yet the
French was the polite language, but not understood by the
mass of the people. Trevisa, who wrote in 1385, records that
^ History of the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century, V. , 104. Am.
Tr. Soc. edition.
2 Tlie original statute was in old French. See History English Lan-
giage ; Appendix, p. cxxxiv.; Johnson and Todd's English Dictionary, I.
London, 1818.
82 THE WTCLIFPITE VERSION'S. [CHAP. II.
in his day : " in alle the gramer scoles of Englond cliildren
leveth Frensch and construeth and lerneth an Englisch, and
haveth therby avauntage in oon side and desavauntage in
another." ^ The advantage, according to Trevisa, was that
they learned their lessons more easily ; and the disadvantage
was that they acquired no French. He further adds: "also
gentel men haveth now mych ylefte for to teche her (their)
children Frensch." ^ The name of John Cornwaile, " a
maistre of grammer," who introduced this innovation, de-
serves to be held in grateful remembrance by all lovers of the
English tongue. Sir John Maundeville, 1356, wrote his
travels in Latin. But afterwards he translated them into
EngHsh, to the end, as he says in his prologue, " that every
man of my nation may understand it ; and that lords and
knights and other noble and worthy men that know Latin
but little, and have been beyond the sea, may know and un-
derstand, if I err from defect of memory, and may redress it
and amend it." ^
The Teutonic leaven has been at work, though we may not
be able to trace it, so gradual has been the intellectual im-
provement of the people. Langland, the author of Piers'
Ploughman's Vision and Creed, which were written about the
year 1365, was not a "precursor of Wyclifife," though in spirit
and feeUng he was a reformer. In his poem, which is highly
allegorical, and sometimes very plain and practical, he mourns
the abuses of the Church, rebukes the religious orders, and
ridicules the palpable weaknesses of the friars. The fat fiiar
he describes as — ^
A greet chorl and a grym, growen as a tonne,
With a face so fat, as a ful bleddere,
Blowen bretful of breth, and a bagge honged.
^ Tyrvvbitt's Essay on the Language and Versification of Chaucer.
Chaucer's Works, Preface, p. 17. Oxford, 1798.
2 lUd, p. 17.
3 Sir John Maundeville's Travels, p. 129, Bohn's ed. London, 1848.
4 Warton's History of English Poetry, I., 305. London, 1714.
1375.] CHARACTER OF WTCLIFFE. 83
On bothen his cliekes, and his chyn, with a chol (jole) lollede
So greet a gos ey, grovven al of grece,
That al wagged his fleish, as a quick (quag) mire.
" The people who could listen with delight to such strains
were far advanced," says Milman, " towards a revolt from Latin
Christianity."^ Langland adopted the alliterative form of
Saxon poetry. His language is largely Saxon, though inter-
spersed mth Norman words, some of which were already a
part and parcel of the language, while others " appear like
strangers." His Latin words seem to have heen drawn di-
rectly from the Vulgate.^ What is true of Langland in respect
to language is true also of Wycliffe. They both wrote for the
people. Chaucer in his writings sought to please the court,
and yet, to his enduring fame, preferred "to show his fanta-
sies in such wordes as we learneden of our dames tongues."
And as a matter of fact, after an etymological comparison by
actual count. Marsh declares that "Chaucer's vocabulary is
more purely Anglo-Saxon than that of Langland." ^ Though
Wycliffe's language was no purer than that of these cotempo-
rary poets ; and though he did no more than they to fix the
language in its then Enghsh mould, yet we must attribute to
him the greater influence, since, in addition to his writings he
translated the Holy Scriptures, which became the book of the
household. A book most sacredly kept and rehgiously read ;
a book whose teachings were treasured u]^ in the hearts of
parents and taught to their children. And all this not for a
single generation, but for generations even to the beginning of
the sixteenth century.
This chapter would be incomplete without a few words
respecting the character of John Wycliffe. It is painful to
witness the low estimate put upon the man and the reformer
^ History of Latin Christianity, VIII., 384. New York, 1874.
2 lUd, p. 378.
3 Lectures on the English Langvage, p. 124. New York, 1860.
84 THE WYCLIFFITE VEESIOXS. [CHAP. II.
by some Church historians. From several paragraphs of Mil-
ner's Church History, one is led to think that there is some-
thing dark and inexplicable hanging over WycliSe's character;
yet in other paragraphs he does him fall justice. Evidently
Milner, in his attempt to be impartial, has gone to the other
extreme. He confesses that the character of no other public
man had given him so much trouble in forming his estimate
as that of Wycliffe. We are indebted to the enemies of Wyc-
liffe for much of our information concerning him, and it may
be that Mr. Milner suffered their testimony to bias his judg-
ment. In some degree the same is true of Mosheim. He
failed, however, to make the character of Wycliffe a subject of
careful study. Consequently, he expresses himself, if not
carelessly, at least unsatisfactorily. But it remained for Mean-
der, the prince of Church historians, to do justice to Wycliffe's
character. In seeking, however, to set forth the facts concern-
ing Huss and the Hussite movement, that it was independent
of Wycliffe's influence, his statements are very fair, though not
altogether convincing. The more, however, the history of
the age is searched into, and the public acts of Wycliffe scanned,
the better his character will be understood, and the nobler it
will appear. This was doubtless the experience of D'Aubigne
in writing the history of the Keformation, and with an honest
pen he drew the character of John Wycliffe. It is refreshing
likewise to read Milman's chapter on Wycliffe in his History
of Latin Christianity. Yet even Milman, with all his high
appreciation, declares that as a reformer Wycliffe was prema-
ture. That he possessed the power to pull down but not to
build up. True, Wycliffe spent the greater part of his life in
breaking down the barriers and clearing away political as well
as religious rubbish ; and of his success in these particulars let
his enemies bear witness. But this was only a part of his
work, for it was he who set in motion a positive evangelistic
movement, which flowed like a majestic river, growing deeper
if not wider, and forming a grand channel for the Eeformation
of the sixteenth century.
Intellectually Wycliffe stood first among his cotemporaries.
1380.] CHARACTER OF WYCLIFFE. 85
His superiority was acknowledged by both Parliament and
University. Even the pope felt his power. Of Wycliffe's
moral character there is but one opinion, and that is, that it
was irreproachable. A member of a brilliant but sensual
court, whose chief head set the worst possible example of im-
morality, yet Wycliffe was untainted. He was there as chaplain
of Edward HL, and commanded the respect and reverence of
all. It would be gratifying to know more of the social life of
Wycliffe. History never wearies of placing him before us as a
warrior steel-clad and mounted for battle. We see him always
in public, never in private ; even in his own writings he is
reticent respecting himself. Was there no retirement for
him? Was there never a smile upon that sad countenance?
His face so narrow and pale, yet beneficent ; how different
from the round ruddy face of Luther. In many respects how
different from Luther. The one is like a Gothic castle, with
commanding towers and high walls, without any signs of life;
while the other is like an ordinary dwelling, with its interior
every-day life activities all exposed to view. We have no table-
talk of Wycliffe. It is only by inference that we know that
he had a home. Notwithstanding this, Wycliffe had his
friends. At the court of Edward HI. he met with Chaucer,
and in him doubtless found a genial spirit. Wycliffe was
Chaucer's ideal of a good priest^ and doubtless Chaucer had
the parson of Lutterw^orth in mind when he wrote :^
A good man tlier was of religioun,
That was a poure Peksone of a toun :
But riclie lie was of holy thought and werk.
He was also a lerned man, a clerk,
That Cristes gospel trewely wolde preche.
His parishens devoutly wolde he teche.
Benigne he was— and wonder diligent.
And in adversite ful patient :
Wide was his parish, and houses fer asonder,
But he ne left nought for no rain ne thonder,
The Canterbury Tales, I., 20, 21, Tyrwhitt's ed. Oxford, 1798.
86 THE WYCLIFPITE YERSIOKS. [CHAP. II.
In sikenesse and in miscliief to visite
The ferrest in his parish, moche and lite,
Upon his fete, and in his hand a staf.
This noble ensample to his shepe he yaf.
That first he wrought, and afterward he taught.
He sette not his benefice to hire,
And lette his shepe acombred in the mire,
And ran unto London, unto Seint Poules,
To seken him a chanterie for soules,
Or with a brotherhede to be witbold :
But dwelt at home, and kepte wel his fold,
So that the wolf no made it not miscarie.
He was a shepherd, and no mercenarie.
And though he holy were, and vertuous.
He was to sinful men not dispitous (angry),
Ne of his speche dangerous (sparing), ne digne (proud).
But in his teching discrete and benigne.
To drawen folk to heven, with fairenesse.
By good ensample, was his besinesse :
A better preest I trowe that nowher non is.
He waited after no pompe ne reverence,
Ne maked him no spiced conscience.
But Cristes lore, and his apostles twelve.
He taught, but first he folwed it himselve.
If Wycliffe was Chaucer's ideal of a good parson, doubtless
Chaucer was Wycliffe's ideal of a good poet. Chaucer sang to
please the ear of a pleasure-loving court ; he sang also to please
the ear of a gospel-loving Wycliffe. Chaucer dealt heavy blows
against the friars. The religious influence of Chaucer's poe-
try in the reform movement of his time has been too little
appreciated. Among his political friends Wycliffe numbered
such men as the Duke of Lancaster. But it was at his parish
at Lutterworth, where, surrounded by his parishioners and
by learned men in his own house and at his own table, fellow-
laborers with himself in translating the Scriptures and preach-
ing the Gospel, notable men who afterwards became leaders
1384.] wycliffe's death. 87
in tlie Lollard party which Wycliffe founded, among these he
found true sympathy and a lasting friendship. But with all
this, at Lutterworth, we have only his fervent words addressed
through his tracts and sermons to the public, consequently
nothing of his private conversations or feelings.
As we have no particulars of Wycliffe's private life, so we
have scarcely any of his death. We are told that while ad-
ministering the Lord's Supper in the chapel at Lutterworth
he w^as seized with paralysis, which " deprived him at once of
utterance, if not of consciousness." ^ This was on the twenty-
ninth day of December, 1384, and in two days afterwards
his devout spirit returned to God who gave it. If we would
know of the excessive hatred heaped upon the head of Wycliffe,
and of the debt of gratitude his friends in every age ow^e to
his memory, we have only to read the following account
of his death, written by the hand of an enemy: "On the
day of St. Thomas the martyr, .... December 29, ....
John Wyclif, the organ of the Devil, the enemy of the
Church, the confusion of the common people, the idol of,
heretics, the looking-glass of hypocrites, the encourager of
schism, the sower of hatred, and the maker of lies, when he
designed, as it is reported, to belch out accusations and blas-
phemies against St. Thomas in the sermon he had prepared
for that day, was suddenly struck by the judgment of God,
and had all his limbs seized with palsy, his tongue was
speechless, .... shewing plainly that the curse which God had
thundered forth against Cain was also inflicted on him."^
However great the dishonor and indignity intended by his
enemies, these w^ords, from the standpoint of his friends,
must ever be regarded, considering their source, as a most
honorable epitaph.
' Vaughan's Tracti and Treatises of WycUiffe, p. xciii. London, 1845.
« Lewis' Life of Dr. John Wycliffe, pp. 133, 134. Oxford, 1820.
CHAPTER III.
TTNDALE, AND HIS TRANSLATION OF THE NEW
TESTAMENT. A. D. 1525.
IN the time of Wycliffe, England held an enviable position
among the nations of Europe. The Teutonic love of free-
dom here first came to the surface ; but it was stifled so far as
human effort could avail, and then followed a period of more
than a century of intellectual darkness. In Italy and Ger-
many there arose with the art of printing an intellectual
awakening. The Greek and Latin languages were cultivated.
Under Pope Nicolas V., 1447-1454, the city of Eome became
more literary than religious. " He seemed determined," says
Milman, " to enrich the West with all that survived of Grecian
literature." 1 Besides, his efforts were not confined to the
classics, but embraced the writings of the Church fathers.
He even went so far as to authorize the execution of a new
Latin version of the Bible from the Hebrew and Greek. Pope
Nicolas was not aware of the fire he was kindling, nor the
distance to which its light and heat would penetrate. He did
not dream of the intimate relation of the revival of learning
with Vernacular versions of the Holy Scriptures and the Eefor-
mation of the sixteenth century.
Printing was introduced into England by AYilliam Caxton
about the year 1474, and its influence was soon felt. A Latin
translation of Aristotle's Ethics was among the first issUes
from the Caxton press. It is said that Cornelius Vitelli, an
educated Italian, came to Oxford in 1488, and not only taught
in the University but became the instructor of William Grocyn.
However this may be, Grocyn, though a reputed Greek scholar,
' History of Latin Christianity, VIII., 123. New York, 1874.
1516.] CHARACTER OF SIR THOMAS MORE. 89
quitted his lectureship of Divinity and went to Italy to per-
fect his knowledge of the Greek language, and after remaining
three years returned aud taught Greek in Exeter College, Ox-
ford. He introduced a new pronunciation, and so popularized
the study that it gave rise to the two factions in the Univer-
sity known as the Greeks and Trojans, who bore the most
violent animosities towards each other. But the day has
dawned, and learning is in the highest repute. The first visit
of Erasmus to England was in 1497. He praises not only
Grocyn, but Colet, Linacre, and More. He says that he found
in England "a treasure of old books," and the highest appre-
ciation of learning.! In such estimation was learning held at
this time that even Henry VIII. sighed for it, and was ready
to turn from the pursuits of pleasure, and the labors of diplo-
macy, for its sake. His words were : " Ah ! how I should like
to be a scholar." Not only did Henry VIII. sigh for learning,
and Cardinal Woolsey affect it; but there were some who
really possessed it.
As yet, however, the revival of learning is only intellectual.
The single example of Dr. Thomas Linacre, whom Erasmus
praises so highly, illustrates this fact. He was president of
the College of Physicians, and a reputed scholar. Late in life
he changed his profession to that of Divinity, yet so ignorant
was he of the Scriptures, that after he was ordained as a priest
he took up the New Testament, and after reading the fifth
and sixth chapters of Matthew's Gospel, he threw down the
book, exclaiming: "Either this is not the Gospel, or we are
not Christians."^ Another remarkable example was that of
Sir Thomas More, a man of superior ability and attainments,
an acknowledged wit, a safe counselor, a just judge, a friend
and a defender of Greek learning, a Christian man, and yet
withal an extreme papist, opposing with all his might and
official power the progress of the Reformation and the circular-
tion of the Vernacular Scriptures. The character of More, as
^ Hallam's Literature of Europe, I., 241. New York, 1874.
* Townley's Illustrations of Biblical Literature, II., 165. liondon, 1821.
90 TYKDALE'S TRANSLATION" OF THE N. T. [CHAP. III.
a papist and a persecutor, is the more difficult to understand in
the Hght of his great sincerity and Christian simplicity, and
still more when we consider his previous liberal sentiments.
He was a decided friend of the New learning so long as it
confined itself to the classics, though at first he openly de-
fended the New Testament of Erasmus. He was in sympathy
with the author of the Praise of Folly, and must have enjoyed
his sarcastic thrusts at the Monastic orders, since Erasmus was
his guest when he wrote this book. Then the liberal opinions
of More are distinctly revealed in his Utopia. "In that short
but extraordinary Book," says Burnet, "he gave his Mind full
Scope, and considered Mankind and Religion with the Free-
dom that became the true Philosopher. By many Hints it is
very easy to collect, what his Thoughts were of Religion, of
the Constitutions, of the Church, and of the Clergy at that
time."i But in all how changed. Those who have attempted
to dehneate the character of Sir Thomas More have been in
doubt whether to represent him as " a foolish wise man, or a
wise fooHsh man."
But learning the most extensive and profound is not an end
in itself, but a means to a higher end. And the end at this
time was reUgious reformation. And it is the learned name of
Erasmus which links this intellectual movement with the Holy
Scriptures and the Protestant Reformation. This grand end,
and his noble contribution to it, is well described by himself
when he says : "A spiritual temple must be raised in desolate
Christendom, the mighty in the world will contribute towards
it their ivory, their marble, and their gold ; I, who am poor
and humble, offer the foundation stone." This foundation-
stone was none other than his Greek and Latin New Testa-
ment. And well might he thus designate it, since it was the
Scriptures, and only the Scriptures, that could form a substan-
' The first edition of the Utopia contained many passages ridiculing
the folly and ill-nature of the friars, which were left out of later editions.
See Burnet's History of the Reformation, III., 29. 1715.
1516.] GREZK AND latins" TESTAMENT OF ERASMUS. 91
tial foundation for the building up of the faith of a Eeformed
Christianity. The Greek Testament of Erasmus was collated
from all the MSS. he could obtain. The text thus formed he
printaJ together with a Latin translation. It appeared at
Basle in 1516, and was the first Greek New Testament pub-
lished in print.i Transported across the channel, it was re-
ceived into England with enthusiasm, and was offered for sale
in the book-stalls of London, Oxford, and Cambridge. The
friends of the New learning were delighted, but the hierarchy-
was alarmed. " The priests saw the danger," says D'Aubigne,
"and by a skilful manoeuvre, instead of finding fault with the
Greek Testament, attacked the translation and the translator." ^
They cried out : " He has corrected the Vulgate, and puts
himself in the place of St. Jerome Look here ! this book
calls upon men to repent, instead of requiring them, as the
Vulgate does, to do penance,^'' ^ Notwithstanding this opposi-
tion, edition after edition was called for, and accordingly it
was reprinted in 1519, 1522, 1527, and 1535. This Greek and
Latin Testament of Erasmus was a preparatory step towards a
Vernacular version of the New Testament ; and this was his
desire. In his preface he says: "I differ exceedingly from
those who object to the Scriptures being translated into the
vernacular tongues, and read by the illiterate; as if Christ
had taught so obscurely, that none could understand him but
a few theologians ; or as if the Christian religion depended
upon being kept secret. The mysteries of kings ought, per-
haps, to be concealed, but the mystery of Christ strenuously
urges publication And I wish that the Scriptures might be
translated into all languages, .... (that) the husbandman might
^ The Gomplutendan Polyglott of Cardinal Ximenes did not appear till
1522, thougti the Neic lestament was printed in 1514, and the Old Testa-
ment in 1517. But the consent of the pope for their publication was not
granted till 1520. See Hallam's Literature of Europe, I., 292. New
York, 1874.
2 History of the Reformation, V., 155, Am. Tr. Soc. edition. New
York, N. D.
8 lUd, p. 155.
92 TYKDALE'S TRAi^SLATIO^^ OF THE K. T. [CHAP. III.
repeat them at his plough, the weaver sing them at his loom.
Letters, written by those we love and esteem, are pre-
served and prized, ... and yet there are thousands of Chris-
tians who ... never once, in the whole of their life, read the
books containing the Gospels and Epistlesr ^
The wish of Erasmus was fulfilled, but not through his
direct agoncy. The storm of opposition gathered as he did
not anticipate. From a literary standpoint he thought to
harmonize the conflicting elements and gradually reform the
abuses of the papacy. Erasmus was a professed papist, yet a
leader in the party of the New learning up to a certain point.
He was friendly to the work of Eeformation under Luther,
yet w^as unwilling to break with the pope. He sought a mid-
dle course, which proved displeasing to both extremes. He
called Luther his dear friend and brother, and at the same
time wrote flattering letters to the pope. And yet neither
Wycliffe or Luther sent forth such broadsides of wit and sar-
casm against the Eomish priests. But Erasmus was not a
reformer. He had no taste for martyrdom. He could retreat
from the storm of battle he had helped to raise, but he could
not fight; and in 1517 he was compelled so to do. His Greek
Testament, however, remained notwithstanding the attempts
to banish it the kingdom. Archbishop Lee, from a professed
friend of Erasmus became his open enemy, and w^as inde-
fatigable in his efforts to prepare "a prison for Erasmus,
(and) the fire for the Holy Scriptures." ^ But while the enemy
raged his New Testament was eagerly sought after, and as
eagerly read. Another attack was made by Bishop Standish.
Single-handed, and with more zeal than knowledge, he made
a desperate attack. From the pulpit of St. Paul's Cathedral
he appealed to the mayor and corporation of London. In the
midst of his sermon he cried out: "Away with these new
translations or else the religion of Jesus Christ is threatened
^ Townley's Biblical Literature, II., 265. London, 1821.
^ " If we do not stop this leak," said Lee in referring to Erasmus' New
Testament, " it will sink the ship." — D'Aubigne's History of the Uefor-
mation, V., 159.
1516.] THE APPEAL OF BISHOP STAKDISH. 93
with utter ruin My lord, magistrates of the city, and citi-
zens all, fly to the succour of religion/' ^ This empty harangue
was a failure; but he will appeal to the king. The story is
told by Erasmus himself, and the scene was worthy of his pen.
The royal family, with invited guests, were in the midst of a
social rejoicing when the good bishop, making his way through
the gay crowd, prostrated himself before the king and queen.
All were amazed, and wondered what the old bishop could
mean. "Great king," he cried, "your ancestors who have
reigned over this island, and yours, 0 great queen, who have
governed Ai-agon, were always distinguished by their zeal for
the Church. Show yourselves worthy of your forefathers.
Times full of danger are come upon us, a book has just ap-
peared, and been published too by Erasmus ! it is such a book
that^ if you close not your kingdom against it, it is all over
with the religion of Christ among us." The bishop ceased for
a moment, and then raising his eyes and hands towards heaven,
exclaimed in a sorrowful tone: "0 Christ! 0 Son of God!
save thy spouse! for no man cometh to her help." The
bishop acted his part well; Henry VIII. was embarrassed, and
Queen Catherine was deeply affected ; and had the scene closed
here, the aj)peal possibly might not have been in vain. But
the chief actor, thinking that he had won the judgment of
the king and the sympathy of the queen, waited that he might
depart in triumph. But the scene changes ; that which was
just now so serious becomes most ludicrous. Sir Thomas
More, the friend of Erasmus, and a great admirer of his Latin
translation of the Greek Testament, was present, and breaking
the silence calmly inquired : " What are the heresies this book
is likely to engender ? " The bishop, seeking to kee]3 up the
dramatic dignity of the scene, " with the forefinger of his right
hand, touching successively the fingers of his left," enumerated
one by one the heresies ; " First, this book," he said, " destroys
the resurrectio7i ; secondly, it annuls the sacrament of mar-
riage ; thirdly, it abolishes tlie massP Then, uplifting his
^ D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, V., 171, 172
94
TTKDALE'3 TKAKSLATIOIf OF THE N^. T. [CHAP. III.
thumb and two fingers, " he showed them to the assembly with
a look of triumi^h." But the friends of learning called for
''the proof, the proof." The poor old man, still full of cour-
age and elated by success, attempts the i)roofs, but they are so
weak that his friends blush for him. Henry VIII. in disgust
turns away. The bishop, greatly chagrined, withdraws.^ The
New learning triumphs, and in its triumph Protestantism
and the New Testament of Erasmus rejoice.
But this Greek and Latin Testament was but a preparatory
step to something better. It must needs be translated into
the language of the people. This was the desire of Erasmus,
but the purpose of Tyndale. A purpose not to be fulfilled
excepting through opposition, danger, exile and final martyr-
dom. The story of Tyndale's life and of his translation of
the New Testament into English, is one. There were succes-
sive steps in the life of John Wycliffe, which both fitted and
unfitted him for the work of translating the Bible. How long
he meditated the design we do not know ; but he did not exe-
cute it till the close of his eventful life. It was otherwise with
William Tyndale. The purpose to translate the Holy Scrip-
tures was the one purpose and the one work of his life. No
name in the whole history of Vernacular versions deserves
such prominence as that of William Tyndale. Our common
English Bible of to-day is so largely indebted to Tyndale's
translation that all wdio love their English Bible will unite in
honoring the memory of William Tyndale, who suffered ex-
patriation and martyrdom for the sake of giving to his
countrymen the New Testament in their own tongue.
William Tyndale was born, most probably, in 1484, in
Gloucestershire, in the village of North Nibley. The obscurity
which hangs over the family relations of Tyndale, arises
from the fact, that he lived in times of persecution, and
hence his reticence lest he should involve his relations in
his own troubles. He was early sent to Oxford, and studied
1 D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, V., 172, 173.
1514.] TYNDALE AT CAMBRIDGE. 95
grammar, logic and philosophy in Magdalene Hall. Foxe,
the martyrologist and chief biographer of Tyndale, records
that Tyndale was brought up in the University of Oxford,
that he increased in the knowledge of tongues, and other
liberal arts, and especially in the knowledge of the Scriptures.
Also that he privately read lectures in Divinity to the students,
and instructed them in the Holy Scriptures. But ^^ spying
hys tyme," he removed to the University of Cambridge.'
Tyndale^s motive for going to Cambridge is not known. Some
conjecture that it was on account of his liberal opinions ;
while others, with more reason, perhaps, suppose that it was
his desire to study Greek under Erasmus, who about this time,
1509-1514, was professor of Greek at Cambridge.^ But the
New Testament of Erasmus was shortly to do a greater work
for the students of Cambridge than Erasmus himself. Thomas
Bilney, a young Cambridge doctor, read it, at first, more for
the elegance of its Latinity than for its religious teaching.
But when at length his eyes fell upon the words : This is a
faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, that Christ
Jesus came into the world to save sinners ; of whom I am
chief. His heart was touched. ^'^I also am like Paul," he
cried, " and more than Paul the greatest of sinners ! But
Christ saves sinners I see it all, my vigils, my fasts,
my pilgrimages, my purchase of masses and indulgences were
destroying instead of saving me."^ Tyndale met with Bilney.
They opened the 'New Testament together. They also read it
to their fellow students. Here also Tyndale met with John
Pryth, who already was distinguished for his scholarship and
integrity of life. Fryth, through the influence of Tyndale,
became a converted man, and afterwards became his associate
in the work of translation. Fryth was well read in mathe-
matics, Bilney in the canon law, and Tyndale in the learned
* Acts and Monuments, p. 1224.
2 Fuller's Church History of Britain. History of the University of
Cambridge, p. 87. London, 1655. Fuller in this connection says, that
Erasmus also " took upon him the Divinity Professors place."
3 D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, V., 163, 164.
96 TTNDALE'S translation of the N. T. [cnAP. III.
languages. These three young men associated themselves to-
gether, and strengthened each othei-'s hands in the work of
reading the New Testament and preaching the Gospel of
repentance to their fellow students.
After Tyn dale's departure from Cambridge we next hear of
him as a tutor in the family of Sir John Walsh, of Gloucester-
shire. " This Gentleman/' says Foxe, "as hee kept a good
ordinarie commonly at his table, there resorted to hym many
times sondry Abbots, Deanes, Archdeacons, with other diners
Doctors and great beneficed men ; who there together with M.
Tyndall sittyng at the same table, did use many tymes to
enter communication and talke of learned men, as of Luther
and of Erasmus. Also diners other controuersies and questions
upon the Scripture And when as they at any tyme
did varye from Tyndall in opinions and judgement, he would
shewe them the booke and lay playnly before them the open
and manifest places of the Scriptures, to confute their erours,
and to confirme his sayinges. And thus continued they for a
certain season, reasonynge and contending together diners and
sundry tymes, till at length they waxed wery, and bare a
secret grudge in their hartes agaynst hym." ^
Foxe enters minutely into the history of Tyndale's life
while he remained in the family of Sir J. Walsh. At first,
through the influence of Lady Walsh, the family inclined to
the views of the learned and rich doctors, for there were
among them those that could spend their three hundred
pounds, a very large sum, since in modern values it stands as
one to fifteen, and it was not reasonable, according to her
protest, that she should listen to Tyndale, a poor tutor, in
preference to these rich doctors. However, after Tjmdale had
translated the Enchiridion of Erasmus, a book which exposed
the ceremonial observances of the Eomish Church, he gave it
to Sir John and his lady to read. The book had the desired
influence. The family became more friendly to Tyndale, and
more estranged from the Eomish doctors. Whereupon the
^ Acts and Monuments, p. 1325.
1518.] TYXDALE IN- THE FAMILY OF SIR J. WALSH. 97
latter were enraged, and " began to grudge and storme against
Tyndall, rayling agaynst hym in ale houses and other places." ^
They finally accused Tyndale secretly before the chancellor.
Tyndale's ofiense was that of driving them from the well filled
tables of Sir John, and that he was a zealous preacher " about
the town of Bristol, and in the said town in the common
place called St. Austin's Green." When Tyndale was brought
before the chancellor, though nothing was proved against him,
yet the chancellor " threatened hym greuously, reuilyng and
ratyng hym as though hee had been a dogge." ^ Foxe further
relates a conversation, which occurred at this time, between
Tyndale and a certain learned divine, who in anger burst
forth, saying : " We were better to be without Gods law
than the Popes." T3mdale with spirit replied: ''1 defie
the Pope and all hys lawes;" and further added: '^if God
spared hym life, ere many yeares he would cause a boy that
driueth the plough to know more of the Scripture, then he
did." 3
There is no positive evidence that Tyndale began the work
of translating the New Testament while at the house of Walsh ;
but he has left words on record which show his state of mind
at this period. He says : " Which thing only moved me to
translate the New Testament. Because I had perceived by
experience, how that it was impossible to establish the lay-
people in any truth, except the scripture were plainly laid be-
fore their eyes in their mother-tongue, that they might see
the process, order, and meaning of the text ; for else, what-
soever truth is taught them, these enemies of all truth quench
it again."* He labored much in preaching the Gospel while
he stayed at this manor house, and it is to these labors, doubt-
less, he referred, when he wrote : " While I am sowing in one
place, the enemy ravages the field I have just left. Oh, if
Christians possessed the Holy Scriptures in their own tongue
^ Acts and Monuments, p. 1225.
« IMd, p. 1225. 3 ji)i^^ p, 1225.
* Tyndale's Works, I., 394. Parker Soc. ed. Cambridge, 1848.
98 TYHDALE'S translation of the N. T. [chap. III.
they could of themselves withstand these sophists." The rage
of the priests increased, and as Foxe relates, Tyndale came to
Sir John and said : " I perceane I shall not bee suffered to
tarye long hire in this countrey, neither shal you be hable,
though you would, to kepe me out of the handes of the spir-
itualitie, and also what displeasure might grow thereby to you
by kepyng me."i
Thus driven away, Tyndale came to London, hoping to find
a patron in Bishop Tonstal, since he remembered that Tonstal
was highly extolled by Erasmus for his great learning. So
long as the revival of learning confined itself to classic litera-
ture, Tonstal, like Sir Thomas More, was a friend of the move-
ment ; but since it was opening wide the door of Protestant-
ism, he was no longer its friend. Consequently, in his house
there was no place for Tyndale, though as an evidence of his
scholarship Tyndale had sent him an oration of Isocrates
which he had translated from the Greek into English. ^ But
in Humphrey Monmouth, whom Foxe describes as "a right
godly and sincere alderman of London," Tyndale found a
friend and supporter, who received him into his own house for
the space of six months. Here, doubtless, Tyndale applied
himself to the work of translation. Monmouth's testimony
respecting Tyndale, while he abode in his house, was that "he
lyued lyke a good Priest, studying both night and day." ^ But
the eye of the persecutor followed him to London. It is now
the close of the year 1523. Tyndale has been in London
almost a year, and can remain no longer. He says : "I
saw things whereof I defer to speak at this time, and under-
stood at the last, not only that there w^as no room in my lord
of London's palace to translate the Xew Testament, but also
that there was no place to do it in all England, as experience
doth now openly declare." ^
^ Acts and Mon., p. 1225.
2 Tyndale's Works, I., 395.
2 Foxe's Acts and Monu7nents, p. 1133.
^ Tyndale's Works, I., 396. Parker Society edition. Cambridge, 1848.
1524-5.] TYKDALE AT HAMBUEGH. 99
Probably by Monmouth's advice, and certainly by his aid/
Tyndale crossed the sea to Hamburgh, that he might carry
out his purpose of translating the New Testament. He landed
at Hamburgh in May, 1524, and found the city in a state of great
excitement. The burghers were united in opposition to all
political usurpations, but they were divided as to their re-
ligious opinions. For three or four years the Keformation
under Luther had been steadily advancing in Hamburgh.
Here Tyndale found friends ; and, assisted by his " faithful
companion,'' he proceeded with the work of translation. And
when this friend was called away ,2 he was aided by William
Ro3'e, " a friar observant of the Franciscan order at Green-
wich." Tyndale describes him as "a man somewhat crafty,
when he cometh unto new acquaintance Nevertheless, I
suffered all things till that was ended, which I could not do
alone without one, both to write and to help me to compare
the texts together. When that was ended, I took my leave, and
bade him farewell for our two lives, (and as men say) a day
longer." 3 During Tyndale's short stay in Hamburgh, it is
very possible that he finished the translations of the Gos-
pels of Matthew and Mark, which he printed separately ; and
that one or both of these made up the '• little book " that
Humphrey Monmouth confessed to have received from Tyn-
dale in 1524.^ Tyndale remained in Hamburgh till the begin-
ning of the next year. That he went from here to Wit-
tenburgh to confer with Luther, though asserted by Foxe, is
very questionable. Sir Thomas More and other papists were
anxious to make it appear that Tyndale was confederate with
^ Humphrey Monmouth gave liim an exhibition or annuity of ten
pounds, sufficient, at this time, for the maintenance of a single man.
The amount in present values would be about $750. Lewis' History of
Eng. Translations, p. 75.
2 Supposed to be his college associate, John Fryth, who afterwards
suffered martyrdom at the stake in Smithfield. Or possibly the person
meant may be George Joy.
3 Tyndale's Works, I., 37, 38.
* Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, p, 29. London, 1863.
100 TYi^DALE'S TRANSLATION OF THE N". T. [CHAP. III.
Luther, hence the importance of this visit, and yet there is
no positive evidence of it.^
Leaving Hamburgh, Tyndale with Roye arrived at Cologne
in April, 1525. Cologne offered superior advantages for print-
ing. The celebrated printers, Quentel and the Byrcmans were
established here. But the city was one of the strongholds of
the papacy. The Protestant movement had reached Cologne,
but the principal effect had been to stir up a violent opposi-
tion to the Reformation. Tyndale, aware of this, takes ob-
scure lodgings. When his manuscript was ready for the press,
he was cautious in arranging with the printers for an edition
of three thousand copies. The printing began in secret, and
page after page was worked off from the press. Tyndale is
overjoyed. But further disappointment awaits him. John
Cochlaeus, a violent opposer of the Reformation, was at Co-
logne. He had dealings with Tyndale's printers. They met
over the winecup, and Cochlasus learns from them what
they would not have revealed in their sober moments — that
two Englishmen, skilled in the languages, were concealed in
the city for the purpose of superintending the printing the
New Testament in English, and that four score pages m
quarto had already been struck off. Cochlaeus took immediate
steps to inform the public authorities, and through an order
from the senate the press was stopped. He likewise, by letters,
warned Henry VIII. and his councilors, and directed them to
give orders at every seaport to prevent the introduction of
the baneful merchandise.^ Anticipating any further action of
the senate, Tyndale hastens to the printers, and securing his
manuscript and the pages already printed, escapes the net of
the fowler by fleeing the city. We next hear of Tyndale at
Worms, where, without further opposition, lie succeeds in
his long cherished design. Two editions of his translation, an
octavo and a quarto, were printed here, in the closing months
of 1525. There has been much confusion as to the correct
1 Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, pp. 24, 25, 26. London, 1862.
2 Ibid, p. 33.
1525-6.] THE QUARTO AiTD OCTAVO EDITIOi^S. 101
date, though the year 1526 has been heretofore generally ac-
cepted as correct. '^ The first time," says Strype, "the Holy
Scripture was printed in EngUsh was about the Year
1526. And that was only the New Testament translated by
TyndaV^ Le Long refers to the year 1526 as the positive date
of the quarto edition. But Mr. Anderson thinks he makes a
mistake of a whole year.^ The introduction of these Testa-
ments into England in the spring of 1526 would seem to favor
the close of the year 1525 as the true date.
If possible, authorities have been more divided in respect to
the place, than to the date, of printing these New Testaments.
Some •f'aYor Wittenburgh, others Antwerp, while others more
correctly fix upon Worms as the place of printing. This con-
fusion arises from the fact that the books were published with-
out either the name of the author, the place, or the date of
the issue. Again, it has been an open question as to which
was first printed, the quarto or the octavo edition. Mr. Offer,
however, seems to have settled this question, quite satisfac-
torily, in favor of the octavo edition. The explanation seems
to be, that while Tyndale intended the quarto edition should
be the first printed, and so the work was actually begun at
Cologne, yet, because it was interrupted and the English
authorities were instructed particularly as to the character of
the book issuing from the press at Cologne, he changed the
form to an octavo, leaving out the prologues and glosses.^
And yet, from some unknown reason, the quarto volumes,
though last from the press, appeared in England quite as soon as
those of the octavo edition, and were the first condemned by the
public authorities, since the books that were condemned con-
tained " prefaces and other pestylente gloses in the margentes."
This appears in the reply of Henry VIII. to Luther, in which he
charges Luther with being " in deuyce with one or two leude
persons (referring to Tyndale and Roye) borne in this our
' Memorials of Archhishop Cranmer, p. 81. London, 1694.
2 Anderson's Annals, p. 43. ^ lUd, p. 39.
102 ttndale's teanslatio:n' of the x. t. [chap. hi.
realme, for the translatj^ng of the Newe testament in to Eng-
lysshe, as well with many corruptions of that holy text, as
certayne prefaces, and other jDestylente gioses in the margentes,
for the aduauncement and settyng forthe of his adbomynable
heresyes, In the aduoydynge wherof, we of our especiall
tendre zeale determyned the sayd and vntrue translatyons
to be brenned, with further sharppe correction and punissh-
ment against the kepars and reders of the same." ^
So hot were the fires kindled by the king's ^'^ tendre zeal"
that no entire copy of the quarto edition escaped the flames,
so far as has been found. The only relic extant, contains the
prologue to Matthew's Gospel, also a portion of the same
Gospel, extending from the first chapter to the twelfth verse
of the twenty-second chapter, inclusive. And it seems that
this escaped by being bound up with a quarto tract of
CEcolampadius. In this way it remained concealed for three
hundred years; when it was discovered accidentally, and
identified as a part of Tyndale's New Testament.^ This
fragment is now preserved in the Grenville collection in the
British Museum ; and has been photo-lithographed and re-
printed in facsimile, both text and prologue, by Edward
Arber. Of the octavo edition, there remains but one perfect
copy,^ which is most sacredly preserved in the library of the
Baptist College, Bristol. Another, though imperfect, may be
found in the library of St. Paul's Cathedral, London.* The
history of the Bristol copy may be traced back for a century
or more, when it was in the Harleian library of Lord Oxford.
Mr. John Murray, his collector, secured it, and as a reward,
twenty pounds a year was settled upon him for life. On the
' As cited in Arber's Preface. Photo-lWiograplied Fragment of
Tyndale's N. T., p. 49. London, 1871. This letter of Henry VIII. was
in answer to Luther's published letter to him, which was received in
March, 1526.
2 Anderson's Annals, pp. 36, 37.
3 The title page is gone.
< Arber's Preface, PJioto-Uthographed Fragment of Tyndale's N. T„
p. 5.
1525-6.] THE QUAKTO AND OCTAVO EDlTIOi^S. 103
death of Lord Oxford, 1741, Mr. Thomas Osborne purchased
his Hbrary, and not being aware of the vahie of this volume,
sold it to Mr. Ames for fifteen shillings. In 1760, when the
Ames' books were sold, this New Testament brought fourteen
guineas and a half. The yolume contains the following note :
"N.B. This choice book was purchased at Mr. Langford's
sale, (Mr. Ames' books) 13th May, 1760, by me John Whyte ;
and on the 13th of May, 1776, I sold it to the Rev. Dr. Gif-
ford for twenty guineas, the price first paid for it by the
late Lord Oxford." ^ Dr. Gifibrd bequeathed it to the Bristol
Library iu 1784.
The English merchants abroad who had to do with the in-
troduction of these newly printed Testaments into England,
were aware that the public authorities had been warned by
Cochlaeus, and of the consequent difficulties to be overcome.
But notwithstanding the impending dangers, five Hanseatic
merchants took the precious books into their ships, and sailed
for London. They expected to find the enemy on guard, but
instead, the way was open and the books were landed and
safely conveyed to the Merchants' warehouse in Thames
Street.^ If the enemy slept, the friends of the Bible were
awake and expectant. Not only in London, but iu Oxford
and Cambridge, they anxiously awaited the coming of the
newly printed English Testaments. The soil was prepared
for the seed. For almost a hundred and fifty years this
preparation had been going forward : so intimately allied was
the close of the fourteenth with the beginning of the sixteenth
century. The name of John Wycliffe was still fresh in the
minds and hearts of his friends ; neither was it forgotten by
his enemies, for they still kept alive the fires of persecution
so early kindled against his followers. Then these Lollards,
or Broders in Christ, still preserved and read the old brown
manuscripts of Wycliffe's New Testament. They were familiar
also with religious tracts of his writing. Besides all this
1 Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, p. 41. London, 1862.
^ D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, V., 264.
104 TYNDALE'S TRANSLATIOIT of the I^. T. [chap. III.
there was a more recent preparation which began with the
revival of learning, and the publishing of Erasmus' Greek
and Latin Testament. A movement which influenced the
educated^ not excepting those of the Universities. Finally,
by way of preparation, the influence of Luther must not be
forgotten, which was beginning to sweep like a great wave
over England. Thus the way was fully prepared, and from
the first the people received these newly printed Testaments
joyfully, but, from necessity, secretly.
The first distributer of these Testaments was Thomas
Garret, curate of Honey Lane, London. He was a plain
man, timid in disposition, but bold in faith, whose preaching
was an ofiense to the hierarchy but a joy to the people.
From the Merchants' warehouse these New Testaments were
taken to the house of Garret. Other places of deposit were
afterwards found, but the " dark corners " of Garret's house
were the first hiding places of these lights, which must soon
light up all England. So there were others who afterwards
engaged, at the risk of personal liberty, in distributing, by
sale, these precious volumes, yet, as the story comes to us,
Thomas Garret was the first to do, and the first to suffer.
The books came into his possession, probably in the early part
of the year 1526. He proceeds cautiously in his work, selling
to priest and laymen alike, but in every case with a special
charge: "that they wold kepe yt close." How the good
news must have spread among these Broders in Christ that a
printed New Testament in English could be bought of
Thomas Garret, in Honey Lane, near Cheapside, "in the
smal or biggest volume, for vii. or viii. grotes a pece." ^
^ Robert Necton in liis confession (made probably at London in 1528)
says : "Vicar Constantyne at diners tymes, bad of tbis respondent about
XV. or xvi. of tbe New Testaments of tbe biggest That about the
same tyme, be sold fyve of the said New Testaments to Sir William
Furboshore synging man, in Stowmarket, in Suffolk, for vii or viii grotes
a pece [2s. 4d. or 2s. 8d., equal to £1 15s. Od. or £2 Os. Od. now]." Ac-
cordingly the octavo copy would be worth in present values in American
money $8.75, and the quarto, $10.00. Compare Arber's Preface, p. 43.
1526.] THE BURNING OF XEW TESTAMENTS. 105
They loved their old brown manuscripts of "the iiii Evan-
gelistes and certayn Epistles of Peter and Poule in Englishe,"
but now these are little regarded in comparison with this New
Testament in print with its " cleyner Enghshe." ^
While Thomas Garret, Father Hacker and others are
diligent in distributing these Testaments in London, Cam-
bridge, and other places, the hierarchy is on the alert. It has
examined these books and has determined to condemn them,
and all such persons as have to do with them. Bishop
Tonstal, by the advice of Cardinal Wolsey, sent forth an
injunction to the archdeacons of his diocese, under date of
October 24, 1526, for the calling in of New Testaments
translated by Tyndale ; enjoining, " that within xxx dayes
space .... under payne of excommunication and incurryng
the suspicion of heresie, they do bryng in and really deliuer
unto our vicare generall, all and singular such bokes as
conteyne the translation of the new Testament in the
Englishe tongue." ^
About this time, in October or November, 1526, Bishop
Tonstal preached a seiTnon at Paul's Cross, in which he told
the people that there were three thousand errors in the trans-
lation. It was on this occasion, according to Arber, "that
Tyndale's New Testaments were first officially denounced, and
publicly J z^nz^." 2 But that the people were not convinced
1 John Tyball in his deposition made in April, 1528, says : " that at
Mychaelmasse last past was twelve monethe, this respondent and
Thomas Hilles came to London to Frear Barons, .... to buy a Xew
Testament in Englishe The sayd Thomas Hilles, and this re-
spondent shewyd the Frear Barons of certayne old bookes that they
liad ; as of iiii Evangelistes, and certyne Epistles of Peter and Poule in
Englishe. Which bookes the sayd Frear dyd little regard, and made a
twyte of it, and sayd, A poynt for them, for they be not to be regarded
toward the new printed Testament in Englishe. For it is of more
cleyner Englishe. And then the sayd Frear Barons delyverid to them
the sayd New Testament in Englyshe; for which they payd iii s. iid.
(£1 12s, 6d.) and desyred them that they wold kepe yt close." Arber's
Prefme, p. 46.
2 Foxes Acts and Monuments, p. 1157. ^ Arber's Preface, p. 49.
106 TTKDALE'S TRAXSLATIOX OF THE N. T. [CHAP. III.
by Tonstal's assertions, we have the testimony of John Lam-
bert, who suffered martyrdom two years afterward, that he
was at *' Paules Crosse when the new Testament Imprinted
of late beyond the Sea, was first forefended ; (forbidden ;) and
truely my harte lamented greatly to heare a great man
preaehyng agaynst it, which shewed forth certaine thynges
that he noted for hideous errors to be in it, that I, yea and
not I, but lykewise did many other thincke verely to be
none."^ But if now the New Testaments of Tyndale are
burned, for eveiy book thus destroyed hundreds of others
will arise from its ashes. Already Dutch printers haye taken
up the work of printing English Testaments as a commercial
enterprise. ChristoiDher Endhoven printed an edition in 1527,
at Antwerp; two other editions by Euremond followed in
1528, so that English Testaments became j^lentier and
cheaper. The years 1527 and 1528 were remarkable for the
large number of New Testaments imported into England.
The authorities were perplexed. They decided to purchase
all the books printed and thus stop their circulation. Ac-
cordingly Archbishop Warham sent forth his agents; and
royal letters were sent to Hacket, the English envoy on the
continent, to use every endeavor to get possession of English
Testaments. So very successful were the archbishop's agents,
that he lacked funds for their extensive purchases. Bishop
Nix, in reply to the archbishop's letter soliciting aid, says:
" Surely in myne opynion you have done therein a gracious
and blessed dede." And that the "holle charge and coste "
should not fall upon the archbishop, he contributed ten marks
as his share, a sum equal to about five hundred dollars in
present values.
But the inquisitors are not satisfied with books, they must
have men. These Bible readers and New Testament distrib-
uters must be arrested and severely dealt with. In the diocese
1 Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1273. Tlie above is a part of his
answer to ihe 2Uh. article, viz.: " Whether I beleue that the heades or
rulers by necessity of saluation, are bounde to geue unto the people,
holy Scripture in theyr mother language ? "
1526-8.] PEKSECUTION OF MASTER GAEEET. 107
of London, and about Colchester, and other parts of Essex,
these brethren were holding secret meetings for instructing
'*'one another out of God^s word."i And all this must be
stopped. To do it a strict visitation was ordered. Tonstal in
his wrath commanded that parties accused should be forced
not only to criminate themselves but to implicate others. The
Public Kegisters are filled with these cruel depositions. During
this visitation, in the early part of the year 1527, Father
Hacker, alias Ebb, a notable Lollard and Bible reader and
teacher, who for the past six years had been going from house
to house, reading and expounding the Scriptures, was arrested
and compelled upon his oath to discover many of his friends
and followers. A long list of the names of those thus detected,
and the accusation against them, is recorded by Strype.^
In 1528, persecution began in earnest. Wolsey's agents
abroad are instructed to search out and arrest Tvndale the
chief doer in all this mischievous work. At home the prisons
are already filled to the full with those whose only crime is
that of reading the New Testament in English. As a striking
picture of the times, exhibiting both the rage of the Romish
Church and the fierceness of the State, the story of Thomas
Garret's sufferings, as told by Anthony Dalaber, is most graphic
and interesting. The facts were written out by Dalaber from
memory in 1562, by the request of Mr. Foxe, who inserted
them in the early editions of his Acts and Monuments. The
story as given below is abridged from Foxe, and the spelling
modernized :
"I, Anthony Dalaber, then scholar at Albome Hall, who had
books of M (aster) Garret, had been in my country, in Dorset-
shire, at Stalbridge, where I had a brother Parson of that
Parish, who was very desirous to have a Curate out of Oxford,
It was thought good among the brethren, that M (aster)
Garret, changing his name, should be sent to serve him
there for a time, until he might secretly from thence, convey
* Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials of the Reformation, I., 115. Lon-
don, 1816. « lUd, pp. 117, 118, 119.
108 TY:N^D ALE'S TEAi^SLATIOi^ OF THE N. T. [CHAP. III.
himself somewhither over the sea, So the Wednesday, in
the morning before Shrovetide, M(aster) Garret departed
But the Friday next, in the night time, he came again to Rad-
leis house, and so after midnight he was apprehended
and taken there in his bed, and dehvered over to D(octor)
Cottisford, who kept him as a prisoner, in his own cham-
ber. There was great joy and rejoicing among the Papists.
Who immediately sent their letters in post haste unto the
Cardinal to inform him of the apprehension of this notable
heretic, But of all this sudden hurly burly, was I utterly
ignorant. So that I knew neither of M (aster) Garret's so sud-
den return, neither that he was so taken, until that afterwards,
he came unto my chamber, .... as a man amazed, and as soon
as he saw me, he said he was undone for he was taken I
asked him why he went not unto my brother ? He said that
after he was gone a day's journey and a half, he was so fearful,
that his heart would no other, but that he must needs return
again unto Oxford . He prayed me to help convey him
away, and told me that he would go into Wales, and thence
convey himself into Germany. Then I put on him a sleeved
coat of mine. He would also have had another manner of cap
of me, but I had none but priest like such as his own was.
" Then kneeled us both down, and lifting up our hearts
and hands to God our heavenly father, desiring him with
plenty of tears, so to conduct and prosper him in his journey,
that he well might escape the danger of all his enemies, to the
glory of his holy name And so he departed from me,
When he was gone down the stairs from my chamber, I straight-
way did shut my chamber door, and went into my study, and
took the New Testament into my hands, kneeled down on my
knees, and with many a deep sigh and salt tear, I did with
much deliberation read over the x. chapter of S. Matthew his
Gospel, and with fervent prayer, I did commit unto God
our dearly beloved brother Garret Also that he would
endue his tender and lately bom little flock in Oxford with
heavenly strength by his holy spirit that they might be well
able to withstand to his glory all their fierce enemies.
1526.] PERSECUTIOiq' OF MASTER GARRET. 109
*^This done, I. . . went towards Friswides to speak with that
worthy martyr of God M (aster) Clarke and others, and to
declare unto them what had happened that afternoon I
met by the way one Master Eden, who with pitiful
countenance said. We are all undone, for Master Garret was
returned and was in prison But I told him that I
was well assured he was now gone, how he came unto me,
and how he went his way Then I went straight to Fris-
wides. . . . As I then and there stood, incometh D(octor) Cot-
tisford the Commissary, as fast as ever he could go, bare-
headed and as pale as ashes, (I knew his grief well enough)
and to the Dean he goeth, into the Quire, and talked with
him very sorrowfully About the middle of the church met
them D{octor) London, puffing and blustering and blowing
like a hungry and greedy Lion seeking his prey, they talked
together awhile, but the Commissary was much blamed of
them for keeping his prisoner so negligently And it was
known abroad that M (aster) Garret was escaped These
Doctors departed, and sent abroad their servants and spies
eyery where. Master Clarke. . . .came forth from the Quire, I
followed him to his chamber and declared what was happened,
that afternoon, of Master Garret's escape. He was glad for
he knew of his foretaking 1 went to Alborne Hall and
there lay that night. In the morning 1 went straight to-
wards Glocester College to my chamber And going up the
stairs, would have opened my door, but I could not in a long
season do it. Whereby I perceived that my lock had been
meddled with all When I came in I saw my bed all tossed
and tumbled, my clothes in my press thrown down and my
study door open, whereof I was much amazed, and thought
verily that some search was made there that night for M (aster)
Garret Now there was lying in the next chamber unto
me, a monk, who as soon as he heard me,. . . .came and told
me how M(aster) Garret was sought (for), and how every
corner of my chamber was searched for M. Garret Then
he told me that he was commanded to bring me as soon as I
came in, unto the Prior I went with him to the said
110 TYKDALE'S TKAN"SLATIOK OF THE N. T. [CHAP. III.
Prior's chamber He asked me if M (aster) Garret were
with me yesterday? I told him yea. Then he would know
where he was I told him I knew not, .... except he were
at Woodstock Whither when I was brought into the
chapel there I found D(octor) Oottisford, D(octor) Higdon,
and D (octor) London. First, they asked what my name
was. I told them that my name was Anthony Dalaber. Then,
how long I had been student in the University, and I told
them almost iii years Then, whether I knew M(aster) Gar-
ret and how long I had known him. I told them I knew him
well and had known him almost a twelvemonth At the
last when they could get nothing of me whereby to hurt or
accuse any man, .... they all iii together brought me up a long
stairs into a great chamber, . . . .wherein stood a great pair of
very high stocks. Then M (aster) Commissary asked me for
my purse and girdle, took away my money and my knives,
and then they put my legs into the stocks, and so locked me
fast in them ; in which I sat, my feet being almost as high as
my head ; and so departed they, locking fast the chamber
door Before dinner M(aster) Cottisford came up to me
and requested me earnestly to tell him where M(aster) Garret
was, and if I would so do, he promised me straightway to de-
liver me out of prison. But I told him I could not tell where
he was, no more indeed I could. Then he departed to dinner,
asking me if I would eat any meat. I told him yea, right
gladly. He said he would send me some. When he was gone
his servants asked me divers questions, which I do not now
remember, and some of them spake me fair, and some threat-
ened me, calling me heretic, and so departed, locking the door
fast upon me." ^
Thus far the story is related by Dalaber; but Foxe further
records, that Garret was again arrested, imprisoned, and con-
victed as an heretic. Afterward he was compelled to carry a
fagot in open procession from St. Mary's church to Friswide
College. And all who were in the procession were commanded
' Foxe's Acts and Monuments, pp. 1368-1369.
1528.] "A BUBiTING OF THE WORD OF GOD." Ill
to throw a book into the fire, in token of repentance, as they
passed by. After this. Garret escaped the tyranny of his ene-
mies by fleeing from place to place, but was hotly pursued and
at last taken. He was condemned and suffered martyrdom at
the stake in Smithfield in the year 1541. ^
The opinion of the hierarchy now is, that if this flood of
heresy is checked, the fountain heads must be dried up.
Hacket, the agent ot Henry VIII., is at Antwerp with special
letters for the arrest of Christopher Endhoven, whose great
crime is printing New Testaments in English. But Antwerp
was a free city and Endhoven a free citizen, and therefore
could be heard in his own defense. Whereupon the lords of
Antwerp decided " that the heresies and errors must be proved."
The proof was not brought forward, and the '* Margrave would
proceed no further." Bichard Harman and his wife were the
next victims. Failing to secure the conviction of Endhoven
on the charge of heresy, they prosecuted Harman as a traitor.
And on this charge, backed by royal letters, Harman and his
wife were sent to prison on the 12th of July, 1528. Eichard Har-
man was an English merchant, and for many years a burgher
of Antwerp. One of the charges against him was that he had
" received books from a German merchant (viz., New Testa-
ments in English without a gloss), and sold them to an Eng-
lish merchant who has had them conveyed to England." He
was charged further with "sheltering suspected Lutherans ;"
also with " eating meat on Saturday." But such charges did
not, in the judgment of Margaret and her council, sustain the
accusation of being a traitor, and consequently the prisoners
were discharged on the 26th of February, 1529, after suffering
not only imprisonment for seven months, but a great hurt and
hinderance in their business. ^
The intense desire of Cardinal Wolsey was the apprehension
of Tyndale and Eoye. He communicated with Hacket on this
^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1369. The more probable date of
Garret's martyrdom is July 30, 1540.
2 Arber's Preface, p. 39.
112 TYKD ALE'S TRAl^SLATIO:Nr OF THE N. T. [CHAP. III.
subject. He also sent a special messenger, in the person of
John West, to Herman Eincke of Cologne, with orders to buy
up everywhere books printed in English, and to arrest Eoye
and Hitchens (Tyndale). Eincke replied : *' I will endeavour
in every way to arrest Eoy and Hutchins, and other opponents
and rebels of the king's grace and yours." ^
Failing in their attempts to stop the work of printing and
importing New Testaments by persecution, the English gov-
ernment sought the same end by treaty ; which stipulated that
there should be the continuation of traffic for merchants be-
tween the two countries, but there should be no printing or
selling of any Lutheran books on either side. This treaty was
signed at Cambray in 1529. Bishop Tonstal, Sir Thomas
More, and the agent Hacket were the commissioners. But
after all they had more confidence in fire than in treaties; for
Tonstal, on his return from Cambray, stopped at Antwerp for
the purpose of buying New Testaments that he might burn
them. He met with Augustine Packington, a London mer-
chant, and proposed to purchase all the New Testaments that
remained unsold. As the story goes, Packington laid the
matter before Tyndale, and the result was; "the Bishop of
London had the bookes, Packington the thanks, and Tyndall
had the money." ^ Furnished thus with the requisite means,
Tyndale is said to have set about correcting his translation
and haying it newly printed ; so that the books came " thicke
and threefolde ouer into England." The bishop perceiving
this sent for Packington " and said: "^How cometh this that
there are so many New Testaments abroad? You promised
me that you would bye them all.' Then aunswered Packing-
ton, * Surely I bought all that was to bee had, but I perceaue
they haue printed more since you were best to bye the
stampes too, and so you shalbe sure ? ' At which aunswere the
Bishop smyled and so the matter ended." ^ Foxe also records
in this same connection, that Sir Thomas More in his exam-
^ Arber's Preface, p. 33.
^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1159. ^ Ibid, p, 1159.
1530.] "a BURNING OF THE WORD OF GOD." 113
ination of George Constantjne said : " ^ There is beyonde the
sea Tyndall, Joye, and a great many of you ; I know they
cannot line without helpe. There are some that helpe and
succour them with money, and thou being one of them, had-
dest thy part thereof, and therefore knowest from whence it
came. I pray thee tell me, who be they that helpe them thus ? '
* My Lord ' quoth Constantine, * I will tell you truly ; it is the
Byshop of London that hath holpen us, for he hath bestowed
among us a great deale of money upon Kew Testamentes to
burne them, and that hath bene and yet is our onely succour
and comfort.' * Now by my truth,' quoth More,'I thinke even
the same, for so much I told the Byshop before he went
about it.' " 1
The year 1530 brought with it changes for the worse. Car-
dinal Wolsey, in whose opinion '- heresy w^as an error," and
who by his leniency made it possible for those thus charged to
recant, was degraded from his authority; while Sir Thomas
More, in whose opinion "heresy was a crime," was exalted to
the high seat of the chancellorship.^ And Sir Thomas as
chancellor used his authority in concert with the Romish bish-
ops to blot out the very name of heresy. Also the effect of
the king's fierce proclamation of December 24, 1529, for the
abolishing of New Testaments, and other heretical books, and
for the withstanding of all who taught or preached against the
dignity and ordinances of the Catholic Church, began to be
felt. "There ensued," says Foxe, "great persecution and
trouble against the poor and innocent flock of Christ." Ton-
stal kindled a great fire of New Testaments in London about
the 4th of May, 1530. ^ But the people were indignant. They
remonstrated to no effect : but denounced it as ' ^ a burning of
the Word of God." They further declared that " * there must
' Foxe' 3 Acts and Monuments, -p. 1159. Some objections have been
rais3d to this story, and jet it illustrates the true state of affairs at that
time.
'^ Sir Thomas More was made Chancellor October 26, 1529. See More's
Life of More, p. 155, note. London, 1726.
3 Eadie's Hist. Eng. Bible, I., p. 184.
114 TTiTDALE'S TRAITSLATION OF THE IT. T. [CHAP. III.
be a visable contrariety between that Book and the Doctrines
of those who so handled it'; by which both their prejudice
against the Clergy, and their desire of reading the New Tes-
tament were encreased."^ Moreover, the impression abroad
was that Henry VIII. was not altogether at one with the bish-
ops in their war against heresy. The following extract from a
letter of Bishop Nix, written on the 14:th of May, 1530, reveals
something of the state of feeling at least in his own diocese.
The bishop in his perplexity wrote to Archbishop Warham :
"I am accumbred with such as kepyth and ready th these
arroneous books in English My Lord, I have done that
lyeth in me for the suppression of soch persons ; but it passeth
my power For diverse saith openly in my Diocess, that
the Kinges Grace wold, that they shold have the said arroneous
books Show this to the Kinges Grace, beseeching him to
send his honorable Lettres, under his Seal, down to whom he
please, in my Diocess. That they may show and publish, that
it is not his pleasure, that soche bookes should be had or red ;
and also jDunish soch as saith so And how I thought best
for the suppression of soch as holdyth these arroneous opinions.
For if they continue any time; I thynk they shall undoe us
all But now it may be done wel in my Diocess ; For the
Gentlemen and the Oommunality be not greatly infected ; but
merchants and soch that hath their abiding not far from
the Sea." 2
The hierarchy is still on the alert for the apprehension of
William Tyndale. Vaughan, the English envoy and successor
of Hacket, has a special commission to watch Tyndale's move-
ments. In the meantime Tyndale has been engaged in trans-
lating the Pentateuch, aided doubtless by his friend Fryth,
who, at the persecution at Oxford, fled across the sea. These
five books were printed separately, with titles and prologues
^ ^xvanei'^ History of the Ref., I., 1^^. London, 1681.
2 Strype' 8 Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer. App.,p. 15. London,
1862.
1531.] vaughan's ikteryiew with tyndale. 115
to each, but without dates, excepting that of Genesis, which
reads: "Emprented at Marlboro w, in the land of Hesse, by
me, Hans Luft, the yere of our Lorde, M.D.XXX, the xvii
dayes of Januarii."i These books are quite rare, since there
is but one perfect copy known, which is preserved in the Gren-
ville Library, British Museum." The story, told by Foxe, of
Tyndale's voyage from Antwerp to Hamburgh, with the manu-
script of the newly translated Pentateuch, of his shipwreck
and the loss of all his papers, and of Coverdale's connection
with the work of retranslating at Hamburgh, seems to be
without sufficient foundation.
In January, 1531, Vaughan wrote to Cromwell : " It is un-
likely to get Tyndall into England, when he daily heareth so
many things from thence which feareth him."^ Again in
April, in giving an account of an interview granted him by
Tyndale in the suburbs of Antwerp, he reports Tyndale
as saying, among other things: "Again, may his Grace
(Henry VIIL), being a Christian prince, be so unkind to God,
which hath commanded His Word to be spread throughout the
world, to give more faith to wicked persuasions of men, w^hich
presuming above God's wisdom, and contrary to that which
Christ expressly commandeth in His Testament, dare say, that
it is not lawful for the people to have the same,in a tongue that
they understand ; because the purity thereof should open men^s
eyes to see their luicTcedness? Is there more danger in the
King's subjects, than in the subjects of all other Princes, which,
in every of their tongues, have the same, under privilege of
their sufferance ? " * After a lengthy interview, Vaughan adds,
that Tyndale, ^^ being something fearful of me lest I w^ould
liave pursued him, and drawing also towards night, he took
his leave of me, and departed from the town, and I towards
the town — saying, ' I should shortly, peradventure, see him
again, or if not, hear from him;' .... Hasty to pursue him I
was not, because I had some likelihood to speak shortly again
1 Anderson's Annals of Eng. Bible, p. 137. London, 1862.
2 There is anotlier copy almost perfect, in the Lenox Library, New
York. Imperfect copies may also be found in the Baptist College
Library, Bristol, and in the Astor Library, New York. A reprint of the
Lenox copy has been made by Rev. J. 1. Lambert, D. D. New York,
A. D. F. Randolph & Co. ; London, Samuel Bagster & Sons.
8 Anderson's Annals of the Eng. Bible, p. 151. * Ibid, p. 152.
116 TTI^DALE'S TRAI^SLATIOT:^ of the K. T. [chap. III.
with him ; and in pursuing him, I might perchance have
failed of my purpose, and put myself in danger" ^
Vaughan wrote again to Cromwell in May, in regard to
another meeting he had with Tyndale, and reports him as
saying: "If it would stand with the King's most gracious
pleasure to grant only a hare text of the Scripture to he put
forth among Ms people, like as is put forth among the subjects
of the Emperor in these parts, and of other Christian Princes,
— be it of the translation of what person soever shall please
his Majesty, I shall immediately make faithful promise never
to write more, nor abide two days in these parts after the same
(is done) And till that tifne, 1 will abide the asperity
of all chances, whatsoever shall come, and endure my life in
as much pains as it is able to bear and suffer." ^ It is but too
evident that Cromwell's policy was by fair promises to entice
Tyndale into England. But Tyndale remained unmoved in
his sublime purpose to abide a stranger and a fugitive till the
Scriptures were put forth in England in the language of the
people. The time for this is near at hand ; but as yet the
prospect is most gloomy. Fires are just now kindling in Eng-
land for men as well as for New Testaments. During this fiery
year, 1531, Thomas Bilney, "the sainted Bilney"as he was
justly called, was the first to burn at the stake. Among the
thirty-four questions which were put to him when on trial the
fifteenth reads : " Whether they would haue the Masses and
Gospels openly to hee read in Churches in the vulgare tongue,
rather then iti the Latine tongue." ^ This was the test ques-
tion. It was death to answer it in the affirmative. And yet
how firmly and nobly Bilney answered it. In reply he said,
^' hee would wishe that the Gospels and Epistles should bee
read in Englishe. For I ivould (sayth Paul) rather haue v.
tuordes &c. That the Church might he edified &c. And Chri-
sostome exhorteth his hearers to looke uppon bookes, that they
might the better committe vnto memory, those thynges whiche
^ Anderson's Annals of Eng. Bible, p. 152. London, 1863.
2 Ibid, pp. 154, 155.
3 Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1136.
1531.] THE SEARCH FOB. TYNDALE. 117
they had heard. And S. Bede did translate S. lohns Gospell
into English e." ^
Richard Bayfield was the next to suffer. Against him as an
heretic a long list of charges were brought, one of which was :
^^Ile being beyond the sea, bought and procured .... ma7iy bokes
<& treatises of sondry sorts." '^ Among these were Tyndale's
New Testament and " the first booke of Moyses, called Gene-
sis." "He was," says Foxe, "beneficial to M. Tyndall and M.
Frith, for hee brought substaunce with hym, and was their
owne hande, and solde all their woorkes and the Germaines
woorkes both in Fraunce and in England." ^ Bayfield, after
suffering the unprovoked violence of his persecutors, was led
to the stake in Smithfield, in the month of November, 1531.^
The Public Registers are filled with accounts, not only of those
martyred, but of those who were imprisoned, put into stocks,
and degraded by every indignity. " So great was the trouble
of those tymes," says Foxe, " that it would ouercharge any
storye to recite the names of all them which, .... were driuen
out of the realme, or were cast out from their goodes and
houses, or brought to open shame by abjuration." ^
These " bitter dales " continued during the next year. The
king's mind is engrossed in the public and private affairs of
his realm, and yet he finds time to plan again for the arrest of
William Tyndale. Sir Thomas Elyot, the man of letters, the
friend of Sir Thomas More, and the favorite of the king, is
charged with the duty of "seizing Tyndale." The enterprise
failed, but the animus of Henry VIII. and his councilors is
revealed. Elyot pledged his utmost diligence. '^In me," he
says, ^' there shall lack none endeavour." Again, in reference
to the hopelessness of the task, he adds : " As far as I can
perceive, (Tyndale) hearing of the King's diligence in the
apprehension of him, he withdraweth him into such places,
where he thinketh to be farthest out of danger." ^ Next to
^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1137. ^ Ibid, p. 1161.
3 Ibid, p. 1161. ^ lUd, p. 1164. 5 xbid, p. 1190.
^ Anderson's Annals, p. 176.
118 TYNDALE'S TRANSLATION" OF THE N. T. [CHAP. III.
Tyndale, the man of all others whom the hierarchy wishes just
now to apprehend is John Fryth. He was a notable scholar,
a friend of the New learning, an early companion of Tyndale,
and his own child in the Gospel. On account of his learning
he was selected by Cardinal Wolsey as one of his instructors
in his new College at Oxford ; but on account of his religious
opinions he was, with a notable band of sufferers,^ shamefully
imprisoned in the filthy cellar of that same College. He was
released, however, by order of Wolsey, and, as already noted,
escaped further persecution by fleeing to the continent. But
for some reason not known he returned to England, and
through the hatred and " deadly persecution of Sir Thomas
More," he was arrested and sent to the tower. When brought
before the bishop he refused to recant, and firmly subscribed
to his answers these remarkable words: "I Frith do thus
thinke, and as I thinke, so haue I said, written, taught, and
affirmed, and in my bookes haue published." ^ He was conse-
queDtly delivered over to the civil authorities, conveyed by
them to Smithfield, and burned at the stake, on the 4th day
of July, 1533. The shameful martyrdom of this innocent
man made a deep impression upon the minds of the jDeople.
The change has already set in, and the cloud of persecution is
being dispersed. The enemies of the truth hate heresy still,
but the power of the people is felt in the House of Commons,
and henceforth all cases of persons accused for heresy were
taken out of the hands of the bishops.^
Persecution ceasing for a season, the demand arose anew
for more New Testaments. Tyndale is now, 1534, at the
house of Thomas Poynts, an English merchant, at Antwerp.
' Chief among whom were M(aster) Clarke, M(aster) Sumner, M(aster)
Bettes, Bayley and Goodman ; "most piked yong men of graue judge-
ment and sharpe wittes, who conferring together upon the abuses of Re-
ligion were therfore accused of heresie unto the Cardinall and cast
into a prison." See Foxe's Acts and Man., p. 1174.
2 Ibid, p. 1178.
2 Burnet's History of the Reformation, I., 170.
1534.] KEYISED EDITIOiT, 1534. 119
He is busily engaged in reyising his New Testament. The
Dutch printers were preparing to put forth another edition ;
and when told that Tjndale was about to publish his revised
edition, and consequently theirs could not be sold, they re-
plied : " If he prynte two thousand and we as many, what is
so little a noumber for all England 9 and we will sel ours
better cheap, and therefore we doubt not of the sale." ^ The
editors of the fourth Dutch edition employed George Joye to
correct the copy. Now, about this time English exiles on the
continent were expecting the publication of Tyndale's revised
edition ; and when Joye's book fell into their hands, suppos-
ing it to be Tyndale's New Testament, they brought it to
him, with the inquiry, why certain fanciful alterations
had been made. This was the first intimation that Tyndale
had received, that any such book had been in preparation for
the press. He was not a little irritated and hurt, tliat such
liberties had been taken with his translation; and in his
Epistle to the Reader, appended to the revised edition, he ad-
ministered a sharp rebuke, to which Joye in reply, boastfully
said : " I am not afraid to answer Master Tyndale in this matter,
for all his high learning in Hebrew, Greek and Latin." ^ Jn
this reply he paid an unintentional compliment to Tyndale's
scholarship. The Dutch edition was published in August,
1534.3 Ij^ Noyember following, Tyndale's reyised edition
appeared with the following title: "The New Testament
dyJigently corrected and compared with the Greek by William
Tyndale and fynished in the yere of oure Lorde God a. M. D.
& XXXIIIJ. in the moneth of November." The second title
reads : " The Newe Testament imprinted at Antwei-p by
Marten Emperowr, Anno M. D. XXXIIIJ."
The subjoined collation will show something of Tyndale's
care in the work of revision. Many of the changes which he
then made have come down to us in our present English
^ Lewis' History of Translations, p. 83.
2 Tyndale's Works, I., Intro., p. Ixii. Parker Soc. edition, 1848.
3 " The only known copy of the edition corrected by Joye is in Mr.
Granville's bequest to the British Museum," Ihid, p. Ixi., note.
130 TTNDALE'S translation of the N. T. [chap. III.
Bible, as the few examples inserted below will show. The
readings from the revised edition are taken from Bagster's
Hexapla, which is a reprint of the Bristol copy of 1534. The
readings from the earlier edition are taken from Fry's fac-
simile of the Bristol copy of Tyndale's octavo New Testa-
ment, 1525-6.1 A facsimile noted for its accuracy in every
particular.
Matt. I. 11. Josias begat Jeconias and hys brethren aboute the tyme
of the Captivite of BaUlon. Revised edition reads :
about the tyme they were caryed
awaye to Babylon ; which is followed by the A. V.
13. After they wer ledd captive to Babilon. Revised edition
reads : And after they were brought to Babylon ;
which is followed by the A. V.
18. The byrthe off Christe was on thys wyse. When hys
mother Mary was maryed vnto Joseph. Revised edi-
tion has : When hys mother Mary was hetrouthed to
Joseph.
20. . . . behold the agell of the lord apered vnto hi in
slepe sainge. Revised edition reads : . . .ap-
peared vnto him in a dreme. Which is followed by
the A. V.
23 and they shall call his name Emanuel,
which is as moche to saye be interpretacione as God
with vs. Revised edition reads : . . . which is
by interpretacion, God with vs.
II. 8. . . . and sent them to bethleem saynge ; when ye be
come thyder searche dyligently for the child. Revised
edition reads: . . . saynge ; Goo and searche
dyligently for the childe.
12. And after that they were warned in ther slepe. Revised
edition reads : . . . they were warned of God in
a dreame ; and is followed by the A. V.
III. 6 knoledging their synes. Revised edition
has : confessynge ; and is followed by the A. V.
10 shalhe he we doue. Revised edition reads:
is hewen doune; and is followed by the A. V.
rV. 8 and shewed him al the kyngdomes of the
worlde, and the beauty of them. Revised edition reads:
' From copy in the Boston Public Library.
1534.] QUAETO EDITIOi?^, 1525. 121
and all the glorie of them ; and is followed by the
A. V.
10. . . . Thou shalt worshjp thy Larde God. Revised
edition reads: . . .the Lorde thy Ood ; and is
followed by the A. V.
V. ^. 'QlG^^ed diTe the maynteyners of pence. Revised edition has :
peacemakers ; and is followed by the A. V.
16. Se that youre ligbt so sliyne before men. Revised edition
has : Let your light . . . ; and is followed by
the A. V.
YI. 13. Leed vs not into temtacion, but delyvre vs fifrom yvell.
Amen. Revised edition adds the doxology ; and is
followed by the A. V.
28. Beholde the lyles off the felde. Revised edition has : con-
sidre ; and is followed by the A. V.
VII, 21 but he that fuljilleth my fathers will
whicb ys in heven. Revised edition has: dothe ; and
is followed by the A. V.
25 and bet vppon that bousse, and it
was not over throwen. Revised edition reads : .
. it fell not ; and is followed by the A. V.
The following is the Lord's prayer from Tyndale's quarto
edition of 1525. The Grenville fragment is all that remains
of this edition. The following specimen is from Arber's
Photo-lithographed facsimile. The original is in Black
Letter.
Matt. VI. 9-13. 0 oure father, which art in heven halowed be thy name.
Let thy kyngdom come. Thy wyll be fulfilled, as
well in erth, as hit ys in heven. Geve vs this
daye oure dayly breade. And forgeve vs oure
treaspases, even as we forgeve them whych treas-
pas vs. Lede vs nott in to temptacion. but de-
lyvre vs from yvell. Amen.
The text of the Lord's prayer in Tyndale's octavo edition
corresponds with the above word for word, and therefore is
not inserted here. In the revised edition of 1534, the changes
are unimportant, excepting the addition of the doxology as
6
122 tt^j^dale's translatio:^" op the k. t. [chap. hi.
seen below. The text is taken from Bagster's reprint in the
Hexapla.
Matt. YI. 9-13. 0 oure father which arte in heven, halowed be thy name.
Let thy kyngdome come. Thy wyll be fulfilled,
as well in erth, as it ys in heven. Geve vs this
daye oure dayly breede. And forgeve vs oure
' treaspases, even as we forgeve oure trespacers.
And leade vs not into temptacion : but dely ver vs
from eveli. For thyne is the kingedome and the
power, and the glory e for ever. Amen.
The following specimens of Tyndale's translation is from
the revised edition of 1534. The first is given with the
spelling modernized to show at a glance the resemblance to
our present version.
Rom. VIII. 6-17. To be carnally minded, is death. But to be spiritually
minded is life and peace. Because that the fleshly
mind is enmity against God : for it is not obedient
to the law of God, neither can be. So then they
that are given to the flesh, cannot please God.
But ye are not given to the flesh, but to the
spirit : if so be that the spirit of God dwell in
you. If there be any man that hath not the spirit
of Christ, the same is none of his. If Christ be
in you, the body is dead because of sin ; but the
spirit is life for righteousness sake. Wherefore if
the spirit of him that raised up Jesus from death,
dwell in you : even he that raised up Christ from
death : shall quicken yoar mortal bodies, because
that this spirit dwelleth in you.
Therefore brethren we are now debtors, not to
the flesh, to live after the flesh. For if ye live
after the flesh, ye must die. But if ye mortify the
deeds of the body, by the help of the spirit, ye
shall live. For as many as are led by the spirit of
God ; they are the sons of God. For ye have not
received the spirit of bondage, to fear any more,
but ye have received the spirit of' adoption,
whereby we cry Abba father. The same spirit
certifieth our spirit : that we are the sons of God.
If we be sons, we are also heirs, the heirs I mean
1534.] SPZCIMEKS FEOM THE REVISED EDITIOi^. 123
of God, and heirs annexed with Christ : if so be
that we suffer together, that we may be glorified
together.
26-30. Likewise the spirit also helpeth our infirmi-
ties. For we know not what to desire as we ought:
but the spirit maketh intercession mightily for us
with groanings which cannot be expressed with
tongue. And he that searcheth the hearts, know-
eth what is the meaning of the spirit, for he
maketh intercession for the saints according to the
pleasure of God. For we know that all things
work for the best unto them that love God, which
also are called of purpose. For those which he
knew before, he also ordained before, that they
should be like fashioned unto the shape of his
son, that he might be the first begotten son among
many brethren. Moreover which he appointed
before, them he also called. And which he called,
them also he justified, which he justified, them he
also glorified.
The following specimen from the edition of 1534 is here
given with the original spelling.
I. Cor. XIII. 1-13. Though I spake with the tonges of men and angels,
and yet had no love, I were even as soundinge
brasse : or as a tynklynge Cymball. And though
I coulde prophesy, and vnderstode all secretes, and
all knowledge : yee, yf I had all fayth so that I
coulde move mountayns oute of ther places, and
yet had no love, I were nothynge. And though
I bestowed all my gooddes to fede the poore, and
though I gave my body even that I burned, and
yet had no love, it profeteth me nothinge.
Love sufiereth longe, and is corteous. Love
envieth not. Love doth not frowardly, swelleth
not dealeth not dishonestly, seketh not her awne,
is not provoked to anger, thynketh not evyll,
reioyseth not in iniquite : but reioyseth in the
trueth, safireth all thynge, beleveth all thynges,
hopeth all thynges, endureth in all thynges.
Though that prophesy inge fayle, other tongues
124 TYNDALE'S translation of the N. T. [chap. III.
shall cease, or knowledge vanysslie awaye, yet
love falleth never awaye.
For oure knowledge is vnparfect, and oure
prophesyinge is unperfet. But when that which
is parfect is come, then that which is vnparfet
shall be done awaye. When I was a chylde, I
spake as a chylde, I vnderstode as a childe, I
ymagened as a chylde. But assone as I was a
man, I put awaye childesshnes. Now we se in a
glasse even in a darke speakynge : but then shall
we se face to face. Nowe I knowe vnparfectly :
but then shall I knowe even as I am knowen.
Now abideth fayth, hope, and love, even these
thre ; but the chefe of these is love.
The revised edition of Tyndale's New Testament, 1534,
must ever stand as a monument of his originality and faith-
fulness as a translator. In respect to it, he says : that he
had looked it over " with all diligence and compared it unto
the Greek ;" and had '' weeded out many faults, which lack
of help at the beginning and oversight did sow therein."
Tyndale translated directly from the Greek. He used the
Latin text of Erasmus, but "frequently adheres to the
original (in cases) where Erasmus departs from it." ^ He had
the Vulgate before him, also Luther's translation ; but he
made a scholarly use of them. Tyndale's scholarship was not
called in question by his cotemporaries. Even his enemies
were inclined to magnify rather than detract from it.
Buschius is reported as saying: " That the New Testament was
translated by an Englishman, .... who was so learned in seven
languages, Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish, Enghsh
and French, that, whichever he spoke, you would think his
native tongue." ^ Sir Thomas More in his attack upon
Tyndale, calls in question not his knowledge and ability, but
his motives as a translator. Hence Tyndale in his answers
takes up the several words complained of by More, "as by
1 Hallam's Lit. of Europe, I., 380, note. New York, 1874.
2 Arber's Preface, p. 25.
1525.] THE ENGLISH OF TY:N^DALE'S TRANSLATION. 125
evil purpose changed," and shows that he sought to free them
from a false and private interpretation. The word church,
for example, Tyndale changed to congregation^ meaning " the
whole congregation of them that believe in Christ;'' rather
than, "the shaven flock of them that shore the whole world," ^
Again the word charity, he changed to love ; since as he de-
clared that, ^^ charity is no known English, in that sense
^^\n.(i\\ agape requireth."^ He further says: "By this word
penance they make the people understand holy deeds of their
own enjoining ;" hence he changed it to repentance? ^^ So
now," he adds, ^'' the cause why our prelates thus rage, and that
moveth them to call M (aster) More to help, is not that they
find just causes in the translation, but because they have lost
their juggling and feigned terms; w^herewith Peter prophesied
they should make merchandise of the people." ^
One of the chief excellencies which lies at the foundation
of Tyndale's translation of the New Testament is the sim-
plicity of its language. The English language in the time of
Tyndale had arrived at what may be called the first stage of
its maturity. The tendency already was against Latinized
stateliness and French elegance. Sir Thomas Elyot, an ac-
complished author in the reign of Henry VIII., was compli-
mented by the king for his freedom from new terms taken
from the French. It is recorded of Dean Colet, who died iu
1519, that "he songht to improve his English style by the
study of Chaucer and the old poets." Tyndale, as he was
translating for the people, studied great plainness of speech.
If possible, sometimes he erred on the side of too great home-
liness in the choice of language ; though he nowhere affects
purism in style. Besides, at this time the English language
was written as it was spoken ; and in this particular it cor-
responded with the state of the languages in which the Scrip-
tures were first written. Tyndale, in defending English trans-
lations of the Bible, says : " For the Greek tongue agreeth
' Tyndale's Works, IIL, 13. Cambridge, 1850. » Ihid, p. 20.
3 Ihid, p. 22. •» lUd, p. 24.
126 TTND ale's tkaxslatio:n~ op the k. t. [chap. III.
more with the English than with the Latin. And the prop-
erties of the Hebrew tongue agreeth a thousand times more
with the English than with the Latin. The manner of speak-
ing is both one ; so that in a thousand places thou needest
not but to translate it into the English, word for word ; when
thou must seek a compass in the Latin, and yet shall have
much work to translate it well-favouredly, so that it have the
same grace and sweetness, sense and pure understanding with
it in the Latin^ and as it hath in the Hebrew. A thousand
parts better may it be translated into the English than into
the Latin." ^ Then Tyndale after Wycliife has given us an
unaffected Scriptural phraseology, which has stamped itself
upon the several translations and revisions made since his
time, the same which gives a peculiar charm to the style of
our present English Bible.
William Tyndale was a child of the New learning, and a
true disciple of Erasmus. The New Testament of Erasmus
was his constant companion. At the same time he was a
Lollard in spirit and a follower of Wycliffe. He was familiar
with the life and writings of Wycliffe. He could berate Eras-
mus as a flatterer, but has only words of praise for AYycliffe
as a preacher of repentance. He may or may not have had a
copy of Wycliffe's New Testament before him when he made
his translation. Tyndale's translation is in no sense " a full
grown Wycliffe." The Wycliffite versions could not have
been a standard for Tyndale either in translation or language,
for the former was from the Vulgate, and the latter was a
century and a half old. Besides, Tyndale affirms distinctly:
" I had no man to counterfeit, neither was helped with Eng-
lish of any that had interpreted the same or such like thing
in the scripture before time." ^ And yet all this does not dis-
prove a certain close connection between Wycliffe and Tyn-
dale. The old Wycliffite manuscripts were common, and
there is no doubt but that Tyndale was familiar with them.
These were, up to tliis time, the only English versions extant.
» Tyndale's Works, I., 148, 149. ' Ibid, p. 390.
1525-34.] ELEGANCE or expression. 127
And it was customary in those times to read the Bible much
in public as well as in private; also to commit portions of the
Scriptures to memory for the individual's own benetit, or for
the sake of repeating passages tlius learned in social gather-
ings for the edification of others. So that largely the religious
language and Scriptural phraseology of Christian men and
women were derived from the WycUffite versions. To this
influence Tyndale was subject, which in itself would consti-
tute an intimate though an unconscious connection between
Tyndale's translation and the WycliflSte versions. Also,upoa
actual comparison very many well-chosen words and phrases
are common to these versions, and for which they were not
indebted in common to the Vulgate. It is noticeable also
that many single words, now obsolete, were used in common
by Wycliffe and Tyndale, and continued in good use till the
time of James I., when they were introduced into the Author-
ized version. This conservating influence of Bible versions
upon our English tongue is most easily traced, not only from
Wycliffe to Tyndale, but from Tyndale to the Authorized
version, and so from 1611 to the present time. But in esti-
mating the influence of Tyndale's translation upon subsequent
versions, and particularly upon our present version, the con-
clusion may be stated, that while there have been many
changes both in the rendering and in the language, and many
of them for the better, yet Tyndale's words, sentences, and
phraseology have been to a wonderful extent retained.
But while the English of Tyndale's translation is replete
with the Saxon element of our language ; and while there is
a tendency in a few cases to a too great familiarity in diction,
yet occasionally there is noticeable a certain elegance of ex-
pression, made up of words derived from the Latin and French,
and yet words which were at the time naturalized. Few if
any of these terms are objectionable; but so far as they have
been replaced by simpler terms, in later versions, the change
has been for the better. As examples, we find in Tyndale
such words as ascended, convei'sacion, certifieth, conspyred,
128 TYKDALE's TRANSLATIOi^ OF THE If. T. [CKAP. III.
deceased, delectation, excommunicat, executed, fame, fortuned,
lauding, perceavynge, pertayned, testy tnony all, recompence,
respyte, suffised, vengeaunce, veritie, and vesture, which may
be found below in their several connections : ^
Matt. II. 16. Then Hei-od perceavynge that he was moocked of the
wyse men. The A. V. reads ; when hee saw.
III. 7, . . . Who hath taught yoa to fle from the ven-
geaunce to come. The A. V. reads : wrath to come.
V. 31 let hym geve her a testymonyall also of
the devorcement. The Great Bible, 1539, has : a
lettre ; and the A, V. has : a writing of diuorcement.
IX. 18. . . . my doghter is euen now deceased. The A. V.
has: is euen now dead.
XIV. 20. And they dyd all eate, and mere sufficed. The A. V. has :
were filled.
36. . . . that they myght touche the hemme of his
vesture only. The A. V. has : his garmerd.^
XVIII. 26. . . . Sir, geve me respyte. The A. V. has : liaue
patience with me.
XXIV. 6. . . . and of the fame of warres. The A. V. has:
rumors of warres. Both of these words, however, are
from the French ; the former originally from the
Greek, and the latter from the Latin,
And this taxing was . . . executed.
And Joseph also ascended from Galile.
. laudynge God and sayinge.
. one of the shippes, which perteyned to Simon.
And it fortuned in a nother saboth also.
. I will recompence the.
. had conspyred, . . . shuld be excom-
municat.
Rom. III. 7. Yf the veritie of God appere moare excellent thorow my
lye.
VII, 6. . . . in a newe conversacion of the sprete.
VIII. 16. . . . certifieth our sprete.
II Cor, XII. 10. Therefore have I delectacion in infirmities.
The occasional tendency of Tyndale to the use of familiar
' The following examples are taken from Bagster's Hexapla. Lon-
don, N. D,
2 Although this word garment is old English derived from the Norman
French.
Luke II.
2.
4.
13.
V.
3.
VL
6.
X,
35.
John IX.
22.
1525-34.] OBSOLETE WOKDS. 129
words and plirases appears in the following examples; though
it must be remembered that the language at this period was
largely written as it was spoken. Consequently, that many
terms which may now be regarded as colloquial, were then
authorized by good usage :
And when ye praye, bable not moche.
. I wyll paye it every whit.
. that which God hath cuppled togedder.
. shalbe ester.
. swete treed.
. goodfrydaye.
. touche not the packea with one of youre
fyngers.
. dyd not heleve of the felowe.
. and Manahen, Herode the Tetrarkes nors-
felowe.
. besechinge that at one tyme or another.
. that one swell not agaynst another.
. a lytle ieven sowreth the whole lompe of dowe.
. kepe holy daye.
. which choppe and chaunge with the worde
of God.
Let no man make you shote at a wrong {marke).
Of the thynges which we have spoken, fMs is thepyth.
In the natural growth and decay to which language is sub-
ject, many words in Tyndale's translation have become obso-
lete ; some only in their meaning, while others have suffered
both in form and meaning. In the first class, we have such
words as : angle, hook ; avoyd, depart ; aught, owed ; hy and
ly, immediately ; come, wheat or barley ; dyd 07i, put on ;
gostly, spiritually ; knowledge, confess ; meate, food ; diseasest,
troublest; quiche, living; scrip, small bag; wittes, mind;
and wode, tree. All of which may be found below in their
connections :
Matt. IV. 10. Then sayde Jesus vnto h}Tn. Avoyd Satan.
X. 9. . . . nor yet scrip towardes your iorney.
XV, 37. . . . and they toke vp of the broken meate that
was lefte vii baskets full.
XVII. 27. . . . goo to the see and cast in thyne angle :
Matt. VI.
7.
XVIII.
26.
XIX.
6.
XXVI.
2.
17.
XXVII.
62.
Luke XI.
46.
John IX.
18.
Acts XIII.
1.
Rom. I.
10.
I Cor. IV.
6.
V.
6.
8.
II Cor. II.
17.
Col. II.
18.
Heb. VIII.
1.
Mark V.
35.
John VI.
21.
XIX.
2.
Rom. VIII.
5.
X.
9.
XII.
1.
2.
Rev. XXII.
2.
130 TYKDALE'S TRAJTSLATIOi^ OF THE K. T. [CHAP. III.
XVIII. 24. . . . one was brouglite vnto him, which oKght
him ten thousande talentis.
. why diseasest thou the master eny further ?
. the ship was by and by at the londe whyther
they went.
And they dyd on him a purple garment.
. But they that are spirituall, are ^c»5%mynded.
For yf thou shalt knowledge with thy mouth.
. that ye make youre bodyes aquicke sacrifise.
. by the renuynge of youre wittes.
2. and of ether syde of the ryver was there wode of life.
The following are examples of the second class, in which
the words are obsolete in form as well as in meaning : arede,
prophesy ; leioi^eyetli, betray eth ; closse, field ; pill, make a
gain ; gohhets, fragments ; grece, stairs ; harhourless, shelter-
less; lyvelod, land; partlettes, handkerchiefs; shamfastness,
modesty ; woot not, know not ; yerwhyle, already ; which are
inserted below in their respective connections.
Matt. XIII. 27. . . . Syr sowedest not thou good seed in thy
closse f
XIV. 20. And they gadered vp of the gobbets that remayned.
XXV. 43. I was Jierbourlesse, and ye lodged me not.
XXVI. 70. . . .1 woot not what thou sayst.
72. . . . for thy speache bewreyeth the.
Mark XIV. 65. . . . arede vnto vs.
John IX. .27. . . . 1 to\^e you yerwhyle.
Acts V. 3. . . . and kepe awaye parte of the pryce of the
lyvelod.
XIX. 12. . . . so that from his body, were brought vnto
the sicke, napkyns or partlettes, and the diseases
departed from them.
XXI. 35. And when he came vnto a grece.
II. Cor. XII. 17. Did I pill you by eny of them which I sent vnto you ?
Though this word still lives in pillage.
I. Tim. II. 9. Lykwyse also the wemen that they araye them selves
in comlye aparell with shamfastness, and discrete
behaveour.
In Tyndale's orthography, as we might expect, archaic forms
occur continually. Many of which found a place in the first
edition of King James' Bible. The following will serve as
1525-34.]
Al^ OLD ENGLISH IDIOM.
131
examples : aivne^ own ; hrent, burnt ; hrydde, bird ; coostes,
coasts ; faute, fault ; fothe, foot ; goo, go ; loivse, loose ; moe,
more; monetlies, months; noo, no; rotte, root; 5e, see ; tlie,
thee ; ^/^e7^, than ; tliorow, through ; ynough, enough.
One of the peculiar characteristics of Tyudale's translation
is the presence of an old English idiom, in which the personal
pronoun, as a nominative, follows the verb. An idiom which
was adopted by subsequent versions, including that of King
James' Bible. Occurring as it does constantly in the Gospels,
it imparts a quaintness to the style, which is by no means un-
pleasant. Take the following as illustrations : ^
Then brought they . . . him that a lytell before
was blynde.
Then spake they vnto the blynde agayue.
Then agayne called they the man that was blynde.
Then sayde they to him agayne.
Then rated they him.
Then after that sayd he to his disciples.
. myde I not vnto the.
This syake he not of him selfe.
This sayde he, not that he cared for the pooer.
. but therf ore came I vnto this houre.
. These thinges spake Jesus and departed.
. Not as the worlde geveth, geve /vnto you.
. therfore as the father gave me commaund-
ment, even so do I.
Hence forth call I you not servauntes.
These thinges sayde I not vnto you at the begynninge.
. And yet am /not alone.
These wordes spake Jesus.
Now come I to the, and these wordes speake I in the
worlde.
. and for their sakes sanctify /my selfe.
. of them which thou gavest me, have I not
lost one.
In 1535 appeared Tyndale's second revision of his trans-
lation of the New Testament. In fact, during this year there
John IX.
13.
17.
24.
26.
28.
XI.
7.
40.
51.
XII.
6.
37.
36.
XIV.
27.
31.
XV.
15.
XVI.
4.
32.
XVII.
1.
13.
19.
XVIII.
9.
^ This collation is from Tyndale's edition of 1534. See Bagster's Hex-
132 TYNDALE'S TRAKSLATION^ of the N. T. [chap. III.
were two issues. One of these had the monogram G. H.^
(1535—1534. G. H.) attached to the second title. This is
probably a genuine Tyndale, since its readings were adopted
by Eogers in his Matthewe's Bible. It was doubtless selected
by him as Tyndale's last and best work. Through Matthewe's
Bible the readings of this edition of Tyndale passed into
King James' Bible. The other issue of 1535 was doubtless a
pirated edition, and is marked by a peculiar orthography. This
peculiarity in spelling is explained by Mr. OfEor and others as
having been adopted intentionally by Tyndale in his attempt
to adapt the text to the common people, in the fulfilment of
his pledge to give the New Testament to the uneducated in
their own tongue. ^ But a more probable explanation is, that
this false orthography was the result of Flemish pronunciation
of the English language. The compositor spelling from
sound as the copy was read to him.^ The following are exam-
ples of this peculiarity : f aether, maester, syaehe, faeytli, lioepe,
moetlier, Iroether, aboede, luoeld, stoene, oones, oonly, hoow,
■whoom, poure, touglit, holly cite, clooche, and tachen.^
Tyndale's labors as a translator extended into the Old Tes-
tament, and doubtless, had his life been spared, he would have
completed the whole Bible. The five books of Moses were
translated by him, and published separately, each with its own
title-page. The books of Genesis and Numbers were printed
in Black Letter, the others in Eoman character. They were
all bound together and reissued in 1534. The book of Jonah
was translated by Tyndale in 1531, but was not reprinted.
There has been some doubt as to how much of the Old Testa-
ment Tyndale translated. Hall, the chronicler, claims that
^ This monogram, as surmised by Mr. Stephens, " means the translator,
Gillaume Hytchens, the assumed name of William Tyndale." See Cata-
logue of Gaxton Exhibition, p. 90. London, N. D.
2 Ofior's Memoirs of Tyndale, prefixed to N. T., p. 82. London, 1836.
3 Eadie's History of English Bible, I., 284. London, 1876.
■* For a full text of these words, see Francis Fry's Bibliographical De-
scription of Tyndale's New Testaments, pp. 63, 64, 65. Harvard College
Library.
1534.] OLD TESTAME^s^T TRANSLATIOJS^S. 133
beside the New Testament and the Pentateuch, he completed
the books of Joshua, Judges, Euth, the four books of Kings,
the two books of Chronicles, Nehemiah, and the first book of
Esdras, and the Prophet Jonah. But whatever Tyndale may
have left behind in manuscript, he only published, besides the
New Testament, the Pentateuch and the book of Jonah.i
That Tyndale translated directly from the Hebrew and that
he was a master of that language, there is no longer any
question. 2
But Tyndale's labors are drawing to a close. During the year
1534 he dwelt openly at the house of Thomas Poyntz, in Ant-
werp. He had never been so free as now from the fear of his
enemies. The tidings from England continued to be most
flattering. The New Testament party was growing daily in
strength, and was headed by Queen Anne Boleyn,^ who, accord-
ing to Burnet, *•' reigned in the King's Heart as absolutely as
he did over his Subjects."^ Next to her stood Archbishop
Cranmer, whose heart, if not his hand, was always with the
right ; and then Cromwell, the king's vicegerent in ecclesiastical
aflairs, who though not always true, yet from the first may be
reckoned among the friends of the Bible. But there was at
the same time the Romish party, strong in numbers and crafty
in council; but just now seemingly powerless and inactive.
All these things were encouraging, and so flattering that they
proved most disastrous to Tyndale, in that he was put off his
guard, and thus subjected to the power of his enemies. The
following story of his base betrayal is recorded by Foxe. The
* " A copy of Tyndale's translation of the book of Jonah was found in
1861, by Lord A. Hervey, which was reproduced in facsimile by Mr. F.
Fry, 1863."
' See the question fully argued in Eadie's Hist, of Eng. Bible,!.,
209-215.
' In recognition of her protection to the friends of the New Testa-
ment, Tyndale presented her with a copy of his ^e^'ised N. T., printed on
vellum. This book is preserved in the British Museum, though not in
the original binding.
^ History of the Beformation, I., 171, 172. London, 1681.
134 TYis^DALE'S TRANSLATIOi^" OF THE K. T. [CHAP. III.
betrayer was one Heury Philipps. Tyndale's lodgings were
in the house of Poyntz, at Antwerp. He wa^ accustomed
at this time to dine, by imitation, with the English mer-
chants of the city. At these social gatherings he met fre-
quently with this man Philipps, who by his learning and ad-
dress commended himself to the friendship of Tyndale. In
the meantime Tyndale invited him to his own lodgings, and
" shewed him his bookes and other secretes of hys study, so
little did Tyndall then mistrust thys traytour." Philipps' pur-
pose was formed, and he set out for Brussels to visit the court.
The emperor is just now engaged in a bitter controversy with
Henry VIII. respecting Lady Catherine, who is aunt to the
emperor. This circumstance was favorable to the reception of
Philipps, who was a representative of the Eomish party. He
was successful in obtaining the Procurator General, with other
officers, with whom he returned to Antwerp. "The whiche,"
says Foxe, '• was not done with small charges and expences, from
whom so euer it came." ^ Thereby intimating his opinion that
the Eomish Church was at the bottom of this sad affair, with
Philipps as its agent.
Poxe in further recording the particulars says; that in the
absence of Poyntz from Antwerp, Philipps arranged the officers
at the street door of his house, and going up to Tyndale's
room, as a friend requested of him the loan of forty shillings,
under the pretense of having lost his purse. ** The whiche
was easie," adds Foxe, " to be had of him, if he had it; for in
the wylye subtilities of thys world he was simple and unex-
perte." Philipps, to keep up his base show of friendly confi-
dence, invited Tyndale to dine with him, but Tyndale declined,
saying : " I go forth this day to dynner, and you shall go with
me and be my geste, where you shalbe welcome." But
as they went forth, Philipps pointed him out to the officers
who were waiting at the door. They arrested him and took
him before the Procurator General ; and thence to the castle
of Vilvorde, distant some eighteen miles from Antwerp ; not
* Acts and Monuments, pp. 1227, 1228.
1536.] THE AKREST OF TYi^^DALE. 135
however till they had searched his room ^' and sent away all
that was there of M. Tyndals, as well hys bookes as other
thynges." ^
The English merchants of Antwerp made every possible
effort for Tyndale's release. They apphed to the Brussels
court, also to the English court, and received favorable an-
swers, and when Poyntz, who was especially active, was about
to obtain letters authorizing the delivering up of Tyndale,
the sly and wily Philipps frustrated all, by entering complaint
against Poyntz, " that he had ben a succourer of Tyndall
and was one of the same opinion."^ And on this charge he had
him arrested. Poyntz, after suffering imprisonment some
four months, escaped. But Tyndale remained in prison
about a year and a half, having been arrested on the 23d or
24th of May, 1535.' There is but one opinion in respect to
Tyndale's seizure, that it was through the connivance of
Eomish bishops. Although the English authorities pursued
Tyndale, now by one agent and now by another, yet the dis-
grace of his final betrayal fastens upon this Henry Philipps,
with all the circumstances pointing to the mysterious hand of
Eomish authority. " Tyndale was betrayed and taken," says
Hall in his Chronicles, " as many said, not without the help
and procurement of some bishops of the realm." Poyntz had
no doubt but that the arrest of Tyndale had been made " ' by
procurement out of England,' but unknown to the king's
grace." *
The year 1536 is most memorable in the history of Tyndale's
life, also in the history of his translation of the New Testa-
ment ; for while it witnessed the binding of the translator, it
likewise witnessed the unfettering of the translation. In Ant-
werp the press was busy in printing edition after edition of
his revised New Testament. But above all Tyndale's New
Testament is this year printed in London, which constitutes
an important epoch, in that it was the first printing of the
^ Acts and Monuments, p. 1228. ' Ibid, p. 1229
8 Edie's History of English Bible, I., 239. ^ jj^-^^ p. 239.
136 TYI^DALE's translation of the N. T. [chap. III.
English Scriptures on English ground. This London edition
was a reprint of the revised edition of 1534. It was pub-
lished by Godfray, who favored the evangeUcal party.i
Tyndale probably did not live to see a copy of this London
Testament, but aware of its progress he must have been filled
with joy, that so soon his fondest hopes would be realized.
The title of this volume reads: "The Newe Testament yet
ones agayne corrected by W. Tyndale : And in many places
amended, where it scaped before by neglygence of the printer,
Newly printed in the yere of our lorde MDXXXVL"
At the end of the book are these words: "God saue the
KYNGE AKD ALL HIS WELL-WYLLERS.^'
The apostle Paul when a prisoner at Rome, with death
staring him in the face, wrote to Timothy: TJie clohe that I
left at Troas tvith Carpus, when thou cotnest, bri?ig {with thee,)
and the books (but) especially the pai^chments? This request
unimportant in itself, yet on account of the apostle's circum-
stances, is one of great interest. So likewise the following
extracts from Tyndale's letter while a prisoner at Vilvorde,
have a touching interest. *' Your lordship will request
the procureur to be kind enough to send me from my goods,
which he has in possession, a warmer cap, for I suffer ex-
tremely from cold in the head, being afflicted with a perpetual
catarrh, which is considerably increased in the cell. A
warmer coat also, for that which I have is very thin ; also a
piece of cloth to patch my leggings ; my shirts are also worn
out. He has also a wollen shirt of mine, if he will be kind
enough to send it 1 wish also his permis-
sion to have a candle in the evening, for it is wearisome to sit
alone in the dark. But above all, I entreat and beseech your
clemency to be urgent with the Procureur, that he may kindly
permit me to have my Hebrew Bible, Hebrew Grammar, and
Hebrew Dictionary, that I may spend my time with that
1 Compare note in Westcott's Hist. Eng. Bible, p. 50. London, 1873.
2 II. Tim., IV.. 13.
1536.] THE CHARACTER OF TYXDALE. 137
study. And in return, may you obtain your dearest wish,
provided always that it be consistant with the salvation of
your soul." ^
A commission was at last appointed for Tyndale's trial.
For the law of the Low countries gi-ants to him at least
the form of a trial. He is permitted to have an advocate,
but prefers to answer for himself. The commission consisted
of four doctors of Louvain, which University was only nine
or ten miles from the town of Vilvorde. From the first
Tyndale looked for neither justice or mercy at the hands of
his enemies. " If they burn me," he said, " they shall none
other thing than I look for." And so it happened even as
he expected. For " at last," says Foxe, "' after much reason-
ynge, when no reason would serue, although he deserued no
death, hee was condemned." 2 This took place on the 10th
of August, 1536. On the 6th of October following, Tyndale
\fas led forth to the place of execution. He was first chained
to the stake, then strangled, and then burned. Just before
his death, he cried out, "with a feruent zeal, and a loud
voyce: ^ Lorcle open the Kyng of Englandes eyes^^
From the testimony of those who came in direct contact
with Tyndale we may learn something of the excellence of his
character. The Procurator Oeneral declared him to be "a
learned, a good, and a godly man." Foxe further records, that
through the power of Tyndale's doctrine and the sincerity of
his life, the jail-keeper, his daughter, and others of his house-
hold, were converted to Christianity. Others in the castle,
who were conversant with Tyndale while there a prisoner, are
reported as saying: "That if he were not a good Christen
^ Eadie's Rist. Eng. Bible, I., 211, 242. A photograph copy of this
autotrraph letter may be found in Fry's Bibliographical Description of
Tyndale's Editions of the New Testament, p. 1 4. " The letter has neither
date nor superscription. But there is not the slicrhtest doubt that it was
written at Vilvorde and addressed to the Governor of the Castle, the
Marquis of Bergen with whom Cromwell had already interceded in
Tyndale's favor."
2 Acts and Monuments, p. 1229. 3 jj^-^^ p^ ^229.
138 TYKDALE's TKANSLATIOI^- of the N-. T. [chap. III.
man, they could not tell whom to trust." The estimate of
John Frith, who for many years had been a most intimate
friend of Tyndale, is expressed in a few words: "I am sure/'
he wrote, " that for hys learnyng and judgement in Scripture,
he were more worthy to be promoted then all the Byshops in
England." 1 The words of Foxe himself are: "The worthy
vertues and doynges of this blessed Martyr, who for hys payne-
full trauailes, and singular zeale to his countrey, may be called
in these our dayes, an Apostle of England." ^ The influence
of Tyndale's life is by no means to be limited to his own age,
for it has come down through the ages to the present time,
and shall go on so long as the English language is spoken, and
the English Scriptures are read. Yea, the influence of Wil-
liam Tyndale shall be felt by every heathen nation among
whom EngUsh or American missionaries labor and translate
the Scriptures. But the immediate effect of his life-work was
to create and in part supply a demand for the Holy Scriptures
in the language of the people.
> Acts and Monuments, p. 1230. ^ Hid, p. 1230.
niLES C©¥El&/iLE.
CHAPTER IV.
COVERDALE'S BIBLE. A. D. 1535.
WHEN the New Testament of Erasmus found its way,
1516, into the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge,
there was a beginning of the Reformation in England. Learn-
ing, now reviving and revived, apphed itself to the Holy Scrip-
tures. The study of the Greek language occasioned such
opposition on the part of the papists, that Henry VIII. sent
his royal letters to the University of Oxford, " to allow and
encourage that study among the young men." The friends of
the Old learning carried the war into the pulpit, and warned
each one of their hearers with the cry: "Take care of
Greek, lest you become ai^ heretic ; avoid Hebrew, lest
YOU BECOME LIKE Jews." ^ It is related of a certain preacher
that, in a sermon before Henry VIIL, "he railed violently
against Greeh learning and New Interpretations of the Scrip-
ture After sermon, Henry sent for the divine who had
preached, and appointed a solemn disputation, ...between
the preacher opposing, and Sir Thomas More defending, the
use of the Greek tongue. More began with an eloquent apol-
ogy But the divine instead of replying to the arguments
of More, fell upon his knees, and implored pardon of the king,
saying, that ^what he had done was by the impulse of the
Spirit.' 'Not the Spirit of Christ,' rejoined Henry, 'but the
spirit of infatuation.' The king then asked him, ' whether he
had read the writings of Erasmus, against which he had de-
claimed.' To this he answered in the negative 'I have read,'
said he, 'something they call Moria.' {Morm Encomium^ The
Praise of Folly.) 'Yes,' replied Pace, 'may it please your
' Townlev's Illustrations of Biblical Literature, II., 247. London, 1821.
140 coverdale's bible. [chap. IV.
highness, such a subject is fit for such a reader.' At last, the
preacher .... declared that he ' was now better reconciled to the
Greek tongue, because it was derived from the Hebrew.' Upon
which, the king, who was amazed at the ignorance of the man,
dismissed him; but mth an express charge, that he should
never again preach at court." ^
At Cambridge there was the same opposition ; yet the study
of the Scriptures was thought to be open to all. Erasmus,
however, tells us, that one college at least, at Cambridge, for-
bade the study of the New Testament. But whatever the
opposition, there arose very early a true spirit of inquiry. For
it was here Tyndale first met with Erasmus' New Testament.
Here also John Eryth, with bis knowledge of mathematics,
obtained a personal knowledge of the saving power of the
Gospel. Here, likewise, Thomas Bilney, troubled in spirit,
when he could find no hope or comfort from the penances im-
posed by the Churcb of Eome, purchased a New Testament,
and in reading the passage, This is a faithful saying and worthy
of all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to
save sinners, of whom I am chief, he says : " This one sen-
tence, through God's instruction and inward teaching, which
I did not then perceive, did so exhilarate my heart, being be-
fore wounded with the guilt of my sins, and being almost in
despair, that immediately I felt a marvellous comfort and
quietness, insomuch that my bruised hones leapt for joyV ^ The
conversion of Bilney seems to have been the beginning of a
genuine revival of religion. Having found Jesus in his own
experience, he was zealous in his efforts to lead others to him.
Among his first converts were Thomas Arthur and Hugh Lat-
imer. The latter had been a zealous papist. He was witty,
sarcastic, and eloquent, and bid fair to become the successful
champion of the Romish Church against the New opinions
now becoming so prevalent. But Bilney, observing his mis-
guided zeal, went to his chamber and desired him to hear his
^ Townley's Illustrations of Biblical Literature, II., pp. 348, 249.
* Anderson's Annals, pp. 59, 60. London, 1863.
1526-7.] RELIGIOUS AWAKEl^II^^G. 141
confession. "The hearing whereof," says Fuller, " (improved
by God's Spirit) so wrought on Latimer, that of almost a Per-
secutour, he became a zealous Promoter of the Truth." i His
" blunt preaching," as Fuller characterizes it, was remarkable
for its plainness and simplicity in matter, and seriousness and
fervency in manner. Br. Robert Barnes was another one of
the converts of Bilney. After Barnes returned from the con-
tinent he introduced a higher standard of learning at the
University, "where by his readings, disputations and preach-
ing, he became famous and mighty in the Scriptures, preach-
ing ever against Bishops and Hypocrites ; and yet did not see
his outward idolatry till that good Master Bilney. . . .
converted him wholly unto Christ."
These brethren were inspired with a true evangelical spirit.
Not only did they preach to the students and those who flocked
to hear them, but carried the Gospel into prisons and lazar
houses of the city. Not only so, but leaving the town they
traveled from place to place, preaching the Gospel of the
Kingdom. Thus began a revival of true religion and Apos-
tolical preaching. And from what we learn of the times, such
revival was sadly needed. The discourses pronounced by the
monks and friars, says Burnet, " on the Holy-days, were rather
Panegyricks on the Saint, or the vain magnifying of some of
their Reliques In Lent there was a more solemn and
serious way of Preaching Yet these (discourses) generally
tended to raise the value of some of the Laws of the Church,
such as Abstinence at that time, Confession, with other Cor-
poral Severities ; or some of the little devices, that both in-
flamed a blind Devotion, and drew Money ; such as Indulgences,
Pilgrimages, or the enriching the Shrines, and Eeliques of the
Saints And the design of their Sermons was rather to raise
a present heat, which they knew afterwards how to manage,
than to work a real Reformation on their Hearers." "^ But the
* Church History of Britain, The History of the University of Cam-
bridge, p. 102. London, 1G55. Also Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p.
1903.
« History of the Reformation, I., 316, 317. London, 1681.
142 coverdale's bible. [chap. iv.
true preaching of the Gospel prevailed, and societies of " Chris-
tian Broders '' were formed in London, Cambridge, Oxford,
and other places. Bible readers and lay preachers also, to the
great horror of the spirituality, greatly aided in the spread of
the New opinions. Too little is known of the labors of such
men as " Old Father Hacker," who to the service of Bible
reader afterwards added that of New Testament distributer.
The particulars of his labors as he went from house to house,
reading and expounding the Scriptures, must be left to easy
conjecture, while history relates the facts of his arrest, ex-
amination, and persecution by the bishop of London.^ The
Church in the house had existed secretly among the Lollards
for more than a century, but now it began to seek a more open
expression and recognition. At first these Christian brethren,
like the Lollards, met in secret for conference, prayer, and
reading the Scriptures, but as their numbers increased, and
persecution abated, they grew more hopeful and bold.
In the mean time the work received a new impetus from the
introduction of Tyndale's translation of the New Testament.
These newly-printed Testaments were scattered, broadcast, and
the people gathered them up gladly, for they contained the
word of God in their own tongue. This English Testament
of Tyndale did for the common people what the Greek Testa-
ment of Erasmus had done for the Cambridge doctors. The
tree of leamiug is now bearing its legitimate fruit. Tyndale's
purpose is realized in that the people with the New Testament
in their own language may read and judge for themselves as
to the truth or error of what is preached to them. Arthur
and Bilney not only go from place to place preaching, but they
distribute these Testaments ; while Hugh Latimer maintains
publicly from the pulpit in Cambridge : " That the Holy
Scriptures ought to be read in the English Tongue of all
Christen People, whether they were Priests or Lay-men." 2
J D'Aubigne's Hist, of Ref„ V., 384. Also pages 104, 105, above.
2 Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, B. III., Ch. XVIII., p
369. London, 1694.
1529.] LATIMER'S REPLY TO FRIAR BUCKII^-GHAM. 143
Whereupon the papists said : " If Latimer so extol the blessings
of Scripture, we must by a sermon show its dangers." The
adroit Prior Buckingham is chosen to combat from the pulpifc
the heresy of reading the Scriptures in English. But listen
to his arguments, and mark his folly. Imitating Latimer's cel-
ebrated Card Sermon, and " thinkyng to make a great hand
agaynst M. Latymer, .... brought out his Christenmas dice
castyng there to his audience, cinque and quater; meanyng
by the cinque fine places in the new Testament, and the foure
Doctours by the quater, by which his cinque quater, he would
proue that it was not expedient the Scripture to be in Eng-
lishe, lest the ignoraunt and vulgare sort through the occasion
therof , might happely be brought in daunger to leaue their
vocation, or els to runne into some inconuenience : As for ex-
ample the Plowman when he heareth this in the Gospel ; JVo
man that laytJi his hand on the plowgh, and looheth hache, is
meete for the kingdome of God, might peraduenture hearyng
this, cease from his plough. Likewise the Baker when he
heareth that a title leauen corruj^teth a whole lumpe of doic,
may percase leaue our bread unleauened, and so our bodyes
shalbe unseasoned. Also the simple man, when he heareth in
the Gospell : If thyne eye offende thee^plucke it out, and cast it
from thee, may make him selfe blind, and so fill the world full
of beggars. These with other mo, this Clerkely Friar brought
out to the number of fine, to proue his purpose." ^
In the afternoon of the same day, an eager throng " as well
of the Uniuersitie as of the town, both Doctors and other grad-
uates," gathered in the church to hear the reply of Latimer.
In the course of his sermon Latimer so ridiculed the friar's
" bold reasons " drawn from the improbable actions of plough-
men, bakers, and " simple men," should they be permitted to
read the Scriptures, that "the vanitie of the Frier might to all
men appeare." Then taking up the subject of figurative lan-
guage he explained its use not only in Scripture but in com-
mon speech, adding that " euery speach hath his Metaphors
* Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1904. 1596.
144 coverdale's bible. [chap. IV.
and lyke figuratiue significations, so common and vulgar to
all men that the very Paynters do paynt them in walles and in
houses ; As for examplo (saith he, lookyng towards the Friar
that sat oner iigaynst hym) when they paynt a foxe preaching
out of a Friars coule, none is so mad to take this to be a foxe
that preacheth, but know well enough the meanynge of the
matter, which is to paynt out vnto vs, what hypocrisie, craft,
and subtile dissimulation lyeth hyd many times in these friers
coules, willyng vs therby to beware of them. In fine. Friar
Buckingham with this Sermon was so bashed, that neuer after
he durst peepe out of the Pulpit agaynst M. Latymer." ^ This
took place in the winter of 1529. The friars and monks were
elated by Buckingham's sermon. They said : " These heretics
are silenced." But after Latimer had replied, the bishops said :
"We must cease to reason and apply authority. The best way
to answer these Gospellers is to prevent their speaking." This
counsel prevailed, and soon after Latimer was silenced by his
bishop, and persecution on account of religious opinion began
afresh.
During these years there was a quiet student at Cambridge
who was the pupil of Friar Barnes. He was carried away, as
were others, with the eloquence of Latimer and Bilney. He
belonged to the brotherhood of the Augustines, but was in
s^^mpathy with the reformers, and attended the assemblies at
the " White Horse," where the Gospellers met for mutual help
and instruction.^ This friend and pupil of Barnes was Myles
Coverdale. Very little is known of his early life. The year
1488 is put down by his biographers as the date of his birth.^
He was educated at Cambridge in the house of the Augustine
friars, and assumed priest's orders about the year 1514. When
Dr. Barnes was arrested and taken to London to answer before
Cardinal Wolsey, at the close of the year 1526, Coverdale ac-
' Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1904.
2 In mockery these friends of the Grospel were styled Oermans, stig-
matizing them as followers of Luther.
3 Memorials of Myles Cov^evdale, p. 1. London, 1838.
1527.] THE REVIVAL AT BUMSTEDE. 145
companied him. By the decision of the Cardinal the only
alternative left to Barnes was either "to abjure or burn."
Strongly urged by his friends he chose the former, and by the
injunction laid upon him performed a most humiliating pen-
ance at St. Paul's, at which the Cardinal and his retinue at-
tended in great pomp, The master fallen, the scholar took
warning. It is recorded of Coverdale that from this time "he
gave himself wholly up to propagating the truth of the gos-
pel."^ Cromwell was a friend and patron of Coverdale. As
early as 1527 they met at the house of Sir Thomas More,
when Cromwell advised him to enter upon the study of sacred
learning ; but warned him against a too open expression of his
evangelical sentiments. For, though Cromwell was in sym-
pathy with the New opinions, yet he was shrewd and politic.
Coverdale, acting upon the advice of his friend, gave himself
to study; but his sympathy with Bilney and Latimer in their
work of preaching the Gospel, together with a report of a re-
ligious meeting held in the county of Essex, drew him from
his retreat. For five or six years the leaven of the Gospel had
been working among the people, and with the circulation of
Tyndale's translation of the New Testament the spirit of in-
quiry was increased, resulting in a genuine revival of religion.
In 1527, John Tyball, of Bumstede, in Essex, according to
his own deposition, visited Friar Barnes in London,^ and ob-
tained from him a New Testament in English. He and
Thomas Hilles had sought the acquaintance of Barnes, be-
cause they heard that he was a good man, and " wold
have his cownsel in the New Testament." Further they
showed the said Barnes, that " one Sir Kichard Fox, curate
of Bumstede, by ther means was wel entred into therlernyng;
& sayd, that they thowghte to gett hym hole in shorte space."
Whereupon they desired Barnes that he would write a letter
1 Memorials of Myles Coverdale, pp. 11, 12.
2 Barnes, after liis Immiliation, was sent to the Fleet, wliere he was
confined for six months ; but afterwards he was made a free prisoner at
the Augustine Friars, in London, where he received visits from his
brethren.
7
146 coveedale's bible. [chap. iv.
to the curate exhorting him, " that he wold continew in that
he had begon." ^ The curate did so continue and with him
also a grey friar of Colchester, who was another one of
Tyball's converts. At this same Colchester, which was in the
county of Essex, there lived a worthy man named John
Pykas. He had received a manuscript copy of Paul's
Epistles from his mother, with this advice : " lyve after the
maner and way of the said Epistoles and Gospels, and not after
the way that the church doth teche." Afterward he bought
in Colchester a New Testament in English, and "payd for it
foure shillinges,^ he kept and read it thorowghly
many tymes." Having himself accepted the truth of the
Gospel, he began to teach it to others, affirming : that " there
is no baptysm, but of the Holy Ghost," that confession must
needs be made to God, and not " made to a pryst," and that
men *' should pray only to God and to no saints." After hear-
ing Bilney preach at Ipswich, he pronounced the sermon
" most goostly and made best for his purpose and opinions, as
any that ever he herd in his lyef." ^
It was this revival at Bumstede that attracted Coverdale,
and he preached there in the spring of 1528. Among his
hearers was an Augustine monk named Topley, who was sup-
plying the place of Friar Fox in his absence. Topley had
recently read Wycliffe's Wicket, a book belonging to Fox,
and his mind was sore troubled. But through the public
preaching and private instruction of Coverdale he found
peace in believing in Jesus as his only Saviour. These
" brothren in Christ," as they called themselves, held frequent
Gospel meetings in private houses, also in the halls of great
mansions. These Gospellers were characterized by their
boldness and self assertion. They already claimed to be a
Church because "we pray in common and that consti-
tutes a Church." Latimer, Coverdale and Bilney, willingly
^ Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, V., App. 368, 369.
2 Equal in modern values to about $15.00.
2 Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, I., 123, 124.
1530.] ckomwell's patrokage. 147
recognized these incomplete societies in which the members
met simply as disciples. ^
The Komish bishops watched this rehgious movement with
great uneasiness ; and they determined to check it. Public
visitations were appointed ; and the suspected and accused
were severely dealt with. Among others Ooverdale was ac-
cused before the bishop of London. In a quiet way, how-
ever, he was withdrawn from public notice. Possibly this
was done through the intervention of his patron, both for
the sake of safety and for his appointed work of translating
the Scriptures. The whereabouts of Coverdale from 1528 to
1536, is left almost entirely to conjecture. According to
Foxe, he went at the close of 1528 to Hamburgh, by appoint-
ment, to aid Tyndale in translating the Pentateuch. Though
the story of Foxe enters into particulars and would seem to
have had some foundation, yet so far as the laboring together
of Coverdale and Tyndale is concerned, the probabilities are
against it. The patronage of Cromwell is against any such
prearrangement. Coverdale was doubtless in sympathy with
Tyndale in his work, but he was more, though not altogether,
in sympathy with Cromwell and the moderate party, who
favored the Bible in English, but wished the translation from
the Latin to be in Eomish phrase. Constitutionally and
practically Coverdale was a compromiser, and his " speciall
translacyon " was undertaken as a compromise. However,
*• Not as a checker," he says, " not as a reprouer, or despyser
of other mens translacyons." ^ Coverdale sets forth the sj)irit
of his undertaking, when he says : " Be not thou offended
therfore (good Eeader) though one call a scrybe, that
another calleth a lawyer; or elders, that another calleth
father and mother ; or repentaunce, that another calleth
pennaunce or amendment. For yf thou be not disceaued by
' D'Aubigne's History of the Reformation, V., 384. Am. Tr. Soc.
edition, N. D.
- Prologue, Coverdale's Bible, p. 2. Bagster's Reprint, London, N. D.
148 COVERDALE'S bible. [chap. IV.
mens tradicions thou shalt fynde nomore dyuersite betwene
these termes then betwene foure pens and a grote. And this
maner have I vsed in my translacyon, callyng it in some place
pennaunce, that in another place I call repentaunce, and that
not onely because the interpreters haue done so before me,
but that the aduersaries of the trueth may se, how that we
abhorre not this worde pennaunce (as they vntruly reporte of
vs) no more then the interpreters of latyn abhorre penitere,
whan they reade resipiscere. Onely our hartes desyre vnto
God, is, that his people be not blynded in theyr vnderstond-
yng, lest they beleue pennaunce to be ought saue a very re-
pentaunce, amendment, or conuersyon vnto God, and to be
an vnfayned new creature in Christ, and to lyue acordyng to
his lawe. For els shall they fal in to the olde blasphemy of
Christes blonde, and beleue, that they them selues are able to
make satisfaccion vnto God for theyr awne synnes, from the
which erroure god of his mercy and plenteous goodnes pre-
serue all his."^ Though Coverdale's work as a translator was
undertaken as a compromise, yet he yielded nothing of his
evangelical spirit, neither does he in the least compromise his
conscience.
For further evidence that Coverdale was under the patron-
age of Cromwell, w^e have his letter written to Cromwell in
1531, or 1532, in which, after referring to their conversation
at the house of Sir Thomas More, he adds : " ^ow I begyne
to taste of Holy Schryptures ; with the godly savour of
holy and awncyent Doctoures, vnto whose knowlege I can not
attayne, without dyversyte of bookys Nothyng in
the world I desyre, but bookys Morover as tuching
my behavour (your Mastyrschypes mynde onse knowne) wyth
all lowlynes I offer my self, not only to be ordred in all
thynges, as schall pleyse your wysdome."^ If the conjectured
date of this letter be correct then in 1531, Coverdale was at
Cambridge and entering upon the work of translating the
^ Prologue, Coverdale's Bible, p. 4.
2 Memorials of Coverdale, App. No. 1, p. 193. London, 1838.
1530.] HEKRY YIII. AKD THE Ei^-QLISH BIBLE. 149
Bible. But whether at home or abroad, he labors in secret.
It is an open question whether Ooverdale had other patrons
than Cromwell. Some have thought that Sir Thomas More
was at least aware of Coverdale's enterprise. Evidently there
were those who took a substantial interest in his work, since
he himself declares that he was emboldened to undertake it
as *' other men were moved to do the cost thereof."
Year by year Tyndale's New Testament made frieuds for
the Gospel, and also stirred up the hatred of its enemies. Be-
tween these two extremes there sprang up a moderate party,
of which Ooverdale was a leading representative. There were
many curates that were well learned, who were exhorting their
parishioners "to believe contrary to the Catholic faith."
Bishop Nix, in May, 1530, wrote : " There is a Colledg in Ca7n-
hridg, called Gunnel haule, of the foundation of a Bp. of
Norwich. I hear of no clerk, that hath commen out lately of
that Colledg, but savoryth of the frying j)an, tho he speak
never so holily."^ In this same letter the good bishop com-
plains both of the number and boldness of these heretics and
of their boast : " that the Kings pleasure is, the N. Tes-
tament in English shal go forth, and men sholde have it and
read it." Furthermore, that some " crakyth in the Kings name,
that their false opinions sliold go forth, and wil dy in the
quarrel, that their ungracious opinions be true, and trusty th
by Michaelmas day, there shal be more that shal beleve of
thair opinion, than they that beleivyth the contrary."'^ The
object of this letter was that he might obtain royal letters con-
ferring authority to suppress by force these false opinions.
There was some grounds for supposing that Henry VIII. at
this time was not altogether opposed to the circulation of the
Scriptures in English, though Bishop Nix would have it
otherwise. About this time a convocation was called to
pronounce upon certain heretical books, including the English
^ Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer. App., Xuin. XII., p. 15.
' Ibid, p. 15.
150 COYERDALE'S bible. [chap. IV.
New Testament.! Bishops and learned men from the Univer-
sities were summoned to the council, and each was to have the
liberty " to say what his own learning and conscience could
maintain and justify."^ This was a notable conference. Free-
dom of speech was granted to all to utter their opinions with-
out any necessity of agreeing with the majority, or fear of
any blame to be imputed to them. The council met on the
24th of May, 1530, in the Star chamber, the king presiding.
The leading question before the council was, whether " it was
his (the king's) duetie to cawse the Scripture of God to be
translated into English tonge to be communicate unto the
people ; and that the prelates and also his highnes doo wronge
in denying or letting (hindering) of the same ; his highnes
therefor willed every man there present in the said assemble,
freely and frankly to shewe and open unto him what might
be proved and confirmed by Scripture and holy doctours in
that behalf, to the entent that his highnes, as he there openly
protestid, myght conforme himself thereunto, mynding to doo
his dutie towards his people, as he wolde they shulde doo their
duties towards him." But after both sides had been heard,
"fynally it appered, that having of the hole Scripture in Eng-
lisshe is not necessarye to cristen men .Wherein foras-
muche as the kings highnes, by the advise and deliberation
of his counceill thinkith in his conscience that the divulg-
ing of this Scripture at this tyme in Englisshe tonge, to be
committed to the people, considering such pestilente books,
and so evill opynyons as be now spred amonge them, shulde
rather be to their further confusion and destruction then the
edification of their soules." ^ These were the views as advo-
cated and decided by the Eomish party. But that they were
strongly combated there can be no doubt, since further along
in the report, which is from the pen of Archbishop Warham,
' The books condemned by this council were such as, The Obedience of
a Christian Man ; The Supplication of Beggars ; The Matrimony of
Tyndale ; and Tyndale's New Testament.
2 Memorials of Goverdale, p. 33. London, 1838.
3 lUd, pp. 33-34.
1530.] THE BISHOPS IIT COUNCIL. 151
we are told that "bis highnes did there openlye saye and pro-
test, that he woulde cause the Newe Testament to be by lerned
men faithfully and purely translated into Englishe tonge, to
the entent he might have it in his handes redy to be gevyn to
his people, as he might se their manners and behavour mete,
apte, and convenient to recey ve the same." ^ From which it
would seem that Henry VII I. was not unfavorable to the cir-
culation of a faithful version of the New Testament. Hall, in
his Chronicles, affirms that the king commanded the bishops,
with the assistance of learned men from the Universities, to
cause a new translation to be made. So far as known, how-
ever, nothing was done.^
The proclamation which followed the decision of this coun-
cil, was decidedly in the interests of the papists. In view of
which Latimer wrote a bold letter to the king, which shows
not only the earnest spirit of the reformer, but the conflict of
opinion then raging. "But as concerning this matter," wrote
Latimer, " other men haue shewed your grace their myndes,
how necessary it is to haue the Scripture in English. The
which thing also your grace hath promised by your last Proc-
lamation ; the which promise I pray God that your gracious
highnes may shortly performe, euen to day before to morrow,
And so as concernynge your last proclamation prohibityng
such bokes, the very true cause of it, and chief Counsellours
(as men say, and of likelihode it should be) were they whose
euill lining and cloked hipocrisie these bookes uttered and dis-
closed. And howbeit that there were iii or iiij (in the convo-
cation) that would haue had the Scripture to go forth in
English, yet it happened there, as it is euermore scene, that
the most part ouercometh the better, and so it might be that
these men did not take this proclamation as yours, but as
theirs set forth in your name."^
This council of 1530, though called in the interests of the
^ Memorials of Coverdale, p. 35. ' I^d, p. 36.
' Foxe's Acts and Monuments, pp. 1916-1919.
152 coverdale's bible. [chap. iv.
spirituality, is important as showing the demand of the people
for the Scriptures in their own tongue. Also it is the first time
that the question of Bible translation as a matter of expedi-
ency had been discussed in open council. Notwithstanding
the authoritative exhortation of Archbishop Warham "that
the people should decline from their arrogancy of knowledge
and understanding of the Scriptures, and meekly await the
movement of their superiors, making no further demands,"
their impatience increased. During the years 1531 and 1533,
appeared Tyn dale's version of the Pentateuch and the book of
Jonah, which helped to create a demand for a translation of
the whole Bible. In evidence of this, we have the recorded
action of the convocation of 1534. "The Bishops, Abbots,
Priors of this Upper House of Convocation, of the Province
of Cayiterhury, met together in the Chapter House of St. Paul;
unanimously did consent, that the most Reverend Father the
Archbishop, should make instance in their Names to the King,
that his Majesty, would vouchsafe, .... to decree, that the
Scriptures should be translated into the Vulgar Tongue by
some honest and learned Men, to be nominated by the King,
and to be delivered unto the People according to their Learn-
ing." ^ As this motion was made by Archbishop Cranmer,
Strype says that they agreed upon him as the proper person to
present the petition. But " they clogged it with another that
the Archbishop did not so well approve," which was to the
effect, that all persons having books in English, or of suspected
doctrine, were warned to bring them within three months to
persons to be appointed by the king, " under a certain Pain to
be limited by the King." 2 No immediate results can be traced
to this action ; yet on account of it, this convocation holds an
important place in the history of English versions of the Bible,
in that the papists, now for the first time, accede to the right
of the people to have the Bible in their own tongue.
> Strype's Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer, B. I., Ch. VI., p. 24.
London, 1694.
« Ibid, p. 24.
1534.] THE CONVOCATION- OF 1534. 153
Not long after this " the Archbishop," says Strype, " whose
Mind ran very much upon bringing in the free use of the Holy
Scripture in English among the People, put on vigorously a
Translation of it." He began with the New Testament, taking
an (old) English translation, dividing it into nine or ten parts,
" causing each Part to be written at large in a paper Book and
then to be sent to the best Learned Bishops and others : to the
intent that they should make a perfect Correction thereof."
After which they were to return the same to him " by a day
limited for that purpose." ^ This enterprise of Cranmcr, and
the readiness with which the learned bishops entered into it,
attests the progress of the reformed opinions, since all the
bishops, excepting one, complied with the requirements of the
archbishop. Even Gardiner, who so strenuously opposed in
the council the resolutions relating to the translation of the
Bible, diligently corrected the portion assigned to him. " Nev-
ertheless I have," he wrote, ^"as gret cause as any man to
desire rest and quiet for the helth of my body; whereunto I
thought to have entended, and to absteyne from bookes and
wryting, having finished the translation of Saynt Luke and
Saynt John, wherin I have spent a gret labour." 2 But Bishop
Stokesley, instead of returning his portion after correcting it
as requested, wrote to the archbishop a crispish letter, in which
he said: "I marvel what my Lord of Canterbury meaneth,
that thus abuseth the People, in giving them liberty to read
the Scriptures ; which doth nothing else but infect them with
Heresy. I have bestowed never an Hour upon my Portion,
nor never will. And therefore my Lord shall have this Book
again, for I never will be guilty of bringing the simple People
into Error." 8
During these years of conflict and ineffectual effort. Cover-
dale has been at work in secret, till now at last his translation
is ready for the press. It was printed abroad, probably at
' Strype's Memorials of ArcJibishop Cranrner, p. 34.
^ Memorials of Myles Coverdale, p. 48. London, 1838.
2 Strype's Memorials of Cranrner, p. 34.
154 COYERDALE'S BIBLE. [CHAP. IV.
Zurich, by Christopher Froschover, in the year 1535, and
finished on the fourth day of October. There are various sup-
positions as to the place of printing of Coverdale's Bible.
Besides Zurich, Frankfort and Antwerp put in their claims.
" Indeed, most of the cities of Germany come in for their share
of the honor." 1 The evidence, favoring any given place, is
limited, for the most part, to the types or woodcuts used by a
given printer at that time, with which the types and cuts of
this Bible are thought to correspond. But the boldest and
most unsatisfactory supposition is that of Mr. Henry Stevens,
as set forth in the Caxton Catalogue, wherein he affirms that
the Coverdale Bible was printed at Antwerp, and that Jacob
Van Meteren, and not Coverdale, was the translator. Mr.
Stevens publishes this assertion in somewhat of a sensational
style, and with all the zest of a new discovery, confidently
believing that he has cleared away all the uncertainties that
have hitherto hung over the authorship of the Coverdale Bible.
But his statements fail to carry conviction with them. Dr.
Moulton, in his recent " History of the English Bible," says, in
opposition to the claims put forth by Mr. Stevens in favor of
Van Meteren, ^* that the translation was by any other hand
than Coverdale's we should be very slow to believe. "^ To
Myles Coverdale, therefore, must still be accredited the honor
of giving to England the first translation of the whole Bible
printed in English. The following is the title of a copy in the
library of the Duke of Sussex, which was reprinted by Bagster,
and reads: " Biblia, the Bible, that is, the holy Scripture of
the Olde and New Testament, faithfully and truly translated
in to Englishe, — M.D.XXXV. — S. Paul, II. Tessa., III.
Praiefor vs, that the worcle of God male liaue f re passage, and
U glorified, Sc." This title occupies a small square in the
middle of the page, and is inclosed by a border of woodcuts
illustrating scenes both of the Old and New Testaments. The
cut extending across the top of the page represents, the Fall
and Redemption. The small squares on the right represent,
* Caxton Catalogue, p. 88. London, 1877. ^ Note, p. 99.
1535.] DISAGKSEMENTS IK TITLES AND DEDICATIONS. 155
the Givi7ig of the law, and JEzra reading the hook of the law to
the "people ; and on the left, Christ showing himself after his
resurrection, and Peter preaching to the people. The cut
extending across the bottom of the page, represents Henry
VIII. on his thronCy presenting a clasped Bible to his bishops,
tvho k?ieel on his right, while the peers of the realm kneel on his
left. On the extreme right in this cut, there is a full-length
figure of King David playing on a harp, with a connecting
scroll bearing an appropriate inscription ; so on the extreme
left there is a corresponding full-length figure of the Apostle
Paul, with a scroll bearing the inscription, / am not ashamed
of the Gospell of Christ, for it is the poiver of God. Ro. I.
Sebald Beham is the supposed author of these cuts. He was an
engraver at Nuremburg and flourished about this time. His
pictures, as well as his engravings, were held in the highest
esteem by his co temporaries.*
In respect to the titles of Ooverdale's Bibles much has been
made of the fact that in the earliest copies the title in some
reads : *' Faithfully and truly translated out of Douche and
Latyn in to English," while in others the title reads simply :
" Faithfully and truly translated into English." The specifi-
cation, out of Douche and Latyn, is pronounced by some as a
^* book-selling artifice of the time, to make the work circulate
better " ; by others as the honest insertion of Coverdale. The
importance to be attached to this question is, that if inserted
by Coverdale, it settles the question that he did not translate
directly from the Hebrew. And yet Coverdale was not without
some knowledge of the Hebrew, " by which he was guided at
times in selecting his renderings; but in the main his version
is based on the Swiss-German version of Zwingli and Leo
Juda, and on the Latin of Pagninus." ^ Again, there is
a manifest disagreement in the dedicating prologue to Henry
VIIL, which in some copies specify Queen Anne "as the
dearest wyf e and most virtuous pryncesse ; " while others of
* Chalmer's Biographical Dictionary. Art. — Beham (Sebald).
' Westcott's History of the Eng. Bible, p. 169. London, 1872.
156 COVERD ale's bible. [chap. IV.
the same date, 1535, insert the name of Queen Jane, notwith-
standing the fact that she was not married to Henry till in
May, 1536. Lewis seeks to explain this inconsistency by the
supposition that Coverdale, hearing that Anne Boleyn was
declining in the king's favor, deferred the publication till his
marriage with Jane Seymour. Anderson adopts the same
theory ; but it has been exploded by the showing of Mr. Fry,
that all the dedications in which the name of Queen Jane
appears are from the editions of 1537 ; which dedications were
transferred to the editions of 1535-36, and that the insertion
was not at that time deemed inappropriate.^
The dedication extends over five quarto pages, and must
have been sufficiently adulatory even for that age, while it
sounds belittling to our ears. This is followed by a prologue
by Myles Coverdale " vnto the Christen Reader," which is writ-
ten in a very different spirit. The prologue closes with the
following exhortation : "Finally who so euer thou be, take
these wordes of scripture in to thy herte, and be not only an
outward hearer, but a doer therafter, and practyse thyselfe
therin ; that thou mayest fele in thine hert, the swete promyses
therof for thy consolacion in all trouble, and for the sure
stablishinge of thy hope in Christ, and haue euer an eye to y"
wordes of scripture, that yf thou be a teacher of other thou
mayest be within the boundes of the trueth, or at leest though
thou be but a hearer or reader of another mans doynges, thou
mayest yet haue knowlege to judge all spretes, and be fre
from euery erroure, to the utter destruccion of all sedicious
sectes and straunge doctrynes, that the holy scrypture maye
haue fre passage, and be had in reputacion, to the worshippe
of the author therof, which is euen God himselfe ; to whom for
his most blessed worde be glory and domynion now and euer."^
The evangelical spirit of Coverdale is not only manifest in this
extract, but also throughout the whole prologue. It was in
this same spirit he executed the translation. He was grieved
' Westcott's History of the Eng. Bible, p. 59, note. London, 1872.
^ Coverdale's Bible. Prologue, p. 5. 1535.
1536.] DEATH OF ANKE BOLEYN. 157
that other nations should be more plenteously suppHed with
the Scriptures in their own tongue than his own, "therfore
whan I was instantly (urgently) requyred," he says, " though
I coulde not do so well as I wolde, I thought it yet my dewtye
to do my best, and that with a good wyll." *
From the tenor of the dedication we may infer that Cover-
dale expected a favorable reception for his translation at the
hands of the king. In his extravagant comparisons, Henry
VIII. becomes not only " oure Moses," to deliver out of the
darkness '' of olde Egypte from the cruell handes of our spirit-
uall Pharao," but a very Josiah, in whose time the word of God
is found again, and who commands, " that the lawe of God
shulde be redde and taught vnto all y* people. "^ The first
edition of Coverdale's Bible appeared at the beginning of the
year 1536, under auspices unfavorable so far as its reception
was based upon the active favor of Anne Boleyn, who had now
fallen into such disgrace, that her tragic end drew very near.'
The edition was issued, however, under royal sanction, but
with no special privileges. Notwithstanding Coverdale's com-
promises, in the rendering of certain ecclesiastical words, and
the leaving out of objectionable prologues and glosses found
in Tyndale, his translation met with no favor at the hands of
the Romish bishops. This appears from the fact, that in the
convocation of June 9, 1536, a petition was agreed upon, to be
presented to the king, for a new translation of the Bible. The
^ Coverdale's Bible. Prologue, p. 1. ' Ihid. Dedication, yjp. 4, 5.
" A little before Noon, being the 19tli of May, (1536), she was brought
to the scaffold, where she made a short Speech to a great company
The chief of whom were the Dukes of Suffolk and Richmond, the Lord
Chancellor, and Secretary Cromwell, with the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs
and Al del-men of London. She said, 'she was come to die, as she was
judged by the Law ; she would accuse none, nor say anything of the
ground upon which she was judged.' She prayed heartily for the King ;
And so she took her leave of them and the World After she had
been some time in her devotions, her last words being, To Christ I com-
mend my Soul ; her Head was cut off by the Hangman of Calais." Bur-
net'3 Hist. Eef., I., 205.
158 coverdale's bible, [chap. iy.
substance of this petition was, that the king would graciously
indulge his subjects of the laity the reading of the Bible in the
English tongue, and that a new translation might be forth-
with made. But there is no evidence that this petition was
ever presented, or at least ever acted upon.* The injunction
of Cromwell, issued about this time, must have referred to
Coverdale's Bible, as it was at that time the only printed edi-
tion extant. There is some doubt as to whether the injunc-
tion was ever published, and yet it must have had a place in
the original draft. On account of the bearing of this in-
junction on the history of Coverdale's Bible, it deserves no-
tice. As recorded by Foxe, it is the seventh item among the
injunctions " Given by the authority of the King to the clergy
of his realm in the year 1536," and reads : " That euery person
or proprietary of anye parish Church within this realme, shall
on this side the feast of S. Peter ad vincula next comming,
prouide a booke of the whole Bible, both in Laten and also in
English, and laye the same in the queere for euery man that
wil, to loke and read theron, and shall discourage no man from
the reading of any part of the Bible either in Laten or Eng-
lish, but rather comfort, exhort, and admonish euery man to
reade the same, as the veiy word of God, and the spirituall
foode of mans soule, whereby they may the better knowe their
dueties to God, to their soueraigne Lord the kyng, and theyr
neyghbour, euer gentilly and charitably exhorting them, that
using a sober and a modest behauiour in the reading and inqui-
sition of the true sense of the same, they do in no wyse stifly or
egerlye contend or striue one with another, about the same,
but referre the declaration of those places that be in contro-
uersie, to the judgement of them that be better learned. "^
In the first ecclesiastical council under Henry VIII., called
^ Lewis' Hist, of Eng. Translations of the Bible, p. 103. London, 1789.
2 Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1248. The injunction differs materi-
ally from that of 1538, which favors the supposition that as an important
item it belongs to the injunctions of 1536. And yet, because it does not
appear in Cranmer's Register, or in Wilkins' Concilia, it is probable that
it was never published. Compare Eadie's Eng. Bibles 1 ., 364, note.
1535.] MADE FKOM " SOKDRYE TRAJs'SLACIONS." 159
in 1536 for the purpose of an authoritative recognition of his
divorce, as well as for setthng certain articles of religious faith,
the Protestants and Papists were about equally divided. Fuller
quaintly says, that the instrument of divorce was subscribed to
by all, '^the Papists willingly, the Protestants faintly, but all
publickly."^ But while the bishops were contending in high
council about certain articles in religion, and a new transla-
tion of the Bible, the people were reading the Scriptures and
forming their own religious opinions. Edward Fox, bishop of
Hereford, boldly declared in this council, " that they could not
by sophistical subtilties steal out of the world again the light
which every man doth see The people do now know the
Holy Scripture better than many of us. " ^ For ten years the
people had been familiar with Tyndale's printed New Testa-
ment, and for some five or six years with parts of the Old Tes-
tament of Tyndale's translation, and now from the hand of
Coverdale they receive the whole Bible in print. That it was
favorably received by the people we have strong evidence in
the fact, that the first edition was exhausted during the year
1536, and that in 1537 two editions, one in folio and the other
in quarto, were published by James Nycolson of Southwark,
and '■'Set forth ivith the Kytige's most gracious Uce7ice"^
Besides, there was another issue of Coverdale's Bible in 1550,
which was reprinted in 1553.*
As a translator Coverdale did not claim to be independent.
In his prologue to the Christian reader he says : " To helpe
me herin, I haue had sondrye translacions not only in latyn
but also of the Douche interpreters : whom (because of theyr
synguler gyftes and speciall diligence in the Bible) I haue ben
the more glad to folowe for the most parte, accordynge as I was
requyred." ^ These *' sondrye translacions " probably were the
' Fuller's Chvrch History of Britain, B. V. , pp. 308-213. London, 1685.
2 Anderson's Annals, p. 256. London, 1862. » jiyifj^ p 291.
^ •' The edition of 1550 was published in London by Andrewe Hester,
with the strange misprint of: ' By Mayst. Thomas Matthewe.' "
5 Coverdale's BMe, Prologue, p. 1. Bagster's Reprint, N. D.
160 coveedale's bible. [chap. IV.
Vulgate, Jerome's version, 385, 405 ; the Swiss-German or
Zurich Bible, 1524:, 1529; the Latin version of Paguinus,^
translated from the Hebrew in 1518, but not printed tiU 1528 ;
also Tjndale's New Testament, 1525; and bis Pentateuch,
1530. The language of Coverdale in respect to his use of these
helps is not inconsistent with his taking the Hebrew as the
base of his translation. There was at least one celebrated
Hebrew scholar and teacher in England as early as 1520. This
was Robert Wakefield, who was educated at Cambridge. He
went abroad to study the oriental languages. In 1519 he
taught Hebrew at Louvain. In a few months afterward he
returned home and became chaplain to Dr. Pace. In 1530 he
was made public professor of Hebrew at Oxford.^ So far, then,
as an opportunity for the obtaining it, there is no improbability
in Coverdale's having a knowledge of the Hebrew language.
And yet it is a mooted question whether or not he translated
from the Hebrew. Whittaker argues in its favor, and is fol-
lowed by Anderson. Eadie, after Westcott, confutes Whit-
taker at great length, and asserts that Coverdale's translation
of the Old Testament "is not taken at all from the original
Hebrew, either professedly or in fact ; but is only a secondary
translation, based chiefly on the Swiss-German or Zurich
Bible." 3 But Tregelles claims that Coverdale's translation is
not only based upon the Hebrew, but " that even the Hebrew
edition which he used can be pointed out."^ From the above,
and also from internal evidence,^ it is reasonable to conclude
that Coverdale made use of the Hebrew, though he was
" requyred to folowe for the most parte sondrye translacions."
His conscientiousness as a translator cannot be called in ques-
' The version of Sanctes Pagninus was the work of twenty-five years,
and has been extolled by Jews and Christians as the best Latin trans-
lation ever made from the Hebrew, the translation of Jerome not ex-
cepted.
« Chalmer's Diet , Art. Wakefield, RdbH, XXX., 486. London, 1816.
« Eadie s Hist. Eng. Bible, I., 285.
4 Hifitoric Evidence of the Authorship of the New Testament, p. ^2, note.
London. 1853. * See above, pafre 155.
1535.] SPECIMEN'S FROM THE OLD TESTAMENT. 161
tion. '' I liaue netlier wrested nor altered," he says, " so mock
as one worde for the mayntenaunce of any maiier of secte ; but
haue with a cleare conscience purely and faythfuUy translated
this out of fyue sundry interpreters, hauynge onely the many-
fest trueth of the scripture before myne eyes.''^ He had an
exalted appreciation of what the Scripture would do for the
people. ^* The onely worde of God," he says, " is the cause of
all felicite And why ? because it is geuen by the inspka-
cyon of God." 2 And it was this word, by whomsoever minis-
tered, that he was desirous to have go forth to the people.
And if he sometimes studied plainness of meaning at the ex-
pense of conciseness of expression, he but followed Tyndale
and his other intei-preters, particularly the Zurich Bible. And
yet, if possible, the style of Coverdale is more remarkable for
its simplicity than that of Tyndale. " Xo little of that inde-
finable quality," says Eadie, " that gives popular charm to our
English Bible, and has endeared it to so many generations, is
owing to Coverdale." ^ Especially is this true of the Psalms
and the Prophetical books. The English Church to this day
reads in her Prayer-book, Coverdale's version of the Psalms
with very few changes, and even these are for the most part
verbal, so that essentially the version of 1535 is retained. Xot
only the English Prayer-book, but our present version of the
Psalms is indebted to Coverdale for its rhythmic flow and
strength of expression. As illustrating the indebtedness of
our English Bible to Coverdale, as well as showing the rich-
ness and simplicity of his style, take the following Psalms —
the first of which is put into modern spelling :
Ps. n. A, Why do the Heathen grudge ? Why do the people imagine
vain things ? The kings of the earth stood up, and the
rulers are come together, against the Lokd and against
his anointed. Let us break their bonds asunder, and cast
away their yoke from us. Xevertheless, he that dwelleth
in heaven, shall laugh them to scorn ; yea even the Lord
himself shall have them in derision. Then shall he speak
* Coverdale's Bible. Dedication to the King, p. 5. ^ lUd, p. 4.
3 History of E}ngli8h Bible, I., 303.
162 covekdale's bible. [chap. IV.
unto them in his wrath, and vex them in his sore dis-
pleasure. Yet have I set my king upon mv holy hill of
Sion. As for me I will preach the law, whereof the
Lord hath said unto me . Thou art my son, this day have
I begotten thee. Desiie of me, and I shall g'ive thee the
B. Heathen for thine inheritance, Yea the utmost parts of
the world for thy possession. Thou shalt rule them with
a rod of iron, and break them in pieces like an earthen
vessel. Be wise now therefore (0 ye kings) be warned,
ye that are judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with
fear, and rejoice before him with reverence. Kiss the son,
lest the Lord be angry, and so ye perish from the right
way. For his wrath shall be kindled shortly : blessed
are all they that put their trust in him.
Psalm XXII., which corresponds in number with the XXIII.
Psalm of the Authorized yersion,^ is here inserted with the
original spelling and contractions:
Ps. XXIL The Lorde is my shepherde, I can wante nothinge. He
fedeth me in a grene pasture, ad ledeth me to a fresh
water. He quickeneth my soule, and bringeth me forth
in the waye of rightuousnes for his names sake. Though
I shulde walke now in the valley of the shadowe of death,
yet I feare no euell, for thou art with me : thy staffe &
thy shepehoke coforte me. Thou preparest a table before
me agaynst mine enemies : thou anoyntest my lieade
with oyle, & fyllest my cuppe full. Oh let thy louynge
kyndnes & mercy folowe me all the dayes off my life, that
I may dwell in the house off the Lorde for euer.
The same rhythmical flow so noticeable in Coverdale's trans-
lation of the Psalms is found likewise in his translation of the
Prophetical books, while the style on account of the original
is more stately and elevated. Take a portion of the fortieth
chapter of Isaiah, with the spelling modernized, as an example :
Is. XL, A. Be of good cheer my people, be of good cheer (saith your
God). Comfort Jerusalem, and tell her: that her travail
' In the numbering of the Psalms the Hebrew Bible and the Septua-
^nt version differ. Coverdale followed the Septuagint numbering-, while
our translations followed that of the Hebrew. Compare note on page
70 above.
1535.] SPECIMEi^S FROM THE OLD TESTAMEi^T. 163
is at an end, that her offense is pardoned, that she hath
received of the Lord's hand sufficient correction for all
her sins. A voice crieth : Prepare the way for the Lord
in the Wilderness, make straight the path for our God in
the desert. Let all valleys be exalted, and every moun-
tain and hill he laid low. What so is crooked, let it be
made straight, and let the rough places be made plain
fields. For the glory of the Lord shall appear, and all
flesh shall see it, for why, the mouth of the Lord hath
spoken it.
The same voice spake : Now cry. And I said : What shall I
cry ? Then spake it : that all flesh is grass, and that all
the beauty thereof, is as the flower of the field. When
the grass is withered, the fiower falleth away. Even so
is the people as grass, when the breath of the Lord blow-
eth upon them. Nevertheless whether the grass wither,
or the flower fade away ; Yet the word of our God endur-
eth for ever. Moreover the voice cried thus : Go up unto
the hill (o Sion) thou that bringest good tidings; lift up
B. thy voice with power, 0 thou preacher Jerusalem. Lift
it up without fear, and say unto the cities of Judah : Be-
hold your God : behold the Lord, even the almighty shall
come with power, and bear rule with his arm. Behold,
he bringeth his treasure with him, and his works go be-
fore him. He shall feed his flock like an herdman. He
shall gather the lambs together with his arm, and carry
them in his bosom, and shall kindly entreat those that
bear young.
The following specimens are given with the original spelling,
contractions, and archaic forms retained :
Is. LXI. A. The sprete of the Lorde God is with me, for y« Lorde hath
anoynted me, & sent me, to preach good tydiges vnto the
poore, y* I might bynde vp y« wounded hertes, y' I might
preach delyueraunce to y« captjue, & open the preson to
the that are bounde : y* I might declare y« acceptable
yeare of the Lorde & the daye of y« avegeaunce of oure
God : that I might comforte all them that are in heuy-
nesse, that I might geue vnto them y' mourne in Sion,
bewty in the steade of asshes, ioyful oyntmet for sigh-
inge, pleasaunt raymet for an heuy mide : That they
might be called excellent in rightuousnesse, a platinge of
the Lorde for him to reioyce in.
164 coyerdale's bible. [chap. iv.
LXIII. A. What is he tliis, that cometh from Eclom, witlj stayned
reade clothes of Bosra : (which is so costly cloth) & cometh
in so neebly with all his stregth ? I am he y' teacheth
rightuousnes, & am of power to helpe. Wherfore the
is thy clotbiuge reade, and thy raymet like his y* tread-
eth in y* wyne presse ? I haue trodde the presse my self
alone, & of all people, there was not one with me. Thus
haue I trode downe myne enemies in my wrath, and set
my fete vpo them in my indignacion : And their bloude
sprange vpo my cloothes, & so haue I stayned all my ray-
ment. For the daye of vengeance that I haue take in
honde, & the yeare of my delyuerance is come, I loked
aboute me, and there was no ma to shewe me eny helpe.
I fel downe, and no man helde me vp. The I helde me
by myne owne arme, & my feruetnesse susteyned me.
And thus haue I troden down the people in my wrath,
and bathed them in my displeasure : In so moch that I
haue shed their bloude vpon the earth.
The above examples are of Coverdale's translating, in which
he was independent of Tyndale. By common consent, it
is understood that the portions of the Scriptures already
translated by Tyndale were used by Coverdale as the basis of
his translation, especially the Pentateuch and the Xew Testa-
ment. The following specimens from Coverdale's translation
of the New Testament will illustrate but imperfectly his work
as a reviser, since in many instances his changes are rather for
the worse than otherwise. The first example is that of the
Lord's prayer, which is based upon Tyndale's version of 1534;
it shows only a few verbal changes. Compare with Tyndale's
version on pages 121, 122, above :
Matt. VI. B 0 oure father which art in heauen
halowed be thy name. Thy kyngdome come.
Thy wyll be fulfilled vpon earth as it is in heauen.
Geue vs this daye oure dayly bred. And forgeue
vs oure dettes, as we also forgeue our detters.
And lede vs not in to teptacion : but delyuer vs
from euell. For thyne is the kyngdome, and the
power, and the glorye for euer. Amen.
1535.] SPECIMENS FROM THE KEW TESTAMEi^-T. 165
The following specimen is here inserted with the spelling
modernized :
Rom. VIII. A To be fleshly minded, is death : but
to be ghostly minded, is life and peace. For to be
fleshly minded is enmity against God, since it is
not subdued unto the law of God, for it cannot
also. As for them that are fleshly, they cannot
please God. Howbeit, ye are not fleshly, but
ghostly, if so be that the spirit of God dwell in
you. But who so hath not the spirit of Christ,
the same is not his. Nevertheless if Christ be in
you, then is the body dead because of sin. But
the spirit is life for righteousness sake.
B. Wherefore if the spirit of him, that raised up Jesus from
the dead, dwell in you, then shall even he also
that raised up Christ from the dead, quicken your
mortal bodies, because that his spirit dwelleth in
you. Therefore brethren we are now debtors, not
to the flesh, to live after the flesh : for if ye live
after the flesh, ye must die : but if ye mortify the
deeds of the body through the spirit, ye shall
live. For whosoever are led by the spirit of God,
are God's children : for ye have not received the
spirit of bondage to fear any more, but ye have
received the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry :
Abba, dear father. The same spirit certifieth our
spirit, that we are the children of God. If we be
children, then are we heirs also, namely the heirs
of God, and heirs annexed with Christ, if so be
that we suffer together, that we may be also glori-
fied together.
C. . . . . For the fervent longing of the
creature looketh for the appearing of the children
of God, because the creature is subdued unto
vanity against their will, but for his will that
hath subdued them upon hope. For the creature
also shall be free from the bondage of corruption,
unto the glorious liberty of the children of God.
For we know that every creature groaneth, and
travaileth with us in pain unto the same time.
D. Likewise the spirit also helpeth our weakness ; for we
know not what we should desire as we ought :
166 coveedale's bible. [chap. IV.
nevertheless the spirit itself maketh intercession
mightily for us with unoutspeakable groauings.
Howbeit he that searcheth the heart, knoweth
what the mind of the spirit is : for he maketh in-
tercession for the saints according to the pleasure
of God. But sure we are, that all things serve for
the best unto them that love of God, which are
called of purpose. For those whom he knew be-
fore, hath he ordained also before, that they
should be like fashioned unto the shape of his son,
that he might be the first begotten among many
brethren. As for those whom he hath ordained
before, them hath he called also : and whom he
hath called, them hath he also made righteous ;
and whom he hath made righteous, them hath he
glorified also.
If in revising Tyndale, Coverdale made changes sometimes
for the worse, yet more frequently they were for the better.
As evidence take the foUowiDg comparisons. The readings
of Tyndale are from his revised edition. The verse divisions
are given below for the sake of reference, though they are
not found in Coverdale's Bible.
Matt. III. 14. . . .1 haue nede to be beptysed of the.
Tyndale has : I oi/g7it to be.
V. 36. . . . canst not make one heer whyte or UacTce.
Tyndale reads : one white heer, or llacke.
XIII. 58 because of their vnbeleue. Tyndale
reads : for there vnbelefes sake.
XXI. 42 is become the heade stone in the
corner. Tyndale reads : is set in the principall
parte of the corner.
John I. 14, . . . and we sawe his glory, a glory as of the
onely begotten sonne of the father full of grace
and trueth. Tyndale reads : . . and we
sawe the glory of it, as the glory of the only be-
gotten Sonne of the father, which worde was full
of grace and verite.
III. 15 that who so euer beleueth in him.
shulde not perishe. but haue euerlastinge life.
1535.] QUAIIN^Tls-ESS Ai^^D FAMILIARITY IN EXPRESSION". 1G7
Tyndale reads : . . . that none that be-
leveth in him perisshe : but have eternall lyfe.
31 He that is of the earth is eartJdy.
Tyndale reads : . .He that is of the erth,
is of the erth.
XIV. 27. . . . Let not youre hert he troubled, nether let
it he af rayed. Tyndale reads : . . . Let
not your hertes he greved nether fen re ye.
XV. 19. . . . therfore the worlde hateth you. Tyndale
has : therfore hateth you the worlde.
XVni. 38. Pilate sayde vnto him : what is the trueth ? Tyndale
reads : . . . what thinge is trueth f
XIX. 2. . . . and put a purple garment xpon him.
Tyndale has : . , they dyd on him a purple
garment. ^
I. Tim. VI. 5. . . . which thynke that godlines is lucre.
Tyndale reads: .... that lucre is
godlines. He is followed by the Genevan version,
1557; also by the Authorized version. But Cover-
dale's rendering is better, since the meaning is,
that many supposed that godliness could be used
as a means of gain.^
I. John III. 24. And hereby knowe we that he abydeth in vs, euen hy
the sprete which he hath geuen vs. Better than
Tyndale, who reads : . . . and therby
we know that ther abydeth in vs of the sprete
which he gave vs.
Coverdale's language is sometimes quaint, but compara-
tirely, there are but few obsolete words. While he studied
great plainness of speech, he sometimes descended into too
great familiarity of expression, of which the following are
examples :
Ps. IX. 16. . . . trapped in the workes of his owne handes.
20. O LoRDE, set a scolemaster ouer them.
^ In the use of dyd on, Tyndale was followed by the Great Bible,
1539, also by the Genevan version of 1557. Wycliflfe reads : diden
ahoute hym. In these instances the phrase is used in the sense of put on.
^ Compare Alford in hco ; also Trench on Bible Revision, p. 110.
168 coyerdale's bible. [chap. iy.
X. 6. Tush, I slial neiier be cast downe. In the lltli and 12tli
verses, also we read : Tush, God hatli forgotten. Tush,
he carcth not for it.
XIIL 1. The foolish hodyes saye in their hertes : Tush, there is no
God J
XXII. 4. Thy staffe and thy shepehoke comforte me.
XXVI. 14. O tary thou y« Lorde's leysure.
XXVII. 3. 0 plucJce me not awaye amonge the vngodly.
7. . . . Therfore my hert daunseth for joye.
XXXII. 3. . . . yee synge lustely vnto him.
XLIV. 4. Good lucke haue thou with thine honoure.
XLV. 6. The Heithen are madd, the kyngdomes make moch adoo.
XLVI. 5. God is gone vp with a mery noyse.
In respect to obsolete words, whole chapters may be read
in Coverdale's Bible without meeting with a single example,
though three and a half centuries have passed since the trans-
lation was made. There are such w^ords, however, and as
examples the following will suffice : Iciroiues, couches ; lugges,
goblins ; cliaftes, jaws ; creshettes, torches ; fiaive of ivynd,
tempest of wind ; liantcli^ snatch or devour ; hand reacldnge,
a favorite term with Coverdale for the act of ministering
relief ; lyuelod, land; maundes, baskets ; rowneth, whispereth ;
all of which may be found below in their several connections.
Job XXIX. 17. I brake the chaftes of y« vnrightuous.
Ps. VII. 2. Lest he hantch vp my soule like a lyen.
XC. 5. So y* thou shalt not nede to be afrayed for eny hugges
by night.
Is. V. 9. The LoRDE of hoostes rowneth me thus.
Jer. XXIV. 1. . . . there stode two maundes of figes.
John XVIII 3. . . . he came thither with creshettes, with lan-
terns and with weapens.
Acts V. 3. . . . and withdrawe awaye parte of the money of
the lyvelod f
15. . . . and layed them vpon beddes and harowes.
VI, 1. . . . because their wyddowes were not loked vpon
in the daylie handreachinge.
XXVII. 14. But not longe after there rose agaynst their purpose a
flawe ofwynde.
1 This XIII. corresponds with the XIV. Psalm of the A. V. So the
XXII. with the XXIII., and so oa with the remaining references.
1538.] THE DIGLOTT NEW TESTAMENT. 169
Archaic forms and contractions abound in Coverdale's Bible.
These, together with the strange orthography, render his
printed page somewhat obscure. The following are inserted
as examples: /zfr, their; her, them.; his, its; nee, nor; y%th.e;
y\ that ; hi, him ; hogrie, hungry ; Jho, John ; lodes, lands ;
l(jge,\oug; stable, stumble; the, them or then; vpo, upon;
axe, ask ; rote, root; sprete, spirit; the, thee; thorow, through;
tivolve, twelve ; wawes, waves ; yee, yea.
The circulation of Coverdale's Bible helped to awaken
opposition to the Scriptures in English. The friends of the
Bible are now in the ascendency through the Protestant ad-
visers of Henry YIII. Its enemies continue to rail from
"inward malyce." They charge upon Coverdale as upon
Tyndale the crime of corrupting and perverting the common
Latin version. They revile all persons who possess or read
the Bible in English as ^^ here tikes," ^'new f angled fellowes,"
"English biblers," " Ooblers in diuinitie," and as "fellowes of
the new fayth.''^ They "cry out vpon vs," says Coverdale,
" (because) we do not followe thys olde Latyn texte word for
^vord. As though al were not as nye the truth to translate the
scripture out of other languages, as to turne it out of the
Latyn. Or as though the holy goost were not the authoure of
his scripture aswell in the Hebrue, Greke, French, Dutche,
and in Englysh, as in Latyn." ^
It was in part to silence these cavils and " put an end to this
clamorous importunyte of euell speakers ; " and in part " to
satisfye the just request of certayne your graces faythful sub-
jectes," who were friendly to a Vernacular version; and in
part also "to induce and instructe such as can but Englishe
and are not learned in the Latin ;"3 that Coverdale favored
an English translation of the Xew Testament directly from
the Latin, and that it should be printed in a parallel column
on the same page with the Latin. This Diglott, or Latin and
Enghsh Testament, was published in 1538, at Southwarke,
^ Coverdale's Memorials, p. 93. ^ jn^^ p_ 97, 3 /j/^^ p_ 96,
8
170 covERD ale's bible. [chap. IV.
by James Nycolson. Coverdale favored this work so far as to
consent that under certain conditions his own translation
should be used for this purpose, and that he would " set his
name to it." But when it appeared he found it " so disagree-
able to his former translacion in EngHsh, (and) in many
places both base, insensyble, and cleane contrary, not onely to
the phrase of our language, but also from the vnderstondyng
of the texte in latyn," ^ he was sore displeased, and imme-
diately set forth a corrected edition, which was printed in
Paris by Francis Eegnault, in November of the same year. In
the meanwhile Nycolson put forth another edition, partially
revised and corrected, under the name of John Hollybushe, as
the translator. These three editions of this Latin and English
New Testament were published in the year 1538.
That Coverdale had good reasons for being displeased with
the first edition of the Diglott will appear even from these few
examples :
Matt. XXVI. B. . . . beganne euery one of them to saye : Lorde,
ame I it f Coverdale reads : Syr, is it I ?
C. . . . And the grace sayde, they went forthe in
mounte Oliuete. Coverdale reads : And ichan they
had sayde grace.
Jesus sayde vnto hym : Verily I say vnto the : That in
this night before the cock syng, thou shalt denye me
thryse. Coverdale reads : before the cock croice.
Mark I. A. . . . And John was clothed in the heeres of a
Camel. Coverdale has : Camels- heer.
VIII. D. . . . Whome do men saye me to he ? Coverdale
reads: . . . that lam?
John II. A. . . . But thou hast kepte the good wyne hetherto.
Coverdale has : untyll now.
After pubhshing his Bible in 1535, Coverdale returned to
England. In 1537 he published an exposition of the twenty-
second, also of the twenty-third Psalm, translated from the
German of Luther. He was employed about this time by
Cromwell in the affairs of State ; but his great learning and
^ Coverdale's Memorials, pp. 99, 100.
1537.] A NEW ENTERPRISE. 171
moral worth, as well as his signal success as a translator and
reviser of the English Bible, united in pointing him out as
the person of all others to take the leadership in an eutei'prise
already determined upon, which was the .putting forth the
Bible in another translation. This contemplated enterprise
resulted in due time in the Great Bible of 1539. In the mean-
while, however, another Bible, that of Thomas Matthewe, 1537,
appeared in England. It came across the sea unheralded, but
was kindly received. Some account of this Bible next com-
mands our attention.
CHAPTER Y,
MATTHEWE'S BIBLE. A. D. 1537.
A BOUT this time there were three distinct versions of the
/v English Bible issued in the short space of four years.
These were Coverdale's Bible, 1535, Matthewe's Bible, 1537,
and Crom well's Bible, 1539. In the accounts given of these
several editions, more or less confusion has existed. Burnet
complains that the facts respecting the translation of the Bible
have not been preserved with " that care that the Importance
of the thing required." ^ Unfortunately, Burnet transmits an
error in tracing a direct connection between the action of the
convocation of 1536, and Cromwell's Bible of 1539. The
arguments put forth in this convocation favoring the Bible in
English, he says, "were so much considered by the King, that
he gave order for setting about it immediately." ^ He further
adds in this connection, " that the work was carried on at a
good rate ; for three years after this it was Printed at ParisJ'^ ^
There was a petition ordered to be presented to the king,
requesting that the Bible might be given to the laity in their
own tongue, during the sittings of this convocation of 1536,
but with no known results. The Bible printed three years
after was Cromwell's Bible, which was a revision of the Bible
of 1537, and though the printing was begun at Paris it was
completed in London. Again, Burnet in giving an account
of the Bible of 1537, says: "the Translation had been sent
over to France to be printed at Paris, but upon a com-
plaint made by the French Clergy, the Press was stopt and
^ History of the Reformation in England, I., B. III., p. 196. London,
1681.
2 lUd, p. 195. 3 lua, p. 196.
1535-39.] coxFUSioisr IN" historical accounts. 173
most of the Copies were seized on, and publickly burnt; but
some Copies were conveyed out of the way, and the Work-
men and Forms were brought over to England ; where it was
now finished and pubhshed." ^ All of which is true of the
Bible of 1539, but not that of 1537. Another example of this
confusion is found in Strype, who gives Archbishop Cranmer
the credit of originating the translation of 1537, and hence
connects it with the efibrts of Cranmer towards a new trans-
lation made soon after the convocation of 1534, in which the
archbishop assigned certain portions of Scripture to divers
learned bishops and others to be revised and corrected. And
now, adds Strype, " to his inexpressible Satisfaction, he saw
the Work finished. "^ But as a matter of fact this effort of the
archbishop was unsuccessful.^ In another connection, Strype
gives comparatively a correct account of the Bible of 1537;
that it was " called MaWieivs Bible of TyndaVs and Rogcr^s
Translation, (and,) was printed by Grafton and Whitchurch
at Hamhiirgh It was done by one Johyi Rogers, who flour-
ished a great while in Germany, and was Superintendent of a
Church there He added Prefaces, and Notes out of Luther;
and dedicated the whole Book to King Henry, under the
Name of Tliomas Matthctus, hj an Epistle prefixed; minding
to conceal his own Name." ^
Still another example of this confusion is found in Fronde,
when in describing Coverdale's Bible, 1535, he confounds it
with Matthewe's Bible, 1537. He says: "Miles Coverdale
silently went abroad with a licence from Cromwell ;
with TyndaFs help he collected and edited the scattered
portions ; and in 1536, there appeared in London, published
cii7n privilegio, and dedicated to Henry VIII. the first com-
plete copy of the English Bible The canon and text-
book of the new opinions — so long dreaded, so long execrated —
was thenceforth to lie open in every church in England ; and
^ History of the Reformation in England, p. 249.
' Memorials of ArcKbisliop Cranmer, B. I., ch. XV., p. 57. London,
1694.
3 See above on pages 153, 153. * Fbid, p. 82.
174 matthewe's bible. [chap. y.
the clergy were ordered not to permit only, but to exliort and
encourage, all men to resort to it and read.''^ Possibly
Eogers may baYe bad Tyndale's belp or tbey may bave
labored togetber in translating tbe Bible of 1537 ; but not so
Coverdale and Tyndale. Tbe above statement, bowever, is for
tbe most part true of tbe Bible of 1535. So again Mr. Froude
confounds tbe Great Bible of 1539, witb tbe Bible of 1535,
when be describes tbe frontispiece of tbe former as belonging
to tbe latter ; introducing as be does the description, with
tbe statement, that this frontispiece was " equally remarkable,
and eyen more emphatic in the recognition of the share in
the work borne by the king."^ But so far as is known Henry
VIII. bad no " share in tbe work " of producing Coverdale's
Bible, not even so much as granting bis royal privilege to tbe
first edition.
Though these three editions appeared so near each other as
to time, yet in their origin they were so distinct, that there
can be no excuse for historically confounding them. There
is, bowever, in the history of the Bible of 1537, an obscurity
attaching itself to the name Thomas Matthewe, which the
utmost discrimination and research has failed to make clear.
In seeking to account for this straunge name of Thomas
Matthewe being connected witb the Bible, _ Foxe declares
that : " In the translation of this Bible, the greatest doer was
in dede William Tyndall. .... But because tbe sayd William
Tyndall in y^ meane tyme was apprehended, it was
thought good to them whiche had the doyng therof, to
chaunge the name of William Tyndall, because that name
then was odious, and to father it by a straunge name of
Thomas Mathewe."^ Strype adopted tbe same theory,
adding, that Tyndale's name " then growing into ignominy,
as one burnt for an Heretick, they thought it might
prejudice the Book, if he should be named for the Translator
thereof: and so they used a feigned Name, calling it Thomas
1 History of England, TIL, 83. New York, 1869. « Ibid, p. 85.
3 Acts and Monuments, p. 1363. 1696-7.
1525-55.] JOHK ROGERS, 175
MaWieics Bible." ^ But whether Thomas Matthewe was a
straunge, o\ feigned name; or whether it was an alias of
John Rogers, which seems the most likely as there are some
incidental proofs ;2 or whether it was the name of some in-
dividual who by his means first aided the enterprise, as has
been surmised ; or whether it was the name of the first
printer, which seems the most unlikely supposition of all,
though Hallam states it not as a supposition but as a fact ; or
whether it be 2i fictitious name "under which the Editor chose
to appear," as Lewis thinks; whatever the relation of this
name, it would seem as an act of justice, that the name of
John Rogers ought to be more intimately linked with this
Bible of 1537, on account of the prominent place he holds as
its reviser and editor.
John Rogers was educated at Cambridge, where, according
to Foxe, "he profitably traueiled in good learnyng." At
length he was called by the merchant adventurers at Antwerp
to become their chaplain, whom he served to their " good
contentation " for many years. " Knowing by the Scriptures
that unlawfull vowes may lawfully be broken," Rogers was
married. He afterwards went to Wittemburg, where he in-
creased not only in " Good and Godly learnyng ; but in the
knowledge of the Dutch toung." A congregation here was
committed to his care, which he served till the time of
Edward VI., when he returned to England. "A prebend in
the Cathedrall church of Paules " was granted him, and the
dean appointed him reader of the divinity lessons, wherein he
diligently served till the time of Queen Mary, w^hen for the
crime of preaching the Gospel and upholding the doctrines
^ MemormU of ArcJibisho'p Cranmer, B. I., ch. XVI., p. 59. London,
1694.
2 In the condemnation of Rogers, as recorded by Foxe, he is referred
to several times, as*' John Rogers, Priest, alias called MathewJ' Acts and
Monnments, p. 1661. It was not uncommon in those bitter days of trial
for good men to take upon themselves other names. Tyndale's alias
was Hutchiiis or Hytchens.
176 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
" taught in King Edwardes daies," he was summoned before
the council, by whose judgment he was commanded "as
prisoner to keepe his own house ; " but afterwards by the un-
charitable procurement of Bishop Boner he was removed to
New Gate.i Eoxe, likewise, records the particulars of his trial
before the Lord Chancellor, also his sentence of condemnation,
together with an account of his martyrdom, which took place
at Smithfield, February 4, 1555.2
At Antwerp Eogers became intimately acquainted with
Tyndale. So intimate were they, according to Foxe, "that
he was engaged with Tyndall in the prayerful and most
profitable labour of translatyng the Bible in to the English
toung, which is intituled the translation of Thomas Matthew."
Doubtless, in John Rogers, Tyndale found a friend in whom
he could trust, and to whom in his extremity he could com-
mit his private papers. The same morning in which Tyndale
was led to the stake, "he deliuered a letter to the keeper of
the Castle, which the keeper hym self brought to the house
of the foresaid Pointz in Antwerpe, shortly after." This
letter or package may have contained other private papers of
Tyndale, or information respecting them ; or such papers
may have remained, as Foxe understood, "in the handes of
the keper's daughter." ^ In either case take into connection
the circumstance of Tyn dale's letter to the procurator, in
which he requested the privilege of a candle and Hebrew
books,* and the not unfair inference follows that Tyndale not
only carried on his work of translation while in prison, but
that the results of such labor were preserved. And as John
Rogers was the editor of the Bible of 1537, it is not unreason-
able to conclude, that either through the family of Poyntz, or
that of the keeper of the prison, these manuscripts together
with any others he may have prepared before his arrest, found
their way into the hands of Rogers, who incorporated them
in the Matthewe's Bible. Besides, internal evidences favor the
' Acts and Monuments, p. 1657. ^ Ibid, p. 1663-4.
3 Ibid, p. 1230. * See above on page 136. .
1525-37.] A RzvisiOK of tyndale aisb coverdale. 177
conclusion, that this Bible was made up of Tjndale's trans-
lation, not only of the New Testament and Pentateuch
already in print, but also of the historical books, from Joshua
to the end of II. Chronicles. Wanley's opinion, as quoted by
Lewis, was that Rogers adopted Tyndale's translation, which
extended to the end of II. Chronicles.^ Eadie favors the
same opinion and cites a few characteristic renderings in
Tyndale's Pentateuch, which are found also in the historical
books above mentioned. As examples we find both in the
Pentateuch and the historical books such words as; timbrel,
which Coverdale had rendered tabret ; also Lebanon, which
Coverdale rendered Libanus ; and ej^liod, which in Coverdale
is, overbody cote. Again we find such phrases as, Ark of the
Testament, and Ark of the Appointment of the Lord; which
in Coverdale read. Ark of the Covenant of the Lord.^
The design of Sogers in editing the Bible of 1537, was to
include all that Tyndale had translated, comprising whatever
may have been in manuscript as well as what had already
been printed. So that the Bible as revised by Rogers is made
up of the New Testament of Tyndale's translation, the
edition of 1534, G. H., which was the last revision, and
doubtless, in Rogers' opinion, the most accurate edition ; to-
gether with the Old Testament, of Tyndale's translation,
extending from Genesis to the end of II. Chronicles. The
remaining portions of the Old Testament he adopted from
Coverdale's Bible. It is estimated, therefore, that this Bible
of 1537, comprised two-thirds of Tyndale's and one-third of
Coverdale's translation. All of which passed under the re-
vising hand of John Rogers. Besides, in revising and editing
this Bible, Rogers was but carrying out the purpose of Tyn-
dale, whose great desire was to put forth the whole Bible in
English. Tyndale was a rapid worker, an indefatigable
* History of Translations of English Bible, p. 107.
2 Compare Hist. Eng. Bible, I., 321. "No small presumption in
favour of tlie tradition that Tyndale translated from Josh, to 3 Chron.
is afforded by the fact that these books are translated, according to
Tyndale's wont, from the Hebrew text." Ibid, p. 330.
178 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
student, as well as a thorough scholar ; and the one work, to
which he had dedicated his life, was the giving to his country-
men the Holy Scriptures in their own tongue. This too was
the expectation of his friends, especially after the publication
of the books of the Pentateuch. In answer to some inquiries
of John Fryth, his special friend, who about this time was
confined in the tower of London, for the word of God, re-
specting the translation of the whole Bible, concerning which,
evidently Fryth had heard some rumors, Tyndale wrote :
"George Joye at Candlemas being at Barrowe, printed ii
leaues of Genesis in a great forme, and sent one Copy to the
kyng, and another to the newe Queene, with a letter to N. for
to deliuer them ; and to purchase licence, that he myght so
go throughe all the Bible. Out of that is sprong the
noyse of the new Bible." ^ To this same expectation, Cover-
dale in his prologue gives expression, when he says : " Yet yf
thou be feruent in thy prayer, God shal not onely sende it the
in a better shappe by the mynistracyon of other that beganne
it afore." Referring doubtless to Tyndale's purpose to trans-
late the whole Bible, as he had already completed the Penta-
teuch and the New Testament, which Coverdale had, by
revision, incorporated in his Bible of 1535. But times
change and expectations come to naught. Already William
Tyndale, from whom Coverdale and others are expecting so
much, is being hurried off to prison, from which he shall soon
be led forth to be first strangled and then burned at the
stake.
It is a matter of conjecture when and where John Rogers
set about the work of editing the Matthewe's Bible. It must
have been immediately after the martyrdom of Tyndale, which
occurred October 6, 1536, since the Bible appeared about the
middle of the next year. This appears from the fact that
^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1231. This letter is without date.
It was written probably at the close of the year 1533, or the beginniug
of the year 1533, since John Fryth was brought before the bishops June
20, 1533, and suffered martyrdom July 4th of the same year.
1537.] GKAITOX AKD WHITECHURCH TnE PEIXTEES. 179
Cranmer's letter to Cromwell, in which he thanks him for
soliciting and obtaining the king's consent that the Bible
should be bought and read within the realm of England, was
dated August 13, 1537. In addition to this, Grafton's letter
to Cromwell, in which he speaks of six copies of this Bible
sent as a present by the hands of his servant, bears date of
August 28, 1537.^ As to the place where this Bible was
printed, Strype, in his Memorials of Cranmer, fixes upon
Hamburgh ; Wanley, as quoted by Lewis, decides in favor of
Paris ; Lewis himself favors Marburgli ; while Eadie, with
more probability as to correctness, suggests Antwerp. This
last city having been for a long season the residence of Rogers,
we naturally fix upon as the place where he would publish the
work. But the enterprise from first to last was kept a pro-
found secret. There is no intimation whatever of the progress
of this volume until completed and introduced into England
by the hand of Grafton ; neither is there any intimation as to
how Grafton became interested in the undertaking. The
Bible itself, however, shows that the printing had gone on as
far as the beginning of Isaiah, where a new title-page was
introduced, indicating that Grafton and Whitechurch took up
the work of printing at this point. This new title-page reads:
"The Prophetes in Englishe;" which is surrounded by wood-
cuts. On the reverse page is printed in large and flourished
capitals, R. G. and E. W., the initials of Richard Grafton and
Edward Whitechurch. The former of these initials is placed
at the top, and the latter at the bottom of the page, while in
the center is a large woodcut.
From Grafton's letter to Cromwell it appears that he under-
took the publication as a business transaction. He claims
that already the charges amounted to above five hundred
pounds ; a very large sum in those days, and in modern values
would equal about thirty-seven thousand dollars. In this same
letter he pleads with Cromwell that the edition may go forth
' Strype's MemoriaU of Cranmer, B. I., Ch. XV., pp. 58, 59. London,
1694.
180 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
Tinder the privy-seal, as a defense against pirated editions.
He says he had already printed " fifteen hundred books com-
plete/' in large letter, and their sale was threatened by Dutch
printers, who " wil and doth go about the printing of the same
work again in a lesser letter ; to the intente that they may sel
their little books better cheap than I can sel these great."
Besides, he adds, that these printers would not only set forth
a smaller volume, but one imperfect as to paper, ink, and cor-
rection. That the printing and correcting would be done by
Dutch men, who could neither speak or write good English, and
that they would not "bestow twenty or forty pounds to a
Learned man to take pains in it, to have it wel done."^ On
these grounds he seeks the authority of the privy-seal, with the
exclusive right to print and sell these Bibles for the space of
three years.^ Further, he requested that Cromwell would issue
a royal injunction to the effect that every curate should be
compelled to have one of these Bibles, and " that every Abby
should have six to be layd in six several places ; " that not only
the whole convent, but those who resorted thither, might have
the opportunity of reading the same.^ Previous to this, how-
ever, it seems that through the influence of Cromwell and the
interposition of Cranmer, Grafton had obtained the king's
license, which was inserted upon the title-page in red letters,
thus : '^ 8et forth hy the Kings most gracious License." But
as many refused to believe that the king had licensed it, he
sought as above to have it go forth under the privy-seal.^
The relation of Archbishop Cranmer to this Bible of 1537 is
variously estimated. Mr. Anderson protests against Cranmer
having the shghtest connection with the enterprise, and so
instead of " exerting himself for this book as Mr. Todd im-
^ Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, Appendix, pp. 39, 40. .
^ Lewis, in referring to this request, says that be does not find that it
was ever granted. He had seen a copy of the Bible in a small thick
folio, with the text and notes the same, and the initial letters of Grafton
and Whitechurch omitted. Compare Hist. Eng. Translations, p. 109.
3 Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, App., p. 40. ^ lUd, p. 39^
1537.] cranmer's co]S":n^ectio:n" with. 181
agiued/' the Bible, when first brought to him, was a " deliglitful
surprise '^'^ Lewis, on the contrary, regarded Cranmer not
only as a favourer of this edition of the Bible, but as one of
its chief Curators ; ^ while Eadie admits the possibility of a
prior knowledge on the part of the archbishop, and a conse-
quent prior undersianding between him and Grafton. ^ There
can be no doubt of Cranmer's personal interest and efforts in
the past in procuring an acceptable translation of the Scrip-
tures. This, Grafton as a shrewd business man understood,
and as his enterprise was dependent upon court authority, he
would naturally seek first of all the archbishop's sympathy and
influence. But whatever Cranmer's previous knowledge of the
enterprise may have been, there can be no doubt of his intense
satisfaction when a copy of this Bible was put into his hands;
neither of his personal influence to have it go forth under
royal privilege, and " to be bought and read within the realm."
He wrote to Cromwell, under date of August 5, 1537: *' You
shall receive by the bringer thereof a bible in English, both of
a new translation, and a new print, dedicated unto the king's
majesty, as farther appeareth by a pistle unto his grace in the
beginning of the book, which in mine opinion is very well done,
and therefore I pray your lordship to read the same. And as
for the translation, so far as I have read thereof, I like it better
than any other translation heretofore made ; yet not doubt-
ing but that there may and will be found some fault therein,
as you know no man ever did or can do so well, but it may be
from time to time amended. And forasmuch as the book is
dedicated unto the king's grace and also great pains and labour
taken in setting forth of the same; I pray you my lord, that
you will exhibit the book unto the king's highness, and
to obtain of his grace, if you can, a licence that the same may
be sold and read of every person, without danger of any act,
proclamation, or ordinance heretofore granted to the contrary,
» Anrials of English Bible, p. 298. 1862.
2 Hist, of Eng. Translations of the Bible, p. 111. 1739.
8 History of Eng, Bible, I., 340. 1876.
182 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
until sucli time as we the bishops shall set forth a better trans-
lation, which I think will not be till a day after doomsday." ^
Oranmer's zeal for the circulation of this Bible appears from
another letter to Cromwell written some nine days after the
above, in which he sends his commendations and thanks, that
" whereas I understand that your lordship, at my request, hath
not only exhibited this bible which I sent unto you, to the
king's majesty, but also hath obtained of his grace, that the
same shall be allowed by his authority to be bought and read
within this realm ; my lord for this your pain, taken in this
behalf, I give unto you my most hearty thanks : assuring your
lordship, for the contentation of my mind, you have shewed
me more pleasure herein, than if you had given me a thousand
pound ; and I doubt not but that hereby such fruit of good
knowledge shall ensue, that it shall well appear hereafter,
what high and acceptable service you have done unto God and
the king." 2 In still another letter written fifteen days later,
though it is taken up with other matters, Cranmer takes
occasion to renew his thanks to Cromwell, "in the name of
them all which favoureth God's word, for your diligence at
this time in procuring the king's highness to set forth the said
God's word and his gospel by his grace's authority. For the
which act, not only the king's majesty, but also jou shall have
a perpetual laud and memory of all them that be now, or
hereafter shall be, God's faithful people and the favourers of
his word. "3 These extracts show how intensely Cranmer's
mind was occupied in the setting forth of this edition of the
Bible.
It was therefore through the influence of Cranmer, the in-
terposition of Cromwell, and the good will of Henry VIII.,
that the Bible of 1537 was the first to go forth with the royal
privilege. Just now the times are favorable to the Eeforma-
tion ; and Cromwell obtains a license for a second edition of
Coverdale's Bible, a thing he could not, or at least, did not do,
' Cranmer's Remains and Letters, p. 344. Parker Soc. Ed., 1846.
2 lUd, p. 345. ^ lUd, p. 346.
1538.] HENKY VIII. AND THE Ei5"GLISH BIBLE. 183
two years before. But what is done must be done quickly, for
that which is now approved by those in authority will very
soon be condemned. The relation of Henry VIII. to the Eng-
lish Bible will probably never be fully understood. At first, as
an enthusiastic friend of the New learning he identified him-
self with the progressive party ; but afterwards, engrossed by
the affairs of State, in which the friends of the Old and New
learning, as contending factions, seemed to threaten the pubhc
good, he too often gave a willing ear to the wily suggestions of
the papists. But now, in sympathy with one party and now
with the other, he vacillates, till, with an imperious will and
blind rage, he strikes off the heads of representative men of
both parties.
But the history of the English Bible as a whole, shows that
progress in translations depended but little on the active favor
of kings. The work went forward though their eyes were
closed, and even under their forbidding frown. For a season,
however, Tyndale's prayer at the stake seems to have been
answered. Henry VIII. authorises the Bible to be freely sold
and read within his realm. Whereupon also a declaration was
issued by Cromwell, "to permit and command the Bible,
being translated in our Mother tongue, to be sincerely taught
by us the Curates, and to be openly laid forth in every parish
church: to the intent, that all his good subjects, as wel by
reading therof, as by hearing the true explanation of the same,
may be able to learn their duties to Almighty God and his
Majesty, and every of us to charitably use other : . . . . his
Majesty hath willed and commanded this to be declared unto
you, .... that in the reading and hearing therof, first most
humbly and reverently using and addressing your selves unto
it, you shal have always in your remembrance and memories,
that al things contained in this book is the undoubted Wil,
Law, and Commandment of Almighty God, the only and streit
means to know the goodnes and benefits of God towards us,
and the true duty of every christen man to serve him accord-
ingly And so by your good and vertuous example to
encourage your wives, children and servants to live wel and
184 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
christianly accordingly to the rules therof. And if at any time
by reading any doubt sbal comen to any of you touching the
sense or meaning of any part therof ye shal have recourse
to such learned men, as be, or shalbe authorized to preach and
declare the same. So that avoyding all contentions and dispu-
tations in such ale houses and other places, unmeet for such
conferences, and submitting your opinion to the judgments
of such learned men, his Grace may wel perceive, that you
use this most high benefit quietly and charitably ; without
failing to use such discrete quietnes, and sober moderation in
the premisses, as is aforesaid ; as jou. tender his Graces pleas-
ure, and intend to avoyd his high indignation, and the peril
and danger that may ensue to you and every of you for the
contrary." ^
Besides the above declaration which was sent forth in 1538,
to be read by all curates, there were certain injunctions issued
by Cromwell in September of the same year, bearing upon the
circulation of the Bible. The first item of which reads : " That
ye shall prouide on this side of the feast of N. next comming,
one booke of the whole Byble of the largest volume in Eng-
lishe, and the same set up in some conuenient place within
the said Churche that ye have cure of, whereas your parishon-
ers may most commodiously resorte to the same and read it."
Item second reads : ' ' That ye shall discourage no man priuely
nor apartly, from the reading or hearing of the said Bible,
but shall expresly prouoke, stirre, and exhorte euery person
to read the same, as that whiche is the very liuely word of
God, that every christen person is bounden to embrace, beleue,
and folow, if he loke to be saued, admonishing them neuerthe-
les to auoid all contention and altercation therin, and to use
an honest sobriety in the inquisition of the true sense of the
same, and to referre the explication of the obscure places, to
men of higher judgement in scripture." ^
There is some doubt as to what Bible these injunctions
' Strype's Memorials of ArcJibisJiop Cranmer. App., p. 42.
2 Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1249.
1538.] EOMISH OPPOSITION-. 185
refer ; whether to that of 1537, as the date seems to indicate,
or to that of 1539, as the name seems to imply. If these in-
junctions were sent forth in 1538, which is not called in ques-
tion, then the Bible of 1537, it would seem, is the only one to
which they could refer. And since it was a much larger folio
than that of Coverdale's Bible, it was not inappropriate to
designate it as the Bible of the largest volume. Those who
are influenced by the name, however, argue that these injunc-
tions refer to the Bible of 1539, and though the injunctions
were issued in 1538, yet "the interruption of the printing
could not have been definitely foreseen." ^ But Coverdale and
Grafton were in continual fear of interruption, and in fact
the work was stopped at the close of the year 1538.^ As the
date, therefore, favors the Bible of 1537, and the name is not
inapplicable ; and, further, since the spirit of the injunctions
is so in harmony with the request of Grafton, the mind of
Cromwell and the good will of Henry VIII., it seems reason-
able that these injunctions should refer to the Bible of 1537.
But however favorable the auspices under which this Bible
was issued, and however heartily it was welcomed by the
friends of the Eeformation, which Strype in describing says :
" It was wonderful to see with what joy this Book of God was
received, not only among the Learned sort, and those that were
noted for Lovers of the Reformation, but generally all England
over among all the Vulgar and common People ; and with
what greediness God's Word was read, and what resort to
Places where the reading of it was. Every body that could,
bought the Book, or busily read it, or got others to read it to
them, if they could not themselves; and divers more elderly
People learned to read on purpose; "^ and yet, for all this, the
enemy was not asleep, and his opposition was as great as he
dared to offer. The vicars and curates were compelled to read
from their pulpits the above declaration and injunctions, but
* Westcott's History of the Eng. Bible, p. 77, note. London, 1873.
' Lewis' Hist, of Eng. Translations, p. 121. London, 1789.
2 Memorials of Cranmer, p. 64. London, 1694.
186 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
they read them in such a maimer, ^ ^humming and hauking
thereat," that little was understood of what was read. And to
counteract the influence of what was understood, " they secretly
suborned certain spreaders of Rumors and false Tales in
Corners, who interpreted the Injunctions to a false sense
And they bad their Parishioners, notwithstanding what they
read, being compelled so to do, that they should do as they
did in Times past, to live as their Fathers ; and that the
old Fashion is the best ; and other crafty and seditious Para-
bles they gave out among them." ^ So, likewise, the Bibles
were placed in the churches as was conmianded, and because
commanded, but not in places convenient of approach; the
priests and their adherents putting them where " the poor did
not presume to come." Besides, the circulation of Tyndale's
New Testaments and Coverdale's and Matthewe's Bibles gave
rise to disputes and wranglings in places of public resort. In-
deed, since the first publication of Erasmus' Greek and Latin
Testament, the ale house and the tavern had been the theatres
for the abuse and derision of the Holy Scriptures by the
Romish priests. So that this opposition was not new, either in
its spirit or manner of manifestation.
As further illustrating the spirit of the times, and that the
opposition was not confined to the priests, ^it is related of
William Maldon that when a child he was accustomed every
Sunday to assemble with others at the church to listen to the
reading of the New Testament. His father observing this,
" once angrily fetched him away, and would have him say the
Latin Mattius with him." And as often as he returned to
the church to hear the reading of the Bible, his father would
force him away. The boy then resolved upon learning to
read, that he might read for himself, the New Testament ;
" which when he had by diligence effected, he and his Father's
Apprentice bought the New Testament, joining their Stocks
together ; and to conceal it, laid it under the Bed-straw, and
read it at convenient Times." One night, in conversation
' Memorials of Cranmer, p. 70.
1539.] cranmer's letter to lord lisle. 187
with his mother, he assured her that kneeling to the crucifix,
holding up the hands to it and knocking on the breast when
it passed by in a procession, that all such adoration was
idolatry "and against the Commandment of God, where he
saith : TJiou shall not make any graven Image, nor how doivn
to it, nor worsliip it." Whereupon the mother was greatly
enraged, and said: *' Wilt thou not worship the Cross, which
was about thee when thou wert Christned, and must be laid
on thee when thou art dead ? " She went out in anger and
related the whole matter to her husband, who "boiling in
Fury " went to his son's chamber and " like a mad Zealot,
taking him by the Hair of his Head, with both his Hands,
pulled him out of the Bed, and whipped him unmercifully.
And when the Young Man bore his beating, as he related,
with a kind of Joy, considering it was for Christ's Sake, and
shed not a tear ; his Father, seeing that, was more inraged,
and ran down and fetched an Halter, and put it about his
Neck, saying he would hang him." But from this violence
of the father he was saved by the entreaties of the mother
and brother. 1
Notwithstanding the spirit of intolerance on the part of the
papists, the times are favorable to the Reformation, and con-
sequently to the free use of the English Bible. And it is not
strange, when this new liberty came in contact with the old
bondage, that there should have been conflict. Hence there
was complaint, that the reading of the Bible in the churches,
as permitted by the injunctions, was in contempt of the
divine services of the church and an hindrance thereto. In
reply to such complaints, Cranmer wrote to Lord Lisle in
July, 1539: "As concerning such persons as in time of
divine service do read the bible, they do much abuse the
king's grace's intent and meaning in his grace's injunctions and
proclamations ; which permitteth the bible to be read, not to
allure great multitudes of people together, nor thereby to
interrupt the time of prayer : . . . .but that the same be done
^ Memorials of Cranmer, pp. 64, 65.
188 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
and read in time convenient, privately, for the condition and
amendment of the hves both of the readers and such hearers
as cannot themselves read, and not in contempt or hinderance
of any divine service or laudable ceremony used in the
church ; nor that any such reading should be used, ex-
pounding and interpreting scriptures, unless it be by such as
shall have authority to preach and read ; but that all other
readers of the bible do no otherwise read thereupon, than the
simple and plain test purporteth and lieth printed in the
book.'' 1
The favorable reception of Matthewe's Bible was based
upon the fact that it was the word of God clothed in the
language of the people. So likewise the virulent opposition
of the Romish bishops and clergy was based upon the same
fact. Besides, Cromwell in obtaining the king's license
could not have perused the volume beyond the dedication,
which was quite in the flattering spirit of the age, otherwise
he must have discovered to the king, that in licensing this
work he would favor that which in times past he had so
bitterly opposed. To the bishops of the Romish party there
was much in the prefatory matter to excite their hatred.
The notes also were anti-papal, and must have greatly dis-
pleased them. These notes are described as being not only
textual but doctrinal and practical; some of which were
original while others were gathered from various sources.
As critical notes they did not veil the opinions of Tyndale,
but rather presented them in an intensified form; and not
unfrequently going far beyond Cranmer's views respecting
Catholic doctrines and usages.^ There were prologues also
which must have been equally distasteful to the Romish
clergy. Among these was Tyndale's prologue to Paul's
Epistle to the Romans. Sir Thomas More had denounced
this, and before him. Dr. Ridley had " taken angry notice
of it," as teaching " altogether most poisoned and abhorrable
^ Remains and Letters of Arclibishop Cranmer. Parker Society
edition, p. 391.
2 Eadie's Hist, of Eng. Bible, I., 331, 332, 333.
1538-9.] THE 0CCASI02?^S OF OFFEIfSE. 189
heresies." ^ And jet this jDrologue is but a runniug com-
meutarj on the several chapters of the Epistle, taken up in
their order, in which the meaning of the Apostle is set forth
in all simplicity, and with much spiritual insight of Gospel
truth. If anywhere the author makes a thrust, it is in the
last chapter, where he exhorts to '' beware of the traditions
and doctrine of men which beguile the simple and draw
them from Christ and noosel them in weak and in beg-
garly ceremonies, for the intent that they would live in fat
pastui-es, and be in authority and be taken as Christ, yea,
and above Christ, and sit in the temple of God, that is to
wit, in the consciences of men, where God only, his w^ord
and liis Christ, ought to sit."^
But the offense of all others, was that the Bible was made
up largely from Tyndales translation, and therefore could
not but excite the hatred of the Romisli bishops. Since the
denunciations of Sir Thomas More against Tyndale, the
minds of the bishops, by force of circumstances, have changed
in respect to the right of the people to the Scriptures in their
own tongue ; but there has been no change in their hati'ed of
Tyndale's translation. The evil spirit of the Romish party,
though curbed for a season, will by and by show itself in its
dire malignity. At the present, however, court authority is
on the side of a free Bible. And a variety of editions of the
Scripture will soon appear, as the epoch of the so-called Great
Bibles is at hand.
The pre-eminence of Matthewe's Bible consists in the fact
that while it was largely based upon Tyndale's translation, it
became the basis of subsequent English versions, including at
the last our present English Bible. The several links in the
chain are traceable, since Matthewe's Bible (1537), through
revision, became the Great Bible of 1539-1540 ; which in turn,
by revision, became the Bishop's Bible of 1568; which again
in turn, became King James' Bible of 1611. There are other
' Tyndale's Works, I., 483.
- Ibid, Prologue to the Episile to RomanSy p. 508.
190 MATTHEWE'S BIBLE. [CHAP. V.
very important links, but these indicate the line of authorized
succession; although the authority does not always appear,
since the revisers from the first manifested great liberality and
good sense in the use of the various helps before them. John
Eogers was not only a careful editor, but an intelligent reviser,
as both his text and notes indicate. In the latter he often
suggests readings which he might wisely have introduced into
the text. The title reads : " The Bible, which is all the Holy
Scripture, in which are contayned the Olde and Newe Tes-
tament, truelye and purelye translated into Englysh. By
Thomas Matthewe. Esaye I. Hearhen to, ye Heavens, and
thou earth geaue ear ; for the Lorde speaketh. M.D.XXXVII.
Set forth with the Kinges most gracyous Lycence."
This edition contains an extra amount of prefatory matter.
Next to the title-page follows: " A Dedication to the King'';
then " A Preface to the Reader." After which are placed in
order: "1. A calender; 2. An exhortation to the study of the
Holy Scripture, with the initials J. E. at the end; 3. The
Summe and Content of all the holy Scripture, both of the
Old and Newe Testament ; 4. A Table of the pryncypal mat-
ters conteyned in the Byble ; 5. A description of the Kings
of Juda, and what Prophets were in each reign; 6. The
Names of all the Bokes of the Byble, and the contents of
the chapters of every Boke, with the nombre of the Leaffe
wherein the Bokes begynne; 7. A brief rehersall of the yeares
passed sence the begynnynge of the worlde unto this yeare of
our Lorde M.CCCCC. XXXVII."
At the close of the Old Testament are printed W. T., the
initials of William Tyndale, " as if," says Lewis, " it was trans-
lated all by him." At the end of the New Testament is
printed : " Tlie ende of the Newe Testament and of the whole
Byble. To the honoure and prayse of God was this Byble
printed and fyneshed in the yere of our Lorde Grod a.
M.D.XXXVIL" Copies of this Bible are preserved in the
British Museum, Bodleian, and other English libraries.
A new or rather a revised edition of Matthewe's Bible, by
1539.] TAVEKKER'S REVISIOl^-. 191
Eicliard Taverner, was published in 1539. Bishop Bale re-
gards it almost as a new translation ; while Lewis pronounces
it something between a revision and a translation, and adds
that *^it is a Correction of what is called Matthews's Bible
wherever the Editor thought it needful. "i The title reads:
'' The most sacred Bible, whiche is the Holy Scripture, con-
teyning the Olde and ^ew Testament, translated into Eng-
lish, and newly recognised with great dihgence after most
faytliful exemplars. By Richard Taverner. Harhen thou
lieven, and tliou earth gyve eare, for the Lord speaheth.
Esaie I. — Prynted at London in Fletestrete at the sygne of
the Sonne, hy John Byddell for Thomas Barthlett, Cum
prtvilegio ad imprimendum solum. M. D. XXXIX. "^
The prefatory matter is similar to that in Matthewe's Bible,
and consists of: ** 1. A Dedication to the King, by Taverner;
2. An Exhortation to the studye of the holy scripture;. . . .
3. The summe and content of all the holye scripture ;
4. The names of all the Bokes of the Bible, with the contents
of the Chapters ; 5. A briefe rehersall declarynge how long
the worlde hath endured from the creation of Adam unto this
present yeare of oure Lorde M. D. XXXIX ; 6. A Table to
fynde manye of the chyefe and pryncypal matters conteyned
in the Bible. "3
The title of the New Testament reads : " The Newe Tes-
tament of our Sauyour Jesu Christ, translated into Enghsh ;
and newly recognised with great diligence after moost faythful
exemplars. By Rycharde Taverner. Pray for us that the
worde of God may have fre passage and be gloryfied. II Tessa,
iii. Prynted in the yere of oure Lorde God M. D. XXXIX." 4
In the make up of this volume Taverner left out the most
of Rogers' notes; and in the revision of the text he made
comparatively but few changes, and even these for the most
part were verbal. The following have been noted as specimens:
Gen. iii. 5, Ye shall be as Gods ; Rogers has : as God. Gen.
^ History of Tranalatiom of English Bible, p. 133. London, 1789.
2 Ibid, p. 130. 3 ii^ici^ p, 130. 4 xhid, p. 131.
192 MATTHEWE'S BIBLE. [CHAP. V.
xliii. 11, a quantitie of haulme ; Eogers has: a curtesye
haulrne. Num. xxiv. 19, 22, residue, and never the less; where
Eogers has : remnant, and never the later. II Kings, xxiii. 5,
religious persons ; Rogers has : Kemurims. In the New Tes-
tament, some of Tayemer's phrases found their way into King
James* version. The following are noted as examples :
Matt. xiii. 58, because of their unbelief ; xyiii. 12, ninety
and nine; xxi. 17, lodged; Gal. iv. 20, / stand in doubt of
you. As an illustration of Taverner's literal and forcible
rendering of the Greek, we have such examples as: Matt,
xxii. 6, intreated them foully ; 12, had never a luord to say ;
34, stopped the Sadducees' mouths.
Taverner undertook the work of revision, according to
Lewis, at the instigation of Cromwell, or at least by his
encouragement. But from Taverner's own words, in his
dedication to the King, it would seem that he was induced to
enter upon it by the printers, who desired to put forth a newly
corrected edition of the Bible. His own words are : " Foras-
moch as the prynters herof were very desirous to have the
Bible come forth as faultlesse and emendatly as the shortnes
of tyme for the recognysing of the same wold require, they
desyred hym, for default of a better learned, dihgently to
overloke and peruse the hole copy, and in case he should fynd
any notable default that neded correction, to amende the same
according to the true exemplars, which thing according to his
talent he had gladly done."^ Taverner, since the days of
Wolsey, had been a friend of the New Testament party. He
was one of the Cambridge scholars whom Wolsey invited to a
professorship in his new College at Oxford. " This ambitious
Cardinall," says Foxe, "gathered together into that Colledge
(Fryswide) whatsoeuer excellent thyng there was in the whole
realme, either vestimentes, vessels or other ornaments
Besides that, he also appointed unto that company all such
men as were founde to excell in any kynde of learnyng and
knowledge." After giving a list of the names of those who
1 History of Translations of English Bible, p. 132.
1551.] EICHAED TAYERIfER. 193
were chief among the number from Cambridge, he added:
*^ to these joyne also Tauerner of Boston the good Musician." ^
Taverner also was among those who were imprisoned for the
New Testament's sake, in the fish cellar of that same College
building. This was when Tyndale's l^ew Testaments were
first distributed at Oxford ; and the charge against Taverner
was his " hyding of Clarkes bookes under the boardes in his
schole." Taverner was not only a singer, but " in the tyme
of his blyndness had made songes to popishe ditties"; and
in this way had won upon the regard of Wolsey, who, when
he heard that Taverner was suspected and in prison, ordered
him to be released, "saying,. that he was but a Musician." 2
Shortly after this Taverner entered upon the study of the law,
and was admitted to the Inner-Temple, where, it is said, "his
way was to quote the Law in Greek when he read anything
thereof." ^ In 1534 he was taken into the service of Crom-
well, who was then Secretary of State, and by his recommenda-
tion was made in 1537, one of the Clerks of the Signet.
Taverner held this position until the reign of Mary ; though
in 1541, and again in 1543, he was committed to the Tower "as
a Gospeller, and for publishing the Bible." Yet he acquitted
himself so well that in both instances he was soon released and
restored to the King's favor.^
Eichard Taverner deserves to be held in grateful remem-
brance not only as a scholar, but as a layman devoting himself
to the interests of the Eeformation, by revising the Scripture
and preaching the Gospel. In 1552, on the accession of Ed-
ward YI. , Taverner was especially licensed to preach the Gos-
pel throughout the king's dominions. When Mary came to
the throne he was compelled to desist ; but upon the accession
of Queen Elizabeth, "he resumed his preaching at Oxford and
elsewhere." He was respected and honored by the queen,
who besides offering him knighthood, made him high shenjff
of Oxford in 1569. He died July 14, 1575, in the seven-
* Acts and Monuments, p. 1174. ' md, p. 1174.
3 Lewis' History of English Translations of the Bible, p. 131.
4 lUd, p. 133.
194 MATTHEWE'S BIBLE. [CHAP. V.
tieth year of his age, and was buried in the chancel of the
church with great solemnity." ^
A folio edition of Taverner's New Testament, and possibly
the whole Bible, was put forth in 1539.2 In 1549, an edition
of Tavernei-'s Bible was issued by Daye and Seres, in 5 vols.,
12mo. Some of these volumes were not printed till 1550 and
1551. The design of printing the edition " in sundry partes,"
was professedly " for these pore,— that they which are not able
to bie the hole, bie a part."^ There is no complete set of
these volumes known.^ Becke's revision of Tavernei*'s Bible
was printed in 1551 by John Daye. Nearly the whole of the
Old Testament is Taverner's, . with but a few changes by
Becke. The third book of Maccabees appeared in this edition
for the first time. There is an imperfect copy of this Bible
in the Lane Seminary Library at Cincinnati. It begins with
Gen. xxxix., and ends with the Epistle to the Colossians. It
contains Tyndale's prologues. The notes are printed at the
end of the chapters, but are omitted till you come to the book of
Job. The Old Testament is divided into three parts; the first
ending with Deuteronomy, the second with Job, and the third
withMalachi. Maccabees is divided into three books. The title
of the New Testament reads : '' The Newe Testamente of oure
Savioure Jesu Ohriste diligently translated accordynge to y^
Greke, with certayne Notes folowynge the chapters, wherein
the hardest doutes are declared for y^ better understandynge
of the unlearned reader." That this is a Becke's Taverner
appears from the rendering of Gen. xliii. 11 "take of the
frutes of the land in your vessels, and carry the man a present a
quantytye of bmvhne ; " which Tyndale and Coverdale had ren-
dered a curtesy Mime. Also in II. (or iiii) Kings, xxiii. 5,
^ ChaXmers' Biographical Dictionary, Art. Taverner, p. 161.
2 Cotton's list embraces this Bible, but adds in a note tbat " no edition
of the Old Testament has been yet found." Editions of Eng. Bibles,
p. 15. Oxford, 1853.
3 Anderson's Annals, p. 650.
4 Parts II. and IV. are in the British Museum Library ; III. in the
Libraries of St, Paul's and Trinity College, Dublin; and IV. in the
Bodleian and Lambeth Libraries.
1549.] becke's revisio:^-. 195
the word hemiirims of Coverdale is translated religious per-
sons. It also contains the III book of Maccabees.
In 1540 an edition of Matthewe's Bible was printed at Lon-
don by Thomas Petyt and Eobert Redman. This is called by
Cotton, Cranmer's Bible ; but Anderson regards it as an edition
of Matthewe's Bible, from tlie fact that it differs from the
Great Bible of Cranmer in wanting the prologue. The read-
ings also, in the Psalms and elsewhere, are different. The text
of the New Testament is after Erasmus, and is the same ver-
sion as that printed by Redman in 1538.^ In 1549, another
edition of Matthewe's Bible was printed by John Daye and W.
Seres. This was Becke's revision. It contaiu's Matthewe's
notes, and with but few changes in the text. The following
is transcribed as a specimen of this version : ^
Ex. XX. A. And God spake all tliese wordes and sayd ; I am the Lorde
tliy God, which haue brought the out of the lande of
Egipte and out of the house of bondage.
Thou shalt haue none other Goddes in my sight. Thou
shalt make the no grauen ymage neyther any simili-
tude that is in heauen aboue either in the earth beneth ;
or in the water that is beneth the earth. Se that thou
neither bowe thy self vnto them neither serue them ;
for I the Lord thy God am a gelouse God. and viset the
synne of the fathers vppon the chyldren vnto the thyrd
and fourth generacion of them that hate me ; and yet
shew meicye vnto thousandes among them that loue
me and kepe my Commandmentes.
B. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vayne,
for the Lord wil not hold him giltlesse that taketh his
name in vayne. Remembre the Sabbath daye that thou
sanctifie it. Sixe dayes mayst thou laboure and do all
that thou hast to do : but the seuenth day is the Sab-
bath daye of the Lord thy God, in it thou shalt do no
maner worke ; nether thou nor thy sonne, nor thy
daughter, neither thy man seruaunte nor thy mayde ser-
uaunte, neither thy cattel, neither yet the straunger that
is within thy gates. For in sixe dayes the Lord made both
» Annals of the Eng. Bible, p. 361.
" Taken from a copy in the Boston Public Library.
196 matthewe's bible. [chap. v.
Ex. XX. B. heauen and earth and the sea and all that in tliera is and
rested, the seuenth day : wherefore the Lord blessed the
Sabbath daye and hallowed it. Honour thy father and
thy mother, that thy dayes may be longe in the lande
■which the Lorde thy God geueth the.
C. Thou Shalt not kyll.
Thou shalt not breake wedlocke.
Thou shalt not steale.
Thou shalte beare no false witnesse agaynat thy neygboure.
Thou shalt not couet thy neighbours house neither shalt
couet thy neighbours wyfe, his man seruant, his mayde,
his oxe, his asse or oughte that is hys.
Another edition of Matthewe's Bible was published in 1549,
by Hyll and Reynolds. This was a reprint of the edition of
1537, ^' imprinted and fynesshed in the laste daye of Octobre
in the yeare of oure Lorde God M. D. XLIX." But the work
was very "faultily done." Eadie pronounces it altogether "a
wretched production — the tji^e bad and the arrangement de-
void of taste and accuracy." ^ There is still another edition of
Matthewe's Bible deserving notice, which was issued in folio
by "Nicolas Hyll, VI May, M. D. LI." The colophon at the
end of the New Testament reads : " Diligently perused and
corrected and imprinted by Nicolas Hyll, dwelling in Saynct
John Streete, at the coste and charges of certayn honest menne
of the occupacion whose names be upon their bokes." ^ Ac-
cordingly, different copies of this one edition bore severally and
singly the names of the jDublishers, eight in all, who united
together, doubtless for financial reasons, to put forth this edi-
tion. Their names were Robert Toye, Wm. Bonham, Abraham
Veale, John Wyghte, Thomas Petyt, T. Raynalde, J. Walley,
Richard Kele.^ The condition of the copartnership seems to
have been that a certain number of copies should be assigned
to each individual bearing his name as the sole publisher. The
following specimens are from a copy " Imprinted at London
by Thomas Petyt, dwellinge in Paules churche yarde, at the
1 History of English Bible, I., 346.
2 Cotton's Editions of the English Bible, p. 27. Oxford, 1852.
3 Anderson's Annals^ p. 651,
1551.] SPECIMENS OF THE TRAXSLATIOIT. 197
sygne of the Maydens heade. Cum gracia et privilegio ad Iin-
Ijrimendum solum, YI day of Maye, M. D. LI." ^
Ps. XXIII. A. The Lorde is my sheplierde, I can want notliynge.
He f edetli me in a grene pasture and leadith me to a fresh
•water.
He quickeneth my soule, and bringeth me forthe in tlie
waye of ryghteousness for liys names sake.
B. Though I shoulde walcke nowe in the valley of the
shadowe of death, yet I feare no euyll, for thou arte
with me ; thy staflfe and thy shepehoke comforte me.
Thou preparest a table before me agaynste myne ene-
myes : Thou annoyntest my heade with oyle, and fyl-
lest my cuppe full. Oh let thy louinge kyndnes and
mercye folowe me all the dayes of my lyfe, that I
may dwell in the house of the Lorde for euer.
I. Cor. XIII. A. Though I spake with the tonges of men and angels, and
yet had no loue, I were euen as soundinge brasse;
or as a tikenlynge cymball. And thoughe I coulde
prophesye, and vnderstode all secretes, and al
knowledge ; yea, yf I had all faythe, so that I
coulde moue mountains out of their places, and yet
had no loue, I were nothynge. And thoughe I be-
stowed all my goodes to fede the poore, and thoughe
I gaue my bodye euen that I burned, and yet had no
loue, it profyteth me nothynge.
B. Loue sufFreth longe and is corteous. Loue enuyeth not.
liOue dotlie not frowardly, swelleth not, dealeth not
dishonestly, seketh not her owne, is not prouoked to
angre, thyncketh not euell, rejoyseth not in iniquite ;
But rejoyseth in the trueth, sufEreth all thynges, be-
leueth all thynges, hopeth al thynges, endureth in
all thynges. Though that prophesyinge fayle, other
tongues shal cease, or knowledge vanyshe awaye,
yet loue falleth neuer awaye.
For oure knowledge is vnperfecte, and our pro-
phesyinge is vnperfecte. But when that whiche is
perfecte, is come, then thf^t whiche is vnperfecte,
shall be done awaye. When I was a chylde, I spake
as a chylde, I vnderstode as a chylde, I imagined as
D. a chylde. But as soone as I was a man, I put awaye
chyldishnes. Nowe we see in a glasse, euen in a
* Taken from a copy in Boston Public Library.
198 matthewe's bible. [chap. y.
darcke speakjnge ; But then shall we see face to
face. Nowe I knowe vnperfectlye ; But then shall I
knowe euen as I am knowen. Nowe abydeth faythe,
hope, and loue, euen these thre ; But the chief e of
these is loue.
The above extract by comparison with Tyn dale's revised
edition of 1534 will be found to correspond with it word for
word;i as we might expect, since the New Testament of
Matthewe's Bible is based upon Tyndale's last revision.
This edition of 1551, of Matthewe's Bible, bears the nick-
name of the " Bug Bible," from the reading of Psalm xci. 5.
So shalt thou not be afraid of any Bugges by nighte. Though
this reading is not peculiar to this edition, as it is found
in the edition of 1537; also in Ooverdale's Bible, 1535.
On account of the opposition of the bishops to the prologues
and notes of the Bible of 1537, together with the desire on
the part of Cromwell to put forth a Bible of a still greater
volume, a new enterprise was projected soon after the first
appearance of this Bible of 1537, which resulted in the pubh-
cation of Cromwell's Bible, 1539, which was the beginning of
a series of publications known as "Great Bibles" or "Bibles
of the Largest Volume."
' See above on pages 133, 134.
CHAPTER YI.
BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. A. D. 1539, 1540.
CROMWELL'S Bible i is the first of a series of editions
known by the comprehensive name of Bibles of the
Largest Volume. These great Bibles, though issued at dif-
ferent times and under different auspices, owe their origin to
the enterprise of Lord Cromwell, the first fruit of which was
the edition of 1539. The Bible of 1537 met with serious
opposition at the hand of Eomish bishops on account of its
anti-papal notes and prologues ; and while, as yet, the first
edition was unsold, Cromwell resolved to publish a Bible
which for size and text, should excel all previous editions.^
The work of revising and editing he put into the hands of
Myles Coverdale, in whom he found not only a familiar friend,
but one in whose scholarly attainments, conscientious spirit,
and familiarity with the work of Bible revision, he could
confide for the faithful setting forth of the Scriptures in
English. Matthewe's Bible was chosen as the basis of this
new Bible. Grafton and Whitechurch, the publishers of the
Matthewe's Bible, were induced to lay aside that enterprise
and enter upon this. Paris was chosen as the place of publi-
cation, on account of the facilities offered there for procuring
the most skillful printers and the best paper.
That Cromwell was the leading spirit in this enterprise we
^ Sometimes called Cranmer's Bible, the occasion being that Cran-
mer's prologue is occasionally found in copies of this edition. But the
prologue belongs originally to Cranmer's Bible, 1540, and is distinctly
referred to the title-page. See Preface, Bagster's Hexapla, p. 27.
London, N. D.
3 Coverdale's Bible, 1535, and Matthewe's BiMe, 1537, were both in
folio.
200 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. YI.
haye abundant evidence in the letters written to him by
Coverdale and Grafton from Paris. In one of these, they
"write : ^' We be entred into your worke of the Byble, wherof
(accordynge to our moost bounden dutie) we have here sent
unto your Lordship 2 ensamples ; one, in parchment, wherein
we entende to prynt one for the Kynges Grace, and another
for your Lordship ; and the second, in paper, wherof all the
rest shalbe made ; trustynge that it shalbe not onlye to the
glorye of God, but a synguler pleasure, also, to your good
Lordship the causer therof." ^ After stating something of
their manner of proceeding, that they followed not only the
Hebrew, " with the iuterpretacion of the Caldee, and the
Greke, but we set, also, in a pryvate table, the dyversite of
redinges of all textes, with such annotacions, in another
table, as shall dou teles delucidate and clear the same." They
further express an assurance, that '^the prynt" would please
him, also that the paper was of " the best sorte in France."
And that they look to him, not only for means to carry on
the work, acknowledging at the same time that " the charge
certaynly is great," but also for "favourable letters ether
to the Bysshop of Wynchester, or to some other, whome your
Lordship shall thinke moost expedyent."^
In another letter dated August 9, 1538, almost two months
after the above, they write: '-Pleaseth the same to under-
stand, that your worke going forward, we thought it oure
moost bounden dutie to sende unto your Lordship certain
leaves therof, specially seynge we had so good occasyon, by
the retuniynge of your beloved servaunt Sebastian. And as
they are done, so will we sende your Lordship the residue,
from tyme to tyme." After explaining the hands and marks
introduced into the text, they add : "this (amonge other oure
necessarie laboures,) is the waye that we take, in this worke ;
trustynge, verely, that as God Allmightie moved youre Lord-
ship, to set us unto yt, so shall it be to His glorie, and right
' Coverdale's Memorials, Letter to Cromwell, June 23, 1588. App.,
pp. 195, 196. 2 i^i^^ p, 19(3.
1538.] CEOMWELL, "A GEEAT HELPEE." 201
welcome to all them that love to serve Him, and their Prince,
in true faithfull obedyence."^
There is still another letter extant from Grafton and Cover-
dale to Cromwell bearing date of Sept. 12, of this same year,
in which they bespeak the favor of Cromwell in behalf of
Francis Eeynold, their host, at whose press the printing was
being done. After mentioning some particulars, they add :
" Yf your Lordshippe shewe him, this benifyte, we schall not
fare the worsse in the readynesse and due expedicion of this
your Lordshippes worke of the Bible, which goeth well for-
ward e, and within few monethes, will draw to an ende." ^
After perusing these letters, or even the above extracts,
there can be no doubt of the fact that Cromwell was the chief
patron of this enterprise. It is noticeable that the name of
Cranmer nowhere appears in this correspondence, and yet it
has been very common to designate the Bible of 1539, as
Cranmer's Bible. Foxe in setting forth Cromwell's connection
with this Bible, says : that he procured of the kyng of Eng-
land his gracious letters to the Frenche kyng, " to permit and
licence a subjecte of his to imprint the Bible in English e,
within the Universitie of Paris because paper was there more
mete .... and more store of good workemen."^ In giving a
further account of this edition, he says: *^the Printers
whereof were the foresayd Kichard Grafton, and Whytchurch
which e bare the charges. A great helper therto was the Lord
Cromwell. The chiefest ouerseer was Myles Couerdale."^
Grafton and Coverdale must have gone over to Paris early in
the spring of 1538, since on the 23d of June they had
entered fully upon the work of printing. They were en-
couraged, not only by Cromwell's support, but by the license
^ Coverdale's Memorials, pp. 196, 197. This letter is dated from
Paris and signed by "■ your faithfull Oratours, Mtles Coveedale,
RiCHAUD Grafton and William Grey."
2 lUd, p. 198.
3 Strype's Memorials of ArchUshop Cranmer. The original document
is in the Appendix, pp. o6, 57.
* Acts and Monuments, p. 1363.
202 BIBLES OF THE LAKGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
of the King of France, and by the special regard of Bishop
Bonner, the English Ambassador, who was instructed by
Henry VIII. "that hee should ayde and assiste the doers
therof in all their reasonable sutes." ^ Whereupon the
bishop, either from principle or policy, was diligent in his
attentions upon the work and workmen, both by visiting
the place where the Bibles were being printed, and partaking
of the dinners there provided at his own expense ; also insist-
ing by invitations, that the workmen should dine with him at
his own house. In the mean time Bonner is preferred to the
bishopric of London. He is still loud in his professions
towards Coverdale and Grafton and will aid their enterprise.
But very soon after he gained possession of his bishopric his
promises were forgotten. ^
But w^ith all this encouragement Coverdale and Grafton
are almost from the first, in daily expectation of trouble from
the papal authorities of Paris. " We be dayly threatened,
they wrote to Cromwell, "and looke ever to be spoken
withall, as this berer can farther enf orme your Lordship ; but
how they will use us, as yet we knowe not."^ The story of
printing this Bible at Paris, as related by Foxe, is substan-
tially correct and is worthy of being rehearsed. After the
French king had given his full consent, the printers w^ent
forward with the work, when there was "a quarell picked to
the printer, and he was sent for to the Inquisitors of the
fayth, and there charged with certeine Articles of heresie.
Then were sent for y* Englishmen, that were at y* cost and
charge therof, and also such as had the correction of the
same, whiche was Myles Couerdall ; but hauing some wamyng
what would folowe, the sayd Englishemen posted away as fast
as they could to save them selues, leauynge behynde them all
their Bibles whiche were to the number of xxv. C, called
the Bibles of the great Volume, and never recouered any of
them, sauyng that the Lieutenant criminall, hauyng them
' Acts and Monuments, p. 1362. ' Ibid, p. 1362.
3 Coverdale's Memorials, App., p. 196.
1539.] *'ceete:n" godly Ai^KOTACTOis^s." 203
deliuered unto him to burne, in a place of Paris (like Smith-
field) called Maulbert place, was somewhat moued with
couetousnes, and sold iiii great dry fattes of them to a
Haberdasher to lappe in cappes, and those were bought agajn,
but the rest were burned, to the great and importunate losse
of those that bare the charge of them. But notwithstandyng
the sayd losse, after they had recouered some parte of the
aforesayd bookes, and were well comforted and encouraged by
the Lord Cromwell, the sayd Englishemen went agayne to
Paris, and there gotte the presses, letters, and seruantes of
the aforesayd Printer, and brought them to London, and
there they became Printers them selues, .... and Printed out
the said Bible in London, and after that Printed sundry im-
pressions of them; but yet not without great trouble and
losse, for the hatred of the Bishops, namely Steuen Gardiner
and his felowes, who mightly did stomacke and maligne the
Printyng therof."^
In a letter dated December 13, 1538, Coverdale sought
CromwelFs advice as to whether he should proceed to print
the annotations which he had prepared. He thought it a
pity that " the darck places of y*" text (vpon y^ which I
haue allwaye set a hande) shulde so passe vndeclared." He
promised to avoid all " contencious words or pryuate
opynions,"2 and before printing to submit them to Bishop
Bonner for his approval. The marhes and handes were in-
serted in several editions, but the annotations were never
printed. By way of explanation Coverdale in his prologue to
the Bible of 1539, says : " We have also, as ye may see, added
many handes both in the m argent of this Volume and also
in the Text, upon the which we purposed to have made in
the ende of the Byble (in a Table by themselves) certen godly
annotacyons; but for so moch as yet there hath not bene
suffycient tyme mynystred to the Kynge's moost honourable
councell for the ouersyght and correccyon of the sayde an-
' Acts and Monuments, p. 1363.
' Coverdale's Memorials, App., p. 199.
204 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. TI.
notacions, we wyll therfor omyt them tyll their more con-
Yenient ley sour. Doynge now no more but beseke the, moost
gentle reader, that when thou commest at soch a place where
a hande doth stand, and thou canst not attayne to the
meanynge and true knowledge of that sentence, then do not
rashly presume to make any pryuate interpretacyon therof,
but submyt thy self to the judgement of those that are godly
learned in Christ JesuJ^ ^
The first edition of this Bible was published in Loudon iu
April, 1539, with the following title : " The Byble in Eng-
lyshe ; that is to say, the content of all the holy Scripture
bo the of the olde and newe testament, truly translated after
the veryte of the Hebrue and Greke textes by the dylygent
studye of dyuerse excellent learned men experte in the for-
sayde tonges. Prynted by Richard Grafton & Edward Whit-
church, Cum priuilegio ad imprimeiiduyn solum, 1539/'
Around this title is the celebrated frontispiece by Hans
Holbein. At the top of the page, God the Father is represented
in the clouds, with his arms extended in the act of blessing ;
and on either side of him, are elaborate scrolls inscribed with
appropriate Scripture texts; on his extreme left in the
distance, Henry VIII. is represented kneeling, his crown on
the ground, and the scroll indicating that he aacepts the Bible
as the lamp of Ms feet. In the center, immediately beneath,
Henry VIII. sits on his throne, and is in the act of giving
the Bible to the bishops on his right, also to the lords
temporal on his left. The books thus presented are clasped
and marked on the covers Verhum Dei. In the center and
on the right of the title stands Archbishop Cranmer in the
act of giving a clasped Bible to a kneeling priest ; immedi-
ately opposite and on the left stands Lord Cromwell with a
Bible in his left hand, which he is presenting to a layman,
who receives it as a representative of several others standing
near him. At the bottom of the page and on the extreme
' As cited by Lewis' History of Eng. Translations of Bible, p, 126.
HOLIiEllN'S riKOWTlSriECE.
Great Bible, 1539.
1539.] THE BASIS OF THIS KEVISIOi^. 205
right, is represented a priest who, from his pulpit, is
preaching to a concourse of people, made up of men, women
and children, who fill up the foreground ; while on the left,
stands a prison, through whose grated windows the prisoners
look out and seem to share in the common joy ; the joy of
gratitude for the gift of the Bible in their own tongue, which
is expressed in a multitude of scrolls bearing the inscriptions
" VivAT Rex " and " God save the Kikg."
The prefatory matter of this Bible comprises: "1. The
names of all the books of the Bible; 2. The Calender; 3. An
Almanach for xix years ; 4. An exhortation to the studye of
the holy scripture gathered out of the Byble ; 5. Summe and
content of the olde and newe testament; 6. Prologue; 7.
Descriptyon of the kynges of Juda and Jerusalem ; 8. With
what judgement the bokes of the Olde Testament are to
be read." This Bible of 1539 went forth without a dedi-
cation, which as a prominent feature distinguishes it from
the previous editions of 1535 and 1537. Another character-
istic is that it was without notes ; but its chief peculiarity is
the additions from the Vulgate, which are inserted in the text,
but in smaller type, indicating that they were not in the
original text These insertions are numerous, and are for the
most part made up of single words and phrases, but in a few
instances of whole yerses.
The basis of this revision was the Bible of 1537. The
changes made were comparatively few. The claim set up in
the title that the translation was made after *'the veryte of
the Hebrue and Greke textes, by the dylygent studye of dyuerse
excellent learned men experte in the forsayde tonges," must
be understood as referring not to cotemporary fellow-helpers
of Coverdale, but rather to those whose versions he consulted
as interpreters. Such learned men as Erasmus, Pagninus, and
Miinster. The last-named of these published a Latin version
of all the books of the Old Testament, which was printed at
Basil in 1534, 1546. This, with the version of Pagninus,
which was the first modern translation from the Hebrew, and
was considered by the Jews more correct than earlier trans-
206 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. YI.
lations, was used by Coverdale in revising the Old Testament ;
while the Greek Testament of Erasmus, with its Latin trans-
lation, was used for the New Testament. Tlie following is a
single specimen from the Great Bible of 1539.^
Ps. XXIII. The Lorde is ray shepherd, therfore can I lacke nothing".
He shall feede me in a grene pasture and leade me forth
beside the waters of comfort.
Hee shall conuerte my soule, and bryng me forth beside
the pathes of righteousnes for his names sake.
Te though I walke throughe the valley of the shadow of
death.
I wyll feare no euyll, for thou arte wyth me, thy rod and
thy staflfe comforte me.
Thou shalt prepare a table before me agaynste theym that
trouble mee ; thou haste anointed my heade wyth oyle,
and my cup shalbe full.
But (thy) louing kindnes and mercy shal folowe me al the
dayes of my lyfe.
And I will dwell in the house of the Lord for euer.
The times just now are most inconsistent. The Bible is
printed and freely circulated; but the friends of the Bible are
again persecuted, even at the hands of their own fi-iends.
The connection of Cromwell and Cranmer with the trial and
condemnation of the excellent Lambert is hardio understand.
It was none other than Cromwell, " the friend of the Gospel-
lers," who read the sentence of condemnation against Lam-
bert. Possibly Foxe is right in attributing this to the " ma-
licious and crafty subtiltye of the Byshop of Wynchester,
which desired rather that the sentence might be read by Crom-
well, the (than) by any other, so that if he refused to do it,
he should likewise haue incurred the lyke daunger." ^ Por it is
this Bishop Gardiner, and not Cromwell, who now has the ear
of the King. The noble stand which Archbishop Cranmer
took in the three days' debate in the convocation against the
^ From a copy in Harvard College Library. Published by John Cay-
wood, London, 1568-9.
* Foxe's Acts and Monuments, pp. 1283, 1284. ^ j^-^^ p. i296.
1540.] THE **SIX BLOODY ARTICLES." 20?
six bloody articles, reveals not only his learning and sym-
pathies, but the sad fact that the Gospellers were losing in-
fluence with the king. These six articles Foxe calls "the
whyp with vi strynges " ; and Fuller describes them as :
" Laws, Mel, as innned, tvorse, as prosecuted, which by some
Bishops extensive interpretations, were made commensurate
to the whole lody of Popery T ^ These cruel enactments in
the hands of savage bishops became a serious hinderance to
the Reformation. Henry VIII. is jealous of his reputation for
orthodoxy. His words against Lambert were : " I will not be
a patrone unto heretickes." But he had his supremacy to
maintain as well as his orthodoxy. So that, with the Act of
Supremacy in one hand, and the enactments of the Six Articles
in the other, he made sad havoc in the ranks of both Papists
and Protestants. So much so that many wondered "what
Religion the King was of, his siuord cutting on both sides,
Protestants for Heretichs, and Papists for TraytorsJ'^ Ac-
cording to Fuller, "a motley execution happened, 1540, in
Smithfield, three Papists hanged by the Statute for denying
' Church History of Britain, B. V., p. 230. London, 1655. These
six articles in a condensed form read as foUows :
L That in the Sacrament of tlie Ahar, after consecration, there re-
mainetb. no substance of bread or wine, but the substance of
Christ, God and man.
II. That the communion in both kinds is not necessary ad salutem,
by the law of God, to all persons.
III. That Priests may not marry by the Law of God.
IV. That vows of chastity ought to be observed.
V. That it is meet and necessary, that private Masses be continued
and admitted in this English Church and Congregation.
VI. That auricular confession is expedient and necessary and to be
frequented in the Church of God as of necessity to Salvation.
The penalty of denyinpr the I. article was death by burning ; the same
for denying the III. article. In case of denying the other articles, the
first offense was punishable with imprisonment, the second offense with
loss of goods and death. See in full, Foxe's Acts and Monuments^ pp.
1296, 1297.
* Fuller's Church Hist, of Britain, B. V., p. 235.
208 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
the King^s supremacy, and as many Protestants burnt at the
same time and ^jkce by vertue of the six Articles, dying with
more pain and no lesse patience.^^ ^
The influence of Cromwell is fast waning, but his work is
not yet done. During the yeai' 1539 fifty-seven monasteries
were dissolved, thirty-seven of which were abbeys or priories,
and twenty were nunneries.^ The King was determined to
break up these monastic houses, which w^ere a disgrace to
religion and a corrupting blotch on the body politic. His
motives have been impugned, but the immoralities and cruel-
ties brought to light by the investigation of the visitors cer-
tainly justified his course if not the manner of it. Burnet,
after referring to the dissoluteness of these monks and friars,
whose practices were " not fit to be spoken of," says, of a
report that he had read of a visitation of a number of these
houses, that the account contained *• Abominations in it equal
to any that were in Sodomy ^ But in respect to them, ^Mt is
better," says Cranmer, "to pass over them in silence and let
the world judge of that which is well known, than with
unchaste words by the expression of their unchaste life to
ofiend chaste and godly ears."
Henry VIII., though yielding to the influence of the bishop
of Winchester and his party, is at this time not unfavorable
to the circulation of the Scriptures in the English tongue.
In his letters patent of November 13, 1539, he expresses a
desire that the people might attain a knowledge of God's
w^ord, and grants them " the free and liberal use of the Bible
in our own natural English Tongue." ^ Farther, he directs
that the Lord Cromwell should have the special charge of
printing the Bible for the "space of five years." ^ This
proclamation was obtained through Cranmer, and is supposed
to have been in favor of Grafton, who was then putting forth
the Cromwell Bible of 1539. The free use of the Scriptures
' Fuller's Church Hist, of Britain, B. V., p. 235.
* Burnet's History of the Reformation, I., B. III., p. 267.
3 lUd, p. ISl. * Ihid, Records, p. 186. ^ lUd, Records, p. 186.
1540.] crakmer's bible, 1540. 209
by the people was very distasteful to Bishop Gardiner, who
sought to influence the king against it. On a giveq occasion
Cranmer and Gardiner met together in the presence of the
king, when in conversation the bishop magnified the danger
of allowing the Scriptures to be read by the people • and in
the course of his harangue, asserted that the Apostolical canons
were of equal authority with the Scriptures, and appealed to
Cranmer to disprove it. This the archbishop did, and his
argument was so satisfactory to the king that he sharply re-
proved Gardiner, by telling him that " Cranmer was an old
and experienced Captain, and was not to be troubled by
Fresh-men and Novices."*
In the meantime Archbishop Cranmer has been arranging
for a second edition of the Great Bible. In a letter to Crom-
well dated November 14, 1539, he speaks of an interview with
the j)rinters, and after advising with them he had decided that
copies of the Bible should be sold for 13s. 4d. ; but since it
was the desire of Cromwell that they should be sold for 10s.
per copy ,2" though Whitechurch and his fellowes thinketh it
a small price, yet they were right well contented to sell them
for 10s.," pro\4ded that license should be granted to no other
printer. Further he inquired concerning the prologue which
he had sent for the king's perusal and approval, with the re-
quest that it be delivered unto the said Whitechurch to be
printed, "trusting that it shall both encourage many slow
readers, and also stay the rash judgments of them that read
therein." 3 There had been unnecessary delay, as Cranmer
manifests some anxiety as to the fate of his prologue ; but he
must wait five months longer, for the Bible will not appear
till April, 1540. This delay is to be attributed to the Romish
bishops, to whom Henry VIII. had referred the whole matter.
Directly bearing upon this we have the testimony of Cover-
» Burnet's History of the Beformntion, I., B. III., p. 270.
^ Equal in modern values to about $87.50.
3 Cranmer's Works, Letter cclxiv, p. 396. Parker Soc. ed., 1846.
210 BIBLES OF THE LAEGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. YI.
dale, as recorded by Fulke, who says : " I my selfe and so did
many hundreds beside mee, heare that reuerende Father M.
Doctor Coverdale of holy and learned memorie, in a Sermon
at Panics Crosse,Tpon occasion of some slanderous reports that
then were raised against his translation, declare his faithfull
purpose in doing the same, which after it was finished and
presented to King Henry the Eight, of famous memorie, and
by him committed to diners Bishops of that time, to peruse,
of which (as I remember) Steuen Gardiner was one ; after
they had kept it long in their hands, and the King was diners
times sued ynto for the publication thereof, at the last being
called for by the King himselfe, they redeliuered the booke :
and being demanded by the King, what was their judgement
of the translation, they answered, that there were many faults
therein. * Well ' (said the King) *but are there any heresies
maintained thereby ? ' They answered, ' there were no heresies,
that they could finde, maintained thereby.' ' If there be no
heresies' (said the King) ^ then in God's name, let it goe abroad
among our people.' " ^ That this refers to Cranmer's Bible of
April, 1540, appears from a statement which Coyerdale makes
in this immediate connection : " that he did now himselfe espie
some faults which if he might reuiew it once oner againe, as
hee had done twice before, hee doubted not but to amend." ^
This twice reviewing has reference doubtless to the editions of
1539 and 1540.
This second edition of the Great Bible is rightly known as
Cranmei^s Bible. It appeared in April, 1540, with the follow-
ing title : '' The Btble in English e, that is to saye, the con-
tent of al the holy Scripture, both of the Olde and Newe Tes-
tament, with a prologe thereinto made by the reverend e father
in God, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury. — This is the
Byble apoynted to the use of the Churches. Prynted by Ed-
warde Whytchurche, cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.
MDXL." The colophon reads : "The ende of the Newe Tes-
^ Fulke's Defense of Translations of the Scriptures into English, p. 3.
London, 1617.
2 lUd, p. 2.
1540.] crakmer's prologue. 211
tament ; aiid of the whole Byble fynished in Apryll, Anno
MCCCCOXL. A dhof actio est istudr
A fine copy of this Bible printed on vellum is in the British
Museum. It has been rebound in three volumes. It was
presented to Henry VIII. by Anthony Marler of London. On
the first leaf there is the following inscription : *' This book is
presented unto your most excellent Highness, by your loving
faithful and obedient subject and dayly oratour, Anthony
Marler of London, haberdasher." ^ It appears that this Marler
was a heavy sharer in the expense of this edition of the Bible.
" It was agreed," in the privy council, " that Anthony Marler
of London, merchant, might sell the bibles of the Great Bible
unbound for x.5. sterling, (equal to £7 10s.) and bound, being
trimmed with bullyons, for xii.5. sterhng (or equal to £9)."^
The chief characteristic of this edition is that it contains
the prologue of Archbishop Cranmer. The object of this pro-
logue was to influence those who utterly repudiated the Scrip-
tures in English ; also those who by their wrangling disputa-
tions abused the reading of the Bible. "As touching the
former," he says, " I would marvel much that any man should
be so mad as to refuse in darkness, light ; in hunger, food; in
cold, fire ; for the word of God is light, food, (and)
fire; save that I consider how much custom and usage
may do Such is the nature of custom, that it causeth us
to bear all things well and easily, wherewith we have been ac-
customed, and to be ofiended with all things thereunto con-
trary. And therefore I can well think them worthy pardon,
which at the coming abroad of Scripture doubted and drew
back. But such as will persist still in their wilfulness, I must
needs judge, not only foolish, froward, and obstinate, but also
peevish, perverse and indurate."^ In urging at length the
' Anderson's Annals of Eng. Bible, p. 360. London, 1863.
2 lUd, p. 367.
^ Prologue. Cranmer's Works, pp. 118-125. This prologue was re-
printed as late as 1583, in a folio edition of the Genevan Bible, with the
following note at the close : " I have hero at the request of diuers learned
212 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VL
value of the Scriptures for the common people, he modestly
and perhaps wisely quotes the words of Chrysostom, whose
authority the papists could not but accept. " Wherefore let us
not stick to buy and provide us the bible And let us
think that to be a better jewel in our house than either gold
or silver For the Holy Ghost hath so ordered and attem-
pered the scriptures, that in them as well publicans, fishers,
and shepherds may find their edification, as great doctors their
erudition." The archbishop concludes the first part of the
prologue by saying : " I will here conclude and take it as a
conclusion sufficiently determined and approved, that it is
convenient and good the scriptures to be read of all sorts and
kinds of peoj^le, and in the vulgar tongue." ^
In the second part of the prologue the archbishop uses the
authority of Gregory Nazianzen, who says: "It is not fit for
every man to dispute the high questions of divinity, neither is
it to be done at all times, neither in every audience must we
discuss every doubt ; but we must know when, to whom, and
how far we ought to enter into such matters I forbid not
to read, but I forbid to reason. Xeither forbid I to reason so
far as it is good and godly. But I allow not that it is done
out of season, and out of measure and good order. ... The
learning of a christian man ought to begin of the fear of God,
to end in matters of high speculation ; and not contrarily to
begin with speculation and end in fear." ^ Cranmer concludes
the prologue by saying : " Every man that cometh to the read-
ing of this holy book ought to bring with him first and fore-
most this fear of Almighty God, and then next a firm and
stable purpose to reform his own self according thereunto ;
and so continue,. . . .shewing himself to be a sober and fruit-
ful hearer and learner. Which if he do, he shall prove at
the length well able to teach, though not with his mouth,
men set down this notable preface, ... .as well for the godly exhortations
and louinor admonitions therin given, as also for the reteyning among us
the memory of that excellent and worthy martyr T. C. sometimes Arch-
bishop of Canterbury."
» Prologue. Cranmer's Works, pp. 120-122. ' Hid, pp. 123, 124.
1540.] PUBLIC READING OF THE SCRIPTURES. 213
yet with liis living and good example, which is sure the
most lively and most effectuous form and manner of teach-
ing." i
In carrying out the views of Cranmer as expressed in his
prologue, Henry VIII., by proclamation, issued a few weeks
after the appearance of the new Bible, required all curates and
parishioners of every town and parish to provide themselves
with a copy of the Bible under certain penalties, to the end
that the people might have free access to the same. The price
also of these Bibles was fixed by the king, to prevent extortion
on the part of joublic dealers.
Bishop Bonner, in accordance with the king's order, com-
manded six of these Bibles to be set up in convenient places in
the church of St. Paul ; that all who came thither might
have access to them.^ But much more in harmony with his
feelings, the bishop posted admonition upon the pillars to
which these Bibles were chained, warning against loud reading
and disputing. But, as Burnet adds : " People came generally
to hear the Scriptures read, and such as could and had clear
voices, came often thither with great Crowds about them
Nor could the People be bindred from entring into disputes
about some places, for who could hear the words of the Insti-
tution of the Sacrament, Drinh ye all of it, or St. PauVs Dis-
course against worship in an unknown Tongue, and not from
thence be led to consider, that the People were deprived of the
Cup, which by Christ's express Command was to be drank by
all ; and that they were kept in a worship, to which the un-
learned could not say, Amen, since they understood not what
was said, either in the Collects or Hymns." ^ Complaints, how-
ever, were made to the king, and doubtless by his consent new
advertisements were posted up, threatening to remove the
Bibles from the church if they continued to abuse so high a
favor.* There were indiscretions committed, doubtless, by
these Bible readers, and by those who listened to them ; but
' Prologue. Cranmer's Works, p. 124,
2 Burnet's History of the Reformation, I., B. III., p. 303.
3 lUd, p. 303. 4 IHd, p. 303.
214 BIBLES OE THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
they were such as would arise from the provoking opposition
of the Komish party.
Cranmei*'s part in the work of revising this edition was,
according to Strype, that he ^' added the last Hand, mending
it in diuers Places with his own Pen and fixing a very ex-
cellent Preface before it."i But Myles Coverdale was the
chief doer of this edition as he had been of that of 1539.
The revision of April, 1540, bears the impress of Coverdale's
hand, in that he introduced more changes in those portions
originally translated by himself, than in the parts translated
by Tyndale. His compromising spirit is also seen in his
desire to make the version as acceptable as possible by intro-
ducing phrases or "supplementary clauses" from the
Vulgate. These were put in smaller type, also in brackets,
to show that they were not in the original text. The follow-
ing may be taken as illustrations :
Ps. I. 4. . . but tliey lyke the chaffe wliyche the winde
scatered away {from the face of the earth)
II. 11. Serue the Lorde in leare and rejoyce (unto him) wytli
reuerence.
12. Kysse the sonne leste he be angry and so ye peryshe from
the iryghte) waye.
VII. 11. God is a righteous Judge {strong and pacient) and God is
prouoked euery daye.
XI. 4. . . . His eyes consjder {the poore.)
XIII. 6. . . . ( Tea I wyll prayse the name of the Lorde
the most hyest.)
XIV. 3. . • . {theyr throte is an open sepulchre ; wyth
theyr tongues they haue disceaued, the poyson of aspes
is under theyr lyppes. Theyr mouthe is full of
cursyng and bitterness ; theyr feete are swift to shed
Uoude. Destruccion and unhappiness is in theyr
wayes, and the wnye of peace haue they not knowen,
ihere is nofeare of God before theyr eyes)
Acts II. 33. . . . he hath shed forth this {gifte)
43. . . . and many wonders and signs were
shewed by the Apostles, {at Jerusalem. And greate
feare came vpon all menne.)
^ Memorials of Crarimer, p. 444. London, 1694.
1540.]
IV. 25.
27.
KEYISIONS COMPARED.
215
wliiclie {in the lioly gosf) bj tlie mouthe
of thy seruaunt Dauid {our father) hast sayde.
gathered themselues together {in this
citie.)
V. 15. . . . {and that they might al be delyuered
from their infirmities.)
XIII. 30. But God raysed hym agayne from death {the thirde daye.)
XIV. 7. . . . {And all the multitude was moved at their
doctryne, but Paul and Barnabas taryed still at
Listra.)
XV. 34. . . . it pleased Silas to abyde there still (put
Judas departed alone to Jerusalem,)
41. . . . {commaundiiKje to kepe the preceptes of
the Apostles and elders.)
A limited comparison of Cromwell's Bible, 1539, with
Cranmer's Bible, 1540, shows eyidence of revision, though
the changes are not always improvements. Take the follow-
ing as examples :
Rom. I. 6. Of whose nombre you be that are called of Jesu Christ.
Cranmer's Bible has : t?ie electe.
7. . . . beloued of God and called sayntes.
Cranmer's Bible has : sayntes by election.
9. ... I make mencyon of you allwayes in my
prayers. Cranmer's Bible has : praying always.
24. . . . wherfore God gaue them vp vnto their
hertes lustes to unclennes. Cranmer's Bible has : to
unclennes thorow the lustes of their own heartes.
25. . . . which is blessed for euer. -Amen. Cran-
mer's Bible has : to be praised.
30. . . . backbiters, haters of God, doers of wronge.
Cranmer's Bible has : disdayneful.
rV. 24, . . . from deeth. Cranmer's Bible has : from
the dead.
25. . . . and rose agayne for to justify e vs. Cran-
mer's Bible has : and was raysed agayne for our
justificacion.
V. 9. Moch more then now {seynge we are justifyed by hys bloud)
shall we be saued from wrath thorow hym. Cran-
mer's Bible reads :. . . .(wee that are justified by his
bloud) shal be saued from wrath through hym.
216 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
12. . . . &s al\ men synned. Cranmer's Bible has :
as all wee heme synned.
15. . . . whych was geuen by one man Jesus
Christ. Cranmer's Bible has : of one man.
VI. 14. Let not synne haue power ouer you. Cranmer's Bible
reads : For sinne shall not haue power ouer you.
30. . . . ye were not vnder ryghtewesnes. Cran-
mer's Bible has : ye were xoyde of righteousnes.
There were six editions of Cranmer's Bible, including those
of April, July and November, 1540, and May, November and
December, 1541, making, with Cromwell's Bible of 1539,
seven editions of the Great Bible. The prologue of Cranmer
appeared in the above named six editions ; and in every re-
spect there was great similarity between them, as there was
no systematic revision after the edition of April, 1540. The
edition of July, 1540, is the last which contains the arms of
Cromwell, as he was beheaded July 28 of the same year.
Thomas Cromwell fell a victim to the envy and jealousy of
his enemies. On account of the preferments he received at
the hands of the king, he was hated by the nobility, who
looked upon his elevation, not so much as honor to him as
injury to themselves. The clergy were exasperated at his
presumption in accepting the high title andrplace of vicar
general in spiritual matters ; and then his active part in the
dissolution of abbeys made his name odious to all classes
excepting Protestants.^ Cromwell fell, as Burnet well says,
*• under the weight of popular Odium rather than Guilt." ^
We are specially interested in the character of Lord Cromwell
on account of his agency in furthering the Reformation, and
of his life-long interest in promoting the translation and
circulation of the English Scriptures. He was the chief
patron of Myles Coverdale in his work of putting forth the
Bible of 1535. Cromwell and Cranmer vie with each other
in their zeal for an English translation of the Bible, that
1 Fuller's Church History of Britain, B. V., p. 231.
2 Burnet's History of the Eef, I., B. JIT., p. 285.
1540.] THE FALL OF CROMWELL. 217
should be acceptable to the people. It was Cromwell who
complied with the request of Cranmer to obtain the king's
authority for the setting forth of Matthewe's Bible, 1537,
which lies at the foundation of the several editions known as
the Bible of the Greatest Volume. And as Cromwell was
prominent in the issuing the first edition, so Cranmer was
prominent in putting forth the second edition of these Great
Bibles. Among the able men of the court of Henry VIIL,
Lord Cromwell was the ablest. Cranmer was more learned,
Bonner more crafty, Tonstal more cunning, and Gardiner
more politic, but for recognized statesmanship and native
ability Thomas Cromwell surpassed them all. But high
places of honor, and distinguished abilities to fill them, as
well as the esteem of the king, could not shield him from the
poisoned shafts of his enemies. The affectionate regard of
Cranmer for Cromwell, even after the king had turned his
back upon him, must ever excite admiration. Even after
Cromwell had been sent to the tower, Cranmer appealed to
the king in his behalf, in which he magnified Cromwell's
** diligence in the King's Service. ,,.. That he thought no
king of England had ever such a Servant; upon that ac-
count, he had loved him But if he was a Traytor, he
was glad it was discovered. But he prayed God earnestly,
to send the King, such a Chancellor in his stead, who could
and would serve him as he had done."^ But the appeal was
in vain, and Cromwell, after remaining six weeks in prison,
was brought forth and beheaded at Tower Hill on the 28th
day of July, 1540.2
The third edition of Cranmer's Bible which appeared in
November, 1540, bears evidence on the title-page of the fall
of Lord Cromwell, in that, in place of the shield, there is a
significant blank. Another peculiarity of this edition is that
upon the same page appear the names of Tonstal and Heath,
the former of whom had been a very prominent Bible burner,
and cruel persecutor of the active friends of the English
' Burnet's Hutory of the Bef., I., B. III., p. 277. ^ xud, p. 284.
10
218 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
Bible. The explanation of this strange anomaly is that these
names appear in conformity to the injunction of 1539, which
forbade the printing the English Scriptures, unless examined
and admitted by the king, or one of his privy council, or one
of the bishops of the realm, whose name must therein be
expressed. This edition of November is known as Tonstal
and Heath's Bible. The title-page reads : " The Bible in
Englishe, of the largest and greatest volume, auctorysed and
apoynted by the commaundemente of our most redoubted
Prynce and soueraygne Lorde Kynge Henry the VIII.,
supreme head of this Ms Churche and Realme of England;
to be frequented and used in euery churclie within this his
sayd realme, accordynge to the te^iour of his former injunc-
tions giuen in that behalfe. Overserie and perused at the
commaundmente of the Kynge's Hyghnes, by the ryght
revevende fathers in God, Cuthbert (Tonstal) bysshop of
Duresme, and Xicolas (Heath) bisshop of Eochester.
Printed by Edwarde Whitchurch. Cum priuilegio ad
imprimendum solum." The colophon at the close of the
New Testament reads : " The ende of the newe Testamente
and of the whole Bible, Eynyshed in November, 1540."
For the most part the six editions of the Great Bible agree
with each other. Yet Westcott points out hitherto an "un-
observed fact, that in parts the edition of Nov. 1540 goes back
from the text of April 1540 to that of 1539." i He furnishes
the following examples in confirmation of the same :
Is. I. 2. . . .1 haue nourished and IrougM vp children ; 1539
and Nov. 1540. While the editions of April and July, 1540,
read : promoted.
4. . . .a froicarde generaeion, unnatural children : 1539
and Nov. 1540. The editions of April and July 1540, read :
a seed of ungracious people corrupting their ways.
7. . . . and it is desolate, as it were with enemies in a battle :
1539, and Nov. 1540 ; While April and July 1540, read ; . .
as they were subverted that are, alienate from the Lord.
8. . . like a besieged city, . . . sacrifices unto me : 1539
1 Hist, of Eng. Bible, pp. 200, 201.
1542.] BISHOP gardi:n^ee's scheme. 219
and Nov. 1540. While April and July, 1540, read: a
wasted city, . . . sacrifices unto me saith the Lord.
13. When ye appear before me ; 1539 and Nov. 1540. While April
and July, 1540, read : When ye come to appear before me.
— . . . who requireth you to tread ; 1539 and Nov. 1540.
While April and July 1540 read : . . who requireth this
of you to tread.
13. . . sabbaths and solemn days ; 1539 and Nov. 1540. While
April and July 1540 read : . . sabbaths and gathering
together at the solemn days.
The above examples will suffice to show that the edition of
Nov. 1540, agrees with Cromwell's Bible of 1539, and conse-
quently is not a reprint of the editions of April and July of
the same year. And yet there is such a substantial agreement
in the several editions of the Great Bible, not only with each
other, but with the edition of 1537, that the friends of the
Old learning, led on by Bishop Gardiner, were bitterly opposed
to their circulation. Besides, these Bibles were the result of
CromwelFs enterprise, and as such, must share his degradation.
"The Bible," they said, "was of a traytoi^s setting forth,
For so they report, that Thomas Crumwel, late Earl of Essex,
was the chief doer, and not your highness, but as led by him." i
Accordingly there was no more Bible printing during the
remaining days of Henry VIIL, the last issue being the edition
of the Great Bible of December, 1541.
After the death of Cromwell the Eomish party came into
power. They hated the Eeformation and the English Bible.
But they could not withstand the former, nor could they
withdraw the latter from circulation. They determined, how-
ever, to suppress these heretical Bibles by an authorized edition
of their own. This plan was secretly resolved upon, and was
ready to be laid before the Convocation of 1542. Their propo-
sition seemed very fair. It was that the bishops of the realm
should put forth a revised edition of the English Bible. For
some half dozen years past, the work of publishing revised
* Strype's Ecdesiastical Memorials, I., 635. 1816.
220 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
editions of the Holy Scriptures had become so common, that
there was nothing in this proposition to excite suspicion.
But Oranmer discovered their shrewd and artful intent, which
was to so pervert the English of the translation by introducing
Latin words and phrases, that it could not be understood
excepting by those who were learned. The convocation met
in February. An order came through the king, requiring the
bishops and clergy to revise the translation of the New Tes-
tament. On Friday, during the third session, the bishops to
the number of fifteen were assigned their several tasks.
Bishop Gardiner being confident, and becoming over bold by
the success thus far of his plans, could not rest. He must
instruct the revisers. Accordingly, in the sixth session of this
convocation, he presented a list of Latin words of his own
selection out of the New Testament, and expressed his desire
"that for their genuine and native meaning, and for the
majesty of the matter in them contained, these words might
be retained in their own nature as much as might bee; or be
very fitly Englished with the least alteration"'^ This list
numbers about a hundred words, and as a matter of interest
is here inserted.^ '' Bcclesia, Pcenitentia, Pontifex, Ancilla,
Contritus, Olacausta, Justitia, Justificare, Idiota, Elementa,
Baptizare, Martyr, Adorare, Eignus, Sandalium, Simplex,
Tetrarclia, Sacramentum, Siynulachrum, Gloria, Conflida-
tiones, Ceremonia, Mysterium, Religio, Spiritus Sand, Spi-
ritus, Merces, Confiteor tibi, Pater, Panis prcBpositionis,
Com^nunio, Perseverare, Eiledus, Sapientia, Pietas, Pres-
hyter, Lites, Servus, Opera, Sacrificium, Benedidio, Humilis,
Humilitas, Scientia, Gentilis, Synagoga, Ejicere, Miseri-
cordia, Complacui, Increpare, Eistribueretur orhis, Inculpa-
tiis. Senior, Conflidationes,^ Apocalypsis, Satisfadio, Con-
tentio, Co7isdentia, Peccatum, Peccator, Idolum, Prudentia,
Prudenter, Parabola, Magnijico, Oriens, Subditus, Eidragma,
Hospitalitas, Episcopus, Gratia, Charitas, Tyrannies, Concn-
i Fuller's Church History of Britain, B. V., 237. "^ Ibid, p. 238.
3 Ibid, p. 338. This list is taken from Fuller, repetitions and all.
1542.] GAKDIKER'S DESIGNS THWAETED. 221
piscentiay Cisertty Apostolus, Apostolatus, Egenus, Stater,
Societas, Zizania, mysterium, Ghristus, Conversari, Profiteor,
Impositio manuum, Iclololatria, Dominus, Sandus, Confessio,
Imitator, Pasclia, Innumerabilis, InenarraUlis, Infidelis,
Paganus, Commilito, Virtutes, Dominationes, Throni, Po-
iestates, Hostia.^'
"Wherefore Gardiner's designe," says Fuller, *' plainly ap-
peared in stickling for the preserving of so many Latine icords
to obscure the Scripture ; who, though wanting 2)ower to keep
the light of the Word from sJmiitig, sought out of policy to
put it into a dark Lanthorn ; contrary to the constant practice
of God in Scripture, levelling high Jiard expressions to the
capacity of the meanest For forraign terms are alwaies
brought in, like Josepli with an Interpreter. Emmanuel doth
not passe without an Exposition, God ivitJi us ; nov Ephatlia
escape, but Commented on, he tliou opened : Besides, the Popish
Bishop multiplied the mixture of Latine names in tbe Tes-
tament, to teach the Laity their distance, who though admitted
into the outward Court of common matter, were yet debarred
entrance into the Holy of Holies of these mysterious expressions,
reserved only for the understanding of the high Priest to
pierce into them. Moreover, this made Gardiner not onely
tender, but fond to have these words continued in hinde with-
out Translation ; because the profit of the Romish Church
was deeply in some of them concerned ; Witnesse the w^ord
Penance (which according to the vulgar sound, contrary to
the original sense thereof) was a magazin of Will-ivorship,
and brought in much gaiii to the Priests, who were desirous
to keep that luord, because that word kept them." ^
At last the unsuspicious eyes of the honest-hearted Cran-
mer were fully opened to the designs of Gardiner and his
friends, and by a masterly stroke completely thwarted them.
The archbishop, after obtaining the consent and authority of
the king, most unexpectedly to the papists, announced to the
convocation : " that it ivas the King's will and p)leasure, that
1 Fuller's Church History of Britain, B. V., p. 239.
222 BIBLES OF THE LAKGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
tlie Translation loth of the Old and Netv Testament should be
examined hy Both Universities."'^ This met with fierce
opposition on the part of the papists ; but Cranmer insisted
on the King's will and pleasure, which at length prevailed,
and thus an end was put to the whole affair.
In this effort of Bishop Gardiner to put the Scriptures into
a Latin dress, and thus render them meaningless, we recognize
the old strife between the hierarchy and the people. From
the time of Wychffe, an important element in this conflict has
been that of language. Chaucer's Saxon English was the rich
inheritance of the people ; and it had been handed down for
a century and a half, not only in Chaucer's lines, but in Wyc-
liffe's English Bible. History but in part can relate the oppo-
sition of the papal authorities to these WyclifiSte versions,
because they contained the Scriptures in the language of the
people. And when William Tyndale, imbued with the love
of the Saxon simplicity in our language, embodied this ele-
ment in his translation of the New Testament, he did for the
protestant religion and the common people a service beyond
all praise. For which he and his Testament were burned in
the fire.
In the early part of the reign of Henry VIII. there was a
revival both of religion and language. The study of classic
Greek was found to be not out of harmony with the study of
Saxon English. Sir Thomas Elyot advocated the study of
Chaucer for the sake of his English. So also it is related of
Dean Colet, a cotemporary, that he labored to improve his
English style by the study of the early poets, particularly
Chaucer, who was then, even as now, regarded as the father of
Vernacular literature. Erasmus, though he translated the
Greek New Testament into Latin, warmly favored an English
version of the Scriptures. True, the Latin was not only the
language of the Romish Church, but the chief corner-stone of
that Church. It was the boast of Bishop Bonner that the
** Latin toung should serue through the whole world, because
1 Fuller's Church History of Britain, B. V., p. 239.
1547.] LANGUAGE AND RELIGIOI?^. 223
that they should pray generally altogether in one toung." ^
This, according to Bonner, was the order in the Church, and
upon the carrying out of this order depended the universality
and stability of the Church. We are compelled, therefore,
to recognize an inseparable relation between language and
religion. The Latin language is one w^ith the Latin Church.
" The abrogation of the Latin," says Milman, " as the exclusive
language of Christian letters and arts must be inevitably and
eventually the doom of Latin Christianity." ^ Latin at this
period was not only the language of the Church, but of litera-
ture. Erasmus wrote his *' Praise of Folly " in Latin. Though
first published in 1511, it was not translated into English till
1549, when it was done by the hand of Thomas Chaloner. Sir
Thomas More's " Utopia " was also composed in Latin. It was
published in 1516.^ This was likewise translated by Chaloner,
but not till thirty-five years after its first appearance. It was
therefore a marked epoch in the history of the English language
and of Protestant Christianity, when William Tyndale and
Myles Coverdale translated the Bible in the vernacular of the
people. So also when revised editions were multiplied and
sent forth among the people, since it was a combined and sus-
tained attack against the progress and stability of the Romish
Church. The reign of Henry VIIL, therefore, may be regarded
as the summer time of the English Bible and English language.
But Henry in the closing years of his reign is not the man
he was at its beginning. He is now subject to other advisers.
Cromwell is gone, and Cranmer, single-handed, cannot always
cope with the growing influence of the Romish party. The
Parliament is now under papal control, and enacts, " that all
manner of books of the Old and New Testament in English,
should by the authority of this Act, clearly and utterly
be abolished and extinguished, and forbidden to be kept
and used in this realm, or elsewhere in any of the Kings do-
' Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1763.
^ History of Latin Ghristvinity, VIII., 334.
2 The earliest edition bearing a date is that of 1518, printed at Basle.
See Hallam's Litirature of Europe, I., 285. New York, 1874
224 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. YL
minions." ^ There was a provision, however, which excepted
the Great Bibles, since these were published by the king's
authority. This act was passed in 1543, and three years after-
wards was confirmed by "a straight and hard proclamation"
of the king to the effect " that from henceforth no man, wo-
man, or person, of what estate, condition, or degree, so euer hee
or they bee, shall after the last day of August nexte ensnyng,
receaue, haue, take, or keepe in hys or their possession the text
of the new Testament of Tyndals or Couerdals translation,
nor of any maner of bokes printed or written in the
Englishe tongue, which be or shall be set forth in the names
of Frith, Tindall, Wycklefe, Joy, Eoy, Basile, Bale, Barnes,
Ooverdall, Toumer, Tracy."' All such books were to be
delivered up to the authorities and to be publicly burnt ; and
those who refused to deliver up the books, were to be impris-
oned and fined, as the council might determine.
The malignant spirit of the papacy now breaks forth anew.
Heresy is again punished by fire. But this violence shall con-
tinue but a season. The days of Henry's rule are soon to close.
After an eventful reign of almost thirty-eight years Henry
A^ni. died.^ He was a strong man among strong men. He
was independent of, yet dependent upon, his councilors, and
too often led by them. But he never forgot his supremacy
either in Church or State. Ruthlessly he maintained his own
will at the expense of friend and foe. He renounced papal
control, but remained Catholic rather than Protestant. His
sincere regard for Archbishop Cranmer he retained to the last.
On his death-bed, it was Cranmer only that he wished to see.
But when the archbishop was summoned, the king was speech-
less, and to inquiries could only by pressure of the hand give
a token of recognition and of his own religious faith.
Upon the death of Henry YIII. Edward VI. ascended the
throne. His reign was in every respect favorable to the
' Anderson's Annals, pp. 378, 379.
' Foxe's Acts and Monvments, p. 1427.
3 January 28, 1547.
1550.] CHEKE'S TRANSLATIOi^ OF MATTHEW'S GOSPEL. 225
Eeformation and the English Bible. From the first the changes
were sweeping and radical. The statute of the six articles and
all other bloody statutes against Protestants were repealed.
The communion in both kinds was restored, and the stone
altars were replaced by wooden tables. Romish ceremonies,
such as the use of candles in Candlemas, ashes in Lent, and
palms on Palm Sunday, were all done away with. Also all
laws and canons against the marriage of priests were revoked.^
Bibles of the Largest Volume were by public order set up in
the churches, and vicars and curates enjoined not to discour-
age those " authorized and licensed," but rather they were " to
comfort and exhort " them to read the same. At the same
time straightly charging, that in the reading of the Scriptures
"no man should reason or contend, but quietly hear the
reader." 2 Moreover, the public reading of appropriate Scrip-
ture was enjoined upon vicars and curates in connection with
public worship. There was freedom both to read and print
the Bible; also liberty of choice as to what version should be
printed. Left to themselves, publishers would naturally seek
to supply the public demand. And the results show that the
people desired New Testaments of Tyndale's and Matthewe's
versions : since out of fifty editions claimed to have been pub-
lished during the short reign of Edward VI., fourteen were
Bibles and thirty-six were New Testaments. ^
There were no new translations undertaken during this
reign, unless Sir John Choke's translation of the Gospel of
Matthew, and part of the first chapter of the Gospel of Mark
shall be so regarded. Cheke's translation was made about the
year 1550, and remained in manuscript till 1843, when it was
pubUshed by James Goodwin.^ In translating, Cheke's man-
ner was the opposite of that proposed by Bishop Gardiner.
" In vocabulary," says Marsh, " Cheke was a purist by princi-
ple ; for in his almost only known original composition, the
^ Foxe's Acts and Monuments, pp. 1489, 1492.
2 Lewis' History of Translations, p. 158.
3 Anderson's Annals of the Bible, p. 411.
* The manuscript is in tlie Library of Bennet's College, Cambridge.
226 BIBLES OF THE LAKGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. YI.
Hurt of Sedition, he employs none but words which had
been for centuries familiar to every intelligent Englishman."
In the translation of the Gospel of Matthew "he carries his
purism still farther, and introduces many Anglo-Saxon com-
pounds of his own coinage." ^ His object was to avoid words
. derived from the Greek and Latin, on the ground that they
' were unintelligible to English readers. To do which he was
compelled to coin not a few words, of which the following are
examples: biwordes, parables; crossed, crucified; /re56?7^/??flf?^,
proselyte; forsai, prophesy; gai7i Mrth, regeneration; hed-
priest, chief priest ; helimp, child of the Devil ; Jiunderder,
centurion ; moond, lunatic; orders, traditions; which are in-
serted below in their several connections.^ The verse divisions
are here introduced for the sake of reference.
Matt. II. 3, 4. When K. Herod herd this, he was trobled and all
Jerusalem with him and he gathered togither al y«
hedpriests and scribes of y« people and asked of
them wheer Christ schold be bom.
IV. 24. . . . or moond, or palseid, thej brought vnto
him and he heeled yem.
XI. 13. For al y« p^pheets and y« law did forsai Yuto Joans tijm.
XIII. 3. And he spaak vnto yem much in biicordes and said.
XV. 2. whi do y' discipils break y* orders of y« elders.
XIX. 28. Jesus said vnto yem, Je y* hav folowed me in y« gain
birth.
XXII. 23. At y* tijm cam y^ Saddoucais vnto him, who sai yeer is no
gainrising.
30. For in y« uprising noyer schal men mari nor women be
maried.
XXIII. 15. , . . to maak oon freschman, and y* being
doon ie maak him twijs as much an helimp as
iourselves.
XXVII. 23. . . , let him be crossed sai yei al.
Besides Cheke made changes in the mode of spelling
suflaciently radical to suit the theories of modern reformers
^ English Language and Literature, p. 521. New York, 1862.
2 Oospels of Matthew and Mark. Translated by Sir John Cheek.
London, 1843.
1550.] CHEKE'S TRANSLATIOJq- OF MATTHEW'S GOSPEL. 227
in orthography. The following rules have been laid down as
comprehending in part his system of reform.^ In all cases
where the vowel a was long, he used aa and omitted the e
final, as: taak, take; prepaar, prepare; haat, hate; 7naad,
made ; spaak, spake. In the same manner he used other long
vowels, as: thijn, thine; mijn, mine; aloon, alone; ooti, one ;
?7ioor, more ; stoon, stone. Again dipiithongs were done away
with, and double vowels used in their stead, as : sjjeek, speak ;
theer, their; boot, boat; geestes, guests; hijlt, built. The
final e was utterly abolished as being useless, as ; giv, give ;
cu7's, curse ; cam, came. Another rule was to omit silent
letters in the middle of words, as: tZo^^i, doubt ; ^e^, debt;
faiit, fault ; ivold, would. Another peculiarity was the sub-
stituting the letter i for y, as : ion, you ; pai, pay ; migliti,
mighty ; sometimes, however, at the end of a word the double
vowel ee was substituted for y, as : lionestee, honesty ; extremitee,
extremity. Again he gives to y the power of th in the be-
ginning, middle and end of words, as : oyer, other ; hooy,
both ; yem, them.
Cheke's abbreviations and contractions are not all new, but
they are so numerous as to obscure the meaning of the text.
As examples we find ; pfoi^m, perform ; p'^plieet, prophet ; Z,
Lord ; K, Kingdom. In a very few instances he makes use
of Greek letters for the sake of abbreviation, as in the words :
axes^ aches ; raxci, raca ; Ji^nas, Joonas ; Ji^atham,
Jooatham.2
The following is here transcribed as a specimen of Cheke's
manner in his translation :
Matt. V. 1-20. And he seing y® great resort went vp into y« liil.
And when lie was set his disci pils cam vnto him, and
he opened his mouth and taught them on this wise.
Happi be y« beggars in sprijt, for y* kingdom of heeven
is theers.
Happi be y* moorners, for y«' schal be comforted.
' Gofipels of Matthew and Mark. Introduction, pp. 18, 19.
2 Jbid, pp. 20, 21.
228 BIBLES or THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VL
Happi be y« meek, for y«' sclial enherit y« earth.
Happi be y« hungri and tliursti of rightuousnes for y®'
schal be filled.
Happi be y« pitif al, for y«' sclial be pitied.
Happi be y* cleen in hart for y^' schal see god.
Happi be y^ peesmakers for y®' schal be called godds
children.
Happi be y^ persequuted for rightuousnes saak, for y«
kingdoom of heaven is theers.
Happi be yow, when y«' rebuke yow, and persequut yow,
and speek al evel and lie against yow for mi cause,
be glad and reiois for yo' reward in heaven is
great. For so persequuted thej y« p°pheets afoor
your tijm.
Yow be y« salt of y* earth, if y« salt be vnsaverie
wheerwith schal thinges be salted. Jt is good for
none other thing, but to be throown awai, and to
be trooden down bi men.
Yow be y« light of y« world. A citee can not be hiden
y* is set aloft on an hil, nor men burn not a light,
and put it vnder a buschel but in a candelstick,
and it giveth light to al y* be in y« house, let yo'
light soo schijn befoor men y' y«' mai see your
good workes, and give glori to your father which
is in heaven.
Think not y* J cam to breek y^ law or y« propheets, J
cam not to breek but to fulfil, truli I sai vnto yow,
til heaven and ertli goo awai, one' iot, nor one titil
Bchal not go awai from y« law, til al be doon.
Whosoever then breeketh oon of y® lest of y««*
comandments, and techeth men y® saam, he schal be
called y® leest in y« kingdoom of heaven. But who-
soever doth and techeth he schal be called greet in y«
kingdoom of heaven. For J sai vnto yow except your
rightuousnes be moor plentiful y^" y« Scribes and
Pharisees, yow schal not enter into y* kingdoom of
Leaven.
Sir John Cheke's purism was occasioned in part by a
growing tendency at that time to adopt into the language
Italiauisms, Freiichisms and Latinisms. A few words from
Thomas Wilson's Arte of Hhetoricke, which appeared in 1553,
doubtless will give a correct impression of this tendency.
1545-71.] e:n"glish lai^guage growing in importance. 229
" Among other lessons/' he says, " this should first be learned,
that we neuer afiect any straunge ynkehorne termes, but to
speake as is commonly receiued : Some seke so farre for
outlandishe Englishe, that they forget altogether their
mother's language Some farre journied gentlemen at their
retume home, like as they loue to go in forrein apparel, so
thei will pouder their talke with ouersea language. He that
Cometh lately out of Fraunce will talke Frenche Englishe, and
neuer blushe at the matter. Another choppes in with Eng-
lishe Italianated, and applieth the Italian phraise to our
Englishe speakyng The ynlearned or folishe phantasti-
call, that smelles but of learnyng will so Latine their
tongues, that the simple cannot but wonder at their talke,
and thinke surely thei speake by some reuelacion.''^ He
gives a practical illustration of this folly, by quoting a letter
written about that time, " by a Lincolneshire man for a Yoide
benefice." The letter was addressed to the Lord Chancellor
and began as follows: "Ponderyng, expendyng and reuo-
lutyng with myself, your ingent affabilitie, and ingenious
capacitie, for mundane affaires, I cannot but celebrate and
extoll your magnificall dexteritie above all other. For how
could you have adapted suche illustrate prerogative and
dominiall superioritie, if the fecunditie of your ingenie had
not been so fertile and wonderfull pregnaunt, &c." ^
In the meanwhile the EngHsh language is growing in im-
portance. As yet it had failed to command the confidence of
authors. It was too humble and limited a medium to be
intrusted with tlieir reputation. In other words the mass of
the people through sheer ignorance made no demand for
English books. But times are changing for the better.
Eoger Ascham taught his own age the power of the English
tongue. His Toxophilus and Schole Master were important
contributions to the literature of that period. And they still
serve as examples of good EngHsh. And yet Ascham shaied
» Warton's History of English Poetry, III., 334, 335. London, 1781.
2 lUd, note, p. 337.
230 BIBLES OF THE LARGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. YL
SO much of the prejudice of his age that he offered an apology
for not employing in his writings the language of the learned.
" If any man would blame me " he says, " eyther for takinge
such a matter in hande, or els for wry tinge it in the Englishe
tongue, this aunswere I may make him, that when the best of the
realme thincke it honest (honorable) for them to use, I, one
of the meanest sorte, ought not to suppose it vile for me to
wryte ; and thoughe to have written it in another tongue, had
bene both more profitable for my study, and also more honest
for my name, yet I can thinke my laboure well bestowed, if
with a little hindrance of my profite and name, may come any
furtherance to the pleasure or commodity of the gentlemen
and yomen of Englande, for whose sake I toke this matter in
hand."i j^ noble contrast with this petty strife for reputa-
tion which Ascham even could not quite banish from his
mind, there were those during all these years, who labored for
the sake of the people to place the Bible in English in their
hands, which has proved from the beginning a powerful agency
in elevating and purifying both our language and our religion.
The prevailing sentiment during the reign of Edward VI.
was, that there was not so much need of new versions as a
proper understanding of the Scriptures as already translated.
Hence the Paraphrase of Erasmus, recently translated, was
ordered to be placed by the side of the Bible in the churches ;
and vicars and curates were enjoined to possess themselves of
a copy of the same, as well as of a copy of the New Testament.
Public lectures or professorships were provided in the Uni-
versity of Cambridge for expounding the Hebrew and Greek
Scriptures. The design of these lectures was, first, to inter-
pret the Scriptures according to the ^^ Propriety of the Lan-
guage," and second, to " Blustrate difficult and obscure Places
and reconcile those that seemed repugnant to one another." "^
Besides this the Gospel was preached to the poor. Latimer,
Bradford, and Knox, with all freedom and boldness, spake
' Roger Ascliain's Works, p. 56. London, circa, 1763.
2 Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, B. II., p. 197.
1553-58.] POPISH PERSECUTION^. 231
the word in its purity to the people. It is noticeable that in
the counties where the doctrines of Wycliffe had been received
and retained, there the Gospel was now most welcomed. Even
after the accession of Mary the people thronged together to
listen to such 2)reachers as Knox, who exhorted them to per-
severe in the faith they had professed.^ But this harvest
season was cut short soon after the death of Edward.^ Re-
taliation on the Protestants now became the watchword.
Popish ceremonies were again introduced, and auricular con-
fession re-estabhshed. Married priests were deprived of their
livings and divorced from their wives, notwithstanding the
laws were in force which legalized the marriage.^ The Bible
was rudely torn from its place in the churches, trampled under
foot, and in some instances burned. Foreigners favoring
Protestantism were banished the kingdom. Many leading
Protestants fled, not so much from personal fear, as from the
entreaties of their friends ; while many, both men and women,
rushed into exile to escape the fury of the storm. These cruel
years of Mary's reign smell of fire and blood. And " dismal
were the flames that blazed out everywhere, fed with the fuel
of the bodies of poor men and women, under a popish legate,
and two bloody bishops."* Among the victims sacrificed
during this reign were such men as Thomas Rogers, the editor
and reviser of Matthewe's Bible; Hugh Latimer,^ the ad-
mirable preacher and early advocate of an English translation
1 McCrie's Life of Knox, p. 82. N. D.
2 Edward died July 6, 1553. Mary was crowned July 19, 1558, and
reigned only five years and four months.
3 Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, IV., 174. London, 1816.
4 Ibid, p. 416.
5 " I cannot here omit old Father Latimer's Habit at this his appear-
ing before the Commissioners, which was also his Habit while he re-
mained a Prisoner in Oxford. He held his Hat in his Hand ; he had a
Kerchief on his Head, and upon it a Night-cap or two, and a great Cap
such as Townsmen used, with two broad Flaps, to button under his chin ;
an old thredbare BHstow freez Gown, girded to his Body with a penny
lether Girdle, at which hanged, by a long string of Leather, his Tes-
tament, and his Spectacles without case hanging about his Neck upon
his Breast." — Str\'pe's Memorials of Cranmer, B. HI., ch. x., p. 336.
232 BIBLES OF THE LAEGEST VOLUME. [CHAP. VI.
of the Scriptures, and a constant upholder of the right of the
people to possess and read the Bible in their own tongue ; and
last, but first of all, Archbishop Cranmer, whose name is most
intimately connected with the Reformation and the English
Bible.
There was no special legislation against the English Bible
during this reign, neither was there any occasion, since the
constitution of Arundle, against the reading of Wycliffe's trans-
lation or that of any other person after his time, was in full
force. There w^ere, however, royal proclamations issued com-
manding the searching for and delivering up of heretical books
that they might be burned. Heresy and the English Bible
were supposed to walk hand in hand ; hence, to be a friend of
the English Scriptures was, in the estimation of papists, to be
an enemy of the queen's laws.^ The queen's council was alto-
gether popish, consequently Protestants were dealt with as the
worst sort of malefactors. *^ And things were carried in that
severity," says Strype, " as though it were resolved utterly to
extinguish the religion for ever in England ; for, besides the
exquisite pain of burning to death, which some hundreds
underwent, ' some of the professors were thrown into dungeons,
ugsome holes, dark, loathsome, and stinking corners; other
some lying in fetters and chains, and loaded with so many
irons, that they could scarcely stir. Some tyed in the stocks
with their heels upwards ; some having their legs in stocks,
and their necks chained to the wall with gorgets of iron ; . . . .
some standing in Skevington's gives, which were most painful
engines of iron, with their bodies doubled ; some whipped and
scourged, beaten with rods and buffeted with fists ; some hav-
ing their hands burned with a candle to try their patience, or
force them to relent ; some hunger-pined, and some miserably
famished and starved. All these torments and many more,
even such as cruel Phalaris could not devise worse, were prac-
tised by papists, the stout, sturdy soldiers of Satan, thus de-
lighting in variety of tyranny and torments upon the saints
' Foxe's Acts and Monuments, p. 1713.
1553-58.] POPISH PEESECUTiox. 233
of God." 1 From such horrors hundreds took refuge abroad,
and formed Christian congregations in various cities on the
continent. And so it came to pass that to this Marian per-
secution we are indebted indirectly for one of the most noted
and best English translations of the Bible. A translation
made by English exiles at Geneva, and known as the Genevan
Bible, an account of which will be given in the next chapter.
» Stiype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, IV., 415, 416. London, 1816.
CHAPTER VII.
THE GENEVAN BIBLE, A. D. 1560.
A MONG- those who came to Geneva on account of the
J-Jl. Marian persecution was WiUiam Whittingham. Having
escaped from England, he first took refuge in Frankfort. This
was in June, 1554; but on account of the troubles there, he,
with other Non-conformists, removed to Geneva, which at that
time was the center of Protestantism and the home of Calvin
and Beza. Wlien John Knox left Geneva for his own coun-
try, Whittingham, by the advice of Calvin, took orders in the
Genevan form and became Knox's successor. By common
consent Whittingham bore the palm for scholarship among
his brethren ; and by their counsel he undertook and com-
pleted the translation of the New Testament of 1557. This
work, like that of Tyndale, was by a single hand, and done in
exile, but in circumstances very different, since Whittingham
was surrounded by friends ready to extend sympathy and prac-
tical aid. In the work of revision Whittingham availed him-
self of the learning of his brethren as well as of the most ap-
proved Greek helps and of translations in other tongues, " as
the learned may easily iudge, both by the faithful rendering of
the sentence, and also by the proprietie of the wordes, and
perspecuite of the phrase." ^ The edition was in small octavo
or duodecimo size, and printed by Conrad Badius, at Geneva,
in Eoman type, with the following title : " The Newe Testa-
ment of our Lorde Jesus Christ, conferred diligently with the
Greke and best approved Translations. With the arguments,
as wel before the chapters as for every Boke and Epistle, also
diversities of readings and most profitable annotations of all
^ Whittingham's Address to the Reader. Eadie's Eng. Bible, II., 6.
1557.] TERSE DIVISIOifS OF X. T. 235
hard places; Whereiinfco is added a copious Table. Printed
by Conrad Badius. M.D.LVII." The prefatory matter is
made up of an " Epistle by John Calviu," and an " Address to
the Reader " by William Whittingham. At the end there is
SLU.^^ Alphabetical Index to the New Testament/' and a '^Per-
fect supputation of the Yeres and Time from Adam unto
Christ."
The revision of 1557 was the first English New Testament
that divided the text into verses, with breaks according to our
present manner, and marked them with figures. In this
division, Whittingham followed Robert Stephens' Greek Testa-
ment of 1551, but improved upon it, in that he attached the
numbers to each subdivision or verse, while the Greek Testa-
ment simply placed them in the margin.^ The familiar story
of Robert Stephens dividing the Greek text of the New Tes-
tament into verses, while journeying on horseback from Paris
to Lyons, is founded on the statement of his son Henry in
the preface to his " Concordance," published in 1594. " His
father," he says, ^* finding the books of the New Testament
already divided into chapters, proceeded to a further subdi-
vision into verses The whole work was accomplished inter
equitandum on his journey from Paris to Lyons. " ^ Probably
he means not literally while on horseback, but at the several
inns where he stopped in making this journey. At first this
labor seemed of doubtful success, but soon it met with univer-
sal acceptance.
There are some who attribute the invention of dividing the
Scriptures, that is the Latin Bible, into sections and subsec-
tions, to Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, about the
year 1220. But Prideaux insists that the honor belongs to
Cardinal Hugo de St. Cher, who flourished about the year
1240. According to Prideaux, the chapters of our present
Bibles correspond to the sections made by Hugo. These sec-
tions he divided into subsections and marked them by capital
1 To'wnleys Biblical Literature, III., 130.
2 Smith's Bible Dictionary, Art., Bible.
236 THE GEXEVAK BIBLE. [CHAP. YII.
letters. These divisions were designed for convenient reference
by his new " Concordance," which was the first made for the
Latin Bible. The verse divisions, however, were not made till
about 1438-1445, when they were introduced by a Jewish
Eabbi named Isaac Nathan. Eabbi Nathan being familiar
with Hugo's " Latin Concordance," determined to prepare one
for the Hebrew Bible. He began his work in 1438, and was
some seven years in completing it. He followed Hugo in his
sectional divisions, but improved upon him in the subsections,
by introducing the verse divisions of the oldest Masoretic
Hebrew Bibles.^ He says in his preface : " As I observed that
the Latin translation has each book divided into a certain
number of sections and chapters, which are not in our (Hebrew)
Bibles, I have therefore marked all the verses, according to
their numbers, together with the number of each chapter ; I
have also marked the numbers of the verses, as they exist in
our (Hebrew) Bibles, for the greater facility of finding each
passage rcxcrred to." This mode of indicating the verses as
v/ell as chapters was followed by Sanctes Pagninus in 1528,
when he made his Latin translation of the Bible from the
original Hebrew and Greek. Pagninus was followed in turn
by Stephens, at least in part, in 1551.'' And as Whittingham
professedly followed these authorities, it would seem from the
above statements, that while the Jews are indebted to Chris-
tians for the division of the text of their Bibles into chapters.
Christians are indebted to the Jews for the subdivision of the
chapters into verses.
It has been quite common of late years to rail against the
verse divisions of the Holy Scriptures. Doubtless the sense
of the text has sometimes been interrupted by this artificial
• These sections or verses were called by the Jews Pesukim. " They
are marked out in the Hebrew Bibles by two great points at the end of
them, called from hence Sopli-Pasuk, i, e. the end of the verse." Pri-
deaux' Connection, I., 273.
2 Compare Ibid, I., 273, 278. Home's Introduction, U., Ch. IV , pp.
169-173. Smith's Bible Dictionary, Art. Bible. Kitto's Ojchpadia,
Art. Scripture, Holy.
1557.] WHITTIl^GHAirS AXKOTATIOKS. 237
system. It may possibly have given occasion also to the build-
ing of *^ doctrinal systems upon isolated texts," And yet too
often the practical benefits of easy reference, and help to the
memory, and the adaptation for reading in public, have been
overlooked. The divisions of chapter and verse have no
Biblical authority, Neither has that of the paragraph, neither
has that of the comma, semicolon, or period in punctuation.
They are all of human invention, and something of the same
arguments produced against the former may be urged against
the latter. The adoption, however, of the paragraph and at
the same time retaining the chapters and the numberings of
chapters and verses, is doubtless the most desirable mode of
jorinting the text of the Bible.
While this translation of 1557 is based upon the 'New Tes-
tament version of Tyndale as contained in Matthewe's Bible,
1537, yet it is independent, and has probably greater claims to
originality than any preceding English version. But that
which externally characterizes this version next to its verse
divisions, and words in italics which indicate that they are not
in the original, is its marginal notes. These annotations are
very numerous. For the design of Whittingham was to leave
"nothing vnexpounded, wherby he that is anything exercised
in the Scriptures of God, might justely complayn of hardenes ;
and also in respect of them that haue more proffited in the
same, I haue explicat all such places by the best learned inter-
preters, as ether were falsely expounded by some, or els
absurdely applyed by others." ^ Whittingham thus sought to
commend his work not only to the learned, but the unlearned.
Since the time of William Tyndale a great change has taken
place in public sentiment, in respect to annotations upon the
Scriptures. Annotations were now not only permitted, but
were in great demand. As there was little or no preaching or
public expounding of the Scriptures, each reader of the Bible
must interpret for himself. Hence Whittingham sought to
meet this demand. His annotations were not controversial,
but practical and thoroughly Calvinistic.
' Cited by Eadie's Hist. Eng, BMe, II., pp. 6, 7.
338 THE GENEVAN BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
The following specimens of Whittingham's translation are
taken from the reprint of his New Testament in Bagster's
Hexapla :
Matt. VI. 9. . . . Our father wliich art in lieauen,
halowed be thy name.
10. Let thy kingdome come. Thy wil be done euen in
earth, as it is in heauen.
11. Gene vs thys day our dayly bread.
13. And forgeue our debtes, euen as we forgiue our
debters.
13. And lead vs not into tentation, but deliuer vs from
euiL For thyne is the kingdome, and the power,
and the glorie for euer. Amen.
L Cor. Xni. 1. Thogh I spake with the tonges of men and Angels,
and haue not loue, I am euen as sounding brasse,
or as a tynkling cymbal.
2. And thogh I could prophecie, and vnderstand all
secretes, and all knowledge ; yea, yf I had all
fayth, so that I could moue mountains out of
their places, and yet had not loue, I were nothing.
3. And thogh I bestowe all my goodes tofede the poore,
and thogh I gyue my body that I be burned, and
yet haue not loue, it profiteth me nothing.
4. Loue suflfreth long, is courteous ; loue enuieth not ;
, loue doth not boast it selfe, swelleth not.
5. Disdaineth nothing as vnbeseming, seketh not her owne
things, is not prouoked to anger, thinketh not
euil.
6. Reioyseth not in iniquitie, but reioyseth in the trueth.
7. Suflfreth all thinges, beleueth all thinges, hopeth all
thinges, endureth all thinges.
8. Loue doth neuer fall away, thogh that both prophe-
ciinges shalbe abolished, and tongues shal cease,
and learning shal vanishe away.
9. For we learne in parte, and we prophecie in part,
10. But when that which is perfect, is come, then that
which is in part shalbe done away.
11. When I was a chylde, I spake as a childe, I under-
stode as a chylde, I thoght as a childe, but assone
as I was a man, I put away chyldesh things.
12. For now we se in a glasse, and in a darcke speakyng ;
but then shal we se face to face. Now I knowe
1557.] WHITTIKGHAM'S SUPERIOR RENDERINGS. 239
in part ; but tlien slial I know euen as I am
knowen.
13. Now abydeth fayth, hope, and loue, euen these thre,
but the chief est of these is loue.
The specific excellencies of this version may be seen in
the following passages, which are superior to the renderings of
our Authorized version, exceptiag in one or tW'O examples in
which the latter adopts the readings of the former.
Matt. XXIII. 24. Ye blynde guydes, which strayne out a gnate, and
swalow a cammel. In this reading Whittingham
followed Tyndale. Our present version reads :
strain at a gnat. This has been regarded as a
blunder of the printers of the first edition of the
A. v.; but Alford thinks that it is the correct
rendering of the translators, and means " strain
(out the wine) at (the occurrence of) a gnat."
However this may be, the reading in our Bibles
gives an incorrect, while that of Whittingham
gives a correct, impression.
XXVIIl, 14. And if this come before the Gouuernour, we wyl
pacific him, and saue you harmelesse. This is
better than the A. V. which reads : And if this
come to the Governor's ears, we will persuade
him, and secure you. The reference is to a
judicial hearing, rather than to a report that
might reach the governor.- Whittingham was
the first to render this correctly, or at least to re-
lieve the ambiguity, that is after Wycliffe, who
reads : And if this he herde of the justice we
schulen counceil hym and make you siker
(secure).
Mark XI. 17. . . . Is it not wrytten, My house shalbe
called the house of prayer, t>nto all nations?
This is after Tyndale, but the A. V. reads ; of all
nations. That Tyndale and Whittingham are
correct, compare Is. Ivi. 7, to which the Saviour
refers. Our Lord's indignation was aroused in part,
because this profanation was of the court of
the Gentiles While the Jews sacredly kept the
Jewish parts of the temple, they cared nothing
' Alford, in loco.
240 THE GEiTEVAK BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
for this court, hence Jesus quotes the words of
the prophet which they had done what they could
to defeat.^
Acts XXVn. 9. When niuche tyme was spent, and sayling was now
jeoperdeous, because also tlie tyme of the Fast
was now passed, Paul put them in remembrance.
In this, the version of 1557 is followed by the
A. V. Tynd ale's version and that of the Great
Bible read : because also tliat we had orerlongs
fasted. But the argument of the apostles is
better sustained by the above rendering, in that,
on account of the Fast being passed, it was very
late in the season to undertake so long a voyage.-'
Eph. IV. 18. . . because of the hardenes of their
harte. The A, V. has : the Nindness of their
heart.
I. Thess. V. 22. Abstayne from all Tcynde of euil. The A. V. reads :
all appearance of evil. Alford translates eve^^y
form of evil : and thinks the A, V. incorrect ;
first, because the Greek word does not signify
appearance as used above ; and second, because
the two members of the sentence would not
logically correspond. The exhortation is : '' hold
fast that which is good, and reject that which is
evil. "3
James I. 13. Let no man say when he is tempted, that he is
tempted of God; for God cannot he tempted with
euyl, nether tempteth he any man. Whittingham
is the first to seize upon this reading, which is
adopted by the A. V. Tyndale (1534) reads :
For God tempteth not vnto evyll, nether tempteth
he anie man.
I. Pet. I. 17. And if so he that ye call him Father whych wythout
respect of person judgeth accordyng to euery
mans worke, ...This is preferable to the A. V.
which reads:.... if ye call on the Father; in
which it follows Tyndale. This translation of
Whittingham is "the only one," says Trench,
"which the original will bear." Alford trans-
lates : And if ye call %ipon as your Father Him
who without respect of persons judgeth, (fee*
1 Trench on the Authorized Version^ p. 98. ^ Ihid, in loco.
2 Alford, in loco. •* Ihid, in loco.
1560.] DEDICATION. 241
The New Testament of 1557, though excellent in itself,
became a stepping-stone to a new revision of the whole Bible.
Geneva at this time was not only the centre of Protestantism,
but there were gathered here many eminent scholars. John
Calvin had resided in Geneva since 1536 : and Theodore Beza,
though a recent comer, became a permanent resident for
some forty years. There were assembled here also a goodly
company of French scholars, who were engaged in revising
Olive tan's version of the French Bible. So likewise was
gathered here a company of English exiles, made up of such
men as: Myles Coverdale, John Knox, Thomas Cole,
Anthony Gilby, John Pullain, Christopher Goodman, Thomas
Samson, and William Whittingham. And to the associated
labors of these brethren, together with the advice and co-
operation of Calvin and Beza, we are indebted, for the
Genevan Bible. Neither ought we to forget those in the
congregation "whose hearts God likewise touched, not to
spare any charges for the furtherance of such a benefite and
favour. ^'^ The share which these brethren had, as individuals,
in the work, can not be determined. The impression prevails
that the burden fell upon three or four of them. Knox and
Goodman left Geneva for Scotland in 1559 ; Coverdale,
Pullain and Cole returned to England in the same year. This
would leave Whittingham, Gilby and Samson to complete the
work. Heretofore the translating and revising of the English
Scriptures has been, for the most part, the work of single
individuals ; but in this case we have an association of learned
men uniting their wisdom and energies " for the space of two
yeeres and more, day and night." ^ And the result is the best
version since Tyndale and Coverdale made their translations.
And as a translation the Genevan Bible constitutes an im-
portant link between the earliest English versions and our
present Authorized version.
This Bible was finished on the 10th of April, 1560, and was
dedicated to Queen Elizabeth in respectful but bold language.
' Preface, Genevan Bible. London, 1595. ^ Hyi^i^
11
242 THE GEJ^EVAN BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
After coiigratulafcing her upon her preservation " from the
mouth of lions/' they express a hope that she will favor the
cause of truth, and consequently urge upon her " utterly to
abolish idolatry ; to root out, cut down, these weeds and im-
pediments, ... in imitation of the noble Josias who destroyed
not only their idols and appurtenances, but also burnt the
priests' bones upon their altars, and put to death the false
prophets and sorcerers." ^ In the Address to the Christian
Reader, they claim for their work, " a ripe age andcleare light,"
also the advantages of being surrounded by "so many godly
and learned men, and such diuersities of translations in
diuers tongues." ^ Notwithstanding this, and also the fact,
that there were among them noted Hebrew and Greek
scholars, they arrogated nothing to themselves "aboue the
least of their brethren " in undertaking " this great and
wonderful worke." Further they protest from a good con-
science ''that they have in euery point and worde faith-
fully rendred the text and in all hard places most syncerely
expounded the same. For God is our witnes, that we haue
by all means endeauoured to set foorth the puritie of the
worde and right sense of the holy Ghost." ^ Here follows an
explanation of their manner in the work of translation.
" Now as we haue chiefly obserued the sense, and laboured
1 As cited by Eadie, English Bible, II., 12. London, 1876.
2 In addition to the sources to which former translators had access,
such as the German Zurich Bible, 1524-1539, the Latin translation of
the Old Testament by Sanctes Pagninus, 1528, and the Latin version
by S. Munster, 1534-35, these revisers had Leo Juda's Latin version of
tbe Old Testament, which was completed by Bibliander and Pellican ;
this with Gaulthers revised Latin New Testament of Erasmus, was
published in 1544. They possessed also the Latin version of Castabo,
1551. Though Castalio used great freedom with the text, by intro-
ducing classic phrases, yet his version had its influence upon later
Protestant versions. But Beza's Latin version of the Greek Testament,
1556, exercised a greater influence than any of the other versions.
Compare Westcott's Eist. of the Eng. Bihle, p. 321. Hallam's Lit. of
Europe, L, 382.
3 Preface, Genevan Bible. London, 1595.
1560.] SPECIMENS OF TRAXSLATIOX. 243
alwayes to restore it to all integritie ; so haue we most reuer-
ently kept the proprietie of the woordes." Further, "diuersitie
of speach " they noted in the margin ; and wherever in their
judgment words were added to make the sense clear, such
words were "put in the text with an other kinde of letter."
In respect to the verse divisions, they say : we haue folowed
the Ebrew examples, which haue so euen from the beginning
distinguished them. Which thing as it is most profitable for
memoiie, so doth it agree with the best translations, and is
most easie to finde out both by the best Concordances." ^
This version was not an independent translation, based as it
was upon the Great Bible ; and yet in the Old Testament par-
ticularly there were marks of originality and scholarship.
The chief aim of the revisers seems to have been to make a
verbal rendering of the original ; but " even where the changes
are greatest," says Westcott, "the original foundation can still
be traced, .... At the same time there is abundant evidence to
shew that they were perfectly competent to deal independently
with points of Hebrew scholarship ; and minute changes in
expression shew that they were not indifferent to style." ^ The
following excerpts are here inserted as specimens of the trans-
lation, and are taken from an edition of 1560." ^
Ex. XX. 1. Tlien God spake all these wordes, saying,
2. I am the Lord thy God, which haue broht thee out of
the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage.
3. Thou shalt haue none other gods before me.
4. Thou shalt make thee no graue image, nether anie simili-
tude of things that are in heauen aboue, nether that
are in the earth beneth, nor that are in the waters
vnder the earth.
5. Thou shalt not bowe downe to them, nether serue them ;
for I am the Lord thy God, a ielous God, visiting the
iniquitie of tbe fathers vpon the children, vpon the
third generacion and vpon the fourth of them that
hate me ;
' Preface, Genevan Bible. London, 1595.
2 History of English Bible, p. 231. London, 1872.
3 From a copy in the Boston Public Library.
244 TEL GEXEVAI^ BIBLE. [CHAP. YII.
6. And sliewing mercie vnto thousands to them that loue
me, and kepe my commandments.
7. Shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vaine ;
for the Lord wil not holde him giltlesse that taketh
his Name in vaine.
8. Remember the Sabbath daie to kepe it holy.
9. Sixe daies shalt thou labour, and doe all thy worke.
10. But the seuenth day is the Sabbath of y^ Lord thy God ;
in it thou shalt not do anie worke, thou, nor thy gone,
nor thy daughter, thy man-seruant, nor thy maide,
nor thy beast, nor thy stranger that is witliin thy
gates.
11. For in sixe daies the Lorde made the heauen and the
earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested
the seuenth daie ; therefore the Lord blessed the
Sabbath daie and hallowed it.
13. Honour thy father and thy mother, that thy daies maie
be prolonged vpon y« land, which the Lord thy God
giueth thee.
13. Thou shalt not kill.
14. Thou shalt not commit adulterie.
15. Thou shalt not steale.
16. Thou shalt not beare false witnes against thy neigh-
bour.
17. Thou shalt not couet thy neighbours house, neither shalt
thou couet thy neighbours wife ; nor his man ser-
uant, nor his maid, nor his oxe, nor his asse, nether
any thing that is thy neighbours. -
Ps. XXIIL 1. The Lord is my shepheard, I shall not want.
3. He maketh me to rest in grene pasture and leadeth me
by the stil waters.
3. He restoreth my soule, and leadeth me in the paths of
righteousnes for his Names sake.
4. Yea, thogh I shulde walke through the valley of the
shadow of death, I wil feare no euil ; for thou art
with me ; thy rod and thy staffe, they comfort me.
5. Thou dost prepare a table before me in the sight of mine
aduersaries ; thou doest anoint mine head with oyle,
and my cup runneth ouer.
6. Douteles kindnes and mercie shal follow me all the
daies of my life, and I shall remaine a long season in
the house of the Lorde.
1560.] EVAi^-GELICAL PIETY. 245
The Genevan Bible was a decided advance upon all former
translations. The accuracy of its scholarship and the plain-
ness of its Saxon English commended it both to the learned
and unlearned. It became more popular than any previous
version. Though not printed in England for several years
after it was first issued, yet it very soon became the Bible of
the household; and for more than three-fourths of a century it
maintained its place as the Bible of the people. Born of per-
secution and in exile, it was regarded as the peculiar child of
Protestantism. A lively bond of sympathy existed between
the brethren at home and those at Geneva during the Marian
persecution ; so that whether at home or abroad, they all suf-
fered in a common cause. This fruit, therefore, of the labors
of the brethren abroad was the more highly prized.
For a hundred and fifty years there had been an under-
current of evangelical piety, which found its purity and life
in the old and well-worn manuscripts of the Wycliffite ver-
sions. These Christians were unknown, yet called themselves
known ; they were persecuted, yet not destroyed. In the
beginning of the reign of Henry VIII. these Lollards were in
hearty sympathy with the New learning and its New opinions,
which were old to them, though new to others. These people
were the first to welcome and distribute the New Testaments
of William Tyndale, which came fresh into England from the
printing presses of the continent. They welcomed not only
the Scriptures in English in these newly-printed Testaments,
but also the preaching of the Gospel by such men as Bilney,
Barnes, Coverdale, and Hugh Latimer. Increasing in num-
bers, they increased in courage and boldness, and frequently
met in tovm-halls and in open fields for public worship. And
as they increased in numbers, they became a recognized power
by the king and his councilors. In Archbishop Cranmer and
Lord Cromwell they found stanch supporters. Especially
prospered in the reign of Edward YL, they were persecuted
in the time of Mary; but are now hopeful in the beginning
of the reign of Elizabeth, and welcome with joy the un-
246 THE GENEVAi^ BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
episcopal Bible from Geneva. These are tliey who are now
known as Non-conformists and Protestants— an evangelical
party, who from the first have had no sympathy with empty
forms and sensuous ceremonies, and who, since the trouble in
Frankfort, have been known as Puritans." ^
What the Wycliffite versions therefore were to the Lollards,
and the New Testaments of Tyndale to the Broders in Christ
or Known men, this Genevan Bible was to these Non-con-
formists or Puritans. John Knox is said to have used Tyn-
dale's New Testament until the publication of the Genevan
Bible, when he immediately adopted the latter. The con-
venient size of this Bible was in its favor, both in respect to
its price and use. Issued in a small quarto, it was quite in
contrast with the folios of the Great Bible. Then it was the
first edition of the Bible printed in Roman characters, the
type of former editions having been that of Old English or
Black Letter. Another characteristic of this Bible was that
it was the first complete English Bible in which the text was
separated into verses. The revisers adopted in the New Tes-
tament the verse divisions of Whittingham's version, and in
the Old Testament the "Ebrew examples" were followed.
Further, for the help of the reader they added the arguments
for the books, also for the chapters ; likewise headings indi-
cating the particular subjects on each page.^ These improve-
ments had been introdaced, in part, in previous revisions; as
in Ooverdale's Bible, the arguments for the several chapters
were placed at the beginning of each book, while the Great
Bible placed them at the head of each chapter. But the
headings or catch- words at the top of each page were peculiar
to the Genevan Bible. In this it was followed by the Bishops'
Bible, 1568, and by the Authorized version, 1611.
But that which added most of all to the acceptableness of
the Genevan Bible was its marginal notes. There was at this
time a spirit of religious inquiry prevailing among the peo-
^ Neal's History of the Puritans, I. , 68. New York, 1863.
^ Compare, Address to the Christian Reader, Preface, Genevan Bible.
1560.] AKIS^OTATIOKS. 247
pie. During the Marian persecution such horrors had been
witnessed, perpetrated on account of religious opinion, and
suffered for the sake of religious principle, that the questions of
the hour were as to the truth of these doctrines, and the mean-
ing of the Holy Scriptures. And as Queen Elizabeth's policy
developed, she became more and more opposed to the preach-
ing of the Gospel, consequently the people were dependent
for instruction upon the annotations of the Holy Scriptures.
Upon the accession of Queen Elizabeth high expectations were
entertained by Protestants of royal favor, and on this account
undue license was taken by them ; so that partly on this ac-
count, and partly on account of her aversion to the plain Gos-
pel, she required Archbishop Grindal to abridge the number
of preachers, and to put down the religious exercise of prophe-
sying,! a urging, that it was good for the church to have few-
preachers, that three or four might suffice for a county, and
that the reading of the Homilies to the people was sufficient." ^
But in respect to the annotations, the author of the address to
the " Christian Reader," says : " And considering how hard a
thing it is to vnderstand the holy Scriptures, and what errors,
sects and heresies grow dayly for lacke of the true knowledge
thereof, and how many are discouraged (as they pretend), be-
cause they cannot attaine to the true and simple meaning of the
same, we haue also indeuoured both by the diligent reading of
the best comentaries, and also by the conference with the godly
and learned brethren, to gather briefe annotations vpon all
^ This exercise of Prophesying consisted in explanations of certain por-
tions of Scripture allotted to a given number of ministers assembled in
a cliurcli for tliis purpose. They seem to have been large Bible classes
held for mutual improvement in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures.
But the liberty enjoyed was abused by some in advancing heterodox
opinions, and openly declaring against the liturgy and the hierarchy ; and
by others in using the occasion for arguing and disputing. But notwith-
standing all this, the archbishop defended these assemblies, and believed
it possible to redress the irregularities by certain rules of order. See
Chalmer's Biogrnphical Dictionary, Art. ArcJihishop Grindal. Also Ful-
ler's Church History of Britain, B. IX., p. 126.
* Chalmers' Dictionary, Art. Grindal, p. 350.
248 THE GENEYAK BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
the hard places, aswel for the vnderstandmg of such words as
are obscure, and for the declaration of the text, as for the
application of the same, as may most appertain to God's glory
and the edification of his Church." ^ The notes are for the
most part original, yet some were taken from Calvin and others
from Beza. And while the charge of theological bias has been
brought against them, a cursory examination shows that in the
main they are historical and practical. And by a careful noting
it has been found, that even in the Epistle to the Eomans not
more than ten of the two hundred and fifty notes are " unmis-
takable Calvinistic utterances." ^ It is worthy of remark also,
that the annotations of the Genevan Bible were so highly
prized by the revisers of the Bishops' Bible, that they adopted
many of them word for word, though they were publishing a
rival edition.
Annotations at this period were most acceptable, and are
always invaluable. But it would seem that we live in an age
of Commentaries ; that the labors of good men in this direc-
tion are carried to an extreme ; so much so, that the text is in
danger of being swallowed up by comments. Bible reading is
degenerating into Commentary reading. It were better to go
to the original source than thus to take the truth at second
hand. It may be said of the Bible, as it has been said of the
works of Shakespeare, that " notes are often necessary, but
they are necessary evils." ^ In the reading of the Holy Scrip-
tures, if we would "feel the highest pleasure," and attain the
greatest spiritual benefit, we ought to read every book, not
excepting that of Eevelation, with " utter negligence " of Com-
mentaries. When the attention is fixed, the reader ought not
to turn aside for critical or even practical expositions, but
"read on through brightness and obscurity." In this way
the mind may lay hold of the truth and the spirit feed upon it.
And all this notwithstanding many obscurities, since these
very obscurities may have their use. "There is," says Dr.
' Preface, Genevan Bible.
2 Eadie's History of Engluh Bible, II., 28.
' Dr. Jolinson's Preface to Johnson & Stevens' Shakespeare, I., 238.
1560.] CHIEF CHAKACTERISTICS. 249
Jolinson, " a kind of intellectual remoteness necessary for the
comprehension of any great work in its full design and its true
proportions ; a close approach shows the smaller niceties, but
the beauty of the whole is discerned no longer." i In this Dr.
Johnson was treating of Shakespeare, yet how applicable to
the Holy Scriptures ; since in their depth, full design, and
true proportions, they cannot be comprehended by the in-
tellect, but must be discerned by the spirit. But whatever
may be true respecting the too great use of Biblical Commen-
taries in our day, there was no such abuse in the days of the
Genevan Bible. The annotations of this Bible were not only
at first, but so long as it was circulated, they continued to be
an important element of its popularity and usefulness. Even
in 1611, when the first edition of King James' Bible was
printed, " Some of the Brethren^^ says Fuller, '■'■ were not well
pleased with this Translation, suspecting that it would abate
the repute of that of Geneva, with their Annotations made by
English Exiles in that City, in the dales of Qu. Mary
Yea, some complained. That they could not see into the sense
of the Scripture for lack of the spectacles of those Geneva An-
notationsr'^ And what is more remarkable, an edition of
King James' Bible was printed in the year 1649, " with the
Genevan notes, by way of pushing it into favour." This was
about forty years after the first edition of King James' Bible
was first published, and about the time it took the place that
it has occupied ever since.^
Besides annotations they added " Mappes of Cosmographie
....for the perfect vnderstanding and memorie of diuerse
places and countrys, partly described and partly by occasion
touched both in the old and New Testament." In the edition
of 1560, published by Hall, at Geneva, these maps are on a
small scale, covering sometimes half, at others scarcely half of
the page. The first map indicates the location of the Garden
of Eden, Gen. ii. 10 ; the second. The Journey of the Israelites
^ Dr. Johnson's Preface to Jolinson & Stevens' Pihakespeare, I., 239.
'^ Church History of Britain, B. X., p. 53. London, 1655.
' Anderson's Annals of Eng. Bible, p. 661.
250 THE GEKEYAK BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
through the luilderness^ Num. xxxiii. ; tlie third, The Land of
Canaan as divided among the several tribes, Josh. xv. There is
also a map of The Holy Land, as it was in the time of Christ.
This is placed at the beginning of the New Testament. This
last map was designed, though rudely, to show the physical
elevations of the country.
In addition to the above popular characteristics of the G-enc-
van Bible there is one other which deserves mention, and that
is the number of its illustrations. The first edition, 1560, con-
tains the following : The Arlce, Gen. vii. 18 ; The Egyptia7is
pursuing the Israelites, Ex. xiv. 9 ; The Arlce of the Testimony,
XXV. 10-15 ; The Table of Shewe Bread, 23-30 ; The Candle
stiche, 31-37 ; The first Covering of the Tabernacle, xxvi.
1-6 ; The Curtaines of Goates Haire, xxvi. 7-13 ; Tlie Taber-
nacle, ^x\i. 15-30; The Altar of Burnt Off ring, xxvii. 1-8;
The High Priest in his Official Robes, xxviii. 3-4 ; The Altar
of Incense, xxx. 1-5 ; The Laver of Brasse, xxx. 18 ; The Taber-
nacle ivith the Tents pitched around about ^Y, Num. i. 51-52;
The Temple Uncovered, I. Kings vi. 2 ; The Temple Covered,
21 ; The First Figure of the King's House, vii. 2 ; The Second
Figure of the same House, \i\. d-Q ', TJie Forme of the Pillar,
15-16 ; The Great Caldron, 23-26 ; The Forme of the Caldrone,
28-37; Tlie Royal Throne of Solomon, x. 18-20; Tlie Vision
of Ezehiel, Ezek. i. ; The Description of the Forms of the Tem-
ple, xl. These cuts are comparatively well executed. They
are small, and are placed in the midst of the page opposite the
verse or verses to be illustrated.
The many excellencies of the Genevan Bible gave it a wide
circulation. Though not printed in England till 1575, yet
like the New Testament of Tyndale it was printed abroad
and scattered broadcast throughout England and Scotland.
So universally was this Bible accepted, that it was read from
the pulpit, quoted in sermons, cited by authors, and adopted
in the family. The bishops and those who stood at the head
of the Universities gave their preference to this version,
though many of them from their ecclesiastical connections,
might justly be supposed to have been prejudiced against it.
1560.] LDITIONS ISSUED FROM 1560 TO 1603. 251
The marked superiority of the Genevan to the Bishops', as
well as to the Great Bible, gave it place independent of its Free
Church origin. But while it enjoyed this preeminence, the
fact that it was not printed in England until fifteen years
after its publication at Geneva, argues that it could not have
been altogether acceptable to those in high places. It is true
that Queen Elizabeth issued a patent to John Bodleigh " for
the term of seven years to imprint the English Bible
finished in the 'present year of our Lord God, a thousand,
five hundred and three scored ^ Notwithstanding this, the
Genevan Bible was not printed in England previous to the
death of Archbishop Parker. To this fact join another quite
as significant, which is, that it was often printed after his
death, and there seems abundant ground for the supposition
that the archbishop used his influence against it.^ Hence-
forth, however, the Genevan Bible was more frequently
printed than any other version. It became popular, particu-
larly in Scotland. It was the first Bible printed in Scotland,
which was in 1576-1579.^ After the issue of the Bishop's
Bible in 1568, a version intended by the Episcopal authorities
to supersede the Genevan Bible, the latter was by no means
set aside. An estimate made by Mr. Anderson shows, that of
the one hundred and thirty editions of the Bible and Testa-
ment published from 1560 to 1603, ninety were of the Genevan
version. And if the comparison be limited to Bibles alone,
then of the eighty- five editions issued, sixty were of the
' Anderson's AnnaU of English Bible, p. 458.
2 Bodleigh applied in 1585 for a renewal or extension of his patent ;
Parker manifested a willingness to extend it, but on condition that no
impression be made except by advice and authority of the bishops,
which was a virtual refusal. Neal's Hist, of Puritans, I., 83. Also,
Anderson's Annals of the Bible, p. 461. London, 1862.
2 "The publication of the Genevan version at Edinburgh without
any change in orthography or any assimilation of its style to Scottish
usage, shows that at this period, as at earlier times, the English of
the south was quite intelligible to all the educated population of
Scotland." Eadie's Hist. Eng. BiUe, II., 48.
252 THE GENEVAN BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
Genevan version.^ These facts show that there was freedom
in the reign of Elizabeth for printing and circulating the
Scriptures; and especially, that the people were partial to
the Genevan version. A partiality which maintained even to
the time of Charles I., when the Genevan Bible sank gradu-
ally into disuse on account of the deservedly growing favor of
the Authorized version. Mr. Anderson in referring to the
wonderful survival of the Genevan Bible, says : that while the
Bishops' Bible was not issued after 1611, the Genevan was
printed at London in 1633, at Edinburgh in 1640, and at
Amsterdam in 1644.^ So that the Genevan version was in
use full thirty years or more after the ^publication of Kir.g
James' Bible, having enjoyed the preeminence for about
three-quarters of a century. This fact at this time, was
something remarkable in the history of English versions,
finding parallels only in the manuscript version of Wycliflfe,
and the printed New Testaments of Tyndale. The Wycliffite
manuscripts were in use from 1380 to 1525 ; and the printed
New Testaments of Tyndale's translation continued in circu-
lation from 1525 to 1605, the date of the last edition as noted
in Cotton's list.^
The language of the Genevan version is remarkable for its
Saxon simplicity. In style and diction it is^ one with pre-
ceding translations. And in cases where the readings differ,
the translators studied not only correctness of rendering, but
plainness in word and terseness of expression. The dethrone-
ment of papal supremacy in England by Henry VIII. was the
virtual dethronement of the Latin language from its eccle-
siastical and literary supremacy. It was not so understood at
the time by the papists. They fondly hoped and believed that
the Latin would be the universal language, because it was the
sacred language of the Church. The Church would become
universal, and the language would go with the Church.
^ Annals of the English Bible, pp. 469, 470. ^ jn^i^ p. 661.
3 Editions of the Bible in English, p. 57. Oxford, 1852.
1581.] CONFLICT 12^ LANGUAGE AND KELIGIOK. 253
Hence the bitter oioposition to the translation of the Bible
into English, which they stigmatized as treason against the
Church. True, towards the close of the reign of Henry VIH.,
on account of circumstances, that is of the extensive circu-
lation of the English Scriptures, their purposes were some-
what shaken. Hence the compromise of Gardiner, in which
he yields to the necessity of an English version, and yet insists
that a certain class of Latin words must be retained. Against
this hierarchical theory that affirmed the supremacy of the
Latin tongue, the friends of the Bible in English have boldly,
and though sometimes at great odds, successfully contended.
And though the English language steadily grew in strength
and favor from the time of the Conqueror, and that largely
through the fact of English versions of the Scriptures, yet
even in the age of Elizabeth its foundations were not con-
sidered abiding. Lord Bacon had no confidence in the
vitality of the EngUsli tongue. ^' These modern languages,"
he said, "will at one time or other play the bankrupts with
books." ^ The Latin had been regarded in all the past as the
universal and eternal language, and the wisest among men
could not as yet see it otherwise. If Dante had broken from
the Latin and trusted his fame to the vulgar Itahan, it was
not without a struggle with himself, as well as against the
advice of his friends. Boccacio, though he followed the
example of Dante, questioned " whether the Divine Comedy
had not been more sublime, and therefore destined to a more
secure eternity in Latin." ^
Though the purpose of the Reformers in translating the
Scriptures into EngUsh was not to promote the interest of
the English language, nor to break down the supremacy of
the Latin, yet incidentally these were important elements in
the conflict, and also among the important results soon to be
reached. For even now in the reign of Elizabeth the conflict
both in language and religion is not so much with the old
' Bacon's Works. Preface, I., xvi. Boston, 1861.
« Milman's Latin Christianity, VIH., 342. New York, 1874.
254 THE GENEVAN" BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
ecclesiastical spirit of Eome, as with the newly revived pagaa
spirit of Italy. Classic ideals now rule in the court and
palace. G-reek and Roman learning was a passion with women
as well as men, and was pedantically assumed by all classes.
In fashionable life every thing was tinctured by it. '^ When
the queen paraded through a country town," says Warton,
*^ almost every pageant was a Pantheon. When she paid a
visit at the house of any of her nobility, at entering the hall
she was saluted by the Penates, and conducted to her privy-
chamber by Mercury. Even the pastry-cooks were expert
mythologists. At dinner, select transformation of Ovid's
metamorphoses were exhibited in confectionary; and the
splendid iceing of an immense historic plumb-cake, was em-
bossed with a delicious basso-rehevo of the destruction of Troy.
In the afternoon, when she condescended to walk in the
garden, the lake was covered with Tritons and Nereids ; the
pages of the family were converted into Wood-nymphs who
peeped from every bower ; and the footmen gamboled over
the lawns in tlie figure of Satyrs." ^
Queen Elizabeth's reign was characterized by an artificial
stateliness in dress, manners, language and religion. In
pageants and festivals social life ran liigh, while in forms and
ceremonials religious life ran low. In literature there was
also a corresponding sensuousness. The Italian language was
fashionable at court, and was studied and affected by all who
made any pretensions to refinement. So fashionable did this
rage for modern Italian become, " that it almost rivalled the
classical mania of the day." Fresh novels from Italy were
sold in every shop. *^So popular were the writers of this
fascinating country that the English language was absolutely
inundated with versions of the Italian poets and novelists." ^
Concerning this Ascham complains when he says: " These be
the enchantmentes of Circe brought out of Italic, to marre
mens maners in Englande ; much by example of ill life, but
' History of English Poetry, III., 493. London, 1781.
2 Drake's Shakespeare and Ma Times, I., 451. London, 1817.
1581.] l^EW-FAKGLED ENGLISH. 255
more by precepts of fond books, of late translated out of
Italian into Eiiglishe, sold in every shop in London ; com-
mended by honest titles, the soner to corrupt honest
maners." ^
With all this ef9.orescence of display and affectation of man-
ners there was a corresponding fashion of speech. John
Lyly, the author of the Anatomy of Wit,^ set the fashionable
world in a blaze with his new-fangled Enghsh. "All our
ladies." says Blount, ^^were then his scollers; and that beau tie
in court who could not parley Euphuesme, was as little re-
garded as shee w^hich now there speakes not Erench." ^ And
as it not uufrequently happens, these scollers outwitted the
wit of their teacher, changing what in him was fanciful into
the fantastical. They played with words for the sake of wit
and brilliancy. A fair estimate of Lyly and his new English
is that he was a man of much reading, good memory, and
ready wit; but ran into an excess of alliteration, antithesis,
tropes, and rhetorical flourishes, playing upon words, and
indulging in the use of high-sounding words for the sake of
the sound, which altogether constituted a style not only arti-
ficial, but sentimental, affected, and stilted.
But while this pagan spirit of classic refinement and this
affectation of manners and speech appeared to permeate the body
politic, yet they were but a part of it, only as an ef9.orescence.
For underlying this gilt and glitter, there was a substratum
of earnestness, soberness, and honest common sense, which
formed a grand subsoil for Gospel seed sown by the hands of
Eeformed husbandmen. The age of Elizabeth may be justly
chargeable with folly, yet it was not destitute of wisdom. It
was an age of hope and enterprise ; an age that gave to the
world great men, especially in literature. True, it was an age
of contradictions, as was also the character of its queen ; so
that, while it gave a hearty welcome to the classic spirit of
paganism, it likewise gave a hearty w^elcome to the humble
' Roger Ascham's Works, p. 253. London, N. D. (1761).
2 Or Romance of Enphues, which appeared in 1578-9.
3 Drake's Shakespeare and his Times, I., 443.
256 THE GENEYAN BIBLE. [CHAP. YII.
spirit of the Gospel. The Genevan Bible, together with pre-
vious English versions, was the teacher of this age both in
language and religion. Yea, the commandments and precepts
of the Bible were not more in opposition to the affected man-
ners and free morals which prevailed, than was its plain Eng-
lish to the corrupted and fantastic speech then so prevalent.
The Genevan Bible was the book of the household when
such men as Bacon, Ealeigh, Herbert, Hooker, Spenser, Sidney,
and Shakespeare were growing into manhood. Through its
general use this Bible became not only the standard of the
language, but a powerful influence in withstanding the public
taste, furnishing, as it did, a noble example in word and j^hrase
of pure English. While, therefore, there was no little conflict
of opinion as to the best usage, there was a growing taste for
language unaffected by Euphuisms and unadorned by foreign
words. This prevailing pedantry was thoroughly ridiculed
by Sir Philip Sydney in his character of Master Rombus,' and
by Shakespeare in his Holofernes, whom he makes to draw
out "the thread of his verbosity finer than the staple of his
argument." 2 Besides there was a growing confidence in the
permanence of the English language. Hooker's Ecclesiastical
Polity, together with a few other works, says Hallam, " would
have been thought to require a leainied dress in any other
country." ^ In praise of the English language at this period.
Dr. Samuel Johnson says : " If the language of theology were
extracted from Hooker and the Translation of the Bible; the
terms of natural knowledge from Bacon ; the phrases of
policy, war, and navigation from Ealegh ; the dialect of
poetry and fiction from Spencer and Sidney ; and the diction
of common life from Shakspeare, few ideas would be lost to
mankind for want of English words in which they might be
expressed." * Sir Philip Sidney showed his appreciation of the
^ Miscellaneous Works. Lady of May. A Masque, pp. 268-276.
Boston, 1860.
^ Love's Labour Lost, Act IV., Scene II. Also, V., I.
2 Introduction to Lit. of Europe, II., 55. Xew York, 1874.
* English Diet., Preface, I., xix. Loudon, 1818.
1560.] OBSOLETE WORDS. 257
English language when he declared that for " uttering sweetly
and properly the conceit of the mind, which is the end of
speech, that hath it equally with any other tongue in the
world, and is particularly happy in compositions of two or
three words together, near the Greek, far beyond the Latin ;
which is one of the greatest beauties can be in a language." ^
However great may have been the literary influence of the
Bible, its social and religious power was still greater. ^^The
whole temper of the nation was changed. A new conception
of life and of man superseded the old."^ And this was the
Christian conception of social equality based upon the father-
hood of God and brotherhood of man. A conception, most
antagonistic to social distinctions that, in the age of Queen
Elizabeth, and in every age, are so flattering to human nature,
which though once denounced as narrow and Puritan, is now
regarded as broad and Christian.
And now that over three hundred years have passed, in
opening the Genevan Bible we find its language rich and
simple, and will be surprised, perhaps, with the comparative
fewness of its antiquated and obsolete terms. The following
may be taken as examples of words obsolete either in form or
sense : cause, accusation ; chapman, merchant ; cratch, man-
ger ; crime, accusation ; diseasest, troublest ; fardels, goods,
or baggage ; frailes, clusters ; grennes, traps ; herherous, hos-
pitable ; iahes, dung-hill ; pight, pitched ; pill, make a gain
of ; plant, sole ; trade, path ; which may be found below in
their several connections.
I Sam. XXV. 18. Then Abigail made haste and toke two hundreth
cakes .... and an hundreth frailes of
raisins.
II Kings XIX. 24 . . . and with the plant of m.j feete haue I
dryed all the floods closed in.
' Miscellaneous Works. Defence of Poetry, p. 121.
2 Green's (J. R.) Short Hist, of the English People, p. 457. New York,
1877.
258 THE GEKEVAK BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
Ps. GXL. 5. . . . and set grennes for me.
Prov. XXII. 6. Teach a cliilde in the trade of his way.
Is. XXIII. 8. . . . whose merchants are princes, whose chap-
men (are) the nobles of the worlde.
Dan. II. 5. . . . ye shall be drawen in pieces, and your
houses shall be made a lakes.
Mark V. 35. . . . Thy daughter is dead ; why diseasest thou
the master any further ?
XV. 26. And the title of his cause was written aboue. The
King of the Jevves.
Luke II. 7. . . - . & wrapped him in swadling clothes, and
laid him in a cratch, because there was no rowme
for them in the Ynne.
Acts XXI. 15. And after those dayes we trussed vp our fardels, and
went vp to Jerusalem.
XXV. 18. Against whome when the accusers stode vp, they
brought no crime of suche things as I sup-
posed.
II Cor. XII. 17. Did I pill you by anie of them whome I sent vnto
you?
Heb. VIII. 2. . . . and of the true Tabernacle which the
Lord pight, and not man,
I Pet. IV. 9. Be ye herberous one to another, without grudging.
Other obsolete words may be found scattered through the
Old and New Testaments, yet their sparseness argues the
excellence of this yersion as to its language. And though
this Bible has served its age, yet it deserves still to be prized
as a storehouse of pure EngHsh.
The following, as specimens of the translation, are here
inserted from the first edition (1560), the title-page of which
reads : " The Bible And Holy Scriptures Conteyned In the
Olde and Newe Testament. Translated According to the
Ebrue and Greke, and conferred With the best translations in
diuerse languages. With Moste Profitable Annotations vpon
all the hard places, and other things of gi'eat importance as
may appeare in the Epistle to the Reader At Geneva,
Printed By Rouland Hall, M.D.LX."i
' From a copy in the Boston Public Library.
1560.] SPECIMENS OF THE TRANSLATION. 259
Matt. VI. 9. After this maner therefore pray ye. Our father which
art in heauen, halowed be thy Name.
10. Thy Kingdom e come, Thy wil be done euen in earth as
(it is) m heauen.
11. Giue vs this day our daily bread.
12. And forgiue vs our dettes, as we also forgiue our det-
ters.
13. And lead vs not into tentation, but deliuer vs from euil ;
for thine is the kingdome, and the power, and the
glorie for euer. Amen.
I. Cor. XIII. 1. Thogh I speake with the tongues of men and Angels,
and haue not loue, I am {as) sounding brasse, or a
tinkling cymbal.
2. And thogh I had the (gift) of prophecie, and knewe all
secretes and all knowledge, yea, if I had faith, so that
I colde remoue mountaines, and had not loue, I were
nothing.
3. And thogh I fede the poore with all my goods, and thogh
I giue my bodie, that I be burned, and haue not loue,
it profiteth me nothing.
4. Loue suffreth long ; it is bountiful ; loue enuith not ; loue
doeth not boast it self; it is not puffed vp ;
5. It disdaineth not ; it seketh not her own things ; it is not
prouoked to anger ; it thinketh not euil ;
6. It reioyceth not in iniquitie, but reioyceth in the trueth :
7. It suffreth all things ; it beleueth all things ; it hopeth
all things ; it endureth all things.
8. Loue doeth neuer fall away, thogh that prophecynge be
abolished, or the tongues cease, or knowledge vanish
away.
9. For we knowe in parte, and we prophecie in parte.
10. But when that which is perfite, is come, then that which
is in parte, shalbe abolished.
11. When I was a childe, I spake as a childe, 1 vnderstode
as a childe, I thoght as a childe ; but when I became
a man, I put away childish things.
12. For now we se through a glasse darkely ; but then {shal
we se) face to face. Now I knowe in parte ; but then
shal I knowe euen as I am knowen.
13. And now abideth faith, hope & loue, (euen) these thre ;
but the chiefest of these (is) love.
In 1576, Lawrence Tomson published his revision of the
New Testament. On account of the hi2:h esteem in which
260 THE GENEYAiq^ BIBLE. [CHAP. VII.
this translation was held, it was often substituted in the Gene-
van Bible for the New Testament version of 1560. Tomson
was a noted linguist, commanding as he did a knowledge of
twelve languages. He was not more celebrated for his erudi-
tion than for his worth of character. The title-page of his
New Testament printed in 1595 in connection with the Gene-
van Old Testament, reads: "The Newe Testament of ovr
Lord lesvs Christ, Translated ovt of Greeke by Theod. Beza.
Wherevnto are adioyned briefe svmmaries of Doctrine
And also Short ExjDositions on the Phrases and Hard Places.
... Englished by L. Tomson. Imprinted at London, by the
Deputies of Christopher Barker Anno 1595. Cum priui-
legior This version differs but little from that of 1560, though
it claims to be founded upon the Greek Testament of Beza.
As a translation it has one marked peculiarity, that of render-
ing the article as a demonstrative pronoun. To illustrate this
a few verses are here given from the first chapter of the Gos-
pel of John :
John I. 1. In the beginning was that Word, and that Word was with
God, and that Word was God.
4. . . . and that life was the light of men.
5. And that light shineth in the darknesse.
14. And that Word was made flesh, and dwelt among vs.
20. . . . and said plainly, I am not that Christ.
21. . . . Art thou that Prophet? And he answered, No.
This is followed by the A. V., though the margin reads:
a Prophet.
29. . . . Beholde that Lambe of God.
32. . . .1 beheld that Spirite come downe from heauen.
41. . . . We haue found that Messias which is by inter-
pretation that Christ.
45. . . . Jesus that sonue of Joseph, that was of Nazareth.
49. . . . thou art that Sonne of God ; thou art that King
of Israel.
51. . . . and the Angels of God ascending, and descend-
ing, vpon thM Sonne of man.
This peculiarity runs through the whole New Testament.
A remarkable example is that of I. John v. 12. " He that hath
157G.] ENLAKGEMEXT Oi^" THE ENGLISH VOCABULARY. 261
that Sonne, hath that life and he that hath not that Sonne of
God, hath not that hfe." The eflFect in many instances is harsh,
but the peculiarity does not mar the version from its fre-
quency, as the examples above might seem to indicate, since
pages may be read without meeting with a single instance.
The Eheims version has enjoyed a preeminence in resj)ect
to its supposed influence in the enlargement of the English
vocabulary. An extended comparison, however, will show
that it must share the credit of such influence with other ver-
sions, and especially with this version of Lawrence Tomson.
Such words as adjure, admo7iish, hlasphenuth, discerned, hymn,
2)arable, ransom, reprobate, and revelation, have been credited
as peculiar to the Eheims, but they all appear in this version,
also in others much earlier, as the following references will
show :
Matt. IX. 3. . . . This man hlasjjhemeth. This word is found
also in Wycliffe, 1380, Tyndale's N. T., 1534, Great
Bible, 1539, and Genevan N. T., 1557.
XIII. 31. Another parable he put fo n-th vnto them. This word is
common also to Wycliffe and Tyndale. It is found
likewise in the Great Bible, 1539, and the Genevan
N. T., 1557.
Acts. XIX. 13. . . , We adi'ure you by Jesus, whom Paul
preacheth. This word is found also in the New
Testament versions of Tyndale, Great Bible, and
of Geneva, 1557.
Rom. I. 28. . . . God deliuered them vp vnto a reprobate
minde. This word seems to have been adopted
first by this version, which was followed by the
Rheims and Authorized versions.
XV. 14. . . . and are able to admonish one another. This
word is found also in the Genevan N. T., 1560.
Tyndale, 1534, and Whittingham, 1557, read : ex-
horte.
L Cor. II. 14. . . . because they are spiritually discerned. This
word is found likewise in Coverdale's Bible, 1535,
and in the Genevan N. T., 1557 ; while the Rheims
N. T., 1583, reads : spiritually examined, after Tyn-
dale. The word is found, however, in the Rheims
N. T., chapter xi. 29 ; but after the version of 1576.
262 THE GEKEVAN" BIBLE. [CHAP. YII.
1. Cor. XIV. 6. . . . except I speake to you, eitlier by reuelation,
or by knowledge. This word is found in all pre-
vious versions.
Eph. V. 19. Speaking vnto your selves in psalmes, and hymnes, and
spirituall songs. Special credit has been given to
the Rheims version for its agency in introducing
this word. But it is common to all previous Eng-
lish versions. The Vulgate has hymnis, and the
Greek has liumnois.
I. Tim. II. 6. Who gaue himselfe a ransome for all men. This word
is found also in Tyndale, 1525, and 1534; Great
Bible, 1539 ; and the Genevan N. T., 1557. The
Rheims version reads, in loco : redemption.
It will be remembered in this connection that Tomson's
revision and the Rheims translation were published within a
half dozen years of each other ; so that while the above words
are found in previous translations, yet because they enter more
generally into the common speech of this age, they occur
much more frequently in these than in earlier English versions.
For the sake of comparison the following excerpts from
Tomson's version are here transcribed :
Matt. VI. 9. After this maner therefore pray ye. Our father which
art in heauen, halowed be thy name.
10. Thy kingdome come. Thy will bee done euen in
earth, as it is in heauen.
11. Giue vs this day our dayly bread.
13. And forgiue vs our dettes, as wee also forgiue our
detters.
13. And leade vs not into temptation, but deliuer vs from
euill : for thine is the kingdome, and the power,
and the glory for euer. Amen.
I. Cor. XIII. 1. Though I speake with the tongues of men and Angels,
and haue not loue, I am as sounding brasse, or a
tinkling cymbal.
3. And though I had tlie gift of prophesie, and knew all
secrets and all knowledge, yea, if I had all faith,
so that I could remooue mountaines, and had not
loue, I were nothing.
3. And though I feede the poore with all my goods, and
though I giue my body, that I be burned, and haue
not loue, it profiteth me nothing.
1576.] SPECIMENS OF TOMSOi^'S VEKSIOJT. 263
4. Loue suffereth long ; it is bountifull ; loue enuietli
not ; loue doth not boast it selfe ; it is not puffed
vp:
5. It doth no vncomely thing ; it seeketh not her owne
things ; it is not prouoked to anger ; it thinketh no
euill :
6. It reioyceth not in iniquitie, but reioyceth in the
trueth ;
7. It suflFreth all things ; it beleeueth all things ; it
hopeth all things ; it endureth all things.
8. Loue doth neuer fall away, though that prophesyings
be abolished, or the tongues cease, or knowledge
vanish away.
9. For we know in part, and we prophesie in part.
10. But when that which is perfect, is come, then that
which is in part, shalbe abolished.
11. When I was a childe, I spake as a childe, I vnderstood
as a childe, I thought as a childe ; but when I
became a man, I put away childish things.
12. For now we see thorow a glasse darkely ; but then
shall we see face to face. Now I know in part ; but
then shall I know euen as I am knowen.
13. And now abideth faith, hope, and loue, euen these
three ; but the chiefest of these is loue.
The annotations to this version in the Gospels and Acts of
the Apostles, are for the most part confined to the margins,
but in the Epistles, particularly to the Eomans and Corin-
thians, they are quite voluminous, frequently taking up
more than half the page, and are in very small type. Mr.
Tomson's design was, that every dark sentence and doubtful
word "should be made so plain that all might go through
with it without wandering or going astray."' As seen from
the title-page, he lays no claim to originality, but distinctly
asserts that the expositions are taken out of the large annota-
tions of Beza and others. These notes are found in all the
books excepting that of Eevelation, concerning which he
says: "I haue not thought good to put forth any such thing
vpon the Reuelation as I haue upon the other books.'^ But
in the edition of 1595, there is added to the book of Revela-
tion, " A briefe and learned Commentarie, Written by Franc.
264 THE GEi^-EVA^ BIBLE. [CHAP. YII.
Junius, &c." This translation of 1576 with its annotations was
so acceptable, that it was printed and bound up with the Old
Testament of the Genevan Bible, and published in Edinburgh
by Andrew Hart, 1610. These Bibles were held in such
esteem that it was considered a recommendation years after-
vvards, that an edition of the Bible should be conformed to
that printed by Andrew Hart.
The Genevan Bible, whether made up of the New Testa-
ment of 1560, 1557, or that of 1576, met with unbounded
popularity ; and on this very account was opposed by the
bishops of the Church of England. The translation was
admired by some of them, on account of its scholarship, but
denounced by others as coming from Geneva. Objections
were made to the preface, that it touched too severely upon
ceremonies retained in the English Church service. Serious
objections were raised against the marginal notes, some of
which were thought to affect the Queen's prerogative, by
allowing the subject under certain circumstances to resist
rulers. One of these objectionable notes is upon II. Chron.
XV. 16. And King Asa deposed Maachah 7iis mother from
her regencie, because she had made an idole in a groue ; and
Asa brake downe her idole, and stamped it, and burnt it at
the brooke Kidron. The objectionable comment upon this
reads : " And herein he shewed that he lacked zeale ; for she
ought to haue dyed both by the couenant, as vers 13, and by
the Law of God ; but he gaue place to foolish pitie, and
would also seeme after a sort to satisfie the Lawe." Another
exceptionable note was that on Exodas xix. 24. The com-
rnent on which passage reads: "Neither dignitie nor
multitude haue auctoritie to passe the bounds, that Gods
worde prescribeth." Besides the bishops urged that it was a
foreign book, in that it was neither translated or printed in
England. The Eoman Catholics were especially bitter in their
opposition. One John Hamilton, a secular priest and a
political intriguer, attacked the Genevan Bible soon after its
first appearance. He impugned both the translation and the
1611.] THE GENEVAN AXD AUTHORIZED YERSIOXS. 265
notes, whenever they failed to support Romish traditions con-
cerning purgatory, the holy yirgin, prayers for the dead, and
Christ's "pretious bodie and bluid." His solemn warning
was: " Therefore, I beseek you, dissaivet people, to burn your
corrupt Scot's Bibles in the fire, that your sauls be not tor-
mentit with the intolerable pains of the fires of hell." ^ But
the shrewdest and most scholarly attack was made by Gregory
Martin, who was a thorough linguist, and the first among the
translators of the Rheims yersion. His attack was against
English translations in general, and the Genevan version in
particular. The main charge, reiterated again and again, was
that Protestant translations wilfully and intentionally cor-
rupted the Holy Scriptures; that such "foule dealing," and
such *'partiall and false translations" were made on purpose
to further heretical opinions.^ These charges were ably con-
futed by William Fulke, Master of Pembroke Hall, Cam-
bridge. Fulke's defense has not only outlived the charges,
but by its vitality has kept them in existence.^
But the quiet move of the bishops, in which Archbishop
Parker led the way, to put forth a new version, was designed
to be the most effectual blow against the Genevan Bible.
But in fact it proved the least hurtful. The publication of
the Bishops' Bible, however, constitutes an epoch in the
history of English versions, and will be treated of in the next
chapter. While, therefore, the Genevan Bible survived all
opposition for more than three-quarters of a century, yet at
last it was superseded by the Authorized version. And this
was by reason of the fact that the Genevan Bible bequeathed
its excellencies to the Authorized version. So that, notwith-
standing, it still lives in its influence and makes the Au-
thorized version what it is now and what it has been for two
and a half centuries, the accepted Bible of all English speaking
people.
^ Eadie's History of the English Bible, II., 56. London, 1876.
2 Fulke's Defense of English Translations, pp. 1-24. London, 1617.
2 Hid. In which the charges are set down as v.-ell as the answers.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. A.D. 1568.
THE reign of Queen Elizabeth was a transitional period.
In ecclesiastical affairs nothing was settled. Tlie short
reign of Edward VI. gave an impetus to Protestant principles
which bade fair to decide the question of supremacy between
the Old and New learning. A serious check, however, was
given to this progress by the short but fierce reign of Queen
Mary. But now the friends of the Eeformation look upon
the accession of Elizabeth with joy and heartfelt relief. Pro-
testantism, just returned from exile, is stronger in its convic-
tions and broader in its designs. Abroad it came in contact
with men and ideas, and by such contact gained in self-respect;
while at home it had been tried in the fire and thereby purified
and made stronger.
At the first the reformers were over confident in respect to
the friendship of Elizabeth. They attempted radical changes,
such as '^to set up King Edward's Service-, to pull down
Images, and to affront the Priests. "^ But in this they met
with an effectual check from the queen, who, though slow in
developing her policy, soon made it evident that not even the
English Church, much less the Grenevan Party, had anything
to expect from her by way of partial favors. Passing between
the extremes of Edward and Mary, she followed the eccle-
siastical policy of her royal father, thinking by a middle course
to reconcile opposing parties. She insisted, however, that there
should be no persecution for opinion's sake, that the consciences
of all should be respected. The two great ideals of Queen
' Burnet's History of the Eeformation in England, II., B. III., p. 378.
London, 1683.
1559.] ELIZABETH FAVORED THE ROMISH CHURCH. 267
Elizabeth were, order in the State and uniformity in the
Church. And the latter, contrary to her boasted respect for
the individual's conscience, was to be enforced for the sake of
the former. During the reign of Henry VIII., the Church
was made the child of the State, and political considerations
ruled in ecclesiastical affairs. So under Queen Elizabeth,
though she refused spiritual supremacy in form and title, ^ yet
held bishops and deans subject to her royal will. She berated
them to their faces,^ and in writing to them threatened to
unfrock them if they did not comply with her requests.^
Dead to religious convictions, serious controversies in religion
had no interest to her. *'She was a child of the Italian
Renascence," says G-reen, '^rather than of the New Learning
of Colet and Erasmus ; and her attitude towards the enthu-
siasm of her time, was that of Lorenzo de Medici towards
Savonarola."*
The Eeformation in England might have been thorough and
evangelical had it not been for Queen Elizabeth. There was,
on the part of the leaders of the evangelical party, the requi-
site spirituality, learning, and ability to have accomplished a
grand work, especially since the people, weary of the Marian
persecution, were so well j^repared for it. But Elizabeth
ig*nored the power of the Gospel, and having a decided distaste
to Puritan simplicity, determined to hold to a part at least of
the pomp and magnificence of the Eomish Church. Her
1 Burnet's History of the Reformation in England, III., B. YI,, p. 274.
"The Queen," says Jewel, "did very Solemnly refuse to be called the
Head of the Church. She thought that Title was only due to Christ."
2 " ' Leave that alone,' she shouted to Dean Nowell from the royal
closet, as he denounced the use of images ; ' stick to your text, Master
Dean ; leave that alone.' " As cited in Green's Short History of the Eng-
lish People, p. 384. New York, 1877.
2 "Proud prelate," she wrote, "you know what you were before I
made you what you are ! If you do not immediately comply with my
request 1 will unfrock you." Cited as above, p. 383, with the shock-
ing oath here omitted,
< Ibid, p. 381.
268 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
Opinion was that images were not contrary to the word of God,
and that the use of them in the churches " might be a means
to stir up Devotion, and that at least, it would draw all People
to frequent them the more ; for the great measure of her
Councils was, to unite the whole Nation unto one way of
Eeligion." ^ And for the sake of established order, she deter-
mined upon a compromise in things indifferent, to which both
Papists and Protestants must submit. Elizabeth held to the
vain hope that the time would come when Catholic and An-
glican '^ could come together on some moderate common
ground." 2 But this forced unity only begot diversity, and
this constrained order only brought forth discord. So that
from the beginning the establishment of Elizabeth pleased
neither of the parties. "To the ultra Protestants it was no
better than Eomanism ; to the Catholics or partial Catholics
it was in schism from the Communion of Christendom ; while
the great middle party, the common sense of the country of
whom Elizabeth was the representative, were uneasy and dis-
satisfied." ^
Ecclesiastical partyism was rife in the time of Elizabeth.
The Catholics, though under ban, experienced a secret but
powerful revival. Priests disguised in " serving-men's apparel "
swarmed in the North. And in other parts of England, though
not permitted to preach, they administered mass in private
chapels and reopened the iniquities of ^^the spiritual courts."
They maintained "the Pope's authority," and revived the
ancient usages of " commuting penances for money, compound-
ing for moral enormities, and grinding the widow and the
orphan by their fees and extortions."^ While popery, thus
revived, maintained its unit}^. Protestantism was divided, and
yet strong notwithstanding its divisions. Non-conformists
grew vigorous by conflict. The Puritan was a sturdy defender
of his bald and radical princij^lco; and had it not been for
^ Burnet's History of tlie Reformation, II., B. III., p. 397. London,
1863.
2 Fronde's History of England, IX, 838. New York, 1839.
3 lUd, p. 172. 4 Ibid, X., 111.
1559.] THE EVANGELICAL SPIRIT PREVAILED. 269
his deep convictions and fierce energy, the Enghsh Church
party would have been swallowed up by Catholic fanaticism.
In the meantime the Presbyterians became a distinct party,
setting up a new ecclesiastical polity with its corresponding
discipline. They became, as it were, a wheel within a wheel ;
all of w^hich gave no little offense to the State establishment.
But in the midst of this party strife there existed a pure
evangelical spirit among bishops and clergy, and likewise
among the people. To those who had the interests of a pure
Gospel at heart, the times were at least hopeful. Bishop
Jewel, in his letters at the close of the year 1559, wrote : " The
People were much better disposed to the Gospel, than it was
apprehended they could be." At the same time he expressed
his fears : " That tho' Things were begun well, they would not
end so well." ^ Again he wrote : " We hope our Bishops shall
be Pastors, Labourers, and Watchmen,. . . .That so being de-
livered from that King-like Pomp, .... may have more Leisure
to take care of Christ's Flock with due Attention." ^ Ee-
ferring to the exciting debates springing up at that time re-
specting vestments, which he calls the " Habit of the Stage,"
he expresses a wish that it may be very soon done away with.
Again he writes : " That the Doctrine was everywhere purely
preached"; though in many places there was "too much
Folly concerning Ceremonies and Masks. The Crucifix con-
tinued still in the Queen's Chapel. They all spake freely
against it, but till then without effect." ^ He was told "that
it was resolved on to have Crucifixes, of Silver or Tin, set up
in all Churches ; and that such as would not obey this, would
be turned out of their Bishoprics. If that was true, he would
be no longer a Bishop." ^ In the early part of the year 1560
he again wrote : " That a Change appeared now more visably
among the People. Nothing promoted it, more than the
Inviting the People to Sing Psalms. That was begun in one
1 Burnet's History of the Eeformation, III., P. Ill, B. VI., p. 288.
London, 1683.
« IMd, p. 289. « Md, p. 289, * Ibid, p. 290.
270 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. YIII.
Churcli in London, and did quickly spread itself not only
thro' the City, but in the Neighbouring Places ; Sometimes
at Paul's Cross there will be 6000 People Singing together.
This Avas yery grievous to the Papists." ^
In morals and manners the age of Elizabeth is justly
characterized by the extremes of a refined barbarism, and an
overwrought civilization. Education was confined to the
few ; and too often it assumed the form of affectation or
pedantry. Magnificence in action, speech and dress, ruled
from the queen and cortier, down to the page and most menial
servant. Silk, satin and velvet, gaudy in color, and enriched
with gold, adorned both gentlemen and ladies. Servants in
swords and bucklers, assumed the dignity of gentlemen. It
was the artificial that was esteemed. Stateliness in form and
appearance was everything. Extravagance was the rule and
pride the ruler. The coarse in word and deed, by the au-
thority of the refined, was made respectable. Language w^as
racked for refined and far-fetched oaths, which in the mouths
of both sexes, were considered elegant. But this mask was
sometimes dropped, even by the queen, w^hen "she rated
great nobles as if they were school-boys ; . . . she would break,
now and then, into the gravest deliberations, to swear at her
ministers like a fish wife."^ Bear-bating was among their
fashionable amusements ; and the Sabbath was chosen as the
fittest time for such exhibitions, to which crowds flocked to
witness the savage scene. Fuller refers to a spectacle of
this kind, ** where multitudes w^re gathered, when
the scafiblding gave way, killing eight persons outright and
bruising many others." Besides, it was considered a proper
diversion for royal personages, even of the softer sex. "In
the year 1554, while the princess Elizabeth resided at Hat-
field-house, in Hertfordshire, under the custody of Sir
Thomas Pope, she was visited by queen Mary. The next
' Burnet's History of the 'Reformation, p. 290.
2 Green's Short Hist, of the Eng. People, p. 376. New York, 1877.
1526-68.] SABBATH OBSERVAKCE. 271
morning, after mass, they were entertained with a grand
exhibition of bear-bating, tvWi which their highnesses luere
right well content.'''^ Besides bear-bating, " frayes and
fights" between sword and buckler men were of common
occurrence on Sundays and holidays. These quarrels were
by appointment as well as by chance. " Sometimes, twenty,
thirty and forty swords and bucklers, halfe against halfe,"
would be engaged ; and although " they made great shew of
much furie, and fought often, yet seldome any man was
hurt In the winter season all the high streets were much
annoyed and troubled with hourly frayes."^ These *^ brag-
ging fights " were common " untill the 20th year of Queen
Elizabeth." ^
For the most part the manners of Ehzabeth's court were
adopted by that of James I. Yet in many particulars there
was an advance in public sentiment towards the close of
her reign as to the character of the amusements and the
time for indulging in them. The reform in Sabbath ob-
servance was most remarkable. " The Lords Day, especially
in Corporations began to be precisely kept, people becoming a
Law to themselves, forbearing such sports, as yet by statute
permitted. .... On this daij the stoutest fencer laid down the
huchler, the most skillful Archer uyibent his how ; . . . . some of
them were ashamed of their former pleasures, like children,
which grown bigger, Mushing themselves out of their rattles
and ivhistles. Others forbear them for fear of their Superiors,
and many left them off out of a Politick Comphance, least
otherwise they should be accounted licentious."^ Public
opinion, however, was much at variance upon the question of
Sabbath obseiwance, some embracing it as an ancient truth in
accordance Avith Scripture and vital piety, while others
straitly opposed it '^ as galling men's nechs with a Jewish yoak,
^ Warton's History of English Poetry, II., 391. London, 1778.
2 Johnson and Steevens'>S'/mA-e.spear6', IX., ^io/e, p.. 122. London, 1793.
3 lUd, p. 123.
* Fuller's Church History of Britain, B. IX., p. 227. London, 1655.
272 THE BISHOPS* BIBLE. [CHAP. Till.
against tlie liberty of Christians^' ^ About the year 1595 an
able defense of the Christian Sabbath was put forth by Dr.
Bound, who maintained that the commandment as found in
the Decalogue was a moral commandment, and therefore
perpetually binding.^
The progress of this and of other moral reforms during the
time of Elizabeth, are traceable directly to the influence of
the English Bible. Since 1526 the New Testament has been
scattered broadcast amoug the people. And since 1535 and
1537, there has been no lack of the Holy Scriptures in the
mother tongue. To the praise of Queen Elizabeth be it said,
that during her reign the people were free to print, circulate
and read the Bible as their consciences dictated. There was
an edition of Cranmer's Bible, 1540, published during this
reign, but the Genevan Bible was in the greatest demand.
Numerous editions of the New Testament of the Genevan
version, also of Tyndale's translation, were printed and put
into circulation. In all this the people were satisfied, but the
bishops were ill at ease. Very soon after the accession of
Elizabeth they set themselves about the publishing a new
version of the Bible. The result of this undertaking was the
Bishops' Bible of 1568.
Matthew Parker, bishop of Canterbury, was the leader
in this enterprise. Among his reasons for setting- forth
a new version was, that ''the copies of the former Trans-
lation were so wasted that very many churches wanted
Bibles." ' Another reason was that these Bibles were very
faultily printed.''' He might have added still another to
the effect that he hoped by putting forth a new version, to
supersede the Genevan Bible, which was becoming more and
more popular with the people, and whicli was most distasteful
to the archbishop on account of its being the representative
1 Fuller's Church History of Britain, B. IX., p. 228. » jud^ p. 227.
3 Lewis' History of Eng. Translations of the Bible, p. 2.
4 Ibid, p. 236.
1563-68.] EULES FOR THE EEYISIOi?-. 273
of Puritanism and Nonconformity. Though the archbishop
was a scholar, a hberal patron of learning, and a man of un-
questioned piety, yet he was so thoroughly attached to the
queen's policy of reducing the under clergy to one way of
thinking and acting, that he had little sympathy with any
thing that stood in the way of conformity to the new ec-
clesiastical regulations.
Parker's plan for revising the Bible was the same as that
attempted by Archbishop Cranmer, in which Parker was more
successful, since the clergy are now in sympathy with the
English Scriptures, as they were not in Cranmer's time. The
initials of the several bishops to whom the different portions
or books were allotted, were printed at the close of the dis-
tinctive portions assigned to each of them. These differ
somewhat, and yet they agree substantially with the list in-
closed in the archbishop's letter to Secretary Cecil, dated
October 5, 1568. Besides these a Mr. Lawrence is often quoted
as having to do with the revision of the ISTew Testament of
this Bible. He was an eminent Greek scholar, and doubtless
was often consulted. Lawrence's strictures were upon the
New Testament translation of the Great Bible. These be
presented to the archbishop.^ Many of his emendations
were adopted in the second edition of the Bishops' Bible,
published in 1572. Westcott places Lawrence among the
New Testament revisers. "An examination," he says, "of
a difficult passage of an Epistle will prove that the reviser
who corrected it was not deficient in originality and vig-
orous scholarship. "2 In Parker's letter to Cecil, which con-
tained the hst of revisers, there were inclosed also the
rules or directions to be followed by them, which were as
follows :
" First, to follow the common English translation used in the churches,
and not to recede from it, but where it varieth manifestly from the
Hebrew or Greek original."
» Townley's BlUical Literature, III., 180 London, 1821.
2 VVestcott's History of the Eng. Bible, p. 243.
274 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
' Item — To use sections and divisions in the text as Pagnine in liis trans-
lation useth, and for the verity of the Hebrew to follow the
said Pagnine and Miinster specially, and generally others
learned in the tongues."
" Item — To make no bitter notes upon any text, or yet to set down any
determination in places of controversy."
"Item — To note such chapters and places as contain matter of genealo-
gies, or other such places, not edifying with som^e strike or
note, that the reader may eschew tliem in his public reading."
" Item — That all such words as sound in the old translation, to any
offence of lightness or obscenity, be expressed with more
convenient terms and phrases." ^
In this work the Archbishop had the sympathy and co-opera-
tion of his bishops. Sandys wrote : " Your Grace should much
benefit the Church, in hastening forward the Bible which you
have in hand ; those that we have be not only false printed
but also give great offence to many by reason of the depravity
in reading." Again he says: *^ According to your Grace's let-
ter of instruction I have perused the book you sent me and
with good diligence; having also in conference with some
other considered of the same, in such sort, I trust, as your Grace
will not mislike of. In mine opinion your Grace shall do
well to make the whole Bible to be diligently surveyed by some
well learned before it be put to print." ^ In May, 1566, Bishop
Cox wrote : " I trust your Grace is well forward with the Bible
by this time. I perceive the greatest burden will lie upon your
neck, touching care and travail. I would wish that such usual
words as we English people be acquainted with might still
remain in their form and sound, so far forth as the Hebrew
will well bear ; ink-horn terms to be avoided. The translation
of the verbs in the Psalms to be used uniformly in one tense." ^
Letters written by the other bishops were in the same spirit
They promised to use diligence in revising the parts assigned
to them. In November, 1566, Parker intimated his design to
Cecil. He wrote : "I have distributed the Bible to divers
men. I am desirous, if you cnuld spare so much leisure either
' Parker's Gorre^^'pondence. p. 336. As cited by Eadie's Hint. Bible, II., 70.
s Westcott's Hut. Eng. Bihle, p. 100. ^ lUd, p. 101.
1568.] THE " GRACIOUS FAVOUR " i^OT GRAITTED. 275
in morning or eyening, we had one Epistle of St. Paul, St.
Peter, or St. James perused by you, that ye may be one of the
builders of this good work in Christ's Church." ^
So far as Archbishop Parker was the prime mover in this
work, the Bible is rightly designated as " Parker's Bible."
Sometimes it is called " Queen Elizabeth's Bible," not from any
part taken by her in furthering the enterprise, but simply on
account of its being the only newly revised edition of the Bible
done in England and issued during her reign. But the most
significant name is that of " Bishops' Bible," so called from the
active co-operation of the bishops in the work of revision.
The work was begun in 1563-4, and was not completed till
1568. In presenting a bound copy to the queen, the arch-
bishop wrote to Secretary Cecil, that his purpose was to offer
the same in person, but ill health preventing, he begged the
secretary to present the copy with his letter, in which he
wrote : " Pleaseth it your highness to accept in good part
the endeavour and diUgence of some of us your chaplains, my
brethren the bishops, with other certain learned men, in this
new edition of the Bible. I trust by comparison of divers
translations put forth in your realm, will appear as well the
workmanship of the printer, as the circumspection of all such
as have travailed in the recognition." ^ He calls attention to
the fewness of the changes, also to the general faithfulness in
the work of revision, and beseeches the queen that it may have
her " gracious favour, licence and protection." ^ In the same
letter to Cecil he urges him to see "that this edition might be
licensed and only commended in public reading in churches,
to draw to one uniformity, it were no great cost to the most
parishes, and a relief to him for his great charges sustained." ^
The queen did not accede to the request of the archbishop.
She gave no sort of sanction or license for the special issue of
the Bishops' Bible. John Bodleigh had received a special
license for printing the Genevan Bible, but such "gracious
1 Eadie's Hist Eng. Bible, II., 70. ^ Eadie's Eng. Bible, II., 73, 74.
^ In the sense of revision. ^ Ihid, p. 74.
376 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
favour" was refused Archbishop Parker. " Not till 1577 was
an edition printed ' set forth by authoritie ' — that is, not royal,
only episcopal authority." ^ This royal refusal is all the more
remarkable when we consider the motive of the archbishop in
putting forth a version of the Bible that should commend
itself as the one Bible to be exclusively used in the churches,
and thus to draw ^^to one uniformity," which was the cher-
ished idol of Queen Elizabeth.
The title-pages of this Bible are noticeable for their sim-
plicity. A copy of the edition of 1575, before me, wants the
title-page to the Old Testament, but has separate titles attached
to the books of Joshua, the Psalms, and the Apocrj^ha, as
well as to the New Testament. The title-page prefixed to the
book of Joshua consists of an engraved architectural device or
border, in the centre of which are the words : " The seconde
part of the Bible conteining these bookes following." The list
comprises the books from Joshua to Job, inclusive. At the
top of the page stands the date '^ 1575," and at the bottom the
words " God saue the Queen." The title-page to the Psalms
has the same engraved border, the words in the center of
which read: " The thirde parte of the Bible conteining these
Bookes." This list comprises all the books of the Bible from
the book of Psalms to that of Malachi, inclusive. The title
to the Apocrypha reads : " The volume of the bookes called
the Apocrypha, conteyning these bookes following." This list
comprises all the books from the third of Esdras to the second
of Maccabees, inclusive. The title to the New Testament has
the same border as to the design, with these words in the cen-
ter: "The newe Testament of our sauiour lesus Christe,
Rom. I. I am not ashamed of the Gospell of Christe, bycause
it is the power of God vnto saluation to all that beleeue."
The Bishops' Bible went forth without a dedication ; but it
contained the prologue of Archbishop Cranmer and a preface
by Archbishop Parker. In his preface Parker insists that
the command, Search the Scriptures, " applies to every man,
1 Eadie's Eng. Bilk, II., 78.
15G8.] BASED UPOif CRAXMER'S BIBLE. 277
woman, or child.*' And to rightly obey the command, "the
Scriptures must be read with an humble spirit .... (and) con-
tinual prayer"; also with "purity of life," and with "per-
petual perseverance." He also defends the Scriptures against
" hatred of either any Porphyrian Philosopher or Rhetorician ";
aud specially against the "envy of the Romanists," who say
"under subtil Pretences," that it is "a perilous matter to
translate the Text of the Holy Scripture, and therefore it cannot
be wel translated." 1 Remarking on his own version, he urges
not to be " offended with the diversitie of Transbtors, nor with
the ambiguity of Translations. Since of congruence, no Offence
can justly be taken for this new labour, nothing prejudicing
any other Man's Judgment by this doing ; nor yet hereby pro-
fessing this to be so absolute a Translation as that hereafter
might follow no other that might see that which as yet was not
understood." ^ He concludes with an exhortation : '^ Oft to call
upon the Holy Spirit of God, our Heavenly Father, by the
Mediation of our Lord and Saviour, with the words of the octo-
nary Psalm of David,^ .... and to pray to Almighty God with
that wise King Solomon in his very words Sapient, IX." ^
Cranmer's Bible, 1540, was chosen as the basis of this reyi-
sion. While it was the accepted version of the English Church,
yet it was so inferior to the Genevan Bible that it was unac-
ceptable to many who were prominent in the episcopal party.
Complaints were made even before the issue of the Genevan
Bible against Cranmer's version, although at the same time it
was admitted that as a version it was " nearer the Hebrew than
the translation usually ascribed to Jerome." ^ Parker's first
^ Preface, as cited by Lewis' Eist. Eng. Bible, p. 343.
5 Ihid, p. 245.
3 Psalm CXIX. Called the " octonary Psalm" from the fact that
each of its twenty-two paragraphs which correspond to the letters of the
Hebrew alphabet, is made up of eight verses. It is noticeable also that
the eight verses of each paragraph begin with the same Hebrew letter.
* Ecclesiastes, chap. ix.
5 The words of Bishop Hooper written in 1554, as cited by Eadie's
Eng. Bible, II., 6G.
278 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
rule for the guidance of the revisers was: "To follow the
common English translation used in the churches." This rule
was specially carried out in revising the Old Testament. The
following is inserted as an example in which the changes are
slight, confining themselves to words and phrases :
Gen, XLV. 1. Joseph could no longer refrayne before all the that stoode
by him, wherfore he cryed, Cause euery man to
auoyde. Cranmer's Bible reads ; hrynge furth all the
men fro me.
2. And he wept aloude, and the Egyptians, and the house
of Pharao liearde. Cranmer's Bible reads: so that
the Egyptians, and the house of Pharao heard it.
4. And Joseph sayde vnto his brethren, Come neare to me,
/ praye you. These words are not in Cranmer's
Bible, 1540.
5. Now therefore be not greened herewith, . . . for God dyd
sende me before you, to preserue life. Cranmer's
Bible has : therewith, and to saue life.
7. Wherfore God sent me before you, to preserue you a pos-
terltie in the earthe. Cranmer's Bible reads : to make
prouision that ye might continue in y^ earth.
8. So nowe it was not ye that sente me hyther, but God,
which hath made me a father to Pharao, and Lord of
all his house, Cranmer's Bible has : you, and unto.
10, And thou shalte dwell in the lande of Gosen, "and he a
neyghboure vnto me." Cranmer's Bible has : and be
hy me.
11. And there will I prouide thee sustenance. Cranmer's Bible
has : And there wyll I make prouision for thee.
13. Therefore tell my father of all my glory in Egypt. Cran-
mer's Bible has : honoure.
16. And the fame {therof) was heard in Pharaos' house.
Cranmer's Bible reads : And the tydynges came mito
Pharao's house,
17. . . . This doe yee, lade youre beastes, and
goe {and) retourne vnto the land of Chanaan. Cran-
mer's Bible reads : get you hence vnto the lande of
Canaan.
18. . . . and ye shall eate the fat of the lande,
Cranmer has : of the fat of the lande.
19. . . . 2''hus do yee. Cranmer has : tliis do yee.
1568.] SPECIMENS FRO^il THE OLD TESTAMENT. 279
20. Also " regard not your stuffe, for the good of the land of
Egypt is yours. Cranmer reads : all the land of
Egypte is yours.
23. . . . laden with come, and bread, and meate.
Cranmer has : corne, breade and meete.
24. So sente he his brethren away, and they departed ; and he
sayde vnto them, See that ye fall to no strife on the
way. Cranmer's Bible reads : So sente he his breth-
ren away, to departe ; . . . . fall not out by the waye.
The foUowiDg extracts are here inserted as specimens of the
translation of the Bishops' Bible, from a copy of the edition,
1575, which is a reprint of the second edition of 1572.
Gen. XXII. 1. After these sayings, God did tempt Abraham, and
sayde vnto him, Abraham ? Which aunswered,
Here I am.
2. And he sayd, Take thy sonne, thine only sonne Isahac,
whome thou louest, and get thee vnto the land
Moriah, and offer him there for a burnt offering,
vppon one of the mountaynes whiche I will shewe
thee,
3. Then Abraham rose vp early in the morning, and
sadled his Asse, and tooke two of his yong menne
with him, and Isahac hys sonne, and cloue wood for
the burnt offering, and rose vp, and got him to the
place, which God had appointed him.
4. The third day Abrahil lift x^ his eyes, and sawe the
place a farre of ;
5. And sayd vnto his yong men, Bide heere with the
Asse, I and the ladde will goe yonder and woor-
ship, and come agayne to you.
6. And Abraham tooke the wood of the burnt offering,
and layde it vppon Isahac hys sonne ; but he him-
selfe tooke fire in his hand, and a knife, and they
wente both of them togyther.
7. Then spake Isahac vnto Abraham hys father, and
sayde, My father. And he answered, Here am I,
my Sonne. He sayde, See, here is fire and wood ;
but where is the beast for burnt sacrifice ?
8. Abraham answered, ]My God ^vil prouide a beast for
burnt sacrifice ; and so they went both togyther.
280 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
9. And when they came to the place whyche God had
shewed him, Abraham builte an altare ther, and
dressed the wood, and bound Isahac his sonne,
and layde him on the altare aboae vpon the
wood.
10. And Abraham stretching foorthe hys hande, tooke the
knife to haue killed hys sonne,
11. And the Angell of the Lorde called vnto him from
heauen, saying, Abraham, Abraham. And he sayd,
Here {am) I.
12. And he sayde, Lay not thy hand vpon the childe, ney-
ther doe any thing vnto hym, for now I know that
thou fearest God, and hast for my sake not spared
{yea) tliyne only sonne.
13. And Abraham lifting vp his eyes, looked ; and beholde,
behinde {hym) there was a Ramme caught by the
homes in a thicket ; and Abraham wet and tooke
the Ramme, and offered him vp for a burnt offering
in the steede of his sonne.
14. And Abraham called the name of the place, The Lord
wil see. As it is sayde thys daye, In the Mount
will the Lorde be scene.
15. And the Angell of the Lorde cried vnto Abraham from
heauen the second tyme,
16. And sayde, By my selfe haue I sworne, sayth the Lorde,
by cause thou hast done this thing, and hast not
spared {yea) thine only sonne.
17. That in blessing, I will blesse thee, and in multiply-
ing, I will multiplye thy seede as the starres of
heauen, and as the sande whiche is vppon the sea
side, and thy seede shall possesse the gates of his
enimies.
18. And in thy ssede shall all the nations of the earth be
blessed, bycause thou hast heard my voyce.
19. So tourned Abraham againe vnto hys young men ; and
they rose vp, and went together to Beer-seba, and
Abraham dwelt at Beer-seba.
Psalm XXIIL 1. The Lorde is my sheepehearde ; therefore can T laeke
nothing.
2. He shall feed me in a greene pasture ; and load me
forth besides the waters of comfort.
3. Hee shall conuert my soule ; and bring mee foorth in
the pathes of righteousnessc, for hys names sake.
1568.] IMPOETAXT VERBAL CnAXGES. 281
4. Yea tliouglie I walke tli rough the valley of the shadow
of death, I will feare no euill ; for thou art with
me, thy rodde and tliy stafle comfort me.
5. Thou shalte prepare a Table before mee, agaynst tbem
that trouble mee ; thou hast annoynted my heade
with Oyle, and my cuppe shall be full.
6. But thy louing kiudnesse and mercie shall follow me
all the dayes of my life ; and I will dwell in the
house of the Lorde foreuer.
The New Testament of the Bishops' Bible shows better
scholarship and more careful work. But like the New Tes-
tament of the Great Bible and all previous revisions, it is
largely a reproduction of Tyndale's translation. A careful
comparison will show, however, that this revision made im-
portant verbal changes, some of which found their way into
the Authorized version. In some instances the influence of
the Genevan version is perceptible ; while in other cases,
where marked improvements had been introduced in the
Genevan, they were ignored by this version. For the sake of
illustrations take a portion of the eighth chapter of Eomans.
Rom. VIII. 15. For yee haue not receyued the spirite of bondage
agayne to feare ; but ye haue receyued the spirite
of adoption, whereby we crye, Abba, father. The
Great Bible after Tyndale has : to feare eny
moare.
16. The spirite it selfe heaveth icitnesse to our spirite, that
we are the sonnes of God. This happy phrase is
after the Genevan and was adopted by the Au-
thorized v^ersion. Tyndale and the Great Bible
read : certifieth.
17. If we he sonnes, then are we also heires, the beyres
of God, and ioint heyres wytli Christ ; so that we
suffer togeather, that wee may he also glorifyed
togeather. Joint heirs is peculiar to the Bishops'
and is followed by the Authorized version. Tyn-
dale has : anexed with Christ ; and is followed by
the Great Bible, also by the Genevan version. In
the second clause however Tyndale reads : If so he
that ue suffer togedder ; and is followed by the
Great Bible, also liy th3 A. V.
282 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. YIII.
18. For I am certainely perswaded, that tlie afflictions of
this time, are not worthy of the glory which shall
be shewed vpon vs. Tyndale reads : For I sup-
pose that the afflictions of thys lyfe ; and is fol-
lowed by the Great Bible.
19. For the earnest expectation of the creature abydeth,
looking when the sonnes of God shall appeare.
This is followed by the A. V. Tyndale has :
fervent desyre ; and is followed by the Great Bible.
20. Bycause the creature is subject to vanitie not wylling,
but for hym whiche liathe subdued the same in
hope. The Great Bible has : is subdued to vanitie
against ye idll therof, but for Ids will which hath
subdued y® same in hope.
21. 'For the creature it selfe shall he made free iTom the
bondage of corruption. The Great Bible has : For
the same creature shalbe deliuered from the bondage
of corrupcion.
23. . . . and we our selues mourne in our
selues, lonyting for the adoption (euen) the deliuer-
ance of our body. The Great Bible reads ,
mourne in our selues also, and icaite for the adop-
cion {of the children of God) euen for the deliuer-
aunce of our bodye.
26. Likewise the spirite also helpeth our infirmities. For
we knowe not what to desire as we ought ; but the
spirite it selfe maketh great intercession for vs,
with gronings whiche can not be- expressed. The
Great Bible has : maketh intercession for vs.
29. For those whiche he knewe before, he also dyd pre-
destinate, that they shoulde be lyke fashioned vnto
the shape of his sonne. The Great Bible reads
after Tyndale : ordeined before.
30. Moreover, whom he did predestinate, them also he
called. The Great Bible has : whom he appointed
before, them also he hath called.
33. Whiche spared not hys owne sonne, but gaue hym for
vs all ; howe shall he not with hym also gyue vs al
things ? This is after Tyndale, and is followed by
the A. V. The Great Bible reads : how can It be,
y^ with him he shoulde not geue us all thinges also.
84. . . . yea rather which is raysed again.
The Great Bible has : is risen againe.
1567.] SPLCIMEXS FEOM THE Js^EW TESTAMEisT. 283
35. Who shall seperate vs from the loue of Christe ? The
Great Bible has : the loue of God f
36. (. . . . and are counted as sheepe /or iAe
slaughter.) This is followed by the A. V.; but the
Great Bible reads : appointed to he slayne.
37. Neuerthelesse, in all these thynges we onercome,
through him that loued vs. This agrees with the
Great Bible, and overlooks the Genevan N. T.,
1557, which reads : ice are more than conquerors.
39. Neyther heighth, nor deapth, neyther any other
creature, shal be able to seperate vs from the loue
of God, which is in Christe Jesus our Lorde. The
Great Bible has : neither lowth ; to departe.
In the above collation from only a single chapter we have a
number of happy renderings for which we are indebted in
part to the Bishops' Bible, and in part to the versions of Ge-
neva and of Tyndale. Several of these are worthy of being
noted, since they were adopted by King James' revisers and
have come down to us as an invaluable inheritance. For ex-
ample the happy phrase : heareth tcitiiess, for which we are
indebted to the Genevan Bible, and which is far better than
the certifieth, of Tyndale. Again in the seventeenth verse we
have; joint Jieyers, which is better than Tyndale's lieyres
anexed ; and for which we are indebted to the Bishops' Bible.
In verse nineteenth we have ; earnest expectation, which is an
improvement upon the fervent desyre of Tyndale, and for
which we are indebted to the Bishops' Bible. In verse
twenty-first, we have : the glorious Uhertie of the sonnes of
God ; for which we are indebted to Tyndale. For the phrase,
7nore than conquerors ; we are indebted to the Genevan N. T.
1557.
For the sake of comparison with previous versions, the fol-
lowing specimens from the New Testament of the Bishops'
version are here inserted.
Matt. VI. 9. After this maner therfore pray ye ; 0 our father which
art in lieauen halowed be thy name.
10. Let thy kingdome come. Thy wyll be done, as well in
earth, as it is in heauen.
284 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
11. Giue vs this day our dayly breade.
13. And forgyue vs our dettes, as we forgyue our detters.
13. And leade vs not into temptation, but deliuer vs from
euill ; for thine is the kingdome, and the power,
and the glorie, for euer. Amen.
I. Cor. XIII. 1. Though I speake with the tongs of men and of angels,
and haue not charitie, I am {as) sounding brasse,
or {a.<) a tinckling Cymball.
2. And though I haue prophesie, and vnderstand all
secrets, and all knowledge ; Yea, if 1 haue all
fayth, so that 1 can remoue mountaynes, and haue
not charitie, I am nothing.
3. And though I bestowe all my goodes to feede the poore,
and though I giue my body that I should be burned,
and haue not charitie, it profiteth me nothing.
4. Charitie suffereth long, and is curteous ; Charitie
enuieth not, charitie doth not frowardly, swelleth
not,
5. Dealeth not dishonestly, seeketh not hir owne, is not
bitter, thinketh not euill,
6. Reioyceth not in iniquitie, but reioyceth in the truth ;
7. Suffereth al things, beleeueth al things, hopeth all
things, endureth all things.
8. Though that prophesying fayle, eyther tongs ceasse, or
knowledge vanish away, {yet) charitie falleth
neuer away,
9. For our knowledge is vnperfecte, and our prophesying
is vnperf ect ;
10. But when that which is perfect is come, then that
which is vnperfect shall be doone away.
11. When I was a child, I spake as a child, I vnderstoode
as a childe, I imagined as a cbilde ; bat as sooneas
I was a man, 1 put away childishnesse.
13. Nowe we see in a glasse, euen in a darke speaking ;
but then {shall ice see) face to face. Now I know
vnperfectly ; but the shall I know, euen as I am
knowne.
13. Now abydeth fayth, hope, and charitie, these three, but
the chief of these is charitie.
The Bishops' Bible, like all other early English versions,
did not adopt the fashionable speech of the time. The rule
laid down by the archbishop, was that the plain words of the
1568.] THE LANGUAGE OF THIS PERIOD. 285
Great Bible should be retained, excepting in cases where the
original Hebrew or Greek demanded a change. This wise re-
striction was much needed in that age, for scarcely ever before
in the history of the EugUsh tongue, was it so threatened
with such an overwhelming tide of affectation and pedantry.
Italy and Spain were corrupting the language as well as the
manners of the English nation. Elegance and refinement
were studied at the expense of sense and clearness. Language
was used for the sake of sound and appearance, appealing to
the fancy rather than to the understanding. " They played
with words," says Taine, " twisted, put them out of shape,
rejoiced in sudden views, strong contrasts, which they pro-
duced in quick succession. They cast flower on flower,
tinsel on tinsel ;.... and plumed their language like their
garments. They cared nothing for clearness, order, common
sense ; it was a festival and a folly ; absurdity pleased them." ^
This new-fangled English was not a little influential. But to
the credit of the revisers of the Bishops' Bible, they put into
it not a shred of this fashion either in cut or color. In avoid-
ing this over refinement, they sometimes went to the opposite
extreme of too great familiarity in the choice of words and
phrases, which detract from the elevated tone befitting the
language of the Holy Scriptures. As an illustration take the
following examples collated from the book of Psalms.
Ps. III. 7, Up Lord, and help me, O my God. This is after the
Great Bible, 1540 ; and ignores the Genevan Bible,
1560, which reads : 0 Lord, arise ; helpe me, my
God,
IX. 19. Up Lorde, and lette not man Tiaue the upper Jiande.
The Genevan version reads ; . . .let not man
preuaile.
X. 6. For he hath sayde in his harte, tushe, I shall neuer be
cast downe. This is after the Great Bible of 1540.
XXVIIL 8, . . . therefore my heart daunceth for joye.
XXXIII. 3. Sing vnto the Lorde a new song ; sing prayses lustily
(vnto him) with a good courage. The Genevan ver-
» English Literature, I., 162, 163. New York, 1874..
286 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
sion reads : . . . sing cheerfully with a loud
Toyce.
XL. 18. Let them bee desolate and rewarded wyth shame, that
say vnto mee : fie vpon thee, fie vpon thee. The
Genevan Bible reads : . . . which say vnto
me A7ia, aha.
XLII. 13. . . . while mine enimies (that trouble me) cast
me in the teeth.
XLV. 5. Good lucke haue thou with tliine honour. The Genevan
Bible reads : And prosper with thy glory.
XLVII, 5. God is gone vp with a mery noyse. The Genevan ver-
sion has ; with triumph ; and the A, V, reads : with
a shout.
LIII. 1. ThefooUshe hodie hath sayde in his heart. This ignores
the better reading of the Genevan Bible, which has :
The fool hath said in his heart.
Besides the presence of these colloquial and commonplace
terms, the text of the Bishops' Bible is weakened still more
by the introduction of explanatory words and phrases ; a seem-
ing attempt to expound as well as translate the original text.
These phrases are put into different type and thrown into
brackets. In some cases they are taken from the Great Bible,
while in others they belong originally to the Bishops' version.
The following are inserted as examples : ^
Is. I. 7. . . . and it is made desolate, as it were the destruc-
tion of enimies {in the time ofwarre).
31. And the very strong one [of your idols) shall be as towe,
and the maker of it as a sparke {of fire).
II. 3. And a multitude of people shall goe, speaking {thus one to
another) Come, let vs ascende to the hill of the Lorde.
9. . . . there falleth the man downe (before them),
therefore forgiue them not.
19. . . . for feare of the Lorde, and for the glorie of his
majestic, when he ariseth to destroy ifhe wickid ones
of) the earth.
III. 9. . . . Yea, they declare their owne sinnes {them selues)
as Sodome.
14. The Lorde shall enter into judgement with the elders and
^ These texts are from a copy of the Bishops' Bible, 1575.
1568.] LATii^iSMS. 287
14. princes of his people, (and shal say to them) It is ye
that haue burnt vp my vineyarde.
15. What meane ye that ye bray {as in a morter) my people, and
grynde the faces of the poore, sayth the Lorde God of
hostes ?
18. . . . and the round tyres {after the fashion of the
moone).
24. . . . and (simne) burning for beautie.
25. . . . and thy valiant souldiours in the battaile {0
lerusalem).
lY. 1. . . .to take our shamefull reprofe {from vs).
John I. 8. . . . but {icas sent) to beare witnesse of the light.
This is followed by the A. V.
9. That {lyght) was the true light.
14. . . .As the glorie of the only begotten sonne {that
came) from the father.
49. . . . Rabbi, thou arte euen the {very) sonne of God :
thou art the king of Israeli.
VI. 27. . . . whiche {meate) the sonne of man shall giue vnto
you.
Few examples, comparatively, of Latinisms are found in the
Bishops' Bible, yet even these are inexcusable, since for the
most part they had been discarded by the Genevan version.
In the Psalms and Isaiah such words as the following occur :
comprehended^ condemned, conveyed, credence, deuice, enformed,
felicitie, gouernour, laude, Lihanus, similitude, which may be
found in their several connections below.^
Ps. VIII. 1. 0 Ijoxdie Q\x.r gouernour. The Genevan Bible reads: O
Lord our Lord.
XXI, 6. For thou shalt giue him euerlasting /(sKei^i'e. The Gene-
van Bible reads : For thou hast set him as blessings
for euer.
XXXI. 13. . . . and they that did see mee without, conueyed
themselues from me. The Genevan Bible has :
. who seeing me in the street fled, from me.
CXXXV. 1. 0 prayse the Lorde, laude ye the name of the Lord.
The Genevan Bible has : Praise the name of the
Lorde.
* These texts are from a copy of the Bishops' Bible, 1575.
288 THE BISHOPS* BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
Is. XL. 16. Lilanus is Dot sufficient to minister fjre to his offering".
The Genevan Bible has : Lebanon.
18. . . . or what similitude wil ye set vp to him ?
21. . . . haue ye not bin enfounaed of this by the
foundation of the earth? The Genevan Bible reads :
. haue ye not understood it ?
28. . . . and that his wisedome caji not be compre-
'hended? The Genevan Bible reads : . . . there
is no secerching of his vnderstanding.
LIII. 1. But vrho hathe giuen credence vnto our preaching ? The
Genevan Bible reads : Who will beleeue our report ?
9. His graue vs^as giuen him with the condemned. The
Genevan Bible reads : He made his graue with the
wicked.
10. . . . and this deuice of the Lorde shall prosper in
his hande. The Genevan Bible has : will.
The Bishops' Bible, however, has its share of obsolete words,
such as heesome, broom ; fimve, blast ; hucklehoney hip hone ;
TcnetchetJi, cutteth off the neck ; pillers, extortioners ; prevented^
anticipated, or overtaken ; querne, mill for grinding ; roome,
kingdom. All of which are given below.
Gen. XXXII. 25. . . .he smote hym upon the Tiucklebone of his
thigh,
la. XJLV. 23. . . . and 1 wil sweepe them out with the
leesome of destruction. This word finds a place
in the principal versions, from that of Coverdale,
1535, to that of King James, 1611 ; and though it
is obsolete or obsolescent, yet it is too expressive
a Saxon word to be given up.
XL VII. 2. Bring foorth the querne and grynde meale.
LXVI. 3. » . . He that killeth a sheepe for mee, knetcheth
a dogge.
John XI. 48. . . . and the Romanes shall come, and take
away both o-ur roome, and the people.
Acts XXVII. 14. . . . there arose against their purpose a jlawe
of winde out of the Northeast, which is called
Euroclydon.
I. Cor. VI. 10. . . . Nor reuilers, nor p»7^gr«, shall inherite the
kingdome of God.
Gal. VI. 1. Brethren if a man be preuented in anye fault.
Obscene words were by the rules laid down by the arch-
1568.] ANKOTATIONS. 289
bishop, to be displaced "by more convenient terms and
phrases." The item was not out of place, since in the Great
Bible particularly, which this version followed, there were, to
say the least, indelicacies in language which needed correction,
such as I. Sam. vi. 4, 5. This was changed for the better by
the Bishops revisers, and reads : " They answered, Fyue
golden Emerodes, and fine golden Myse Wherefore ye shall
make images Hke to your emerodes, and images like to your
mise, that corrupt the lande. This reading is after the Gene-
van Bible, also after Ooverdale's translation. Another ex-
ample is that of I. Cor. vi. 9-10, which reads as improved in
the Bishops' Bible ; . . . . Bee not deceiued ; neither fornicatours,
nor idolaters, nor adulterers, nor effeminate, nor abusers of
the seines with raankinde .... shall inherite the kingdome of
God. This reading was adopted from Tyndale. In the same
spirit and without the least show of prudishness, they might
have revised such passages as I. Kings xiv. 10 ; xvi. 11 ;
and others of the same character. The archbishop did not
stop with single words and phrases, but directed that signifi-
cant marks be introduced indicating whole chapters and parts
of chapters to be omitted in the public reading of the Scrip-
tures. The mark chosen was an inverted comma placed at
the beginning of each line of the passage or chapter to be
omitted. In Genesis, chapters x. ; xi. 10-29 ; xxxvi. and
xxxviii., were thus marked. In Exodus, page after page is
thus indicated ; and so throughout the historical portions
of the Old Testament. For the most part these marked pas-
sages are made up of genealogical tables, as well as objection-
able passages, which they supposed would not be edifying in
the public reading of the Bible.
The marginal notes of this version are brief, and sometimes
commonplace. A few examples from the New Testament will
suffice.
Matt. VI. 34. " (&) That is, the present day Lath ynough of his owne
griefe or affliction."
Luke III. 3. " (a) By the law there shoulde haue bene but one high
13
290 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
priest only, but corruption of the time, by reason
the Romanes had rule, and the bribery of Caia-
phas, brought to passe that the office was di-
vided."
John I. 13. "(c) Meaning priuiledge or dignitie." 39. " (&) That
was about two houres before night."
XIX, 30. " (b) The mysterie of mans redemption, and saluation,
is perfected by the only sacrifice of Christ, the
promise to the fathers fulfilled, the ceremonies
of the law ended."
Acts IV. 11. " (a) Christ is called the chiefe corner, or corner stone,
by cause the Jewes and the Gentiles are joyned
together, and builded vpon him by faith, and
made one churche." 13. " (&) Neyther sainte, nor
angell, nor workes, nor ought els can saue, but
Christe alone."
VII. 60. "(b) He praied for himselfe standing ; but praying for
his enimies, he kneeled down, mening thereby,
first that theyr great iniquitie required a greater
and more feruent praier ; secondly, he declareth
his mightie charitie, praying so earnestly for his
enimies."
Rom. IV. 5. " (6) God is sayd to justifie the vngodly, bycause he
pardoneth hys sinnes, and of a wicked man,
maketh hym good."
VI. 3. " [a) He dyeth to sinne, in whom the strength of sinne
is broken by the power of Christ." 3. " (&) That
is, that sinne thorowe Christes death may be
abolished and dye in vs ; and that as we are
made cleane outwardly wyth water in our bap-
tisme, so inwardly our synnes may be washed
away and cleansed by the bloud of Christe."
Gal. III. 87. " Some read, all ye that are baptised into Christ, haue
put on Christ."
Eph. III. 10. " (6) The churche being gathered of so many kyndes
of people is an example or a glasse for the angels
to beholde the wysdome of God in, who hath
turned theyr particular discords, into an univer-
sal concord, and of the synagoge of bondage,
hath made the Churche of freedome."
Phil. I. 7. " (&) Of this peculiar benefite to suffer for Christes
sake." 8. " (e) That is, from the very hart roote
of Jesus Christ."
1583.] IN "CATHEDKALS AND FAMILIES." 291
II. 12. " (a) Our liealtli (salvation) hangeth not on our workes,
and yet are tliej said to worke oute tlieir lielth,
who do runne in the race of justice. For al-
tliougli we be saued freely in Christ by fayth,
yet must we walk by the way of justice vuto our
health."
I Thess. V. 6. " (o). Here sleepe is taken for contempt of saluation,
when men continue in sinnes, and wil not awake
to godlynesse."
II Thess. III. 15. " (c) The ende of excommunication, is not to dryue
from the Churche such as haue fallen but to
winne them to the Churche by amendment." ^
The Bishops' Bible, with all its excellencies, failed to meet
in its reception the high expectation of its friends. No means
were left untried to secure for it a wide circulation. Parker
showed his anxiety on this point when he sought through
Cecil to induce Queen Elizabeth to authorize this version as
the only Bible to be read in the churches. This the queen
did not do ; consequently the next step on the part of the
archbishop was, in the visitation of 1569, to inquire of the
Church-wardens " tvJietJier they had in their Parish- Churches,
the Bihle in the largest Volume.'^ Parker's design in this was
to learn what churches were unprovided with Bibles, and to
supply them with his own version. So in the convocation of
April 3, 1571, it was ordered: "That the Churcli-wardens
should see, that the Holy Bible be in every Church in the
largest Volume (if it might conveniently be) such as were
lately imprinted at London^ ^ It was ordered also that " every
Archbishop, and Bishop, every Deane and chiefe Kesidentiary,
and every Archdeacon, should have one of these Bibles in
their Cathedi^als and Families."^ These oflQcials, however,
were slow to obey the order, since, according to Lewis, there
were many churches, even in the archbishop's own diocese,
which continued to be without Bibles.^ In 1587, some six-
teen years afterward. Archbishop Whitgift wrote that he was
' Collated from a copy of Bisliops' Bible dated 1575.
^ Lewis' Hist, of Eng. Translations of the Bible, p. 257.
3 Ibid, p. 257. 4 Compare Ibid, p. 259.
292 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. VIII.
iDformed that parish churches as well as chapels were not
furnished with Bibles, and if any were, the books were "torn
and defaced, and yet not of the translation authorized by the
synods of bishops."^ He insisted, therefore, "that all and
every the said churches and chapels. .. .be provided of one
Bible or more. . . .of the translation allowed as aforesaid. . . .
and for the performance thereof I have caused her highness'
printer to imprint two volumes of the said translation of the
Bible aforesaid, a bigger and a less. . . .both of which are now
extant and ready." ^
All that episcopal authority could do, was done to secure
the circulation of this Bible. The design was to supersede
the Genevan version ; and though several editions of tlie
Bishops' Bible were issued, yet in popularity and extended
circulation it fell far short of its rival. From 1587 to 1589
but two editions of the Bishops' Bible were published, while
during the same period there were issued at least seven editions
of the Genevan Bible. After the year 1606 there was no edition
of the Bishops' Bible printed, excepting that several editions
of the ]^ew Testament of this version were published after
this date; but editions of the Genevan Bible were printed as
late as 1644.
A noticeable fact is that the Bishops' Bible, by order of
James L, was made, in the work of revision, the basis of our
present so-called Authorized version. While other versions
were consulted and had their influence, the Bishops' Bible
enjoys the pre-eminence of being the authorized link con-
necting King James' Bible with previous English versions.
To the honor also of this Bible be it said, that it shared with
the Genevan and with Cranmer's Bible the hatred of the
Catholic party. Martin, the able champion of Rome, rallied
the Protestants on the unreliability of their translations.
After referring as an example to the different readings of the
middle clause of Eph. v., 5, he says: '' Loe, this is the Eng-
lish Bil)le, which they referre vs vnto Where shall we haiie
these good fellowes : and how shall wee be sure that they will
1 Westcott's Hist. Eng. Bible, p. 104 ^ m^^, p. 105.
1583.] FULKE'S DEFENSE. 293
stand to any of their translations ? from the first read in their
Churches, they flee to that that is now read, and from this
againe, to the later Geneua Enghsh Bibles, neither read in
their Churches (as we suppose) nor of the greatest authoritie
among them ; and wee doubt not but they will as fast flee
from this, to the former againe, when this shall be proued in
some places more false and absurd, than the other." ^ To this
Dr. Fulke replies : '• In the place by you quoted, I defend both
as true, and answerable to the Greek, and of one sense and
meaning, where the sound of words onely, is diuerse, the sig-
nification of matter, one, and the same." ^ As a specific ex-
ample of "heretical subtiltie," Martin cited Matt. xvi. 18,
which reads : And say also vnto thee, that thou art Peter, and
yppon this rocke I wil buiide my congregation.^ The Genevan
version translates : I will build my Church. Fulke's defense
here is somewhat lame. He suggests as an answer, that to
the translators of the Bishops' Bible the words Congregation
and Church meant the same thing. True, but the more prob-
able view is that the word Church had been so monopolized
and abused by the papists, that the revisers of the Bishops'
Bible hesitated to use it. The Genevan translators, however,
labored under no such restraint. The reformed party, at
home and abroad, regarded the Catholic Church as anti-
Christ, and consequently their claim of being the only true
Church as presumptuous. Hence, in their translation they
could use the word Church, which would carry no doubtful
meaning to their people.
During the revising of the Bishops' Bible, there was one
man, the venerable Myles Coverdale, who must have been
deeply interested in the work ; and yet so far as the records
go he had no share in it. His advanced age is a sufiicient
reason for this, since now, 1568, he is full eighty years of age,
and is drawing very near to the end of his pilgrimage. Since
1535 he has had to do with almost every important revision of
' Fulke's Defense of English Translations of the, Bible, p. 41.
London, 1617. - Ibid, p. 41. ^ Ibid, p. 57.
294 THE BISHOPS' BIBLE. [CHAP. YIII.
the English Scriptures. He was an intimate friend of both
Cromwell and Oranmer, and enjoyed their confidence till the
last. In his long life he witnessed great changes both in
Church and State. His life spanned the reigns of four Eng-
lish sovereigns, which constitute epochs most important and
interesting in the history of Protestantism and the English
Bible. From the beginning of his career Coverdale was a
disciple of the New learning. He was, however, always
charitably inclined towards those of the Old learning.
Though increasing in age he kept abreast with the progress
of the Reformation. He was among the Genevan exiles
during the fearful reign of Mary. Under Queen Elizabeth he
was a Non-conformist. A father among the Elizabethan
bishops, he was sadly neglected, and yet was not without his
honors. In December, 1559, he was called to assist in the
consecration of Archbishop Parker. In 1563, he was honored
with the degree of Doctor of Divinity by the University of
Cambridge ; ^ although already a bearer of this honor as con-
ferred by the University of Tubingen. Through the agency
of Bishop Grindal he received the rectorship of St. Magnus,
near London Bridge; but this he resigned in 15G6. He con-
tinued, however, to preach, and the people continued to throng
together to hear him. Myles Coverdale stood first, in his day,
among the preachers of the word. He stands second only to
William Tyndale as a translator. While he was employed
frequently in the discharge of important public duties both
in Church and State, yet his life work was that of a translator
and reviser of the Holy Scriptures. Eminent alike for piety
and learning, he died in February, 1569, at the advanced age
of eighty-one years. Upon the monument erected to his
memory, in the parish of St. Magnus, in 1837, were inscribed
these words from Is. lii. 7. How Beautiful Are The Feet
Of Them That Preach The Gospel Of Peace, And
Being Glad Tidings Of Good Things.
* Coverdale's Memorials, p. 179.
CHAPTEK IX.
THE RHEIMS NEW TESTAMENT, A. D. 1583, AND DOUAY
BIBLE, A.D. 1609.
FOR two hundred years the papacy has manifested an un-
changeable spirit of hatred towards the English Bible.
What therefore could have been the motive, at this time, of
these translators in putting forth the Scriptures in EngHsh ?
The answer to this otherwise diflBcult question is found in the
preface to the Rheims New Testament, in which they frankly
say : that it is not from an " erroneous opinion of necessity,
that the holy Scriptures should alwayes be in our mother
tongue, or that they ought, or were ordained by God, to be
read indifferently of all, or could be easily vnderstood of
euery one that readeth or heareth them in a knowne lan-
guage ; or that they were not often through mans malice or
infirmitie, pernicious and much hurtfull to many ; or that we
generally or absolutely deemed it more conuenient in itselfe,
and more agreeable to God's word and honor, or edification of
the faith, to haue them turned into vulgar tongues, then to be
kept and studied only in the Ecclesiasticall learned languages ;
Not for these or any such like causes doe we translate this
sacred booke, but upon speciall consideration of the present
time, state, and condition of our Countrey vnto which, diuerse
things are either necessarie, or profitable and medicinable,
now, that otherwise in the peace of the Church were neither
much requisite, nor perchance wholly tollerable. " ^ From
this open confession, it seems that this version grew out of
the necessity of the times. That it was a war measure,
resolved upon in self-defense. By episcopal authority of the
^ Preface. Rheims N. T., p. 2. Fulke's Reprint. London, 1617.
296 KHEIMS IT. T. AND DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
Church of England, the Bible is now placed in the churches ;
and by the desire of the people it is welcomed in the family
circle and individual closet. Yea the word of God is en-
trenched in the hearts of the people ; and to drive it out old
methods must be laid aside and new methods adopted. Hav-
ing learned by observation at least, the power of the Enghsh
Bible, the papists would resort to the same weapon to defend
themselves, and if possible to inflict a deadly blow upon their
foes. English Catholics were reading heretical Bibles, which
the hierarchy denounced as ^-prophane translations.^' To
remedy this the Eheims version was published with the ex-
pressed hope that it would prove the occasion of these Catholics
putting away the "impure versions as hitherto you haue beene
forced to occupie.''^ Besides Rome was hopeful, and in-
defatigable in her efforts to win back England to the papal
fold. And prominent among the means to be used were : the
founding of the English Seminary at Douay for educating
English priests, and the pubhshing this Romish Bible with its
obscure text and papistical notes.
The chief laborers in this enterprise were certain professors
in the College at Douay. Prominent among them was
Gregory Martin, who was doubtless the principal translator.
Martin was an Englishman by birth, and enjoyed a high
reputation as a Hebrew and Greek scholar. Having em-
braced the Catholic faith, he came to the College of Douay in
1570, and was ordained as a priest in 1573, and a licentiate in
divinity in 1575. After visiting Rome he returned to Douay
and taught Hebrew, and also read lectures in divinity. In
1578 the College was transferred temporarily to Rheims; here
he completed and published his translation of the New Testa-
ment, known as the Rheims version.^ In this work he as-
sociated with himself others of the College faculty, among
whom was Wilham Alan, one of the founders of the Rheims
Seminary. For his abihty as a writer, and his supreme de-
' Preface. Rheims iV^. T., p. 16. Fulke's Bi'print.
2 Chalmers' BiojrapMcal Dictionary, Art. Martin {Oregory).
1582.] TITLE-PAGE OF KEW TESTAMENT. 297
votion to Eome in defending lier interests, Bishoj) Alan was
raised to the rank of cardinal. It was he " of whom," says
Fuller, " Pope Gregory 13th said, in addressing his Cardinals ;
' Come my brethren, and I loill sheio you a man, in England
born, to ivhorn all Europe may give place for Jiis liigh prudence,
reverende countenance and purport of Government.^ " Eichard
Bristow was also of this party. He was a priest, and eminent
for his eloquence and learning. By invitation of Alan, he
came to Douay, lectured in divinity, and in the absence of
Alan acted as regent of the University. The annotations of
the Rheims New Testament are attributed to hini.^ The
names of J. Reynolds and Thomas Worthington are likewise
connected with the enterprise, the latter of whom is said
to have been the author of the notes to the Old Testament.
It is not known what share these persons took in the work,
but the probability is that, at least, they aided Martin in re-
vising his translation.2
The priority of the Rheims New Testament as to date, con-
sists not in its having been first translated, but first printed.
From the preface we learn, that when the New Testament was
published, the whole Bible had been " long since translated."
The Old Testament had been set aside for lack of means to
publish it, and the preference given to the New Testament as
'•the principall, most profitable, and comfortable piece of
holy "Writ." ^ The title-page gives a full description of the
work, and reads : " The New Testament of Jesus Christ,
translated faithfully into English, out of the authentical Latin,
according to the best corrected Copies of the same, diligently
conferred with the Greeke and other Editions in divers Lan-
guages ; With Arguments of bookes and chapters. Annota-
tions, and other necessarie helpes, for the better understanding
of the Text, and specially for the discoverie of the Cor-
ruptions of divers late translations, and for clering Contro-
versies in Religion of these dales. In the English College at
^ Chalmers' Biographical Dictionary, Art. Bristow {Richard).
2 Compare Westcott's H'M. Eng. Bible, p. 108.
3 Rheims N. T. Preface, p. 1, Fulke's Ed. London, 1617.
298 RHEIMS N". T. AND DOUAT BIBLE. [CHxiP. IX.
Ehemes Printed at Eliemes by John Fogny 1582. C^im
Frivilegio"
The preface of the Rheims New Testament is a shrewd
document. Its design was to vindicate "the wisdome and
moderation of holy Church," both in withholding and permit-
ting the Vernacular Scriptures. After stating the occasion of
putting forth the translation, us noted above, the author sets
forth, at length, the policy of the papacy in its past history in
respect to the Scriptures, smoothing the rough places, but assert-
ing at the last, the doctrine of Trent, "that the holy Scrip-
tures, though truly & Catholikely translated into vulgar
tongues, yet may not be indifferently read of all men, nor of
any other then such as haue expresse licence thereunto of
their lawful Ordinaries; with good testimonie from their
Curats, or Confessors Which prescript, though in these
dales of ours it cannot be so precisely obserued, as in other
times and places, where there is more due respect of the
Churches authoritie, rule, and discipline ; yet we trust all wise
and godly persons will vse the matter in the meane while with
such moderation, meeknesse, and subjection of heart, as the
handling, of so sacred a Booke, the sincere senses of Gods
truth therein, and the holy Canons, Councels, Eeason and
Religion, doe require." ^ In the same connection it is added,
that while "the Gouernours of the Church. .. .haue taken
more exact order both for the Readers and Translators of these
later ages, then of old; yet we must not imagine, that in the
Primitiue Church, either euerie one that understood the learned
Tongues, . . . .might without reprehension reade, reason, dis-
pute, turne and tosse the Scriptures ; or that our fore-fathers
suffered euery Schoole-master, Scholler or Grammarian, that
had a little Greeke or Latine, straight to take in hand the
holy Testament : or that the translated Bibles into the vulgar
Tongues, were in the hands of euerie Husbandmen, Artificer,
Prentice, Boyes, Girls, Mistresse, Maid, Man ; that they were
» Rheims W. T. Preface, p. 5, Fulke's Ed. London, 1617.
1582.] TRANSLATED FEOM THE VULGATE. 299
sung, played, alledged, of euery Tinker, Tauerner, Elmer,
Minstrell ; that they were for Table talke, for Ale-benches, for
Boats and Barges, and for euery prophane person and com-
panie. No, in those better times men were neither so ill, nor
so curious of themselves so to abuse the blessed Booke of
Christ; neither was there any such easie means, before print-
ing was inuented to disperse the copies into the hands of
euery man, as now there is." ^ In refuting the above statement
in respect to the primitive Church, Fulke quotes the testi-
mony of the Fathers that the Scriptures were read, and the
reading listened to by all men ; and that " the Husbandman,
the Ploughman, the Shepheard, the Reaper, the Vine-dresser,
did sing the Psalmes of Dauid." And further according to
Chrysostom, ^*' the knowledge of the Scripture is most neces-
earie for children, .... and exhorteth their parents to cause
them from their tender yeres to be exercised in the reading of
the holie Scriptures." ^
The preface gives several reasons for translating from the
Latin Vulgate. Among them it emphasizes the great an-
tiquity of the Vulgate, " that it was used in the Church of
God aboue 1300 yeeres ago"; also its general use during all
these ages in the "Churches seruice."^ But the most impor-
tant reason urged is that "The holy Councel of Trent
hath declared and defined this onely of all other Latine trans-
lations, to be authenticall, and so onely to bee vsed and taken
in publike lessons, disputations, preachings, and expositions,
and that no man presume vpon any pretence to reject or
refuse the same."* Lastly, the preface gives the manner fol-
lowed in the work of translation. And while it would be
unjust to call in question their motives, and repeat the charge
that they intentionally obscured the translation, yet this was
the practical result. But let us hear them in their own de-
fense. " Ii^ THIS ovR Translation^, because we wish to be
^ Rheims iV. T. Preface, p. 5. Fulke's ed. London, 1617.
2 Ibid, p. 6.
' Fulke calls this in question. See Ibid, p. 20, Answer 26.
* lUd, p. 22. See Answers 29 and 30.
300 RHEIMS N. T. AlTD DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
most sincere, as becometh a Oatholike translation, and haue
endeauoured so to make it ; we are very precise and religious
in following our copie, the old vulgar approued Latine ; not
onely in sense, which we hope wee alwaies do, but sometime
in the very words also and phrases, which may seeme to the
vulgar Reader, and to common English eares not yet acquainted
therewith, rudenes or ignorance ; but to the discret Eeader,
. . . .wee doubt not but our consideration and doing therein
shall seeme reasonable and necessarie : yea, and that all sorts
of Oatholike Headers will in short time thinke that familiar,
which at the first may seeme strange, and will esteeme it more,
when they shall otherwise be taught to vnderstand it, then if
it were the common knowne English." ^ They say further:
" We presume not in hard places, to mollifie the speeches or
phrases, but religiously keepe them word for word, and point
for point, for feare of missing, or restrayning the sense of the
Holy Ghost to our fantasie And why should we be
squamish at new words or phrases in the Scripture, which are
necessarie ; when we doe easily admit and follow new words
coyned in court and in courtly and other secular writinges."^
A single glance into an early copy of the Eheims version
will show that they were not squamish in the use of new
words and Latinized phrases. This method of rendering, or
rather of obscuring, the Scriptures in English, was not alto-
gether-new, since it had been the favorite scheme of Bishop
Gardiner in the reign of Henry VHI. When the bishop
found that he could not prevent the publication of the Bible
in English, he sought to have it put forth in a Latin dress.
And doubtless he would have succeeded had it not been for
the presence and power of Archbishop Cranmer. Gardiner
expressed the same religious regard for the sacredness of the
Latin language, and submitted a list of over a hundred Latin
words, which " for the majesty of the matter in them con-
1 Rheims iV. T. Preface, p. 37. Fulke's ed. London, 1617.
2 Ibid, p. 39.
1582.] LATINIZED Eiq^GLlSH. 301
tained," he strongly desired to have retained in their original
form.i In the same spirit, Martin and his colaborers intro-
duced a large number of untranslated words from the Vul-
gate, which sadly mar their translation. Take the following
as examples, some of which are as curious as they are remark-
able,2
Matt. X. 8. . , , graiis you haue receiued, gratis giue
yee.
XX VL 17. And the first day of the Azymes the Disciples came to
Iesvs, saying, where wilt thou that wee prepare
for thee to eate the Pasche.
XXVII. 62, And the next day, which is after the Parasceue.
John V. 2, And there is at Hierusalem vpon Prdbatica a pond
which in Hebrew is surnained Bethsaida hauing
fine porches.
XIV. 16, And I wil aske the Father, and he wil giue you
another Paraclete.
Rom. II. 23. That doest glorie in the law, thou by preuarication of
the law, doest dishonor God.
VIII. 18, For I thinke that the passions of this time are not
condigne to the glorie to come, that shall be re-
uealed in vs.
I Cor. IL 10. ♦ , . For the Spirit searcheth all things,
yea the profundities of God.
II Cor. VL 6. In chastitie, in knowledge, in longanimitie.
VIIL 19. . . , but also he was ordeined of the
Churches fellow of our peregrination.
Gal. V, 21. Enuies, murders, ebrieties, commessations,
Eph. IIL 15. Of whom all paternitie in the heauens and in earth is
named,
rV, 30. And contristrate not the holy Spirit of God.
Phil. IL 7, But he exinanited himselfe, taking the forme of a
seruant,
I, Tim, IIL 6, Not a Neophyte: lest puffed into pride, he fall into the
judgement of the deuill.
Phile. 6. That the communication of thy faith may be made
euident in the agnition of all good that is in you in
Christ Jesvs.
' Compare above pages, 219-220.
^ This collation is made from the first edition of Rheims iV. T.
Fulke's Reprint, London, 1617.
302 -RHEIMS 2^. T. AND DOUAT BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
Heb. IV. 9. Therefore there is left a sabbatisme for the people of
God.
IX, 3. But after the second vele, the Tabernacle, which is
called San eta Sanctorum.
II. Pet. II. 20. For if fleeing from the coinquinations of the world in
the knowledge of our Lord and Sauiour Jesvs
Christ.
The introduction of such words justifies the remark of
Fuller that the Klieims version was " a Translation, which
needeth to be translated^ neither good Greek, Latine, or
EngHsh, as every where bespeckled with hard words (pretended
not renderable in Enghsh without abatement of some ex-
pressiveness) which transcend common capacities." ^ The
force of this remark will further appear from the following
collation of dark phrases which are profusely scattered
throughout the whole version.^
Rom. XIV. 1. And him that is weake in faith, take vnto you ; not in
disputations of cogitations.
I. Cor. X. 16. The chalice of henediction, which we do blesse.
Eph. II. 19. . . . but you are the citizens of the
saints and the domestical of God.
III. 6. The Gentiles to be coheires and concorporat and corn-
participant of his promise in Christ Jesvs hj the
Gospell.
9. And to iUuminate al men what is the dispensatio of the
sacrament hidden from the worldes in God, who
created al things ;
10. That the manifold wisedome of God may bee notified
to the Princes and Potestats in the celestials of the
Church.
11. According to the prefinitio of worldes, which he made
in Christ Jesvs our Lord.
VI. 13. . . . against the rectors of the world of
this darkenes, against the spirituals of wickednes
in the celestials.
' Church History of Britain, IX., 171.
' This collation is made from the first edition of the Rheims N. T.
Published by John Fogny, 1582. See copy in Boston Public Library.
1562.] SPECIMEl^S OF TRANSLATIOiq- OF K. T. 303
Phil, m. 14. I pursue to the marke, to the price of the supernal
vocation of God in Christ Jesvs.
21. Who will reforme the bodie of our humilitie, con-
jigured to the bodie of his glorie.
I. Tim. IIL 16. And manifestly it is a great sacrament of pietie.
VI. 20. O Timothee, keepe the depositum, auoiding the
propliane nouelties of voices, and oppositions of
falsely called knowledge.
Heb. III. 13. . . . that none of you Jye obdurate with the
fallacie of sinne.
15. . . . doe not obdurate your hearts as in
that exacerbation.
19. . . . because of incredulitie.
IX. 23. It is necessarie therefore that the e-xamplers of the
ccdestials, be cleansed with these, but the ccdestiaU
also themselves with better hostes then these.
XIII. 16. And beneficence and communication do not forget, for
with such hostes God is promerited.
The following specimens from the Rheims New Testament
are here inserted for the sake of comparison with early-
English versions.^
Matt. VI. 9. Thus therefore shal you pray. Oun Father which
art in heauen, sanctified be thy name.
10. Let thy kingdom come. Thy wil be done, as in heauen,
in earth also.
11. Oiue vs to day, our supersubstantiall bread.
13. And forgiue vs our dettes, as we also forgiue ourdetters.
13. And leade vs not into tentation, But deliuer vs from
euil. Amen.
I. Cor. XIII. 1. If I speake with the tonges of men and of Angels,
and haue not charitie ; I am become as sounding
brasse, or a tinkling cymball.
2. And if I should haue prophecie, and knew al
mysteries, and al knowledge ; and if I should
haue al faith, so that I could remoue mountaines,
and haue not charitie, I am nothing,
3. And if I should distribute al my goods to be meate
for the poore, and if I should deliuer my body so
^ The Rheims New Testament. See copy in Boston Public Library.
The italics of the Lord's prayer belong to the original translation.
304 KHEIMS N. T. AI^TD DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
that I burne, and liaue not charitie, it dotli profit
me nothing.
4. Charitie is patient, is benigne ; Charitie enuieth not,
dealeth not peruersly ; is not puffed up,
5. Is not ambitious, seeketb not her owne, is not pro-
uoked to anger, tliinketb not euil :
6. Reioycetb not vpou iniquitie, but reioycetb with the
truth ;
7. Suflfereth al things, beleeueth al things, hcpeth al
things, beareth al things.
8. Charitie neuer falleth away : whether prophecies s-hal
be made voide or touges shal cease, or knowledge
shal be destroied.
9. For in part wee know, and in part wee prophecie.
10. But when that shal come that is perfect, that shal be
made voide that is in part.
11. When I was a litle one, I spake as a litle one, I under-
stood as a litle one, I thought as a litle one. But
when I was made a man, I did away the things
that belonged to a litle one.
12. We see now by a glasse in a darke sort ; but then face
to face. Now I know in part ; but then I shal
know as also I am knowen.
13. And now there remaine faith, hope, charitie, these
three, but the greater of these is charitie.
In the choice of words, the pages of the Eheims yersion
"bear the impress of the fashion of the times, in its rage for
fantastic terms and strange words with their hidden mean-
ings. In this it differs widely from preceding English
versions, which sought to retain words that were understood
hy the jjeople, and thereby gave prominence to the Saxon
element in Bible Enghsh. But these translators claimed the
game right to invent and employ new words for the Scrip-
tures, as others who coined and introduced them "in courtly
and other secular writings." In the Eheims version, therefore,
we have not only untranslated words, Latinized terms, and
dark phrases, but a large class of Latin derivatives, which
were already a substantial addition to the English tongue. A
class of words that were in place in the diction of Bacon or
even Shakespeare and Spenser, but out of place in the
1582.] lisTFLUEXCE UPON" THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. 305
phraseology of the Holy Scriptures. To this class belong
such words as: accessible, lenigne, congratulate, consummate,
cogitations, contemn, co-operate, detriment, invocate, im-
maculat, immolated, palpable, imrticipate, pension, replenished,
repreliension, which are given below in their several con-
nections.
Matt. XV. 19. For from the hart come forth euil cogitations.
John XVII. 23. I in them, and thou in mee ; that they maj bee con-
summate in one.
Rom. VIII. 28. And we know that to them that loue God, al things
co-operate vnto good to such as according to pur-
pose are called to bee saints.
I. Cor. I. 3. To the Church of God that is at Corinth with all
that inuocate the name of our Lord Jesvs Christ.
III. 15. If any mans worke burne, he shal suffer detriment.
IX. 13. . . . and they that serue the altar, par-
ticipate with the altar ?
XI. 22. Why, haue you not houses to eate and drinke in ? or
contemne ye the Church of God.
XIII. 4. Charitie is patient is henigjie.
Eph. I. 4 . . . that we should be holy and im-
maculat in his sight in charitie.
Phil, I. 11. Replenished with the fruite of justice by Jesvs
Christ, vnto the glory and praise of God.
II. 15. . . . without reprehension in the middes
of a crooked and peruerse generation.
17. But and if I be immolated vpon the sacrifice and ser-
uice of your faith, I reioyce and congratulate with
you al.
26. . . . and was pensiue, for that you had
heard that he was sicke.
Heb. XII. 18. For you are not come to a palpable mount, and an ac-
fire.
The Rheims version enjoys the reputation of having fixed
a desirable class of words in the English language. Many
of these were adopted by King James' revisers, and thus
not only the vocabulary of the accepted English Scriptures
was influenced, but also the speech of the common people.
Possibly this influence has been overrated, but there is evidence
306 RHEIMS iT. T. Aiq^D DOUAT BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
enough to show that in the matter of words, this version has
claims, as well as previous English versions, which ought to
be recognized. The following list comprises a few of the
words claimed to have been introduced first, into the Eheims
version : advent, advocate, approvest, charges, discernuig,
divine, impe?iite?it, remission, revealed, seperated, unction.
This list might be greatly enlarged, but even some of these
instead of being peculiar to the Rheims, upon examination,
are found to have been used in some previous version, as
indicated below.
Rom. I. 1. Paul . . . called to be an Apostle, «e;9€r«<erZ into
the Gospel of God. This word is peculiar to the
Rheims, which is followed by the Authorized ver-
sion.
II. 5. But according to thy hardnes and impenitent heart.
This word was used by Coverdale in loco, fifty years
before the Rheims translation was made. Wycliflfe
reads : unrepentaunte.
18. And knowest his wil, and appronest the more profitable
things. And yet Wycliffe has preuest, in loco, and
Tyndale, together with the Genevan version, 1557,
has approved in Acts ii. 22. But the Rheims ought
to have the credit for introducing this word, since,
for the want of it, previous versions used in its
stead such words as : triest, allow, accept, discern^
and laudable.
III. 25. . . .to the shewing of his justice for the remission
of former sinnes. This word is found in Wycliffe,
in loco. Tyndale reads : forgeveth the synnes that
are passed, and is followed by the Genevan version.
VIII. 18. . . . that shal be reuealed in vs. This word is
found in two instances at least in the Genevan
N. T. 1557 ; but earlier versions use in its stead
such words as : opened, declared, disclosed, shewed,
uttered, an answer was given, and revelation.
I. Cor. IX. 7. Who euer plaieth the souldiar at his owne charges.
This word is peculiar to the Rheims, and occurs but
twice in the N. T. of the A. V.
XI. 29. . . . not discerning the body of our Lord.
Previous versions read : ir.aJdng no difference ; but
Tomsons version, 1576, has : discerneth.
1582.] SAXONISMS. 307
I. Thess. IV. 15. . . . that we which liue, which are remaining
in the adueiit of our Lord. This word is peculiar
to the Rheims version. Previoas versions read :
comminge of the Lord. The word is not found in
the A. V.
II. Pet. I. 3. As al things of his diuine power. This word has
been specially claimed as peculiar to the Rheims ;
but it is found at least in Tomson's Genevan ver-
sion, 1576. Other previous versions, however,
read : godly nature.
I. John II. 1. . . . we haue an «(iz/oca^e withthe Father Jesvs
Christ the iust. This word is common to all pre-
vious versions, including WyclifFe's translation.
20. But you haue the vnction from the Holy one, and know
al things. This word is peculiar to the Rheims,
and is followed by the Authorized version.
In striking contriist with the general reputation of the
Eheims version, it deals in Saxonisms as well as Latinisms ;
showing that its translators were not altogether out of sym-
pathy with their mother tongue. Some of these phrases were
adopted by King James' translators, such as : puffed up, seehetli
sucJi, put out, if hy any means, not hridling, uphraideth not;
while others equally expressive, were passed over, such as:
worhmen, dagger not, Iceeping a sturre, tliratled him, headlong,
as found below.
Matt. IX. 23. . . . and saw minstrels and the multitude keep-
ing a sturre.
XVIII. 28. . . . and laying hands vpon him tliratled him.
XX. 1. . . .to hire workmen into his vineyard. The
A. V. has: labourers.
XXI. 21. . . . if you shal haue faith and «to^^gr /io^. The
A. V. has : doubt not.
Luke VIII. 33. . . . The heard with violence went headlong into
the lake, and was stifled. The Genevan version,
1557, also reads : headlong.
John IV. 23. . . . for the Father also seeketh such to adore
him. So the A. V. and both after the VVyc^iffe
version.
IX. 22. . . . he should be put out of the Synagogue.
This is followed by the A. V. Previous versions
o08 KHEIMS i^. T. Ai^-D DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
John IV. 23. read : excommunicate out. The Wycliffite versions,
however, read: he don out, which is an obsolete
phrase for put out.
I. Cor. IV. 6. . . . one not to he puffed vp against another.
This is not pecuhar to the Rheims version, since it
is found in Coverdale's translation, in loco.
James I. 5. . . . let him ask of God who giveth to al men
aboundantly, and uphraidetlinot. This happy phrase
is not original with the Rheims, since it is found in
the Wycliffite versions. Tyndale reads : castetJi no
man in the teth, and is followed by Coverdale's,
Cranmer's, Genevan and the Bishops' version.
Tomson's version, 1587, reads : reproacheth.
28. . . . not bridling Jus tong. Preceding versions
r^ad : refrayne not his tonge. The A. V. improves
upon the Rheims by reading : hridleth not his tongue.
Dr. Fulke, in his confutations, no where brings the charge
of intentional falsification against the translators of this ver-
sion ; though he does charge upon them an untruthful trans-
lation through obscure words and phrases. The translators
themselves disclaim any attempt to falsify for the sake of their
own cause. They cite Acts xiii. 2, as an example in which
with some fairness, they might have translated instead of
" ministring, sacrificing, for so the Greefce doeth signifie, and
so Erasmus translated. Yea, ive might haue translated Saying
Masse, /or so they did." '^ Notwithstanding this disclaimer,
the rendering of Matt. xi. 21 they had done i^enaunce
in hearedoth and ashes long agoe : looks very much like a
special wording for the advantage of their own cause. Tre-
gelles finds serious objections to this version in all passages
'^ which speak of the finished sacrifice of Christ," (in that)
they "receive a colouring wholly different. Thus, in the
Eoman Catholic English version we find, in Heb. x. 12, ' But
this man offering one sacrifice for sins, for ever sitteth on the
right hand of God : ' and in ch. i. 3, ^ making purgation of
sins, sitteth, etc' What perversions I"^ The word repentance
* Fulke's Rheims iV T. Annotations, in loco, with Fulke's Answer.
' Historic Evidence, cCc, N. T., p. 88, note. London, 1853.
1582.] AN^NOTATIONS. 309
almost always appears as penance, with its Eomish significa-
tion. The name of Mary, the mother of Jesus, is invariably
printed in capitals, indicating a papistical exaltation. So the
w^ord church is put in capitals, indicating by way of eminence,
the Roman Catholic Church. The name of Jesus also is printed
in capitals, Avhich is objectionable only as it points to the cross-
ing and bowing and other superstitious ceremonies. The ten-
dency of all this is unmistakable. But the intention of the
translators fully appears in their annotations, where without
stint or cover, they plead their cause, and in every j)ossible
instance, interpret the Scriptures in favor of the doctrines and
doings of Rome. These notes are controversial as well as ex-
pository. In their preface the translators declare that they
" set forth large Annotatioii^s, thereby to shew the studious
Reader in most places pertaining to the controuersies of this
time ; but the hereticall corruptions and false deductions, and
also the Apostolike tradition, the exposition of the holy
Fathers, the decrees of the Catholike Church and the most
ancient Councels ; which meanes whosouer trusteth not, for
the sense of the holy Scriptures, but had rather follow his
priuate judgement, or the arrogant spirit of these Sectaries,
he shall worthily through his own wilfulnesse be deceiued."^
Since these annotations form so important a part of the
Rheims version the following collation is subjoined : ^
Matt. II. 3. Gome to adore. " This comming so farre of deuotion to
visite and adore Christ in the place of his birth,
•was properly a Pilgrimage to his i^erson ; and war-
ranteth the faithful! in the like kinde of external!
worship done to holy persons, places, and tilings."
Verse 11. Adored Mm. " This bodie, (saith Chrysos-
tome,) the Sa^es adored in the cribbe. Let vs at the
least imitate them ; thou seest him not now in the
cribbe, but on the altar ; not a woman holding
him, but the Priest present, and the holy Ghost
powred out aboundantly vpon the sacrifice." Verse 16.
Murdred. "By this example we learne how great
* Preface to Rheims Version, p. 18. Fulke's edition, 1617.
' Ibid, in loco.
310 RHEIMS J^. T. AND DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
credit we owe to ttie Chiircli in canonizing Saints,
and celebrating tlieir holy daies ; by whose onely
warrant, without any word of Scripture, these holy
Innocents have bene honoured for Martyrs, and their
holy day kepte euer since the Apostles time, although
they died not voluntarily."
III. 8. Fruit worthy. "He preacheth satisfaction by doing
worthy fruits or works of penance, which are, (as S.
Hierome saith in 2. Joel) fasting, praying, almes, and
the like." In refuting this, Fulke affirms: "that
Hierome does not say that fasting, praying and almes,
are satisfactions for ginne, but tokens of repentance."
IV. 1. Desert. " As John tlie Baptist, so our Saviour by going
into the desert, and there liuing in contemplation
euen among bruit beasts, and subject to the assaults
of the Deuill for our sinnes, giueth a warrant and
example to such holy men as haue liued in wilder-
nesse for penance and contemplation, called Ere-
mites."
VI. 24. Two Masters. " Two religions, God and Baal, Christ and
Caluin, Masse and Communion, the Catholike Church
and Heretical 1 Conuen tides. Let them marke this
lesson of our Saviour that thinke they may serue
all masters, all times, all religions. Againe these
two masters doe signifie God and the world, the flesh
and the spirit, iustice and sinne."
XII. 33. I^or in the world to come. " S. Augustine and other holy
Doctors gather hereupon, that some sinnes may be
remitted in the next life, and consequently proue
Purgatorie thereby."
XXI. 8. Garments in the way. " These offices of honour done to
our Sauior extraordinarily, were very acceptable ;
and for a memorie hereof, the holy Church maketh
a solemne Procession euery yeare vpon this day,
specially in our Countrey when it was Catholike,
with the B. Sacrament reuerently caried, as it were
Christ vpon the asse, and strawing of rushes and
flowers, bearing of palmes, setting vp boughes,
spreading and hanging vp the richest clothes, the
quire and queristers singing, as here the children
and the people ; all done in a very goodly ceremonie,
to the honour of Christ, and the memorie of his tri-
umph vpon this day. The like seruice and the like
1583-1589.] ANNOTATIONS. 311
duties done to him in all otlier solemne Processions
of the B. Sacrament, and otherwise be undoubtedly
no lesse gratefuU.''
XXrV. 30. The signe of. "The signe of the Sonne of man, is the
holy Crosse which then shall appeare to the lewes to
their confusion. ... It shalbe no lesse confusion to
heretikes that cannot abide the signe thereof."
XXVI. 26. My hody. " He said not. This bread is a figure of my
body ; or, This wine is a figure of my bloud ; but,
This is my body, and, This is my bloud ; . . . when
some Fathers call it a figure or signe, they meane the
outward formes of bread and wine." In confuting
this, Fulke quotes several of the Church Fathers
whose combined testimony is against the doctrine
of transubstantiation.
Luke X. 35. Supererogate. " S. Augustine saith, that the Apostle
(I. Cor, 9) according to this place did supererogate
that is, did more then he needed, or was bound to doe
when he might haue required all duties for preach
ing the Gospel, but would not, . . . whereof it com
meth, that the workes which we doe more then pre
cept, be called workes of supererogation ; and where-
by it is also euident against the Protestants, that
there be such workes."
XVII. 14. To the Priests. " This leprosie signifieth sinne, which
though God may and can heale without any mans
means, yet he doth it not ordinarily but by the Priests
ministrie ; therfore let no man despise Gods ordi-
nance, nor say that it is ynough to confesse to God,
though he neuer come at the Priest." Here auricular
confession is assumed. For as Fulke suggests, it
remains to be proven that it is an ordinance of God.
XXn. 19. This is my body. " Although sense tell thee it is bread,
yet it is the body, according to his wordes. Let faith
confirme thee, iudge not by sense, after the wordes
of our Lord let no doubt rise in thy mind, ... Of
the verite of flesh and bloud there is left no place to
doubt ; by the profession of our Lord himselfe, and
by oure faith, it is flesh and bloud indeed. Is not
this truth? To them be it vntrue, which denie
Iesus Christ to be true God." — Which is giuen.
"As the former words make and proue his body
present, so tliese words plainly signifie, that it is
312 RHEIMS N. T. AKD DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
present, as giuen, offered, or sacrificed for vs : and
being uttered in the Present tense, it signifieth not
onely that it should afterward be giuen or offered on
the Crosse, but that it was tlien also in the Sacrament
giuen and offered for vs. Whereby it is inuincibly
proued, that this body is present as a host or sacri-
fice ; and that the making or consecrating thereof
must needs be sacrificing."
The publication of the Eheims New Testament with its
outspoken papistical notes created quite a sensation. The
question among Protestant divines was, Who shall refute
these bold assumptions and popish slanders ? It is said that
Queen Elizabeth applied to Beza to review both the text and
notes of this version, but that he declined and suggested
Thomas Cartwright as the man most capable for such a ser-
vice. In 1583, after having been urged by his friends, and
specially encouraged by the Earl of Leicester and Sir Francis
Walsingham, Cartwright began the work under the title of
"A Confutation of the Rhemish Translation, Glosses, and
Annotations on the Xew Testament." By a mandate from
Archbishop Whitgift he was prohibited from prosecuting it.
Though somewhat discouraged by this, he went forward and
nearly completed the work. But it was not published as a
whole till 1618, some years after his death. ^ Thomas Cart-
wright was not only a learned man, but a stanch Puritan and
a famous preacher. "He was," says Fuller, "most pious and
strict in his conversation, a pure Latinist, an accurate Gre-
cian, an exact Hebrean, and in short an excellent scholar."
And so eloquent was he, that when his turn came (to preach)
at St. Mary's, "■ the Clerk thereof was fain to take down the
windows of the Church." ^ J^or his principles concerning
' ChslmeT^'' Biographical Dictionary. Art. Cartwright {Thos). VIII.,
327. London, 1813.
2 Fuller's History of the Universify of Camhridge, p. 140. 1655.
"Dugdale calls him the standard-bearer of the Puritans, and says he
was the fiirst in the Church of England who began to pray extempore
before sermons." — Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, I., 234, note. New York,
18C3.
1583-1589.] DELAY IK PRINTING THE 0. T. 313
Churcli discipline he suffered deprivation and imprisonment.
But so eminent and worthy was he, that among Conformists
even he had many friends and admirers. Archbishop Whit-
gift frequently befriended him, and hoped to gain him over to
Conformity. When Cartwright's Confutation was published,
it added fuel to the controversy. Previous to this, however,
an Answer to the Rbeimists Annotations was j)ublished by
George Withers. Also in the same year (1588) Bulkeley put
forth An Answer to the Rhemists Preface. But chief among
the opposers of this version was Dr. William Fulke, who,
besides his Defense of English Translations, wrote his An-
swers to the Rhemish Annotations, which were published in
1589. The plan of this work embraced a reprint of the
Rheims New Testament, also that of the Bishops' Bible — that
is, the revised edition of 1572. These are printed in parallel
columns. The Rheims preface is taken up paragraph by
paragraph and answered. So, likewise, the annotations are
refuted verse by verse. This book became very popular, and
gave to the Rheims version a much wider circulation than it
otherwise would have attained. The work was reissued in
1601. It was revised and rejmblished in 1617, and issued
again in 1633. ^ There were new editions of the Rheims New
Testament published in 1600, 1621, and 1633.2 xj^^ contro-
versy on both sides raged during this period. Whitaker wrote
in opposition to Bellarmine in 1610; Kellison published in 1615
A Gagg for the Reformed Gospel, which was answered by Dr.
Richard Montagu. Bernard, the author of Thesaurus Bib-
hcus, pubhshed in 1626 Rhemes against Rome.^ It was during
this period also that the Romish version of the Old Testament
was published at Douay.
The Old Testament of the Douay Bible, published in
1609-10, lay in Manuscript about thirty years before it was
printed. For this delay the revisers give the "one general
' Compare Westcott's Hist. Eng. Bible, p. 109, note. ^ Ibid, p. 109.
3 Eadie's Ejig. Bible, II., 149.
14
314 EHEIMS N. T. AND DOUAT BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
cause, our poor estate in banishment." ^ The translation of
the Old as well as New Testament was from the Latin Vul-
gate, which the Khemists claimed was superior, not only to
other Latin versions, but to the Greek and Hebrew originals,
" since the Latin (of the Vulgate) was translated out of them
while they were more pure ; and that the same Latin hath
been far better conserved from corruptions." ^ But the fre-
quent revisions of the Latin Vulgate, and the papal conflict
over rival editions about this time, are strongly opposed to so
bold a claim for the edition from which they translated, what-
ever might be said for the text of the Vulgate as it came from
the hands of Jerome.
In 1546 the Council of Trent decreed that the Latin Vul-
gate was authentic, and yet failed to designate the edition
containing the true text ; but at the same time, singularly
enough, appointed a committee of six persons to set forth this
authentic edition. The pope, however, prevented them.^
This was the beginning of the pope's war over the Latin text
of the Vulgate. Pius IV. undertook to put forth a corrected
and an authoritative edition of the Vulgate. His design was
taken up by Pius V. and completed by Sixtus V. This last
pope not only gathered around him scholarly men, but en-
gaged in the work himself, personally revising and correcting
the pages for the press. To add to the authority of this
edition, he issued a bull in 1589, in which he declares : " Of
our certain knowledge and plenitude of apostolical power, we
ordain and declare that this edition only, which has now been
corrected in the best possible manner, and printed at our
Vatican press, is without any doubt or controversy to be
regarded by the Christian pnblic, as the Vulgate Latin edition
of the Old and New Testament, received as autlientic by the
council of Trent. And we order it to be read through the
whole Christian world, in all churches, remarking, that first
by the general consent of the holy church, and of the holy
1 Preface, 0. T. Douay Bible. 2 jUd.
3 Kitto's Cyclopcedia. Art. Vulgate. II. 938, 934. New York,
1853.
1G09-35.] EEvisioxs of latin vulgate. 315
Fathers, then by the decree of the general council of Trent,
and now also, by that apostolical authority which God hath
committed unto us, it was, and is enjoined to be received and
accounted, as a true, lawful, authentic, and undoubted copy, in
all public and private disputations, lectures, sermons, or ex-
positions." 1
This Bible of Sixtus V. was published in 1590, in three
volumes folio, and is said to be " one of the grandest works
which ever issued from the Vatican press, under the super-
intendence of Aldus. "2 But it was soon discovered to be full
of errors, and on the accession of Gregory XIV. all the copies
were called in and a new edition resolved upon. The work of
revision was committed to a select number of cardinals and
other learned men. Little progress was made under Gregory,
as he died in 1591 ; but it was taken up and completed by his
successor, Clement VIII. This Clementine edition was pub-
lished in 1592, and put forth with the same claims as those of
the Sixtine edition — that is, as the veritable and authentic
edition of the council of Trent. There existed numerous
variations in the readings of these two versions, some of which
amounted to contradictions, which argued very unfavorably
respecting papal infallibility. Clement and his revisers con-
fined themselves largely to correcting the corrections made by
Sixtus. 3
The Douay translators wisely followed the Clementine
edition of 1592. Their preface intimates only one thing they
had done touching the text, whereof they would especially
give notice: "That whereas heretofore, in the best Latin
editions, there remained manie places differing in wordes,
some also in sense, as in long processe of time the writers
erred in their copies ; now lately by the care and diligence of
the Church, those diuerse readings were maturely and judi-
ciously examined and conferred with sundrie the best written
aod printed bookes, and so resolved upon, that all which
' Townley's Biblical Literature, II., 493.
« lUd, p. 493. 3 ii)ia^ pp. 493-4.
316 EHEIMS IT. T. AND DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
before were left in the margent are either restored into the
Text, or else omitted ; so that now none such remain in the
margent. For which cause they had again conferred this
English Translation, and conformed it to the most perfect
Latin Edition." The title-page reads: "The Holie BiUe,
iiiithfully translated into English out of theVuthentical Latin,
diligently conferred with the Hebrew, Greeke, and other
editions in divers languages, with Arguments of the Books
and Chapters ; Annotations ; Tables ; and other helpes, for
better understanding of the Text ; and for discoverie of Cor-
ruptions in some late translations; and for clearing Contro-
versies in Religion. By the English College of Doway,
Printed at Doway by Laurence Kellam at the signe of the
holie Lamb. M. DC. IX."
The publication of the Old Testament attracted but little
attention, the controversy having confined itself for the most
part to the New Testament translation. The reasons for this,
as assigned by Fuller, were : " Partly, because no great emi-
nence therein to entitle it to their (i. e. Protestants) perusall ;
Partly, because that moiety of the BiUe is of least concern-
ment in the controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome.^^ '
There were various hindrances which limited the circulation
of the Douay Bible, such as: possibly, the price of the book,
which put it beyond the reach of the poor; the opposition of
the papal hierarchy to the free use of the Bible; and espe-
cially the obscurities of the translation, which rendered it
unacceptable to English Catholics. So that we are not sur-
prised to learn that there were but two editions of the Douay
Bible published, the first of which was in 1609-10 ; the sec-
ond in 1635.
The annotations on the Old Testament were prepared by
Thomas Worthington, who was president of the College at
Rheims. Afterward he retured to Douay, where " he reviewed
and published the English translation of the Old Testament," 2
' Church History of Britain, B. IX., p. 172. London, 1655.
2 Lewis' History of Eng. Translations, p. 391.
1609-1881.] IMPORTAXCE OF THE LATIN VULGATE. 317
which, had been made at Rheims many years before. The
anxiety of the translators to secure a wide circulation for the
Douay Bible is manifested in the closing words of their pre-
face, in which they make a special presentation of their work
to both Catholics and heretics : " With this then we wil con-
clude, most deare (we speake to you al, that vnderstand our
tongue, whether you be of contrarie opinions in faith, or mun-
dane feare participate with another Congregation, or professe
with YS the same Catholike Eeligion) to you al we present this
worke."
The imperfections of the Douay Bible, and its failure to
meet the expectations of its friends, did not necessarily arise
from its being a translation from the Latin. The Latin vul-
gate waits to be properly appreciated by the Protestant Church.
Whatever of human imperfection may have been entailed upon
it from its original translation, or through the revision and
translation of Jerome; or whatever of faults may have crept
into the text, in the course of years, through the neghgence
of transcribers ; or whatever of popish conflict there may have
been over rival editions ; there is no means of estimating the
obligation of true religion for centuries to this Latin text of
the Holy Scriptures. At the first this text was the vernacular
of the people. And then, for ages afterward, in a revised and
unre^dsed state, this Latin text was the source from which the
unlearned as well as the learned of Western Christendom drew
the water of life. Even up to the time of the Reformation,
especially on the continent, the Vulgate was the principal
source of religious knowledge. Martin Luther first learned
the principles of the Reformation from a Latin Bible. Be-
sides, the Vulgate became the honored basis of Vernacular
versions in Western Europe. Particularly was it the ground-
work of the Wycliffite versions, which for a hundred and fifty
years proved a well-spring of spiritual blessing to the English
nation. And this Latin Vulgate to-day is not without its
importance, since it stands as an " early witness to the text
and interpretation of the whole Bible." ^
' Smith's Dictionary of the Bible. Art. Vulgate. IV., 3451. New-
York, 1872.
318 EHEIMS K. T. AXD DOUAT BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
In addition to the above the Latin Vulgate has exercised an
important influence upon the English language. In the
earliest Latin translations there were many Latin words taken
from a common and consecrated to a sacred use — that is, as to
their meaning. Many of these, in an Anglicized form, found
their way iuto English theological speech, and into English
versions of parts of the Bible, long before the time of Wycliffe.
So that, while we are indebted to the Wycliffite versions, Tyn-
dale's translation, and other early Enghsh versions, as me-
diums for many theological terms, yet for these words we are
primarily indebted to the Latin Vulgate. Many familiar and
significant words thus have been bequeathed to us, and we
scarcely have stopped long enough to inquire whence they
came. Such words, for example, as adoption, advocate, cliarity,
confession, conversion, election, glory, grace, immortality, jus-
tified, mediator, parable, reconciling, redemptio7i, regeneration,
remission, resurrection, revelation, sacrifice, sanctified, scrip-
ture, and spirit. While these words find a place in the Eheims
New Testament, yet not a single one is peculiar to that ver-
sion. For the most part they were used first in the Wycliffite
versions, and derived directly from the Vulgate, as will appear
in the following collation :
Matt. XIII. 33. An other parable Thesus spac to hem. Wycliffe, after
parabolam of the V.
Mark XII. 18. And Saducees, that seyen no resurecioun. Wycliffe,
after resurrectionem of the V.
John II. 22. . . . and thei bileueden to the scripture. Wyc-
liffe, after scripturm of the V.
Acts XV, 3. . . . declarjnge the conuersion of the gentyles,
Tyndale, after conuersionem of the V.
Rom. I. 9. , . .to whom I serue in my spirit, in the gospel
of his sone. Wycliflfe, after in spirit u meo of the V.
III. 24. Thei justified freely bi his grace, by the redemciouny
\r the agenbiyng that is purposid in Jhesu Crist.
WyclifEe, after justificati and redemptionem of
the V.
25. . . . for remiscioun of bifore goynge synnes.
Wycliffe, after remissionem of the V.
1380.] INFLUENCE OF THE LATIN VULGATE. 310
IV, 20. . . . gyuynge glorie to God. Wycliffe, aFtor
gloriam of the V.
V. 15. . . . moche more the grace of God. Wycliffe,
after gratia of the V.
VIII. 15. . . . but ye han taken the spirit of adopcioun.
Wycliffe, after spiritum adoptionis of the V.
XL 5. . . .a remnaunt lefte thorow the eUccion of
grace. Tyndale, after electionem of the V. Or
rather, this word was common and had been in
use since the time of Wycliffe, whose translation
of the seventh verse of this chapter reads : . . .
Israel hath not getyn that that he soughte, forsothe
eleceloun hath getyn.
XV. 16. . . . sanctyfied by the holy goost. This word
seems first to have been employed by Tyndale.
Wycliffe uses the word halewid. The Vulgate has
in this connection, sanctificata.
XVI. 25. . . . the revelncioun of mysterie holden stille,
, . . Wycliffe, after revelationem of the V.
I. Cor, Xllt. 1. . . . sothli I haue not cliarite. Wycliffe, after
charitam of the V.
II. Cor. V. 19. Sothli for God was in Crist reconci'ynge to him the
world. Wycliffe, after reconcilians of the V.
PhiL II. 17. . . . vpon the sacrifice and seruyce of youre
feith. Wycliffe, after sacrificium of the V.
I. Tim. VI. 16, The which aloone hath imviortalite. Wycliffe, after
immortalitem of the V.
Heb. XII. 24. And to Jhesu mediatour of the newe testament. Wy-
cliffe, after mediatorum of the V.
I. John II. 1. . , . But and if ony man shal synne, we han
auoket anentis the fadir Ihesu Crist iust. So the
earlier version of Wycliffe, while the later version
has : aduocat, and both after adwcatiam of the V.'
These examples might be greatly increased showing the
influence of the Latin Vulgate upon our English Scriptures ;
and so also upon the theological language of Enghsh speaking
people. This with other influences, entitles the Vulgate to a
more honorable place in the esteem of Protestants, who have
» The above examples from Wycliffe are from Forshall and Madden 's
WycUffite Versions. Oxford, 1850. The readings from the Latin Vulgate
are from Stier and Theile's Polyglotten-Bibel. 1854.
320 EHEIMS X. T. AND DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
been inclined to regard it as the peculiar treasure of the
Romish Church. Further the above collation shows, and a
still larger one would confirm the fact, that we are most of all
indebted to the WyclifiSte versions and not to the Rhemish ver-
sion, for appropriating, Auglicizing, and spiritualizing words
derived directly from the Latin Vulgate.
Dr. Cornelius Nary, an eminent Catholic divine, published
in 1718-19 the New Testament in English, translated from
the Vulgate, diligently compared with the Greek and with
divers translations in other languages, together with annota-
tions and marginal notes. This was not, strictly speaking, a
revision of the Rheims New Testament, but it was the first
attempt to give to English Catholics the Scriptures in their
own tongue since 1635,* a period of almost a hundred years.
In his preface. Dr. Nary says : that he translated from the
Latin Vulgate, since it had been declared " authentick by the
Council of Trent." In the same connection he speaks of the
difficulty of the undertaking, and excuses himself for entering
upon it on the ground of his " Knowledge of oriental Lan-
guages "; also that his " Countrymen had great need of such a
Translation." In sho^ving up this need, he says : " We have no
CatlioUch Translation of the Scriptures in the English Tongue
but the Doicay Bible and the Rlieviish Testament, which have
been done now more than an hundred Years since; the Lan-
guage whereof is so old, the Words in many Places so obsolete,
the OrthogTaphy so bad, and the Translation so very literal,
that in a Number of Places it is unintelligible, and all over
so grating to the Ears of such as are accustomed to speak, in
a manner, another Language, that most People will not be
at the pains of reading them."^ Dr. Nary therefore sought to
make his translation speak the English tongue. In doing this
he kept " as close to the Letter as the English would permit ";
and where the words were implied, though not expressed in
^ The date of the issue of the second and last edition of the Douay
Bible proper.
2 Lewis' Hist, of Eng. Translations, pp. 357, 358.
1749-50.] challoxer's revisions". 321
the Latin, lie put them in italics, sometimes in the text and
sometimes in the margin. He concludes his preface with an
account of the annotations, the design of which was "to recon-
cile some apparent Contradictions in the Gospels, and to illus-
trate the literal Sense of the Text In a word, his chief
Aim was to encourage his Countrymen to read and to meditate
upon the Will and Testament of their heavenly Lord and
Master, by giving it to them in a Stile and Dress less obscure,
and somewhat more engaging than it has been many Years
past."i
Another Eoman Catholic translation of the New Testament
was published in 1730-33, by Dr. R. Wetham, a professor at
Douay. He commends the translators of the Rheims New
Testament for their endeavors to give a true and hteral trans-
lation, though he confesses that they followed the Latin too
scrupulously. Wetham criticises Dr. Nary for his too great
freedom with the text, and charges him with making a para-
phrase rather than a literal translation. He congratulates
himself that his translation was from the Latin rather than
the Greek text. In putting forth his work, he did not beheve
"that everyone though never so ignorant, might read and
put his own Constructions on the Sense of these sacred Writ-
ings, but, that they might be read with humiUty and an entire
submission to the Judgment of the Church, and of the Head
of the Church the Successor of Saint Peter, to those Pastors
and Bishops whom Christ left to govern the Church." ^
A revised edition of the Douay Bible was published in
1749-50, by Dr. Richard Challoner, one of the vicars apostolic
of the Roman Catholic Church in England. This version is
rather a new translation than a revision, though in later edi-
tions it claims to be both. The changes for the better intro-
duced by Dr. Challoner are so numerous that it is largely
conformed to the text of King James' version. True, after
the manner of the Rheims version, he retains such untrans-
lated words as : Azymes, Matt. xxvi. 17 ; though in Luke xxii. 1,
' Lewis' Hist, of Eng. Translations, pp. 361, 362. ' Ibid, 363, 364.
322 RHEIMS J^. T. AND DOUAY BIBLE. [CHAP. IX.
it is translated the feast of unleavened bread ; Pasch, Matt,
xxri. 17; Parasceve, Mark xv. 42; Paraclete, John xiv. 16.
Also such words as penance, justice, chalice, are retained.
Taken as a whole, however, it is very readable, since it leaves
out that whole class of obscure and senseless words found in
the Rheimish version, such as exlnanited, contristate, and
prefinition. Take the following as specimens of this trans-
lation : 1
Ex. XX. And the Lord spoke all these words :
2. I am the Lord thy God, who brought thee out of the land
of Egypt, out of the house of bondage.
3. Thou shalt not have strange Gods before me.
4 Thou shall not make to thyself a graven thing, nor the
likeness of anything, that is in heaven above, or in the
earth beneath, nor of those things that are in the waters
under the earth .
5. Thou shalt not adore them, nor serve them : I am the
Lord thy God, mighty, jealous, visiting the iniquity of
the fathers upon the children, upon the third and fourth
generation of them that hate me ;
6. And she^Aing mercy unto thousands to them that love me,
and keep my commandments.
7. Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain ;
for the Lord will not hold him guiltless that shall take
the name of the Lord his God in vain.
8. Remember that thou keep holy the sabbath day.
9. Six days shalt thou labour, and shalt do all thy works.
10. But on the seventh day is the sabbath of the Lord thy
God : thou shalt do no work on it, thou nor thy son,
nor thy daughter, nor thy man servant, nor thy maid
servant, nor thy beast, nor the stranger that is within
thy gates.
11. For in six days the Lord made heaven, and earth, and the
sea, and all things that are in them, and rested on the
seventh day, therefore the Lord blessed the sabbath
day, and sanctified it.
12. Honour thy father and thy mother, that thou mayst be
long lived upon the land, which the Lord thy God will
give thee.
13. Thou shalt not kill.
' Challoner's Revision of the Bible. New York and Montreal, 1876.
1749-1836.] LIBERALITY AMONG CATHOLIC KEVISERS. 323
14. Thou slialt not cammit adultery.
15. Thou slialt not steal.
16. Thou slialt not bear false witness against tliy neighbour.
17. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, neither shalt
thou desire his wife, nor his servant, nor his handmaid,
nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is his.
Matt. VI. 9. Thus therefore shall you pray : Our Father who art in
heaven, hallowed be thy name.
10. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done on earth as it is
in heaven.
11. Give us this day our supersubstantial bread.
12. And forgive us our debts, as we also forgive our debtors.
13. And lead us not into temptation. But deliver us from
evil. Amen.
Challoner's annotations are not extensive, and in many
instances are not objectionable, especially upon the Epistle to
the Romans. But those on the Gospels are decidedly papisti-
cal. It ought to be a matter, however, of sincere gratification
among the lovers of the English Scriptures that there has been
such a growing tendency to liberality among Catholic revisers
of the Douay Bible. Dr. Murray's edition of 1825 was largely
conformed to the Authorized version. So also Dr. Lingard's
translation of the Four Gospels, 1836, was made in the same
liberal spirit. ^ Those in high authority suffer these improved
editions of the Scriptures to go forth, but with a constrained
and faint approval. From the above it appears that the
Catholic Bible of to-day is not the Douay Bible of 1609 and
1635. And if such versions or revisions as that of Dr. Chal-
loner could go forth, without note or comment, Protestants
might rejoice, and even aid in circulating them among Amer-
ican Catholics.
* It was published anonymously by Dolman, London.
CHAPTER X,
THE AUTHORIZED VERSION. A. D. 1611.
QUEEN ELIZABETH died March 24, 1603, and was suc-
ceeded by James VI. of Scotland. The Puritans, so long
under ban, now expected speedy relief. James, though born of
Eoman Catholic parents, was a Presbyterian by profession. He
had publicly pledged himself against the extremes of Koman-
ism, Genevanism, and the Episcopacy of Elizabeth. In the Gen-
eral Assembly at Edinburgh, 1590, with uplifted hands, " He
praised God that he was born in the time of the light of the
Gospel, and in such a place as to be king of such a church, the
sincerest (purest) kirk in the world. ' The Church of Geneva,'
said he, * keep Pasche and Yule (Easter and Christmas), what
have they for them ? They have no institution. As for our
neighbour Kirk of England, their service is an evil-said mass
in English : they want nothing of the mass but the liftings.
I charge you my good ministers, doctors, elders, nobles, gen-
tlemen, and barons, to stand to your purity, and to exhort the
people to do the same ; and I, forsooth, as long as I brook my
life, shall maintain the same. ' " ^ After his accession, there-
fore, one of the first acts of the Puritans was to draw up a
petition for the reformation of certain abuses in the Church.
This was the noted Millenary petition, so called because it was
said to have been signed by a thousand names, though in fact
the number was limited to seven hundred fifty or eight hun-
dred.^ In response, the king issued a proclamation calling
for a conference to meet at Hampton Court, to hear complaints
concerning abuses in the Church, and to reform the same, '-if
he should find them apparently proved." The meeting was
' Neal's History of tJw Puritans, I., 227. « 75^-^^ p_ 228.
1604.] HAMPTOi?^ COURT CONFERENCE. 325
accordingly held in the drawing-room within the privy cham-
ber of Hampton Court Palace, on the 14th, 16th and 18th of
January, 1604. The discussion soon revealed to the Puritan
party, that they had little to expect from the king, who from
the first sided with the bishops and nobles. He seriously inter-
rupted the Puritans in their speeches, and indulged with his
nobles ^^ in mirth and raillei7 " at the expense of the " unhappy
Puritans." Further he gave the conference to understand that
he had learned a lesson in Scotland that he would not soon
forget, and that was, that a Scots' presbytery meant no king,
since it "agrees with monarchy as well as God and the devil.'*'
Turning to his bishops, he said: "My lords, I may thank
you that these Puritans plead for my supremacy, for, if once
you are out and they in place, I know what Avould become cf
my supremacy, for, No bishop, no king."^ King James had
not forgotten his ineffectual attempt to play pope in Scotland,
when at the hands of his own nobility, who favored freedom in
Church and State, he "w^as seized and restrained for a time
to Ruthven castle." ^ The importance of this conference,
however, is that we are indebted to it for the first suggestion
looking towards a new translation of the Scriptures. A sug-
gestion which finally resulted in King James' version, v/hich
has come down to us through more than two and a half cen-
turies, and is to-day our accepted English Bible.
On the second day of the conference. Dr. Reynolds, the ac-
knowledged leader of the Puritan party, addressed the assem-
bly in behalf of his brethren. He was frequently interrupted,
and grossly treated by the king and his bishops. On one
occasion it is related, that Bishop Bancroft dropped upon his
knees and begged the king, "to stop the Doctor's mouth,"
alleging, ^^that schismatics are not to be heard against their
bishops." But Reynolds was permitted to go on, and in the
course of his remarks on the subject of a new catechism, he
" moved his Majesty, that there might be a neiu Translation
' Neal's History of the Puritans, I., 232.
2 Hetherington's History of the Church of Scotland, pp. 85, 86, 87.
New York. 1870.
328 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION". [CKAP. X.
of the Bible, because," he said, "that those which were allowed
in the Reigus of Henry VIII. and Edward VI. were corrupt,
and not answerable to the Truth of the Original." ^ Bancroft
objected that if every man's humor were followed, there would
be. no end to translations of the Scriptures. But the king
accepted the motion and entered heartily into the suggestion.
He affirmed that ^- he had never yet seen a Bible well trans-
lated in English, tho' he thought the Geneva the worst, and
therefore wished, that some special Pains should be taken in
the Matter for one uniform Translation, and this to be done
by the best learned in both the Universities." ^ The king
added, on a hint from the bishop of London, " that no marginal
Notes should be added, he having found in those annexed to
the Geneva Translation some Notes very partial, untrue, sedi-
tious, and favouring too much of dangerous and traiterous
Conceits."^ The account given by the translators in their
preface is substantially the same with the above, and is as fol-
lows : " But besides all this, they (the Puritans) were the
principall motiues of it, and therefore ought least to quarrell it ;
for the very Historicall trueth is, that vpon the importunate
petitions of the Puritanes, at his Majesties comming to this
Crowne, the Conference at Hampton Court hauing been
appointed for hearing their complaints; when by force of rea-
son they were put from all other grounds, they had recourse
at the last, to this shift, that they could not with good con-
science subscribe to the Communion booke, since it maintained
the Bible as it was there translated, which was as they said, a
most corrupted translation. And although this was judged
to be but a very poore and emptie shift ; yet euen hereupon
did his Maiestie beginne to bethinke himselfe of the good that
might ensue by a new translation, and presently after gaue
order for this Translation which is now presented vnto thee." *
1 Dr. Barlovve's Summe & Substance of the Hampton Court Conference,
p. 45. As cited bj Lewis' History of English Translations, p. 307. Lon-
don. 1739.
2 Ibid, p. 308. 3 lud, p. 308.
4 Preface, folio ed., 1613.
1604.] A XEW TRANSLATION DETERMINED UPON. 327
In fact the subject at the time seems to have attracted but
little attentioD. It came up incidentally in the discussion on
subscribing to the Communion book, and must liave been
regarded by all as a secondary matter. The Episcopal party
had their Bishops' Bible; and the Puritans were satisfied
with their Genevan version, rightly regarding it as the best
translation as yet produced. Neither was there any outside
demand for a new English version. But among the articles
laid down as the result of this conference, the second, accord-
ing to Galloway's account, reads: ''That a translation be
made of the whole Bible, as consonant as can he to the original
Hehreiu and Greeh ; and this to be set out and printed, loith-
oitt any marginal notes, and only to be used in all Churches of
England in time of divine service. "^ But this created no
expectation. At the meeting of parliament which occurred
soon after this conference, the matter was not mentioned.
Besides at the convocation which met at this time, action was
taken to the effect that, '' If any Parishes he yet unfurnished
of the Bible, of the largest Volume the said Church-
wardens shall within convenient time provide the same at the
Charge of the Parish.^' As Lewis remarks in this connection,
from this action and from the king's letters patent in ratify-
ing it, '*one would have thought that the Resolution, just now
mentioned, of having a new translation of the Bible, had
been dropped and wholly laid aside. But it seems it was not.
For almost presently after, the King commissioned several
learned Persons of both the Universities and other Places, to
meet, confer and consult together in order to make a new
and more correct Translation of the Bible." ^
By whose advice or counsel these men were appointed, and by
whose plans their work was decided upon, we have no means
of determining. Anderson, in his zeal to detract from the king's
participation in the origin of the work, says : " Before the end
' Anderson's Annals of Eng. Bible, p. 477.
* Lewis' History of Eng. Translations of the Bible, p. 309.
328 THE AUTHORIZED YERSIOI^. [CHAP. X.
of June, a list of scholars suitable for the work was presented
to James for his acceptance. They were selected /or him and
he of course approved." ^ But King James' letter, July 22,
1604, says: "he had appointed certain learned Men to the
number oi Four and Fifty, for the Translation of the Bible." ^
If this moYement was a wise one, and these appointments
were wisely made, then let honor be given to whom honor is
due. Though James I. may be regarded unworthy in charac-
ter, yet there is no question as to his active agency in origi-
nating the enterprise that resulted in the Bible that still bears
his name. Though ueither from the royal treasury nor his
own private purse, did the king provide means for defraying
the expenses, yet he did the next best thing, which was to
secure preferments for those whom he called to take part in
the work of translation.^
The number originally appointed was fifty-four, but for
reasons unknown only forty-seven engaged in the work.
These were divided into six companies, two of which sat in
London, two in Oxford, and two in Cambridge. The follow-
ing table shows the names of the several committees, the por-
tion of Scripture assigned to each, and the places where they
met:
I, Westminster Com. on O, T. — Deans, Andrews and Overal ; Doc-
tors Sara via, Clarke, Layfield, and Teigli ; Messrs. Burleigh,
Kinge, Thompson, and Bead well. Pentateuch. Joshua to the
first hook of (Jhron. exclusive.
II. Cambridge Com. on O. T. — Prof. Livelye, Dr. Richardson ; Messrs.
Chaderton, Dillinpfham, Harrison, Andrews, Spaldinge, and
Binge. First Ghron. to the end of Ecc. inclusive.
III. Oxford Com. on O. T. — Doctors Hardinge, Reynolds, Holland, and
Kilby ; Messrs. Smith, Brett, and Fareclowe. The four Or eater
Prophets, Lamentations, and the twelve Lesser Prophets.
IV. Westminster Com. on N. T. — Dean Barlow ; Doctors Hutchinson
and Spencer ; Messrs. Fenton, Rabbett, Sanderson, and Dakins.
Epistles of Paul, and the Canonical Epistles.
V. Oxford Com. on N. T. — Deans Ravis, Abbot, Montague, and
Thompson (GiJes) ; Messrs. Savile and Harmer; Doctors Perne
1 Annals of the Bible, p. 477. ^ Lewis, p. 312. ^ n^i^^ p. 312.
1004-11.] THE REVISERS EMIXEXT FOR SCHOLARSniP. 329
and Ravens. The four Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, and hook of
Revelation.
VI. Cambridge Com. on Apocrypha. — Doctors Duport, Branthwaite,
RadcliflFe ; Messrs. Ward, Downes, Boyse, and Warde. Prayer
of Manasses, and tlie rest of the Apocrypha. '
These men were all noted for piet}' and learning. Dean
Andrews was esj)ecially eminent as a linguist, and is said to
have understood fifteen languages. " The world wanted
learning to know how learned he was." Dean Overal had the
reputation of being "a prodigious learned man." Dr. Teigh
was " an excellent textuary and profound linguist." William
Bead well was " the best Arabic scholar of his time." Professor
Livelye was an eminent linguist, excelling in the knowledge of
Hebrew. Dr. Chaderton was distinguished for his knowledge
of Hebrew and Rabbinical learning. Francis Dillingham was
an eminent Grecian. Thomas Harrison was "skilled in the
Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues." Dr. Reynolds stood first
among the scholars of his time in Europe. He was the prime
mover in this enterprise, but did not live to see it completed.
" During his long illness his associates met in his room once a
week to compare their notes." He long sustained the repu-
tation of being ^'^the pillar of Puritanism and the grand
favourer of non-conformity." Dr. Holland "was another
Apollos and mighty in the Scriptures." Dr. Kilby excelled
in the knowledge of Hebrew. Dr. Smith was highly esteemed
as " a Hebrew and Chaldee, Syriac and Arabic scholar." Dr.
Brett was "eminent as a linguist in Latin, Greek, and He-
brew." Harmer was " a noted Latinist and Grecian." Andrew
Downes is described " as one composed of Greek and indus-
try"; and Savile was regarded as "the most learned layman of
the day." Taken together they were representative men, not
only in piety and learning, but in liberality of sentiment.
Their liberality was especially manifested in the work of re-
vision, for though required for the most part to confine them-
* The names of the several companies are from Lewis' Hist- of Trans-
lations, p. 310 : compare also Burnet's list, Hist. Ref. Records, II., P. II.,
B. III., p. 366. London, 1683.
330 THE AUTHORIZED VERSIOI^". [CHAP. X.
selves to the Bishops' Bible, they did not refuse to draw upon
the Geneyan and Kheims versions, when learning and good
sense so required.^
The following rules were laid down by the king for their
guidance, copies of which were sent to each company. There
is some discrepancy in the different accounts as to the number
of these rules. In the report to the synod of Dort in 1618,
only seven rules are enumerated. But for the most part the
number recorded is fourteen. The transcript given below is
from Burnet : ^
I. The ordinary Bible read in the Church, commonly called the
Bishops Bible, to be followed, and as little altered, as the
Truth of the Original will permit.
II. Tlie Names of the Prophets, and the Holy Writers, with the other
Names of the Text, to be retained, as nigh as may be, accord-
ingly as they were vulgarly used.
III. The old Ecclesiastical Words to be kept, viz. the word Church not
to be translated Cungregation, &c.
IV. When a Word hath divers significations, that to be kept which
hath been most commonly used by the most of the Ancient
Fathers, being agreeable to the Propriety of the Place, and
the Analogy of the Faith.
V. The division of the Chapters to be altered, either not at all, or as
little as may be, if necessity so require.
VI. No Marginal Notes at all to be affixed, but only for the explanation
of the Hebreic or Greek words, which cannot, without some
circumlocution, so briefly and fitly be exprest in the Text.
VII. Such Quotations of Places to be marginally set down, as shall
serve for the fit reference of one Scripture to another.
VIII. Every particular Man of each Company, to take the same Chapter
or Chapters, and having translated, or amended them sever-
ally by himself, where he thinketh good, all to meet together,
confer what they have done, and agree for their parts what
shall stand.
IX. As any one Company hath dispatched any one Book in this man-
ner, they shall send it to the rest, to be considered of seriously
and judiciously, for his Majesty is very careful in this Point.
' They were permitted so to do by the XIV. rule laid down for their
guidance with exception of the Rheiras version.
2 Hist. Bef. Church of Eng. II., Records, P. II., B. Ill , p. 368. 1683.
1557.] PREPARATION'S COMPLETED. 331
X. If any Company, upon the review of the Book so sent, doubt or
differ upon any Place, to send them word thereof ; note the
Place, and withal send the Reasons ; to which if they consent
not, the difference to be compounded at the General Meeting,
which is to be of the chief Persons of each Company at the
end of the Work.
XI. When any Place of special obscurity is douted of. Letters to be
directed, by Authority, to send to any Learned Man in the
Land, for his judgment of such a Place.
XII. Letters to be sent from every Bishop, to the rest of his Clergy,
admonishing them of this Translation in hand ; and to move
and charge, as many as being skilful in the Tongues ; and
having taken pains in that kind, to send his particular Obser-
vations to the Company, either at Westminster, Cambridg,OT
Oxford.
XIII. The Directors in each Company, to be the Deans of Westminster,
and Chester for that Place ; and the King's Professors in the
Helrew or Greek in either University.
XIV. These Translations to be used when they agree better with the
Text than the Bishops Bible, mz. : TyndoWs, Matthews, Cover-
dale's, Whitchurch's, (and) Geneva.
XV. Besides the said Directors before mentioned, three or four of the
most Ancient and Grave Divines, in either of the Univer-
sities, not employed in Translating, to be assigned by the
Vice Chancellor upon conference with rest of the Heads,
to be Overseers of the Translations, as well Hebrew as
Greek; for the better observation of the 4th Rule above
specified. ^
The needful preparations were completed at the close of the
year 1604 ; but it is not known when the different companies
entered upon their work. According to the preface the com-
mittees sat about three years. The labor of revising " cost the
workemen, as light as it seemeth, the paines of twise seuen
times seuentie two daies and more." ^ The work of the com-
mittees finished, two were chosen from each company to meet
in Stationers Hall, London, to overlook and prepare one copy
^ This last was rather a by-law, as it seems to have been added after-
wards, when the difficulty in the working of this IV. rule began to be
felt. See Westcott's History of Bible, p. 119.
« Preface to folio ed., 1613.
333 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION. [CHAP. X.
for the press.i This company was engaged some nine months.
Dr. Miles Smith and Thomas Bilson were appointed to super-
intend the work through the press, which occupied them two
years. In 1611, King James' Bible appeared from the press
of Robert Barker, with the following title : " The Holy Bible
Conteyning the Old Testament, and the New. Newly Trans-
lated out of the Originall Tongues : and with the former
Translations diligently compared and reuised by his Majesty's
Speciall Commandement. Appointed to he read in Churches.
Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the King's
Most Excellent Majesty, Anno Dom. 1611."
This title in the early folio editions, is surrounded by an
elaborate device, which fills the entire page. The design is
architectural and is made up of scroll-work, which gives to the
whole an appearance of lightness combined with strength. At
the top of the page is represented a high altar, over which
hang heavy clouds ; but light breaks through them, revealing
the name nhn^, which symbolizes God the Father ; in the cen-
tral part of the altar, in a halo of clouds, stands a living
lamb, with a cross on its shoulder, representing Jesus on the
earth ; and immediately below this, surrounded by clouds, is
a. dove with outstretched wings, symbolizing the Holy Ghost.
On either side of the altar at the top of the page, are repre-
sented the sun, moon and twelve stars, which symbolize the
fact of revelation through Christ, his Church and his Apostles.
At the foot of the altar, on either side, sit the evangelists,
Matthew and Mark, each attended by his apocalyptic symbol,
viz. : Matthew by an eagle with the face of a man, and Mark
by a lion. Each of the evangelists lias an open book before
him and a pen in his hand, as if in the act of writing. At the
bottom of the page is another altar, upon which lies a bound
and bleeding lamb, symbolizing the sacrifice of Christ. On
either side of the altar sit the evangelists Luke and John,
^ The report made at the Synod of Dort in 1618, gives twelve as the
number of this Select Committee. See Lewis' History of English Trans-
lations, pp. 823, 324
1611.] PREFACE. 333
like those above, in the act of writing, attended also by their
symbols, the one an ox, the other an eagle. On the right
of the page, forming a handsome border, are twelve small
medallion pictures, with tents in the foreground, representing
the sons of Jacob; the tents bearing the insignia of the several
tribes. On the opposite side of the page, and corresponding
to these, are twelve other medallions representing the twelve
disciples in half-length pictures. These doubtless symbolize
the Neiu Testament, and those on the opposite side the Old
Testament Church. The minuteness of detail which enters
into every part of this design, makes it a pleasant subject of
study. The " engraved title or frontispiece" says Cotton,
'' has been much admired. It is not often found in good con-
dition." *
The dedication to the king is fulsome in the extreme. Writ-
ten in the flattering spirit of the age, it is unworthy of a place
in the sacred volume. But the preface, as a whole, is worthy
of the revisers and their work. The design of the preface
was first to answer objections to a new English translation.
" Many mens mouthes haue been open a good while (and yet
are not stopped) with speaches about the Translation .... or
rather perusals of Translations made before ; and aske, ....
what the necessitie of the employment: Hath the Church
been deceiued, say they, all this while ?. . . .Hath the bread
been deliuei*ed by the fathers of the Church, and the same
prooued to be lapidos2is, as Seneca speaketh ? . . . . Was their
Translation good before ? Why doe they now mend it ? " In
reply they say : '' We are so farre ofi" from condemning any of
their labours that traueiled before vs in this kinde, either in
this land or beyond sea, that wee acknowledge them to
haue been raised vp of God, for the building and furnishing of
his Church, and that they deserue to be had of vs and of pos-
teritie in euerlasting remembrance Yet for all that, as
nothing is begun and perfected at the same time, and the lat-
ter thoughts are thought to be the wiser; so, if we building
' Editions of the Bible in English, p. 60. Oxford, 1853.
.334 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION". [CHAP. X.
vpon their foundation that went before vs, and being holpen
by their labours, doe we endeuour to make that better which
they left so good ; no man, we are sure, hath cause to mislike
ys Thus much to satisfie our scrupulous brethren."
Among these were the Puritans, to whom they specially
replied : "And what can the King command to be done, that
will bring him more true honour then this But besides
all this, they were the principall motiues of it, and therefore
ought least to quarrell it." ^
In reply to the Romish party they said : " We doe not deny,
nay, wee afifirme and auowe, that the yerie meanest translation
of the Bible in English, set foorth by men of our profession
(for wee haue scene none of theirs of the whole Bible as yet)
containeth the worde of God, nay, is the worde of God The
translation of the Seuenty dissenteth from the Originall in
many places, neyther doeth it come neere it, for perspecuitie,
grauitie, majestic ; yet which of the Apostles did condemne it ?
Nay, they ysed it, (as it is apparent, and as Saint Hierome and
most learned men doe confesse) which they would not haue
done, nor by their example of ysing it, so grace and commend
it to the Church, if it had beene vnworthy the appellation and
name of the word of God Yet before we end, we must
answere a third cauill and objection of theirs against ys, for
altering and amending our Translations so oft; wherein truely
they deale hardly, and strangely with vs. For to whom euer
was it imputed for a fault (by such as were wise) to goe oner
that which hee had done, and to amend it where he saw cause ?
Then, .wee say, that of all men they ought to be most
silent in this case. For what yarieties haue they, and what
alterations haue they made, not onely of their Seruice bookes,
.... but also of their Latine Translation ? But what
will they say to this, that Pope Leo the tenth allowed Eras-
mus Translation of the New Testament, so much different
from the vulgar, by his Apostolike Letter & Bull; that the
same Leo exhorted Pagnin to translate the whole Bible and
* Preface, King James' B'Me, 1613.
1611.] PREFACE. 335
bare whatsoeuer charges was necessary for the worke ? Surely,
if the old vulgar had been at all points allowable, to
small purpose had labour and charges bene vndergone, about
framing of a new. If they say, it was one Popes priuate
opinion, then we are able to goe further with them, and
to aueiTe, that more of their chiefe men of all sorts, euen
their owne Trent-cham])ions, and their owne Inquisiters
doe either make new Translations themselues, or follow
new ones of other mens making." ^ Further in their re-
tort they say : "Nay, we will yet come neerrer the quicke;
doth not their Pcwis-edition differ from the Louaine, and
Hentenius his from them both, and yet all of them allowed by
authority ? " They conclude their reply to the papists by a
pointed reference to the edition of Sextus V. and his high
claim for it as authoritative ; also to Clement's edition which
followed soon after; which, though it differed widely from the
edition of Sixtus yet, claimed the same authorit}^ While
therefore ^^our aduersaries," they said, ^^ doe make so many
and so various editions themselues, and do jarre so much about
the worth and authoritie of them, they can with no show of
equitie challenge us for changing and correcting. "^
But the design of the preface, in the second place, was to
show what they proposed to themselves in the " perusall and
suruay of the Bible." They say frankly that they did not
think " to make a new Translation, not yet to make of a bad
one a good one, but to make a good one better, or
out of many good ones, one principal good one, not justly to
be excepted against ; that hath bene our endeauor, that our
marke They trusted in him that hath the key of
Dauid In this confidence, and with this deuotion
did they assemble together; not too many, lest one should
trouble another ; and yet many, lest many things haply might
escape them. If you aske what they had before them, truely
it was the Hebrew text of the Olde Testament, the Greeke of
the New Neither did wee thinke much to consult the
' Preface, King James' Bible, 1613. 2 xUd.
336 THE AUTHOKIZED VEIISIOX. [CHAP. X.
Translators or Commentators, Chaldee, Hehreio, Syrian, Greeks
or Latine, no nor the Spanish, French, Italian, or Dutch;
neither did we disdaine to reuise that which we had done, and
to bring backe to the anuill that which wee had hammered." ^
Further, they rightly justify themselves in placing words of
different sense in the margin, inasmuch as there are many
words in the Scriptures "which be neuer found there but
once, (hauing neither brother or neighbour, as the Hehrewes
speake) so that we cannot be holpen by conference of places."
They also justify themselves in using a variety of renderings
for the same Greek word. They sought thns to avoid " vni-
formitie of phrasing" — that is, the expressing the "same
notion in the same particular word, as, for example, if we
translate the ffebreiv or GreeJce word once by Purpose, neuer
to call it Intent ; if one where lourneying, neuer Traueiliiig ;
if one where Thinhe, neuer Suppose; if one where Paine,
neuer Ache ; if one where Joy, neuer Gladnesse, &c. Thus
to minse the matter, we thought to favour more of curiositie
then wisedome, For is the kingdome of God become
words or syllables ? why should wee be in bondage to them if
we may be free, vse one preciselj when wee may vse another
no lesse fit, as commodiously ? We might also be charged
(by scoffers) with some vnequaU dealing towards a great
number of good English words,.. . . .if we should say, as it were
vnto certaine words. Stand vp higher, haue a place in the
Bible alwayes, and to others of like qualitie, Get ye hence, be
banished for euer Lastly, wee haue on the one side
auoided the scrupulositie of the Puritanes, . . . .also, .shunned
the obscuritie of the Papists. . . .But we desire that the Scrip-
ture may speake like it selfe, as in the language of Canaan,
that it may bee vnderstood euen of the very vulgar." ^
When this Bible first appeared there was evidently a demand
for it, as two editions in folio were printed during the first year;
also a 12mo edition of the Xew Testament. In respect to the ques-
1 Preface, Plin- James' BiUe, 1613. 2 j^i^^
IGll.] OPPOSITIO>" TO THE NEW BIBLE. 337
tiou of two editions issued in 1 Gil, Dr. Cotton says: '' I cannot
but believe that two editions were actually issued in IGll ; and
to this conclusion I am led by the following facts. Dr. Daly . .
possesses two Bibles dated 1611. . . .Ap2Mrentlyiher^e two copies
agree perfectly with each other. But on close examination it will
be found, 1st, that the wood-cut initial letters are frequently dif-
ferent in the two : 2nd, that in Genesis x. 16, one copy reads,
*the Emorite;^ and the other, 'the Amorite' 3rd, in the
copy, which has the misprint Emorite, Exodus xiv. 10, . . .
the verse occupies nine lines of text ; and the catchword at
the bottom of the page is the word ^For,' occurring in the
middle of ver. 12. Whereas, in the other copy, the verse fills
only six lines; and the ivhole of ver. 12, is included in that
page."^ Other variations might be noted, such as Euth iii.
15, where one copy reads, "he went" and the other, " she went
into the citie.^' Altogether these differences settle the question
in favor of two issues.'^
But whatever of demand there may have been for the new
Bible, it met from the first with no little disfavor. The
Eomish party, as might be expected, were outspoken in their
opposition. The High Church Episcopal party were content,
as a whole, with the Bishops' Bible ; while the Low Church
party, made up of moderate Puritans, though Conformists,
together with the radical Puritans, were satisfied with the
Genevan Bible. Among individual opposers, Hugh Brough-
ton was the most violent. He ranked first among Hebrew
and Greek scholars of his time ; but in disposition he was
self-conceited, arrogant, and heady. When, therefore. King
James was in the act of appointing his revisers, by special
request of the Bishop of London, Broughton, was left out.
Notwithstanding this, he presumed to tender his services to
the king, and to give directions for proceeding in the matter.^
But when the revision was completed, he professed to be pro-
1 Editions of the Bible in English, p. 60, note. Oxford, 1852.
2 Compare Eadie's Hist. Eng. Bible, p. 202, Vol. II. London, 1876,
3 ^ewis' Hist, of Eng. Translations of the Bible, p. 305.
338 THE AUTHOKIZED VERSION". [CHAP. X.
foundly grieved, and his censures upon it were bitter and
extravagant. "It is so ill done. Tell his Majesty that I had
rather be rent in pieces with wild horses than any such trans-
lation, by my consent, should be urged on poor churches." *
Dr. Robert Gell was another violent opposer. He attacked it
from the pulpit in a series of discourses, in which he criticised
the translation and charged the translators with taking undue
liberty with the text, especially when they made the translation
to serve their private opinions.'-^ That this opposition was not
confined to London, or to the minds of learned critics, appears
from the following story told by Izaak Walton. Dr. Kilby,
one of the revisers, was journeying with Mr. Sanderson.
They stopped over the Sabbath with a friend of the Doctor.
At the parish church, which they attended, the young preacher
devoted '^a great part of the hour allotted for his sermon in
exceptions against the late translation,. . . .and showed three
reasons why a particular word should have been otherwise
translated." When the evening services were ended, the
preacher was invited to meet the Doctor, who, in the course
of the conversation, assured him : " for that word, for which he
offered to that poor congregation three reasons why it ought to
have been translated as he said, he and others had considered
all of them, and found thirteen more considerable reasons why
it was translated as now printed." ^
So general was the opposition to King James' Bible that it
was slow in gaining public favor. As late as 1621, Dr. An-
drews, in preaching before the king, took his text from the
Bishops' Bible. ^ But the Genevan Bible was its most serious
rival, since it continued to be published as late as 1644, when
two editions were printed at Amsterdam. ^ In 1649, King
James' Bible was printed with the Genevan annotations, as
1 As cited by Eadie's Hut. Eng. Bible, II., 265.
2 Compare Lewis' Hist. Eng. Trnnslations, p. 334.
3 Eadie's Hist, of Eng. Bible, II., 188.
* Smith's Bible Dictionary. Art. Version, Authorized. IV., 3437.
New York, 1872.
° Anderson's Annals, p. G61.
1604-11.] AUTHORITIES ACCESSIBLE TO THE REYISEKS. 339
these stood high in public favor. " But about this period
it prevailed, and took the place it has ever since occupied." ^
Thus gradually King James' Bible overcame all opposition ;
and finally, iu the midst of the unsettled condition of affairs,
both in Church and State, by general consent it was accepted
as the English Bible.
The title-page of the volume reads : " Appointed to be read
in Churches." And the question naturally arises by whose
authority, since by common consent " no cannon, proclamation,
or Act of Parliament" can be shown enforcing the use of it.^
The name, therefore, of "Authorized Version," has no real
foundation and carries with it a false impression, and can be
justified only by its long use and the lack of something better.
The name ''King James' Bible," at first was by no means
inappropriate as a local name, and as a just acknowledgment
of the active efforts of the king in originating the enterprise.
But now it has lost its significance, since the Bible has out-
grown the narrowness of the name, both by over two and a half
centuries as to time, and by a world-wide circulation as to place.
This version was a revision and not a new translation. The
revisers wisely adhered to their purpose — " to make a good
one better; or, out of many good ones, one principal good
one." 2 And in doing this they followed the spirit, if not the
letter, of rules first and fourteenth prescribed for their direc-
tion, which were that the Bishops' Bible was to be taken as
the basis and followed, excepting when some one of the other
English versions agreed better with the original text.^ Be-
sides English versions, there was extant the Latin translation
of the Hebrew by Sanctes Pagninus. He was engaged in this
work nearly thirty years. It was published in 1527. The
chief aim of Pagninus was to translate the Hebrew words by
the same number of Latin ones."^ By this literal method he
» Anderson's Annals, p. 661. ^ lUd, pp. 484, 485.
3 See Preface, as cited above, p. 335. ^ See pp. 330, 331, above.
5 Watson's Theological Tracts. Dissertation on Ancient Versions, pp.
39, 40.
340 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION-. [CHAP. X.
brought out the idioms of the Hebrew tongue. His trans-
lation was revised in the same literal manner by Arias Mon-
tanus in 1573, which became the text of the Antwerp Poly-
glott. In 1534-5 was published Miinster's Latin translation
of the Old Testament. '' Truly this translation," says Dupin,
^^is the most literal, but at the same time the most faithful of
any done by Protestants." Another important version ac-
cessible to our translators was that of Leo Juda, printed at
Zurich in 1544. He sought to make a free translation, giving
the sense rather than the literal meaning of the words. There
was also the version of Castalio (1551), which had some in-
fluence with our revisers, but which deserves to be classed
under the head of perversions of the text. Castalio's fancy
was to give to the world an elegant version in classical Latin.
In doing this, he " mixed expressions borrowed from Profane
authors with the text of Holy Writ." ^ In addition to the
above, there was accessible the Latin version of the Old Tes-
tament by Tremellius, published in 1579. He was by birth a
Jew, and in his translation "the chief Hebraisms are pre-
served, and the whole exactly conformable to the Hebrew
text." 2
The above works were critical somewhat, and so far adapted
to the work of the revisers. They had other helps also in
recent Vernacular versions, such as the authoritative revision
of the French Bible, 1587-8. This was the Genevan revision
of the French Bible, based upon a scholarly examination of
the original text. There was also the very recent Italian
version of the whole Bible, made by Diodati and published in
1607. This Protestant version has maintained its place to the
present time.^ To the above add two Spanish versions, the
^ Watson's Theological Tracts. Dissertations on Ancient Versions,
p. 41.
2 Ihid, p. 42. Compare Westcott's Hist, of Bible, pp. 133, 221, 268.
3 A new Italian version of the New Testament is just now (1881) being
published by Father Curci, a prominent Roman Catholic priest, and
formerly a Jesuit, but expelled from the order on account of his liberal
principles. Diodati's version is Protestant ; this of Curci's is Roman
1804-11.] AUTHOKITIES ACCESSIBLE TO THE REVISERS. 311
later one appearing in 1602, and we have a series of independ-
ent helps accessible to the revisers of King James' Bible, which
they undoubtedly used, since they did not hesitate, as they
declare in their preface, to consult the Spanish, French,
Italian, or Dutch versions.^
But further, *' if you aske what they had before them, truely
it was the Hclreiu text of the Olde Testament, the Greehe of
the New, these tongues therefore .... wer set before vs
to translate, being the tongues wherein God was pleased to
speake to his Church by his Prophets and Apostles.'* 2 The
first printed Hebrew Bible was published in folio, with points,
at Soncino in 1488. An octavo edition of the Hebrew Bible
was printed at Brescia in 1494; Bomberg's Great Hebrew Bible,
the first edition, was published in 1518. An im23roved edition
of the same was issued in four volumes, folio, by Bomberg in
1525-26. A still more complete edition was put forth by
Bomberg in 1547-49, in four vols, folio. This was character-
ized by Dr. Adam Clarke, "as the most correct, and the most
valuable Hebrew Bible ever published." ^ There was also the
celebrated Complutensian Polyglott. It was begun in 1502
under the auspices of Cardinal Ximenes, who spared no pains or
expense in furthering the enterprise. Seven Hebrew MSS. alone
are said to have cost/owr thousand crowns of gold. The whole
cost of the work has been estimated ^i fifty thousand crowns.
" The Old Testament of the Polyglott is made up of the
Hebrew text, the Vulgate Latin, the Greek of the Septuagint
version with a Latin translation, and the Chaldee Paraphrase
with a similar Latin interpretation."* The New Testament
of this Polyglott is made up of the Greek text, and the Latin
text of the Vulgate. A volume was added explaining the
meaning of Hebrew words and idioms. The whole was pub-
lished in four vols, folio. The New Testament was finished
Catholic, yet it is from the Greek as well as Vulgate ; and in his com-
mentary he draws largely from Protestant sources.
1 Preface. A. V. See pages 335, 336, above. 2 jn^^
3 Townley's Biblical Literature, II., 467. London, 1821.
4 /6f(Z, pp. 201,202.
342 THE AUTHORIZED YERSIOK. [CHAP. X.
in 1514, and the Old Testament in 1517. But the work did
not appear till 1522.^ Besides the Complutensian, there was
the celebrated Antwerp Polyglott. Tliis " was executed at
di:2erent periods between 15G8 and 1573, by Christopher
Plantin of Antwerp, under the superhitendence of Arias
MoNTAiq^us," and was published in eight vols, folio. *^The
first fonr volumes contain the Old Testament and Apocryphal
BoolcsP The fifth volume contains the New Testament.
The remaining volumes are taken up with Grammars and
Lexicons of the Hebrew, Syriac, and Greek languages, also
Biblical dissertations on such themes as Geography and
Chronology.^
The Greek text accessible to the revisers of King James'
Bible was the New Testament Greek of the Complutensiau
Polyglott, also the Greek text of Erasmus ; the first edition
of whose New Testament Avas published by Froben at Basle,
in 1516. ^'Erasmus had used as the basis of his edition 2
Basel MSS., one for the Gospels, the otlier for Acts and the
Epistles, with a collation of two other Basel MSS., and a third
called after Eeuchlin for the Apoc, the last verses of which he
had to supply from the Vulgate." ^ The second edition of
Erasmus' Greek Testament, 1519, contained several hundred
alterations. In his fourth edition, 1527, he changed a few
passages in the Apocalypse after the Complutensian text.
The fifth edition of Erasmus, published in 1535, differs only
in four places from the fourth. This fifth edition was followed
by Stephens in his celebrated third edition of the Greek Testa-
ment, 1550, with but a few exceptions. Stephens added in
the margin the readings of sixteen different manuscripts. This
third edition of Stephens was that which was used by the revis-
ers of King James' Bible; and was also the edition followed
by Beza, with slight alterations, in the formation of his Greek
text, which was published in 1565. The edition of Beza, pub-
lished in 1589, together with the third edition of Stephens, may
^ l^ovfTiley's, Bihlical Literature, II., p. 203. London, 1821.
2 Ihid, III., p. 31.
3 Ilerzog's Encyclopedia. Art. Bible Text, I., 42\. Philadelphia, 1818.
1525-1611.] INFLUENCE OF TYNDALE'S TRANSLATION. 343
be regarded as comprising " the fundamental Greek text of
the Authorized Version." ^ These likewise lay at the fouuda-
tion of the so-called Textus Receptus, which was published at
Leyden by Elzevir, in 1624:-1633. The preface of the edition
of 1633 contains the following: '^ Textum ergo habes nunc ah
omnibus receptum, hence the title Textus Receptus? Of
course our translators had not this text, yet they had the ele-
ments out of which it was formed.
Modern textual criticism, with its invaluable accumulation
of Ancient MSS. and other important sources of authority,
together with its settled canons of judgment as to correct read-
ings, has outgrown in a critical sense, particularly in the field of
the ]^ew Testament, the limited materials within reach of Eras-
mus, Stephens, Beza, and the editors of the Great Polyglotts.
And yet one of the important results of textual criticism is
its favorable testimony to the authority, honesty, and integ-
rity, as a wiiole, of the original texts of the Old and New
Testaments accessible to the revisers of King James' Bible.
But while these translators were able linguists, and were dili-
gent in comparing their translation with the Hebrew and
Greek, yet they adopted by approving, as well as by improv-
ing, the results of the labors of those who had gone before
them. For the Authorized version is the work of no one man
or body of men, nor of any given age, but in language and
interpretation it is the resultant of the best labors of tlie best
men during a period of more than two hundred years. The
relation of the Authorized version to previous English versions
is most intimate, though we go back even to the Wycliffite
versions. But in Tyndale's translation of the New Testa-
ment particularly, we find the base line to which our revisers
worked. In its Saxon words, English idioms. Scriptural style,
and general faithfulness to the Greek text, Tyndale's version
was the standard followed by succeeding revisers, including
1 Smith's Bible Dictionary. Art. New Testament, p. 3132, note.
' Eerzog's Encyclopedia. Art. Bible Text, p. 422.
344 THE AUTHORIZED VEESION". [CHAP. X.
those of 1611. After a careful comparison, it has been esti-
mated that nine-tenths of the First Epistle of John, and five-
sixths of the Epistle to the Ephesians, of the Authorized
version, have been retained from Tyndale.^ These may be
favorable examples, but a very cursory comparison will show
that Tyndale's readings abound in our present New Testa-
ment.
By authority, the Bishops' Bible was made the basis of the
revision of King James' Bible. It was so used, and its in-
fluence can be traced. And yet the revisers manifested a
hberality of spirit, and a fidelity to truth in varying from it.
And by far the greatest number of these variations, especially
in the Old Testament, are traceable to the influence of the
Genevan version.^ The scholarly excellencies of this version
were recognized and frequently approved, though it was the
representative of the extreme reformed party in theology and
Church polity. So hkewise in the use of the Eheims version,
the revisers manifested the same hberahty in the opposite
direction, since from this version they not only enlarged
their vocabulary, but drew from it many happy and terse
expressions and homely phrases.^ Though it is somewhat
surprising how many of these words and phrases are found to
have been first used by Wychffe. In estimating the influence
of j^rovious English translations upon the Authorized version,
the claims of the Wyclifiite versions have been almost wholly
overlooked. Yet there are so many words and phrases common
to each of them that they detract from the supposition that
they are simply " happy coincidences." A few of these may
bo here noted, such as mote, leame, strait is the gate and
narrow is the imy, spirit of adoption, living sacrifice, deape
things of God; instead of this last Tyndale reads: the hottome
' Westcott's History of Eng. Bible, p. 165, note.
2 A collation by Westcott of twelve verses from the llii. chap, of
Isaiah, shows that " seven-eighths of the renderings are due to the
Genevan version." A similar collation from Mark's Gospel reveals that
nearly one-half agrees with the Genevan Bible or with Beza. See Eng.
Bible, pp. 274, 286. ^ Compare pages £07-8, above.
1611.] CHANGES FOR THE BETTER. 345
of God's secretes ; while the Ehemists read : tJie profnndifies
of God. Further, we find such phrases in Wjchffe and in the
Authorized version, as the cuppe of blessing 'which ive Uesse,
despise yee the Church of God, a good confession, tvhited sepul-
chres, revelatio7i of the niysterie, he it far from thee. Some of
these, it would seem, must have been adopted directly from
the Wycliffite versions, while others may have descended
through other translations.
But the true work of the revisers of King James' Bible is
seen, not only in adopting felicitous renderings from previous
versions, but in the delicate changes introduced by way of
amendments. And so not unfrequently they were the first to
seize upon the correct rendering of the original. The follow-
ing may be taken as examples of changes for the better.^
Rom. I. 28. . . . God gaue them ouer to a reprobate
minde. This is an improvement on the Rheims ver-
sion, which reads: God deliuered them vp info a
reprobate sense.
n. 18. . . . and approuest the thirgs^Aa^«re more
excellent. The Rheims version reads : . . . and ap-
prouest the more profitable things.
V. 20. . . . grace did muc?i more abound. This is
a slight improvement on the Rheims version, which
reads : . . . grace did more abound.
VIII. 19, For the earnest expectation of the creature, loaiteth for
the manifestation of the sonnes of God. Tyndale
reads : fervent desyre, ahydeth lokynge when the
sonnes of God shall appere. The Rhemists read:
For the expectation of the creature expecteth the
reuelation of the sonnes of God.
28. . . . all things worke together for goode to
them that lone God, to them who are the called ac-
cording to {his) purpose. WyclifFe has : . . . worchen
togidre in to good, to hem that aftir purpos hen
clepid seynfis. Tyndale has : worke for the best, .
which also are called ^/purpose.
* Trench on the A. V., p. 102. The readings which follow are from a
first edition of A. V. in the Boston Public liibrr.rv.
346 THE AUTHOEIZED VEKSIOJiT. [CHAP. X.
39. For whom lie did foreknow, hee also did 'predestinate to
be conformed to tlie image of his sonne. This im-
proves upon the Rhemists, who translate : For whom
he hath forknowen, he hath also predestinated to be
made conformable to the image of his sonne. Tyn-
dale reads : For those which he kncwe before, lie also
ordeyned before that they should be like fassioned
vnto the shape of his sonne.
But there were changes for the Avorse. The revisers of
King James' Bible sometimes passed over correct readings of
earlier versions, or placed them in the margin when it would
have been better to have put them in the text.^ Take the
following as examples :
Matt. V. 21. Yee haue heard, that it was saide hy them of old time.
The Genevan and Tyndale's versions read : unto
them. The Rhemists have : to them.
XXVIII. 14. And if this come to the gouernours eares. The Gene-
van reads : And if this come before the Gouver-
nour. Our version gives the impression, that if
it come as a matter of hearsay to the gover-
nor ; while the Genevan version asserts more cor-
rectly, that if it come before him as a matter of
legal complaint they would pacify him.^
Mark XI. 17. . . . My house shal be called of all na-
tions the house of prayer? Tyndale, followed
by the Genevan version, renders this : . . . vaj
housse shal be called the liousse of prayer rnto all
nacions? The Jews were willing that the court of
the Gentiles should be profaned, and this excited
the indignation of Jesus, and was the occasion of
his uttering the above, which is quoted from
Isaiah Ivi. 7.
Acts XIV. 15. . . . We also are men of like passions
icithjon. "This fact," says Trench, "would not
have disproved in the eyes of the Lycaonians the
right of Paul and Silas to be considered gods. The
heathen were only too ready to ascribe to their
gods like passions, revenge, lust, envy, with their
1 Trench on the A. F., p. 104 ' See page 289, above.
1611.] THE GREEK peepositio:n'. 347
own." ' Tyndale's version is better, which reads :
We are mortall men lyke vnto yon. This is fol-
lowed by the Genevan version.
Eph. IV. 18. . . . because of the blindnesse of their
heart. The Genevan has : hardened ; so the mar-
gin of the A. V.
I. Thess. V. 22. Abstaine from all appearance of euill. The Genevan
reads : all kinde of euil.
I. Tim. VI. 5. . . . supposing that gaine is godlinesse.
Coverdale's Bible reads : who thynke that godly-
nesse is lucre. That is, that godliness is a means
of gain.
I. Pet. I. 17. And if ye call on the Father. The Genevan is better,
which reads ; And if ... ye call hi7n Father.
It. Pet, III. 13. Looking for and hasting vnto the comming of the day
of God. After the versions of Tyndale and Gene-
va, and placing the better rendering in the margin,
which reads : hasting the comming.
The scholarship of the revisers of King James' Bible can-
not be called in question, and yet an examination, not over
critical, of their work, reveals incorrect renderings of tenses ^
and of prepositions, also neglect of the Greek article. In
respect to Greek prepositions, however, in many instances
the translators were right, and the incorrectness now is trace-
able to archaisms. The following examples, however, fall
under the head of mistranslations, and show the importance
of the smallest words in the original text :
Matt. XXVIII. 19. . . . baptizing them in the Name. Better,
into, as in Gal. iii. 27. For as many of you as have
been baptized into Christ, have put on Christ.
Luke XXIII. 15. No, nor yet Herod ; for I sent you to him, and loe,
nothing worthy of death is done vnto him. Better
to translate : is done by him. The meaning is,
that in Herod's judgment Jesus had done nothing
worthy of death.
' Trench on the A. V., p. 152.
' For illustrations of incorrect use of tenses, see Trench on the A. V.,
pp. 124r-132. Also for a thorough discussion of the same subject by
Canon Lightfoot. See Revision of N. Jl, pp. 81-91. Schaflf's ed.
New York, 1873.
348 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION. [CHAP. X.
43. . . . Lord, remember me when tliou
commest into thy kingdome. Alford, in loco, re-
gards this as a sad mistake, "as it destroys the
force of the expression." It should read : in thy
kingdom, that is, at thy coming in thy kingdom.
II. Thess. II. 1. Now we beseech you, brethren, hy the coming of our
Lord Jesus Christ. The objection to hy in this
connection is, that it introduces a formula of ad-
juration, a construction not found in the New
Testament. Compare Lange and Alford w locOj
The former suggests : on account of, in regard to,
II. Tim. II. 2. And the things that thou hast heard of mee among
many witnesses. The margin has : hy. Bengel
prefers : 'before. If the witnesses are the presby-
ters present at Timothy's ordination, Bengel is
doubtless right.
Heb. VI. 7. . . . and bringeth foorth herbes meete
for them ty whom it is dressed. Better in the
margin, which reads : for whom it is dressed.
VII. 9. . . payed Tithes in Abraham. Better
to read : through Abraham.
II. Pet. I. 3. , . . through the knowledge of him
that hath called vs to glory and vertue. Alford,
Bengel, and Lange prefer : hy his own glory and
virtue.
In the treatment of the Greek article our translators com-
mitted a double error, that of omission when it was present,
and of insertion when it had no place in the Greek text.
Such treatmeut affected, more or less, important truths. Take
the following as illustrations :
Matt. II. 4. . . . hee demanded of them where Christ should
be borne. This should read ; the Christ. After the
resurrection the name of Christ became a proper
name. In the Gospel narratives, therefore, in the
Greek, we have the Christ, meaning the Messiah.
But in our English version the article is almost
always omitted.^
Mark XIV. 69. And a mayde saw him againe. Leaving it indefinite, or
' This fact is enlarged upon by Lightfoot on Bevision of the US'. T.,
Schaff's ed., pp. 94, 95. New York, 1873.
1611.] THE GEEEK AKTICLE. 349
indicating another servant in distinction from the
one mentioned in verses 66 and 67. This is cor-
rected by giving place to the definite article and
reading : the maid saw him again,
Luke IL 7. . . , and laid him in a manger. Better to read :
in t?ie manger,
Rom. V, 15-19. . . , for if through the offence of one many be
dead. So through the whole passage, the definite
article is omitted before one, and before many. But
the contrast is brought out, when we learn that it
is between the one, and the many, that the com-
parison is made, Lightfoot cites this passage after
Bentley, as having an important bearing upon the
extent of the benefits of Christ's obedience. And
hence the correct rendering avoids " some hurtful
mistakes about partial redemption."*
Col. I, 19. For it pleased {the Father) that in him should all fiil-
nesse dwell. By rendering the omitted article and
reading; all the fulnesse, we get a more correct
view of the passage.
Eev. VIL 14, , . . These are they which came out of great
tribulation. It ought to read: out of the great
tribulation ; thus connecting it with Matt. xxiv.
22, 29, and Dan. xii. 1,
The following selected examples show the opposite, but less
frequent, error of our English version, of introducing the
article when it had no place in the original text :
Rom, II, 14, For when the Gentiles which haue not the Law, doe by
nature the things contained in the Law. The true
reading is : when Gentiles, ** meaning some, not
all"
I. Thess. TV. 17. . , . shalbe caught vp together with them in the
clouds. The definite article, the, is wanting in the
Greek text.
I. Tim. VI. 10. For the loue of money is the roote of all euill. The
article here is , wanting in the Greek, so that the
more correct reading is : For the love of money is
a root of all evil.
' Lightfoot Oil Remdon of the N, T,, Schaff's ed., p. 92. New York,
1873.
350 THE AUTHORIZED VERSIOI!^, [CHAP. X.
II, Tim. IV. 7, 8. I haue fought a good fight. . . . Hencefoorth
there is layde vp for me a crowne of righteousnosse.
The Greek reads : the good fight, and the crown of
righteousness.
There is one other example of incorrect rendering that may
be here noted, and for which possibly our translators have
been too much blamed, and that is the liberty they took in
rendering the same Greek word by different Euglish words.
In this they followed earlier versions, particularly that of Tyn-
dale. In their preface they justify themselves as having an
eye to style, and singularly enough, to the claims of individual
English words. 1 There is no doubt but that the genius of
our language demands something of this variety. Neither
is there any doubt but that in yielding to this demand and
introducing a variety of synonymous words, our English Bible
has exercised a happy influence upon our language, by thus
adding to the stock of words in common use. And yet it is
equally certain, that the force of expression which comes from
repetition, has been too often sacrificed for the sake of this
variety in style. ** Thus, it will sometimes happen," says
Trench, "that when St. Paul is pursuing a close train of
reasoning, and one which demands severest attention, the dif-
ficulties of his argument, not small in themselves, are aggra-
vated by the use of different words where he has used the same ;
the word being sometimes the very key of the whole." ^ So
that, while no plea for variety can justify seventeen different
renderings of the same Greek word, (as seen below,) yet our
translators did well in avoiding a mechanical monotony. And
even Dean Trench closes his interesting chapter on this subject
by saying : "I would not for an instant imply that in all these
places (referring to an extended collation of passages), one and
the same English word could have been employed, but only that
the variety might have been much smaller than it is." ^ The fol-
lowing examples were for the most part suggested by Trench : *
' See page 336, above,
« Trench on Revision of N. T., p. 73. N. Y., 1858. ' Ibid, p. 83.
* The citations are from a Black-Letter copy of the A. V., 1613.
1611.] SAME GREEK WORD BY DIFFEREKT ENG. WORDS. 351
Matt. IX. 25. . . he went in, and tooke lier by the hand. The
Greek word rendered here todke is translated in
Matt. xii. 11, lay hold on; xviii. 28, laid hands
on ; xxvi. 48, hold fast, xxviii. 9, held ; Mark ix.
10, kept. John xx. 23, retained ; and in Acts xxviL
13, obtained.
Luke XIII. 7. . . . cut it downe, why cumbreth it the ground.
The Greek term here translated cumbreth, is ren-
dered in other connections by sixteen other English
words, as follows : Rom. iii. 3, make without effect ,
31, 77iake void; iv. 14, made of none effect; vi. 6, be
destroyed ; vii. 2, is loosed ; 6, deliuered ; I. Cor. i.
28, to bring to nought ; xiii. 10, be done away ; 11.
put away ; xv. 24, put down; II. Cor. iii. 13, is
abolished. Also I. Cor. ii. 6, come to nought ; xiii.
8, shall fail ; and, shall vanish away ; Gal. v. 4, is
become of no effect ; 11, ceased.
John XX. 35. . . . and put my finger into the print of the
nailes,^ and thrust my hand into his side. The
Greek word here translated put, and thrust, is one,
and is so translated in the Genevan version.
Acts XVII. 18,23. . . .He seemeth to be a setter foorth of
strange gods. In verse 23, the Apostle uses the
same word, and his retort would have been more
forcible if our translators had rendered it : him set
I forth ; instead of, him declare 1 unto you. Again
in verse 23, there is an etymological connection
between the Greek words translated unknown y and
ignorantly, which might have been preserved.
Rom. V. 11. . . . by whom wee liaue now receiued the atone-
ment. In chapter xi. 15, and in II. Cor. v. 18, this
same word in the original, is rendered, reconciling,
and reconciliation. In so important a doctrinal
word, it would seem that uniformity in rendering
ought to have been preserved.
I. Cor. XV. 24,28. This passage, which indicates the coming of the end
of Christ's mediatorial kingdom, and "affords a
glimpse," as Eadie happily expresses it, " of what
may be called Christian pantheism as the ultimate
result that God may be all in all," furnishes also
an example of emphatic repetition, the force of
' This first clause is omitted in the second edition of ^4. F., 1613, from
which this collation is made.
352 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION". [CHAP. X.
wliich is in part lost in our version. In verses 24
and 26, the same Greek word appears, wliicli is
translated in one case, put doicne, and in the other,
destroyed. In verses 27, and 28, we find another
Greek word occurring six times. In four instances
it is translated, put under ; in the other two in-
stances it appears £is bz subdued, and, he subject. If
uniformity had been preserved in these cases, it
would have added strength and solemnity to the
whole passage.
II. Cor. V. 10. For wee must all appeare before the judgement seat of
Christ. In the next verse, the word here translated
appear, is repeated twice, and in both instances is
translated : made manifed.
I. Pet. U. 4, 5. To whom comming as unto a lining Stone. .
Ye also as liuely stones, are built up a spirituall
house. The words Ihing and Uv^ely, translate the
same Greek word.^
An opposite error to the above, though not of so frequent
occurrence, finds a place in our English version. It consists
in rendering several Greek words by a single English word.
This fault may arise sometimes from the poverty of our lan-
guage compared with the Greek, though not always, by any
means. A few familiar examples are here inserted :
Matt. XXII. 1-14. In this passage of the marriage of the king's son,
the word seruants, is used to indicate those who
invite the guests, as in verses 3, 4, 6 and 8 ; also
to indicate those who put out such as have not on
a wedding garment, as in verse 13. But in the
Greek text the words are difterent. The Genevan
version rightly preserves the distinction by ren-
dering the Greek words respectively servants and
mi/listers.
XXVI. 10. . . . lie said vnto them. Why trouble ye
the woman? Dean Trench calls attention to the
fact, that " there are no less than ten Greek words
^ Compare Trench on Glossary of English Words, p. 113. For an ex-
tended illustration of this subject, see Lightfoot on Revision of N. 1\,
pp. 46-65. N. Y.,1873. Also Eadie's ^/i^r^/sA 5i6.'6, II., 383-416.
1611.] SEVERAL GEEEK WOKDS BY OXE EXG. WORD. 853
or plirases wLicli it (tlie word trouble) is employed
by them (our translators) to render." And he
significantly adds in the same connection that
though " the English language may not be so rich
in synonyms as the Greek ; but with ' vex,'
'harass,' 'disturb,' 'distress,' 'afflict,' 'disquiet,'
* unsettle,' ' burden,' ' terrify ' ; almost every one
of which would in one of the above places or
other seem to be more appropriate than the word
actually employed, I cannot admit that the pov-
erty or limited rescources of our language left no
choice here." ^
Luke XII. 5. . . . Feare him, which after hee hath
killed, hath power to cast into hell. Here the
Greek word is yievvav, that is, Gehenna, "the
place of punishment in Hades or the world of the
dead." In Acts ii. 31, we read: that his soule
was not left in hell. Here the Greek word is
adov, that is, Hades, the under world or place of
the dead without reference to happiness or misery.
The rendering of these two distinct Greek words
by the same English word creates in this example
serious confusion.
John XXI. 15-17. In this passage we have a familiar example of two
Greek words translated by one English word, and
consequently a nice distinction is lost. When
Jesus said ; Simon sonne of Jonas, louest thou mee
more then these ? he used a term expressive of
respectful love. But Peter in his reply. Yea, Lord,
thou knowest that I loue thee, used a term ex-
pressing personal affection ; so in the second ad-
dress of the Savior and the reply of Peter. But
when Jesus said the third time ; louest thou me?
he used Peters word expressive of personal affec-
tion. Again in this same passage one English
word is made to do service for two Greek words.
In the first and in the third charge given to Peter,
the word in the original is the same, and is trans-
lated feed. But in the second charge the Greek
word is different and means to care for as a sJiep-
herd, to tend, but it is here translated as before,
feed.
* Trench on Bible Revision, p. 96. New York, 1858.
354 THE AUTHORIZED TERSIOi^. [CHAP. X.
Rev. rV. 6. . . . and round about tlie Throne, were
foure beasts ful of eyes before and beliinde.
These living creatures, as the Greek signifies,
which are represented as giving glory and honor
and thanks to him that sat on the Throne, are
very different from the beasts spoken of in chap-
ter xiii. 1 and 11, which are described as speak-
ing like dragons and deceiving those who dwell
upon the earth by false miracles. This impor-
tant distinction is unfortunately effaced in our
translation.
Punctuation being the work of revisers and printers, it Is
natural to suppose that it might become a fruitful source of
error. But such care has been taken that serious errors are
comparatively few. Our translators followed the Masoretic
pointing, and in some cases unwittingly adopted their errors.
A remarkable example of this is found in Dan. ix. 25, in which
a semicolon in the hands of these Jewish editors changed the
meaning of a Messianic prophecy. By inserting the semicolon
after the words, seven loeeks, they cut off the three score and
two weeks, thus making "the prophecy wholly unserviceable
to the Christian." ^ Our modern Bibles uniformly follow the
punctuation of the earliest editions. But the following ex-
amples are exceptions :
Dan. IX. 25. Know therefore and vnderstand, {that) from the going
forth of the commandement to restore and to build
Jerusalem, vnto the Messiah the Prince, {shall lee)
seuen weekes ; and threescore and two weekes,
the streete shall be built againe, and the wall, euen
in troublous times. So pointed in the earliest
editions of King James' Bible, also in some of the
earlier versions, as Coverdale's and Cranmer's
Bibles. But in the editions of the Genevan and
Bishops' versions, commas only are used. And in
our modern Bibles the semicolon is placed, as doubt-
less it ought to be, at the end of the phrase, three
score and two weeks ; as this pointing agrees with
' Watson's Theological Tracts, III., 14.
1611.] PUNCTUATION. 355
the context, and the fulfilment of the prophecy as
referring to the Messiah,
Luke XXIII. 32. And there were also two other malefactors led with
him, to be put to death. So pointed in the editions
of the Authorized version of 1611 and 1613, by
which unintentionally Jesus is classed with the
malefactors. Our modern Bibles follow some later
edition which placed commas after the words other
and mnlefactors, which pointing changes the mean-
ing materially, Whittingham's version of N. T.
1557, reads : And there were two others which
were euil doers led with him to be slayne.
Rev. IV. 11. . . . for thou hast created all things, and
for thy pleasure they are, and were created. So
pointed in the earliest editions of the Authorized
version. But in our modern Bibles the change is
for the worse, which read : . . . . and for thy
pleasure they are and were created. This lack of
punctuation fails to bring out the two distinct
propositions.
XIII. 8, And all that dwell vpon the earth, shall worship him,
whose names are not written in the booke of life
of the Lambe, slaine from the foundation of the
•world. This pointing connects, from the foundation
of the world, with, the Lamhe slaine. Our modern
Bibles for the most part have no pointing at all,
leaving it an open question whether the phrase,
fromthe foundation of the tcorld, is to be connected
with, slaine, or written. The former is the most
obvious, and is sustained by reference to I. Peter
i. 19-20.1
Though King James' Bible as a translation was by no means
perfect, yet it surpassed all other preceding English versions.
By its inherent worth it attained a pre-eminence and conse-
quent protracted influence which places it as a version along-
side of Jerome's Vulgate and Luther's Bible. For if *'the
translation of the Bible into Latin created an epoch altogether
new in that language, constituting a late, and in some in-
' Compare Alford's Commentary, in loco.
356 THE AUTHORIZED VERSIOI^. [CHAP. X.
stances, a rich aftercrop of Latin literature ";i and if Luther
in translating the Bible into German, '"'created the modern
German language as an instrument of literature'';^ somewhat
so our early English versions influenced our literature and our
language. And it is eminently true of the revisers of King
James' Bible that, in the midst of a Latin period, they
reaffirmed the Saxon element of tlie language, and re-estab-
lished the standard set up by William Tyndale, which has
stood for two and a half centuries, and bids fair to stand for
centuries to come, whatever of minor changes may come to
the translation by way of revision, or to its language by way
of natural growth and decay.
In the bold front presented by English versions of the Bible
against the influx of Latin words during the long period be-
ginning in the reign of Henry VIII., culminating in that of
Elizabeth, and extending to the restoration of Charles II., we
have an illustration of their inherent power and conservating
force. Dean Swift, in a letter to the Earl of Oxford, 1711, wrote :
'• The period wherein the Enghsh tongue received most im-
provement I take to commence with the beginning of queen
Elizabeth's reign, and to conclude wath the great Rebellion in
forty-two." 2 And this was the period of Bible ascendancy in
England ; the period when the Genevan version became the
Bible of the people. For fifty years this version stood com-
paratively alone, and when King James' version was put into
circulation, for almost forty years these two Bibles stood to-
gether and exerted a power in common for the preservation
of the Saxon element of our English tongue. ^' During the
usurpation," says Swift, '-such an infusion of entlmsiastic
jargon prevailed in every writing, as w^as not shaken off in
many years after. To this succeeded that licentiousness
which entered w^ith the Restoration, and, from infecting our
religion and morals, fell to corrupt our language." ^ Single-
' Sclilegel's History of Ancient and Modern Literature, p. 142.
^ YvonciQ'^ 8?iort Studies, etc. Series III., 131. 1877. New York, 1877.
3 Works, ^. 491. Edinburgh, 1873. ^ /&/rf, p. 491.
1525-1881.] li^FLUEKCE UPOi^' Ei^GLISH LAKGUAGE. 357
handed King James' Bible, with its Saxon element in lan-
guage, withstood this new "species of barbarism" which
sought to overwhelm the English tongue, in the form of " a
French ascendancy of the very worst description." ^ This
struggle in its violence continued for a hundred and fiftv
years, even to the close of the seventeenth century. Again
during the first half of the eighteenth century, so far as our
language had become affected by this " Latinized or Gallicized
style," King James' Bible with its Saxon element firmly with-
stood it. In the same letter quoted above, the Dean says :
" It is your lordship's observation, that if it were not for the
Bible and Common Prayer Book in the vulgar tongue, we
should hardly be able to understand any thing that was writ-
ten among us a hundred years ago ; which is certainly true :
for those books, being perpetually read in churches, have
proved a kind of standard for language, especially to the com-
mon people." 2 Only in the light of history can we under-
stand this influence of English versions of the Bible, and
intelligently recognize the fact, that through their conserving
power, we are to-day in language nearer the age of Chaucer
than those Avho lived and wrote a hundred years ago. "I
am fully persuaded," says Trench, "that so far as intelli-
gibility is concerned, Chaucer is not merely as near but
nearer to us than he w^as felt by Dryden and his cotempo-
raries to be to them."
The importance to be attached to this influence is, that our
English Bible, in its various versions, has not only furnished
a standard of language for the purpose of literature, but it
has done its share in preserving that element of our language
which is of the people, and for the people. The Latin lan-
guage, in its nature and relations, is the representative of
Empire, and lives in the interests of aristocracy; while our
Saxon tongue, in its nature and relations, is the representative
of true democracy, and lives in the interests of the family and
' ?>z\\\e^QV9, History of Literature,^. 2,1S. Bohn's ed.
2 Swift's Works, p. 493.
358 THE AUTHOKIZED VERSION. [CHAP. X.
the people. If this is true politically, it is much more so
rehgiously. The Papal hierarcliy understood this, and hence
its persecution of the poor Lollards for reading the Manuscript
Bible of Wycliffe. William Tyndale understood this when,
inspired with a desire to preach the Gospel to the people, he
learned that nothing could be done effectually so long as the
Scriptures were locked up in the Latin tongue ; and hence his
resolution to translate the New Testament into the vernacular
of the people. The burning of these printed New Testaments
by the hierarchy shows that it fully understood the tendency
of the Saxon tongue. And so the history of the Eomish
Church in adopting and insisting npon the Latin as the lan-
guage of Church worship, as well as of the Scriptures, shows
that she regarded the Latin language as one with the interests
of the papacy. So dependent is Eome upon the Latin tongue
that Milman declares, that " the abrogation of the Latin as
the exclusive language of Christian letters and arts must be
inevitably and eventually the doom of Latin Christianity." i
Happily for the work of the revisers, King James' Bible
became, as the Genevan version had been before it, the Bible
of the people. And as it is to-day, so it has been dur-
ing all these years, the Book of the nursery, an ever-fruitful
source of stories to mothers for their children ; the Book of
maturer childhood and still riper years ; the Book of orators
and poets, who, with no personal interest in its religious teach-
ing, have admired and read it for the sake of its forcible
English. Our English Bible brings to us neither the style or
English of the age of James I., but the English spoken a hun-
dred years before his time ; when as yet the language was
written as it was spoken in its comparative simphcity. It is
true that not a few words of Latin derivation belonged to the
English of Tyndale's time, and Avere introduced by him into
his translation and have come down to ns in our English
' History of Latin Christianity, VIII., 334. New York, 1874.
1881.] KELATION" TO EI^GLISH LANGUAGE. 359
Bible, but these were already naturalized, and were a part of
the English tongue, and in many instances dated their adop-
tion to a period before the time of Chaucer and Wycliffe.
Some of these words were received from the Latin through the
Vulgate, while others were from the Latin through the Nor-
man French. Few pure Latinisms were adopted along the
line of revision from Tyndale, 1525, or even from Wycliffe,
1380, to James I., 16 11.^ Very many words ending in ation,
in form the most objectionable, and it would seem the last
to be adopted, are traceable to Wycliffe, and some to Tyn-
dale, leaving about a third that appeared for the first time
in the Rheims and Authorized versions. The words alomi-
nation, Luke xvi. 15; desolation, xxi. 20; generation, Acts
ii. 40 ; dissensio7i, xy. 2 ; divination, xvi. 16 ; temptation,
I. Cor. X. 13 ; and ministration, IT. Cor. iii. 7, are found in
Wycliffe. The words lamentatioti, Acts viii. 2 ; exhortation,
Rom. xii. 8 ; foundation, xv. 20 ; redeinption, I. Cor. i. 30 ;
administrations, xii. 5 ; interpretation, — . 10 ; resurrection,
XV. 13 ; and imagination, II. Cor. x. 5, belong to Tyndale.
While the words consultation, Mark xv. 1 ; expectation, Rom.
viii. 19 ; demonstration, I. Cor. ii. 4; communication, xy. 33;
manifestation, II. Cor. iv. 2 ; and reconciliation, v. 18, were
first introduced either in the Rheims or the Authorized ver-
sion. The above examples are made up largely of theological
terms, and were with a few exceptions adopted from the
Vulgate.
Instead of adopting Latinisms, the design of the revisers of
the English Bible has been from the first to replace such
terms by words more easily understood by the people. If,
therefore, Coverdale translated the phrase in Isaiah liii. 1 :
But who giueth credence vnto our preaching ; though this
rendering held its place in the Great Bible, of which Cover-
dale was the chief reviser, yet the Genevan version reads :
Who will heleeve our report ; w^hich is followed by the Author-
ized version. Again, if Tyndale translated Matt. ix. 18, . . . my
* The Rheims version excepted.
360 THE AUTHORIZED YEESIOi^. [CHAP. X.
(loghter is enen i^ow deceased ; the reading was changed in
the Authorized yersion to, is euen now dead. Again, if
Tyndale very commonly used the word, fortuned, as in Luke
vi. Cj, the Genevan version, 1557, changed it to caine to passe ;
and was followed by the Authorized version. So the word
recompence, of Tyndale, in Luke x. 35, is changed to repay,
in the Authorized version. As an ever-present standard,
therefore, of pure English, it is almost impossible to estimate
aright the silent and continued influence of the English Bible
upon the English language in the past as well as in the pres-
ent, since to-day it furnishes as no other book, the result of
three and a half centuries, or rather five centuries, of growth
of the English tongue.
Besides our English Bible sustains an intimate relation to
English literature as a stimulator of thought, as well as a
standard of pure English. A large proportion of books pub-
lished are occasioned by the presence of the Bible ; a book
ancient in its writings, but modern in its influence. We live
in an age in which science claims the leadership, and theology
and the Bible are regarded as things of the past. Yet current
hterature, outside of that which is professedly religious, boldly
unfurls its sails on the broad sea of theology. The platform
and the daily press deal continually with religious questions,
either as friends or enemies of the Bible. And one reason is,
that these questions lie at the foundation of human destiny
and duty, and find their solution only in the Sacred Scrip-
tures. Not only in the present, but in all the past of English
literature, the influence of the Bible is easily traced. The
arts of painting and music are not more indebted to the Bible
for their inspiration than is English literature for its range
and expression. This is true of Milton, but is it true of
Shakespeare ? He was the poet of nature rather than of the
Bible. He drew his inspiration from the pagan spirit of the
EHzabethan age rather than the reUgious spirit of the Holy
Scriptures. And yet had not the profound thoughts of the
Bible been grafted into the public sentiment and morals of
that age, the poetry of Shakespeare would have been impos-
1881.] RELATIO:^" TO PROTESTANT RELIGION. 361
sible. Shakespeare's poetry neither dogmatizes nor skeptically
doubts concerning the teachings of the Scriptures. Among
the prominent errors of the Puritans was their hatred of
Shakespeare's poetry. In their ideals they limited not only
government but literature. But poetry as an art finds a
broad field in nature, and though it is z^^religious, that is,
purely natural, yet it is not necessarily irreligious. Shakes-
peare entered into the hidden depths of this field, and his
profound sympathy with nature forms the grand element of
his poetry. " This peculiar element of Shakspere's poetry,"
says Schlegel, " still remains as a characteristic of modern art,
and will yet obtain a fuller development when a higher poetry
shall no longer represent the superficial aspects of every day
life, but the secret life of the soul, in man as well as in Na-
ture." ^ The greatest charge, if charge must be brought
against Shakespeare, is, that he places before us the profound
questions of human destiny, and leaves them unsolved, as
doubtless nature's interpreter ought to have done.
Wycliffe, Tyndale, and Coverdale, and those who followed
them as translators or revisers of the English Bible, wrought
better than they knew, not only for the English language, but
for evangelical religion. The theory of the Komish Church
has been that the Bible should be preached, hence their
opposition to the Scriptures in the vernacular of the people ;
while the theory and practice of the Protestant Church has
been that the Bible should be both read and preached, and
hence the multiplication of Vernacular versions. Protestantism
and an open Bible go hand in hand. We have already seen
how the spirit of true religion was kept alive for a century
and a half by the reading of the Manuscript Bible of Wycliffe.
Also how this same spirit was fanned into a new flame by the
printed New Testaments of Tyndale. And so with our eye
upon the page of history, it is possible to trace the underlying
influence of the English Scriptures from that day to this.
' History of Literature, p. 272. London, 1873.
16
362 THE AUTHORIZED YEESION". [CHAP. X.
If during the sixteenth century pohtical and ecclesiastical
authority were united under Queen Elizabeth, in seeking to
make religion the handmaid of the State, and if there fol-
lowed closely upon this such a change, that a religious en-
thusiasm, guided by a false ideal, sought to make the State
but the handmaid of religion, as did the Puritans, the occa-
sion of the but partial success of the former, and the signal
failure of the latter attempt, may be found, in part at least,
in the fact of a free and open Bible. It was the English Bible
in the hands of the people during this period, that permeated
society with the purity of Puritanism, and established the
Christian sabbath with its civilizing influences, and gave large
growth to the spirit of freedom, which withstood the encroach-
ments of both Church and State. And though from first to
last Puritanism abused its birthright, by seeking temporal
rather than spiritual authority, and though society experi-
enced a sad reaction from the excesses of Puritanism, and
though the liberal part of the Church suffered sad reverses
under the Romish rule of Laud; yet the open Bible remained,
all that was worthy in Puritanism remained, and the under-
current of spirituality remained.^ It is the living waters of
this spiritual stream, which flowed down the centuries, and
arose afresh in the times of the Reformation, growing wider
and deeper, now concealing itself and now, coming to the
surface, as in the eighteenth century in the times of the Wes-
ley s and Whitfields, that refreshes us in these latter days, and
all because the English Bible during these years has been open
to the people.
^ " The Puritans gained credit as the King (James I.) and the Bishops
lost it, They took more pains in their parishes, than those who
adhered to the Bishops, and were often preaching against the vices of
the Court ; for which they were sometimes punished, tho' very gently,
. . . They begun some particular methods of getting their people to
meet privately with them; And in these meetings they gave great vent
to extemporary prayer, v/hich was looked on as a sort of inspiration ;
And by these means they grew very popular." — Burnet's Hist, of his
Own Time, I, 17. 1724. '
1653.] TYPOGRAPHIC ERROKS IJST EAULIEST EDITIONS. 363
While special care was taken by the publishers of English
Bibles to prevent errors, and they were so careful in reprinting
that typographical errors descended from edition to edition,^
yet fur half a century or more the text of the Authorized
version suffered at the hands of the printers. The typograph-
ical errors of the first edition (1611) were neither few nor
unimportant. The following may be taken as examples :
Ex.XXXVIII.il. . . . the hoopes of the liiUaiTs; for, hooks.
Lev. XVII. 14. . . . Yee shall not eate the blood ; for,
Ye shall eat.
Ezek. VI. 8. . . . tkat he may haue ; for, pe may-
have.
XXIV. 7. . . . she powred it vpon the ground ;
for, poured it not.
Matt. VI. 3. . . . let not thy left hand know what
thy right doeth ; for, right Jiand doeth.
I. Cor. XIV. 23. . . . the whole church be come together
into some place ; for, into one place.
The above examples of erroi^s in typography, with the excep-
tion of the last, were corrected in the edition of 1613 ; and yet
the edition of 1613 was singularly fruitful in the same kind of
eiTors, of which the following are examples :
Lev. VII. 25. For whosoeuer eateth the fast of the beast ; for, the
fat of the beast.
XIX 10. And thou shalt gleane thy vineyard ; for, thou shalt
not.
XXVI. 24. Then will I also wake contrary vnto you ; for, wa^k
contrary unto you,
Deut. XIX. 5. . . . helme ; for, helve.
Neh. X. 31. . . . and(that) wee would 72 oHeaue; for,
would leave.
Job XXIX. 3. When his candle shined vpon my head, and {when)
by his light I shined through darknesse ; for, I
icalked {through) darkness.
L Cor. IV. 9. . . . as it were approued to death ; for,
appointed to death.
^ Matt, xxiii. 24, . . . strain at a gnat. Also L Cor. xii. 28, . . helpes
in governments.
364 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION". [CHAP. X.
XI. 17. Now in this that I declare (vnto you) I praise you
that you come together not for the better, but
for the worse ; for, I praise you not.
Heb. XII. 1. . . . and let vs runne with patience
vnto the race ; for, the race that is set before us.
On account of such inaccuracies, the earliest were by no
means standard editions of the Authorized version. In 1629
a praiseworthy effort was made towards a needful revision of
the Authorized version, and many corrections were made ;
but in subsequent editions typographical errors were continu-
ally occurring. In 1 632 an edition of a thousand copies was
printed by Barker and Lucas, in which the word not was left
out of the seventh commandment. This fact soon became
known, the printers were fined, and the whole impression
called in.^ In 1638 there was a loud call for a corrected edition
of the English Bible, which was responded to by Buck and
Daniel. Their edition is said to have been put forth by tha
king's command, and that several of the most learned men of
Cambridge were engaged in its preparation. This was the
edition, probably, that Buck and Daniel challenged the public
at Cambridge by a bill placed over the door of St. Mary's
Church, "that if any scholar could find any literal fault in it,
he should have a Bible for his pains." ^ While many correc-
tions were made by this edition, and consequently it was held
in the highest estimation as the "authentique corrected Bible,"
yet it introduced a notable error in Acts vi. 3, . . whom ye,
instead of, . . whom ive may appoint. This error appeared
in several subsequent editions of the Bible, and was not cor-
rected till about the year 1685. As this change from we to ye
favored the Independents, sanctioning the right of the people
to appoint their pastors, the charge was made openly against
^ The king required that the fine lately imposed for base and corrupt
printing of the Bible, " being the sum of three hundred pounds," should
be used for purchasing Greek type for the printing of Greek Works for
the Royal Library. — Townley's Biblical Literature, III., 318, 819.
2 Cotton's Editions of the Bible in English, p. G9, note. Oxford, 1853.
1653.] GROSS ERRORS IN PRINTED BIBLES. 3G5
Field, the editor of the Pearl Bible (1653), that lie received a
present of fifteen hundred pounds to corrupt this one text.
But the probability is that it was originally a blunder of the
printer; for, as Lewis remarks, the first Bible in which it
appeared was that of Buck and Daniel, which was revised by
the divines of the Church of England, and consequently years
before the Pearl Bible was printed.^
The printing of Bibles during these years was a matter of com-
petition among publishers, " The secret bibliographical histoiy
of these times,*' says DTsraeli, " would show the extraordinary
state of the press in this new trade of Bibles." ^ How much a
corrupt age had to do with this mode of corrupting the text of
the Scriptures, it is impossible to determine ; but the impiety
that existed was gross, and it is known to have made use of
these corruptions for its base purposes. The notorious Pearl
Bible was printed in 1653. The name was derived from its
diminutive type, as " it could not derive it from its worth." ^
As an illustration of the gross errors of this edition of the Bible
take the following passages as famihar examples :
Rom. VI, 13. Neither yield ye your members as instruments of right-
eousness unto sin.
I. Cor. VI. 9. Know ye not that the unrighteous sTiall inherit the King-
dom of God ?
Passages such as these were quoted by libertines as an excuse
for the baseness of their lives. "* This is a sad commentary on
the morality of that period. But these shameful abuses were
not left to pass unnoticed. In 1656, the Grand Committee for
Religion succeeded in suppressing the circulation of thousands
of copies of these corrupted Bibles.^ New editions of the
Bible continued to follow each other, containing more or
less of typographical errors, with here and there a corrected
edition.
^ History of Eng. TranslationSy "p. d^l.
* Curiosities of Literature, IV., 350. New York, 1864.
3 Ihid, p. 352. 4 Ibid, p. 852.
« Compare Eadie's Hist, of Eng, Bible, II., 297.
366 THE AUTHORIZED VEESI02^. [CHAP. X.
It is asserted that in 1665 Bill and Barker got possession of
the manuscript copy of King James' Bible ; and having "thus
secured themselves from instant detection, they published
editions filled with egregious blasphemies and damnable
errata." 1 Thus during the closing years of the seventeenth
century errors in the text of printed Bibles originated pos-
sibly through evil intent, but doubtless for the most part
through carelessness. There was such competition in the trade
of printing English Bibles, that publishers paid insufficient
salaries for correcting proof ; hence incompetent persons were
employed. This growing evil at last attracted such public
attention that in April, 1724, a royal order was issued, stipu-
lating among other things, that correctors of the press should
be employed and regulated salaries allowed them.^ In the way
of a corrected Bible, the most successful edition hitherto was
that of Dr. Benj. Blayney, published in 1769. This for many
years was regarded as the standard edition. Since so many
errors in previous editions had been corrected, he claimed
'- that the text is reformed to such a standard of purity as is
presumed is not to be met with in any other edition hitherto ex-
tant. " ^ Blayney^s Bible, though excellent, compared with pre-
vious editions, was surpassedby Eyre and Strahan's Bible of 1806.
This edition was regarded " as approaching as near as possible
to what bibliographers term an immaculate text." ^ Complaints
were made, however, as late as 1830, as to the unsatisfactory
state of the text of English Bibles ; but such complaints were
based largely on questions about words printed in italics.^ In
these latter years, therefore, it is a matter of sincere congratula-
tion that public and private enterprise have vied with each
other in printing comparatively a correct text of the Bible.
' Cotton's Editions of the Bible in English, p. 73, n^te. So far as is
known, this MS. is now lost. McClintock & Strong's Encyclopedia, Art.
Authorized Version.
2 Lewis' Hist. Eng. Translations, p. 351.
3 Eadie's Hist. Eng. Bible, II., 304.
* Home's Introduction, II., Eng. Versions, p. 75.
^ Eadie's Hist. Eng. Bible, II., 306, 307.
1611.] HEBRAIC ELEMENT IN BIBLE ENGLISH. 367
The intrmsic worth of our modern EngHsh Bibles con-
sists in their substantial oneness with the first .edition of
1611. And the excellence of that translation consists in the
fact that it was the inheritor of the excellencies of a series
of Vernacular versions, especially from the time of Tyndale.
With the exception of spelling, which has been from time
to time modernized, and a few archaic forms, which have
been changed, the text of the Authorized version remains
the same. And this fact makes our English Bible of to-day
invaluable as an English classic. One of the elements of
power and beauty of our English Scriptures is the Hebraic
element which has been transfused into its language in the
translation. As a matter of fact, the Bible has been trans-
lated as no other book. " If I translate," says the learned
Selden, " a French Book into English, I turn it into Eng-
lish Phrase, not into French- English, (II fait froid) I say
'tis cold, not, it makes cold; but the Bible is rather translated
into English w^ords than into English Phrase. The Hebraisms
are kept, and the Phrase of that language is kept."^ Many
original metaphors were too high wrought to be transferred.
But so much of Hebrew phraseology has been stamped upon
our Bible language that a certain charm in its style is traceable
to this fact. To such an extent is this true, that some of the
Hebrew idioms have become so incorporated in our English
tongue that they are regarded as a part of it: while others
remain peculiar to the Bible and tend to give to its phraseology
an archaic tinge which is by no means displeasing. For exam-
ple vv^e find such phrases as: kingdom and glory, for, glorious
kingdom ; bond of perfectness, for, a perfect bond ; mouth and
wisdom, for, wise utterance; glory of his poiver, for, glorious
power ; with desire I have desired, for, I have greatly desired ;
I am the -way, the truth and the life, for, I am the true and
living way. Such phrases as : no good thing will he withhold ;
being not weak in the faith ; I will not leave you comfortless,
are examples of the negative used for the sake of strong aflBrma-
1 Table Talk, p. 106. London, 1860.
368 THE AUTHORIZED VEESION". [CHAP. X.
tion. The peculiar privileges belonging to the first bom among
the Jews gave rise to the -phrdse, first bom, as meaning that
which was chief or highest of its kind, as : the first born of the
poor shall feed; that is, the poorest and the most miserable shall
feed. The first born of death shall devour his strength ; that
is, his strength shall be devoured by the most cruel death.
That he might be the first born ainong many brethren ; that is,
"The Sok of God, pre-eminent among those who are by
adoption through Him, the sons of God." Again such phrases
as: that believe on the name of Christ ; and thou hast a feiu
names in Sardis ; are examples in which the word, name, is
used in the sense oi person. In like manner the word, soul, is
used for the personal pronoun I, in the following examples : in
lohom my soul is luell pleased; and my soul shall live because
of thee ; my soul shall have no pleasure in him. In the highly
figurative language of the Hebrews the edge of the sword was
called its mouth ; but the metaphor was too oriental to be trans-
ferred, so that our translators rendered it edge, in such exam-
ples as : they shall fall by the edge of the s?oord; sharper than
any tiuo-edged sword ; escaped the edge of the sword. In their
lack of adjectives, the Hebrews, when they wished to express
the superlative of beauty or power, used the phrases, of God,
and, of the Lord. As illustrations we have : even as the garden
of the Lord, for, beautiful garden; in 11. Chron. xiv. 14:, fear
of the Lord, is used for, very great fear ; in Psalm xxix, the
voice of the Lord, means, very loud thunder, as : the voice of
the Lord is upon the waters ; the voice of the Lord is powerful ;
the voice of the Lord is full of majesty. The whole Psalm is
a sublime description of a thunder-storm. In Psalm xxxvi. 6,
the Hebraism, the mountaines of God, is placed in the margin ;
while the text reads: the great mountaines.^
Besides these Hebraisms there are old English idioms which
add quaintness, if not beauty and richness to the tone of our
Bible language. Prominent among these is that which was
introduced by Tyndale in his translation, 1525, in which the
» Compare Home's Introduction, II., P. I., pp. 23-26. London, 1828.
ICll.] CDSOLETE WORDS. 369
personal pronoun as a nominative was made to follow the
verb.^ Among other antiquated forms there are found archa-
isms, both in word and phrase, which have become obsolete,
and more or less obscure the text. Take the following
examples :
Matt. IX. 3. . . . Son, be of good cheere, thy sinnes &e
forgiuen thee. The be forgiven is here an old idiom
for, are forgiven ; and contains a simple statement of
a fact, and not a command.
Luke XXI. 9. . . . for these things must first come to
passe ; but the end is not by andby. That is, not im-
mediately. In accounting for this change in meaning,
Trench says, " the inveterate procrastination of men
has put ' by and by ' farther and farther off. "
Acta II. 23. . . . yee haue taken, and by wicked hands,
haue crucified, and slaine. The preposition by, here
is used in the sense of through, and the meaning is :
not by their own, but through the wicked hands of others,
they have crucified and slain.
I. Cor. rV. 4. For I know nothing by my selfe, yet am I not hereby
justified. The by is here used in the sense of against,
and is evidently an old idiomatic use of the word.
Some of the less important archaic forms are : Ms and her
for its, as in Gen. i. 11, after his kinde ; Lev. i. 6, ....
and cut into his pieces ; Mark ix. 50, .... if the salt haue lost
his saltnesse ; I. Cor. xiii. 5, seeketh not her owne.
Another common archaism is the use of that for that which,
or what, as in Luke xix. 21, thou takest vp that thou
layedst not downe ; John iii. 11, We speake that we do
know, and testifie that we haue scene. Still another form
consists in the use oi which for who, as in Eom. i. 3, ivhich
was made of the seede of Dauid ; according to the flesh.
Obsolete words occur in our modern Bibles, though not as
frequently as might be supposed. But as they retain their
form and not their meaning, they obscure the text more
seriously than Bible readers are generally aware. This is not
' See examples above, p. 131.
370
THE AUTHORIZED VERSIOiq".
[CHAP. X.
strange since a majority of these words, in the sense in which
they were used, come to us from the age of Tyndale, and are
consequently three and a half centuries old. As examples, we
have such words as health, prevent, quick, occupy, instantly,
possess, superstitions, approved, allege, damnation, do, to ivit,
conversation, honest, letteth, nephews, peculiar, as indicated
below, together with other words that have changed their
meaning since the time of Tyndale :
Gen. XLV. 6.
II. Chron. XXI. 20.
in the which there shall neither
be earing nor haruest. Earing means ploughing.
and departed without being de-
This word is used in the sense of re-
Ps. LXVII.
CXIX.
CXXIV.
Ezek. XXVII.
Joel III.
Matt. VI.
XIV.
Mark VI.
2.
thy sauing health among all Na-
tions. This phrase means salvation.
147. ... I preuented the dawning of the
morning", and cryed. This word retains its
derivative signification, and means anticipated
or icent before.
3. Then they had swallowed vs vp quicke. Quick in
the sense of alive, not suddenly.
16. . . . they occupied in thy faires. This
word is used in the sense of traded.
14. Multitudes, multitudes in the valley of decision.
That is cutting, or as the margin reads : concis-
sion, or threshing.
34. Take therefore no thought for the morrow. Thought
in the sense of over anxiety.
8. . . . Giue mee here John Baptists head
in a charger ; that is, a large dish or platter.
20. For Herod feared John, knowing that he was a just
man, and an holy, and ohserued hira. The margin
reads : kept him or saued him.
Luke IV. 20. And he closed the booke, and he gaue it againe to
the minister. That is, to the keeper of the rolls,
not to the teacher of the synagogue.
VII. 4. . . . they besought him instantly ; in
the sense of urgently. So in Rom. xii. 12, . . .
continuing instant in prayer ; that is, urgent or
steadfast in prayer.
XVIII. 12. . . I giue tithes of all that I possesse ;
1311.] OBSOLETE WORDS. 371
in the sense of all that I acquire, which gives to
the passage quite a different meaning.
Acts II. 22. ... a man approued of God among
you ; that is, proved or shown to be, . . . by-
miracles, wonders, and signes.
XVII. 3. Opening and alleadgiiuj, that Christ must needes
have suffered and risen againe from the dead.
Alleadging ia the sense of promng, not simply
declaring.
23. ... Ye men of Athens, I perceiue
that in all things ye are too superstitious ; that
is, too religious.
XXI. 15. . . . we tooke vp our cartages, and
went vp to Hierusalem. This word means lug-
gage or baggage.
XXVIII. 15. . . . they came to meete vs as farre as
Appii forum, and the three Tauernes ; that is,
stores or shops, or rather the name of the station
on the Appian way.
I. Cor. X. 24. . . . but euery man anothers wealth;
that is, icell-heing.
XL 29. . . . eateth and drinketh damnation to
himselfe. That \s, judgment to himself. " The
judgment meant, as is evident from vv. 30-32,
is not ' damnation,' as rendered in our A. V., a
mis-translation, which has done infinite mis-
chief." '
11. Cor. VIII. 1. Moreouer brethren, wee doe you to wit of the grace
of God ; that is, we make you to know.
Phil. III. 20. For our conuersation is in heauen. Conversation is
here used in the sense of citizenship. Lord Bacon
uses the word in this sense in the following sen-
tence : " A love and desire to sequester a man's
selfe, for a higher conversation.'' In Gal. i. 13,
the word conversation is used in the sense of
personal conduct, or tenor of life.
rV. 8. . . . whatsoeuer things {are) honest.
This word is here used in the sense of honorable.
The margin reads : venerable.
15. . . . when I departed from Macedonia,
no Church communicated with me, as concern-
ing giuing and receiuing ; that is, shared with me.
' Alford's New Testament for English Readers, in loco.
372 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION-. [CHAP. X.
II. Thess. II. 7. For the mystery of iniquity dotli already worke :
onely he who now letteth, {will let). Letteth is
here used in the sense of Mndereth. So in Rom.
i. 13 . . . (but was let hitherto).
I. Tim. V. 4. But if any widow haue children or nephewes ; that
is, grandchildren.
Titus II. 14. . . . and purifie vnto himselfe a pecu-
lier people, zealous of good workes. The word
peculiar carries with it the idea of purchased,
Luther rendered it, a people /(9r possession; Al-
ford reads : a people peculiarly His.^
James I. 37. Pure religion and vndefiled ... is this, to visit the
fatherlesse and widowes in their affliction, {and)
to keepe himselfe vnspotted from the world.
The word religion here means the outward
manifestation rather than the inward principle
of godliness. " How little," says Trench, " ' re-
ligion ' once meant godliness, how predominantly
it was used for the outward service of God, is
plain from many passages in our Homilies, and
from other cotemporary literature.'' ^
The relation of our New Testament text to modern criticism
deserves a passing notice. It is known to the general reader
that most valuable manuscripts have been discovered since the
revision of 1611. There can be no question as to the impor-
tance of these manuscripts in the formation of a pure Greek
text. We cannot, therefore, place too high an estimate upon
the labors of snch scholars as Lachmann, Tischendorf, Alford,
Tregelles and others, whose conscientious efforts in the study
of ancient manuscripts have been, not to criticise the word of
God, in the sense of adding to or taking from the text a single
word, but to determine what rightly belongs to the original
text. In other words, their aim has been, by a dihgent com-
parison of the oldest manuscripts,^ as well as other authorities,
^ Alford's New Testament for English Benders, in loco.
2 English Past and Present, p. 143. New York, 1855.
^ The manuscripts of the Greek New Testament number some fifteen
hundred. Those written earlier than the tenth century are in uncial or
capital letters ; and those written later are in the cursive or running
350-450.] EARLY GREEK MAKUSCRIPTS. 373
to reproduce a Greek text as near as possible to the original
autograph copies of the several books of the New Testament.
This is no new enterprise on the part of Bibhcal scholars.
The Jews exercised a scrupulous care over the very words of
hand, a letter resembling the type of ordinary Greek books. Less than
a hundred of these manuscripts were written before the year 800. The
following five are among the oldest, and consequently in textual criticism
are esteemed of the greatest importance :
(A.) The Codex Alexandkinus. — To this codex tradition assigns the
year 350 as the date ; but probably the true date is nearer 450. It is an
uncial manuscript of " the entire Greek Bible with the Epistle of Clement
added, and is written in a firm square hand. It was presented by Cyril
Lucaris, the patriarch of Alexandria, to Charles I. of England in 1628 ;
and is now in the British Museum. The manuscript is on parchment
and in quarto form. The New Testament portion was published in fac-
simile by Dr. Woide in 1786. A reprint in Greek type was published by
Mr. Cowper in 1860.
(B.) The Codex Vaticanus. — This manuscript is supposed to date
back to the year 350, and is therefore a hundred years older than the
Alexandrine Codex. The letters resemble those of the MSS. rolls found
at Herculaneum, and are capitals or uncials without initial letters.
Little is known of the early history of this manuscript. It seems to
have had a place in the archives of the Vatican Library from its first
founding, which was about the year 1450. At least it appears in the
first catalogue of that collection, which dates from the year 1475. The
policy of the papacy has been to deny to Biblical scholars the free use
of this manuscript. In 1810 it was carried off by Napoleon to Paris, but
was returned again by Wellington after the battle of Waterloo. Im-
perfect collations of this manuscript were made to meet the demands of
Biblical scholars, but were of no critical value until 1868, when an excel-
lent edition of the New Testament was published by Vercellone and
Cozza, by the consent and authority of the pope, and printed with type
" cast from the same font that was made for the Codex Sinaiticus, and in
the style of Tischendorfs edition of that MS."
(C.) The Codex Ephr^mi. — This manuscript is what is called a
rescript or 'paUmsest — that is, the original writing was defaced and the
sermons of Ephraim Syrus written upon it. The manuscript was
brought, early in the sixteenth century, from Italy to France by Cathe-
rine de Medici, as a volume of Ephraim's sermons. In 1650 the discovery
was made that the parchment originally contained the text of the Holy
Scriptures. After several unsuccessful attempts, Tischendorf in 1841-42
succeeded by the application of chemicals in bringing out the original
374 THE AUTHOEIZED VEESI02^. [CHAP. X.
the Old Testament Scriptures. Aud since the middle of the
third century something of this same care has been exercised
by Christian scholars over both the Old aud New Testament.
Origen's motive in editing the Hexapla in the third century
writing. In 1843 he made an accurate reprint of the original text.
Authorities are divided as to its age, but its probable date is A. D. 450.
It is preserved in the archives of the Royal Library at Paris.
(D.) The Codex Bezm. — This manuscript was presented to the
Library of Cambridge University by Theodore Beza in 1581. Beza dis-
covered it at the sack of Lyons in 1562, in the monastery of St. Irenaeus.
It contains only the historical books of the New Testament. It is said
to abound in interpolations, especially in the book of Acts. The manu-
script belongs to the latter part of the fifth, or the beginning of the
sixth century. It was reprinted by Dr. Kipling in two volumes in 1793 ;
also by Dr. Scrivener in 1864.
(N.) The Codex Sinaiticus. — Because of the interest attached to the
discovery of this manuscript by Tischendorf, an extended account is
here given, abridged from his "Narrative of the Discovery," as trans-
lated and published by the London Religious Tract Society and repub-
lished by the American Tract Society, New York. Tischendorf says :
" It was at the foot of Mount Sinai, in the convent of St. Catherine, that
I discovered the pearl of all my researches. In visiting the library of
the monastery, in the month of May, 1844, I perceived in the middle of
the great hall a large and wide basket full of old parchments
What was my surprise to find among this heap of papers a considerable
number of sheets of a copy of the Old Testament in Greek, which
seemed to me to be one of the most ancient that I had ever seen. The
authorities of the convent allowed me to possess myself of a third of
these parchments, or about forty-five sheets, all the more readily as they
were destined for the fire. But I could not get them to yield up pos-
session of the remainder. The too lively satisfaction which I had dis-
played, had aroused their suspicions as to the value of this manuscript."
In a second visit made by Tischendorf in 1853 he could discover no fur-
ther traces of the treasure of 1844, excepting " a little fragment which,
written over on both sides, contained eleven short lines of the first book
of Moses," which convinced him that the manuscript originally con-
tained the whole of the Old Testament.
In January, 1859, he made a third visit to this convent of St. Cathe-
rine. After spending some days in a comparatively fruitless search, he
gave orders on the 4th of February to his Bedouins to hold themselves
in readiness to set out for Cairo on the 7th, " when an entirely unexpected
1654-57.] CRITICAL TEXTS OF 0. AKD N". TESTAMENTS. 375
was for the sake of a correct text. Jerorae's purpose in the latter
part of the fourth century in revising the Vulgate, or rather in
making a new version from the Hebrew, was to reproduce a cor-
rect Latin text. The motives of Jerome were at the time called
in question, but after ages have learned to appreciate his motives
and his wisdom, and now stand ready to do him honor. In latter
times (1554-1057) Bryan Walton was moved by the same purpose
in publishing his Polyglott, which proved the occasion of an ex-
circumstance," lie says, " carried me at once to the goal of all my desires.
On the afternoon of this day, I was taking a walk with the steward of
the convent in the neighborhood, and as we returned towards sunset, he
begged me to take some refreshment with him in his cell. Scarcely had
he entered the room when, resuming our former subject of conversation,
he said, ' And I too have read a Septuagint, i. e. a copy of the Greek
translation made by the Seventy ' ; and so saying, he took down from
the corner of the room a bulky kind of volume wrapped up in a red
cloth, and laid it before me. I unrolled the cover, and discovered, to my
great surprise, not only those very fragments which, fifteen years before,
I had taken out of the basket, but also other parts of the Old Testament,
the Xew Testament complete, and in addition, the Epistle of Barnabas
and a part of the Pastor of Hermas." After many unsuccessful attempts
during several months, to get possession of this invaluable treasure, be
says ; " On the 27th of September, I returned to Cairo. The monks and
archbishops then warmly expressed their thanks for my zealous efforts
in their cause ; and the following day I received from them, under the
form of a loan, the Sinaitic Bible, to carry it to St. Petersburg, and there
to have it copied as accurately as possible." However, it was at Leipzig,
at the end of three years, that he completed the task of " producing a
facsimile copy of this codex in four folio volumes. " The edition was
limited to three hundred copies, five of which are in this country.
Single copies may be found in the Union Theological Seminary and
Astor Libraries, New York ; Congressional Library, Washington ; and
Lane Theological Seminary Library, Cincinnati ; and the Library of Yale
University. The types were cast for this special work and in imitation
of the form of the letters of the manuscript. This printed fac-simile of
the Sinaitic manuscript "represents the original, line for line, with the
greatest attainable accuracy." The Codex Sinaiticus is probably the
oldest of the known manuscripts of the New Testament ; or possibly it
may be of the same age with the Codex Vaticanus, and date back to the
middle of the fourth century.
37G THE AUTHORIZED VEESIOX. [CHAP. X.
tended and bitter controversy. So, likewise, when Mill in 1707,
and Bengel, in 1734, published their Greek texts of the Xew Tes-
tament, they were misunderstood and their motives impugned.
While, therefore, a false jealousy has existed respecting the
labors of critical editors of the Greek text, it is comforting to
know that the day of false alarm has passed, since one of the
results of textual criticism is the confirming of our faith in
the general integrity of the Greek text from which our Eng-
lish version was taken, and so far our confidence in it as a
Vernacular version. At the same time we are led to accept
of the Holy Scriptures as being human as well as Divine.
They proceed from Deity, and hence are of Divine authority.
Too much stress cannot be laid upon this point, and yet they
touch humanity. This human side of the Bible consists in
the fact that its revelation is to man and through man,
involving not only the imperfect medium of the human mind,
but written language, and its transmission by copyists of dif-
ferent countries and different centuries, involving likewise the
unavoidable imperfections of Vernacular versions. Now a
comprehensive view of all that is implied in this human side
of the Holy Scriptures will welcome with joy every honest
effort towards purity of the original text, and consequent cor-
rectness of Vernacular versions. Especially when we are
assured that after the widest comparison of Greek manuscripts,
though various readings abound, yet many of these are about
as important to the sense of the Greek and Hebrew Scriptures
"as the question in English orthography is, whether the word
honour shall be spelled with a ^ or without it " ; while the
remainder are so unimportant that " not one doctrine of re-
ligion is changed, not one precept is taken away, not one
important fact is altered by the whole of the various readings
collectively taken."
"It is difficult," says Tregelles, "to explain the subject of
the text of the New Testament in such a manner as not to be
misunderstood If, then, it be said, that transcribers
have so altered the books of the New Testament that they are
wholly different from what they once were, — if it be alleged
1881.] THE IMPORTANCE OF TEXTUAL CRITICISM. 377
that the doctrines laid down in it have been changed by design
or by ignorance, — the assertion may be met with a direct nega-
tive. We may point to the ancient MSS. of different countries
in proof that the substantial texture of the books has not been
tampered with by any fraud; we may turn to the ancient ver-
sions as witnesses of the same facts. And, as to the observed
various readings, we may show that they commonly relate to
the order of words, to synonymous expressions, and the like.
When greater variations, such as the insertion or non-insertion
of sentences, are objected, then we must say, * Well, it is a ques-
tion to be determined, not by previously formed opinions, but
by evidence.' If, then, we find that the words are not
found in the oldest MSS., if they are equally excluded from
the versions, and if the early writers do not cite them, then of
course we must know that this is not a debatable point, but
that we possess that certainty which clear lines of distinct evi-
dence can give. An objector cannot say that he has thus ex-
truded a doctrine from the New Testament, for there is not a
single point of dogmatic teaching which rests merely on any
one passage of doubtful authenticity, or such as is infirm as to
evidence."^ These are the calm words of one who devoted his
life to the cause of textual criticism.
But with all due respect for the conscientious and almost
herculean labors of eminent scholars in this department of
Bible study, and with true gratitude for their unquestionable
service to the cause of truth, it seems ungenerous to say that
their enthusiasm in the study of ancient manuscripts so swayed
their judgments, as to lead them to give undue weight to this
one source of evidence ; and yet something of this feeling is
springing up among Biblical scholars and thinking men. The
following is a brief summary of some of the facts, and second
thoughts of scholars, respecting the importance of textual
criticism, and the relative authority of the oldest manu-
scripts :
^ Historic Ecidences of the Books of the i\r. T., App., pp. 100, 101.
London, 1852.
378 THE AUTHORIZED YERSIOJ^". [CHAP. X.
(a.) Biblical Arcliseology affords no trace of the autographic copies of the
New Testament writings of the Apostles. Our earliest manu-
scripts date back only to about the middle of the fourth century.
(b.) There existed imperfections in the Greek text before the most
ancient manuscripts, now known, were transcribed. So that
after all these earliest manuscripts may represent only a version
of the text as it then existed, formed possibly under peculiar
circumstances, and limited in circulation as to locality.
(c.) Though some of the later manuscripts, on paleographic grounds, may
be assigned to a very late period, yet they may have been copied
from the most correct manuscripts of a very early period. Though
this may be mere conjecture, yet in forming an unbiased judg-
ment it is deserving of consideration. Besides, one of the lead-
ing principles of textual criticism is that, " The ancient text is
often jireserved substantially in recent copies." The importance
of the later manuscripts " has been most strangely neglected, and
it is but recently that their true claims to authority have been
known."
(d.) Some of our ancient versions are centuries older than our oldest
manuscripts, hence their importance as a source of textual criti-
cism.
(e.) There are strong evidences in favor of doubtful texts deducible from
quotations and written testimony of the Church Fathers, that
ought not to be overlooked.
(f.) Tischendorf, in the seventh edition of his Greek Testament, was less
influenced by ancient manuscripts ; though, it is said, in the
eighth edition he attached the highest importance to them as
authority.
(g.) Tischendorf 's exaggerated preference for a single manuscript, which
he had the good fortune to discover, " betrayed him into an
almost childlike infirmity of critical judgment." To illustrate
the fascination this Sinaitic manuscript had upon this noble
scholar, Eadie says : " It may be added that he excludes the last
verse of St. John's Gospel (xxi. 25,) solely because in that manu-
script it appeared to be written with fresher or darker ink.
Other eyes than his could not appreciate the difference ' colons
discrimen,' and when he showed the page to Tregelles, the
English scholar at once exclaimed, ' 0 yes, I see ; the scribe took
a new dip of ink after writing verse 24:th.' " ^
(h.) Lachmann's materials were imperfect. His text is based on little
more than four manuscripts, and is a critical recension rather
than an authoritative text.
' History of iha English Bible, II., 364.
350-1881.] TZE IMPOKTAIS'CE OF TEXTUAL CRITICISM. 379
(i.) Alford adopted improbable readings, against his former decisions,
because favored by the authority of ancient manuscripts.
(j.) "Though it seems an ungracious criticism," says Ellicott, "yet it
must, in all frankness, be said that the text of Tregelles is not in
all respects satisfactory. It is rigid and mechanical, and some-
times fails to disclose that critical instinct and peculiar scholarly
sagacity which is so much needed in the great and responsible
work of constructing a critical text of the Greek Testament." ^
(k.) These critically coiistructed texts often fail to give a correct under-
standing of the case, since a certain reading is introduced into
the text when in the j adgment of the critic another reading has
quite as good right to the place and yet no note is made of the
fact.
(1.) The Textus Meceptus is as yet the standard text. This statement is
true, though it is made in the face of the fact of real progress
made in textual criticism. For out of all these invaluable ma-
terials, a second textus receptus could not be framed "free from
one great disturbing element in all critical labors, individual
bias and personal predilections. "
(m.) In this same connection Ellicott further suggests, that while the
Received Text must remain the standard, there may be depar-
tures from it in cases " where critical evidence and the consent
of thehest editors point out the necessity of a change." Such a
text would not deserve to be called " strictly critical," but if
made " by a body of competent scholars, it would be a critical
revision of a very high, and, probably, very popular character." *
(n.) The Textus Receptus, on account of its substantial accuracy, calls
forth our admiration, considering the time in which it was made
and the scant materials from which it was formed.^
(o.) The most ancient manuscripts in their various readings are so many
independent witnesses, — first, to the fact that the text of the
New Testament already had a history ; second, that there was
no collusion between the earliest writers ; and third, these
manuscripts coming from different countries testify to the wide
diffusion of the Gospel.
» Ellicott on Revision of N. T., p. 48. Schaff's ed. New York, 1873.
5 Ihid, p. 48.
3 The Textus Receptus is the Elzevir text. The text of Erasmus,
fourth edition, was closely followed by the third edition of Stephens,
1550 ; which, in turn, was followed, with a few slight alterations, by
Beza, 1565 ; and all these by the celebrated Ley den publisher, Elzevir,
in his editions of 1624-1633.
380 THE AUTHOEIZED VERSION. [CHAP. X.
(p.) Various readings of Greek manuscripts of a subordinate kind are
numerous, and may be found in every chapter ; but the number
of really important doubtful passages is very small, and grows
still smaller vrhen passages are taken out concerning which
critical opinion is about equally divided.
(q.) The critical texts of Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Tregelles, as well
as others, were not formed as something final, but as an expres-
sion of their individual judgments from the sources before them.
At least such are the results,
(r.) Notwithstanding the changes in doctrine and practice in the Church
during the past fifteen centuries, yet there is no trace in these
MSS. of intentional changes by copyists to support any such
current practice or opinion.
(s.) In regard to a revision of the A. V. in many debatable passages,
" prudence would seem to suggest the maintenance of the
present version, though the alternative rendering might most
properly be placed in the margin." ^
The above summary is conservative in its tendency, yet in
its disconnection it must not be understood as disparaging the
labors of textual critics, nor undervaluing the oldest manu-
scripts as one of the chief sources of critical evidence. For,
as Dr. Tischendorf well remarks, "it would be indeed a mis-
understanding of the dealing of Providence if after these
documents had been preserved through all the dangers of
fourteen or fifteen centuries, and delivered safe into our
hands, we were not to receive them with thankfulness as most
valuable instruments for the elucidation of truth."
But the practical question still remains as to the effect of
textual criticism in its application to our English Bible. This
question is answered most satisfactorily for the general reader
by the Critical English New Testament, edited by Bagster
and Son. London, 1871. This work gives the results of
textual criticism in its application to the English text. Every
change that has been proposed on manuscript authority is
noted, and the authority cited. Eirst, the critical texts of
Lachmann, Tischendorf, Green, Tregelles, and Alford, then
^ Ellicott on Revision of iV. T., p. 100. Schaff 's ed. New York, 1873.
350-1881.] CHAl^GES PEO POSED BY TEXTUAL CRITICS. 381
manuscripts, and lastly ancient versions, are given in notes at
the bottom of the page. In other words, it is simply an
English New Testament of the Authorized version, with notes
indicating proposed critical changes, with the authorities for
the same. There is also a useful work edited by Dr. Tischen-
dorf, and known as the Tauchnitz edition of the Authorized
version of the New Testament, volume 1000. Leipzig, 1869.
This is somewhat similar to the above, though in the changes
proposed it confines itself to the readings of three most cele-
brated manuscripts of the Greek text, —namely, the Sinaitic,
the Vatican, and the Alexandrine. This work is very satisfac-
tory, excepting that the foot-notes are too much condensed.
In these two volumes the results of textual criticism, in its
specific application, are most happily brought within the reach
of every English reader.'
A diligent perusal of either of these volumes will prove
most satisfactory. For though they indicate alterations in
words and sentences, yet we see for ourselves that for the most
part they are unimportant And even in cases of proposed
important changes, if allowed, the text as a whole would not
be seriously injured. For, as above suggested, no important
teaching of the Scriptures rests upon any single doubtful pas-
sage. As an illustration of the changes suggested, take two
or three chapters in the Gospel of John, as appears in Bag-
ster's Critical New Testament. Thirteen changes are indi-
cated in the first chapter, as follows :
John L 16. And of his fulness. . . . Read : Because of his fulness.
26. . . , hut there standeth one among you.
Omit: but.
27. He it is^ who coming after me is preferred before me.
Omit : it is, and the clause is preferred before me, and
read : He that comes after me,
28. These things were done in Bethahara. Read : Bethany.
^ The Anglo-American Revision of the A. V. of the N. T., which is
to appear from the English press, May, 1881, will furnish another im-
portant answer to this question.
382 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION-. [CHAP. X.
29. The next day John seeth Jesus coming unto him. Omit:
John.
39. . . . and abode with him that day ; for it was
about the tenth hour. Omit : for.
42. And he brought him to Jesus, And when Jesus beheld
him. Omit : the And in both clauses.
43. The day following Jesus would go forth. Here Jesus is
omitted, but it is added in the next clause, which reads ;
and Jesus saith unto him. Follow me.
49. Nathanael answered and saith unto him, Rabbi, thou art
the Son of God. Omit : and saith unto him.
51. Hereafter ye shall see heaven open. Omit : Hereafter.
In chapter second only three changes are proposed, which
are follows :
II. 17. And his disciples remembered. Omit : And. In the next
clause read : . . . wiU eat me up ; instead of, hath eaten
me up.
22. , . . that he had said this unto them. Omit :
unto them.
In chapter third four changes are indicated, as follows :
III. 15. That whosoever belie veth in him should not perish, hut
have eternal life. Omit : not perish, hut. This is upon
the authority of Tischendorf, Green, Alford, and Tre-
gelles, based upon the Sinaitic and Vatican MSS., and
several ancient versions.
25. . . . between some of John's disciples and the
Jews. Read : a Jew.
32. And what he hath seen and heard. Omit : And.
34. . . . for G^o<? gi veth not. Read: for 5e gi veth
not.
In the fourth chapter nine changes are proposed, as follows :
IV. 3. . . . and departed again into Galilee. Omit :
again.
16. Jesus saith unto her. Read : He saith unto her.
30. Then they went out of the city. Omit : Then.
36. And he that reapeth receiveth wages. Omit ; And.
350-1881.] PEOPOSED CHANGES BY TEXTUAL CRITICS. 383
42. . . . that this is indeed the Christ the Saviour
of the world. Omit : the Christ. So Lachmann, Tisch-
endorf. Green, Alford, and Tregelles on the authority
of the oldest MSS. and versions.
43. ... he departed thence and went into Galilee.
Omit : and went.
46. So Jesus came again. Omit : Jesus.
47. . . . he went unto him, and besought him.
Omit : him.
50. . . And the man believed. Omit : And.
The above examples will suffice to illustrate the general
character of the alterations proposed, which are made up
almost entirely of omissions of words and phrases, affecting
the style rather than the meaning of the English text. It
should be noted also that these words and phrases are based
upon the Greek of the received text. There are a few critical
changes, however, of greater moment, which most unjustly
have been made the occasion of casting discredit upon the
integrity of our English Scriptures. The following are the
chief examples :
Matt. VI. 13 For thins is the kingdom, and the
power, and the glory, for ever. Amen. This doxology
is regarded by many as an interpolation. It must be
confessed that the weight of testimony from the
oldest manuscripts and the writings of the Church
fathers, is against it. But the spiritually-minded
Stier says: "For ourselves we rest calmly in the
hope, that one day when all that is lost is found
again, and the patch work of history is a completed
whole, it will be made clear, how it has come to pass
that this doxology early fell away, and was omitted
from the manuscripts and the fathers."^ The dox-
oloo^y finds a place in the Peschito version, which is
of the second century ; also in other ancient versions.
Chrysostom in the fourth century, comments on it
without the least intimation that it was of doubtful
authority. Finally its genuineness is finding modern
' Words of Jesus, in loco. Vol. I. New York. N. D.
384 THE AUTHORIZED VERSION. [CHAP. X.
defenders.^ Notwithstanding therefore the combined
testimony of ancient manuscripts and of the Church
fathers, there is room for a reasonable doubt, con-
sequently there are many who will be slow to adopt
the extreme conclusion of critical editors in respect
to this passage.
Mark XVI. 9-20. In regard to the genuineness of these twelve con-
cluding verses, critical opinion is about equally
divided. The passage is wanting in the Sinaitic and
Vatican, but is found in the Alexandrine, Ephraim,
and Beza manuscripts ; also in a large number of still
later manuscripts. Irenseus in the second century
quotes it. It is found also in ancient versions.
Eusebius did not admit the authenticity of this pass-
age, but "considering how much older and more
important the testimony of Irenaeus is than that of
Eusebius, we are naturally led to suppose it more
likely that our present conclusion of the Gospel was
originally found in all manuscripts, but was after-
wards left out from ecclesiastical prejudices (because
the Apostles were reproved in it, etc.), than that it
was afterwards added." *
John V. 3, 4. . . . waiting for the momng of tlie water.
For an angel went doicn at a certain season into the
pool, and troubled the water : whosoever then first after
the troubling of the water stepped in teas made whole
of whatsoever disease he had. Four ancient MSS. are
against this passage. Yet it is favored by Tertullian,
whose writings are earlier than the earliest manu-
scripts. It is found in the Peschito version of the
New Testament, which belongs to the second cen-
tury. Notwithstanding the majority of critical edi-
tors pronoiince it spurious.
VII. 53.-VIII. 11. This passage, which relates the case of the woman
taken in adultery, is disallowed by Lachmann,
Tischendorf, Green, Alford and Tregelles ; their
judgment being based upon its omission in the Si-
naitic and Vatican MSS. But Augustine tells us,
' Dr. Scrivener's Supplement to the Authorized Version of i\r. T. I.,
155.
2 Introduction to Mark's Gospel. Lange. Third ed., p. 11. New
York, 1867.
350-1881.] DEBATABLE PASSAGES. 385
that this passage was omitted from the Gospel of
John before his day, lest it should seem to grant a
license to sin.' The passage is found in more than
three hundred cursive or late MSS., and is defended
by such authorities as Bengel, Stier and Lange.
The truthfulness of the narrative is not so much
doubted by those who oppose it, as its right to a
place in John's Gospel. The peculiar features of the
passage, such as Jesus writing on the ground, and
his words spoken at the time, place it above fabrica-
tion. In fact " the narrative not only fills a place of
its own," but seems to "meet a want in the Gospel
history." ^
Acts VIII. 37. And Philip said, If thou believest idth all thine heart,
thou mayest. And he answered and said, I beliece
that Jesus Christ is the Son of God. This verse is
omitted by the most ancient manuscripts ; also by
some of the oldest versions, and consequently from
the critical texts of modern editors. And while its
insertion may not be defended, yet its omission
detracts nothing from the original narrative. Some
such liturgical confession was early used by appli-
cants for baptism ; and by being first transcribed
upon the margin, through copyist it may have crept
into the text.
I. John V. 7, 8. For there are three that bear record in heaven, the
Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost : and these
three are one. And there are three that hear icitness
in earth, the spirit, and the water and the blood :
and these three agree in one. The middle clauses of
these verses, which read : in heaven in earth,
are not found in a single manuscript before the six-
teenth century. They are wanting also in all the
ancient versions. They have no place in the first or
the second edition of Erasmus' Greek Testament.
But when a great clamor was raised against Erasmus,
he promised to insert these clauses if they could be
found in a single Greek manuscript. Finally such a
manuscript was found,^ and he fulfilled his promise
1 British Quarterly Review, p. 76. Jan., 1870.
2 Lange on John, in loco. New York, 1871.
3 Codex Montfortianus, or the Dublin MS., which belongs probably
to the sixteenth century.
17
386 THE AUTHOKIZED YERSIOIT. [CHAP. X.
by inserting them in his next edition. The evidences
are all against these clauses, and without doubt they
ought to be left out of the text. This is the notable
passage of the Three Witnesses, concerning which
volumes of controversy have been written and pub-
lished. ^
Besides the above there are other so-called doubtful passages,
but these are the most important that have been indiscrimi-
nately branded as interpolations. And while against some of
these critical opinion is united, yet in respect to others it is so
equally divided that many Christian scholars are not willing
to give them up. For further illustration of the application
of textual criticism to the text of the Authorized version, take
the following, which are the most important alterations pro-
posed in the Epistle to the Romans. And even if these were
allowed, the sense in a single instance would not be injured.
Rom. VIII. 1. . . . viho walk not after the flesh hut after
the Spirit. This clause may be a gloss from verse
4, and if left out would not injure the text.
IX. 28. This is a difficult passage,' and possibly the reading,
suggested by Tischendorf, as founded upon the
three oldest MSS., is an improvement, which is : For
the Lord will perform {his) word upon the earth,
finishing {it) and cutting {it) short.
XI. 6. . . . But if it he of works, then it, is no more grace :
otherwise work is no more work. Doubt has been
cast upon this last clause on account of its omission
from most of the oldest manuscripts. It is found,
however, in the Vatican MS., which is one of the
most ancient ; also in the Syriac, which is the oldest
among ancient versions. ^
^ One of Prof. Porson's conclusions is that this MS. was written about
the year 1520, and interpolated in this place for the sake of deceiving
Erasmus. See Letters to Archdeacon Travis, by R. Porson, p. 1 17. Lon-
don, 1790. While Dr. Adam Clarke, though he thought the MS. com-
paratively modern, yet believed that it was never written with an in-
tention to deceive. See Clarke's Succession of Sacred Literature, I., 72.
London, N. D.
2 Compare Alford's Commentary, in loco. Boston and New York, 1872.
1881.] NECESSITY FOR A NEW REVISION. 387
XIII. 9.. . . Thou shalt not hear false icitness. This clause
is not found in a majority of the oldest authorities,
and is consequently rightly omitted by modern
textual editors.
XIV. 6. . . . and he that rcgardeth not the day, to the Lord
he doth not regard it. This clause is wanting in
many of the best authorities ; yet critical opinion is
about equally divided in respect to it. Tischendorf
varies in his judgment in the different editions of
his Greek Testament.^
XV. 24. . . . 1 will come to you. These words are omitted
by Lachmann, Green, Alford, and Tregelles, on the
authority of the most ancient MSS. and versions.^
The more we become acquainted with the e\ddences from all
sources of sacred criticism, the less apprehensive we are in
respect to the general integrity of the Greek text, from which
our English version was taken. So, likewise, the greater our
familiarity with the results of textual criticism, in its applica-
tion to our English text, the less our anxiety and fear in regard
to the integrity of our English Bible. At the same time this
familiarity with the results of sacred criticism leads to the con-
viction of an imperious necessity for a revision of our so called
Authorized version. While thousands of the changes sug-
gested are quite insignificant, yet a pure text in the minutest
particulars and a correct rendering are matters not to be
lightly esteemed, when the Sacred Scriptures are the subject of
consideration. The preceding pages of this chapter were writ-
ten without the least reference to the subject of a new revision,
but simply to set forth facts for the better understanding of
the external and internal history of our English Bible. But
every imperfection brought to light, however small, is an argu-
ment for such an undertaking. And when we call to mind
the fact, that our present English Bible is the grand resultant
of successive revisions, and that its chief excellencies were in-
herited through this channel, all objections to a new revision
' Lange's Textual Notes, in loco. New York, 1870.
' All the above examples are from Bagster's Critical Eng. N. T.
London, 1871
388 THE AUTHORIZED VERSIOI^T. [CHAP. X.
must vanish. Especially now that more than two and a half
centuries liaA'e elapsed since it was first issued, a period in-
volving changes in language and important progress in sacred
criticism. But the e:3orts that have been made by way of
translations or revisions since 1611, and the effort towards a
new revision that is now being made by the English and
American companies will be treated in the next chapter.
CHAPTER XL
REVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE A. D. 1611.
WHEN King James' Bible first appeared, there was no
special demand for it. More than a generation passed
before it won its way into public favor. But as soon as it
became established there arose a demand for a revised edition.
Among the earliest attempts towards such revision was that of
Henry Jessey, about the year 1653. He was skilled in the
Hebrew, Syriac and Chaldee languages. Moreover he was '*' a
great scripturist." So exact was his knowledge of the Bible
that he obtained the name of the '■'Living Concordance.^^
Mr. Jessey, in connection with Professor Row who was also
a celebrated linguist, proposed " to make a new and more crit-
ical translation."^ In 1655 Prof. Row published his pro-
posal, " For y^ bettering of y^ Inglish translation of y" Bible."
He proposed such emendations as unmeet divisions of chap-
ters and verses, needless transposition of words, and useless
additions, such as apocryphal writings, popish plates and
pictures, and spurious subscriptions to the Epistles. Also
changes were to be made in the text when " the margin is
righter than the line"; when "particles are confounded";
when "a word plurall is translated as singular"; when 'Hhe
active is rendered as if a passive" ; and when "genders are con-
founded." ^ But these efforts, whether put forth together or
separately, never went beyond proposals, or at least never found
their way into print.
Another early attempt towards a new revision was made in
the Long parliament on the 11th of January, 1653, when
^ Townley's Illustrations of Biblical Literature, III., 327.
2 Eadie's History of the Bng. Bible, II., 332, 323.
390 EEVISIOKS AKD TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
an order was introduced for " a new translation of the Bible
out of the original tongues." On account of the dissolution
of this parhanient in the following April nothing was doue.
The question was revived again in Cromwell's parliament in
1656, and referred to a committee with instructions to advise
with such Biblical scholars as Doctors Walton and Cudworth,
and after consultation to offer their opinions therein. The
committee carried out their instructions in part, but on
account of the dissolution of this parliament in the spring of
1658, no pubhc report was made. They agreed among them-
selves, however, to call attention to the incorrectness of cer-
tain printed editions, and to some mistakes in the translation,
but at the same time to pronounce the Authorized version as
*^ the best of any translation in the world."
With the restoration in 1660 an era of darkness settled down
upon England. Fashionable society, weary of Puritan re-
straints, revelled in its new freedom. Puritans were hated and
persecuted. The Bible was discarded, and its principles of
morality as well as religion were trampled under foot. While
all this was lamentably true of royalty and its abettors, yet
back of this gHttering pomp and social corruption there
remained an undercurrent of Christian principle. The visible
result of Puritanism in its reachings after political power, was
its mistake, and so far its failure ; so the visible result of the
Restoration, in its political and social corruption, was its mis-
take and failure. But the grand underlying principles of the
one as well as of the other, still live and tell upon the best in-
terests of all English speaking peoples. The prophets in litera-
ture and science of that age are the teachers of this age. The
era of the Eestoration was the era of Newton. It was in 1665
he gave to the world his theory of Fluxions, and in 1687 his
^' Principia." This was the era of Milton also, who in 1667
published his "Paradise Lost," and in four years afterwards
his " Paradise Regained." So likewise the prophets in religion
of that age are the teachers of this, since it w^as the age of
Baxter, Barrow and Bunyan. It was an age, notwithstanding
1729.] mace's translatiok of the k. t. 391
its corruptions, that could appreciate the " Pilgrim's Progress,"
shice before the death of its author, in 1688, during a period
of some eighteen years, ten editions of the book were sold.^
During the latter years of the seventeenth century, notwith-
standing the unsettled state of politics and religion. King
James' Bible grew in favor with the people. And in the be-
ginning of the eighteenth century "the tide of glowing
panegeric set in"; and not without good reasons, for by its
spiritual influences it permeated society with the leaven of the
Gospel, and thus withstood the rage of skepticism and immo-
rality, and by the purity of its language it exerted a happy
influence in opposition to the tide of Gallicisms w^hich threat-
ened to overwhelm the English language. On account of the
prevailing estihiate of the excellencies of King James' ver-
sion, no efibrts were made during these years towards a new
translation. But in a few years afterwards individual attempts
were made, which proved so unsuccessful that they only con-
firmed the judgment of those wiio regarded King James' Bible
almost as a finality. Among these attempts one most notable
was made by W. Mace in 1729. It is described by Lewis as a
translation of the New Testament by "one or more, who
seem to have set themselves down in the Seat of the Scorn er,
and to make it their Business to render the Authority of this
Holy Book doubtful, and the Book it self as contemptible and
ridiculous as they could to the English Eeader." ^ It was
published in two volumes, and contained a Greek text " cor-
rected from the Authority of the most authentic MSS."
The title further states it to be, ^'a Neiu Version form''d
agreeably to the Illustrations of the most learned Commenta-
tors and Critics ; With Notes and varioiis Readings, and a
copious Alphabetical Index.'' ^'The vulgar and ludicrous
Expressions," says Lewis, "used in this Translation, the
ridiculous Notes and Observations of the various Readings of
the Original, the boyish and Weak Reflections made on the
J Green's Short Hist, of Eng. People, p. G12. New York, 1877.
2 History of English Translations of the Bible, p. 365. London, 1739.
392 REVISIOKS AND TRAKSLATIOKS SliTCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
Canon of Scripture, &c., do all justify the general Character
I before gave of this doughty Translation." ^ The following
are a few selected specimens taken from those given by Mr.
Lewis :
Matt. VI. 16. When ye fast, don't put on a dismal air as the Hypo-
crites do.
XII. 34. . . . 'tis the overflowing of the heart that
the mouth discharge th.
XX. 31. . . . the people reprimanded them to
make them hold their tongue, but they bawl'd out
the more, Have mercy on us.
XXII. 34. . . . the Pharisees hearing that he had
dumb-founded the Saddiices.
Luke XVII. 27. . . . eating and drinking, marriages and
matches was the business.
John I. 23. I am, said he, the voice of one crying in the wilder-
ness, Clear the way of the Lord.
I. Cor. VII. 1. If any man thinks it would be a reflection upon his
manhood to be a stale batchelor.
James II. 3. If you should respectfully say to the suit of fine cloaths,
Sit you there, that's for quality.
John I. 14. We contemplated his Glory, such Glory as the Mono-
genes derived from the Father.
16. Of his Plenitude have we all received.
VI. 63. It is the action of the mind that vivifies.
I. Thess. V. 13. Don't form any brigues against them.
14. Comfort the pusillanimous.
James III. 5, 6. The tongue is but a small part of the body, yet how
grand are its pretensions ? A spark of fire ! what
quantities of timber will it blow into a flame ?
The tongue is a brand that sets the W^orld in a
combustion : it is but one of the numerous organs
of the body, yet it can blast whole assemblies :
tipp'd with infernal sulpher, it sets the whole train
of life in a blaze.
A very different attempt from the above was made by An-
tony Purver, a quaker, in 1764. His design was to translate
the Scriptures for his own denomination. But while it was
^ History of English Translations of the Bible, p. 368. London, 1739-
17C4.] PUrtYER'S TRANSLATIOi^ OF THE BIBLE. 393
approved by individuals, it was never adopted by the Church.
Further, his design was to make a literal translation, free from
what he regarded as " obsolete, uncouth, and clownish expres-
sions" of King James' Bible. And yet his own judgment in
the selection of words was by no means perfect. He con-
demned the use of such words as: bereaved, bondmen, beguile,
boisterous, damsel, dayspring, marvels, remit, perseverance,
and many others. For, moved upon the face of the waters, he
renders, hovered a top of the luaters. For, Let there be light ;
and there was light ; he reads. Let there be light ivhich there
loas accordingly. Purver believed in an immediate revelation,
and in translating difficult passages he is said to have been in
the habit of retiring into a room alone to pray for guidance,
and to remain there for whole days and nights together. One
of the excellencies of his translation rests upon the fact of his
diligent study of the original languages. He was a firm be-
liever in the purity of the Hebrew text ; and claimed not only
a high antiquity, but a divine authority for the vowel points.
Purver w^as engaged in this work about thirty years ; since, as
early as 1736, he pubHshed a specimen of his translation, and
invited the criticism of Biblical scholars. He first thought to
publish it in numbers, but in this he was unsuccessful. And
failing to find a publisher, at length Dr. Fothergill paid him
a thousand pounds for his manuscript, and published it at his
own expense. 1 The translation contains many improved ren-
derings, yet it is marked with much less of simplicity than
the habits of the man and the character of the denomination
to which he belonged would naturally lead us to expect.
The following are here inserted as specimens of the transla-
tion : 2
Gen. XLIII. 11. Whereupon Israel their father says to them ; if it be
so now, do this : take of the applauded things of
the country in your vehicles, and have down a
' Chalmers' Biograpliical Diet., Art. Purver {Antony^. Smith's Bible
Diet, Art. Version, Authorized. Also, Cotton's Editions of the Bible.
« From Cotton's Editions of the Bible, pp. 238, 259.
394 KEVISIOl^S AK^D TRANSLATION'S SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
present to the man ; a little Balsam, and a little
Honey, Spice and Myrrh, Nuts and Almonds.
12. Take also double money with you ; even that which
was brought back in the mouths of your bags,
carry again with you ; perhaps it was a mistake.
13. As likewise take your brother ; and getting ready, re-
turn to the man.
14. And God Almighty give you compassion before him,
that he may send with you your other brother, and
Benjamin ; and according as I am deprived of my
children, I must be.
Mark XIV. 1. Now there was the Passover, and unleavened bread,
two days after ; and the chief Priests and Scribes
sought, how they might take hold of him by de-
ceit, and kill.
2. However they said, not at the Feast, lest at any time
there should be a tumult of the people.
3. And he being in Bethany, in the house of Simon the
leper, as he sate down, there came a woman who
had an Alabaster-box of ointment, of costly liquid
spikenard ; which box she broke open, and poured
that on his head.
4. But there were some enraged with themselves, and
saying : What is this waste of the ointment made
for?
5. Since that could have been sold for above three hun-
dred pence, and this given to the poor ; thus they
grumbled at her.
In 1768 appeared a translation ef the New Testament by
Edward Harwood. He was a man of no inconsiderable learn-
ing, and the author of several works. The most important of
which were : A View of the Various Editions of the Greek and
Eoman Classics ; and An Introduction to the New Testament.
But we are chiefly interested in his translation of the New Tes-
tament " into modern English," which was published in Lon-
don with the following title : *' A Liberal Translation of the
New Testament ; Being an attempt to translate the Sacred
Writings with the same freedom, spirit, and elegance, with
which other English Translations from the Greek Classics
have lately been executed. By E. Harwood, London, 1768."
1768.] HARWOOD'S XRAXSLATIOi^ OF THE N. T. 395
It was a strange attempt, for which the author deserved the
rebuke which he received from his cotemporaries. The folHes
of the translation are justly characterized by Dean Trench as
" not far from blasphemous." ^ To illustrate something of the
" freedom, spirit, and elegance," which he sought to introduce
into his translation, take the following examples:
Matt. XXI. 33. Attend to the recital of another fable— A gentleman laid
out a large plot of ground — Planted it with vines —
drew a stony fence round it — established a large
apparatus for preparing the juice — and erected a
tower for its defence.
Mark V. 89. When he came into the room he said to them — Why do
you indulge all these excesses of sorrow and mourn-
ing?— the young lady is not dead — she is only sunk
into a profoimd sleep.
40. For these words, the mourners could not forbear express-
ing by their looks, the contemptible opinion they
had of him as a prophet.
X. 17. As he was travelling in the public road towards Jerusalem,
a person of distinction advanced up to him, and pros-
trating himself at his feet said — Good instructor !
condescend to acquaint me, what course of prac-
tice I must pursue in order to attain future
felicity.
18. Jesus said to him — What induces you to call me good —
that venerable title can essentially belong only to
the supreme God.
XII. 33. The clergyman said — Tou have given him the only right
and proper answer.
Luke XI. 40. Absurd and preposterous conduct ! Did not the great
Being, who made the external, create the internal
intellectual powers — and will he not be more solicit-
ous for the purity of the mind, than for the showy
elegance of the body ?
XII. 16. It happened that the immense estates of an opulent
gentleman one year proved uncommonly fertile, and
yielded him an exceeding rich and plentiful crop.
17. His heart exulted when he viewed the waving golden
^ For further particulars respecting Harwood, compare Chalmers'
Biographical Dictionary, Cotton's Edition of Eng. Bible, and Smith's
Bible Dictionary, Art. Version, Authorized.
396 REVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
harvest .... he said to himself . . . where
shall I reposit it.
18. After some time spent in anxious deliberations, he cried
out in a sudden transport — I am determined im-
mediately to pull down my barns — and I will erect
grand and magnificent storehouses, where I will
amass all this copious and amazing produce of my
field.
19. . . .1 will then say to my soul — Happy soul!
Distinguished is thy felicity ! . . . Come in-
dulge thy soft envied repose — feast on the most
delicious viands — ^taste the most exquisite liquors —
and traverse a circle of every amusement and joy.
XV. 11. A gentleman of splendid family and opulent fortune had
two sons.
John III. 33. But though this exalted personage freely publishes and
solemnly attests those heavenly doctrines.
I. Cor. XV. 51. . . . We shall not pay the common debt of
nature, but by a soft transition.
Such examples as the above show not only the folly of all
such attempts, but the wisdom also of those from whom we
have received our English Bible. Such examples may well
serve likewise as a warning against any future effort to dignify
the Holy Scriptures by any such " freedom, spirit, and ele-
gance " in style.
The revised edition of the Bible by Dr. Behj. Blayney, pub-
lished in 1769, was made in the interest of a correct English
text. From the first printing of King James' Bible typo-
graphical errors crept into the text. Nothwith standing the
care that was exercised, such errors were continually occurring,
which in a few instances proved quite serious.^ This work
was prepared under the direction of the vice-chancellor and
delegates of the Clarendon press of Oxford, and was published in
a quarto, also in a folio edition. The work was to be a stan-
dard edition, and is still so regarded by the Oxford press, with
a few slight modifications. The work of revision included such
items as punctuation, words in italics, proper names, headings
^ See pages 363-335, above.
1769.] DR. blaitey's edition of the bible. 397
of chapters, running titles at the top of the page, chronology,
and marginal references. Notwithstanding the care and labor
put upon this edition, it was not entirely free from errors,
which were discovered to the number of one h undred sixteen,
when it was collated for Eyre and Strahan's edition of the
Bible in 1806. As an illustration of the character of these
errors the following examples will suffice:*
Judges XL 7. And Jepthah said unto the children of Gilead ; for :
dders of Gilead.
L Chron. XXIX, 6. , . . witli the rulers over the king's works ;
for : of the king's works.
I. Cor. IV. 13. . . . we are made as the filth of the earth;
for: of the icorld.
II. Cor. XII. 2. I knew a man in Chrict about fourteen years ago ;
for : above fourteen years ago.
I. John I. 4. . . . that our joy may be full ; for: your joy
may be full.
I, Tim. II. 9. . . . that women adorn themselves in modest
apparel with shamefacedness and sobriety ; for :
with shamefastness and sobriety,
which means, " firmly established in honourable
shame." But shamefacedness carries with it
the idea of dishonorable shame, the very oppo-
site of shamefastness. This error has descended
to our present Bibles.
Rev. XVIII, 22. In this verse the following clause is omitted : . .
at aU ill thee; and no craftsmen of whatever
craft (he be) shall be found any more.
In 1778 Bishop Lowth translated the Prophecy of Isaiah,
which attracted a good deal of attention at the time. It was
an age of revival of the study of the Hebrew language, and
Dr. Lowth was foremost among Hebrew scholars. He advo-
cated the collation of the Hebrew text with ancient manu-
scripts, and it was upon this work that Dr. Kennicott, urged
by his friends, entered. In 1776 Kennicott published the first
volume of the Hebrew Bible, with various readings ; and in
' Home's Introduction, II„ 75, Cotton's Editions of the Bible, p. 98.
Eadie's Hist. Eng. Bible, II., 304, 305. McClintock and Strong's Cyclo-
pedia, Art, Authorized Version, I., 563,
398 EEVisiONS Ai^D tra:nslatioi^s sriTCE 1611. [chap. XI.
1780 he put forth the second volume, with a general disserta-
tion. There was at this time a growing desire for an improved
English version based upon a corrected Greek and Hebrew
text. The design of Dr. Lowth, in translating the book of
Isaiah, was to give a "faithful representation of the words and
sense of the prophet, to express the form and fashion of
the composition, and to give the English reader some notion
of the peculiar turn and cast of the original." The transla-
tion was made from a corrected text, and on this and other
accounts it met with severe criticism at the hands of his ene-
mies, and an able defense at the hands of his friends. Though
as a translation it was " admirably executed," yet in the judg-
ment of his friends and of Dr. Lowth himself, it was not so
well adaj)ted to the general reader as the version contained in
King James' Bible.^
In the translation of the Bible by Dr. Alexander Geddes, we
have a singular illustration of a Roman Catholic favoring a
Vernacular version of the Scriptures. As early as 1780 he
pubhsbed his ^'Idea of a New Version of the Holy Bible
for the use of English Catholics," and in 1785 be issued his
prospectus. Dr. Geddes was severe in his criticisms upon the
Douay Bible, particularly the annotations, which he denounced
as " calculated to support a system not of genuine Catholicity,
but of transalpine Popery." If severe upon the Catholic ver-
sion, he was lenient upon the version of King James' trans-
lators. He praised its excellencies, many of which he thought
traceable back to Tyndale. He was encouraged by Doctors
Lowth and Kennicott to enter upon the work of translation.
In 1792 the first volume of his translation appeared, profess-
ing to have been " faithfully translated from corrected texts of
the originals, with various readings, explanatory notes, and crit-
ical remarks." The second volume was published in 1797.
But even before its appearance he began to fall under the cen-
sure of his brethren, and when he put forth his " Critical
' Chalmers' Biographical Dictionary, Articles Lowth and Kennicott.
1818.] CAMPBELL'S FOUR GOSPELS. 399
Eemarks on the Hebrew Scriptures," Protestants joined with
Catholics in censuring him. One of the complaints against
him was that he attempted the translation of the Bible " with
a view to destroy its credibility." He gave the greatest offense,
however, by the puolication of his "Critical Remarks," ia
which he anticipated much of modern skepticism. He at-
tacked " the credit of Moses m every part of his character as
an historian, a legislator, and a moralist." His translation,
which comprised two volumes, extended no further than
II. Chronicles.^ The following is a single specimen from
Cotton: 2
Gen. XLIII. 11. Their father Israel, at length, said to them, " Since it
must then be, do this. Take of the most prized
fruits of the land in your vessels ; and carry down,
as a present to the man, some balsam, palm-honey,
storax, laudanum, pistaches and almonds.
12. And take double money in your hands, carrying back
with you the money, which was returned in the
mouth of your sacks : perhaps it was an oversight.
13. Take also your brother, and arise and return to the
man.
14. And may God the omnipotent, give you favour before
the man : that he may send back your other
brother, with Benjamin ! But, if I be bereaved
of my children, bereaved I must be! "
The Four Gospels of the New Testament, translated by Dr.
George Campbell, were published with notes in two volumes.
London, 1789. This was followed by other editions, the last
of which was published in 1821. Dr. Campbell stood high
among the learned men of Scotland. He was president of
Marischal College, Aberdeen. His reputation as a scholar was
increased by the publication of his Philosophy of Ehetoric,
which appeared in 1776. The translation of the Gospels
^ Chalmers' Biographical Diet., Art. Geddes, A. Also Smith's Bible
Diet, Art. Version Authorized. IV.. 3438.
2 Editions of the B'hle, p. ?.?8. Oxford, 1853.
400 iievisio:n"s a^b trajtslations since 1611. [chap. xi.
added to his reputation as a Biblical critic. In 1818 this
translation was published in connection with Macknight's
translation of the Epistles of the New Testament and Dod-
dridge's translation of the Acts and book of Ee relation.
But the importance to be attached at this time to Dr. Camp-
bell's version, as well as Macknight's and Doddridge's trans-
lations, is that they were chosen by Alexander Campbell, the
founder in this country of the denomination called Camp-
bellites, or Disciples of Christ, as the basis of his version of
the New Testament, or " Sacred Writings," which he published
in 1826. The following may serve as an illustration of some
of the unfortunate renderings of Dr. George Campbell's trans-
lation :
Matt. V. 1. Jesus seeing so great a confluence repaired to a moun-
tain.
3. Happy the poor who repine not.
Luke XVIII. 5, . . . lest she come perpetually and plague
me.
John I. 38. . . . They answered: Rabbi, which sig-
nifieth Doctor.
VII. 6. Jesus answered : my time is not yet come, but any
time will suit you.
XXI. 5. Jesus said to them : my lads, have ye any victuals.
Gilbert Wakefield was noted as a classical scholar and theo-
logical critic. " By the light borrowed from the philology of
Greece and Rome," he proposed to interpret the language of
the New Testament. He became quite a controversialist,
opposing the received opinions of both churchmen and dis-
senters. He rejected the doctrine of the trinity, and pub-
lished the first volume of An Enquiry into the Opinions of
the Christian Writers of the three first Centuries concerning
the Person of Christ. In the year 1789, Wakefield published
a new translation of those parts of the Authorized version
which he thought to have been wrongly translated. In the
preface he urged the necessity of a new translation of the New
Testament, and expressed his willingness, if encouraged, to
1813.] WAKEFIELD'S KEW TESTAMEIs^T. 401
undertake the same. Subsequently he entered upon the
work, which was published in three volumes in 1791. The
Unitarians desired to adopt this version, and proposed to pub-
lish it at their own expense. This he acceded to, but the
original contract with his pubhsher prevented the arrange-
ment.
Whatever may have been his theological bias, Wakefield had
a correct idea of the style best adapted to a translation of the
New Testament. " I cannot admire," he says in his preface,
"the prevailing practice of banishing significant and native
phrases from our compositions, to make room for a pompous
verbosity from the vocabulary of Bome.'^^ In the work of
translation "the chief rule," he says, "which I have pre-
scribed to myself. . . . was : ^ To adopt the received version
upon all possible occasions, and never to supersede it unless
some low, obsolete, or obscure word, some vulgar idiom or
some misrepresentation of the sense, demanded an alteration.
Use has so far sanctified, if I may employ the term, our
received version, that no translation, I am persuaded, essen-
tially different from it, can ever be cordially relished, I do
not say by the generality, but by readers of an exact taste and
polished understancli7igs.''"^ This rule and the judgment
upon which it was based were alike excellent; but he himself
too often varied from them. Take the following as examples :
Matt. rV. 10. Then saith Jesus unto him : Be gone Satan ! . . . and
pay religious service to Mm alone.^
X. 10. . . . for the workman is worthy of his
sustenance,
XIII. 36-39. . . . Explain us the parable of the weeds
in the farm. Then he answered and said unto
them : The sower of the good seed is the son of
man : the farm is the world : the good seed are the
sons of the kingdom, and the weeds are the sons
of the evil one : the enemy, who sowed the weeds,
1 Wakefield's (Gilbert) Translation of N. T. I., p. vi. London,
Second ed., 1795.
'^ Ibid, p. iv. ^ The italics belong to the translator.
402 EEVISIONS AND TRANSLATION'S SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
is the devil : tlie harvest is the conclusion of this
age : and the reapers are the messengers.
XIX. 14. . . Suffer these little children to come unto
me, and hinder them not : for of those who re-
semble them, is the kingdom of heaven.
XXIII. 13. Alass for you. Scribes and Pharisees ! hypocrites ! for
ye devour widows' houses, though ye pray at the
same time with a long preamble.
37, 38. 0 ! Jerusalem ! Jerusalem ! who kill est the prophets . . .
often was I desirous of gathering thy children
together, as a bird gathereth her young together
under her wings ! but ye refused.
XXVI. 25. Then Judas, who delivered him up, answered : Master,
is it I ? He saith unto him : It is.
Mark VI. 52. For they were not brought to a right understanding of
him by the mirade of the loaves ; because their
heart was blinded.^
John III. 8-14 The breath breathes, in whom it listeth, and thou hear-
est its voice ; but knowest not whence it cometh
and whither it goeth ; so is every one, that is born
of the spirit, And, as Moses set on high
the serpent in the wilderness, so must the son of
man be set on high.
But that which marks this translation as its chief charac-
teristic is its Unitarian tendency, which will appear in the
following examples :
Matt. I. 1. . . . Jesus the Christ, a son of David, a son of
Abraham.
XIV. 33. . . . Truly thou art a son of God.
John I. 1-5. In the beginning was Wisdom, and Wisdom was with God,
and Wisdom was God. The same was in the beginning
with God. All things were made by it, and without it
was nothing made. What was made, had life in it;
and this life was the light of men ; and this light
shineth in darkness, and the darkness hindered it not.
Archbishop Kewcome's translation of the New Testament,
though printed in 1796, was not published till the year 1800.
' Here also the italics belong to the translator.
1796.] AECHBISHOP Js^EWCOME'S TRANSLATION OF N. T. 403
The translation was made from Griesbach's Greek text, with
but a few exceptions. The importance to be attached to this
version is the fact that it was selected by the Unitarian So-
ciety ^ as the basis of their Improved Version. This London
Society resolved to adopt Gilbert Wakefield's translation of
the New Testament, but failing in this nothing was done till
in 1806, when, at the annual meeting, a committee was ap-
pointed to carry out the purpose of the society in procuring a
Unitarian version of the New Testament. This committee
decided upon the translation of Dr. William Newcome, on
account of "its general accuracy, simplicity and fidelity
but principally because he professes to have followed the text
of Griesbach's edition." This action on the part of the Uni-
tarians was the occasion of no little annoyance to the friends
of the archbishop. Dr. Newcome was an excellent scholar, and
well qualified as a Biblical critic ; but his great zeal for a new
version, and his great liberality, led him " to give too much
encouragement to those who seem to consider every deviation
from what the majority hold sacred as an improvement." ^
About this time much anxiety was felt by the friends of the
Authorized version, from the fact that critical inquiry was
being abused by those who favored Unitarianism and Uni-
versalism. An example of this we have in 1798. The New
Testament was translated by Nathaniel Scarlett and others,
for the expressed purpose of conforming it to the tenets of the
Universalists. The whole plan of the work is curious, in that
the historical and all the other parts, as far as practicable, are
printed in the form of a dramatic piece, or that of a simple
dialogue. The preface contains '^ observations on some terms
used in the translation, such as: Immersion, Restore, Ages,
and Ionian." The following are here transcribed as speci-
mens of the translation and of the form in which it is printed i^
' A Society for the Promotion of Religious Knowledge, &c. Organized
in London in 1791.
2 Home's Intro., ll.,App., 247. Introduction. Improved Version of
N. T. London, 1819.
' Taken from a copy in tlie Boston Athenaeum Library.
404 KEVISIOKS AKD TKAIs-SLATIOKS SIJS^CE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
Matt. XV. 21-27. Hist. — Then Jesus going from thence, retired to the
coasts of Tyre and Sidon. And behold, a
woman of Canaan coming out of these
parts, cried, saying to him,
Canaanitish Woman. — Have pity on me, O Lord, thou
son of David ; my daughter is grievously
possessed by a demon :
nist. — But he answered her not a word. And his dis-
ciples coming, entreated him, saying,
Disciples. — Dismiss her, because she crieth after us.
Hist. — But he answering, said,
Jesus. — I am not sent, save to the lost sheep of the
house of Israel.
Hist. — Then she came and fell prostrate before him,
saying,
Canaanitish Woman. — Lord, help me !
Hist. — But he answering, said,
Jesus.— It is not fit to take the children's bread, and
throw it to the dogs.
Hist.—kncii she said,
Canaanitish Woman. — True Lord; yel: the dogs eat of
the crumbs which fall from their master's
table.
Hist. — Then Jesus answering said, to her,
Jesus. — O woman, thy faith is great! be it to thee
according to thy desire.
Hist. — And her daughter was healed from that hour.
Rev. XXI. 1-6. John. — And 1 saw a new heaven and a new earth :
Loud Voice. — Behold the tabernacle of God is with
John. — And he who sat upon the throne said,
Jesus Christ. — Behold, I will make all things new.
John. — And he saith to me,
Jesus Christ. — Write : these sayings are true and
credible.
John. — And he said to me,
Jesus Christ.— IT IS DONE.
In 1799 David Macrae (McEay) published at Glasgow his
revised "Translation and Interpretation of the Sacred Scrip-
tures, after the Eastern manner, from concurrent authorities
of the critics, interpreters, and commentatoi-s, copies and ver-
1799.] MACRAE'S TRA2hSLATI02^ OF THE BIBLE. 405
sions ; shewing that the inspired writings contain the seeds of
the valuable sciences, being the scource Avhence the ancient
philosophers derived them, also most ancient histories and
greatest antiquities, and are the most entertaining as well as
instructing to both the curious and serious.'' ^ After such
pretensions in the title we are led to expect something unworthy
in the translation. Dr. Eadie describes the author as "a man
of some scholarship and of no small vanity and loquacity."
In his translation Macrae introduced some improved render-
ings ; but his manner of introducing explanatory passages in
the text is very objectionable. Take the following example
as a specimen of his work :
Eccles. XII. 1. Remember thy Creator in the days of youth, before the
days of affliction come, and the years {of old age)
approach, when thou shalt say, I have no pleasure in
them.
2. Before the sun, and the light, and the moon, and the
stars become dark {to thee) and the clouds return
after rain, {or one trouble come upon another).
3. When {the arms) the keepers of the {corporeal) house
shall shake and the strong ones {the limbs) be feeble,
and {the teeth) the grinders shall cease, as being few
{and unfit for use) ; and they that look out of the win-
dows (tJie optic nerve of the eyes) become dim ;
4. And the doors be shut in the streets {the lips fall in, the
teeth being gone), and the sounding of the grinding (m
eating) be low ; and they shall rise up at the sound
of the bird {sleep being diminished and easily broken) ;
and all the daughters of Tm\s\c{the accents of the 'voice,
and acuteness of the ear) fail.
5. They shall also be afraid of {ascending) the place which is
high, (being iceak and breathless ; and fears {of stum-
bling) shall be in the way ; and {gray hairs like) the
almond tree's leaves shall flourish ; and the grasshop-
per shall be a burden, {small matters being trouble-
some, as being crooked and fretful) ; and the desire of
enjoyment shall fail ; for man goeth to his long home,
and the mourners go about the streets.
' From a copy in the Boston Athenaeum Library.
406 KEVISIOisS AND TKAXSLATIOi^S SI2sCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
6. Before tlie silver card {the ^narrow of the hacJc-lone, with
its root and branches) be contracted : or the golden
vial {the brain's membranes) be cracked ; or the pitcher
be broken at the fountain, {the cavities and conveyers
of the blood from the heart), or the wheel be broken
at the cistern, {the returners of it from the the lungs,
liver, head, hands, and feet) ; the double, yea, quad-
ruple, circulation, {galal and ruts) being rejpeated, be
interrupted and cease, 3 Kings iv. 35).
7. Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was ; and
the spirit shall return to God who gave it.
" The New Testament in an Improved Version, upon the
basis of Archbishop Newcome's new translation; with a cor-
rected text, and notes critical and explanatory," ^ was published
in 1808 by the Unitarian Society of London. In the introduc-
tion the committee set forth their design as being, ^'to sup-
ply the English reader with a more correct text of the New
Testament than has yet appeared in the English language,
and to give him an opportunity of comparing it with the text
in common use ; also by divesting the sacred volume of the
technical phrases of a systematic theology which has no foun-
dation in the Scriptures themselves, to render the New Testa-
ment more generally intelligible, or at least to preclude many
scources of error." ^ In other words their object was to con-
form the teaching of the New Testament, either by the text
or by the notes, to support " the Unitarian scheme." They
state further in their preface that, " having selected Archbishop
Newcome's Translation as their basis, to guard as much
as possible against giving their Improved Version a motley
appearance ; . . . they assumed it as a principle, that no altera-
tion should be made in the Primate's Translation but where
it appeared to be necessary to the correction of error or
inaccuracy in the text, the language, the construction, or the
sense In justice to the Archbishop, they have placed the
words of his Translation at the bottom of the page wherever
' Improved Version. Title page, fifth edition. London, 1819.
2 Ibid. Preface, p. v.
1808.] UNITAKIAI^ YERSION OF NEW TESTAMENT. 407
they have deviated from it in the Improved Version ; . . . . Also,
in every instance in which either the Primate's Version or
their own differs from the Eeceived Text, they have placed the
words of the Received Text at the foot of the page ; and in all
important cases they have cited the authorities by which the
variation is supported." ^
The way in which this version is made to support Unitarian
views is seen in the very first chapter of Matthew, in which
the closing paragraph, beginning at the seventeenth verse,
together with the whole of the second chapter, is printed in
italics, intimating thereby that this portion of Scripture
relating to the birth of Christ, is of doubtful authority. And
all this in the face of their own acknowledgment that these
passages "are indeed to be found in all the manuscripts and
versions which are now extant." ^ The slender testimony
upon which they found their argument for the doubtfulness
of this account, is that of Epiphanius, and indirectly that of
Jerome, who says, " that it is wanting in the copies used by
the Nazarenes and Ebionites." They add, further, "that the
account of the miraculous conception of Jesus was probably the
fiction of some early gentile convert, who hoped, by elevating
the dignity of the Founder, to abate the popular prejudice
against the sect." ^ Again, in chapter xxviii., in the latter clause
of the nineteenth verse, which reads : *' baptizing them into
the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the holy spirit,"
is explained in their notes thus : "As a symbolical profession
of that holy religion which originated with the Father, was
taught by Christ, the son, that is, the servant and messenger
of God, and confirmed by the gifts of the holy spirit That
the holy spirit is here named in connexion with the Father
and the Son, is no proof that the spirit has a distinct personal
existence. See Acts xx. 32 ; Eph. vi. 10. Much less can this
phraseology be alleged as an argument that the three names
' Improved Version. Preface, p. iv. These extended citations were
in the earlier editions, but were omitted in the fifth edition for the sake
of reducing the expense of the volume.
2 Ibid, in loco, note. ^ Ibid, in loco, note.
408 EEVisiOi?"S AXD tra:s'slatioxs si:mce 1011. [chap. XI.
express three divine and equal persons." ^ The following
extract from the first chapter of John's Gospel will further
show the purpose of this volume : ^
John I. 1, The Word^ was in tlie beginning,^ and the Word was with
God,<= and the Word was a god.'^
2. This Word was in the beginning with God.®
3. All things were done by him;'' and without him was not any
thing done that hath been done.
4. By him was life ^: and the life was the light of men.
5. And the light shone in darkness ; and the darkness over-
spread it not.**
6. There was a man sent from God,' whose name {icas) John.
7. This man came for a testimony, to testify of the lAg\i%;so
that through him all might believe.
9. That was the true Light, which having come into the world
is enlightening every man.J
10. He was in the world,^ and the world was enlightened by him,'
and yet the world knew him not.
11. He came to his own™; and yet those who were his own
received him not.
12. But as many as received him, to them he gave authority to
be the children of God," even to them who believe in his
name " :
13. Who were born not of blood.P nor of the will of the flesh,
(nor of the will of man,) but of God.
14. And the Word was flesh, i and full of kindness and truth he
dwelt among us : and we beheld his glory,'' the glory as
of the only son • who came from the Father.^
The notes on this passage are outspoken, as will he seen
from the following selection :
(a.) The Word. "Jesus is so called because God revealed himself or
his word by him." Newcome
(b.) in the beginning. " Or, from the first, i. e., from the commencement
of the gospel dispensation, or of the ministry of Christ."
^ Improved Version, in loco, note.
^ The text and notes which follow are from Ihid, in loco.
^ The italics in the text belong to the translator excepting in the first
verse.
1808.] U2^ITARIAK YERSIOJ^ OF NEW TESTAMEiq-T. 409
(c.) the Word was loith God. '* He -withdrew from tlie world to commune
with God, and to receive divine instructions and qualifications
previously to his public ministry."
\di.) and the Word was a god. "'was God.' Newcome. Jesus received
a com_mission as a prophet of the Most High, and was invested
with extraordinary miraculous powers. But in Jewish phrase-
ology they were called gods to whom the word of God came.
John X. 35. So Moses is declared to be a god to Pharaoh. Exod.
vii. 1.".
(e.) was in the heginning with God. Before he entered upon his ministry
he was fully instructed, by intercourse with God, in the nature
and extent of his commission.
(f.) All things were done hy him. " ' All things were made by him, and
without him was not any thing made, that was made.' New-
come : who explains it of the creation of the visible material
world by Christ, as the agent and instrument of God
But this is a sense which the word eyevero will not admit.
TivofiaL occiirs upwards of seven hundred times in the New
Testament, but never in the sense of create."
(g.) By him was life. " * In him was life.' Newcome. Christ was the
revealer of life. . . . Jesus, who is now called the Life, as he
was before called the Word, ' was the light of men,' the great
instructor of mankind."
(li.) the darkness overspread it not " Or, the darkness admitted it
not."
(i.) a man sent from God. " This illustrates ver. 1, 2. To be sent from
God implies that he had been first loith God. "
(j.) which coming into the icorld is enlightening every man. ..." not
every individual, but every one who is willing to improve
it."
(k.) He ions in the world. " He appeared in public as the prophet and
messenger of God."
(1.) and the world was enlightened hy him " The common version
adopted by Abp. Newcome is, 'the world was made by him,'
meaning that 'the visible material world was created by him.'
But this, as observed before in the note on ver. 3, is inadmissable,
as the word eyevero never bears that sense. . . . Mr. Cappe
translates the words, 'the world was made for him.' understand-
ing by the world the Jewish dispensation, Gal. iv, 3 ; . . . . The
reader will judge which of these interpretations is to be pre-
ferred."
(m.) He came to 7iis oicn, &c. " Mr. Cappe's version is, ' He came into
his own country, and his countrymen received him not,'"
18
410 REVISIONS AND TRAI^SLATIOKS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
(n.) gave authority to he the children of Ood. " to participate of spiritual
gifts, ... to be partakers of a divine nature."
(o.) delieve in his name, "received him, believed in him and honoured
him as the word of God. A person's name is a Hebraism to
express a person himself. Jer. xxxiii. 9 ; Rev. xi. 13 ; Ps. xx. 1.
Cappe,"
(p.) who were horn, &c. " to which privileges they were born, not by-
natural descent nor by proselytism, . . . but the pure good-will
of God. Cappe. The clause, ' nor of the will of man,' is omitted
in the text of the Vatican manuscript, and has the appearance of
a marginal gloss. Newcome. Griesbach." ^
(q.) Or, Nevertheless, the Word was flesh, or, a man. ..." Though this
first preacher of the gospel was honoured with such signal tokens
of divine confidence and favour, though he was invested with so
high an office, he was nevertheless a mortal man. Cappe,". . . .
(r.) loe heheld his glory. " we were witnesses to his miracles, his resur-
rection, the descent of the holy spirit, &c."
(s.) as of the orily son. " ' only begotten son,' N. This expression does
not refer to any peculiar mode of derivation of existence, but is
used to express merely a higher degree of afiection. . . . Mr.
Lindsey observes, that ' only begotten ' is most gross and im-
proper language to be used in English, especially with respect
to Deity."
Dr. John Bellamy's New Translation of the Bible was pub-
lished in London in 1818-21, under the patronage of the
Prince Regent. The work was highly pretentious and un-
satisfactory, and called forth severe criticisms, which appeared
at the time in the Quarterly Review. In defense, a pamphlet
was issued, entitled. Reasons for a New Translation, by Sir
James B. Burges, in which the author rashly asserted that the
Authorized version had been made almost entirely from the
Vulgate, and that it was very deficient in scholarship. This
controversy was the occasion of two excellent works. One of
these was published by J. W. Whittaker in 1819, which was a
Historical and Critical Inquiry into the Interpretation of the
Hebrew Scriptures; to which were added, Remarks on Mr.
Bellamy's Translation. The other work was a Vindication of
^ There is no note of this omission in Tischendorf's I'auchnitz edition
ofN. T. Leipzig, 1869.
1826.] ALEXANDER CAMPBELL'S IsEW TESTAMENT. 411
our Authorized Translation and of Preceding English Ver-
sions, by Eev. H.J. Todd, which also appeared in 1819. The
whole tendency of this controversy, and of the many unfor-
tunate attempts toward new translations, was favorable to the
Authorized version. The demerits of Dr. Bellamy's trans-
lation will appear even from the following specimen : ^
Gen. II. 21-25. Kow Jehovah God caused an inactive state to fall upon
the man and he slept ; then he brought one to his
side ; whose flesh he had enclosed in her place.
Thus Jehovah God built the substance of the
other, which he took for the man, even a woman ;
and he brought her, to the man. And the man
said ; Thus this time, bone after my bone ; also
flesh after my flesh ; for this he will call woman ;
because she was received by the man. Therefore
a man will leave, even his father and his mother ;
for he will unite with his wife ; and they shall be,
for one flesh. Now they were both of them pru-
dent ; the man and his wife, for they had not
shamed themselves.
The Sacred Writings of the Apostles and Evangelists of
Jesus Christ, commonly styled the New Testament, were
edited by Alexander Campbell, after the translations by Doc-
tors George Campbell, James Macknight, and Philip Dod-
dridge, in January, 1826. Alexander Campbell came to this
country in 1809. Being dissatisfied with all Christian sects
and human creeds, he set about founding a new denomination,
known as Campbellites, Disciples, or Christians, with the
Bible as their only rule of faith. As he was dissatisfied with
all received creeds, so he was with the received version of the
Bible upon which they were founded. Hence he determined
to put forth a new translation. For this purpose he selected
Dr. George Campbell's Version of the Gospels, Macknight's
Translation of the Epistles, and Doddridge's Translation of
^ Copy in Harvard College Library. Home's Intro., II., App., 213.
Smith's Bible Diet. Art. Version Authorized. IV., 3439.
412 REVISION'S AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
the Acts and Eevelation. In the preface to the third edition
which appeared in 1832, Mr. Campbell says: in the first
edition "we attempted little or nothing on our own responsi-
bility. The emendations substituted, except in a few in-
stances, were from other translators of note, or from one of
the three authors of the work." But for the changes made
in the third edition he holds himself responsible, and plumes
himself upon his qualifications as a reviser, claiming that:
" We stand on the shoulders of giants, and, though of less
stature, we can see as far as they; or like the wren on the
back of the eagle, we have as large a horizon as the eagle,
which has carried us above the clouds." After this we ought
to be prepared for the claim set up in the appendix to the
fourth edition, which is : ** This edition being the ultimatum
of our critical labors, in comparing, reviewing, and reconsider-
ing our own disquisitions, as well as those of many others,
living and dead ; exhibits as we humbly conceive, a cor-
rect and perspicuous translation of the Sacred Writings of the
New Institution, in a style so modernized, and yet so simple,
exact, and faithful to the original, as to render it more intel-
ligible than any version in our language." Instead of chap-
ters and verses, the text is divided into sections and paragraphs ;
yet for the sake of reference, the numbering of chapter and
of verse of the Authorized version is retained in the margin.
As examples of the translation, take single extracts from
Sections II. and III. of the Gospel of Matthew, or as the
heading reads: The Testimony of Matthew Levi, The
Apostle. [First Published in Judea, A. D. 38.] ^
Matt. IIL 1-11. In those days appeared John the Immerser, who pro-
claimed in the wilderness of Judea, saying, Reform,
for the Reign of Heaven approaches. For this is
he of whom the Prophet Isaiah speaks in these
' These extracts are from " The Sacred Writings of the Apostles
and Evangelists, . . . Commonly styled the New Testament. . ,
Prefaces, Various Emendations, And An Appendix By Alexander
Campbell. 4tli edition. Cincinnati, 1860."
1833. J DR. KOAH WEBSTER'S REVISION". 413
words. " The voice of one proclaiming in the wil-
derness, prepare a way for the Lord, make for him
a straight passage."
But he seeing many Pharisees and Sadducees coming to
him to receive immersion, said to them, Offspring of
vipers, who has prompted you to flee from the im-
pending vengeance ? Produce then, the proper fruit
of reformation ; and presume not to say within your-
selves, We have Abraham for our father, for I assure
you, that of these stones God can raise children to
Abraham I, indeed, immerse you in water,
into reformation, but he who comes after me is
mightier than I, whose shoes I am not worthy to
carry. He will immerse you in the Holy Spirit, and
in fire.
V. 3-22. Happy the poor who repine not ; for the kingdom of
Heaven is theirs ! Happy they who mourn ; for
they shall receive consolation !
You are the salt of the earth. If the salt become
insipid, how shall its saltness be restored ? . , .
You are the light of the world, A city situate on a
mountain must be conspicuous
. . . . You have heard that it was said to the
ancients, " You shall not commit murder ; for who-
soever commits murder shall be obnoxious to the
judges." But I say to you, whosoever is angry with
his brother unjustly, shall be obnoxious to the
judges ; whosoever shall call him fool, shall be
obnoxious to the council ; but whosoever shall call
him miscreant, shall be obnoxious to hell fire.
It is a relief to turn from such efforts, as many of the above,
to the modest labors of Dr. ISToah Webster, whose edition of
the Bible, in the '' Common Version with Amendments of
the Language," was printed by Durrie and Peck, New Haven,
1833. The design of Dr. Webster in this edition of the Bible,
was to correct grammatical inaccuracies; to substitute modern
for obsolete words; to change indelicate words and phrases
into language less offensive ; to correct a few obvious errors in
the translation, and to illustrate a few obscure passages. In
performing this task, he says : " I have been careful to avoid
414 REYISIOXS AXD TRAJS'SLATIOXS SIXCE IGll. [CHAP. XI.
unnecessary innovations, and to retain the general character
of the style." In his introduction he gives an extended list of
the changes introduced, with full explanations for the same.
The f olloAving are a few selected examples :
" Who is substituted for ichich, when it refers to persons."
"Its is substituted for his, when it refers to plants and things without
life."
''To is used for u7ito. This latter word is not found in the Saxon books,
and as it is never used in our present popular language, it is evi-
dently a modern compound It has been rejected by
almost every writer for more than a century."
"Why is substituted for tcheref or efVrhen inquiry is made ; &s,whi/ do the
wicked live? Job 31 : 7."
"Number for tell, when used in the sense of count. Gen. 15, 5, &c."
"Border or limit for coast. In present usage, coast is never used to
express the border, frontier, or the extremity of a kingdom, or dis-
trict of inland territory. Its application is wholly or chiefly to
land contiguous to the sea. Its application in the scriptures is, in
most cases, to a border of inland territory, . . . Its use in most
passages of scripture is as improper now, as the coast of Worcester,
in Massachusetts, or the coast of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania."
" Would God ; would to God. These phrases occur in several passages in
which they are not authorized by the original language, in which
the name of the Supreme Being is not used ; but the insertion of
them in the version, has given countenance to the practice of intro-
ducing them into discourses and public speeches, with a levity
that is incompatible with a due veneration for the name of God.
In Job 14 . 13, the same Hebrew words are rendered 0 that, the
common mode of expressing an ardent wish ; and I have used the
same words in other passages. See Ex. 16 : 3 ; Deut. 28 : 67."
'^ God forbid, is a phrase which may be viewed in the same light as the
foregoing, It is several times used in the version, and without
any authority from the original languages, for the use of the name
of God. The Greek phrase thus rendered in the New Testament,
signifies only, ' Let it not be' or 'I wish it not to be.' ....
I have followed Macknight in using for these words, ' Bt/ no
Koah Webster's attainments as a lexicographer eminently-
fitted him for his task, in which he spared no pains in con-
1833.] DICKIJ^-SON'S CORRECTED VERSION OF THE K. T. 415
suiting the original languages and other helps. And "though
his labors were not appreciated, yet we are glad to know that
the work, so far as undertaken, was well done and that it will
ever be a guide in this part of Biblical Revision." The fol-
lowing collation will further illustrate the character of the
changes made by Dr. Webster:
Matt. V. 21. Ye have heard that it was said to them of old time ; for :
by them of old time.
VII. 13. . . . and many there are who go in hy it ; for :
and many there he which g-o in thereat.
VIII, 24. . . . insomuch that the boat ; for : . . that the
ship was covered with the waves.
XVI. 18. , . . raho do men say ; for : whom do men say that
I the Son of man am ?
XXV. 35. I was hungry, and ye gave me food ; for : I was an hun-
gered, and ye gave me meat.
XXVII. 63. So they went, and having sealed the stone, made the
sepulcher secure icith a watch ; for : So they went, and
made the sepulchre sure, sealing the stone, and setting
a watch.
Luke VII. 4. . , . t\\ej he^oughX him. earnestly ; iox: instantly.
XV. 27. . . . because he hath received him in health;
for : . . safe and sound.
XVI. 30. . . . but if one shall go to them from the dead ;
for : . . but if one went unto them from the dead,
they will repent.
XXI. 6. . . . in which there shall not be left one stone
upon another, that will not be thrown down ; for :
. . in the which there shall not be left one stone
upon another that shall not be thrown down.
I. Cor. IV. 13. . . . We are made as the filth of the world, the
offscouring of all things to this day ; for : . . we
are made as the filth of the world, and are the
offscouring of all things unto this day.
In this same year, but with very different results, was pub-
lished a minute revision and professed translation of the New
Testament, by Rodolphus Dickinson, with the following title :
"A New and CoiTCcted Version of the New Testament; or, a
Minute Eevision, and Professed Translation of the Original
413 KEVISIOXS AND TBAITSLATIOlSrS SIJTCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
Histories, Memoirs, Letters, Prophecies, and Other Produc-
tions of the Evangelists and Apostles; To which are subjoined
a Few, Generally Brief, Critical, Explanatory, and Practical
IsTotes. By Eodolphus Dickinson Boston, . . 1833." The
design of Mr. D. seems to have been to translate the Bible into
fashionable language, to put it into a modern dress, and thus
make it acceptable to those whom he pleases to call "accom-
plished and refined persons." This not only appears in the
translation, but is implied in his own significant questions
introduced in the preface, which taken as a whole, is a most
remarkable production. In seeking to magnify his own trans-
lation, he says with an air of triumph : "And when it is con-
sidered what an antiquated, and in other particulars forbid-
ding aspect, the inspired writings, in their usual style and
conformation, present to the view of many intelhgent, refined
and amiable persons, who might be induced to peruse them in
a less interrupted and more inviting form, in connexion with
the typographical execution here displayed, which, it is pre-
sumed, will be regarded by such, as no small improvement ;
can any valid objection be urged to the prevalent spirit and
character of this undertaking? Why should the inestimable
gift of God to man, be proffered in a mode that is unnecessarily
repulsive ? Why should the received translation be permitted
to perpetuate, to legalize, and almost to sanctify, many and
unquestionable defects ? While various other works, and
especially those of the most trivial attainment, are diligently
adorned with a splendid and sweetly flowing diction, why
should the mere, uninteresting identity and paucity of lan-
guage be so exclusively employed, in rendering the word of
God ? Why should the Christian scriptures be divested even
of decent ornament ? Why should not an edition of the
heavenly institutes be furnished for the reading-room, saloon,
and toilet, as well as for the church, school, and nursery ? for
the literary and accomplished gentleman, as well as for the
plain and unlettered citizen ? Why should the
Bible be stationary, amid the progress of refinement and let-
ters ? Why, in antique fashion, should it remain solitary.
1833.] DICKINSOi^'S CORRECTED YERSIOif OF THE K. T. 41?
in the enchanting and ilHmitable field of modern improve-
ments?"!
The above is enough and more than enough, unless we
suffer this poor man to speak a word in respect to himself and
his translation, in which he declares that ^* It is a source of
self-gratulation, that a happy concurrence of events has, for a
considerable period, placed me in a situation, which by with-
di'awing me from the contentions on theological topics, that
have long distracted so great a portion of our country, has
conduced to cherish a dispassionate spirit, and enabled me, in
coincidence with my course of reading and reflection, to
approach this undertaking, with views propitious to the cause
of ingenuousness, truth, integrity, and impartial observation ;
and with a mind unperverted by disgusting, sectarian sin-
gularities I have also disdained the obsequious and
servdle predicament, of floating, at random, in the wake of
others. The original has been my compass, the commentaries,
my explanatory chart; and the principles of the highest
authorities, my general guide ; and ever reserving to my-
self, in its most unshackled exercise, the invaluable privilege
of private judgment." ^
In his plan he discarded all divisions, either of chapters or
verses, and all numberings as well. This translation was
severely criticised at the time of its first appearance; and
though it was not, as might seem from the preface, an irrev-
erent undertaking, yet it was deserving of all the severity it
provoked, as will appear from the few following specimens.
For the sake of reference the chapters and verses are here
noted.
Matt. I. 1. A Registek of the lineage of Jesus Christ.
V. 21, 22. You have heard that it was announced to the ancients,
Thou shalt do no murder, and he who commits it, will
be amenable to the judges. But I aflfirm to you, that
1 Dickinson's Corrected Version of N. T., Preface, pp. xiii., xiv.
Boston, 1833.
2 Ibid, p. XV.
418 EEYISIOKS AND TRANSLATIOiTS SIHCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
every one, malignantly incensed witli liis brother, will
be liable to tlie judges ; and lie wlio shall denounce his
brother as a miscreant, will be subject to the sanhedrin ;
but he who shall denounce him as an abandoned apos-
tate, will be exposed to the gehenna of fire.
XIII. 34-26. He proposed to them another parable, saying, The kingdom
of heaven may be compared to a field, in which the
proprietor had sown good grain ; And when
the blade germinated and put forth the ear, then the
darnel also appeared.
XXV. 14-21. [My arrival] may, therefore, be illustrated by a man, who
intending to take a distant journey, called his own ser-
vants, and delivered to them his efiects And
his master said to him, Well-done, good and provident
servant ! you was faithful in a limited sphere. I will
give you a more extensive superintendence ; participate
in the happiness of your master.
Luke I. 41. And it happened, that when Elizabeth heard the salutation
of Mary, the embryo was joyfully agitated,
II. 47. And all who heard him, were in a transport of admiration
at his intelligence and replies.
IV. 21, 22. . . . And he proceeded to say to them, To day
this Scripture is fulfilled in your hearing. And the
approbation of all was awarded him ; and they ad-
mired the elegance of language that flowed from his
lips.
VIII. 1. And it afterwards occurred, that Jesus travelled through
every city and village [of Galilee], proclaiming and
elucidating the joyful intelligence of the kingdom of
God.
John III. 2-5. He came to Jesus by night, and said to him, Teacher, we
know that thou art an instructer emanated from God ;
for no one can achieve these miracles which thou per-
formest, unless God be with him. Jesus answered and
said to him, Indeed, I assure you, that except a man be
reproduced, he cannot realize the reign of God. Nico-
demus says to him, How can a man be produced when
he is mature ? Can he again pass into a state of em-
bryo, and be produced ? Jesus replied, I most assuredly
declare to you, that unless a man be produced of water
and of the Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God.
The notes are placed at the clcse of the volume under the
1823-35.] ALEXANDER'S REVISION OF THE PEXTATEUCH. 419
head of appendix. The translator, as Mr. D. styles himself,
speaks of these notes as "few and generally hrief"; and yet,
though in much smaller type, they comprise about one-fifth
of the whole volume. As notes they are less objectionable
than the text, since they are taken almost wholly from Clarke,
Doddridge, Macknight, and others.
In a list of Bibles which were first printed in 1835,i Mr.
Cotton gives a dateless copy of the Pentateuch, w^hich he
describes as a volume possessing "a considerable degree of
interest, as exhibiting one attempt on the part of individual
members of the Society of Friends to obtain an edition of the
Bible fully adapted for audible reading in mixed family circles."
The title reads : " The Pentateuch, or the five Books of Moses;
principally designed to facilitate the audible or social reading
of the Sacred Scriptures ; illustrated with notes &c. By
William Alexander." The plan adopted to secure this end
•was as the preface states : "' When the difficulty has arisen
from a single ivorcl or expression, the sense of the original is
conveyed in terms adapted to the present design. But when
a whole narrative or passage occurs unsuitable for a 7nixed
audience, the verse or verses containing it will be in Italic
characters, placed under the text and quite separated from
it." 2 For lack of encouragement this work did not go beyond
the Pentateuch.
This effort may or may not have originated in a false deli-
cacy. To the pure all things are pure, and yet there is a true
delicacy which ought to be recognized and respected. The
examples of really offensive language in the Authorized ver-
sion may be few, jQi they ought to be changed in the interest
of good taste at least.^ It is sometimes said that language
' Editions of Englinh Bihlss, 1853, p. 124. Mr. C. expresses a doubt
as to whether this volume belongs to 1835, 1828, or 1823. In his appen-
dix he gives the preference to the year 1828.
2 Ibid, p. 124.
3 The reference here is to such texts in the A. F. as : Gen. xxsiv. 30 ;
I. Kinoes xiv. 10 ; xvi. 11 ; II. Kings ix. 8 ; xviii. 27 ; Isaiah xxxvi. 12.
420 KEVISIONS AN^D TRANSLATIOIfS SINCE 1611. [CKAP. XI.
conceals as well as reveals. This is eminently true of the
French, but scarcely so of the Anglo-Saxon. The Saxon
tongue is honest in its utterances, speaking out even to bald-
ness the thing it means. Then words degenerate ; abused by
the low and vulgar they become tainted. Besides, the imagina-
tion of mankind is sadly corrupted, seeing evil where none is
intended. Too great care, therefore, cannot be used in select-
ing words and phrases for translating the Scriptures. And yet
the squeamish taste of single individuals, or that of a prudish
age, is an unsafe criterion of judgment. It was a youthful
Presbyterian minister, who in reading from the pulpit the thir-
teenth chapter of Luke's Gospel, changed the last clause of the
eighth verse, so that it read: " till I shall dig about it, and
mamire it."
Thus far have been noticed a few examples of individual
efforts towards a revision of the Authorized version. None of
these was undertaken with the design of supplanting the
received version, excepting in limited circles. But in 1851 a
public attempt was made by the American Bible Society to
introduce a corrected edition of the Authorized version, which
they printed and continued to circulate for some six years.
Though undertaken as a public duty and with the praise-
worthy desire of having " a standard Bible, free from typo-
graphical errors, discrepancies, and other blemishes," yet the
society had no thought of revising the Authorized version of
the Bible. They proposed simply minor corrections, and for
this work they supposed, and not without reason, that they
possessed the requisite authority. So that as early as 1847,
when the superintendent of printing pointed out discrepan-
cies in editions of the Bibles published in this country; also
in American, compared with English editions: the Board
of Managers resolved upon the work of collation for the sake
of a standard copy. The corrections to be made were to in-
clude, orthography, capital letters, words in italics, and punc-
tuation. After nineteen months of careful labor the sub-com-
mittee reported, "that in connection with the collator they
1851-58.] AM. BIBLE SOCIETY'S COKKECTED EDITIOJ^. 421
had gone througli the text of the entire Bible^, and that new
plates were in the process of preparation in conformity with the
corrected copy." In illustrating the necessity of their labors
they reported, "that the number of variations recorded by
the collator, solely in the text and punctuation of the six
copies compared, falls little short of twenty-four thousand.
Yet of all this great number there is not one which mars the
integrity of the text, or affects any doctrine or precept of the
Bible." The Octavo Reference Bible, thus corrected, was
adopted by the Committee on Versions as the standard copy of
the society. In 1851 they began to print and publish Bibles
after this revised standard. The work went on quietly for
some six years, when in 1857 a pamjjhlet was pubUshed by
an episcopal clergyman of Baltimore, in which, though no
specific charges were brought against the Bible Society, yet it
reflected severely upon them for their "half-way adventure"
towards a new version. The alarm spread from pamphlets to
newspapers, and from newspapers to monthly periodicals,
finding its way at length into ecclesiastical bodies and auxiliary
societies. The first protest came from an auxiliary society in
Maryland in 1857, in the form of a '•' Memorial by the hands
of a special deputation strongly urging the Board, if they could
not give the positive assurance that no alterations whatever
of the kind alleged had been made, at least to recede promptly
from any and every such instance." Other auxiliaries sent
up similar remonstrances ; and Bible Society agents in different
states testified to the growing dissatisfaction in their several
fields of labor.
In compliance with this wide-spread public sentiment, the
Bible Society through its Board of Managers, in February,
1858, revoked this revised standard; not, however, till the
question had been freely discussed between the Board and the
Committee on Versions, and finally referred to a select com-
mittee of nine persons for their consideration and final decision.
The report of this committee was adopted, which, while it
recommended "going back" so far as rectifying unconstitu-
tional changes were concerned, at the same time allowed
422 REVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
necessary changes for the sake of " intrinsic correctness," on.
the ground of the " unanimous consent of Christian scholars."
This action, which took a middle ground, was accepted, and
became the occasion of peace. As an illustration of the
changes made, take the following selected examples from the
standard edition of 1851 :
Eom. IV. 1. What shall we say then that Abraham, our Father, as
pertaining to the flesh hath found. The pointing
here differs from former editions by leaving off the
comma after flesh and connecting it with Jiath
found, and thus giving a very different meaning,
which may be understood as, what (of justification)
hath Abraham our father found (or gained) through
the flesh (or through efforts of his own independent
of grace). But as this punctuation involved a radical
exegetical change, the society gave it up for the
old pointing after flesh, thus referring to Abraham
as their natural father.
I. Cor. XVI. 22. If any man love not the Lord Jesus Christ, let him be
Anathema. Maran atha. Here the period after
Anathema takes the place of the comma in for-
mer editions. And doubtless this is the correct
pointing, since Maran atha is a distinct phrase,
signifying the Lord cometh. In this case the society
unwisely went back to the old punctuation.
Rev. XIII. 8. And all that dwell upon the earth shall worship him,
whose names are not written in the book of life of
the Lamb slain, from the foundation of the world.
This is another example of the exegetical impor-
tance of punctuation. The above pointing is in
accordance with the society's new standard, and
connects the clause,/rc>m the foundation of the world,
with written, not, slain. But they receded from
this by dropping the comma after slain, thus leaving
the reader to interpret as he may think best.
Rev. IV. 5. . . . and {there were) seven lamps of fire burn-
ing before the throne, which are the seven spirits of
God. This is an example of the use of the small
initial letter in printing the word spirit. The rule
adopted by the society was, that when t^e word
spirit referred " to the Spirit of God, a divine agent,"
it must be printed with a capital initial ; but wljen
1857.] revisio:n" of st. jOHis^'s gospel. 423
it referred " to otlier spiritual beings, or the spirit cf
man," it must be printed with a small initial letter.
But as tbis rule involved in this case an important
exegetical decision, they receded from it, and now
print the passage :— which are the seven Spirits of
God.
Matt. II. 6. And thou Bethlehem, (in) the land of Jadah. A correc-
tion in the spelling of a proper name, which ought
to have been retained, instead of the old form Juda,
to which they returned. So also they changed the
orthography of the words, Slon, Noe, Gore, to Zion,
Noah, Korah, together with other proper names ;
but these corrections were given up.
I. Tim. II. 9. . . . Not with braided hair, or gold, or pearls,
or costly array. In this change from the obsolete
form broidered, the society persevered and now
print braided hair.
Similar examples to the above might be multiplied, but
these are sufficient to show the kind of sacrifices made by the
Committee on Versions; sufficient also to occasion a regret
that the work could not have been entered upon with such
consent as to have insured results acceptable to all concerned,
in this country at least. But if this failure in instituting
a few corrections, leaves the way open for a revision more
thorough and satisfactory, it may be well.^
In 1857 appeared A Critical Eevision of the Gospel of St.
John, and several of St. Paul's Epistles, by Five Clergymen
of the English Church." The revisers disclaimed any pur-
pose on their part to revise the New Testament for general use,
but rather to give an example of the way in which an accept-
able revision might be made. In this their work commends
* Compare the Neio Englander, Feb., 1859, Art.. Revision of Eng. Bible;
also for May, 1859, Art. Common Version and Biblical Revision ; Bibli-
otheca Sacra, Oct., 1868, Art. Exegetical Punctuation of the New Tes-
tament; McClintock and Strong's Cyclopedia, Art. Authorized Version;
Statements and Documents, published by the late Committee ou Versions.
New York, 1858.
424 REYisiOKS AKD translatio:n^s sijs'Ce 1611. [chap. XI.
itself, illustrating as it does that a critical revision is possible
without injuring the general character of the Authorized ver-
sion. In their work the revisers followed the Authorized ver-
sion, excepting in cases where in their judgment it was inac-
curate.i The following is a specimen from the Gospel of
John :
John XXI. 15-17. So when they had dined, Jesus said to Simon Peter,
Simon son of Jonas, lovest tliou me more than
these ? He saith unto him, Yea, Lord ; thou
knowest that I love thee. He saith to him :
Feed my lambs. He saith to him the second
time, Simon, son of Jonas, lovest thou me ? He
saith unto him, Yea, Lord, thou knowest that I
love thee. He saith unto him. Keep my sheep.
He saith unto him the third time, Simon, son of
Jonas, lovest thou me ? . . . . And he said unto
him. Lord, thou knowest all things ; thou know-
est that 1 love thee. Jesus said unto him. Feed
my sheep.
The translation of the New Testament by Eev. L. A. Saw-
yer was published in Boston in 1858. Mr. Sawyer claims for
his work that it is a strict and literal rendering of the Greek,
and that " it adopts, however, except in the prayers, a thor-
oughly modern style, and makes freely whatever changes are
necessary for this purpose. "^ In his claims he manifests a
very different spirit from the scholarly modesty of such men
as Alford and Ellicott, who were among those mentioned above
who revised the Gospel of John and several Epistles of Paul.
The Greek text followed by Mr. Sawyer was that of Tischen-
dorf, published at Leipsic in 1850 ; consequently the variations
in many instances are attributable to the text and not to the
translator. In the preface, however, Mr. Sawyer notes some
cases in which he has not followed Tischendorfs text; as
"in omitting Jesus as the proper name of Barabbas, in two
' Introduction to St. John's Gospel, New Englander, Feb., 1859, p. 163.
2 Preface, Sawyer's Translation of N. T., p. 1. Boston, 1858.
1858.] SAWYER'S TRANSLATIOi^^ OF XEW TESTAME2s^T. 425
instances in Matt. xxv. 4, and occasionally in punctuation,
and have retained two important interpolations in the text,
duly noted as such, Mark xvii. and John x. 8."^ The first of
these makes a separate chapter in his system of dividing the
text, with the following heading : Ai^ additio:n^ by Ai?^ Ui^-
KNOWiN" Writer. The second reference comprises the account
of the woman taken in adultery, and is introduced hy these
words in brackets : [An early interpolation but probably true] ;
which are in the text.
Another peculiarity of this volume is its divisions of chap-
ters and verses, which ignores entirely the numbering in the
Authorized version, and thereby renders comparison of par-
ticular passages very inconvenient. Mr. Sawyer's attempt
toward a modernized style, though open to objections, is by no
means so offensive as some other similar efforts. The follow-
ing examples are given as an illustration of the style of the
work. The numbers of chapters and verses, or of paragraphs
rather, refer to his own divisions.
Matt. III. 1. And in those days came John the Baptist preaching in
the wilderness of Judea, saying, Change your minds,
for tlie kingdom of Heaven is at hand.
V. 2. . . . A city situated on a mountain cannot l)e
hid. Neither do men light a candle, and put it under
a modius [1,916 gallon measure], but on a candle-
stick, and it shines to all in the house.
3. ... I tell you truly, you shall not go out
thence till you have paid the last quadrans [4 mills].
7. . . . give us to-day our essential bread.
XI. 4. . . . and while the men slept, his enemy
came and sowed poisonous darnel in the midst of the
wheat, and went away. But when the stalk frrew
up and bore fruit, then the poisonous darnel ap-
peared.
XXIIL 3. . . . And they gave him thirty [shekels] of
silver [$16.80].
Luke IV. 1. . . . And he went into all the region about
the Jordan, preaching the baptism of a change of
mind for the forgiveness of sins.
' Prrfdce, S-iwyor's Translzt'.oii of N. T., p. ix.
4.2G KEvisio::!^s akd translations since 1611. [chap. xi.
Jolin I. 1. . . . This [Word] was in the beginning with
God. All things existed through him, and without
him not one thing existed, which existed.
VII. 1. . . . And there was a certain man there who
had been sick thirty-eight years. Jesus seeing him
lying, and knowing that he had now been sick a long
time, said to him, Do you wish to become well ?
VIII. 2 Philip answered him. Two hun-
dred denarii [$28] worth of bread is not sufficient for
them, that each may take a little.
4 Then having gone about twenty-
five or thirty stadiums [3 or 3 1-2 miles], they saw
Jesus walking on the lake and coming near the ship,
and they were afraid.
XXII. 4. But Thomas, one of the twelve, called the Twin, was not
with them when Jesus came. . . . but he said to
them. Unless I see in his hands the impression of the
nails, and put my finger in the impression of the
nails, and put my hand in his side, I will not believe.
The American Bible Union was organized by seceders from
the Baptist American and Foreign Bible Society. The object
of this organization was ^^ to procure and circulate the most
faithful yersions of the Sacred Scriptures in all languages
throughout the world." Accordingly the Union provided for
a revision of the ]^ew Testament by a number of scholars
working independently of each other. The preliminary work
was done between the years 1850 and 1860. This tentative
work was printed on a large page, in three columns, with the
Greek text in the center, the Common version on the left, and
the New revision on the right, for the sake of convenient com-
parison, and sent forth inviting suggestions and criticisms.
In 1866 the second revision of the 'New Testament was pub-
lished in New York. The work of revision was extended to
the Old Testament also. The revision of the book of Genesis
was published in 1868, the Psalms in 1869, and Proverbs in
1871 ; Joshua, Judges and Ruth were issued in 1878, and the
prophecy of Isaiah is in process of being stereotjrped. In a
statement of the Board made in May, 1878, they say that "on
the whole Pentateuch exhaustive labor has been bestowed, as,
1859-60.] ELYISION BY AMERICAl^ BIBLE UKIOX. 427
indeed upon the whole Sacred Canon, tlie lack of funds alone
holds them back."
In printing, the paragraph form is adopted, though for the
sake of reference the numbering of chapters and verses of the
Authorized version is retained, excepting in cases where such
numbering breaks the connection. Another peculiarity in the
printing is that poetical passages are put in the form of poetry.
The following important rules were prescribed for the revisers
as guides in their work :
I. The Greek text, critically edited, with knowu errors corrected, must
be followed.
II, Tlie Common English version must be the basis of revision, and
only such alterations must be made as the exact meaning of
the text and the existing state of the language may require.
III. The exact meaninof of the inspired text, as that text expressed it to
those who understood the original Scriptures at the time they
were first written, must be given in corresponding words and
phrases, so far as they can be found in the English language,
with the least possible obscurity or indefiniteness.^
The names of sucli Biblical scholars as Doctors Conant,
Hackett and Kendrick, connected with the revision, give
assurance of great excellence in the work. And yet by the
one peculiarity, in the use of i7nmerse, the translation limits
itself to the Baptist denomination. As a specimen of the
translation take the following examples, some of which are im-
provements : 2
Matt. III. 1, 2. In those days comes John the Immerser, preaching in
the wilderness of Judaea, and saying : Repent, for
the kingdom of heaven is at hand.
13, 14. Then Jesus comes from Galilee to the Jordan, to John,
to be immersed by him. But John sought to hinder
him, saying : I have need to be immersed by thee,
and dost thou come to me ?
^ Meports and Doeuments, American Bible Union, 1868, 1878. N'ew
Englander, for Feb. 1859, p. 157. Smith's Bible Diet., Art. Version,
Authorized.
2 Neio Testament, American Bible Union, Second Revision, 1873. New
York and London.
428 REVISIONS Ai^D TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
V. 3. Happy tlie poor iu spirit ; . . . .
4 Happy they that mourn ; . . . .
13. Rejoice and exult; because great is your reward in
heaven,
VI. 12. And forgive us our debts, as also we forgave our debters.
13. And bring us not into temptation, but deliver us from
evil.
22. The lamp of the body is the eye.
25. . . . Is not the life more than food, and the
body than raiment ?
XI. 23. And thou, Capernaum, that was exalted to heaven, shalt
go down to the underworld.
XII 17. That it might be fulfilled which was spoken through
Isaiah the prophet, saying :
18. Behold my servant, whom I chose.
My beloved, in whom my soul is well pleased.
I will put my spirit upon him.
And he will declare judgment to the Gentiles.
19. He will not strive, nor cry ;
Nor will any one hear his voice in the streets.
20. A bruised reed he will not break.
And smoking flax he will not quench.
Till he send forth judgment unto victory.
21. And in his name will Gentiles hope.
Rom. VIII. 1. There is therefore now no condemnation to those who
are in Christ Jesus. ^
I. Cor. XIII. 1. Though I speak with the tongues of men and of
angels, and have not love,
II. Cor. V. 20. We are then ambassadors on behalf of Christ, as though
God were beseeching by us ; on behalf of Christ
we pray ; Be reconciled to God.^
Rev. XXII. 14. Happy are they who wash their robes, ^ that they may
have right to the tree of life, and may enter by the
gates into the city.
^ The last clause which reads : " who walk not after the flesh, but
after the Spirit," is omitted by the authority of Lachmann, Tischendorf,
Green, Alford, and Tregelles ; but no intimation of the omission is given
in this version.
^ A nice distinction is here made by leaving out the you of the A. V.
^ This change is in accordance ^vith the critical texts of Lac-hmann,
Tischendorf, Green, and Alford ; but no note is made of it.
1870.] REVISIOIS' OF THE AUTHORIZED VERSIOI^. 429
By far the most important of recent attempts towards a
revision of the Authorized version, is that which is now being
made by the combined labors of English and American
scholars. This work began to take shape in the year 1870,
when the convocation of Canterbury appointed a committee
*^ to report on the desirableness of a revision of the Authorized
Version of the Old and New Testaments." The report of
this committee was made on May 3rd, 1870, and embodied
the following resolutions : ^
1. ' That it is desirable that a revision of the Authorized Version of the
* Holy Scriptures be undertaken.
2. •■ That the revision be so conducted as to comprise both marginal ren-
* de rings and such emendations as it may be found necessary to
* insert in the text of the Authorized Version.
3. 'That in the above resolutions we do not contemplate any new trans-
' lation of the Bible, or any alteration of the language, except
'when in the judgment of the most competent scholars such
' change is necessary.
4. ' That in such necessary changes, the style of the language employed
* in the existing version be closely followed.
6. * That it is desirable that Convocation should nominate a body of its
' own members to undertake the work of revision, who shall be
' at liberty to invite the cooperation of any eminent for scholar-
' ship, to whatever nation or religious body they may belong.'
These resolutions passed both the Tipper and Lower Houses,
and a joint committee was appointed '^ to consider and report
to Convocation a scheme of revision on the principles of the
above resolutions." At their first meeting, May 25th, 1870,
the following resolutions were adopted : ^
* I. That the Committee, appointed by the Convocation of Canterbury
at its last Session, separate itself into two Companies, the one for
the revision of the Authorized Version of the Old Testament,
the other for the reAnsion of the Authorized Version of the
New Testament.
• n. That the Company for the revision of the Authorized Version of the
Old Testament consist of the Bishops of St. Davids, Llandaflf,
» Westcott's Hist of the Eng. Bible, p. 340. London, 1873.
« Ibid, p. 342.
430 EEYISIOiTS AKD TRAKSLATIOITS SIlfCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
Ely, Lincoln, and Batli and Wells, and of tlie following Mem-
bers from the Lower House, Archdeacon Rose, Canon Selwyn,
Dr. Jebb, and Dr. Kay.
* IIL That the Company for the revision of the Authorized Version of
the New Testament consist of the Bishops of Winchester,
Gloucester and Bristol, and Salisbury, and of the following
Members from the Lower House, the Prolocutor, the Deans of
Canterbury and Westminster, and Canon Blakesley,
' IV. That the first portion of the work to be undertaken by the Old Tes-
tament Company, be the revision of the Authorized Version of
the Pentateuch.
' V. That the first portion of the work to be undertaken by the New
Testament Company, be the revision of the Authorized Version
of the Synoptical Gospels.
'VI. That the following Scholars and Divines be invited to join the Old
Testament Company :
Dr. W. L. Alexander, Professor of Theology, Congregational Church
Hall, Edinburgh.
Mr. T. Chenery, Professor of Arabic, Oxford.
Rev. F. C. Cook, Canon of Exeter.
Dr. A. B. Davidson, Prof, of Hebrew, Free Church College, Edinburgh.
Dr. B. Davies. Prof, of Hebrew, Baptist College, Regent Park, London.
Dr. p. Fairbairn, Principal of the Free Church College, Glasgow.
Dr. F. Field, (Editor of the Septuagint, Origen's Hexapla, &c.)
Dr. Ginsburg, (Editor of Canticles, Ecclesiastes, &c.)
Dr. F. W. Gotch, Principal of the Baptist College, Bristol.
Rev. B. Harrison, Archdeacon of Maidstone.
Rev. S. Leathes, Professor of Hebrew, King's College, London.
Rev. J. McGiLL, Professor of Oriental Languages, St.' Andrews.
Dr. R. Payne Smith, Regius Professor of Divinity, Oxford, (now Dean
of Canterbury).
Dr. J. J. S. Perowne, Canon of Llandaflf, (now Hulsean Professor of
Divinity, Cambridge).
Dr. E. H. Plumptre, Prof, of the Exegesis of N.T., King's College, London.
Dr. E. B, Pusey, Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford.
Dr. W. Wright, Professor of Arabic, Cambridge.
Mr. W. A. Wright, Bursar of Trinity College, Cambridge.
' VII. That the following Scholars and Divines be invited to join the
New Testament Company : ^
^ The names of this as well as of the preceding company are after
Dr. Moulton's list. See Hist, of the Eng. Bible, pp. 217, 318.
1870.] EULES FOR THE Ei^GLISH COMPANIES. 431
Dr. R. C. Teexch, Archbishop of Dublin.
Dr. J. Angus, President of the Baptist College, Begent Park, London.
Dr. J. Eadie, Professor of Biblical Literature and Exegesis of the
United Presbyterian Church, Glasgow.
Dr. F. J. A. HoRT, Fellow of Emmanuel College, Cambridge.
Rev. W. a. Humphry, Prebendary of St. Paul's.
Dk. B. H. Kennedy, Canon of Ely, and Regius Professor of Greek, Cam-
bridge.
Dr. W. Lee, Archdeacon of Dublin, and Lecturer in Divinity,
Dr. J. B. LiGHTFOOT, Professor of Divinity, Cambridge, and Canon of
St. Paul's.
Dr. W. Milligan, Professor of Divinity, Aberdeen.
Dr. W. F. Moulton, Professor of Classics, Wesleyan College, Rich-
mond.
Dr. J. H. Newman, formerly Rector of the Roman Catholic University,
Dublin.
Dr. S. Newth, Principal, New College, London.
Dr. a Roberts, Professor of Humanity, St. Andrews.
Dr. G. Vance Smith, (joint author of a Revised Translation of the
Scriptures).
Dr. R. Scott, Master of Balliol College, Oxford, now Dean of Rochester.
Dr. F. H. Scrivener, (editor of the Cambridge Paragraph Bible, &c.).
Dr. S.-P. Tregelles, (editor of the Greek Testament).
Dr. C. J. Vaughan, Master of the Temple.
Dr. B. F. Westcott, Regius Professor of Divinity, Cambridge.
* VHL That the General Principles to be followed by both Companies be
as follows ;
1. To introduce as few alterations as possible into the Text of the Author-
ized Version consistently with faithfulness.
2. To limit, as far as possible, the expressions of such alterations to the
language of the Authorized and earlier English versions.
3. Each Company to go twice over the portion to be revised, once pro-
visionally, the second time finally, and on principles of voting as
hereinafter is provided.
4. That the Text to be adopted be that for which the evidence is de-
cidedly preponderating; and that when the Text so adopted
differs from that from which the Authorized Version was made,
the alteration be indicated in the margin.
5. To make or retain no change in the Text on the second final revision
by each Company, except two-thirds of those present approve the
same, but on the first revision to decide by simple majorities.
432 REVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
6. In every case of proposed alteration that may liave given rise to dis-
cussion, to defer tlie voting thereupon till the next Meeting, when-
soever the same shall be required by one-third of those present
at the Meeting, such intended vote to be announced in the notice
for the next Meeting.
7. To revise the headings of chapters, pages, paragraphs, italics, and
punctuation.
8. To refer, on the part of each Company, when considered desirable, to
Divines, Scholars, and Literary Men, whether at home or abroad,
for their opinions,
IX. That the work of each Company be communicated to the other as
it is completed, in order that there may be as little deviation
from uniformity in language as possible.
' X. That the Special or Bye-rules for each Company be as follows
1. To make all corrections in writing previous to the Meeting.
2. To place all the corrections due to textual considerations on the left
hand margin, and all other corrections on the right hand mar-
gin.
3. To transmit to the Cliairman, in case of being unable to attend, the
corrections proposed in the portion agreed upon for consider-
ation." ^
Among those mentioned above who were invited to take
part in the work, Canon Cook, Dr. Newman, and Dr. Pusey
declined the invitation. Among the changes that have taken
place in the Old Testament company, Bishop Thirlwall, Arch-
deacon Eose, Canon Selwyn, Prof. McGill, Prof. Fairbairn,
Prof. Davies, and Dr. Weir have been removed by death;
while the Bishop of Lincoln, Prof. Plnmptre, and Canon Jebb
offered their resignations, which were accepted. The follow-
ing new members have been added: Mr. R. N. Bensly, Rev.
J. Birrell, Dr. F. Chance, Rev. T. K. Cheyne, Mr. S. R. Dri-
ver, Dr. G. Douglas, Rev. C. J. Elliott, Rev. J. D. Geden, Rev.
J. R. Lnmby, Rev. A. H. Sayce, Rev. W. R. Smith, and Dr»
D. H. Weir.
^ Westcott's History of Eng. Bible, pp. 342-345. London, 1872.
1870.] AMERICAN" 0. AI^D K. TESTAMEJ^T COMMITTEES. 433
In the New Testament company the following changes have
taken place : Dr. Alford and Prof. McGill died in 1871 ; Dr.
S. P. Tregelles, who on account of ill health was not able to
take his seat, died in 1875 ; Dr. John Eadie was also removed
by death. To this company were added Dr. Meriyale, who
resigned in 1871, Dr. David Brown, Dr. C. Wordsworth, and
Eev. E. Palmer.i
The scholarship of the above companies is evident from
such names as Alexander, Brown, Eadie, Ellicott, Fairbairn,
Lightfoot, Milligan, Stanley, Scrivener, Tregelles, and Trench.
Their catholicity cannot be called in question, since they are
representative men "not only from all schools and parties of
the Church of England, but from Presbyterians, Independents,
Baptists, Wesleyans, and other Christian denominations."
The New Testament committee entered upon their work June
22nd, 1870, in the Jerusalem Chamber, Westminster Abbey.
A few days after this the Old Testament committee held its
first meeting. Soon after the work began arrangements were
agreed upon with the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge,
by which the two University Presses would, in return for the
copyright of the revised edition of the Bible, defray the cost
of printing and other necessary expenses of the two com-
panies. The revisers, however, were to give their time and
labor free for the sake of the enterprise.^
In carrying out the original provision for inviting co-opera-
tion from abroad, Dr. J. Angus came to New York in August,
1870, with letters from Bishop Ellicott, chairman of the New
Testament company, authorizing him to arrange for the forma-
tion of American companies to co-operate in the work of
revision with the British companies. Dr. Angus conferred
with Dr. Philip Schaff, of New York City, and the result was
' For the above changes compare Dr. Moulton's Hist. Eng. Bible, pp.
230, 221. London, 1878.
- During the progress of these negotiations it was decided to include
the Apocrypha in the work of revision, each company agreeing to bear
its share in the work.
43-i REVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
the appointment of two American, to act in concert with the
two British companies.
The following list comprises the American Old Testament
company as originally formed :
Prof. T. J. Conant, D.D., Baptist, Brooklyn, N. Y.
" George E. Day, D.D., Congregationalist, New Haven, Conn.
" John De Witt, D.D., Reformed, New Brunswick, N. J.
•' Wm. Henry Green, D.D., Presbyterian, Princeton, N, J.
George E. Hare, D.D., Episcopalian, Philadelphia, Pa.
" Charles P. Krauth, D.D., Lutheran, Philadelphia, Pa.
" Joseph Packard, D.D., Episcopalian, Fairfax, Va.
" Calvin E. Stowe, D.D., Congregationalist, Cambridge, Mass.
" James Strong, D.D., Methodist, Madison, N. J.
" C. V. A. Van Dyck, M.D., Missionary, Beyroot, Syria.
" Tayler Lewis, LL.D., Reformed. Schenectady, N. Y.
The followhig comprises the American New Testament
company as originally formed :
Bishop Alfred Lee, D.D., Episcopalian, Wilmington, Delaware.
Prof. Ezra Abbott, D.D., LL.D., Unitarian, Cambridge, Mass.
Rev. G. R. Crooks, D.D., Methodist, New York City.
Prof. H. B. Hackett, D.D., LL.D., Baptist, Rochester, N. Y.
Charles Hodge, D.D., LL.D., Presbyterian, Princeton, N. J,
A. C. Kendrick, D.D., Baptist, Rochester, N. Y.
Matthew B. Riddle, D.D„ Reformed, Hartford, Conn.
Henry B. Smith, D.D., LL.D., Presbyterian, New York City.
J. Henry Thayer, D.D., Congregationalist, Andover, Mass.
W. F. Warren, D.D., Methodist, Boston, Mass.
Rev. E. a. Washburn, D.D., Episcopalian, New York City.
" Theo. D. Woolsey, D.D., LL.D., Congregationalist, New Haven,
Conn.
Prof. Philip Schaff, D.D., Presbyterian, New York City.
The first meeting of the American committee was held on
the seventh day of December, 1871, in the study of Dr. Schaff,
No. 40 Bible House, New York, for the ]3urpose of organiza-
tion and the adoption of a constitution. Prof. Henry B.
Smith, D.D., was chosen chairman, and Prof. George E.
1881.] CONSTITUTION^ ADOPTED. 435
Day, D. D., secretary. The following constitution was
adopted : ^
' I. The American Committee, invited by the British Committee en-
gaged in tlie re\dsion of the Authorized English Version of
the Holy Scriptures to co-operate with them, shall be com-
posed of Biblical scholars and divines in the United States.
* II. This Committee shall have power to elect its officers, to add to its
number, and to fill its own vacancies.
' III. The officers shall consist of a President, a Corresponding Sec-
retary, and a Treasurer. The President shall conduct the
official correspondence with the British revisers. The Sec-
retary shall conduct the home correspondence.
* IV. New members of the Committee, and corresponding members,
must be nominated at a previous meeting, and elected unani-
mously by ballot.
' V. The American Committee shall co-operate with the British Com-
panies on the basis of the principles and rules of revision
adopted by the British Committee,
* VI. The American Committee shall consist of two companies, the one
for the revision of the Authorized Version of the Old Testa-
ment, the other for the revision of the Authorized Version of
the New Testament.
' VII. Each Company shall elect its own Chairman and Recording Sec-
retary.
' VIII. The British Companies will submit to the American Companies,
from time to time, such portions of their work as have passed
the first revision, and the American Companies will transmit
their criticisms and suggestions to the British Companies be-
fore the second revision.
' IX. A joint meeting of the American and British Companies shall be
held, if possible, in London, before final action.
* X. The American Committee to pay their own expenses.'
At this meeting a resolution was read and approved as
adopted by the British committee, to the effect that copies of
the' first revision granted to the American companies should
' This constitution, also the above lists of the American Old and New
Testament committees, were transcribed from Dr. SchafF's Introduction
to Bension of English Version, of N. T., pp. xvi.-xviii. New York,
1873.
436 EEVISIONS AND TRANSLATIO^-S SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
be held in confidence and in no way made public, since in the
second revision important changes might be made. This
grant accordingly was made July 17, 1872, and in due time
copies of the revised version of the first three Gospels were
received; also copies of the first revision of the books of
Genesis, Exodus and Leviticus were received, and the books
distributed among the members respectively of the two com-
panies.^ From the first the work has gone on with the utmost
harmony between the English and American companies.
Since the original formation of the American Old Testament
company, the following changes have taken place : Professors
Charles M. Mead, D.D. (Congregationalist), Andover, Mass.,
and Charles A. Aiken, D.D. (Presbyterian), Princeton, N. J.,
were elected as members of the committee Dec. 27, 1872.
Prof. Howard Osgood, D.D. (Baptist), Kochester, N. Y., and
Kev. Talbot ^Y. Chambers, D.D. (Presbyterian), were elected
as members, respectively, in March and December, 1874.
Tayler Lewis, LL.D., Professor Emeritus of Greek and He-
brew, Union College, Schenectady, N. Y., died in 1877.
In the American New Testament company the following
changes have taken place : Prof. James Hadley, LL.D. (Con-
gregationalist), New Haven, Conn., was chosen a member of
this company in October, 1872; he died on the fourteenth of
November of the same year. Prof. Henry B. Smith, D.D.,
LL.D., attended but one session of the committee, being com-
pelled to resign on account of ill health. He died in 1877.
Prof. H. B. Hackett, D.D., LL.D., died in 1876. Prof. Charles
Hodge, D.D., LL.D., died in 1878. Rev. G. R. Crooks, D.D.,
and Prof. W. F. Warren, resigned as they found it impracti-
cable for them to attend. There were added to this company
by election Prof. Charles Short, LL.D. (Episcopal), New York
City, Oct. 5, 1872; Rev. Howard Crosby, D.D., LL.D. (Pres-
byterian), New York City, and Prof. Timothy Dwight, D.D.
(Congregationalist), New Haven, Conn., Dec. 22, 1872 ; Prof.
Thomas Chase, LL.D. (Friend), Haverford College, Pa., and
» Scbaff's Introduction to Revision of Eng. Version of N. T., p. xix.
1881.] RECEPTION OF THE KEW REVISIOI^. 437
Eev. J. K. Burr, D.D. (Methodist), Hoboken, N. J., respec-
tively in March and May, 1873.1
The New Testament joint companies have completed their
work, and the Revised New Testament will be published in a
few weeks. The following information respecting the pro-
gress made by the Old Testament companies is from a private
letter received from Prof. George E. Day., D. D., of New
Haven, Conn,, dated January 20, 1881 : ^' The whole of the
0. T. has been gone over once by both the English and
American Companies, except Ecclesiastes, Proverbs, and Solo-
mon's Song, but the revision of these three books and the
final revision of the others, will probably occupy from two to
four years. "
This new revision is remarkable in the history of revisions
of the English Bible, in that it is international and inter-
denominational. Established on so broad a basis, the move-
ment promises the best results. Then the times are most
favorable. The blinding enthusiasm of recent discoveries in
the field of Exegesis has passed away. Professed critics and
Biblical scholars have had time to weigh and estimate aright
the invaluable helps which have been brought to light. Be-
sides, in the past history of the Enghsh language, probably
there never was a time when the Saxon element of our lan-
guage was so highly appreciated by scholars. In addition to
this we have the pledge of the revisers that the simple lan-
guage of our English Bible shall not be meddled with ; that
as few alterations in phraseology as possible shall be made, and
even in these cases the style of the Authorized version shall be
retained. And yet it is fruitless to speculate in regard to the
reception, or rather final adoption, of this Anglo-American
Revision. Certainly no new version or revision ever created
such widespread expectation. Doubtless it will find a place
on study tables and private book shelves, and as a critical
1 The lists of the American companies above, with the changes that
have taken place since their appointment, are here given as revised by
Prof. George E. Day, D.D., Secretary of American Revision Committee.
438 KEVISlO^q-S Ai^D TRAi^SLATIOJTS SIKCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
work will attract intelligent readers of the Scriptures, but the
unanswered question is, Will the people adopt it in the Church
and in the family as their English Bible ?
Since the above was written, and after unexpected delay, the
long looked-for Revised New Testament was pubhshed simul-
X^^taneously in England and in this country, May 20, 1881.
Upon its first issue the number of copies sold was something
new in the book trade. The New York agent for the Oxford
University press is reported as saying, before the book was
issued, "that he had good reason to expect orders for 200,000
copies of the Oxford edition before the date of publication
(May 17), notwithstanding the fact that half a dozen cheap
reprints have already been announced all over the country."
If reports in our public prints are true, his estimate fell short
a hundred thousand, sincejipon the first issue it is said that
00,000 copies were sent out from New York city. Certainly
no such revival of Bible interest, not only in the sale, but in
the perusal of the Scriptures, which is just now extending
throughout the whole country, has ever before been known.
The columns of the secular as well as the religious press, are
burdened with articles on the New revision. The tone of
these articles is for the most part concihatory, though in some
instances there is noticeable a quiet opposition. The first im-
pression upon a cursory examination of the New revision is
unfavorable. Alterations simply as alterations, at first sight
offend. It would seem that for a long time to come general
approval must be withheld. The middle-aged say : " I am too
old to give up my old familiar Bible." Those who are younger
and who have looked with some interest for the appearance of
the Revised version, are not a little "' vexed over some of the
improvements upon the Authorized version." Pastors of
churches are quietly examining the work before they speak.
Students of the Bible will find upon every page changes for
the better, and will often wonder why more changes were not
made. But its final adoption must depend upon the people.
The wisest friends of the New revision are not anxious for its
1881.] PREFACE OF THE I^EW KEVISION". 439
hasty adoption. They remember that our present Bible was
about forty years in gaining a permanent place in the hearts
of the people. Yet in this case history will hardly repeat
itself. What is done in tins age must be done quickly.
Independent of the real worth of this revision, a serious
objection to adopting it in Church and family worship is, that
changes in words and phrases attract universal attention, and
thus awaken a critical spirit, which is a hindrance to devotion.
Continued use, however, sooner or later must obviate such
objection.
The title-page reads : ^* The New Testament of Our Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ Translated out of the Greek : Being
the Version set forth A. D. 1611 compared with the most
Ancient Authorities and Ee vised A. D. 1881. Printed for
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge Cambridge at
the University Press 1881.'' A card on the opposite page
reads : " This edition is authorised by the American Com-
mittee of Revision "; and is signed by Philip Schaff, President,
and George E. Day, Secretary. New York, May 20, 1881.
There are here also the names of the English printers ; also the
imprint of J. B. Lippincott & Co., 715 and T17 Market street,
Philadelphia.
The preface comprises a modest but clear statement of the
work which the revisers set before themselves and their man-
ner of doing it. There is no display of learning, but there is
manifested a conscious ability and an honest purpose to dis-
charge the responsibility imposed upon them. The preface is
divided into several general heads : I. A short account is given
of the Authorized version. II. The origin and progress of the
Revised version. Under this head they say : " The whole time
devoted to the work has been ten years and a half. The First
Revision occupied about six years ; the Second, about two years
and a half. The remaining time has been spent in the consider-
ation of the suggestions from America on the Second Revision,
and of many details and reserved questions arising out of our
own labours." III. A brief account of the particulars of the
440 REVISIONS AIs-D TRAXSLATIOXS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
present revision. Under this bead, in speaking of the Greek
text to be chosen, that they were by the instruction of the
fourth rule, '^^to follow the authority of documentary evidence
without deference to any printed text of modern times
Different schools of criticism have been represented among us,
and have together contributed to the final result." In speak-
ing of the translation, they say that by the first rule, " our
task was revision, not re-translation," and yet they confess that
they found themselves '^ constrained by faithfulness to intro-
duce changes which might not at first sight appear to be
included under the rule." By the second rule "alterations to
be introduced should be expressed as far as possible, in the
lano-ua^e of the Authorised Version or of the Versions that
preceded it." They claim to have adhered to this rule, ex-
cepting in a few cases where they failed "to find any word in
the older stratum of our language that appeared to convey
the precise meaning of the original. There, and there only,
we have used words of a later date ; but not without having
first assured ourselves that they are to be found in the writings
of the best authors of the period to which they belong." In
regard to the marginal notes they say : " These Notes fall into
four main groups : first, notes specifying such differences of
reading as were judged to be of suflicient importance to re-
quire a particular notice ; secondly, notes indicating the exact
rendering of words to which, for the sake of English idiom,
we were obliged to give a less exact rendering in the text ;
thirdly, notes, very few in number, affording some explana-
tion which the original appeared to require; fourthly, alter-
native renderings in difficult or debateable passages."
Under the head of supplementary matters, they enumerate:
first, " the use of Italics," which they sought to diminish rather
than increase ; second, the arrangement of the " Sacred Text
in Paragraphs." The facilities for reference afforded by chap-
ter and verse divisions, they have retained " by placing the nu-
merals on the inside margin of each page"; third, "the mode
of printing quotations from the Poetical Books of the Old Testa-
ment." Their design in this was not only to direct the " atten-
1881.] GREEK TEXT TO BE ADOPTED. 441
tion to the poetic character of the quotation, but also to make
its force and pertinence more fully felt"; fourth, "the punc-
tuation," in which they declare that their ^^ practice has been
to maintain what has sometimes been called the heavier sys-
tem of stopping, or, in other words, that system which, espe-
cially for convenience in reading aloud, suggests such pauses
as will best ensure a clear and intelligent setting forth of the
true meaning of the words"; and lastly, ^^ the titles of the
Books of the New Testament," which they deemed best to leave
unchanged. They conclude their preface by "humbly com-
mending their labours to Almighty God, and praying that his
favour and blessing may be vouchsafed to that which has been
done in his name, that the Gospel of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ may be more clearly and more freshly
shewn forth to all who shall be readers of this Book."
The fourth rule laid down for the guidance of the revisers
had special reference to the Greek text they were to adopt.
Wisely they were not confined to any given Text by modern
editors, but left free to make choice of that for which the evi-
dence was "decidedly preponderating." And when any such
reading differed from the Textus Receptus, they were to indi-
cate the same in the margin. They have followed this rule
but in part. So extensive were the Textual changes that the
attempt to record them in the margin "proved inconvenient."
As an offset against this omission, they state that " the Uni-
versity Presses have undertaken to print them in connexion
with complete Greek texts of the New Testament." ^ In this
connection the revisers rightly say in their preface, that
" Textual criticism as applied to the Greek New Testament,
forms a special study of much mtricacy and difficulty, and
even now leaves room for considerable variety of opinion
among competent critics." In the first revision in every case
' The New Testament in the Original Greek, according to the Text fol-
lowed in the Authorized Vt-rs-on . . . together with the Variations adopted
in the Revised Version. Edited by Dr. Scrivener.
442 EEVISION^S AiTD TRAKSLATIOKS SIKCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
of yarious reading of the Greek, after full discussion, the
decision was arrived at by a vote of the majority. But in the
second revision, "a majority of two thirds was required to retain
or introduce a reading at variance with the reading presumed
to underlie the Authorised Version." This was in accordance
with the fifth rule, and the revisers remark that under the
workings of this rule, "many readings previously adopted
were brought again into debate, and either re-affirmed or set
aside." In the case of important changes demanded by
Textual criticism, note is made of the same in the margin.
The following examples are noticeable :
Matt. VI. 9-13 Give us this day our daily
bread. And forgive us our debts, as we also have
forgiven our debtors. And bring us not into temp-
tation, but deliver us from the evil {one). The
italics show the alterations made, which are the
result of an honest application of Textual criticism
to the received Greek text. These changes make
sad havoc with sacred associations, and at first
will strike harshly upon the ears of all. And yet
so far as they are in accordance with a correct
Greek text, they ought to be heartily welcomed.
For, our daily bread the margin notes that the
Greek reads; "our bread for the coming day."
For, the evil {one) the margin reads : "Or, evil."
For the omission of the doxology the margin
reads : " Many authorities, some ancient, but with
variations, add For thine is the kingdom^ and the
power, and the glory, for ever, Amen." ^
. Mar. XVI. 9-20. These twelve verses, which constitute the closing
words of the Gospel according to Mark, find a
place in the Revised version, but they are sep-
arated from the chapter by a wide paragraph
space. The note in the margin reads : ' ' The two
oldest Greek manuscripts, and some other authori-
ties, omit from ver, 9 to the end. Some other
authorities have a diJBferent ending to the Gospel." ^
John V. 3-4. In this passage a part of the third and the whole of the
fourth verse is omitted from the text, though the
* Comparo above, page 333. ^ Itid, page 384.
1881.] COREECT REXDERIXG OF GREEK TE:N'SES. 443
portion omitted finds a place in tlie margin under
the following note : " Many aocient authorities
insert, wholly or in part, icaiting for the mocing of
the water : for an angel of the Lord went down at
certain seasons into the pool and troubled the water :
whosoever then first after the troubling of the water
stepped in was made whole, with whMsoever disease
he was holden." ^
VII. 53.^VIII. 11. This passage, which relates to the case of
the woman taken in adultery, finds a place in the
Revised version, but it is put in brackets and is
separated from the other text by wide paragraph
spaces. The margin reads : " Most of the ancient
authorities omit John vii. 53— viii. 11. Those
which contain it vary much from each other.^
Acts VIII. 37. This verse is omitted from the text, but finds a place in
the margin in the following note: "Some ancient
authorities insert wholly or in part, ver. 37. And
Philip said, If thou believest with all thy heart, thou
may est. And he answered and said, I believe that
Jesus Christ is the Son of God" ^
L John V. 7, 8. . . . For there are three who bear witness,
the Spirit, and the water, and the blood : and the
three agree in one. By comparison with the text
of the Authorized version, it will be found that
almost the whole of the seventh and a part of
the eighth verse, has been omitted. Though this
omission is without doubt correct, yet there is no
note made of it in the margin.*
Considering the demands of Textual criticism, the revisers
could not have dealt less strictly with these debatable passages.
Even Biblical scholars and commentators have long indicated
this line of treatment. Had the revisers yielded to strict crit-
ical demands, their dealings with these passages would have
been far less lenient.
The grammatical defect in the Authorized version is its
confusion in rendering Greek tenses. In some instances the
aorist is rendered by the perfect tense, and contrariwise the
^ Compare above, page 384. ^ Ibid, page 385.
2 Ibid, pages 384, 385. ^ Ibid, pages 385, 386.
444 KEVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
perfect by the aorist. Again, uot unfrequently, for the present
the past tense is substituted. By simply correcting these
defects, the Revised version sheds new light upon the sacred
page, and thus yields a fresher meaning to its readers. To
illustrate this, a few examples are here given.
Matt. II. 15. . . . Out of Egypt did I call my son. The
A. V. has : have 1 called my son. By this render-
ing of the A. V. not only is the Greek grammar
violated, but, according to Lightfoot, " a historical
connection is severed." The original passage is
in Hosea xi. 1, and reads : . . . called my son
out of Egypt.
Acts XIX. 2. . . . Bid ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye
believed? The A. V. reads : . . . Have ye
received the Holy Ghost since ye believed ? The
intended inquiry here is not general as to any
reception of the Holy Ghost " during a period
since their baptism," as implied in the rendering
of the A. v., but the inquiry is definite as to
whether they received the Holy Ghost at the time
they were received into the Church.
II. Cor. V. 14. . . . that one died for all, therefore all died.
" The rendering of the A. V., then were all dead"
Alford says, " is inadmissible both from the con-
struction of the original and the context. " ' The
interpretation of the reading in the A. V. is that
the death, here referred to, means, a death through
sin. But the context implies and the rendering
of the R. V, indicates, " a death to sin," which is
doubtless correct, and is a very different idea.
I. Cor. XV. 4, 13. . . . and that he hath been raised on the third
day, that he JiatJi been raised from
the dead. The A. V. reads: . . he rose again
the third day, .... he 7'ose from the dead.
The restoration of the perfect in each of these
verses is needful for the sake of the context. The
apostle is urging in this connection " not that
Christ once rose from the grave, but that having
risen, he lives forever as a first fruit or earnest of
the resurrection." This same verb is repeated
* See Commentary, in loco.
1881.] RESULTS or THIS REYisio:^-. 445
some five times after tlie twelfth verse, and in
each case the A. V. renders it correctly ; since the
meaning- of the apostle became " so patent on the
face of St, Paul's language, that our translators
could not fail to see it. "
II. Cor. XII. 2, 3. I know a man in Christ, fourteen years ago. . . .
And I know such a man. The A. V. reads in
each case : I knew, " which is a mistake in gram-
mar," says Alford, "and introduces serious con-
fusion, making it seem as if the fourteen years ago
were the date of the knowledge, not, as it really is,
of the vision." Besides, the reading of the A. V.
leaves it uncertain whether Paul refers to himself
or to some other person as having seen the vision.
Acts IL 47. And the Lord added to them day by day those that
were being saved. This is an improvement upon
the A. v., which reads : such as should be saved.
Alford well remarks upon this passage, "Nothing
is implied by this word .... whether all
these were finally saved. It is only asserted that
they were m tJie way of salvation when they were
added to the Christian assembly."
The responsibility resting upon the revisers extended to the
original text as well as to the translation of the Authorized
version. And one of the grand results of this revision is that
it furnishes to the English reader the accumulated fruits of
the labors of modern Greek scholarship. The profound
research and extent of the labors of Textual critics can
scarcely be estimated, much less appreciated ; and yet what-
ever of new discoveries brought to light have been thoroughly
scanned and passed upon by the revisers, and so far as
approved by their judgment, embodied in their work. But
the alterations introduced from this source are not as serious
and sweeping as might have been expected. In the following
miscellaneous examples not a few will be found in which the
changes are for the better :
Mark VI. 20. For Herod feared John . . . and kept him safe. And
when he heard him lie was much perplexed. The A. V.
reads : and observed him. . . . he did many things.
446 EEVISIOls^S AKD TRAI^SLATIOIS'S SIKCE 1611. [CITAP. XI.
In the first clause the change is for the better.
There is a conflict of authorities relating to the
latter clause but the probabilities are in favor of
the reading of the Revised version.
Luke XVIII. 12. ... I give tithes of all that I get. This
is an important change and gives the correct mean-
ing of the text which was that he paid tithes of all
that he acquired and not what he possessed or had
laid up, as it reads in the Authorized version.
Acts XXVI. 28. And Agrippa {said) unto Paul, With hut little persuasion
thou loouldest fain make me a Christian. Tliis was
said ironically and in every way different from the
familiar reading of the A. V., almost thou per-
suadest me to be a Christian, which would appear
to have been a serious utterance of Agrippa. AIJ
who have read Alford or Lange are prepared for
this change.
GaL V. 17. .... That ye may not do the things
that ye would. In this conflict as here depicted by
Paul, between the flesh and the Spirit, the render-
ing of the A. V. would seem to make the flesh the
stronger principle when it reads: . . . so that ye
cannot do the things that ye would. But by this
rendering of the Revised version the Spirit becomes
the stronger power and according to the preceding
verse, they who walk hy the SpirU shall not fulfil
the lust of the flesh.
II. Thess. II. 1. Now we beseech you, brethren, touching the coming
of our Lord Jesus Christ. The rendering of the
A. v., hy the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ,
introduces a formula of adjuration, " a construction
which," according to Alford, "is not found in the
New Testament." See his Commentary in loco.
I. Pet. II. 21. For hereunto were ye called : because Clirist also suf-
fered for you, leaving you an example, that ye
should follow his steps. The A. V. reads : Christ
also suffered for us, leaving us an example, that ye
should follow his steps. This confusion in the use
of the pronoun is avoided in the reading of the
Revised version.
Rev. IV. 6. . . . four living creatures full of eyes be-
fore and behind. The Authorized version reads :
.... four heasts full of eyes before and behind.
1881.]
TREATMEIST OF GREEK ARTICLE.
447
This was a most unfortunate rendering as it in no
way distinguishes these Uving creatures from the
heast described in chapter xiii. 1, also xiv. 9. The
correction as in the R. V. is most desirable.
XXIL 14. Blessed are they that wash their robes that they may
have the right (to come) to the tree of life. This
is an improvement upon tlie Authorized version
which reads : Blessed are they that do his com-
mandments.
The force of the Greek article, as is well known, was neg-
lected by King James' translators. They left it out when it
had a place in the original text, and they inserted it when it
had no snch place. The following examples show its restora-
tion by the Revised version.
Matt. II. 4.
IV. 5.
VIL 24.
Luke II. 16.
John XIL 13.
Rom, V. 15.
Col. I.
Heb. XI.
19.
10.
where the Christ should be born.
on the pinnacle of the temple.
which built his house upon the rock.
and the babe lying in the manger.
took the branches of the palm trees.
For if by the trespass of the
one the many died, much more did the grace of
Gk>d, and the gift by the grace of the one man,
Jesus Christ, abound unto the many. The con-
trast in this and the following verses of the con-
text, is between the one and the many.^
that in him should all the fulness
dwell.
For he looked for the city which hath the foundations
whose builder and maker is God.
The following show its omission where it was wrongly in-
serted by the Authorized version :
Matt. XXVII. 4 betrayed innocent blood. The
A. V. has : betrayed the innocent blood.
Luke IIL 14. And soldiers also asked him. The A. V. has : And
the soldiers likewise demanded of him.
' Compare page 849, above.
448 RE7ISI0XS AKD TKANSLATIOI^^S Si:srCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
Jolin IV. 27 and tliey marvelled that lie was
speaking -with a woman. The A. V. has : . . . .
that he talked with the woman. Thereby intimat-
ing that they understood her character.
Acts XVII. 23. . . . To an unknown God. The A. V.
has : . . .To the unknown God.
Rom. II. 14. For when Gentiles which have no law do by nature
the things of the law. The A. V. has : . . when
the Gentiles. But the meaning is any, not all of
the Gentiles, as in the reading of the R. V,
I. Tim. VI. 10. For the love of money is a root of all kinds of evil.
The A. V. has : the root.
The revisers had a broad field before tbem in correcting the
Authorized version in its treatment of Greek prepositions.
But in this, as in that of the Greek article, they have not
entered upon it as freely as might have been expected. It is
true that much of the incorrectness in the Authorized version,
in respect to prepositions, is traceable to change of meaning
in these prepositions, rather than to error in the translators.
But even in cases of archaisms our revisers too frequently fail
in making the needful alterations. The following, however,
are examples of important improvements :
Matt. IV. 6. . . . And on their hands they shall bear
thee up. The A. V. has : in their hands.
V. 21. Ye have heard that it was said to them of old time.
This is much better than hy them as in the A. V.
Mark XI. 17. . . . . My house shall be called a house
of prayer /<?r all the nations. The A. V. incorrectly
reads : My house shall be called of aU nations the
house of prayer.
Luke XXIII. 15. No, nor yet Herod : for he sent him back unto us ; and
behold, nothing worthy of death hath been done hy
him. The A. V. incorrectly reads : . . . nothing
worthy of death is done unto him.
I. Cor. VIII. 6 and one Lord, Jesus Christ,
through whom are all things, and we through him.
The A. V. reads : . . . hy whom are all things, and
we hy him.
188 J.] OBSOLETE WORDS RETAILED. 449
Heb. VL 7. . . . and bringeth forth herbs meet for
them for whose sake it is also tilled. The A. V.
reads : . . . herbs meet for them by whom it is
dressed.
VII. 9. And, so to say, through Abraham even Levi, who re-
ceiveth tithes, hath paid tithes. The A. V. has :
. . . who receiveth tithes paid tithes w Abraham.
Rev. XV. 2. And I saw as it were a glassy sea mingled with fire ;
and them that come victorious from the beast,
. . . standing hy the glassy sea. The A. V. reads :
. . . stand on the sea of glass.
Many words in the Authorized version are modern in form,'
but obsolete in meaning. On account of this they are more ^-
hurtful to the sense of the passage, where they occur, since
on account of their familiar form they awaken no suspicion of
their changed meaning. As examples we have such words as
prevent in the sense of precede, iy and hy in the sense of im- ^
mediately and coast in the sense of torder. This class of words
is not large, considering that they belong to a printed text
that has come down to us, with but few changes, from the first
quarter of the seventeenth century. Our revisers have done a
most acceptable service in substituting words modern in mean-
ing in place of these obsolete terms ; yet too often they allow
obsolete words to remain which ought to have been disjjlaced.
Nothing is gained by retaining the word charger in Matt. xiv. 8.
The word may mean one wlio charges, or a ivar horse, but in
the sense of a large dish or platter, as it is used in this connec-
tion, it is obsolete. The same may be said of the word haling
found in Acts viii. 3. If, according to Walker, the word hale
"is corrupted beyond recovery into haxd,^^ and consequently
the word haling into hauling, let us by all means have the cor-
ruption, with its plain meaning. Another misleading word ^
retained by the revisers is quich in the sense of living, as found
in I. Pet. iv. 5. Tlie word quich is good Saxon, and in its
primary sense means life, living, alive. But it has lost this
sense, and now means active, swift, fleet. This word is like-
wise retained in Acts x. 42 and in II. Tim. iv. 1, but not in
Heb. iv. 12, which reads: For the word of God is living
450 REVISION'S AND TRANSLATION'S SIN^CE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
and active, and sharper than any two-edged sword. So again
the word instant in the sense of urgent is retained in the
Revised version. II. Tim. iv. 2 reads : be instant in season,
out of season. In this country at least the word instant is
used to express something immediate, quick, without delay.
But in the only place in the New Testament of the Authorized
version where the word refers to time, as in Luke ii. 38, which
reads : And she coming in at that instant gave thanks likewise
unto the Lord ; the revisers ignore the word altogether and
read : And coming at that very hour she gave thanks unto
God. The use of the word, and not the correctness of the
translation, is here in question. Let it be said, however, that
in Rom. xii. 12, this word instant of the A. V. is rightly dis-
placed by steadfastly. Other examples of archaisms might
be cited wherein the revisers, if they had replaced them by
modera terms, would not have gone beyond their rules, nor
injured the style of the sacred text. In the examples that fol-
low the changes will be recognized as improvements.
Matt. VI. 34. Be not therefore anxious for the morrow : for the mor-
row will be anxious for itself. The A. V. reads :
. . no thought, . . . shaU take thought.
XVII. 25. . . . And when he came into the house, Jesus
spake first to him. The A. V. reads : . . Jesus
prevented him.
Mark VI. 20. Herod feared John . . . and kept him safe. The
A. V, has : . . . and observed him.
Luke I. 63. And he asked for a writing tablet. The A. V. has :
writing table.
VII. 4. And they, when they came to Jesus, besought him
earnestly. The A. V. has : . . . besought him
instantly.
XXI. 9. . . . for these things must needs come to
pass first ; but the end is not immediately. The
A. V. has : . . . but the end is not by and by.
Acts XXI. 15. And after these days we took up our baggage. The
A. V. has : carriages.
Rom. I. 13. . . .1 purposed to come unto you (and was
hindered hitherto). The A. V. has : . . . (but
was let hitherto).
1881. LATINIZED WORDS INTRODUCED. 451
I. Cor. X. 24. Let no man seek liis own, but {each) his neigbbour's
{good). The A. V. has : . . . but every man
another's {wealth).
XI. 29. . . . eateth and drinketh jwfZ^'gmeTi^ unto him-
self, if he discern not the body. The A. V. has :
. . . damnation.
II, Cor. VIII. 1, Moreover, brethren, we make known to you. The A. V.
has : . . . yve do you to wit.
Phil. III. 20. For our citizenship is in heaven. The A. V. has : For
our conversation is in heaven.
IV. 8. Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, what-
soever things are honouraUe. The A. V. has :
honest.
I. Thess. rV. 15. . . . shall in no wise precede them that are
fallen asleep. The A. V. has : prevent.
I. Tim. II. 9. In like manner, that women adorn themselves in mod-
est apparel, with shamefastness and sobriety. This
word shamefastness belonged to the first edition of
the Authorized version, but by a typographical
blunder was changed into sham efacedn ess as in
our present Bibles, a word opposite in meaning
from shamefastness. The word is now obsolete
and its Saxon meaning is gone beyond recovery,
and why the revisers sought to restore it is diflfi-
cult to understand.
V. 4. . . . But if any widow hath children or ^rand-
children. The A. V. has : or nephews.
The second rule, laid down for the guidance of the revisers,
required that when changes were necessary the phrasing should
be conformed, as far as practicable, to the language and style
of the Authorized version. In their preface the revisers claim
to ''have faithfully adhered" to this rule. The difficulty of
the task may well excuse a few exceptions. And yet a little
more of the inborn love of Saxon simplicity in language might
have saved them from such words as : stupor, clanging, narra-
tive, interrogation, accurately, annomice, attendant, appa-
rition, factious, effulgence, tranquil, vaunting s, probation,
some of which are not found in Shakespeare, whatever may be
said of other "standard writers" of the date of the Authorized
version. To the above must be added a long list of other new
452 EEVISIONS Ai^TD TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
words which may or may not displace words and phrases more
appropriate to the "language of Canaan." But however un-
fortunate the revisers may have been in introducing a few
Latinized words, yet in theory and practice they reafl&rm the
Saxon element of our language. While it is difficult to estab-
lish a literal connection running back from the Authorized
version through Tyndale to Wycliffe, yet such connection now
is fully established in the Revised version. The revisers say
in their preface : " We have habitually consulted the earlier
Versions ; and in our sparing introduction of words not found
in them or in the Authorized Version, we have usually satis-
fied ourselves that such words were employed by standard
writers of nearly the same date, and had also that general hue
which justified their introduction into a Version which has held
the highest place in the classical literature of our language."
The following list furnishes specimens of the new words found
in the Revised version intentionally introduced for the sake of
bettering the translation. Some of these words were adopted
from the Old Testament, others professedly from earlier ver-
sions, while others are entire strangers to our New Testament
vocabulary. The new words are in italics and may be found
below in their respective connections.
Matt. VI. 28. And why are ye anxious. The A. V. has : take ye
thought.
IX. 17. Neither do {men) put new wine into old wine skins.
The A. V. has : bottles.
XIV. 26. . . . It is an apparition. The A. V. has :
spirit.
XVII. 15. For he is epileptic. The A. V. has : lunatick.
Mark II. 21. ... a piece of undressed cloth on an old
garment. This is after the Genevan version, 1557.
The A. V. has : new cloth.
VI. 53. . . . and moored to the shore. The A. V.
has : drew to the shore.
Luke I. 1. . . to draw up, in the sense of to write; also,
narrative. The A. V. has : . . to set forth ; and,
declaration.
1881.] KEW WORDS INTRODUCED. 453
3. . . . having traced the course oi all things
accurately. The A. V. reads: . .perfect under-
standing of all things from the very first.
TV. 20. . . . and gave it back to the attendant.
This is better than, minister of the A. V. which
from its modern restricted sense gives a wrong
impression. But the word attendant scarcely ex-
presses the official character of the "keeper of the
rolls " of the synagogue.
V. 27. . . . sitting at the place of toll. TheA.V.
has : . . the receipt of custom.
John X. 12. . . . and the wolf snatcheth them. The
A. V. has : catcheth them.
XVn. 12 guarded them. The
A. V. has : kept.
Acts VII. 13. . . . and Joseph's race became manifest
unto Pharaoh. The A. V. has : kindred.
XII. 7. . . . and a light shined in the cell. The
A. V. has : prison.
XIV. 5. . . . there was made an onset. The A. V.
has : an assault.
XVIII. 14. . . . or of wicked villany. The A. V.
has : wicked lewdness.
XXII. 28. . . . With a great sum obtained I this
citizenship. The A. V. has : this, freedom.
XXV. 21. But when Paul had appealed to be kept for the de-
cision of the emperor. The A. V. has : Augustus.
XXVI. 10. . . . I gave my wte. The A. V. reads :
I gave my wice against them.
XXVII. 17. . . fearing lest they should be cast upon the
Syrtis, they lowered the gear, and so were driven.
There were two celebrated syrtes on the coast of
Africa. One was called Syrtis major and the other
Syrtis minor. They are described as " sand banks
or shoals dangerous to navip^ation." The A. V.
reads : . . fearing lest they should fall into the
quicksands. Tyndale, the Great Bible and the
Genevan version read : Syrtes.
18. . . . they began to throw {the freight)
overboard. The A. V. reads : . , they lightened
the ship.
39. . . .a certain bay with a leach. The
A. V. has : shore.
454 REVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
40. . . . and hoisting up the foresail. The
A. V. has : mainsail.
Rom. II. 8. . . . unto them that are factious. The
A. V. has : contentious.
V. 4. AiA "^ditience probation ; slu^ probation 'ho^Q.
X. 7. . . into the abyss. The A. V. has: the
deep.
XI. 8. . . . a spirit of stupor. The A. V. has :
. . oi slumber.
I. Cor. IX. 25. . . . that striveth in the games. The
A. V. has : . . for the mastery,
XIII. 1. . . . sounding brass, or a clanging cymbal.
The A. V. has : ... or a tinkling cymbal.
II. Cor. I. 17. . . . did I shew fickleness. The A. V.
has : lightness.
Gal. VI. 17 for I bear branded on my body.
The A. V. reads : ... for I bear in my body.
Phil. III. 1. . . . to me indeed is not irksome. The
A. V. has : . . is not grievous.
14. I press on toward the goal. Tlie A. V. has : . . . the
mark.
I. Tim. II. 2. . . may lead a tranquil and quiet life. The
A. V. has : peaceable.
Heb. I. 3. Who being the effulgence of his glory. The A. V.
reads : . . . the brightness of his glory.
XII. 2. . . . the author and perfecter of our faith.
The A. V. has : finisher.
James I. 23. . . . beholding his natural face in a mir-
ror. This after Wycliffe. The A. V. has: a
II. 19. . . the devils also believe, and shudder. The
A. V. has : tremble.
IV. 16. . . . ye glory in your vauntings. The
A. V. has : boastings.
I, Peter III. 21. . . . but the interrogation of a good con-
science toward God. The A. V, has : . . . the
answer of a good conscience.
I. John I. 5. . . . and announce unto you. The A. V.
has : declare.
Rev. XVI. 1. . . . and pour out the seven bowls of the
wrath of God. The A. V. has : vials.
XVIII. 17. . . . and mariners. This word after
Wycliffe. The A. V. has : saiiora.
1881.] THE AMERICAN APPEi^^DIX. 455
The above list might be greatly increased, as the number of
this class of words is from necessity large. It is a familiar
fact that King James' translators felt constrained to adopt a
variety of words in translating single Greek terms. They
doubtless carried this feature of their work to an extreme.
The present revisers, at the expense of variety in style, and^^
for the sake of faithfulness to the Greek, have rendered the
recurring Greek word by the same English word. Conse-
quently many English words have dropped out of the Xew
Testament vocabulary. Whether the new words introduced
into the Revised version, such as the above, will counter-
balance this loss, there is as yet no means of determining.^
The appendix comprises the suggestions of the American
committee which were not approved by the English com-
mittee. It manifests a disagreement which was not expected C
by the friends of the work on this side of the water. From
the rules laid down it was expected that something of an
equality would exist, and at the close a joint meeting of the
British and American companies would be held in London
before final action. But unfortunately, or it may be fortu-
nately, this meeting proved impracticable; and instead, a
compromise was agreed upon by which the readings preferred
by the American committee were to be printed in an appendix
to the English edition, the American committee agreeing not
to issue a rival edition for "a term of fourteen years." But,
as has been well said, while the appendix shows the dis-
agreements, yet it signifies but little compared with the text,
which embodies the substantial agreements of the two com-
mittees. By actual comparison of their independent work it __
has been found " that in about half the changes the two com-
mittees had arrived independently at the same conclusion."
Whatever of jealousy, therefore, may have been felt by Amer-
ican friends of the enterprise on this ground, should be laid
1 There is a Concordance, however, of the Revised version already in
course of preparation.
456 REVISIONS AKD TEANSLATIOKS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
aside ; and especially so since the members themselves of the
American committee are satisfied. Besides, conservative op-
posers of the New revision ought to be contented, since the
American revisers were by far more radical and progressive
in the changes they proposed than their brethren of the Eng-
lish committee. The following are selected examples of the
changes preferred by the American committee, w^hich fall in
the appendix under the general head of " Classes of Pas-
sages " :
I. Strike out " S." (i. e. Saint) from tlie title of the Gospels and from
the heading of the pages.
III. For " Holy Ghost " adopt uniformly the rendering: " Holy Spirit."
IV. At the word " worship " in Matt. ii. 2, etc., add the marginal note
" The Greek word denotes an act of reverence, whether paid
to man (see chap, xviii. 26) or to God (see chap. iv. 10)."
V. Put into the text uniformly the marginal rendering " through " in
place of " by " when it relates to prophecy, viz. in Matt. ii. 5,
17, 23: iii. 3; iv. 14, &c.
VII. Substitute modern forms of speech for the following archaisms,
viz. " who" or "that" for "which" when used of persons;
" are " for " be" in the present indicative ; "know," "knew "
for " wot " " wist " ; " drag " or " drag away " for " hale."
IX. After "baptize" let the marg. "Or, in" and the text "with"
exchange places.
X. Let the word " testament " be everywhere changed to "covenant"
(without an alternate in the margin), except in Heb. ix. 15-17.
XIV. Let the use of " fulfil " be confined to those cases in which it
denotes " accomplish," " bring to pass," or the like.
In the Gospel according to Matthew the appendix furnishes
some twenty-three preferences which were not adopted by the
English committee. The following are selected examples :
Matt. III. 10. For " is the axe laid unto " read " the axe lieth at " So in
Luke iii. 9.
VI. 11. Let the marg. read Gr. our bread for the coming day, or
our needful bread. So in Luke xi. 3.
27. For "his stature " read " the measure of his life" (with
marg. Or, his stature) So in Luke xii. 25.
IX. 6,8. For "power" read "authority" (see marg. 3; So in
Mark ii. 10 ; Luke v. 24.
1881.] THE AMERICAiq- APPENDIX. 457
XX 1. For " that is " read " that was "
XXIII. 9. For " Father, which is in heaven " read " Father, even he
who is in heaven. "
23. For "judgement " read "justice " So in Luke xi. 42.
XXVI. 29. For " I will not drink" read " I shall not drink " Simi-
larly in Mark xiv. 25; Luke xxii. 16, 18.
In the Gospel according to Mark the appendix has but
seven preferences not approved by the English committee.
The following are selected examples:
Mark X. 13. For " bought " read " were bringing " So in Luke xviii. 15.
32. ' ' And they that followed " etc., omit the marg.
45. For " For verily " etc, read " For the Son of man also " etc.
XI. 24. For " have received " read " receive " with marg. Gr. re-
ceived.
The Gospel of Luke has thirty-three and the Gospel of John
twenty-three of these preferences; so throughout the New
Testament some books have more and some less. The follow-
ing selections, however, will suffice :
Luke 1. 70. For " since the world began " read '* of old " Similarly
Acts iii. 21 ; xv. 18.
IV. 1. For " by the Spirit " read " in the Spirit " and omit the marg.
VIII. 29. For " commanded " read " was commanding "
33. For " were choked " read " were drowned "
IX. 40. For " should be greatest " read " was the greatest "
XXII. 24. For " is accounted " read " was accounted "
XXIII. 2. " Christ a king " omit the marg.
23. For " instant " read " urgent "
46. Let margin and text exchange places.
XXIV. 30. Read " he took the bread and blessed ; and breaking it he
gave to them "
For " reasonings " read " questionings "
For " The zeal of thine house " read " Zeal for thy house "
For " ill " read " evil " So in v. 29.
For "out of the belly" read " from within him" (with
marg. Gr. out of his belly.)
For "stood " read " standeth" and omit marg. '
53. For " is dead" and " are dead " read " died " [Compare
vi. 49, 58.1
38.
hn II.
17.
III.
20.
VII.
38.
VIII.
44.
52.
458 EEVISIONS AND TRANSLATIONS SINCE 1611. [CHAP. XI.
58. For " was " read " was born " and omit marg. ^
XVI. 25, 29 For " proverbs " read " dark sayings "
XVir. 24. For " I will " read " I desire "
XXI. 7. " Was naked " add marg. Or, had on Ms under garment only.
In the above selections and so throughout the whole appen-
dix, the changes proposed will for the most part commend
themselves to American taste and judgment. And while
there may be a regret that there should have been any dif-
ferences at the last, yet there is occasion for rejoicing that the
appendix is not more extensive than it is ; especially when we
consider that the committees were composed of independent
thinkers, separated by so many thousand miles and influenced
by distinct National tastes. Besides, a careful examination of
the appendix shows that the differences relate to neither doc-
trine nor precept, but touch upon archaisms, obsolete words,
Greek grammar and simple matters of taste and style. The
Eevised version, therefore, must ever be regarded as a monu-
ment sacred to the memory of a united Christian scholarship.
And the Appendix must ever be looked upon, not as a symbol
of disagreement, but as a remarkable illustration of the high
degree of harmony which prevailed between the Anglo-
American Revisers.
CHAPTER XII
THE REVISED VERSION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AND
THE REVISED BIBLE AS A WHOLE, A. D. 1881-1885.
AN APPENDED CHAPTER.
INTEREST in the revision of the so-called Authorized
version, centered largely in the New Testament. After
waiting ten years for the revisers to complete their work,
the public were eager for its appearance. In its reception by
way of sales, there is nothing in the history of the book- trade,
much less of Bible publications, that can compare with it. ^
The demand, at first, far surpassed the supply. *^ Orders for
a million Oxford copies of the Revised New Testament, were
received before the book was issued. A telegram from Lon-
don, May 21, 1881, reported the sale of two million copies of
the Revised New Testament in that city."^ The eagerness
of the American public on the first arrival of the books in
New York to obtain copies, is fresh in the minds of this
generation. The daily papers of the country united in fan-
ning the flame. As a matter of public interest, and enter-
prise as well, it is worthy of record, that the four Gospels,
the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistle to the Romans, were
sent by telegram from New York to Chicago, and printed in
two daily papers of that city, The Tribune and The Times,
of May 22, 1881. These papers contained, besides the above,
the remaining parts of the New Testament, which were taken
from copies of the printed book so soon as it was received. ^
* Compare p. 438, above.
2 Schaff 's Companion to the Oreek New Test. , and English Version,
p. 404. New York, 1883.
^ Compare Ibid, p. 405.
460 KECEPTIOi^ OF KEYISED VERSION". [CHAP. XII.
** The Tribune employed for the purpose ninety-two compos-
itors and five correctors, and the whole work was completed in
twelve hours. "^
The sales in this country were enormous. Besides the
English editions, there were some thirty or more American
reprints put upon the market. All this, and even more, was
a reality, though it seems but a dream, it being a thing so un-
precedented in the history of Bible versions. ^
In striking contrast was the reception of the Revised Old
Testament, four years later. The publication created scarcely
a wave of excitement, compared with the storm which attended
that of the New Testament. Possibly this was to have been
expected. In architecture, it is the superstructure that attracts
attention. Yet the foundation in its outlines is that which
decides the possibilities of the building. So while the New
Testament revision, in the nature of the case, attracts the
attention of all, yet when its foundation is subjected to change,
there should be a marked interest in such undertaking.
There are many facts concerning the Old Testament Script-
ures that command the interest of the student even of the
English Bible ; such as the antiquity of the language, the his-
tory of the text in manuscripts, also in printed Bibles. The
limited space allotted to this chapter forbids but a brief
account of these particulars.
In regard to the antiquity of the Hebrew language, there is
a well grounded claim that it is the oldest form of human
speech known. The question raised and learnedly discussed
is whether or not the language contained in the earliest books
of the Old Testament, is the very same that Abraham brought
with him into Canaan. The principal argument favoring this
is that, *' as the most important proper names in the first part of
Genesis are founded on Hebrew etymologies, the essential con-
^ Schaff's Companion to the Greek New Test., and English Version,
p. 405, note.
2 See by way of contrast the account of the reception of Tyndale's
'translation of the N. T., pp 104, 105, 106, above.
B.C. 1491-350.] ANTIQUITY OF HEBREW LAi^GUAGE 4G1
nection of these names with their etymological origins involves
the historical credibility of the records themselves, and leaves
no room for any other conclusion than that the Hebrew lan-
guage is coseval with the earliest history of man."^ In a some-
what modified form^ Havernick, who treats the whole subject
fairly and exhaustively, says: " On a closer investigation, from
more points of view than one, the old orthodox opinion so
commends itself, that we may regard the position that the later
language of the descendants of Abraham stood at least in a
very intimate relation to the original tongue, as one which, so
far as in such a case is possible, is well founded. "^ Again in
speaking of the Hebrew text of the Old Testaoient, he says :
'' Here even it presents the imposing spectacle of a language
issuing from the deepest shadows of antiquity, and which, from
its sublime simplicity, must be called the basis and the key of
all the other Oriental languages. "^
As a matter of convenience, the history of the Old Testa-
ment Scriptures may be divided into two periods. The first
extends from Moses to the formation of the Canon by Ezra;
the second from Ezra to the era of the first printed Hebrew
Bibles.
The existence and preservation of the Sacred writings of the
Jews during the first period is attested by the writings them-
selves. It is recorded in Deuteronomy that Moses wrote and
delivered the law to the priests, and commanded them to read
it to all the people ; also that they should put it by the side of
the ark of the covenant. * Again, in II. Kings are recorded the
particulars of the finding of the book of the law in the house
of the Lord. ^ Then in Isaiah there is the exhortation : ' ' Seek
1 Kitto's Cydopmdia^ Art. Hebrew Language, p. 823. New York,
1853.
2 Havernick's Introduction to Old Test., p. 131. Clark's For. Theol.
Lib., Vol. XXVIII. Edinburgh, 1852. » Ibid, p. 136.
4 Deut. xxxi. 9-12, 26. Compare I. Kings viii. 9 and II, Chron. v. 10.
The book of the law was placed by the side of, not in, the ark.
^ II. Kings xxii. 8.
462 DECAY OF THE LANGUAGE. [CHAP. XII.
ye out of the book of the Lord, and read."^ The books that
Daniel consulted were the prophecies of Jeremiah. ^ The con-
servation of the text during this first period is comparatively
assured by the religious care exercised by the priests, also by
the extreme reverence in which the Sacred writings were held
by the people.
But a passing notice can be taken of the adverse criticism
in regard to the books of the Old Testament in their historical
relation to each other, and as to their authors. Biblical
scholars, including those in sympathy as well as those out of
sympathy with a Divine revelation, have delved into this com-
paratively unworked field ; and while they have brought forth
things good and bad, it becomes the Christian scholar to sepa-
rate the wheat from the chaff, and thus confirm the confidence
of the people, that no criticism, be it ever so high, if it be
rightly applied, can add to or take from the revealed truth of
the Old Testament.
The close of the first period is marked by radical changes in
the history of the Jewish people. It is impossible to draw the
line, but during the years of the Babylonian captivity and those
immediately following, the Jews lost their native tongue.
There are some who think the decay of the language began as
early as B.C. 720, when the Assyrian deportation of the ten
tribes brought the language into injurious proximity to the
Aramaic idiom. ^
In this change, which doubtless was gradual, not only did
the common people lose their native tongue, and the lan-
guage of their Sacred books become a dead letter to them ;
but the ancient Hebrew characters also suffered change. The
shape of the letters was made to conform to that of the Ara-
maic, which is the square character of our printed Hebrew
Bibles.
1 Isaiah xxxiv, 16.
* Daniel ix. 2; also, Jer. xx^. 11, 12.
3 Compare Kitto's Cyciopcedia, Art. Hebrew Language, p. 824. New
York, 1883.
B.C. 600-A.D.lOO.] LABORS OF THE MASSORETS. 463
The ancient Jewish doctors were awake to the interest of
their Sacred writings from the first evidence of decay in the
language. One of the important duties of the Men of the
Great Synagogue was, according to the Rabbins, to " surround
the Thorah with a Hedge." Havernick defends this tradition
against the attacks of some critics, and quotes others, show-
ing that they accepted the truth of this tradition, as well as
the existence and work of the Men of the Great Synagogue. ^
These were followed by the Talmudists, who gathered up
the traditions respecting their Sacred books, which had been
handed down for centuries. The Talmudic period extended
from A. D. 200 to A. D. 600. These Talmudic scribes were
followed by the Massorets, whose labors began about A. D. 600.
They counted, as did the Talmudists before them, how often
each letter in the Hebrew alphabet was found in each book,
and noted the peculiarity of any given letter. The same
minute labor was bestowed upon the words, as to how often
they were found at the beginning or middle or close of certain
verses. Then as to the verses, they noted how many there were
in each book ; and in the Pentateuch and Psalms they com-
puted which were the middle verses, words, and letters. ^
Mystical meanings were attached to these words as well as to
other special marks found in the text. ^
A more important result of the labors of the Massorets was
the collection of readings, from various manuscripts, which
they regarded as preferable. Technically, the reading in the
text was called KetJiib, and the reading to be substituted was
called Keri. These preferred readings were at first kept in a
1 Introduction to the Old Test., pp. 39, 40. Clark's For. Theol. Lib.,
Vol. XXVIII. Edinburgh, 1852.
2 "So minute were their observations, that they noted the verses, such
as Zech. vi. 11 — amounting to twenty-six in the whole Bible — which con-
tain in themselves all the letters of the Hebrew alphabet." Roberts' Old
Test. Revision, note, p. 143. New York, 1883.
» Compare Smith's Bihle Did., Art. Old Test., p. 2218. New York,
1872.
464 HEBREW ACCENTS. [CHAP. XII.
book, separate from the text, but afterward found a place in
the margin of the manuscript. "In effect, however, our manu-
scripts often exhibit the text with the Keri incorporated. "^
Of still greater importance was the originating, by the Masso-
rets, of the vowel signs, or, as some more wisely think, the
adoption of these signs. Hiivernick says, this work of the Mas-
sorets ' ' must be viewed as strictly regulated by adherence to the
traditions handed down to them."^ For the sake of '* exposi-
tion of the meaning " of the ancient text, what had been a pro-
hibition was now, " through the pressure of circumstances, to
be sanctioned. " ^ This necessity arose from the gradual decay of
the language. As a living tongue, through the inherent vowel
elements, it was easily understood. But as a dead language, it is
readily seen, by way of illustration, that BED could be read,
by inserting the necessary vowel points, either as Bird, Bard,
Beard or Brmd. The word translated hells^ in Zech. xiv. 20,
has been cited as an example in which, by a different pointing,
it would mean shadows. Again, the word translated hed^ Gen.
xlvii. 31, by a different pointing may mean staff; and so it reads
in Heb. xi. 21, which comes through the Septuagint. Closely
connected with the system of vocalization was that of the accents.
These play an important part in the text of the Hebrew. They
not only mark the different meanings of the same word, but
are used as means of punctuation. The important bearing of
this system upon a correct interpretation of the text, may be
understood from the following declaration of Eabbi Aben
Ezra: "Any interpretation which is not in accordance with
the arrangements of the accents, thou shalt not consent to it,
nor shalt thou listen to it."*
The object of the Massorets in these varied and almost end-
1 Smith's BiUe Diet, Art. Old Test, p. 2219.
2 Havernick's Introduction to Old Test, p. 263. Clark's For. Theol.
Lib., Vol. XXVIII. Edinburgh, 1852.
3 Ihid, p. 268.
4 As cited in Smith's Bible Diet, Art. Old Test, p. 2220. New
York. 1872.
B.C. 175-A.D. 70.] MANUSCRIPTS OP OLD TESTAMEis^T. 465
less labors was to conserve the ancient text; while the object
of the Jewish doctors, by means of the Targums, was to extend
a knowledge of the Scriptures among the people. These Tar-
gums, then, were versions in paraphrase of the Jewish script-
ures in Aramaic, which was at this time the common speech
of the Jewish people. There are evidences which go to show
that there were written Targums of several Old Testament
books in the time of the Maccabees. ^
There are eleven Targums known, in three of which there
are the four books of Moses. Of these three, that of Onkelos
is regarded as the best. The translation is so literal that even
the Jews use it as a lexicon. Onkelos is said by Jewish tradi-
tion to have been a disciple of Hillel, and therefore to have
lived about the beginning of the Christian era. ^
The Targums were highly prized by the Jews; and as they
bear with more or less importance upon the critical text of the
Old Testament, they are prized likewise by Christian scholars.
The manuscripts of the Old Testament books are divided
into those used in the synagogues and those held by private
individuals. The synagogue rolls were regarded as doubly
sacred. The Talmud gave special directions as to the prepa-
ration of the skins and of the ink, also laid down strict rules
for copyists in their work of transcription. In case of two
mistakes the roll might be corrected and used, but in case of
three the whole roll must be destroyed. ^ This, among other
provisions, indicates the supreme care exercised by the Jews in
preserving the purity of the text. The manuscripts we have
are Massoretic, and few date back beyond the twelfth century.
Kennicott and Bruns claimed that one collated by them dated
back to the tenth century ; while De Rossi dates one of his own
back to the eighth century. *
1 Compare Kitto's Cydopcedia, Art. Targums, p. 826. New York,
1853. 2 jjji^^ pp 826, 827.
3 Compare Havernick's /^?'ro. to Old Test., p. 288, note. Clark's For.
Theo. Lib., Vol. XXVIII. Edinburgh, 1852
* Compare Siwitli's Bible Diet., Art. Old Test., p. 2221. New York, 1872.
466 *'PKOFAI^e" manuscripts. [chap. XII.
By the Massoretic settlement of the text, the correct tran-
scription was rendered more difficult. Accordingly great
attention was paid from that time among the Jews to the va-
riations arising through transcription, and careful avoidance of
these was made by means of well connected copies. ' * Thus
arose," says Havernick, ^'■standard MSS., strictly conformed
to the Massoretic text, and carefully preserved, which were used
for the emendation of others, and enjoyed great celebrity."^
Manuscripts intended for private use were held in less es-
teem, and were called profane. " The greater part are writ-
ten on parchment, some on cotton paper, a few on common
paper. The ink is thoroughly black. "2 '* The whole of the
MSS. are demonstrably the production of Jewish copyists, a
few by Proselytes ; . . . but it is certain that none are the pro-
duction of Christians or monks, as has been alleged."^ There
is another false charge that has been refuted, which claims
that the Jews, by making slight changes in passages referring
to the Messiah, have perverted the meaning of these passages.
But not only have these prophecies been faithfully handed
down,* but also those uttered against the Jews. So that
this people, in their scattered and torn condition, not only
have been unwilling witnesses to, but honest transmitters of,
the sure word of prophecy.
In addition to the brief account of printed Bibles given
on page 341, above, it may be added that the Hebrew Bible,
which became the standard, was that of Joseph Athias, Am-
sterdam, 1661. Another celebrated edition of the Hebrew
Bible was that of Van der Hooght, which was printed at
1 Havernick's Intro, to Old Test. Clark's For. Theo. Lib., p. 286,
Vol. XXVIII. Edinburgh, 1853.
2 lUd, p. 289. 8 lUd, p. 290.
* There is a notable exception to the above in respect to Isaiah ix. 5,
where certain Jewish interpreters, by no violence to the text excepting
by a disregard of the accents, read : * ' The God who is called Won-
derful, Counsellor, the mighty God, the everlasting Father, calls his
name the Prince of peace." See Roberts' Old Test. Revision, p. 151
New York, 1883. Compare also p. 354, above.
B.C. 285-247.] THE SEPTUAGIJ^T. 467
Amsterdam and Utrecht in 1705. This Bible is still of good
reputation, not only for its accuracy and plainness of type, but
from the fact that it constitutes our present textus receptus. ^
Among other notable monuments that indicate changes in
the people and in their book, the Septuagint is by no means
the least important. This translation was made at Alexan-
dria, B.C. 285-247. The Greek language is now the language
of civilization. It is spoken in Egypt, Syria, Armenia, and in
Italy. The Jews as a people, about the time of the Captivity,
outgrew the limits of their ancient tongue, and so adopted the
Aramaic. So likewise in after years, becoming more widely
scattered by engaging in trade in the most important cities,
they outgrew the Aramaic and adopted the Greek language.
And as it was with the people, so with the book. From the
Hebrew it was translated into Aramaic, and afterwards into
the Greek of the Septuagint. The once popular tradition
that this translation was made in seventy-two days by seventy-
two translators, and that they were confined in seventy-two
separate cells, has been abundantly refuted. ^ There is evi-
dence that the work extended over years instead of days, and
that it was done mainly in Egypt, especially at Alexandria.
The Septuagint met such a want among the Hellenists that
it soon acquired great authority. Yet by the strict Jews in
Palestine it was bitterly opposed, and from their standpoint
was full of danger to Judaism. In the course of time, how-
ever, it was not only adopted by individual Jews, but was
introduced into their synagogues.
Through the Septuagint the Greek language became the
vehicle of religious thought. The difficulty here was not
small, since words and phrases were to be changed from a
common and worldly into a religious and spiritual use.
Though as a translation it has its defects, yet it is valuable as
1 Compare Smith's BiUe Diet., Art. Old Test., p. 2223. New York,
1872.
2 Compare Herzog's Encyclopedia, Art. Alexandrian Version, p. 101.
Philadelphia, 1858.
468 KULES FOR REVISIOI^^ OF OLD TESTAMENT. [CHAP.XII.
a means of correcting our Hebrew text. In the matter of
language, it was a preparation for the Greek of the New Tes-
tament. " It [the Greek N. T.] shares with the Septuagint,"
says Dr. SchafP, ^' its sacred and Hebraizing character as dis-
tinct from the secular Hellenic literature." ^ The numerous
quotations of the New Testament from the Septuagint show
how largely it entered into the life of Hebrew Christians.
While Paul was a Hebrew of the Hebrews, yet he quotes from
the Septuagint. And while the Saviour in conversation used
the Aramaic, yet in addressing the people he evidently used
the Greek, as his Scripture quotations are from the Old Tes-
tament of the Alexandrian version. ^ It is an interesting and
well-established fact that the Septuagint was the accepted
Bible of Christ and His Apostles. ^
In the revision of the Old Testament there was the same
careful purpose as in that of the New Testament. In their
distinct departments, the revisers compare most favorably as
to piety and scholarship. Then they followed the same rules. *
By ih.Q first rule they were to introduce as few changes as
were consistent with faithfulness ; and in the fou7ih rule they
are permitted to adopt a text differing from that from which
the Authorized version was made. This opened a wide door
to New Testament revisers, but a very narrow one to the
revisers of the Old Testament.
By means of the life labors of German and English scholars
in the field of modern textual criticism, ^ a wealth of material
was brought to the very doors of the revisers. This material
had not only been mined but minted, and was ready for use.
Even to ordinary readers, by means of German commentaries
in English dress, and by other critical commentaries as well,
^ A Companion to the Greek Testament and the English Version,
p. 25. New York, 1883.
2 See Matt. xxi. 42 ; Mark xii. 24 ; Luke xxiv. 33.
^ Compare Dr. Roberts in his Old Testament Revision, p. 189.
4 See above, pp. 431-434.
^ See above, Mod. Textual Criticism, pp. 372-377; also pp. 441, 442
1885.'! MASSORETIC TEXT. 469
the work of the Eevised version of the New Testament had
been largely anticipated. Not but that the revisers went to the
original sources, but the paths to these sources had been well
trodden, and thus were very familiar. But with all this
preparation, the revisers in giving a brief account of their
work say, in substance, that while a revision of the Greek
text was a necessity, yet they did not feel it their duty to con-
struct a continuous and complete text, but that ^' a> sufficiently
laborious task remained in deciding between the rival claims
of various readings which might properly affect the transla-
tion." 1 As no such thorough and extended handling of the
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin sources bearing directly upon the
text of the Old Testament had been made, the revisers, in
carrying out the fourth rule, were almost limited to the re-
ceived or Massoretic text. And so they inform us in their
preface that ^^ they thought it most prudent to adopt the
Massoretic text as the basis of their work."^ in dealing with
this text they sought what they believed to be the best read-
ings. In exceptional cases, on account of extreme difficulties,
readings were adopted on the authority of ancient versions,
and such departures are found indicated in the margin. ^ A
slight examination of the marginal notes will show the dili-
gence and faithfulness of the revisers in using all the light
before them in obtaining the true meaning of the text and
consequently, the mind of the Spirit. *
A very notable case of the necessity of the change of a
single word was that of the uniform use of people in the
Authorized version instead of peoples. By way of explanation
the revisers say : ^^The word ^peoples' was nowhere used by
King James's translators in the Old Testament, and in the New
Testament it occurs only twice (Rev. x. 11 ; xvii. 15). The
effect of this was to leave the rendering of numerous passages
inadequate or obscure, or even positively misleading. Thus,
1 Preface of R. V. of N. T., p. xiii. 1st ed., roy. 8vo. Cambridge, 1881.
2 Preface of E. V. of 0. T., p. vi. 1st ed., roy. 8vo. Oxford, 1885.
•" Compare Ihid, p. vii. * Compare Ihid, p. xiii.
4:70 CHANGE IN^ SIN'GLE WORD. [CHAP. XII.
in one of the best known Psalms (Ps. Ixvii. ), where the Sep-
tuagint has Xaoi and the Vulgate populi, the English had
* Let the people praise thee, 0 God ; let all the people praise
thee ;' leaving it at least doubtful whether the '• nations ' of
verso 4, or God's people, Israel, be referred to."^
In thus bringing out the true meaning of the original, a
/great service has been rendered to the readers of the Old Tes-
tament, in that in prophecy and promise the marked distinc-
tion between Jews and Gentiles may be understood. If a
blessing or a curse is pronounced, we know upon whom it
falls, whether upon God's chosen people or upon the peoples
or nations without. In Isaiah viii. 9 we read in the Author-
ized version, ^* Associate yourselves, 0 jq people, and ye shall
be broken in pieces." This would seem to be a threatening
against the Jews. But according to the Hebrew and in the
Revised version it reads: •^^ Make an uproar, 0 -^q peoples, and
ye shall be broken in pieces. . . . Take counsel together, and
it shall be brought to nought : ... for God is with us." Instead
of a threatening, it becomes a pledge of protection to God's
chosen people. So in Isaiah xiv. 6 the Authorized version
reads : "He who smote the people in wrath. " This would seem
to refer to the Jews. But the Revised version reads: "That
smote the peoples in wrath." Thus making it clear that the
Gentiles are intended. On the contrary, we find that when
promises are uttered to the Gentiles, the blessings are seem-
ingly bestowed upon the Jews. Isaiah Ixii. 10, the Author-
ized version reads: "Go through, go through the gates; pre-
pare ye the way of the people; . . . lift up a standard for the
people." But the Revised version reads : "... lift up an ensign
for the peoples." Again, in Isaiah Iv. 4 the Authorized version
reads : " Behold, I have given him for a witness to the people, a
leader and commander to the people." But the Revised version
reads : "Behold, I have given him for a witness to the peoples,
a leader and a commander to the peoples."
1 Preface of E. V. of 0. T., p. viii. 1st ed. roy. 8vo. Oxford, 1885.
1885.] EKLARGIXG OUR VOCABULARY. 471
It is a matter of regret to many that the British revisers
did not heed the request of their American brethren to ^' sub-
stitute the Divine name * Jehovah' wherever it occurs in
the Hebrew text for nhe Lord' and ^God.'"i But they
thought it advisable to follow the usage of the Authorized
version. And so the special changes indicated were relegated
to the Appendix.
Something of the same disappointment is felt in regard to
the numerous other changes suggested by the American com-
mittee, which were placed in the Appendix. In respect to
language, the revisers thought it to be ''no part of their duty
to reduce it to conformity with modern usage." In this they
were partly right; and yet they kindly acknowledge that there
might be ground for "a friendly diiference of opinion." To
American readers at least there is abundant ground for dif-
ference of opinion ; yet possibly in the line of so-called archaic
words there are changes recommended in which many Amer-
icans will sympathize with the English revisers.
There is no question but that the trend of sentiment has
been for some time toward the conservation of the Saxon ele-
ment of our tongue. The growing popularity of the study
of early English in our colleges and the gathering up of old
English words in our latest and best dictionaries are evi-
dences of a growing public sentiment in favor of enlarging
instead of contracting our vocabulary. The British commit-
tee claim that the principle by which they were guided was
clear and consistent. ''AVhere an archaic word ox expres-
sion was liable to be misunderstood, or at least was not per-
fectly intelligible, they have substituted for it another, in
equally good use at the time the Authorized Version was made,
and expressing all that the archaism was intended to convey,
but more familiar to the modern reader." ^
In looking over the Appendix for archaisms, take the fol-
1 Appendix R. V. ofO. T., p. 623. 1st ed., roy. 8vo. Oxford, 1885.
» Preface of E. V. of 0. T., p. x. Roy. 8vo. Oxford. 1885.
472 CHANGES PEOPOSED I:N" APPEXDIX. [chap. XII.
lowing examples, which the British committee seemingly did
well to retain :
The word astonied, in Ezra ix. 3, is recommended to be displaced by
astonished. According to the dictionaries it is an archaic word,
but in its connection it is quite intelligible. Outside of the Bible
it has fallen into disuse, excepting in poetry, where many worthy-
Saxon and Middle English words find an asylum. The word is
not only intelligible, but carries with it a depth of feeling which
is lacking in the word astonished. Attempt the substitution in
this and other places where it occurs, and you will doubtless be
glad that it still finds a place in the Bible.
Again, take the word disannul, found in Isaiah xiv. 27, for which
annul is to be substituted. Disannul is by no means an archaic
word, although the Standard Dictionary, 1894, so marks it.
The Century Dictionary, 1889, however, does not. Its intel-
ligibility cannot be called in question, and it certainly carries
with it an intensity of meaning. The word has a place in Shake-
speare.
Misdeem, in Deut. xxxii. 27, is another example. For this our Amer-
ican revisers would have us substitute judge amiss. This word
misdeem is another good Middle English word that we are not
called to banish from our vocabulary.
Then there is the word rumour, II. Kings xix. 7, for which tidings
is to be substituted. In neither of these last examples can it be
charged that there is the least archaic smell about them.
In the word eschewed, Job i, 1, for which it is recommended to sub-
stitute turned away from, we have a very rare Bible word, as
it is confined to the book of Job and to I. Peter iii. 11. The
word finds a place in Shakespeare, Eschewed carries with avoid-
ance from the sense of fear. It is a rare coin, and valuable on
account of its intrinsic worth. We associate the word with the
book of Job. It had a place in the Authorized version of the
New Testament, but the revisers banished it. We have the
British committee of the Old Testament to thank that this word
is not entirely lost to our Bible vocabulary.
Again, the Appendix objects, with perhaps good reason, to the word
tired, II. Kings ix. 30, and would substitute attired. This
change is somewhat questionable, since it is an early English
word referring to the special act of putting on the tiara. The
word is obsolete, yet having special reference to a special act is
a reason for its retention. Besides, in its connection the word is
intelligible.
1885.]
EXAMPLES OF ARCHAIC WORDS.
473
Gen. I.
11
Ex. XXVIII.
33
XXXVI.
13.
Deiit. XIX.
8.
I. Sam. VIII.
12.
XX.
40.
XXVII.
10.
Job XVIII.
19.
Ps. V.
6.
LXXXVIII.
13.
CXXIV.
3.
Is. III.
23.
Jer. XLVI.
4.
Ezek. XXVII.
16.
XVI.
4.
In following out the rule where archaic words were liable
to be misunderstood and others to be substituted, take the
following as illustrations;
its kind, for his kind.
coat of mail, for habergeon.
clasps of gold, for taches of gold.
thy border, for thy coast.
plow his ground, for ear his
ground.
his iveapons, for his artillery.
made a raid, for a road.
son's son, for nephew.
speak lies, for speak leasing.
come before thee, for prevent.
swallowed us up alive, for swal-
lowed us up quick.
shawls and the satchels,'^ for
wimples and the crisping
pins.
coats of mail, for brigandines.
traded, for occupied.
cleanse, for supple.
Such changes as the above are found throughout the Old
Testament, and they exercise an important function in making
clear the sense of very many passages. While the revisers
were employed in so good a work, allowing them the privilege
and right to retain a class of archaic words as above intimated,
yet it is somewhat disappointing that they should pass over
so many words that, on account of their obsolescence, obscure
the text. The following are cited as examples :
They retain decision, Joel iii. 14, instead of threshing ; charger. Num.
vii. 13, instead of platter ; prevenfest, Ps. xxi. 3, instead of meet-
est. Again, the revisers retain health, Ps. xliii. 5, instead of sub-
stituting help. The word health in the sense of power to give help
has been lost beyond recovery ; hence, for the sake of bringing
out the meaning of the sentence, the word help is desirable. The
same is true in respect to the word conversation, Ps. 1. 23. which
Possibly money bags. Compare II. Kings v. 23.
474 CHANGES IJT FAMILIAR PASSAGES. [CHAP. XII.
is retained instead of way ; so likewise the word prevented, in
Ps. cxix. 147, instead of anticipated, where it obscures the sense
of the passage.
In dealing with the Hebrew word Sheol, which corresponds to Hades in
the Greek, the revisers manifest their usual conservative spirit.
In historical narratives, the grave and the pit are retained in the
text with Sheol in the margin; while in the poetical writings
they have put Sheol in the text and grave in the margin. ^ The
American revisers would in every case put Sheol wherever it is
rendered tJie grave, the pit, and hell in the text, and omit these
readings from the margins.
There is a class of familiar passages which, by reason of
their beauty and moral power, have been treasured up as very
precious in the memory of many Bible readers. The discov-
ery that any of these have suffered change at the hands of
the revisers will prove a serious disappointment.
Especially is this true in cases where the reason for change
is quite inadequate, so that the loss sustained is greater than
the supposed gain. But the case is radically different where
the rendering of the Authorized version is quite im])Ossible
with any kind of faithfulness to the original. Take the fol-
lowing, in which there are examples of both these extremes :
Gen. XVI. 13. . . . Thon God seest me. The R. V. reads :
Thou art a God that seeth.
Job XIII. 15. Though he slay me, yet will / trust in him. The
R. V. reads: Though he slay me yet will I wait
for him. In each of these examples there seems
to be a softening down by reason of indirectness.
Ps. I. 3. And he shall be like a tree planted by the rivers of
water. The R. V. reads: And he shall be like a
tree planted by the streams of water.
VII. 11. . . . and God is angry with the wicked
every day. The R. V. reads: . . . Yea, a God
that hath indignation every day. The object
of the anger as expressed in the A. V. is not in
the original. Dr. J. A. Alexander thinks that
" although the object is not expressed in the origi-
1 Comp. Preface, p. ix., R. V. of 0. T. Oxford, 1885
1885.] CHAKGES IN FAMILIAR PASSAGES. 475
nal, it is obvious, and is rendered more conspicu-
ous by this omission. " i
Ps, XXXII. 8. I will instruct thee and teach thee in the way which
thou shalt go. I will guide thee ivith mine eye.
The R. V. reads: . . . I will counsel thee with
mine eye upon thee. The great disappointment
here lies in the fact that many readers regard
these as the words of God to David. Dr. Alex-
ander pronounces it a gratuitous assumption that
there should be two different speakers in two suc-
cessive verses, without anything to indicate a
change. The conclusion is, therefore, that David
is addressing a friend to whom he promises to
point out the way of safety. ^
XC. 12. So teach us to number our days, that we may apply
our hearts unto wisdom. The R. V. reads : . . .
That we may get us an heart of wisdom. There
is difficulty here in the construction. Dr. Alex-
ander declares the rendering of the A. 'V. '* forced
and ungrammatical. " So that the reading of the
R. V. may be regarded as more correct and so far
desirable.
Prov. XIII. 15. . . . but the way of transgressors is hard.
The R. V. reads : ... but the way of the treach-
erous is rugged. This is nearer the Hebrew.
Yet Moses Stuart acknowledges that hard in the
sense of difficult "gives us what the Hebrew aims
at yet not exactly what it expresses. " His transla-
tion is no more satisfactory than that of the R. V.
He translates: "... but the way of the treach-
erous is stony." ^
XVIII. 24. A man that hath friends must shew himself friendly.
The R. V. reads : He that maketh many friends
doeth it to his own destruction. This apparently
is an opposite sentiment. The reading of the
A. V. is certainly preferable. Stuart, in his Com-
mentary, admits that many of the critics agree
with the A. V. , yet he prefers to read : "A man
of friends will show himself as base. " * In the
^ Alexander on Psalms, in loco. New York, 1853. ^ ji^i^ {^ Iqqq
^ Commentary on the Booh of Proverbs, in loco. Audover, 1863.
* Ibid, in loco.
476 CHANGES IJiT FAMILIAE PASSAGES. [CHAP. XII.
disagreement of the critics, we are left free to
bemoan the change.
Eccl. I. 14. . . . and, behold, all is vanity and vexa-
tion of spirit. The R. V. reads: . . . and a
striving after wind. This conforms to the judg-
ment of most critics, but to ordinary ears the
A. V. conveys the meaning better.
Is. XXVII. 8. . . . He stayeth his rough wind in the day
of the east wind. The R. V. reads : ... He hath
removed her with his rough blast in the day
of the east wind. Evidently there is dilficulty
connected with this whole passage. The connec-
tion seems to favor the reading of the R. V. , there-
fore the loss of this familiar passage must be ac-
cepted.
Jer, XVII. 9. The heart is deceitful above all things, and desper-
ately wicked. The R. V. reads: . . . and it is
desperately sick. Instead of sick, the word dis-
eased has been suggested. The word wicked may
be too strong, but neither of the above render-
ings is an improvement.
Hab. II. 15. Woe unto him that giveth his neighbour drink, that
puttest thy bottle to him, and makest him drunken
also. . . . The R. V. reads: . . . that add-
est thy venom thereto, and makest him drunken
also. . . . This familiar passage doubtless has
been often misapplied to social drinking; but
the reference is to the forcing of drink upon
another for the purpose of gaining power over
him for evil.
Hag. II. 7. And I will shake all nations, and the Desire of all
nations shall come. The R. V. reads : . . . and
the desirable things of all nations shall come.
One of the revisers speaking of this change, says
' * that the title, ' the Desire of all nations, ' seems
so exactly descriptive of Christ . . . that we
would fain retain it if we could. But it is simply
an impossible rendering of the original. " ^
The advantages of the revisers over those of 1611 were
manifold. Besides superior editions of the Septiiagint and
1 Roberts' Old Testament Revision, p. 88. New York, 1883.
1885.] EXAMPLES OF IMPROVEME:trrS. 477
Vulgate and other sources not available in 1611, great advance
had been made in the grammar and lexicography of the He-
brew language. Gesenius, the celebrated Jewish philologist,
was the first to apply the historico-logical methods to Hebrew
lexicography. The importance of tliis is seen in bringing
out both the original significance of the word and its later or
historical meanings in the usage of different ages and writers. *
In the grammatical field, not only Gesenius, but Ewald and
others had labored most satisfactorily. On account of these
advances much may rightly be expected from the labors of
the revisers, and the more carefully their work is examined,
the more evident their faithfulness will appear.
As examples of marked improvements, the following are
inserted :
Gen. XXXVI. 24 . . , this was that An ah that found the
mules in the wilderness. The R. V. reads ; . . ,
this is Anah who found the hot springs in the
wilderness.
XLIX. 6. . . . and in their self-will they digged
doicn a wall. The R. V. reads : and in their self-
will they houghed an ox.
XLIX. 10. . . . nor a laic giver from between his feet,
until Shiloh come ; and unto him shall the gath-
ering of the people be. The R. V. reads : Nor
the ruler's staff from between his feet until Shiloh
come; and unto him shall the obedience of the
peoples be. This change is important as showing
that the Gentiles are here referred to, and not
the Jews.
Ex. III. 22. But every woman shall borrow of her neighbour.
The R. V. reads : . . . shall ask of her neighbour.
See also Ex. xii. 35, 36.
XX. 13. Thou Shalt not kill. The R. V. reads: Thou shalt
do no murder. Under some circumstances it
may be lawful to kill, but not to do murder.
XXXIV. 13. . . . cut down their groves. The R. V.
reads: their ^sAertm. The margin reads : Proba-
» Compare Preface, Robinson's Gesenius, p. iv., 5th ed. Boston, 1854.
478 IMPROVEMEKTS IN TRANSLATIONS. [CHAP. XII.
bly the wooden symbols of a goddess Asherah.
So in other places.
Lev. XVIII. 18, Neither shalt thou take a wife to her sister, to vex
her . . . beside the other in her life time. The
R. V. reads: , . . to be a rival to her. This is
supposed to make the matter plain that this pas-
sage affords no foundation for the vexed question
of marrying the sister of a deceased wife. Doubt-
less polygamy is connived at here, but it is re-
stricted. It is forbidden that two sisters shall
become at the same time wives of one man. Few
incorrect interpretations have so widely affected
individual consciences and English state law
as this. 1
Judges XV. 19. But God clave an hollow place that was in the Jaw,
and there came water thereout. The R. V. reads :
But God clave the hollow place that is in Lehi . . .
Notwithstanding that the preferable reading is
given in the margin of the A. V. , and that the word
Jaw is another name for the district of Lehi, and
* ' so called from a chain of steep craggy rocks,
just as single rocks are called teeth, "^ yet the
impression of the ordinary reader is that the
water came out of the jawbone used by Samson.
II. Chron. I. 16. And Solomon had horses brought out of Egypt, and
linen yarn; the king's merchants receive the
linen yarn at a price. The R. V. reads: And
the horses which Solomon had were brought out
of Egypt ; the king's merchants received them in
droves, each drove at a price. Dr. Chambers,
one of the 0. T. revisers, says : ' ' Linen yam is
certainly a mistranslation."
XI. 15. And he ordained him priests for the high places,
and for the devils, and for the calves which he
had made. The R. V. reads : . . . for the high
places and for the he goats. So in Leviticus
xvii. 7, instead of devils, the R. V. reads: And
1 "It is simply a matter of regret and reproach, that English law
has not yet acknowledged the validity of the marriages in question,
while so much suffering and sorrow have followed in consequence." —
Dr. Roberts in 0. T. Revision, p. 57. New York, 1883.
* Robinson's Gesenius, under the word -^nb. Boston, 1854.
1885.] GEOGEAPHICAL EMENDATION'S. 479
they shall no more sacrifice their sacrifices unto
the he goats, after whom they go a whoring. In
each reference the margin reads satyrs.
Job VIII. 13. . . . and the hypocrite's hope shall perish.
The R. V. reads: . . . The hope of the godless
man shall perish. This is required by the He-
brew and is good.
Prov. XVIIl. 8. The words of a talebearer are as wounds, and they
go down into the innermost parts of the belly.
The R. V. reads : The words of a whisperer are
as dainty morsels, and they go down into the
innermost parts of the belly.
The advance in geographical knowledge of the Orient, also
in the fund of information touching upon the natural history
of Bible lands since the times of King James's translation,
give promise of rich fruits to be gathered in regard to correct
names of places and of animals.
In illustrating the above, take the following examples as to
places.
In Gen. xii. 9, instead of, going on still toward the south {i.e., in a
southerly direction), the R. V. has : toward the South (i. e. , a tract
of country). So in Gen. xviii. 1, for the plains of Mamre, the
R. V. has : by the oaks of Mamre, as no such plains are known
in that vicinity. Then the R. V. has, in Gen. xxxiii. 18, instead
of Shalem, Shechem; also, instead of the river of Egypt, in Num-
bers xxxiv. 5 (which the ordinary reader understands to be the
Nile), the R. V. has: the hrooTc of Egypt. A very important
change is in Deut. i. 1, where the A. V. reads: in the plain over
against the Red Sea, the R. V. reads : in Arahah over against
Suph. The margin explains this Arahah to be the deep valley
running north and south of the Dead Sea. In Is. xxiv. 15, instead
of. Wherefore glorify ye the Lord in the fires, the R. V. has:
Wherefore glorify ye the Lord in the east. In Nahum iii. 8,
instead of populous No, as in the A. V., the R. V. has; No-Amon
(which corresponds with the margin of the A. V.)
The following examples indicate changes in the names of
animals.
In Lev. xi, 16, instead of the owl, the R. V, has: the ostrich; and in
Num. xxiii. 23, instead of the unicorn, the R. V. has : the ivild-ox ;
480 THE BOOK OF JOB. [CHAP. XII.
and in Is. xiv. 23, instead of the bittern, ine R. V. has : the por-
cupine ; and in Is. xxxiv. 14, instead of screech owl, the R. V.
has : night-monster ; and in Prov. xxx. 28, instead of spider, the
R. V. has: lizard.
Something of the minute and careful work of the revisers
may be understood by noting individual examples, as above,
of improved readings; but to realize the happy results as a
whole, single books, chapters and special passages must be
compared with the Authorized version. Such comparison will
not fail to give the majority of readers a high appreciation of
the revision as a whole.
The book of Job is regarded ^by scholars not only as the
most difficult to translate, but also as the one most unsatis-
factorily done by King James's translators. An acknowledged
difficult passage is that contained in chap, xxxvi. 29-33. As
it stands in the Authorized version, the meaning is anything
but clear. The revisers have improved the reading, and yet
obscurities remain. The passage reads in the Revised version :
Yea, can any understand the spreadings of the clouds.
The thunderings of his pavilion f
Behold he spreadeth his light around him;
And he covereth the bottom of the sea.
For by these he judgeth the peoples;
He giveth meat in abundance.
He covereth his hands with the lightning ;
And giveth it a charge that it strike the marh.
The noise thereof telleth concerning him.
The cattle also concerning the storm that cometh up.
Doubtless very few readers of the xxviii. chapter of Job,
whether attracted either by its elevated style or its moral and
spiritual tone, ever thought that it would be necessary to revise
it; and yet, by leaving out three or four questionable changes,
the revisers, by some delicate touches, have made what must
be regarded as decided improvements. As examples, note the
changes in the following verses :
1885.] THE BOOK OF JOB. 481
7. That path no hird of prey knoweth,
Neither hath the falcon's eye seen it ;
8. The proud leasts have not trodden it,
Nor hath the fierce lion passed thereby .
10. He cutteth out cha?mels among the rocks ;
25.
27.
Yea, he meteth out the waters by measure.
He established it, yea, and searched it out.
Then comes the grand climax, which corresponds word for
word in both versions.
28. And unto man he said,
Behold, the fear of the Lord, that is wisdom ;
And, to depart from evil is understanding.
Few passages in the Bible have attracted so much attention
as Job xix. 25-27. Its Messianic character has been stren-
uously denied. Those who have defended this element in the
passage, have been careful not to claim too much. Yielding
a generous admission to the difficulties in the way of a clear
recognition of the resurrection, they have contended that it
contains at least the seed thoughts of the resurrection and final
justification. It may be justly claimed, therefore, that a fair
handling of the Hebrew affords ample ground for the claim
that the passage is Messianic. As rendered by the revisers it
is greatly improved, and is as follows :
25, But I know that my redeemer liveth,
And that he shall stand up at the last upon the earth :
26, And after my skin hath been' thus destroyed,
Yet from my flesh shall I see God :
27, Whom I shall see for myself.
And mine eyes shall behold, and not another.
In striking contrast with the book of Job is that of the
Psalms, which scholars have pronounced as the best translated
of all the books of the Old Testament. Large credit for this
should be given to Myles Coverdale, who translated the whole
Bible in 1535. Dr. Eadie, as quoted on page 161, above, gives
482 THE BOOK OF PSALMS. [CHAP. XII.
to Coverdale this credit, and even goes far beyond it. The fact
that the English Church retains in her Prayer-book Cover-
dale's version of the Psalms, is very high praise.
The revisers must have realized something of the delicacy
of their task, since the Psalms enter so largely into the heart
experiences of the people that any change would be most jeal-
ously felt. Yet they have dealt honestly here as elsewhere,
and sought to bring out the meaning in accordance with the
best light before them. As examples where the changes have
been for the better, take the following:
Mark the improvement in Ps. x. 4, where instead of, God is not in all
his thoughts, the E,. V. reads: All his thoughts are, There is no
God. Note also in verses 6, 11, and 13, the change of tenses in
which present action is expressed instead of completed action.
In Ps. xvi. 2, instead of, . . . my goodness extendeth not unto
thee; the R. V. reads: . . . I have no good beyond thee. In
Ps. xix., there are a half-dozen or more verbal changes, but the
most important is in verse 3, where instead of, . . . where their
voice is not heard, the R. V. reads: . . . their voice cannot he
heard. Ps. xxiii. escapes with but two emendations. In verse 3,
instead of ... he leadeth me in the paths of righteousness . . . ,
the R. V. reads ; . . . He ^la'^Zei'/i me in the paths' of righteousness.
In verse 5, instead of . . . thou anointest, the R. V. reads: . . .
thou hast anointed. " The change of tense here," Dr. A. J. Alex-
ander remarks, ' ' is significant and expressive. "
As we pass from Psalm to Psalm, important verbal changes
appear, and almost all are in the line of gain. So one is
inclined to wonder why such betterments do not commend
themselves to Christian people and lead them to say: *'The
Old is good, but the New is better, and therefore we prefer it."
In regard to the Revised Bible as a whole, the question of
doctrine has assumed no special significance. This has been
true in the history of English versions. Along the whole
line from the time of WyclifPe to the present time, Evangelical
translators and revisers have been faithful to the fundamental
teachings of the Scriptures. There were bitter charges brought
against the Authorized version when first published, but the
1885.] XO DOCTRIXAL CHANGES. 483
bitterness was in the mind of the critic rather than in the text
of the version. It is true also in the same sense that scarcely
a single version has escaped unfriendly criticism. ^ When the
present revision was entered upon, there was a lively impres-
sion abroad that because of the thorough handling of Greek
manuscripts, new and old, there would be radical changes in
the old worn out orthodox doctrines. And when the Revised
New Testament appeared there were vain searchings for doc-
trinal changes in respect to God, Christ, Sin and Eedemption.
Not a few even among the friends who were attached to the
very words and teachings of the old Bible, had their fears
excited, and they, too, engaged in the same vain search,
though from opposite motives, for something wrong in the
new book. Honest scholarly investigation, however, does find
individual texts, by reason of faithfulness to the original,
seemingly lost in their application to given doctrines, but at
the same time other texts have been gained. So that not
only the Scriptural tone of the Authorized version has been
maintained, but a careful and thorough comparison shows
that the tone is stronger and clearer. ^ A few examples will
suffice to show in part what is here meant.
In Ex. xxxiv. 6-8, Read Jehovah's proclamation as to His Character
AND Purposes, in the A. V. , and then in the R. V. Slight changes
will be found, but, if possible, the changes are for the better.
1 As a single reference, it is said of Coverdale's Bible, that "having
been printed abroad, probably at Zurich, it was suspected of the taint
of heresy, and lay neglected ... A second edition, published in 1537,
obtained the royal sanction ; Henry, after being assured by the bishops
that it contained no heresies, having exclaimed: 'Let it, then ... go
abroad among our people.'" — Roberts' Old Test. Revision, pp. 256, 257.
Fulke also seems to refer these words of the king to Coverdale's Bible
of 1535 ; but doubtless they have reference to the Bible of 1539. Com-
pare p. 210 above, also Eadie's Hist, of Eng. Bible, Vol. I., p. 374.
2 Such a comparison may be found in an article by the late Prof. L. J.
Evans, D.D., on the Doctrinal Significance of the Revision, in the Pres-
byterian Review for April, 1883, p. 275. The article is comprehensive
and scholarly. Its comparisons are searching, sharp and satisfactory.
484 DOCTRINAL COMPARISONS. [CHAP. XII.
Then as to the Unity of God. The A. V. reads, in James ii, 19, . . .
there is one God. The R, V. reads : . . . God is one. So in iv. 12,
instead of, There is one lawgiver, the R. V. has : One only is the
lawgiver . . .
Again as to the Deity of Christ, in Rom. x. 17, instead of. So then
faith Cometh by hearing and hearing hy the word of God ; the
R. V. reads : , . . and hearing ly the word of Christ. In Eph.
V. 21, instead of. Submitting yourselves one to another in the fear
of God ; the R. V. reads ; Subjecting yourselves one to another in
the fear of Christ. The more these comparisons are extended the
more evident will it become that the Revised version exalts Jesus
Christ as God and Saviour.
In the recognition of the Messiahship of Christ, and in the binding
together of the Old and New Testaments, the one little word the
appears in the Revised version definitely pointing out the Christ
as the promised Messiah. In Matt. ii. 3, 4, instead of. When
Herod the king had heard these things . . . and when he had
gathered all the chief priests and scribes of the people together,
he demanded of them where Christ should be born, the R. V.
reads : ... he inquired of them where the Christ should be born.
Again, in Mark xv. 32, instead of. Let Christ the King of Israel
descend now from the cross . . . , the R. V. reads; Let the Christ
the King of Israel ... So, again, in Luke iv. 41, instead of,
... for they knew that he was Christ ; the R. V. reads : because
they knew that he was the Christ. ^
The same is true in regard to the doctrines of Sin and Redemption.
In comparing text after text, there is the same improvement as
noted above, in which by changes in words or tenses the state-
ments become fresher and more direct. As a single illustration,
note by comparison the changes in Rom. iii. 10-26. An almost
incomparable passage as it stands in the Authorized version, but
improved in the Revised version.
But what of the doctrine of Inspiration as taught in II. Tim. iii. 16,
where instead of, All scripture is given by inspiration of God ;
and is profitable for doctrine, . . . the R. V. reads ; Every scrip-
ture inspired of God is also profitable for teaching, . . . The
change at first sight seems a serious limitation. Possibly a pre-
^ In justice to the Authorized version, two remarkable examples
should be noted where the article has not been omitted. In Luke ix. 20,
. . . Peter answering said : The Christ of God. So also Martha's con-
fession in John xi. 27, ... I believe that thou art the Christ, the son
of God, which should come into the world.
1885.] CO-OPERATIOiT OF AMERICAN SCHOLAES. 485
ferable rendering is found in the margin, and is: Every scripture
is inspired of God, 'and profitable . . . Evidently the revisers
were persuaded that in faithfulness to the Greek, the reading of
either the text or the margin expressed the mind of the Apostle.
Whether, therefore, Paul intended to say: Every scripture inspired
of God, as in the text, or Every scripture is inspired of God, as
in the margin, ''the sense remains the same so far as the essential
scope of ' scripture ' or inspiration is concerned." ^
These readings as given by the revisers are not new. Many-
authorities running back a quarter of a century or more might
be cited, but simply compare the remarks of Alford, who gives
with some hesitation his preference for the reading in the text
rather than the margin of the Eevised version. ^ Rightly
understood, then, this passage in either the text or margin,
is in harmony with the teachings of the Eevised version on
the subject of inspiration. But above and beyond this, by
comparing a limited number of passages, it will be found that
the doctrine of inspiration is emphasized in the Revised ver-
sion. Take a single example :
In II. Peter i. 19-21, instead of. We have also a more sure word of
prophecy, . . . For the prophecy came not i7i old time by the will of
man : but holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy
Ghost, as in the A. V. , the R. V. reads : And we have the ivord
of prophecy made more sure; , . . For 7io prophecy ever came by
the will of man: but men spake from God, being moved by the
Holy Ghost.
It was a happy thought on the part of the British commit-
tee in the very beginning of their work to invite the coopera-
tion of American scholars. ^ *' The invitation/' says Dr. Schaff,
''was unsolicited, and was no doubt prompted by genuine
feelings of kindness and courtesy, which characterized all the
subsequent correspondence. It was, at the same time, good
1 Presbyterian Revieiv for April, 1883. Art. Doctrinal Significance
of the Revision, p. 280.
2 Alford's New Test, for Eng. Readers, in loco. Boston and New
York, 1872.
3 Compare pp. 433-436, above.
X
486 THE DEMAND FOR A REYISION. [CHAP. XII.
policy." ^ In extending this invitation, there were those who
did not expect very much aid from American scholars, but were
doubtless gratified and not a little surprised as the work pro-
gressed. 2 By this generous invitation and the hearty coopera-
tion of the American committee, the work of revision became,
as by right it deserved to be, international. And thus we have
another forged link in the chain of revision, which, from the
richness of material and the acknowledged fitness of the
workers, must eventually be regarded as the strongest and
the best.
The demand for a revision of the so-called Authorized ver-
sion did not spring from the j^eople of either England or
America. They were not in a position to understand its neces-
sity. In fact, even the suggestion to many seemed little less
than sacrilegious. As a matter of fact, the thought and final
purpose originated with Biblical scholars. And even then the
work was not resolved upon until individual enterprise in the
line of translations as well as of critical commentaries, had
anticipated in their results important changes necessary in the
work of revising the Authorized version.
Therefore, on account of the wide-spread knowledge of
these results, a corresponding necessity seemed to be laid upon
Christian scholars that, by way of a revision, these improve-
ments ought to be incorporated in our English Bible.
The underlying motive, therefore, in the work of revision
was to put the English reader, so far as practicable, on the
same vantage ground with the Greek and Hebrew scholar for
the understanding of the Holy Scriptures. When this motive
- Companion to the Greek New Testament and the English Version,
p. 391. New York, 1883.
2 **Aii eminent prelate, a member of the Old Testament company,
wrote, in a letter dated July 22, 1873 (published after his death): ' I do
not expect a great deal from the American Committee. ' Perhaps the
majority of his colleagues shared in this sentiment at the time. But
the English estimate of American scholarship increased as the work
advanced, and seven years later was handsomely acknowledged in the
Preface." — Ihid, p. 391, note.
1856.] ORIGINATORS OF THE MOVEMENT. 487
is fully understood, it will go far towards convincing the people
that a great work has been done altogether in their interest.
This feeling was shared by Biblical scholars in this country
as well as in England. But especially in England there were
three honored names that may be mentioned as the earliest
promoters of this enterprise. These were Bishop Ellicott,
Archbishop Trench, and Dean Alford. There were not want-
ing serious objections in conservative minds in both countries
against the undertaking; but evidently the movement in favor
of a revision was too deeply felt to be checked.
In 1856, there were several distinct moves made in favor of
organized effort. The question was brought before the Con-
vocation of Canterbury, also the Parliament, but without suc-
cess. Another step was the proposal of a Royal commission
to undertake the work. This, too, fortunately failed. Another
effort was seriously contemplated in 1869 in favor of a Royal
commission. This, after much inquiry, was also given up.
After due consideration, it was resolved to bring the subject
before the Convocation of Canterbury and confide in the wis-
dom of that venerable body. This was finally done on Feb-
ruary 10, 1870,1 and the steps were taken which resulted in
the entering upon and completion of the work. ^
While the revisers entered upon their labors with no thought
of recompense excepting the conscious satisfaction of engaging
in a work of such infinite importance, it is natural to inquire
^ See for authority of the several steps here indicated, The Historical
Account of the Work of the American Committee on Revision, pp. 2-6.
New York, 1885. Compare also pp. 429-433, above.
2 "No one supposes," says Dr. Talbot W. Chambers, "that all wis-
dom on this subject is confined to the Convocation of Canterbury. But
it is undeniable that, of all the religious bodies in English-speaking
Christendom, this one was best fitted to set on foot a work of so much
difficulty, delicacy and importance. Its position, its relation to the
English crown and people, its history, its long line of illustrious schol-
ars and divines, its wealth of ancestral traditions, gave it the right to
take the lead." — Companion to the Revised Old Testament, p. 40. New
York and London, 1885.
488 EXPENSES OF THE EEYISION". [CHAP. XII.
how the expenses of the enterprise were provided for. It will
be remembered that by the terms of the agreement the Amer-
ican committee was to bear its own expenses. ^
By the official statement of the American committee, for
four years the expenses were defrayed by voluntary contribu-
tions. But in Maty, 1875, a finance committee was organized
and a plan settled upon whereby a copy of the Memorial vol-
ume of the Xew Testament should be presented to individuals
contributing the sum of $10.00. This met with such hearty
response that in 1884 another circular was issued, proposing
to send the Revised Old Testament, bound in four memorial
volumes, to those contributing the sum of 130.00. This plan
with some variations was so successful that all needful ex-
penses were fully met. The expenses of the English commit-
tee were assured by an arrangement with the University
Presses of Oxford and Cambridge, by which $100,000 and
more were pledged on the consideration of the exclusive right
of publication within her Majesty's dominions. ^
By way of honorable mention, the following list is inserted
as published in 1885, showing from first to last the members
of the finance committee :
Nathan Bishop, LL.D., New York. (Died 1880.)
Rev. William Adams, D.D., New York. (Died 1880.)
Rev. Thos. D. Anderson, D.D., New York. (Died 1881.)
Mr. A. S. Barnes, New York.
Mr. M. C. D. Borden, New York.
Mr. Alexander Brown, Philadelphia.
Mr. James M. Brown, New York.
Mr. Wm. a. Cauldwell, New York.
Mr Wm. E. Dodge, New York. (Died 1883.)
Rev. H. Dyer, D.D., New York.
Mr. John Elliot, New York.
Judge E. L. Fancher, LL.D., New York.
Prof. Wm. Gammell, LL.D., Providence, R. L
1 Constitution, Art. X. p. 435, above.
■'•' Compare Historical Account of the Worh of the American Commit-
lee on Revision, p. 69. New York, 1885.
1885.] CRITICISMS o:n' the revision. 489
Mr. John C. Havemeyer, New York.
Mr. Morris K. Jesup, New York.
Mr. Francis T. King, Baltimore, Md.
Rt. Rev. Henry C. Potter, D.D., New York.
Mr, Howard Potter, New York.
Mr. S. B. ScHiEFFELiN, New York.
Mr. Elliot F. Shepard, New York.
Mr. John Sloane, New York.
Mr. Roswell Smith, New York. (Resigned 1881.)
Rev. R. S. Storrs, D.D., Brooklyn, N. Y.
Mr. Andrew L. Taylor, New York.
Mr. Charles Tracy, New York. (Died 1885.)
Mr. John B. Trevor, New York.
Mr. Alexander Van Rensselaer, New York. (Died 1878.)
Mr. Samuel D. Warren, Boston, Mass.
Mr. Norman White, New York. (Died 1883.)
Mr. F. S. Weston, New York. (Died 1885.) i
The Revised Bible, then, as a whole, is the rightful succes-
sor and inheritor of the excellencies of the so-called Author-
ized version. Among these excellencies must not be forgotten
its pure Saxon English. It is true, the revisers' English, espe-
cially in the New Testament, suffered at the hands of the critics.
Their criticisms appeared at the time in the public prints of
both England and America, and created no little stir in literary
and religious circles. To show the confidence of the opposi-
tion, take a single sentence from a writer in the Edinburgh
Review. In speaking of the Revised New Testament, he says:
** It will remain a monument of the industry of its authors
and a treasury of their opinions and erudition ; but, unless we
entirely mistake, until its English has undergone thorough
revision it will not supplant the Authorised version." 2
The object here is not so much to specify individual attacks
as to call attention to the high estimate placed upon the ele-
ment of language as being the chief object of attack. What-
ever of faults, therefore, the revisers may have committed
1 Historical Account of the Worh of the American Committee on Re-
vision, p. 70. New York, 1885.
2 As cited in G. W. Moon's llevisers' English, p. 50. New York, 1885.
490 THE AIM OF THE REVISERS. [CHAP. XII.
against English grammar and the idioms of the language, so
far as avoidable they are to be regretted, but ought not to be
magnified at the expense of abounding excellencies.
In regard to the dealing with the language of the Author-
ized version, the principles laid down for both companies were
very plain. ^ They were to make as few changes as practicable,
consistent with faithfulness. And the changes made were to
be expressed, so far as possible, in the language of the Author-
ized version or of earlier versions. In their preface to the
New Testament, the revisers claim that they had faithfully
adhered to the second rule. ^
As indicating further the felt responsibility of the revisers
in caring for the purity of the language, a member of the
American Old Testament company writes : "The interest of
the general body of English readers has been kept in view
from the beginning, and has controlled the decision of many
a vexed question." ^ A double task was imposed upon the
revisers. First, to put the English reader as far as possible
on the same plane, for understanding the teachings of the
Scriptures, with the Greek and Hebrew scholar ; and second,
in the changes to be made, the language was to be such in its
simplicity and purity that the Revised Bible might be said
truly to inherit these qualities from the Authorized version.
The revision as a whole tesjbifies to the large meed of success
attained in the fulfilment of this double task.
In contemplating the possible fate of the Eevised Bible, the
questions which confront us are. What is its status^ and what
are its prospects ? Fully persuaded that the times were ripe
'^for revision, the revisers entered upon the work with zeal
and courage, and when completed they willingly submitted
the results to the verdict of the people.
^ See p. 421, above.
« Compare Preface, R. V. of N. T. p. xx. Roy. 8vo. First ed. Cam-
bridge, 1881. See also p. 452, above.
^ T. W. Chambers' Companion to the Revised Old Testament, p. 56.
New York, 1885.
1895.] orposiTioj^ to the new version". 491
From the first, the opposition was fiercest in England. This
may not seem strange when we take into account the reputed
conservatism of the English people, and also their excessive
reverence for the line and letter of King James' version.
The Quarterly Review, January, 1894, p. 184, pronounces
the publication of the Revised version as a failure, since ^*in
twelve years which have elapsed since the New Testament was
given to the world, there has been no call for a reprint.
There is no sign of its supplanting the so-called Authorised
version ..."
A private letter from Henry Erowde, of the Oxford Uni-
versity Press, says, under date of March 29, 1895, ^^The
(Revised) version is highly valued by scholars for purposes of
reference, on account of its extreme accuracy, but I see no
indication of its being adopted to any large extent for use in
public worship." Referring to the sales of the Revised New
Testament, he adds: ^^but the sale bears no comparison to
that of the Authorised Version." ^
Dr. Schaff, in referring to the opposition in England, says :
' ' They were amazed and shocked at the havoc made with
their favorite notions and pet texts ... * The inspired text
is changed and unsettled, the faith of the people in God's
holy Word is undermined, and aid and comfort given to the
enemy of all religion.' AYe need not be surprised at such talk,
for to the great mass of English readers King James's version
is virtually the inspired Word of God." ^
To learn something of the state of public opinion in Amer-
ica, a special effort was attempted to get word from repre-
sentative men of different denominations throughout the
^ This letter must not be construed as opposing in any sense the
Revised version, since the house he represents is financially interested in
the success of the work. Mr, Frowde's letter, therefore, must be under-
stood as it was intended, simply to express his judgment as to existing
facts in the case.
2 Schaff's Companion to the Greek Test, and the Eng. Version, p. 413.
New York. 1883.
492 RECEPTIOI^ OF EEYISED VERSI0:N^. [CHAP. XII.
country in regard to the reception of the Ee vised version.
But this was finally given up, as no important inference could
be drawn on account of the limited number, comparatively,
that could be heard from. The introduction, however, of
short extracts from a number of these replies may not be out of
place. These letters bear date of either February or March,
1895, and are chiefly from prominent pastors of churches in
several of our American cities.
New York City. — '' I do not know of any congregations that have sub-
stituted the Revised version for the old Bible."
Philadelphia. — "I am quite certain that no one of our Presbyterian
churches has adopted the Revised version."
Boston. — "I do not believe there is one church of our Presbytery that
uses the Revised version in its public services ; as for the Congre-
gationalists, I cannot answer. I approve of the Revised version
for private reading and have often recommended it. "
Lowell. — " I have seen the Revised version on the pulpit along side of
the so-called Authorized version ... I don't know of its use in
any other of the Lowell churches, though the various renderings
are made familiar in the Sunday schools generally."
New Haven. — "The Revised version is now used in a great many
Congregational churches in Connecticut. The majority of the
churches where it is used, prominently refer to it, and in some cases
•the congregations have requested that the King James' version
be dispensed with."
Chicago. — " At a recent meeting of Presbytery, quite well attended, I
asked an expression as to the pulpit use of the Revised version of
the Bible. Nineteen hands went up. To these add four since
seen, making twenty-three pastors and supplies in the Presbytery
who use it."
Cincinnati. — "I have no specific information on the subject, but have
never heard of the adoption of the Revised version of the Bible in
any church in Cincinnati."
St. Louis. — " All (Presbyterian) pastors use the Revised version more
or less in preaching, but I do not know of any church that has
officially adopted it. It is slowly growing in favor, but it will be
a long time in supplanting the old version. "
St. Paul. — "I do not know of any churches in our city using the Re-
vised version in the general services of the Sabbath. "
San Francisco. — " So far as I have had opportunity to learn, I know of
no church in the city that has adopted the Revised version."
1895.] FUTURE OF THE REVISED VERSION. 493
Letters that have been received from Theological Seminaries and also
from Colleges, expressly state that the Revised New Testament
Jinds a place on the desks of the chapels along side of the Author-
ized version ; and that in some cases it is used by a part of the
faculty, and in other cases by all.
The above indicates at least some progress. But a still
more noticeable evidence that the Revised New Testament is
already exerting its influence, is seen in the fact that the
pulpit in this country has ceased airing its knowledge of Greek,
and now simply quotes the Revised version and thus gives it
credit for improved readings. This speaks well for the high
estimate in which tlie Revision is held by the ministry, and
ought eventually to lead the people to realize that they have the
same invaluable source from which to gain a correct knowledge
of the teachings of the Holy Scriptures. Appreciation on the
part of tlie pulpit ought to lead, and it would seem in time
will lead, to an appreciation on the part of the pews.
Evidently the Revised Bible has come to stay. Conscious
of its strength, it can afford to wait. The revisers were slow
to praise or even defend their own work, preferring to let
it win its way by its own intrinsic merits. Re-revision for
a generation or more would seem to be out of the question. ^
In the history of English versions, one revision has not infre-
quently opened the way for another, but in this case there
would seem to be insuperable difficulties in the way. An
American edition comprising the suggestions of the American
company, which were relegated to the Appendix both in the
Old and New Testaments, is a possibility, but not a proba-
bility for an indefinite time to come. At least at present
there is no intimation of such a demand on the part of the
American public.
It would seem, then, that the Revised Bible, as we have
^ "A revision of the Revision, by recommitment to the old, or by the
appointment of a new Committee, is surrounded by almost as many
difficulties as the original movement." — Dr. Schaff's Companion to the
Greek Test, and the Eng. Version^ p. 416, New York, 1885.
494 NOTE COKCERNII^G APOCRYPHA. [CHAP.XII.
received it from the hands of the Anglo-American companies,
is a finality for years to come. And it ought to be looked upon
not as a New Bible, but as the Old Bible renewed. In woof and
warp it is the same, but has been emended with material in color
and texture as near the old as possible. This Bible, then, is
simply what the revisers claim for it in their title-pages; Being
THE Version set forth A. D. 1611 compared with the most
ANCIENT authorities, AND REVISED A. D. 1881 1885.
XoTE. — Word has been received from London, under date of Octo-
ber 15, 1895, that the revision of the Apocrypha has been completed, and
will be issued from the Oxford Press in various sizes uniform with the
Revised Old and New Testament. " It would be out of place in this
connection, even if the work had been published, to attempt a critical
notice of it. The Apocrypha has a history and a literature of its own.
It found a secondary place in the Septuagint, but no recognition what-
ever in the Hebrew Bible, and consequently does not belong to the Canon
of the Old Testament. The early Greek and Roman fathers quoted parts
of the Apocrypha as Scripture. The Council of Trent endorsed some of
the books and rejected others. The name was given originally as a title
of honor, and meant hidden. But as early as the second century the title
was so degraded as to mean spurious — a meaning which it bears to this day.
There is no doubt but that the Apocrypha fills an important gap in the
history of the Jews and of their literature from the close of the Canon
of the Old Testament to the times of the New Testament ; and yet it is
known to contain much that is unreliable and unhistorical, and much
more that has been styled as "arrant romance." An old writer says:
" The attentive reader must perceive that these books want the majesty
of inspired scripture; and that there is in them a variety of things
wicked, false, and disagreeable to the Oracles of God." Yet, strange to
say, since the times of the Reformation, the Apocrypha has found a
place in some of the editions of the English Bible, and now is honored
by being revised by the English Revision Committee, or by at least a part
of them, and it is ordered to be bound separately in various sizes uniform
with the Revised Old and New Testament. It is certainly a matter of
congratulation, however, that such counsel as that of Prof. Alexander
Roberts, D.D., a member of the English Committee on Revision, did
not prevail, since he says in his Old Testament Revision, p. 136: "A
great boon would be conferred on ordinary English readers, if at least
the Book of Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, and the Books of Maccabees were
printed in our common editions of the Bible. "
INDEX
A.
JElfric, the first to translate the historical
hooks of the Bible into Saxon, 39.
His method in translatini^, 39. His
estimate of the importance of reading
the Scriptures, 39, 40. His Saxon ver-
sion of the Ten Commandments, 40,
41. He closes the Saxon period of
Bible versions, 41. His Heptateuch,
68.
Aidan, Bishop, founded the monastery of
Lindi^farne, 21.
^/an, William, one of the translators of
the Rhfcims New Testament, 296. Was
made a cardinal, 297.
Alcuin, corrects the Latin Bible, 31.
Aldhelm, Bishop, translated the Latin
Psalter into Saxon, 28. His reputed
piety, 28, 29. An example of Latin
culture amons: the Anglo-Saxons, 29.
Alexander's, William, translation of the
Pentatetich for the Society of Friends,
419. His design was to adapt the Bible
to audible reading in the family circle,
419.
Alexandripus, Codex, short account of,
note, 373.
Alfred, King, translated selections of the
Bible into Saxon, 32, 33. His version
of the Ten Commandments, .33 ; speci-
men of, 33, 31. The language spoken
in the time of, 34.
American Bible Society Eevision of the
Authorized version, 420. Made minor
corrections, 423. Public alarm occa-
sioned by. 421. Standard of, revoked,
421. Examples of changes in, btit re-
ceded from in most cases,_ 422, 423.
American Bible Union Revision of the
New Testament, 426; also of Penta-
teuch, 426. Adopted the paragraph
form in printing, 427. Rules pre-
scribed to the revisers of, 427. Excel-
lence of the work assured from the
character of the revisers of, 427. The
use of the word immerse limits it to
the Baptist denomination , 427. Speci-
mens of translation from, 427, 428.
Andrews, Dean, one of the translators of
King James' Bible, 329.
Anglo- ^.meT'lc.3.xl Revision. 429. Origin of,
429, English Old Testament revisers
of, 430. English New Testament re-
visers of, 430, 431. General principles
followed by the revisers of, 431, 432.
Changes in English companies on, 432,
433. Scholarship and catholicity of
English revisers of, 433. Expenses of,
defrayed by University Presses, 433.
The Apocrypha to be included in, note,
433. American committee on, 433, 434.
American Old Testament company
on, 434. American New Testament
company on, 434, 435. Constitution
adopted by American committee on,
435. Changes in American companies
on, 436. Progress in the work of,
437. International and interdenomina-
tional, 437. Times favorable for mak-
ing, 437. Wide-spread expectation
concerning, 4.37. The tmaaswerable
question respecting, 438. The New
Testament of, pitblished simultane-
ously in England and in this country,
438. Public interest excited by ap-
pearance of the N. T. of, 438. The
question of its final adoption, 438, 439.
Preface, N. T. of, 439-441. Greek text
to be followed by N. T. revisers of,
440. Based upon the Textus Eecejytus,
441. Its treatment of debatable pas-
sages, 442, 443. Its correct treatment
of Greek tenses, 444, 445. Improve-
ments in, from an emended Greek
text, 445-447. Its treatment of the
Greek article, 447 ; also of Greek prep-
ositions, 448, 449. Obsolete words re-
tained in N. T. of, 449, 450 ; also dis-
§ laced bv, 450, 451. New words intro-
uced in N. T. of, 451-455. Its literal-
ness for the sake of faithfulness to the
Greek, 455. N. T. appendix of, com-
prises suggestions of American, not
adopted by English committee, 455-
458; also a monument to the mem-
ory of a united Christian scholarship,
458.
Arbefs Pho-litographed facsimile of Tyn-
dale's New Testament, 102.
Ascham, Roger, taught his age the power
of the English language, 229. His
apology for writing his works in En-
glish,"2.30. The complaint of, in time
ofElizabeth, 254, 255.
Augvftine, Roman missionary to Britain,
" 17. Certain books brought by him to
England, 18.
Authorized Version, or King James' Bible,
its origin in the Hampton Court Coun-
cil, 32.5, 326. P'uritan'^ the chief movers
in, 326. No special demand for, .327.
Expenses of, not defrayed bv the king,
328. Translators of, appointed. 327;
also list of, 328, 329 ; also noted for
their piety and their learning, 329,
49G
IKDEX
Rules followed by translators of, 330,
361. Some six years employed in the
com])letion of, 331, 332. Title-page of,
332, 333. Dedication and preface of,
a33-336. Two editions of, printed in
first year, 336, 337. Wide-spread op-
position to, 337, 338. Genevan Bible
the serious rival of, 338. An edition
of, published in 1649, with Genevan
annotations, 338. Became the ac-
cepted English Bible, 339. No au-
thority for the names. Authorized
Version and King James' Bible, 339.
Authorities accessible to translators
of, 339, 340. The fundamental Greek
text of. 3i2, 348. Bishop's Bible, the
basis of, 344. Its relation to previous
English versions, 34-3-M7. Its render-
ings of Greek prepositions, 347, 348;
also of Greek articles, 348, 349. Its
rendering of a single Greek word by
several English words, 350-352; also
of several Greek words by a single
English word, 353-354. Errors in
punctuation of, 354, 355. Its influence
upon English language and literature,
355-361, 391. The Bible of the people,
358. Its relation to English literature,
360. Its relation to Protestant reli-
gion, 361, 362. Typograjjhical errors
in, 363. Gross errors of, 364-366.
Manuscript of, 366. The oneness of
our modern English Bibles with, 367.
Hebraic element in, 367. 368. Archa-
isms in, 369. Obsolete words in, 370.
Textual criticism in its application to,
372-383. Debatable passages in, 383-
386. Integrity of, 387. Necessity for
revision of, 387. Farly proposal for a
revision of, 389, 390. Influence of,
391. The Anglo-American Revision
of, 429^58.
B.
Baber,'B.. H.,his edition of Wyclifle'sNew
Testament, 73, 74.
Bacon, Lord, had no confidence in the vi-
tality of the English language, 253.
Backstei\ Margery, accused for possessing
the New 1 estament in English, 74.
Ball, John, a leader of insurrections in the
time of Wycliffe, 60.
Barne^', Dr. Robert, raised the standard of
learning at Cambridge, 141. Arrested
by Wolsey, 144.
Barker and Lucas' edition of the Bible,
1632. gross errors in, 364.
Bayfield, Richard, his martyrdom at Smith-
field, 1531. 117.
BecJce, Edmund, his edition of Matthewe's
Bible, 195. Specimen from his trans-
lation, 195, 196.
Bede, the Venerable, his translations of
the Scrintures into the Saxon, 30.
Bellami/s New Translation of the Bible,
410. Demerits of, 419, 411. Speci-
mens from, 411,
Bertha, Ethelbert's queen, 17.
Beza^ Theodore, his residence at Gen'^va.
241. Applied to, by Elizabeth to refute
the Rheims version, 312. His Greek
text used by King James' translators,
342,^13.
Bez(E„ Codex, a short account of, note, 374.
Bible, its influence upon the languages
into which it is translated, 79. Con-
fusion in accounts of English editions
of, 172, 173. Welcomed by the people,
185. In English opposed by the pa-
pists, 186, 187. Editions of, known us
"Bibles of Greatest Volume," 199,
216, 218, 219. Supposed relation of
the English, to heresy, 232. Text of,
divided into verses, 235, 236. Verse
divisions of, concerning, 236, 237.
Commentaries on, use and abuse of,
^7-249. The Book of the household,
256. Literary influence of, 256-358,
391. Religious influence of, 257, 271,
272, 391. First printed edition of the
Hebrew, 341. Romberg's Hebrew, 341.
Corruptions in English editions of,
365, 366. The English, a standard of
language, 359 ; also its relation to lit-
erature. 360. Human side of, 376. Re-
vival of interest in, 438.
Bible, Classes, for mutual improvement,
note^ 247. Forbidden by Queen Eliza-
beth, 247.
Bdl and Barker obtained possession of
manuscript of King James' Bible, 386.
Bilney, Thomas, reads the New Testament
of Erasmus, 95, 140. Meets with
Fryth and Tyndale, 95, 96. Burned at
the stake, 1531, 116.
BisJiop's Bible, Archbishop Parker the
chief mover of, 272. Reasons for is-
suing, 272. Plan, revision of, 273.
Rules for revisers of, 2T3, 274. Fa-
vored by the bishops, 274. Several
names oif, 275. Not licensed by Queen
Elizabeth, 275. Title-pages of, 276.
Preface of, 276, 277. Based uj^on
Cranmer's Bible, 277. Compared with
Cranmer's Bible, 278, 279. Specimen
from Old Testament of 279-281 . Schol-
arship of New Testament of, 281. Spe-
cimen from N. T. of, 231-284. Happy
renderings, examples from, 283. Lan-
guage of, 284, 285. Familiar terms tq,
285. Explanatory terras in text of,
286, 287. Latinisms in, 287, 288. Ob-
solete words in, 288. Obscene words
to be excluded from. 288, 289. Pas-
sages, omitted in public reading of,
289. Annotations of, 288-291. Circu-
lation of, 291, 292. The basis of King
James' Bible. 292. Hated bj the
papists, 292, 293. Defended by &.
Fnlke, 293,
Black Death, fearful ravages of. 60
i?toy7?ey'*, Dr. Benj., corrected Bible, 396.
Regarded as standard by Oxford proes,
396. Errors in, 397.
Bodleioh, John, licensed to print the Gene-
van Bible, 275.
Boieyn, Q,ueen Anne, belonged to the New
Testament party, 133. Received from
Tyndale a copy of his New Testament,
note, 133. Execution of, note, 157.
Bomherg's Hebrew Bible, 341.
I 1^ D EX .
497
Brewster, James, suffered martyrdom for
the Word of God, 80.
Sristow, Richard, oue of the translators
of Rheims New Testament, 297. The
Rheims annotations attributed to him,
297.
Buck and Daniel's corrected Bible, 364.
Buckingham, Prior, his sermon ai,'ainst
the Scriptures in English, 143.
£wo-Bible, the nickname of Matthewe's
Bible, 198.
C.
Ccednwn. the cowherd of Whitby, 22.
Bede s account of, 22, 23. His metri-
cal paraphrase, 24. The ancient, 25.
Specimens of his paraphrase, 24-27.
Calvin, John, his residence at Geneva,
241.
CampbeWs, Alexander, revision of New
Testament, 411. Its make up, 411, 412.
Extracts from preface of, 412. Speci-
men of translation from, 412, 413.
Campbell, Dr. George, his version of the
Four Gospels, 399. His Philosophy
of Rhetoric, 399. His Four Gospels
appropriated by Alexander Campbell,
400. Specimens of unfortunate render-
ings in his translation, 400.
Canon Law, tenets of, 54.
Carlwright, Thomas, his Confutation of
Rheims translation, 312. His scholar-
ship, 312. An eloquent preacher, 312.
Castalio's version of the Bible, its in-
fluence upon the Genevan version,
note, 243. Done in classical Latin, 340.
Canton, William, and the introduction of
printing into England, 88.
Chaderton, Dr., one of the translators of
King James' Bible, .S29.
ChalloneVy Dr. Richard, his revision of the
Douay Bible, 321. Conformed it to
text of King James' Bible, 321. Spe-
cimens of nis translation, 322, 323.
His annotations, 32.3.
Charter, The Great, signed by King John,
44. Its principles already in English
law, 44.
Chaucer. Geoffrey, his vocabulary, more
Saxon than Langland's, 83^ Was
Wycliffe's ideal of good poet, 86. Re-
ligious influence of his poetry, 86. Was
studied in time of Henry "Vlll. for the
sake of his English, 222.
Cheke, Sir John, his translation of Gospel
of Matthew, 225. A purist by princi-
ple, 225, 226. Examples of words
coined by. 226. His reform in ortho-
graphy, 226, 227. Specimen from his
translation, 227, 228, Tendency of the
language in time of. 228. 229.
Christianity, Latin, introduced among the
Saxons, 17, 18. Not the Romanized,
of later times, 19, 20. In Ireland, 20.
CivU Law, its characteristics, 54.
Clarke, Dr.. cited, no^e. .386.
Clement "\^II., his edition of Latin Vul-
srate, 315.
Cochlfpus drives Tyndale from Cologne,
100.
Colet, Dean, studied early poets for sake
of English style, 125.
Caiman, Bishop, in the Whitby council
22.
Colurriba, founded the monastery of lona,
Conant, Dr. T. J., one of the revisers of
the American Bible Union Revision,
427 ; also of the Anglo-American Re-
vision, 434.
Cornwaile, John, in 1535, honored his
mother tongue, 82.
Coverdale, Myles, his birth and education,
144. Accompanied Barnes to London,
145. Enjoyed the patronage of Crom-
well, 145, 147. At Bumstede, 146.
His connection with Tyndale question-
able. 147. A representative of the
moderate party, 149. Whether he
translated from the Hebrew, 155, 160.
His conscientiousness as a translator,
160, 161. Richness of his style, 161,
162. Use of quaint expressions, 167,
168. Charged with perverting the
Latin Bible, 169. His Diglott New
Testament, 169. 170. Returned to
England, 170. Engaged to put forth
the Bible in another translation, 171,
199. Letters to Lord Cromwell, 200-
204. At Geneva during the Marian
persecution, 241. The life and death
of, 293, 294.
CoverdaWs Bible, undertaken as a com-
promise, 147, 148. Ready for the press,
153. Printed at Zurich, 154. Whether
Van Meteren was translator of, 154.
The first whole English Bible printed,
154. Title-page of, 154, 155. Dis-
agreement in titles ; also in dedica-
tions of, 155, 156. Prologue of, 156.
Unfavorable reception of, by papists,
157. Injunction bearing upon, 158.
Favorable reception of, by the people,
159. Based upon the Zurich Bible ;
also the original Hebrew, 160. Speci-
men of translation from, 161-166. Fol-
lowed the Septuagint in numbering the
Psalms, note, 162. Changes in, for the
better, 166, 167. Quaint expressions
in, 167,168. Obsolete words in, 168.
Awakens opposition of papists, 169.
Second edition of, licensed, 182.
Cranmer, Archbishop, moves for a new
translation of Scriptures, 152. His at-
tempt unsuccessful, 153. Relatione to
the Bible of 1537, 180-182. His letter
respecting public reading of Bible,
187, 188. Opposed the Six Articles,
206, 207. His meeting with Gardiner,
209. Arranges for second edition of
Great Bible, 209. His prologue printed
as late as 1583, note, 211. Subverts
Gardiner's scheme, 220. Suffered mar
tvrdom during reign of Mary, 232. A
friend of Evangelical party. 245.
Cranmer' s Bible, the price of, 209. Delay
in printing of, 209. 210. Coverdale's
testimony concerning. 210. Second
edition of Great Bible, 210. Title-page
of, 210. Copy of in British Museum,
211. Prologue of, 211-213. Proclama-
498
INDEX
tion concerning, 213. Set up in Paul's
church, 213. Cranmer's part in editing
of, 214. Coverdale the chief reviser
of, 214. Supplementary clauses in,
214. Compared with CromweH's Bible,
215. Six editions of, 216.
Criticism, Modern textual, 372-377. The
day of alarm concerning, passed, 376.
Tregelles on, 376, 377. Summary of
facts bearing upon, 377-379. Applica-
tion of, to our received English Bible,
380-38T. As applied to the Received
Greek text, 441. Its demands upon the
Anglo-American Revisers, 442, 443.
CrwaivelK Lord, His policy in regard to
Tynd;ile, 116. A patron of Miles Cov-
erdale, 145, 147. 148, 216. His in-
junctions respecting reading the Bible.
183, 184. His part in issuing the
Great Bible. 1539, 199-204. His con-
nection with the condemnation of
Lambert, 206. His influence fast wan-
ing, 208. A victim to jealousy of his
enemies. 216. Compared with Cran-
mer, 216, 217. His statesmanship, 217.
Cranmer's regard for. 217. Beheaded,
1540. 217. The Great Bibles, the result
of his enterprise, 219. After his death
Romish party came into power, 219.
CromweWs Bible, edited by Coverdale,
199. Grafton and Whitechurch, the
printers of, 199. Issued from Paris,
199. Cromwell's connection with, 199-
201. The printers of, threatened, 202.
Completed in London, 203. Annota-
tions of, 203. Title of, 204. Holbein's
frontispiece to, 204, 205. Prefatory
matter of, 205. Chief characteristic
of, 205. Based upon Matthewe's
Bible, 205. Latin version of Pa;^'ni:nis
used in revising O. T. of, 205, 206.
Greek Testament of Erasmus used in
revising N, T. of, 206. Specimen of
translation from, 206. Favored by
Henry VIII., 203.
CurcVs, Father, translation of New Tes-
tament into Italian, 1881, note, 340.
CuthberVs, St., Gospels, 36.
D.
Balahefs, .Anthony, story of the persecu-
tion of Garret, 107-liO.
Danes, invasion of, 31 , 32.
Dante broke from the Latin, 253.
D'' Anbigne' s estimate of character of
Wyclitfe, 84.
DicJcinson^s Rodolphus. version of New
Testament, 415. Fashionable language
of, 416. Remarkable preface to, 416,
417. Specimen of translations from,
417, 418. Annotations of, 418, 419.
Diglo't New Testament, three editions of,
169, 170.
Dillingham, Francis, one of the translators
of King James' Bible, 329.
DiodaW.^, John, Italian version of the
Bible, 340.
Douay Bible, motive for translation of,
295, 296. Chief doers in translating.
296, 297. New Testament of, first
printed, 297. Old Testament of,
remained in manuscript. 313. Trans-
lated from Clementine edition of Vul-
gate, 315. Title-page of, 316. Old
Testament of. attracted but little at-
tention, 316. Unacceptable to English
Catholics, 316. Two editions of, 313.
Imperfections of, not because from the
Vulgate, 317. Dr. Nary's estimate of,
320. Tendency to liberality among
revisers of, 323. Is not the Roman
Catholic Bible of to-day, 323.
Downes, Andrew, one of the translators of
King James' Bible, 329.
Burham Book, contains Saxon versions
of the Gospels, .36. .37. Known as St.
Cuthbert's Gospels, and Lindisfarne
Gospels, 36. Supposed miraculous
powers of, 36, 37. Specimen of trans-
lation from, 37.
E.
Early English, specimens of, 51.
Edward III., his reign, a period of glory
and of shame, 60 ; also an epoch in
history of Eno;lish language, 81. In-
tellectual awakening during reign of,
52.
Edward VI. favored the Reformation and
the English Bible, 224, 225.
Elizabeth, Queen, opposed the preaching
of the Gospel, 247. Classic ideals,
during reign of, 254. Italian language
fashionable at the court of, 254. New-
fangled English in time of, 255. Char-
acteristics of the age of, 255. Her
reign a transitional period, 266. Her
ideals and policy, 266-268. Refused,
in form, spiritual supremacy, 267. Re-
vival of popery during time of, 268.
Morals and manners during reign of,
270,271. Visited by her sister Mary,
271. Date of her death, 324.
Elyot, Sir Thomas, charged with the duty
of seizing Tyndale, 117.
EnchaHdion of Erasmus, translated by
Tyndale, 96. Its influence in the
family of Sir John Walsh, 96.
Endhoven, Christopher, charged with the
crime of printing English New Testa-
ments, 111.
English language, its formation during
Norman Conquest, 43. Early speci-
mens of, 47, 51. In the time of
Wycliff"e, 67. A rich mine of. 73. In-
fluence of translations of the Bible
upon, 79, 81, as, 229. Restored to
the courts in time of Edward III., 81.
In the time of Tyndale, 128, 129. Epoch
in the history of, 223. In time of
Edward III., 228, 229. Growing in
importance, 229. Its vitality douDted
bv Lord Bacon, 253. Its conflict with
the Latin, 253. In the time of Eliza-
beth, 255. 285. The Bible the standard
of. 256, 356, 357. Growing confidence
in the permanence of, 256. Dr. John-
son praises, 2,56. Sir Philip Sidney on,
256, 257. The representative of a true
INDEX
499
democracy, 357, 358. Saxon element
of, appreciated by scholars, 437.
Ephrcemi, Codex, a short account of, note,
373, 374.
Erasmus, his first visit to England, 89,
His Greelv Testament, 90-94. Favors
an Eno:lish version of the Scriptures,
91, -lU. A professed papist, 92.
Taught Greek at Cambridge j 95. His
Greek Testament at Cambridge, 140,
141. Wrote his Praise of Folly in
Latin. 2^3. His Paraphrase, 230. His
fifth edition of Greek Testament, fol-
lowed by Stevens, 342.
Ethelbert, K'ing of Kent, 17. His address
to the Roman missionaries, 17.
Eyre and Strahan's corrected edition of
the Bible, 1806, 366.
in.
Foxe, the martvrologfist, the chief biog-
rapher of Tyndale, 95, 97. Eelates
the story of Garret's sufferings, 107-
110. Relates the particulars of Tyn-
dale's arrest, 134, 135- His estimate
of TyiKlale's character, 133.
French Bible, Genevan revision of, 340.
Fryth^ .rohn, short account of, 118. Im-
mediate effects of his martyrdom, 118.
Estimate of character of Tyndale, 138.
His letter to Tyndale, 178.
Fulks, Dr. William, Master of Pembroke
Hall, 235. His defense of Eno;lish
ScriDtures, 265. 292, 293. His answers
to Rnemish Annotations, 313.
FulUr. Dr. Thomas, his estimate of the
Rheims translation, 302-
Gr.
Gardiner, Bishop, his influence with the
kin?, 206. His opposition to English
Bible, 219-221, 300, 301. His design
com.niented on by Fuller, 221. His
plan thwarted by Cranmer, 221, 222.
The compromise of, 253.
Garret, Thomas, the first distributer of
Tyndale's printed Testaments, 104.
Concealed Testaments in "dark cor-
ners," 104. Story of his persecution,
107-110. Suftered martyrdom at Smith-
field, 111.
Gsdrles, Dr. Alexander, favored English
version of Bible, 398. Translated a
portion of Old Testament. 309. Speci-
men of his translation, .399.
Genevan Bible, translated by English ex-
iles, 241. Important link in chain of
revision, 241. Dedication of, 241, 242.
Preface of, 242, 243. Original sources
of, vote, 24'^. Scholarship of the trans-
lators of, 243. Based upon the Great
Bible, 243 Excerpts from Old Testa-
ment of, 243. 244. The child of Prot-
estantism, 245. Chief characteristics
of, 246. Its marginal note<, 246- 24't.
Its "ma^nes of cosmographio,''' 240,
250. Its illustrations, 250. Wide cir-
culation of, 250-252. Published at
Edinburgh, note, 251. Language of,
252. Its infiuence during reign of
Elizabeth, 256. The book of the uuuse-
hold, 256. Obsolete words in, "^Sr, 2c8.
A store-house of pure English, 258.
Title-page of, 258. Specimens of trans-
lations from, 259. Popularity of, 264.
Its objectionable notes, 264. Romish
attack upon, 264, 265. Fulke's de-
fense of, 265. Parker's Bible opposed
to, 265. Survival of, against all oppo-
sition, 265. Bequeathed its excellen-
cies to the Authorized version, 265.
German language influenced by transla-
tion of Bible into it, 79, 356.
Gilby, Anthony, one of the translators of
the Genevan Bible, 241.
Grafton, Richard, connected with White-
church in printing Bible, 179. His
letter to Cromwell, 179, 180.
Greek language, its study opposed by
papists, 139, 140. Sir T. More defended
the use of, 139. And study of Saxon
English, 222.
Greek text, followed bv King James' re-
visers, 342, 343. Mill's Critical, and
Bentley's, occasions of alarm, 376.
Adopted by Anglo-American revisers,
441, 442.
Gregory, the Great, his regard for the Holy
Scriptures, 20.
Grocyn, William, taught Greek at Oxford,
89.
GutMac's Saxon version of the Latin
Psalter, 27. Specimen from, 27, 28.
H.
Hacker, Father, a Bible reader and New
Testament distributer, 105. Arrested,
107, 142.
Racket, agent of Henry Vm. to prevent
printing of New Testaments, 111.
Hackett, Dr. H. B., one of the revisers of
American Bible Union Revision, 427.
Hampton Court Council convened by
James I., 324 ; also presided over by
him, 325, .326. Motion for new trans-
lation of Bible made in, 326.
Harmon, Richard, prosecuted for dealing
in English New Testaments, 111.
Harrison, Thomas, one of the translators
of King James' Bible, 329.
Harwood. Edward, his liberal translation
of New Testament, 394, 395. Speci-
men of his translation, 395, 396.
Hebraisms, in Tremellius' version of O. T.,
1.579, 340. In King James' Bible, 367,
368.
Henry VIII., notified by Cochlaeus of the
printing of New Testaments by Tvn-
dale, 100. His reply to Luther, 101.
Favors the Scriptures in English, 114,
149-151. Latimer's letter to, 151. His
relation to the English Bible, 183,
208. Jealous for his reputation for
orthodoxy, 207. Reproves Bishop
Gardiner, 209. Revival of religion
and languasre during reign of, 222.
Closing years of rei^n of, 223. His
death, 234. A Catholic rather than a
500
INDEX.
Protestant, 2S4. His regard for Cran-
rner, 224.
Hereford. Nicholas de, the translator of
Old Testament of the Wycliftite ver-
sions, 66. Summoned before synod
and excommunicated, 66. A literal
translator, 68. Marsh's opinion of,
68.
Hilda, the Abbess of Whitby, 21.
Holbeiii's, Hans, frontispiece to Cromwell's
Bible, 201, 205.
Holland, Dr., one of the translators of
King James' Bible, 329.
Hugo de St. Cher, Cardinal, divides the
Latin Bible into sections, 235, 236.
Hunn, Eicliard, the martyr, 80.
Huss, John, testifies respecting the vrrit-
ings of Wycliffe, 59. His independence
of Wycliffe, 84.
Hyll, Nicolas, his revision of the Matth-
ewe's Bible, 196. Specimen of trans-
lation from, 197.
Hyll and Reynold's edition of Matthewe's
Bible, 196.
Idioms, Old English, 131. Hebrew, 367.
368.
Improved Version of New Testament, 406.
Published by Unitarian Society, 406.
Based upon Archbishop Newcomes
translation, 406. How it supports the
Unitarian scheme, 407, 408-410. Speci-
men of translation from, 408. Anno-
tations of, 408-410.
Initial letters, involving exegetical deci-
sions, 428, 423.
Italian Bible, Diodati's, 340. Curci's New
Testament, note, 340.
J.
James I. succeeded Elizabeth, 324. His
speech in the Assembly at Edinburgh,
.324. Called the Hampton Court Coun-
cil, 324. Took sides against the Puri-
tans, .325. Seized by his own nobility,
325. Favored a new translation of the
Bible, 326 ; also appointed learned
men to make the same. 327, 328.
Jerome's revision of the Vulgate. 375. His
motives not understood, 375.
Jessey. Henrv. proposed a revision of King
James' Bible, 389.
Jewel, BishoD, cited. 269.
Judn, Leo. his Latin version of the Old
Testament, 340.
Kendrick. Dr. A. C, one of the ^e^ise^s of
American Bible Union Revision, 427.
Kennicott, Dr.. published the Hebrew
Bible, 397, 398.
Kilbv. Dr., one of the translators of King
James' Bible. .329.
King James' Bible, see Authorized Ver-
sion.
Knox, John, preached during reign of Ed-
ward VL and Queen Mary, 230, 231.
His adoption of the Genevan Bible,
246.
11..
Lancaster, Duke of, defends the Wycliffe
Bible, 62.
Language, influenced by Vernacular ver-
sions of the Scriptures, 79. English,
an important element in the conflict
between the hierachy and the people,
222, 223. Its relation to religion, 223.
Langland, his Vision and Creed, 82. Rid-
icules the friars, 82. 83. His vocabu-
lary compared with Chaucer's, 83. In
influence compared with Wyclifle, 83.
Latimer, Hugh, converted through Bilney,
140, 141. Maintained publicly that the
Scriptures ought to be read by all,
142. His reply to Prior Buckingham,
143, 144. Letter to Henry VIII., 151.
Suffered martyrdom during reign of
Mary, 231, 232. His appearance before
the Commissioners, note, 231.
Latiniims, in the Bishop's Bible, 287, 288.
Few adopted from time of Tyndale,
1525, to King James' revisers, 1611,
.353.
Latin language, sacred because language
of the Church service, 61. An ele-
ment in the conllict bet\\een Rome
and the people, (J2. The effect of
translating the Bible into, 79, 355,
356. Chief corner stone of Romi^h
Church, 222, 223. To become the
universal language, 222. Th" lan-
guage of htefature, 223. Dethrone-
ment of, 252. Regarded as the eternal
language. 253. Imperial in its nature,
357. L'ltin Christianity dependent
upon, 353.
Lattrentius, Augustine's successor, 18.
Lawvpnce, one of the revisers of the
Bishop's Bible, 273.
Layamon, Brut of. a poem in Semi-Saxon,
43. It began the new English litera-
ture, 44.
Zem<f, John, his edition of Wycliffe'sNew
Testament. 73.
Linna^e, Dr. Thomas, a reputed scholar
but ignorant of the Scriptures, 89.
Lindisfarne Gospels. .36.
Lingard''f>. Dr., translation of the Four
Gospels. 323.
Livelye, Prof., one of the translators of
King James' Bible. 3^9.
Lollards, the followers of Wycliffe so called
in derision. 61. Senaratod themselves
from the Romish Church, 63. Perse-
cution of, 80. In sympathy with the
New opinions during reign of Henry
Vni., 245. Prospered under the reign
of Ei ward VI.. 345. Known as Non-
conformists and Protestants in the
reign of Elizabeth. 245, 246 ; and since
the troubles at Frankfort as Puritans.
246.
Lord's) Praver. version of the. in the Four
Saxon Gospels, 36. Saxon version of.
INDEX
501
in the Durham Book, 37. Saxon ver-
sion of, m Kushworth Gloss, 38, 39.
Early English version of, 51. Wycliflice
version of. 06, 67. Tyndale's version
of, 1525, 121 ; and of 15134, 122. Whit-
tingham's version of, 238. Genevan
version of. 259. Tomson's version of,
262. Version of, in the Bishop's Bible,
283, 284. Rheims version of, .303.
LoicfJi, Bishop, his version of the Prophecy
of Isaiah, 397, 398. Was foremost
among Hebrew scholars, 397. His
translation made from a corrected
text, 398.
Lutkei\ Martin, learned principles of the
Reformation from a Latin Bible, 317.
Lyly, John, the author of the Anatomy of
Wit, 255. The character of, 255. His
new-fangled English, 255.
Mace., W., his "doughty" translation of
the New Testament, 391. Specimens
from, 392.
Macrae's translation of the Bible, 404.
Introduction of explanatory passages
in, 405. Specimen of, 405, 406.
Manuscript of King James' Bible, 36G.
ManuscHpts. Greek, of N. T. earlier and
later, wotie, 372. Short account of
earliest, note, 373, 374. Autographic
copies of, 378. Importance of, as wit-
nesses, 379.
Martin. Gregory, the chief doer of the
Rheims version, 265, 296. Rallies the
Protestants on their various trans-
lations, 292, 293. His scholarship, 296.
Taught Hebrew in the College of
Donay, 296.
Mary, Queen, popish persecution during
reign of, 231-233.
Matthetoe, Thomas, the name, connected
with Bible of 1537, 174. Theories re-
specting. 174, 175.
Mattheive's Bible, edited by John Rogers,
176. Made up largely from Tyndale,
177. The enterprise of, kept secret,
179. Probably printed at Antwerp,
179. Introduced into England by
Grafton, 179. Favorably received, 188.
Occasion of offense given by, 188, 189.
The basis of subsequent English ver-
sions, 189. Title-pa<j:e and prefatory
matter of, 190. Taverner's revised
edition of, 190, 191. Edition of, 1540,
195. Becke's revision of, with speci-
men, 195. Edition of, bv Hyll and
Reynolds, 196. Hyll's edition of, with
specimens. 196-198.
Maundeville, Sir John, wrote his travels in
Latin, 82.
Mendicant friars, attacked by Wycliffe,
55. Trampled upon rights of the regu-
lar clergy, 55. Besrged for bread yet
lived in luxury, 56. Their authority
over the poor peonle, 56.
MUlenan/ petition. .324.
Milman,h\9 chapter on Wycliffe in History
of Latin Christianity, 84.
Monasteries, dissolution of, 208. Abom-
inations of, 208.
Monastic orders, Dominican and Francis-
can, their relation to the Church of
Rome, 55. Their assumed dignity, 56.
Their power over the people, 56.
Wycliffe's attack upon, 56.
Monmouth, Humphrey, a friend and pa-
tron of Tyndale, 98.
Mont anus, Arias, his Latin version of the
Old Testament, 340.
More, Sir Thomas, his character, 89, 90.
Erasmus the guest of, when wrote
Praise of Folly, 90. His examination
of George Constantyne. 112,113. His
hatred of Heresy, 113. Defends Greek
learning, 139. Composed his Utopia
in Latin, 223.
Miinster, Sebastian, his Latin translation
of Old Testament, 205, 340.
Nary, Di\ Cornelius, translated New Testa-
ment from the Vulgate, 320. His
estimate of Douay Bible, 320. His
manner in translating, 320, 321. Hi?
annotations, 321.
Nathan, Isaac, introduced verse divisions
in Latin text of the Bible, 2.36.
Neander, does justice to the character of
Wycliffe, 84.
Newcomers, Archbishop, version of New
Testament, 402, based on Grieslach's
text, 403, 406.
New Testament, price of manuscript copy
oi,note, 74; also printed copvof, note,
104, note, 105. Public burning of, 105,
106, 113, 114.
Nicolas v., and the Revival of learning in
Italy, 88.
Nix, Bishop, his sympathy with Warham
in stopping circulation of New Testa-
ments, 106. His hatred of heretics,
114.
Norman Conquest, epoch in history of
Saxon language, 41, 43.
O.
OrigerCs Hexapla, 374.
Ormin, author of the Ormulum, 45.
Ormidnm, metrical paraphrase of Scrip-
ture, 45. Specimen of, 45-47.
Osicy, King of Northumbrians, 22.
Overal, Dean, one of the translators of
King James' Bible, 329.
P.
Pagninus, Sanctes, his Latin version used
by the revisers of Cromwell's Bible,
205. Introduced verse divisions into
Latin Bible, 236. Literalness of his
version. 339.
Parker, Matthew, his reasons for putting
forth the Bishop's Bible. 272. His
plan in the work, 273. Had the co-
operation of his bishops, 274. His
letter to Secretary Cecil, 275.
Pearl Bible, notorious for gross errors, 365.
102
INDEX
Pentateuch, Tyndale's, 114. Loss of manu-
script of, doubtful, 115.
P^tyt and Eedman's edition of Matthewe's
Bible, 195.
PMlipps, Henry, an account of his be-
trayal of Tyndale, lo4.
Phrases, bappy Scriptural, to whom in-
debted for, 283.
Polyglott, Complutensian, 341. The Ant-
werp, 342. Brian Walton's, 375.
Pope's War over the text of the Latin
Vulgare, 314, 315.
Porson, Prof., cited, note, 386.
Poyntz, Thomas, Tyndale dwelt at house
of, 133, 134. Sought Tyndale's re-
lease, 135. His imprisonment and es-
cape, 135.
Proemanire, statute of, act of Parliament
against, 58.
Preaching, revival of Apostolic, 141. Char-
acter of, by monks and friars, 141.
Printing, introduced into England by
Caxton, 88.
Protestantism, in the time of Queen Ehza-
beth, 2G0-268. And an open Bible,
361.
Provtsors, celebrated act of Parliament
against, 58.
Psalm xxiii., Guthlac's version of, 27, 28.
Schorham's early English version of,
48. Rolle's early English version of,
4!). Wycliffe's version of, 70. Cover-
dale's version of, 162. In Cromwell's
Bible, 208. lu Genevan Bible, 244.
In Bishop's Bible, 230, 281.
Psalm cxix., the octonary Psalm, note,
277.
Psalms, numbering of, note, 70. Cover-
dale's translation of, 161. Singing of,
269, 270.
Punctuation, changed the meaning of a
Messianic prophecy, 354. Exegetical
importance of. 422, 423.
Puritans, over-confident respecting friend-
ship of Elizabeth, 266 Convictions
and energy of, 268, 269. Hopefulness
of, 269. Their singing of Psalms, 269.
Tlie millenary petition of, 269. Their
vain expectations upon the accession
of James I., 324. And the Christian
Sabbath, 362,, Prayer meetings held
by, note, 362. Their mistake in reach-
ing after political power, 390.
Purmr, Antony, his version of tlie Bible
for the Society of Friends, 382, 393.
His translation published, 393. Speci-
mens from his translation, 393, 394.
Purvey, John, author of the later text of
the Wycliffite versions, 70. His man-
ner in translating, 71. An eloquent
defender of the Wycliffie doctrines, 71.
Styled " Wycliffe's Glosser," 71.
Pykas, John, his manuscript copy of
Paul's Epistles, 146.
Q.
Quentel and the Byrcmans, printers at Co-
logne, 100.
Restoration in 1660, an era of darkness,
390. The age of Bunyan, Milton and
Newton, 390.
Revivals, Religious, 141, 142. At Bum-
stede, 145, 146. Watched by Romish
bishops, 147.
Revision, Critical, of Gospel of John and
several Epistles of St. Paul, 423. Spe-
cimen of translation from, 424.
Reynolds, Dr., leader of Puritan party, 325,
329. In Hampton Court Council, 325,
326. Favors new translation of the
Scriptures, 325, 326. One of the trans-
lators of King James' Bible, 329.
Reynolds, J., one of the translators of
Rheims New Testament, 297.
Rheims New Testament, was printed be-
fore the Old Testament, 297. Title-
page of, 297. Preface of, 298-300.
Reasons why it was translated from
Latin Vulgate, 299. Latin words re-
tained in, 300. 301. Dark phrases in,
302, 303. Specimen of translation from,
303, 304. The language of, 304. Latin
derivatives in, 304, 305. Its influence
upon the English vocabulary, .305, 306.
Its Saxon isms, 307, 308. An untruthful
translation, 308, 309. Annotations of,
309-312. Preface and annotations an-
swered by Dr. Fulke, 313. Contro-
versy concerning, 313, 316.
Rincke, Herman, Wolsey's agent to buy
up English books and arrest Tyndale,
112.
Rogers, John, educated at Cambridge, 175.
Editor of Matthewe's Bible, 175, 176.
Called to Antwerp, 175. Associated
with Tyndale, 176. His design in
editing Matthewe's Bible, 177. Suf-
fered martyrdom, 331.
Rolle, Richard, the hermit of Hampole,
48-50. His version of the Psalms, 49.
Specimen of his translation, 49.
Romanism, its relation to the Latin lan-
guage, 62. Its spirit in withholding
the Bible from the people, 62-64.
Roiv, Prof., his proposal for a revision of
King James' Bible, 389.
Roye, William, the assistant of Tyndale,
99, 100.
Rushworth Gloss, contains the Gospels in,
Latin with an interlinear Saxon trans-
lation, 37, 38. Matthewe's Gospel of,
an independent translation, 38. Spd*
cimen of translation from, 38, 39.
during
S.
Sabbath observance, reform in,
reign of Elizabeth, 271, 272.
Samson, Thomas, one of the translators
of the Genevan Bible, 241
Sandys, Bishop, one of the revisers of the
Bishop's Bible, 274. His letter to Arch-
bishop Parker, 274.
Savile, Mr. . one of the most learned lay-
men of his day, 329.
Sawyer's, L. A., translation of New Testa-
ment, 424. Based upon Tischendorf 'a
I X D E X
50^
Greek text, 424. Ignores chapter and
verse divisions, 425. Specimens oi"
translation from, 425, 426.
Saxons, the introduction of Christianity
among, 17-19. Influence of Irish
Church in conversion of, 20-22. Ver-
nacular versions of Scripture among,
34. 35. Norman Conquest of, 42. Na-
tionality of, threatened, 43. Their
victorious struggle with the Normans,
44. Their lovn' of freedom, 44. He-
braic spirit oti 44. New era of Bible
translation among, 45.
Saxon language, in the time of King Al-
fred, 34. In the time of William the
Conqueror, 42, 43. Survival of, 43.
Democratic in its nature and tenden-
cies, 357.
Saxon versions of the Four Gospels, 35.
Purity in language of, 35. Specimen
of translation from, 36. Known as
the Durham Book, 36, 37 ; specimen of
translation from, 37. Known as the
Rushworth Gloss, 37, 38 ; specimen
of translation from, 38, 39. Relation
to succeeding English versions, 41, 42.
Importance of, as historic monuments,
52.
Scarlet fs, Nathaniel, version of New Tes-
tament, 403. Conformed to the tenets
of the Universalists, 403. Printed in
form of dialogue, 403. Specimen of
translation from, 404.
Schlegel. cited on influence of the Bible on
the German language, 79.
Schorhain, William de, his version of the
Psalms, 48. Specimen of translation
from, 48.
Scriptures, Holy, how regarded before the
time of Innocent III., 19, 20. Early
English versions of, 45. Earliest En-
glish prose version of, 47, 48. Eomish
hatred of, 62-64. Influence of Vernacu-
lar versions of, 79, 127, 230. To be with-
held from the laity, 159. Demand of
the people for, 151, 152. Papists accede
to right of the people to, 157. Public
reading of. 213. Disputes arising from
public reading of, 214. Proclamation
against, 224. Professorships for ex-
pounding, 230. How to read, 248, 249.
Commentaries on, 248. Human side
of. 376.
Shakespeare's poetry, 360, 361.
Shamefastness, the word, first introduced
in early edition of A. V., 397. Dis-
placed "by shamefacedness, 397. Re-
introduced in Anglo-American Revi-
sion, though obsolete, 451.
Sinaiticus, Codex, an extended account of
finding of, note. 374, 375.
Six Bloody Articles, described by Fuller,
207. Transcribed in condensed form,
note. 207. Repealed in reign of Ed-
ward VI.. 22.5.
Sixtt/s v., his text of Latin Vulgate, 314,
315.
Smith, Dr., one of the translators of King
James' Bible, 329.
Smvle Bele, a Scri|)ture paraphrase in
verse, 47. Specimen from, 47.
Standi^h, Bishop, his attack up )n the
Greek Testament of Erasmus, 92-94.
Stephens, Robert, divides the Greek text
into verses. 235, 236. His third edition
of Greek Testament, 342.
Supi'emacy, the act of, 207.
Swift, Dean, on the influence of the Bible
'upon the English language, 356, 357.
Taverner, Richard, his revision of Mat-
thewe's Bible, 190, 191. A friend of
the New Testament party, 192. Ap-
pointed to a professorship by Wolsey,
192. Charged with concealing New
Testaments, 193. Committed to the
tower, 19.3. Licensed to preach the
Gospel, 193. Death of, 193, 194.
Taverner' s Bible, its title-pages and pre-
fatory maiter, 191. Undertaken by
instigation of the printers, 192. Sec-
ond edition of, 194. Becke's revision
of, 194. Specimen of translation from
Becke's, 195, 196.
Teigh, Dr., one of the translators of King
James' Bible, 329.
Ten Commandments, Alfred's Saxon ver-
sion of, 33. .^fric's Saxon version of,
40.
Teutonic language, its conflict with the
Latin tongue, 62. Revival of the
Teutonic element in speech, 81, 82;
also in religion, 82.
Textual criticism, see Criticism, modern
textual.
Textus Keceptus of N, T., 343. Is the
standard text. 379. Necessary depr.r-
tures from, 379. Is the Elzevir text,
note. 379. Basis of Anglo-American
Revision, with large exceptions, 441.
Thoulouse Council, 19.
Tischendorf, his discovery of the Sinaitic
manuscript, note, 374, 375. His prefer-
ence for the readings of the Sinaitic
MS., 378.
Tamson, Lawrence, a noted linguist, 260.
His revision of the New Testament,
259, 260.
Tomson-s, Lawrence, translation of New
Testament, 259. Title-page of, 260.
Its treatment of the article, 260. Its
influence upon English vocabulary,
261, 262. Specimens of translation
from, 262, 263. Annotations of, 263.
Bound up with Old Testament of Ge-
nevan Bible, 264.
Tonstal, Bishop, refuses to patronize Tyn-
dale, 98. His injunctions against En-
glish New Testament, 105. His public
denunciations and burning of New
Testaments, 105, 106. One of the com-
missioners at Cambray, 112. Buys
New Testament of Packington, 112.
Kindles a fire of New Testaments,
which the people denounce, 113.
Tomtal and Heath's edition of Cranmer's
Bible, 217. Evidence of Cromwell's
fall on title-page of, 217. A strange
504
INDEX.
anomaly, 218. Title-paore of, 218. An
" unobserved fact" concerning. 218.
Tregelles cited, 376, 377. His critical text
of Greek Testament, 379.
Tremellius' Latin version of Old Testa-
ment, 340.
Trent, Council of. its decree repecting
Latin Vulgate, 314.
Tyball, John, obtains of Friar Barnes a
New Testament in English, 145.
Tyler, Wat. a leader of insurrections in
the time of Wycliflfe, 63.
Tyndale, William, the one work of his
life. 94 Data of his birth, 94. Studied
at Oxford, 94, 95. Removed to Cam-
bridge, 95. Met w^ith Bilney and
Fryth, 95, 96. Was tutor in family of
Sir J. Walsh. 96, 97. In London at
house of Humphrey Monmouth, 98.
Tonstal refused him patronage, 98.
Crossed sea to Hamburg. 99. Pro-
ceeded with translation of New Testa-
ment, 99. Began the printing of his
N. T. at Cologne, 100. Escaped to
Worms, and completed two editions
of N. T., 100. Wolsey's desire to ar-
rest, 107. Vaughan has special com-
mission to arrest, 114. Translated the
Pentateuch, 114 115, 132, 133, 152.
Vaughan's interviews with, 115, 116.
Controversy with Joye, 119. Revises
his New Testament, 119. Specimens
of his translation, 121-124. Defends
English translations of the Bible, 125,
126. His relation to Wycliffe, 126, 127.
Dwelt openly at Antwerp, 133 Be-
trayed, 133, 134. Efforts for his re-
lease, 135. Seized by Romish au-
thority, 135. His letter from prison,
136, 137, 17tj. Trial, condemnation and
execution of. 137. Character and in-
fluence of, 137, 138. Carried on his
translation while in prison, 176. His
purpose to translate the whole Bible,
177. 178.
Tyndale's printed New Testament, the
work begun at Cologne, 100. Two
editions issued at Worms. 100. Ques-
tions as to the date and place of print-
ing of, 101. Relic of quarto edition,
102. Two copies of octavo edition of,
102. Brought into England, 103. The
way prepared for, 103. 104. Thomas
Garret, the first distributer of, 104.
Value of copy in American money,
note, 104. Publicly denounced and
burned, 105, 106. Edition of, put forth
by Dutch printers, 106. Attempts to
arrest circulation of. 111, 112. Revised
edition of, 119, Specimens of trans-
lation from, 120-124. Influence of,
upon subsequent versions, 127. Words
from Latin and French used in, 127,
128. Obsolete words and archaic
forms in, 129-131. Old English idiom
in, 131. Second revision, two issues
of, 131, 132. Peculiar orthography of,
132. The first printed New Testament
on English ground, 135, 136. Title-page
of London edition of, 1.36. Scattered
broadcast among the people, 142.
TJ.
Unitarians, Society of, 403. Improved
New Testament of, 406.
Univercalists-, Scarlett's translation of New
Testament conformed to tenets of,
403.
Utopia, More's, the first edition of, note.
Vaticanus, Codex, a short account of, note,
373.
Vaughan, his letter to Cromwell, respect-
ing Tyndale, 115. His account of
second interview with Tyndale, 116.
Yernaculo,r Versions, Romish policy set-
tled in respect to, 19. Their sustained
attack against Romish Church, 223.
Verse divisions, of Holy Scriptures, 235,
236. Sense of text sometimes inter-
rupted by, 236, 237. Benefits from,
237.
Vulgate, Latin, its superiority as claimed
by oapists, 314. Decreed as authentic,
314. The papal w ar over the text of,
314, 315. Clementine edition of, 314,
315. Not sufliciently appreciated by
Protestants, 317, 319. The Bible of
Western Christendom, 317, 319. An
early witness to the text and intei-pre-
tation of the Bible, 317, 319. The
teacher of Martin Luther, 317, 319. Its
infiuence upon the English language,
318. Examples of words received
from, 318, 319.
TV.
Wakejield, Gilbert, a classical scholar, 400.
His version of the New Testament,
401. His choice of words, 401. Spe-
cimen from his version, 401, 402. Uni-
tarian tendency of his translation, 402.
Walton, Brian, his'Polyglott, the occasion
of a bitter controversy, 375, 376.
Warham, Archbishop, bought up New
Testaments for the sake of burning
them, 106.
Webster's, Dr. Noah, Amended Bible, 413.
Design of, 414. Examples of changes
made in, 415.
Wetham, Dr. R., his translation of New
Testament, S21. His criticism of Dr.
Nary's version. 321. His popish views
respecting the Bible, 321.
Whitby, Monastery of. 21. Council of, 22.
Whitgift, Archbishop, his friendship for
Cartwright, 313.
Whiltingham, William, at Geneva, 234,
His translation of New Testament,
234. His part in the translation of
Genevan Bible, ^1.
Whittino ham's New Testament, title-page
of, 234. Verse divisions in. 235. Based
upon Matthewe's Bible, 237. Annota-
tions of, 2.37. Specimen of translation
from, 238. Superior renderings of,
I X D E X .
505
239, 240. A stepping stone to revision
of whole Bible, ';M1.
WV/iith . Abbot. 22.
y/Uliam., tae Conqueror, his tyranny, 42,
41
W>'<'on:s Arte of Rhetoricke, 229.
Wittenbarr/h^ Tyudale's visit to, doubtful,
9^, 100.
ll'iy^ey. Cardinal, his agency in attempt-
ing the arrest of Tyndale. Ill, 112.
Ki^j treatment of heresy, 113.
Words, used in common by WyclifFe, Tyn-
dale and revisers of the A. V., 1-27.
C )ined by Cheke, 226. In ation, 35J.
Wordt. Latin, in the Saxon language, 29.
Untranslated in Rheima version, 301-
3)3.
Words, New, in the Rheims version, 303.
In Biblical vocabulary of Anglo-Amer-
ican Revision, 451-451.
Words, Obscene, excluded from the
Bishop's Bible, 28S. 289. True deli-
cacy in avoiding, 419, 420.
Words, Obsolete, in the Wycliffite versions.
75-77. lu Tyndale's New Testament,
129, 130. In Genevan Bible, 257, 25S.
In Coverdale's Bible. 16S. In the
Bishop's Bible, 288. Retained in the
Anglo-American Revision, 449, 459.
Worthiarjton , Thomas, one of the trans-
lators of the Douay Bible, and author
of the notes to Old Testament, 297,
316.
Wycliffe, John, his birth and early educa-
tion, 53. A master of scholastic learn-
ing, 54, 55. His work on the Reality
of Universal Conceptions, 55. An op-
ponent of the Mendiciints, .55. His
attack upon the FriarSj 56. Defended
the State against the hierarchy. 57. A
member of the Commission at Bruges,
58. Was chaplain to Edward III., 59.
His lectures at Oxford University, 59.
Summoned before ecclesiastical coun-
cils. 59. Deserted by his political
friends, 59. Pleads his own cause, 60.
Took up his abode at Lutterworth, fiO.
Organized a preaching ministry, 60,
61. Began translating the Bible, 61.
Exhuming and burning of his bones,
63, &4. His share in putting forth the
Wycliffite versions. 64-66. His excel-
lence as a translator, 67. Manuscript
Bible of, 74. The Greatest English
Rofo"mer, 80, 81. His extended in-
fluence, 83. His character as estimated
by Church historians, 83, 84. His in-
tellectual and moral character, 84, 85,
Little known of his social life, 85.
Compared with Luther, 85. Was
Chaucer's ideal of a good parson. 85,
86. Surrounded by his friends at Lut-
terworth, 86, 87. His death, 87.
Wycliffite Versions, the earliest of, made
about 1.380, 61. Romish hatred of, 62-
64. Data for fixing time of transla-
tion of, 64. Wycliffe's share in trans-
lating, 64. An earlier and later text
of, 65. Respective authorships and
dates of, 65. Authors of earlier text
of. 65, 66. Specimens of earlier text
from N. T. of, 66, C7. Traceable to
Saxon origin, 68. Specimen of earlier
text from O. T. of, (i8-70. Numbering
of Psalms in, 69, 70. Later text of, 70,
71. Specimen of later text from O. T.
of, 72, 73. Forshall and Madden's
edition of, 73. The later version of
N. T. of, first printed, 73 ; and re-
printed in Bagster's Hexapla, 73. The
earlier version of N. T. of, not printed
till 1848, 73. Manuscripts of, widely
circulated, 74. The later displaced
the earlier MSS. of, 74. Containing
separate books of New Testament of,
74, 75. Price of a New Testament of,
note, 74. Strange orthography of, 75.
Obsolete words in, 76, 77. Superior
renderings of, 77, 78. Religious In-
fluence of, 80. Persecution on account
of, 80. The visible links connecting
the Reformation of XVI. with that of
XIV. century, 80. Old brown manu-
scripts of, 81, 103, note, 105, 245, 246.
Based upon the Latin Vulgate, 317.
Their influence in appropriating words
from the Vulgate, 320.
X.
Ximenes\ Cardinal, Complutensian Poly-
glott, 341 ; not published till 1522, no^,
91. Pains in issuing, 341.
Zurich Bible, the basis of Coverdale's
translation, 160, 161.
INDEX TO CHAPTER XII.
Accents^ Hebrew, importance of, 464.
American scholars, coSperation of, 485.
Not much expected from, note^ 486.
Appendix^ suggested changes relegated to,
471. Examples of unfavorable changes
suggested in, 472.
Apocrypha, revision of, note, 494. Has a
history of its own. Ibid. No place in
Hebrew Bible, Ibid. Meaning of the
word. Ibid. " Disagreeable to Oracles
of God," Ibid. Finds a place in some
editions of the English Bible, Ibid.
Revised by British Committee, Ibid.
Issued in uniform size with llevised
Old and New Testaments, Ibid.
Archaic words, ])rinciple observed by Brit-
ish Committee concerning, 471. Ex-
amples of, where wisely retained, 472.
Examples of, where modern words sub-
stituted for, 473. Examples of, where
possibly unwisely retained, 473. 474.
Bibles, Hebrew, printed editions of. 466.
Standard edition of, Ibid. Van der
Hooght's celebrated edition among, 460.
Our Textus Receptus among, 467.
r>.
Doctrinal changes, no significance in his-
tory of Bible revisions, 482. Charges
of, against Authorized version, 483.
Also against Coverdale's Bible, note.
Ibid. In Anglo-American revision,
instead of, the doctrinal tone stronger,
483, 484.
Familiar passages, disappointment from
changes in, 474. Examples of changes
made in, 475, 476.
Finance Committee, list of American, 488,
489.
M.
Hebrew language, antiquity of, 460, 461.
Basis of all other Oriental languages,
461 . Decay of, 462. As a livhi^ tongue,
464. As dead. Ibid. Vowel signs and
accents of, Ilnd. Advance in the gram-
mar and lexicography of, 477.
Hebrew characters, changed to Aramaic
forms, 462.
Higher criticism, in its relation to Old
Testament, 462.
I.
Improvements, in the Revised Old Testa-
ment. 477. Examples of, from the ad-
vance in knowledge of Hebrew, 477,
478. Examples of, from advance in
knowledge of Geography of the Orient,
479. Examples of, from advance in
knowledge of Natural History of Bible
lands, 480. In the Book of Job, 480,
481. In the Book of Psalms, 482.
Inspiration, doctrine of, emphasized in the
Revised version, 484, 485.
J.
Jews, Sacred writings of, 461. Radical
changes in history of, 462. Loss of na-
tive tongue of, Ibid. Faithful in trans-
mitting the Sacred Scriptures, 466.
Kethib and Keri, technical meanings of the
words, 463, 464.
L.
Language, English, some idiomatic changes
m, unavoidable, 489. Responsibility
concerning, recognized by the Revisers,
490.
NI.
"ifen of the Great Synagogue," tradition
of, 463.
Massorets, period of, 463. Labors of, 463,
464.
Manuscripts of Old Testament, for use in
synagogues, 465. Directions of Tal-
mud concerning, Ibid. Vuvity of. Ibid.
Date of earliest. Ibid. Massoretic text
the standard of, 466. For private use,
Ibid. Done by Jewish copyists. Ibid.
False charges of changes in. Ibid.
Peoples, importance of the word, 469, 470.
R.
Revised Bible as a whole, inherited excel-
lencies of, 489, 490. Attacks upon, Bnd.
Idioms of, 490. Possible fate of, Ibid.
Opposition to, in England, 491. Esti-
mate of, in America, 492. Growing
influence of, in this country, 493. Has
come to stay, Ibid. To be accepted as
the old Bible renewed, 494.
INDEX TO CHAPTER XII.
507
Revised New Testaaient, reception of, 459.
American reprints of, 4(JU. The way
prepared for, 468. The work of, largely
anticipated, 469.
Revised Old Testament, reception of, 460.
Improvements in, 477 48'-i.
Revision of Authorized version, demand
for, 486. Originated with Biblical schol-
ars, Ibid. Underlying motive in, 486,
487. Early promoters of. Ibid. Se-
rious objections to. Ibid. Expenses
of, how met in this country, also in
England, 488. Rules for dealing with
language in, 490.
Revisers of New Testament, a wealth of
material prepared for, 468. Laborious
task before, 469.
Revisers of Old Testament, compare favor-
ably with those of New Testament,
468. Follow same rules, Ibid. A nar-
row door opened to. Ibid. Limited to
Massoretic text, 469. Their diligence
and faithfulness. Ibid. Advantages of,
476. Much rightly expected from la-
bors of, 477.
Sacred writings of the Jews, existence and
preservation of, 461. Became a dead
letter, 462. Jewish doctors awake to
the interest of, 46:1
Saxon element of our tongue, conserva-
tion of, 471.
Septuagint, the importance of, 467. Date,
translation of. Ibid. Opposed by Jews
in Palestine, Ibid. Introduced in syna-
gogues, Ibid. Vehicle of religious
thought, Ibid. A preparation for the
GreeK of the ]Sew Testament, 468. New
Testament quotations from, lUd. The
accepted Bible in the time of the Sav-
iour, Ibid.
Sheol and Hades, the revisers' dealings with
the words, 474.
Talmvd, its directions for preparing the
skms for manuscripts, 465.
Talmudists, %\ ork of, 463. Period of, Rnd.
Targums^ nature of, 465. Number of.
Ibid. That of Onkelos, Ibid. Highly
prized by Christian scholars, Ibid.
The. importance of the word, as bearing on
the Messiahship of Christ, 484,
Vocabulary, English, tendency to enlarge,
471.
Yoivel points, adopted by the Massoreta.
464. Necessity of, Ibid.
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